Egypt at Its Origins: Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference "Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt", Vienna, 10th - ... (6) (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 303) 9042940662, 9789042940666

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O R I E N TA L I A L OVA N I E N S I A A N A L E C TA Egypt at its Origins 6

edited by E. CHRISTIANA KÖHLER, NORA KUCH, FRIEDERIKE JUNGE and ANN-KATHRIN JESKE

P E E T ERS

EGYPT AT ITS ORIGINS 6

ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIA ANALECTA ————— 303 —————

EGYPT AT ITS ORIGINS 6 Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Vienna, 10th – 15th September 2017

edited by

E. CHRISTIANA KÖHLER, NORA KUCH, FRIEDERIKE JUNGE and ANN-KATHRIN JESKE

PEETERS LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT 2021

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. © 2021, Peeters Publishers, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven/Louvain (Belgium) All rights reserved, including the rights to translate or to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form. ISBN 978-90-429-4066-6 eISBN 978-90-429-4067-3 D/2021/0602/72

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE .

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Masahiro BABA, Ceramic Assemblages from HK11C at Hierakonpolis: Specialization examined . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Herbert BÖHM, The Faunal Remains of the Early Dynastic Necropolis of Helwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21

Eliot BRAUN, “External Interaction” in the Fourth Millennium Ancient Near East: Comparing and Contrasting Egyptian Colonial Activity in the Southern Levant with the Uruk Expansion . . . . . .

45

Francois BRIOIS, Béatrix MIDANT-REYNES & Frédéric GUYOT, The Flint Mines of North Galala (Eastern Desert) . . . . . . . . .

65

Natalie BUCHEZ, Béatrix MIDANT-REYNES, Jade BAYOT, Rachid EL-HAJAOUI, Julie GEREZ, Samuel GUÉRIN & Mathilde MINOTTI, Technical Tradition and Changes: Data from the Excavations of the Site of Tell el-Iswid (Eastern Delta) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

83

Marcelo CAMPAGNO, Expanding Logics. Another View on the Political Unification Process in the Nile Valley . . . . . . . . . .

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Marek CHŁODNICKI, Lower Egyptian Residence on the Central Kom at Tell el-Farkha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Krzysztof M. CIAŁOWICZ, A Few Remarks on the Origin of the Egyptian Mastaba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Angelo COLONNA, Egyptian Gods in the Early State: Forms and Contexts of Presentation (3100–2600 BCE) . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Wojciech EJSMOND, Pre- and Early Dynastic Gebelein from a Regional Perspective: Some Thoughts on Settlement Patterns . . . . . 151 Kanya GODDE, A Biological Perspective of the Relationship between Egypt, Nubia, and the Near East during the Predynastic Period . . . . 173 Samuel GUÉRIN, Identification and Interpretation of Naqadian Combustion Structures (Tell el-Iswid, Eastern Delta) . . . . . . . . . 183 Elizabeth HART, The Development of Specialised Production: Lithic Artefact Evidence in Nile Valley Settlement Sites . . . . . . . 197 Rita HARTMANN, Local Aspects of the Pottery in the Later Lower Egyptian Contexts at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto . . . . . . . . . . . . 211

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Ulrich HARTUNG, Recent Excavations in the Late Predynastic Settlement of Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Fekri A. HASSAN, Joris VAN WETERING & Goeffrey J. TASSIE (†), Late Protodynastic – Early Dynastic Cemetery at el-Quleila North (KH.2b), Naqada Region, Upper Egypt . . . . . . . . . 253 Mariusz A. JUCHA, The Burial Customs in Early Dynastic Egypt: A View from the Cemetery at Tell el-Murra (Nile Delta) . . . . . . . 275 Friederike JUNGE, Pottery Vessels as Markers of Social Identity: Regarding the Diversity of Function and Significance of Pottery Vessels in Operation 4, Helwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 Shomarka O.Y. KEITA, Mass Population Migration vs. Cultural Diffusion in Relationship to the Spread of Aspects of Southern Culture to Northern Egypt during the Latest Predynastic: A Bioanthropological Approach 323 E. Christiana KÖHLER, Helwan and the Early City of Memphis

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E. Christiana KÖHLER & Elizabeth HART, Archaeological Research in the Mining Areas of the Wadi el-Sheikh . . . . . . . . . . 365 Heidi KÖPP-JUNK, Die Anfänge der Musik im Alten Ägypten: ein Überblick 381 Nora KUCH, Analysis of Stone Vessels in the Necropolis of Helwan, Operation 4: Destructive Modification as Part of Early Dynastic Burial Practice? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397 Taichi KURONUMA, Background on the Selection and Usage of Goods in Burials: Consideration for Goods Assemblage and Placement in Cemetery B at Naqada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417 Agnieszka MĄCZYŃSKA, The Origin of Neolithic Pottery in Lower Egypt. The Eastern Sahara Hypothesis . . . . . . . . . . . . 431 Karine MADRIGAL, Merel EYCKERMAN & Stan HENDRICKX, Le site de Roda, près de Médamoud, dans la collection prédynastique du Musée des Confluences de Lyon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453 Natalia MAŁECKA-DROZD & Magdalena KAZIMIERCZAK, Not by Bread Alone: Notes on Grain Storage and Processing during the 3rd Millennium BCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 469 Christine MARSHALL, The Skeletal Biology of the Helwan Necropolis, Egypt: The Preliminary Findings of an Archaic Period Cemetery . 501 Nicola Ch. MATH, Most Fascinating: New Insights on the Cemetery of Turah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 521 Niccolò MAZZUCCO, First Insights into the Lower Egyptian Culture Stone Tools: A Traceological Analysis of the Tell el-Iswid Lithic Assemblage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 547

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Pierre MEYRAT, The Bull of Nekhen. Investigating the Origins of the Apis Cult . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 559 Mathilde MINOTTI, From the Diversity of Practices to the Function of Fineries in the Funerary Context of Adaïma . . . . . . . . 577 Adel MOUSTAFA, Archaeobotanical Investigation at the Early Dynastic Cemetery in Helwan (3100–2600 BCE), Egypt: A Report . . . 593 Marinus ORMELING, Revisiting the Archaic Necropolis at Saqqara

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Mary F. OWNBY & E. Christiana KÖHLER, Early Egyptian Ceramic Fabrics: Petrographic Identification of the Chronological Use of Paste Recipes for Specific Vessel Forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 635 Joanne M. ROWLAND, New Perspectives on Activity Areas within the Village and Wider Landscape at Merimde Beni Salama . . . . 657 Elke SCHUSTER-KRAFT, Tomb and Burial Orientation: An Evaluation of Studies on Early Egyptian Cemeteries . . . . . . . . . . 683 Sonja SPECK, A Seal for the Deceased? Early Dynastic Cylinder Seals Bearing the Offering Scene Re-examined . . . . . . . . . 697 Geoffrey TASSIE (†), Joris VAN WETERING, Joanne M. ROWLAND & Fekri A. HASSAN, Social Differentiation as Revealed in the Mortuary Remains at Kafr Hassan Dawood: Elite Formation in the Southern East Delta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 721 Dorian VANHULLE, L’image comme vecteur de discours idéologique: Analyse diachronique des représentations de bateau dans l’art pré- et protodynastique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 763 Joris VAN WETERING, King, Court and the Provincial Administration, Early Old Kingdom (First to Third Dynasties) . . . . . . . 795

This volume is dedicated to the memory of Günter Dreyer (05.10.1943 – 12.03.2019)

Günter Dreyer at Abydos (Photo Courtesy Ute Effland).

PREFACE

This volume represents the proceedings of the 6th international conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, which was held at the University of Vienna in Austria from 10th to 15th of September 2017. The days (and nights) of the conference were filled with most fascinating paper and poster presentations, brief communications and highly productive discussions. The conference organisers and scientific committee were especially pleased to see so many junior and senior researchers having made their way from other European countries, Egypt, Israel and as far as the United States of America, Argentina, Japan and Australia. With this new installment of focused research on early Egypt, the group of scholars included in this volume dedicated their research to various questions surrounding the emergence of Pharaonic civilisation and the territorial state, be it in terms of presenting new archaeological data from various sites in Egypt or the analysis and interpretation of previously known evidence. We regard this volume as yet another stimulus and stepping stone for moving research on early Egypt further along a winding and steep path of learning. The forty-one papers included here can be grouped into several themes that cover different regions of the Nile Valley, archaeological materials as well as historical and conceptual approaches, although almost all have in common that they somehow interrelate and intertwine various shared aspects. A large group of papers discuss the area of ancient Memphis, which was also a central theme of the conference as the Helwan Project funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF P27123-G21, 2015-2018) came to a close following 20 years of archaeological fieldwork in this necropolis. The six papers by Herbert Böhm, Friederike Junge, E. Christiana Köhler, Nora Kuch, Christine Marshall and Adel Moustafa specifically deal with the rich materials arising from this fieldwork, including artefacts and bioarchaeological data. They hence provide a current summary of what this project has achieved over the last few years and what can be learned from the Early Dynastic Period’s largest necropolis where most of the urban non-elite population of Egypt’s first capital city was buried. Directly connected with the Memphite region are also the papers by Nicola Math and Marinus Ormeling who investigated artefactual and archival material from early 20th century excavations at the contemporaneous cemeteries of Tura and Saqqara. Following the good tradition of previous Origins conferences, a very large number of papers are dedicated to the area of Lower Egypt and the Nile Delta from early prehistoric through to the early Old Kingdom periods. The papers by Agnieszka Mączyńska and Joanne Rowland consider the earliest phases of

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occupation of this region during the Neolithic period and the possible interaction of sites with the surrounding desert areas. While Rita Hartmann and Ulrich Hartung present their results of archaeological work at the site of Tell el-Fara’in/ Buto in the western Delta, most other papers look at the settlements and cemeteries in eastern Lower Egypt. Nathalie Buchez and colleagues, Samuel Guérin and Niccolò Mazzucco investigate new evidence from Tell el-Iswid while Marek Chłodnicki and Krzysztof Ciałowicz report on their recent work at Tell el-Farkha. Finally, Mariusz Jucha and Geoffrey Tassie (†) and colleagues present new data on the cemeteries of Tell el-Murra and Kafr Hassan Dawood. These papers highlight the significance and enormous progress of archaeological fieldwork in an area that was long considered an uninhabitable swampland in prehistoric times. Two papers report on new fieldwork in a largely unexplored region of the Egyptian Nile Valley - Middle Egypt. The work by Francois Briois, Béatrix MidantReynes and Frédéric Guyot as well as by E. Christiana Köhler and Elizabeth Hart both happen to deal with chert mining sites in the Middle Egyptian Eastern Desert at North Galala and Wadi el-Sheikh. Active mining on a very large scale has taken place in these areas raising questions about the organisation and scale of such activities, especially during the formative periods of Egyptian civilisation. There are numerous contributions on archaeological evidence from sites in Upper Egypt and their material culture, many of which having been excavated many decades ago but offering the opportunity to pose new questions. The papers by Wojciech Ejsmond, Taichi Kuronuma as well as by Karine Madrigal, Merel Eyckerman and Stan Hendrickx look at archival and museum material from the areas of Gebelein, Naqada and Medamud. Masahiro Baba, Mathilde Minotti as well as Fekri A. Hassan, Joris van Wetering and Geoffrey Tassie (†) consider Upper Egyptian material culture, in this case pottery, bodily adornment and other artefacts from the more recent excavations in the Naqada region, Adaima and Hierakonpolis. Material culture and its great potential for arriving at wider conclusions about specialised craft production, interregional exchange, funerary cult and such cultural achievements as music are also the object of the papers by Elizabeth Hart, Mary Ownby and E. Christiana Köhler, Sonja Speck as well as Heidi Köpp-Junk. Whilst E. Braun engages in a useful comparison of different interaction models in the Levant and Egypt from an archaeological perspective, the contributions by Kanya Godde and Shomarka O.Y. Keita also consider interregional relations in the Near East and northeastern Africa, but from the perspective of human remains and bioarchaeology, an area that clearly calls for more research in the future. Finally, there are numerous papers that pull together and interpret data from a range of different fields across the Egyptian Nile Valley. Angelo Colonna, Pierre Meyrat and Dorian Vanhulle consider the evidence for early Egyptian ideology,

PREFACE

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divinities and religious beliefs based on iconographic and inscriptional evidence. Material from across the Nile Valley is considered by Natalia Małecka-Drozd who compares the archaeological evidence for beer and bread production during the early 3rd Millennium BCE and by Elke Schuster-Kraft in her evaluation of previous studies on the orientation of tombs and burials in early Egypt. Finally, Joris van Wetering and Marcelo Campagno investigate the interrelationship between kinship, patronage, the royal court and administration as areas where new insights can be gained to better understand the complex formative processes during the early periods of the Egyptian territorial state. The organisers of this conference and editors of the volume wish to thank a range of persons and institutions without whose input this whole conference and its proceedings would not have been possible. First and foremost we would like to thank the University of Vienna and the colleagues and student volunteers of the Institute for Egyptology for their support during the preparation and organisation of the conference. Funding and general support was provided by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF), the Faculty of Historical and Cultural Studies at the University of Vienna, the Conference and Event Management unit of the University of Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna as well as the Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt in Vienna represented by H.E. Omar A. Youssef. The editors are also very thankful to the members of the Scientific Committee of the Origins conference who provided helpful advice on the selection of the abstract proposals and for reviewing the papers submitted for the proceedings. Without their committment and professional input over the years, this highly successful conference series would not be at where it is now. In particular, we would like to thank Nathalie Buchez, Marek Chłodnicki, Krzysztof Ciałowicz, Renée Friedman, Ulrich Hartung, Stan Hendrickx, Mariusz Jucha, Liam McNamara, Béatrix Midant-Reynes, Heiko Riemer and Yann Tristant. We also appreciate the effort of many authors for having written their contributions in a language not their own so as to widen the audience of scientific publications as represented in this volume. To this end, we are especially grateful to Jane Smythe for having language-edited all those papers, which were written by non-English speakers. And finally, the editors wish to thank the authors of the many contributions, which form part of these proceedings, for their hard work that went into the papers, their cooperation and patience in dealing with us and making this volume possible. Whilst this volume is a peer-reviewed publication, the responsibility for the content of the papers naturally lies with the authors. And many thanks of course to Peeters Publishers for again accepting the Origins proceedings into the Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta series. E. Christiana Köhler, Nora Kuch, Friederike Junge and Ann-Kathrin Jeske Vienna July 2019

Participants of the Origins 6 conference 2017 (Photo curtesy S. Guérin)

CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGES FROM HK11C AT HIERAKONPOLIS: SPECIALIZATION EXAMINED MASAHIRO BABA Waseda University, Tokyo, Japan

More than a decade of excavations in the Locality HK11C at Hierakonpolis has shown that intensive production activities took place here in the Naqada II period. HK11C is a well-preserved area of non-funerary remains where investigations have revealed a complex installation for the production of beer and pottery at Operation B and a mud-brick structure for the preparation of fish and meat at Operation C. The size of these installations and the evidence for large scale production they contain indicate that at Hierakonpolis, specialised manufacture had emerged by the early Naqada II period. Craft specialisation in Predynastic Egypt has been much discussed as a correlate to the development of complex society and the political economy. Evidence for this has been sought mainly from the study of luxury goods. However, the ceramic assemblages collected at HK11C now provide a rare opportunity to examine this topic from the point of view of utility wares deriving from structures of known function. In this paper, the pottery was examined in terms of standardisation. During excavations at both Operations B and C, all rim and diagnostic sherds were collected, amongst which the straw-tempered Nile silt modeled rim jar was found to be the most common shape within the assemblages. This jar therefore was the main focus for the analysis of standardisation presented here using metric data of rim diameters and coefficient of variation (CV), as well as a detailed examination of routinised formation techniques. The development of the modelled rim jar and its mode of production as a window on specialisation are also discussed in the light of their functional, geographical and socio-political context.

Introduction Craft specialisation is considered as a key factor for research into the political economy of complex societies (cf. Costin 1991; Earle 1991; Stein 2001: 363– 366). In the study of the Egyptian Predynastic Period, specialisation has been also discussed particularly with respect to pottery production (cf. Friedman 1994: 911–915; 2000; Köhler 1997; 2010: 38–41; Mączyńska 2004: 437–440; Takamiya 2004; Hendrickx 2008). Current excavations at HK11C Hierakonpolis have provided archaeological evidence of specialised activities on an intensive scale, which emerged in the early Naqada II period. In this paper, using the pottery assemblages from the production facilities, specialisation is examined in more detail with metric data analyses, and its emergence and the development of the specialised pottery production will be discussed.

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Excavations at HK11C HK11C is a large area of Predynastic occupation located on a desert terrace in the Wadi Abu Suffian (Fig. 1), and on the opposite bank is HK6 Elite cemetery. Thanks to its remote location, HK11C is mostly undisturbed and well-preserved.

Fig. 1. General site map of Hierakonpolis.

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Preliminary excavations in 1978–1979 revealed features believed to relate to pottery production (Harlan 1980; see now Baba & Friedman 2016). In 2003, in order to gain further archaeological data about the Predynastic economy, we launched a new investigation on this locality, following a magnetic survey undertaken by T. Herbich and his team (1999, 2003). Expanded in 2010 (Herbich 2010), the surveys revealed a number of high amplitude anomalies suggestive of kilns and other heating installations. Each anomaly was investigated, and by the 2017 season all of the major anomalies have been excavated. Among the features discovered, Operations B and C are the focus of this study and their excavations will be briefly reviewed. Operation B Excavations at Operation B revealed at least two different phases of occupation; the so called Upper level and Lower level (Fig. 2; Baba & Friedman 2016: 185– 193). The Lower level involved an installation, approximately 9 m long, surrounded by a series of wall segments composed of mud, sherds and stones, within which beer preparation and pottery production took place (Fig. 3). In the eastern part of this complex was an array of five pit-kilns, each of which was placed beside one of the wall segments. The pits are on average 60–70 cm in diameter and were found filled with debris that included charcoal, ash, stone slabs, sherds, and burnt mud rubble. Many of the sherds had burnt

Fig. 2. Overview of the Operation B complex (Lower level).

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Fig. 3. Plan of the Operation B (Lower level).

mud adhering to them, indicating their use as building material to create the coverings for the kilns during firing (Baba 2011). Based on the associated assemblage and the kiln dimensions, they appear to have mainly produced middle-sized straw-tempered jars, as represented by complete examples from the elite cemetery at HK6 (see below). Within the western part of the complex were five freestanding vats arranged beside wall segments. Although only the lower parts of the vats are preserved, it is estimated that the original maximum diameter of the largest vat was over 1 metre. Botanical analysis of the residue adhering to the inside of the vats suggests that the product was beer (Attia et al. 2018). We calculate that if all of the features were in use at the same time, this integrated installation could have produced roughly 100 pottery jars and over 300 litres of beer in one process, which is obviously beyond the level of the household production. The Upper level of Operation B seems to have been used only for potterymaking (Fig. 4). Here, a kiln structure (Kiln A) was created using mud and

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Fig. 4. Plan of the Operation B (Upper level).

sherds applied to the remains of an earlier segmented wall. This is assumed to be a pit-kiln with a covering. Beside the kiln was a wooden fence structure, which was erected immediately above the area of the vats. This level appears to be a potter’s workshop. Moreover, we found several caches of carefully shaped oval sherds that could be tools for pottery-making, or for counting and recording materials related to the production activities (Baba & Friedman 2016: 190). Operation C Operation C (previously called Square C3–4) is located on the south side of the large mound of burnt debris derived from the activities in Operation B (Fig. 5). Here, a roughly rectangular structure, measuring about 9 × 7.5 m, was uncovered (Fig. 6; Baba et al. 2017: 7–21). The structure was constructed with mud-bricks, which were formed by hand, without the use of a mould. The

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Fig. 5. Overview of the mud-brick structure at the Operation C.

interior of the structure was filled with accumulated layers of black debris containing charcoal, ash, stones and pottery sherds. Below the debris layers, the basal floor was identified, on which there were many distinct features of large hearths. The hearths range from 50 cm to 1 m in diameter and were filled with charcoal, ash and lined with stones. In total 14 hearths were defined. Apart from the hearths, no structural divisions were distinguished within the interior. Abundant bones and scales from large fish were found in and around the hearths. Analysis of over 6000 pieces of bone and teeth shows that fish and domestic mammals dominate the faunal assemblage, the most prevalent being cattle and Nile perch. More interesting is the distribution of the skeletal elements. The meatiest parts are poorly represented. This indicates that prepared food, presumably cooked in the hearths, was taken away from the site and consumed elsewhere. From the number of hearths and the amount of faunal remains, the wall structure at Operation C is considered to be an intensive food production facility (Baba et al. 2017: 21–27). Dating The size of the structures and the evidence for intensive production they contain indicate that specialised manufacture had emerged in the fields of pottery-making, beer brewing and food preparation. Radiocarbon dates and the associated materials suggest that the Lower level of Operation B can be dated

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Fig. 6. Plan of the Operation C.

to Naqada IC–IIA (Baba & Friedman 2016: 140–193); the Upper level of Operation B obviously dates somewhat later, but is not later than Naqada IIC–D based on the range of shapes and the lack of marl ware. Operation C appears to date to about the same time as the Upper level in the Naqada IIC–D (Baba et al. 2017: 14). From the finds in the Lower level of Operation B, it is clear that specialised production had already started by the early Naqada II period at Hierakonpolis.

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Materials and Methods Pottery Assemblage At HK11C, the major pottery fabrics are three Nile silt classes: straw-tempered, untempered and shale-tempered. Among them, the pottery assemblages of the three production facilities are notably dominated by the straw-tempered fabric (Table 1). In this fabric, the most common shape among the rim sherds is the modelled rim jar (Hierakonpolis system1 subjective shape: 1–2b), making up nearly 60 % of the all three assemblages (Table 2; Fig. 7).

Table 1. Frequency of the fabric classes at HK11C.

Table 2. Frequency of the straw-tempered subjective shapes at HK11C.

Next in frequency are very large jars or vats (subjective shape: 1–2n) and hole mouth jars (subjective shape: 1–2a). There are some differences between the facilities. In the assemblage of Operation C, low neck storage jars (subjective shape: 1–2c) and small necked bottles (subjective shape: 1–2e) occur in higher percentages than at Operation B. The shape of 1–2c is generally characteristic of Naqada IIC onward at Hierakonpolis, and suggests a later date for Operation C. However, it may also be related to the function of the facility. The low neck storage jars are generally large and thick, which would make them suitable for the storage of cooked fish and meat. The small necked bottle, which presumably held liquid, may also have been useful in some aspect of the cooking or other activities specific to this facility. 1 Typology of fabric and shape follows the Hierakonpolis Pottery System Codes (Friedman 1994; Adams 2000: 4–17).

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Fig. 7. Pottery assemblages (main shape classes only).

In the pottery assemblages, the overwhelming majority of sherds derive from straw-tempered modelled rim jars. Therefore, this study of specialisation focuses mainly on this type of jar, and its rim diameters are used for the metric data. All rim sherds were collected during the excavations.

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Methods In this study, specialisation is examined in terms of standardisation. Standardisation is commonly used to detect specialisation, on the hypothesis that goods produced in large quantities by specialists can be recognised in the archaeological record by their high degree of standardisation (Rice 1991: 268; Blackman et al. 1993: 61). That is, if there is a relative degree of homogeneity in vessel dimensions and manufacturing technology, it could reflect specialised production. In order to evaluate the standardisation, two methods are applied. The first is the Coefficient of Variation (CV). CV is defined as the standard deviation divided by the mean, it is a useful measure for comparing the degree of variation (Eerkens & Bettinger 2001). The lower CV values reflect higher uniformity, thus indicating higher standardisation. The second method is metric analysis by examination of the rim diameter. Analysis The results of the CV calculation on measurable rim sherds are shown in Table 3. All modelled rim jars (1–2b) have quite low CV values compared to other subjective shapes in straw-tempered fabric. Moreover, when compared to untempered fine wares including red-polished bowls and black-topped beakers (subjective shapes: 2–1a, c, d)2, the uniformity of modelled rim jars is distinct. These values for a high degree of standardisation become even more explicit when comparison is extended to include the metrics from other localities at Hierakonpolis (Table 3). Geller (1984: 163–166) and Harlan (1985: Table VI 1–5) provided the data for the CV calculations on wares from localities HK59+59A (red ware kilns), HK11C-Test A midden, HK22, HK34, and HK29 (surface collections in the settlement zone). In these areas, the modelled rim jars have the lowest values in each locality. That they do not show the markedly high degree of homogeneity as seen in Operations B and C is probably due to the mixed nature of sampled deposits. At HK11C, rim diameters range mainly from 16 cm to 20 cm, and concentrate predominately at 18 cm, except in those from Operation B Lower level (Fig. 8). In the Lower level, a 16 cm rim diameter is more frequent than 18 cm. From this evidence, it seems that a diameter of 16 cm was preferred at the beginning and then was increased to 18 cm. It also may suggest an increase in size of the modelled rim jars, from middle to large, which will be discussed further below.

2 For the shapes of the untempered wares, see the Hierakonpolis typology (Adams 2000: 11–12).

CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGES FROM HK11C AT HIERAKONPOLIS

Table 3. Comparison of the metric data using rim diameter measurements.

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Fig. 8. Size distribution of rim diameters of the modelled rim jars.

Formation Techniques The metric analyses of the rims suggest that the modelled rim jars were standardised products. Standardisation can also be seen in the formation techniques. For this analysis, complete vessels are preferred, but such pots are not many at HK11C. Therefore, I observed a group of middle-sized modelled rim jars from the HK6 elite cemetery. This same group was studied and reported by S. Hendrickx (2008). The basic manufacturing method is ring coil building and there is no trace of throwing on a wheel (Fig. 9). The jar was composed of three parts; base, lower body, and upper body. This is confirmed by two joint lines visible on the

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Fig. 9. Forming techniques and procedures of the modelled rim jars.

interior of the jar. These joints represent steps of the work, which allowed drying in order to enhance the strength of the wall sufficiently before the next steps. For the base and lower body, after joining the ring coils, the wall was scraped and smoothed with a tool. The upper body is made by pulling the broad coils upward and inward with the fingers to form the shoulder of the jar.

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This routinized technique and the same sequence of the formation can be observed in all samples. It is of interest that the same technique was observed on the large-sized modelled rim jars from Operations B and C. Simply by changing the number of coils in each part, the potters could produce a different size easily. Such a uniformed manufacturing technique produces evidence of standardisation as shown by the metric analyses. Discussion The metric analyses as well as observation on the formation technology suggest that modelled rim jars are a standardised and intensively-produced pottery. I now attempt to discuss the emergence of such specialised production and its development at Hierakonpolis. The earliest pottery with indications of standardised manufacture within the straw-tempered class is the middle-sized modelled rim jar with a flat base as observed from HK6 (Fig. 10c, d). Although no complete vessels were recovered in the Lower level of Operation B, the sherds from mid-sized bodies and flat bases were especially prevalent.3 Similar pot marks found on the shoulder of the jar type at both HK6 and Operation B further indicate a connection between the pottery at the two localities (Baba & Friedman 2017: 192). The mid-sized modelled rim jars in the elite cemetery at HK6 can be dated from Naqada IC to IIB based on context and radiocarbon dates (Adams 2000: 179–182, Figs. 18–19; Friedman 2008: Fig. 6–n; Friedman et al. 2011: Fig. 9; Friedman et al. 2016: Figs. 3–a, 18–c, 21–c, e). As noted by Hendrickx (2008: 73), the jars from HK6 have no traces of use. It is therefore probable that these jars were made especially for the funerary rituals in the cemetery and as the grave goods. Given the location, the pottery workshop at Operation B may have been installed in order to supply this product for the elite cemetery (Baba & Friedman 2016: 193). We also have to consider the content of the jars. Although there is so far no evidence of the remains inside the jars from HK6, the integrated complex for beer and pottery production at Operation B suggests that the intended content of the jars is beer. That is, the vats served in the beer-brewing, while the pit-kilns made the containers to hold the final product. Presumably, for the purpose of making the beer containers especially for the elites, the new fabric of straw-temper was chosen, being suitable for cooling4, and standardised jars intended to hold the same unit volume5 3

The frequency of flat base sherds was very high (over 90 %). Straw-tempered Nile silt fabrics are porous, and this has the advantage of allowing evaporative cooling (Hendrickx et al. 2002: 293). 5 The standard volume of the 5th Dynasty beer jars was examined by Bárta (1996: 131) who suggests that a capacity unit of the jars measured 2.4 l equalling half the volume of a ḥḳꜢt. Warden (2014: 128), however, shows that the Old Kingdom beer jars did not have a standardised volume based on CV analyses through samples from various sites. However, she did demonstrate 4

CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGES FROM HK11C AT HIERAKONPOLIS

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Fig. 10. Selected modelled rim jars: a–b) from the HK43 cemetery; c) from the Lower level of Operation B; d) from the HK6 cemetery (Adams 2000: Fig. 18.63); e–f) from the Upper level of Operation B.

were produced by specialists. This fabric is also suitable for the intensive production. The chopped straw makes wet clays workable quickly and easily formed, since the temper helps to improve the plasticity of clays. Vessels with this tempering do not require as much care in drying, because the straw promotes high tolerance to shrinkage and cracking. In firing, the temper opens the paste, which enhances resistance to the thermal shock from the rapid rise in temperature. that the rim diameter of beer jars had low variability, suggesting specialised manufacture (Warden 2014: 175–186, 188).

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From this point of view, the mode of pottery production at Operation B could be attached specialisation. It is generally said that attached specialists produce luxury and wealth goods as the emblem of power and prestige for their elite patrons, while independent specialists tend to manufacture the utilitarian goods (Costin 1991: 11–13; Stein & Blackman 1993: 30). However, even the coarse utilitarian wares could be produced by attached specialists (Costin 2001: 298), especially in cases where it was the content that was important, not the vessel itself. After the middle-sized modelled rim jars appeared at the beginning of the Naqada II period, straw-tempered fabric became widely distributed by Naqada IIB. Various shapes and sizes were produced using straw-tempered wares. With regard to the modelled rim jars, in addition to the middle size, the small-sized (Fig. 10a, b) and large-sized jars (Fig. 10e, f) were created, both of which had rounded bases. As the metric analysis showed, the modelled rim jars from Operation B Upper level and Operation C were dominated by a wider aperture. This tendency is recognised not only in the rim data, but also in some complete jars from HK11C, which are larger and taller. From Naqada IIB onwards, the large-sized modelled rim jars became common at Hierakonpolis where they were found at almost all localities. This popularisation occurred not only in Hierakonpolis but also across Upper Egypt. The large-sized modelled rim jar corresponds to Petrie’s R81 forms, the standardised production of which has been suggested by Buchez (2004: 679) among others. It is a shape found at many sites (Hendrickx 2008: 68).6 Fig. 11 shows the distributions of the R81 forms, based on data extracted from Hendrickx’s database and recent publication.7 Although R81 forms occur in tombs during Naqada IIA and IIB outside of Hierakonpolis (Hartmann 2016), it is in Naqada IIC that it widely spread and greatly increased in number over the entire Upper Egyptian region. At this same time, pottery similar to this shape also occurs at Buto (Buto layer IIb) in conjunction with the installation of a brewery at the site, and both are suggested to be the result of a new economic package introduced under Upper Egyptian influence (see Hartmann, this volume). At present, the earliest dated evidence for the intensive production of beer in specially created installations as well as the standardised manufacture of straw-tempered rolled rim jars comes from Hierakonpolis, HK11C. We therefore suggest that the economic 6 The R81 is regarded as beer jars (Hendrickx et al. 2002: 293–294), although no contents have been identified. 7 Hendrickx’s database containing more than 33000 entries of the objects from the Predynastic and the Early Dynastic cemeteries was thankfully supplied for all participants of the Origins 1 conference at Kraków. Besides his database, the data for this study includes R81 samples from the publication of Adaïma cemeteries (Crubézy et al. 2002). The materials of Hierakonpolis are excluded because the excavations are still ongoing and it is not yet fully published.

Fig. 11. Maps showing the distributions of the R81 forms.

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package of the intensively produced beer and specialist coarse wares in which to contain it was formulated in the major population centre at Hierakonpolis, perhaps initially to service the elite, but as beer became more widely consumed, this package was distributed across the regional communities within Upper Egypt by Naqada IIC and then into the Delta. Also, by this time, as society across Egypt grew more complex, utility vessels as commodities were produced by specialists using the same fabrics and techniques as the beer jars. The emergence and distribution of this high degree of craft specialisation sheds new light on aspects of the social transformation taking place during the formative stages of Egyptian civilisation. Acknowledgements I am grateful to Dr. Renée Friedman (Director of the Hierakonpolis Expedition) for allowing me to carry out excavations at HK11C. She also kindly improved the English manuscript and gave useful comments. Thanks are also due to Dr. Stan Hendrickx who allowed me to use his database. Financial support for the research was provided from the Japan Society for Promotion of Science (Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C)). Bibliography ADAMS, B., 2000. Excavations in the Locality 6 Cemetery at Hierakonpolis 1979–1985. British Archaeological Reports, Int. Ser. 903. Oxford. ATTIA, E.A.E.; MARINOVA, E.; FAHMY, A.G. & BABA, M. 2018. Archaeobotanical Studies from Hierakonpolis: Evidence for Food Processing during the Predynastic Period in Egypt [in:] MERCURI, A.M.; D’ANDREA, A.C.; FORNACIARI, R. & HÖHN, A. (eds.), Plants and People in the African Past: Progress in African Archaeobotany. Cham: 76‒89. BABA, M., 2011. Pottery Production at Hierakonpolis during the Naqada II Period – Toward Reconstruction of the Firing Technique [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London, 27th July – 1st August. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 647‒670. BABA, M. & FRIEDMAN, R.F., 2016. Recent Excavations at HK11C, Hierakonpolis [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT, Y. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th–30th July 30, 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 179‒205. BABA, M.; VAN NEER, W. & DE CUPERE, B., 2017. Industrial Food Production Activities during the Naqada II Period at HK11C, Hierakonpolis [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 3‒34.

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BÁRTA, M., 1996. Several Remarks on Beer Jars found at Abusir. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 4: 127‒131. BLACKMAN, M.J.; STEIN, G.J. & VANDIVER, P.B., 1993. The Standardization Hypothesis and Ceramic Mass Production: Technological, Compositional, and Metric Indexes of Craft Specialization at Tell Leilan, Syria. American Antiquity 58/1: 60‒80. BUCHEZ, N., 2004. The Study of a Group of Ceramics at the End of the Naqada Period and Socio-economic Considerations [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August–1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 665‒687. COSTIN, C.L., 1991. Craft Specialization: Issues in Defining, Documenting, and Explaining the Organization of Production. Archaeological Method and Theory 3: 1‒55. COSTIN, C.L., 2001. Chapter 8: Craft Production System [in:] FEINMAN, G.M. & PRICE, T.G. (eds.), Archaeology at the Millennium: A Source Book. New York: 273‒327. CRUBÉZY, É.; JANIN, TH. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2002. Adaïma II: La nécropole prédynastique. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 47. Cairo. EARLE, T., 1991. The Evolution of Chiefdoms [in:] EARLE, T. (ed.), Chiefdoms: Power, Economy, and Ideology. Cambridge: 1‒15. EERKENS, J.W. & BETTINGER, R.L., 2001. Techniques for Assessing Standardization in Artifact Assemblages: Can We Scale Material Variability? American Antiquity 66/3: 493‒504. FRIEDMAN, R.F., 1994. Predynastic Settlement Ceramics of Upper Egypt: A Comparative Study of the Ceramics of Hemamieh, Nagada and Hierakonpolis. Berkeley. FRIEDMAN, R.F., 2008. Excavating Egypt’s Early Kings: Recent Discoveries in the Elite Cemetery at Hierakonpolis [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/ Paris/Dudley, MA: 1157–1194. FRIEDMAN, R., 2000. Regional Diversity in the Predynastic Pottery of Upper Egyptian Settlements [in:] KRZYZANIAK, K.; KROEPER, K., & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Recent Research into the Stone Age of North Africa. Poznan: 171‒186. FRIEDMAN, R.F.; VAN NEER, W. & LINSEELE, V., 2011. The Elite Predynastic Cemetery at Hierakonpolis: 2009‒2010 Update [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London, 27th July– 1st August. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 157–191. FRIEDMAN, R.F.; VAN NEER, W.; DE CUPERE, B. & DROUX, X., 2017. The Elite Predynastic Cemetery at Hierakonpolis HK6: 2011‒2015 Progress Report [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th‒18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 232–289. GELLER, J.R., 1984. The Predynastic Ceramics Industry at Hierakonpolis, Egypt. M.A. thesis, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri.

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HARLAN, J.F., 1982. Excavations at Locality 11C [in:] HOFFMAN, M.A. (ed.), The Predynastic of Hierakonpolis: An Interim Report. Egyptian Studies Association 1. Giza/Macomb: 14‒25 HARLAN, J.F., 1985. Predynastic Settlement Patterns: A View from Hierakonpolis. Ph.D. dissertation, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri. HARTMANN, R., 2016. Umm el-Qaab IV: Die Keramik der älteren und mittleren Naqadakultur aus dem prädynastischen Friedhof U in Abydos (Umm el-Qaab). Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 98. Wiesbaden. HENDRICKX, S., 2008. Rough Ware as an Element of Symbolism and Craft Specialization at Hierakonpolis’ Elite Cemetery HK6 [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 61–85. HENDRICKX, S.; FALTINGS, D.; OP DE BEECK, L.; RAUE, D. & MICHIELS, C., 2002. Milk, Beer and Bread Technology during the Early Dynastic Period. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 58: 277‒304. HERBICH, T. 1999. The Geophysical Survey. Nekhen News 11:17. HERBICH, T., 2003. Archaeological Geophysics in Egypt: The Polish Contribution. Archaeologia Polona 41: 13–55. HERBICH, T., 2010. Back to Magnetometry: Survey 2010. Nekhen News 22: 18‒19. KÖHLER, E.C., 1997. Socio-Economic Aspects of Early Pottery Production in the Nile Delta. Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 8: 81‒89. KÖHLER, E.C., 2010. Theories of State Formation [in:] WENDRICH, W. (ed.), Egyptian Archaeology. Chichester: 36‒54. MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2004. The Pottery Tradition at Tell el-Farkha [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August‒1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/ Paris/Walpole, MA: 421‒442. RICE, P.M., 1991. Specialization, Standardization, and Diversity: A Retrospective [in:] BISHOP, R.L. & LANGE, F.W. (eds.), The Ceramic Legacy of Anna O. Shepard. Colorado: 257–279. STEIN, G.L., 2001. Chapter 10: Understanding Ancient State Societies in the Old World [in:] FEINMAN, G.M. & PRICE, T.G. (eds.), Archaeology at the Millennium: A Source Book. New York: 353‒379. STEIN, G. & BLACKMAN, M.J., 1993. The Organizational Context of Specialized Craft Production in Early Mesopotamian States. Research in Economic Anthropology 14: 29‒59. TAKAMIYA, I.H., 2004. Development of Specialization in the Nile Valley during the 4th Millennium BC [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August‒1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 1027‒1039. WARDEN, L.A., 2014. Pottery and Economy in Old Kingdom Egypt. Leiden/Boston.

THE FAUNAL REMAINS OF THE EARLY DYNASTIC NECROPOLIS OF HELWAN HERBERT BÖHM University of Vienna, Austria

This paper provides a general overview of the faunal remains of the Early Dynastic/ Early Old Kingdom necropolis of Helwan. The abundance of animal species as well as their state of preservation and taphonomic background is presented. According to their role in ancient Egyptian burial practice, the most important animal species and their body part representation were contextualised with archaeological features of the tomb architecture and discussed. Variations of species and their skeletal remains can be noted between depositions recovered from the burial chambers and those from the descent fillings of the graves. On the basis of this faunal material, new insights into burial customs of the social lower- and middle classes of the Memphite society can be gained.

Introduction The necropolis of Helwan is said to be the main burial ground for the inhabitants of the ancient city of Memphis. Covering an area of approximately 100 hectares, this graveyard comprised more than 10,000 tombs (Köhler 2004: 295; 2012: 280). During the time span of 1998 to 2010, a total of 218 tombs were excavated in an area untouched by prior archaeological examinations (Operation 4). These tombs date to a period of c. 2900–2600 BCE, covering a cultural sequence of late Naqada III to the Early Old Kingdom (4th Dynasty) (Köhler 2012: 280; see Köhler, this volume). From these graves a total number of 17,490 animal bone- and teeth remains, weighing more than 40 kilograms were unearthed. Therefore, the zooarchaeological material of Helwan is one of the most comprehensive and important corpus of data available for this time period of ancient Egyptian history. Archaeozoological information of tombs of this time span is rare and mostly based on tomb contexts of socially high-ranking individuals. However, the Helwan material can be associated mainly with the average population of the Memphite Region of this time (Köhler 2008: 381–399). Therefore, it provides an opportunity to gain insights into the ritual practice and the manifestation of belief systems of the ordinary population. Furthermore, it serves as a valuable database for comprehensive analysis of one of the most important groups of grave goods, namely food offerings, over different social classes of society in a chronologically and spatially well-defined area of ancient Egypt.

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Due to the extensive quantity of data collected, this paper should merely cover some basic aspects of the zooarchaeological material to give a general overview. More detailed analysis on specific subjects will be undertaken and published in the near future. Methods The archaeozoological material was identified and recorded by the author during the seasons in 2016 and 2017 at the Facility for Archaeological Research in Helwan (FARAH). Since there is no osteological reference collection available on site, the determination of animal remains was based on the author’s experience and the use of identification keys for the most common mammals (Pales & Lambert 1971a; Pales & Lambert 1971b; Schmid 1972; Osborn & Helmy 1980); fish (Lepiksaar 1994; Radu 2005); and bird remains (Bacher 1967; Woelfle 1967; Cohen & Serjeantson 1986; Bochenski & Tomek 2009; Tomek & Bochenski 2009). In the case of distinguishing sheep from goats, further standard literature was used (Boessneck, Müller & Teichert 1964; Payne 1985; Prummel & Frisch 1986; Halstead & Collins 2002; Zeder & Lapham 2010: 1–19; Zeder & Pilaar 2010: 225–242). Osteometric measurements were taken following the internationally accepted guidelines of A. von den Driesch (1976). Within the determination process, data concerning the taxonomic identification of animal remains (species or higher taxonomic levels), skeletal element, body side, sex, precise details on the topographic anatomy of the fragments and age at death were collected. The age at death estimation was based on the works of T.P. O’Connor (1991), A. Grant (1982), and K.H. Habermehl (1975) and covers dental data (eruption and abrasion of certain dental positions) as well as epiphyseal fusion stages. Beside these zoological data, further information of taphonomic relevance was recorded. These include the weight of the remains (up to 0.1 g), the description of human and non-human induced bone modifications (gnawing marks, cut marks, burning stages, etc.), and the recording of their positions on the skeletal elements as well as the documentation of the surface preservation of the finds. The condition of the bone surface was recorded via a simple three-part classification scheme of ‘good’, ‘moderate’ and ‘bad’. In this sense, ‘good condition’ means, that at least 75 % of the original bone surface was preserved and remained suitable for further trace mark evaluation. Conversely, if less than 25 % of the original bone surface was represented, the specimen was classified as ‘badly preserved’. All other, intermediate, bone fragments were categorised as ‘moderate’. The bone weight (W), the total number of bone fragments (N) and the number of identified specimens (NISP) were used for quantification. The minimum number of individuals (MNI) was calculated using the most frequent skeletal

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element of one body side (e.g. the left or right femur) considering aspects such as individual age, osteometrics and general morphological characteristics. Due to the prerequisites of the site as a necropolis, the MNI was calculated on basis of single tomb contexts, if possible. Material Properties and Taphonomic Prerequisites During the excavations, a total of 17,490 animal bone- and tooth remains, weighing 40.9 kilograms were unearthed. Therefore, the average fragment weight amounts to just 2.3 grams, indicating that most of these remains represent very small specimens. In fact, even large and resistant skeletal elements are frequently fragmented into countless small bone splinters, most of which could not be identified on a justifiable basis. If these splinters most probably derived from just one identifiable skeletal element, these fragments were totalled and quantified as one single bone. However, if there were uncertainties about the original bone quantity, or if fragments were not clearly assignable to a specific skeletal element, these splinters were individually counted out, increasing the total number of unidentified bone fragments significantly. Even if many of the skeletal elements were broken into small pieces, gluing the fragments with water-soluble white glue only was conducted when absolutely necessary for taking osteometric measurements. In general, care was taken not to affect the often fragile and eroded bony material by unnecessary physical or chemical stress. Due to the storage conditions and the material properties of the faunal remains, fragments, that had been previously glued using ‘UHU Hart’, frequently showed signs of displacement and disintegration at the glued areas. If this disintegration was found to be in an advanced stage, the glued fragments were carefully separated from each other and glue-residues were removed. In some cases, animal bones were severely affected by ground salt efflorescence along with spalling of bone-tissue. Reddish to purple discolouration of bones can be observed occasionally, the reason for this is not clearly identified. It is possible that bacterial or soil-chemical processes may have been responsible for this change of colour. In fact, the preservation of the faunal material varies widely, even sometimes within a certain sample. On the one hand, this circumstance may mirror varying taphonomic histories of the finds due to complex pre- and post-depositional processes. On the other hand, (micro-) structural variations of the bone tissues of different vertebrates may also affect their preservation capability (Lyman 1994: 70–87). Reconstruction of the taphonomic pathways proves difficult in many cases, due to the complex archaeological features and the fact that most tombs were heavily affected by looting activities (Köhler 2014: 9–10). Looting of tombs was frequently conducted from ancient times onward, leading to a substantial

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dispersion of grave goods. In addition, it cannot be excluded, that due to postdepositional activity, skeletal remains from other tomb contexts, or the original surface area, were inadvertently mixed with initial find materials of a certain grave. Finally, stray dogs, barn owls and other animals use these shallow spaces and cavities, created by the looting activities, as den and nesting places. These circumstances obviously resulted in specific accumulations of animal bone assemblages besides the intentionally deposited animal remains. Due to thorough excavation methods and diligent sampling techniques during the excavation work, these small fragments and bones of small mammals, songbirds, fish, molluscs, reptiles and amphibians were collected in high numbers and became part of the archaeozoological record. Because of these general conditions, it seemed absolutely necessary to evaluate the archaeozoological find material on the basis of the archaeological feature contexts, in order to separate archaeologically relevant samples from later, non-intentional admixtures. If just the animal remains out of primary and ‘stratigraphically sound’ contexts are taken into consideration, the total amount of bone finds is reduced drastically to just 3,212 specimens, weighing nearly 19 kilograms. Although a statistically relevant amount, not all of the 218 tombs excavated in Operation 4, provided animal bone remains from ‘sound contexts’. Just 61 out of 218 tombs (28 %) yielded archaezoological material of relevance for reconstructing the role of animal remains in offering practices at this site. Although, not all of the bones coming from the ‘less-sound contexts’, might be completely dislocated out of their initial ‘tomb contexts’, the evaluation presented in this paper is primarily based on specimens that derived from more- or less undisturbed strata. However, for some general aspects, the total material might be considered as well. Results General composition and preservation of the archaeozoological material Table 1 shows the species (family-) composition of the find material organised in superordinate animal groups and unidentified bone remains. This table also contains animal remains that were obviously not burial objects in the broadest sense, but were present due to post-depositional and unintentional activity. The values shown represent the total amount of finds (Total n), the more- or less undisturbed ‘secure feature contexts’ (Sound Strata n), as well as their ratio in the total amount of finds. Domesticated mammals are the best represented among the identified find material, totalling more than 31 % of the overall material. This value increases to 43 % if just the archaeologically reliable contexts are taken into consideration. Birds represent 2.3 % of the total find material, and 3.9 % of the identified specimens, respectively, and are the

Small mammals

Birds

Domestic Mammals

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indet.

Molluscs

Fish

Wild mammals

Bos O/C Ovis Capra Sus Equide Camelus Canis Anas Anser Tyto alba Gallus Arvicanthis Crocidura Jaculus Meriones Mus Nesokia Lepus Lates? Oreochromis? Synodontis Acanthocardia Buccinidae Cardiida Glycymeris Cypraeidae Muricidae Neritidae Unionidae Mammals Birds Small Mammals Molluscs Pisces Anura Reptilia Others

Total n 3144 540 283 5 144 16 19 1356 188 10 205 2 100 98 59 57 8 12 24 1 1 24 6 1 1 5 2 4 2 14 4176 774 5485 287 19 162 170 86

Sound Strata n 449 124 262 0 131 0 0 426 97 8 19 0 11 8 0 0 1 0 24 0 0 12 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 966 147 469 30 5 13 1 6

25

% 14,3 23 92,6 0 91 0 0 31,4 51,6 80 9,3 0 11 8,2 0 0 12,5 0 100 0 0 50 0 100 0 0 50 0 0 7,1 23,1 19 8,6 10,5 26,3 8 0,6 7

Table 1. Composition of the find material based on bone count. Abbreviations: Bos: domestic Cattle; O/C: domestic Sheep and/or Goat; Ovis: domestic Sheep; Capra: domestic Goat; Sus: domestic Pig; Equide: domestic Horse/Donkey or hybrid; Camelus: domestic Camel; Anas: Anas sp.; Anser: Anser sp.; Gallus: domestic Chicken; Arvicanthis: African grass rat; Crocidura: Shrews; Jaculus: Jerboas; Meriones: Gerbils; Mus: Mice; Nesokia: Bandicoot rat; Lepus: Lepus capensis; Lates?: Lates niloticus?; Oreochromis?: Tilapia?; Synodontis: Synodontis sp.

second most common animal group in Helwan. All other animal species groups are of minor importance, with just the remains of identifiable microvertebrates reaching more than 1 % of the total quantity of archaeozoological remains; their percent value decreasing to just 0.6 % within ‘secure’ contexts.

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The proportion of unidentified animal remains reaches nearly 64 % for the total amount, and 51 % when found in reliable contexts. The variation and relation of animal-specific values between the total find material and those of reliable contexts possibly outline patterns of taphonomic relevance. The ratio of identified to unidentified specimens may also be influenced by their state of preservation, especially for well known domestic mammal and bird bones. Additionally, the state of bone preservation may be affected by the duration and intensity of physical stress and strain to which the find material was exposed during its taphonomic history. As one would expect, the more destructive taphonomic agents affected the find material, the worse their state of preservation should be. State of Surface Preservation

Molluscs

Small Mammals good moderate bad

Birds

Main Domestic.

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

n%

Diagram 1: Surface preservation of main animal groups (total n %).

Diagram 1 provides a rough overview of the variations of the state of preservation related to the main animal groups of Helwan. It is clearly indicated that the proportion of well-preserved microvertebrate and bird bones is highest with not a single bone being classified as ‘badly preserved’. The ratio concerning the main domesticated mammals is more levelled, even if over 40 % were recorded as ‘well-preserved’. This may indicate that most of the small mammal and bird bones went through different and less destructive taphonomic processes than the livestock animals. Apart from this, the proportion of animal species found in reliable contexts can be seen as an indication of their archaeological relevance for the reconstruction of initial tomb assemblages. In this sense, the much lower frequency of microvertebrates and some bird species from secure contexts, as well as their better preservation gives an indication

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that these remains mostly represent unintentional admixtures with diverging taphonomic pathways. This assumption is clearly substantiated by the fact that these animal remains are mostly associated with bones of the widespread barn owl (Tyto alba), which is often represented by juvenile individuals. In some cases, as in tomb 4/32, even eggshells are preserved. This strongly indicates that these specific accumulations of animal remains most likely derive from nesting and roosting places of barn owls inside the grave-complex. Mostly microvertebrates, but also anurans and small birds are the prey of this owl. Even if no pellets were found, the preservation of the remains of the prey indicates that they represent remnants of this kind of excretion (Williams 2001: 14–23, 36; Belmaker 2005: 117). Furthermore, this basic list (Table 1) is heavily biased due to the presence of complete, or partly preserved animal skeletons. The high number of dog bones must especially be understood under this perspective. In this sense, the complete skeleton of a male, adult dog from tomb 4/81 comprises 79 % of all dog remains from ‘secure contexts’. Consequently, this skeleton has to be counted out of the overall representation of animal remains as grave goods, since this deposition has to be considered as an animal burial (Köhler 2017: 263– 265) and is, therefore, part of a completely different contextual framework. In fact, most of the dog bones found during the excavation represent the remains of stray dog puppies that have died in their hiding places. A total of 47 % of the bones derive from neonate to juvenile individuals, which represent more or less complete skeletons and are often concentrated in specific strata, without a wide spatial dispersion. The same must be mentioned for the sheep bones (Ovis) out of sound strata, which nearly entirely (258 finds) belong to just one skeleton (Köhler 2017: 397–398). Species The following chapter will provide an overview of some essential results concerning the most important animal species and their representation. Mainly animal remains of unquestionable relevance for the reconstruction of grave contents are presented here; therefore, finds out of undisturbed strata were considered. Cattle The skeletal elements of cattle (Bos primigenius f. taurus) are most abundant among the faunal remains at Helwan. With a total number of 449 specimens, they represent nearly 33 % of all identified domestic mammal remains out of undisturbed archaeological strata. Cattle bones out of primary depositional contexts were recovered from a total of 18 tombs. The representation of skeletal

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Bos Descent/Pit fill Burial Chamber Unclear Strata Total

Cranium 31 1 20 52

Trunk 6 3 10 19

Girdle 0 1 9 10

Stylopodium Zygopodium Autopodium 2 1 267 3 2 4 2 3 84 7 6 355

Table 2: Representation of skeletal elements (body regions) of Cattle from ‘sound strata’.

elements based on bone counts and subdivided into the main archaeological feature contexts of the tombs is shown in Table 2. Therefore, the finds were either attributed to layers of the filling of the grave pits and the descents to the burial chambers (descent/pit fill) respectively, or to the stratigraphic units of the burial chamber and direct vicinity to the burial (burial chamber). In some cases, the find material could not be assigned to either of these classifications in the current state of working progress, thus incorporated under the term of ‘unclear strata’. The table clearly shows a heavily biased representation of skeletal elements in two aspects. Firstly, most (68.4 %) of the cattle bones derive from the strata of the descent or pit fillings, while just 14 (3.1 %) were found in undisturbed layers of the burial chamber. It seems plausible, that the looting activities, which targeted mainly the burial chamber, had a significant effect on this result. Secondly, the representation of skeletal elements of certain body parts is shown as clearly imbalanced, especially concerning the cattle remains found in the descent/pit filling layers. At these locations, 97 % of the material consists of skeletal elements of the skull (including isolated teeth) and the distal part of the extremities (autopodial bones). A similar distribution of cattle bones can be observed in relation to the unclear strata, while the body part representation seems to be more balanced for the layers of the burial chamber, even if these few bones can hardly achieve a result of significance. Nonetheless, the overall importance of the cranial and autopodial bones of cattle at the site of Helwan may be underlined by the fact that even related to the total amount of cattle remains (including archaeologically relevant and irrelevant stratigraphic units), these two body parts count for nearly 60 %, while elements of the stylo- and zygopodials as well as the shoulder- and pelvic girdle never reach a proportion of more than 5 %. A clear indication for the intentional and selective character of the deposition of these accumulations of cranial and autopodial cattle bones can be found in several tomb contexts. These combinations of bones were recorded particularly in tombs 4/36, 4/94, 4/116 and 4/206 in different quantities and quality. Tomb 4/94, dated into 2nd Dynasty (Köhler 2017: 360–380), represents an outstanding example of this kind of depositional pattern. A total number of 239 cattle bones were found in undisturbed strata of this grave, representing the highest number of such specimens among all tomb contexts at the site. Just

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Figure 1. Asymmetry of a cattle metatarsal (tomb 4/94) dorsal view (Photo Helwan Project).

six of these bones were found in stratigraphical units associated with the burial chamber while all other bones were excavated from the tomb’s descent fill. These six finds comprise remains of ribs, one proximal fragment of a radius and splinters of at least one femur from a sub-adult individual. The bones found in the descent, which was designed as a staircase, could be entirely identified as autopodial and cranial elements, and represent at least five different individuals based on metapodial finds. Cranial remains of at least three individuals were found, with two exceptionally well-preserved skulls. Due to the completely fused distal epiphyses of the metapodial bones, all of these individuals must be older than 2–2.5 years. Clearly visible exostoses and asymmetries (Fig. 1) on the metapodial bones and phalanges may indicate individuals of considerably older age (Bartosiewicz & Gál 2013: 128). This corresponds well with the fully erupted and moderately worn permanent dentition of the cranial remains, even if it cannot be proven that these body parts belong to the same individuals. In addition, these sub-pathological bone modifications are often associated with physical stress because of the animal’s work-load (Bartosiewicz & Gál 2013: 143–148). These bones were unearthed out of the upper part of the staircase filling and have been deposited when still in anatomical articulation, as can be seen in Fig. 2. Obviously, the feet and skulls of cattle were not carefully laid upon the staircase in a regular and orderly manner, having been found positioned in an oblique and slanted manner. It appears that these remains were just dumped into the staircase together with the fill sediment. As recorded during the excavation, these bones were scattered over the upper third of the staircase and were gradually replaced by stone vessel fragments, which were mainly found

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Figure 2. Cattle feet from tomb 4/94 in situ (Photo Helwan Project).

in the deeper strata of the descent fill (Köhler 2017: 363–364). All metapodial bones unearthed in tomb 4/94 represent adult individuals; therefore, these long bones were used for the estimation of the withers height using the factors of Matolcsi (1970: 89–137). The values indicate individuals ranging from 140 to nearly 160 cm in height with a mean value of 149 cm (Table 3). N 6

Min. 1400,2

Max. 1588,3

Mean 1489,9

STD 71,8

Table 3. Estimation of withers height of Cattle (tomb 4/94) based on metacarpals and metatarsals.

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Therefore, the cattle represented in this Early Dynastic grave can be considered very tall. Even if no further osteometric evaluation was undertaken, this result confirms the author’s impression that most of the cattle bones derive from fairly large, but slender built individuals of the longhorn type. Sexual dimorphism surely has an effect on morphological features of this sample of bones, which should be examined in more detail, but according to their large dimensions, it seems plausible, that mostly bulls or oxen were part in this deposition. Cut marks, which can freely be associated with the separation of the feet from the extremities, appear frequently on certain skeletal elements. Six out of seven preserved centrotarsal bones from this context show transversally orientated cutmarks on the medial, lateral and dorsal side, while just one (Os carpale quartum) of eighteen carpal bones shows traces of cutting. As the surface preservation does not differ between these skeletal elements, variations in the separation of forefeet and hind feet may be determined by this observation. Tomb 4/36 provides another example of such a selective ‘skull and feet deposition’, comprising of 67 remains from at least one individual. In contrast to tomb 4/94, these cattle bones represent a much younger individual. Because of the unfused epiphyseal plates of the medial phalanges, this individual was younger than approximately 15–18 months. Completely unworn dental cusps of molar fragments indicate that the eruption of permanent teeth was not finished and substantiate the assumption, that the skull and feet remains belong to just one individual. It should be mentioned, that nearly all of these skull and feet depositions were composed of juvenile animals. Indeed, tomb 4/94 provides the only evidence for the use of mature animals. Ovicaprines Small ruminants were the second most abundant livestock animals in Helwan. Due to the highly fragmentised nature of the find material, species determination between sheep (Ovis aries f. orientalis) and goat (Capra aegagrus f. hircus) was more difficult than usual and impossible in many cases. For this reason, uncertain finds were listed under the term ‘O/C’. 386 skeletal remains of small ruminants derive from stratigraphically sound strata and a total of 258 (67 %) of these finds can be attributed to just one skeleton of a lamb. This leaves 128 finds out of 13 individual graves for further investigations on their role in Early Dynastic burial customs. As can be seen in Table 4, most of these remains cannot be assigned to specific feature contexts within the graves. It should also be kept in mind that the general pattern of highly overrepresented cranial and autopodial elements observed for the cattle can also be recognised for these species. It becomes particularly apparent in the case of tomb 4/176, where a total of 89 cranial and autopodial bone fragments of at least one juvenile individual were unearthed. Due to epiphyseal fusion data,

32 O/C Descent/Pit fill Burial Chamber Unclear Strata Total

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Cranium 0 0 52 52

Trunk 0 1 1 2

Girdle 0 0 2 2

Stylopodium Zygopodium Autopodium 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 4 61 2 4 62

Table 4. Representation of skeletal elements (body regions) of sheep/goats out of ‘sound strata’.

this individual would have been younger than 5–7 months of age. Dental data are rare and difficult to evaluate due to the poor state of preservation, but should confirm the assessment based on the epiphyseal data (just slightly worn first mandibular molars). An indication of similar bone assemblages can be found in tomb 4/49 and 4/172, but they are of a lower quantity. Nevertheless, some evidence of other body parts can be found as well, such as in tomb 4/44, where the articulated remains of a right forearm (radius and ulna) were found. Finally, it should be mentioned that most bones of ovicaprines are not suitable for age-at-death estimation due to their fragmentary state of preservation. As far as it can be ascertained, adult individuals could have been quite rare among the Helwan sample. Just five specimens deriving from possibly three individuals indicate the presence of fully grown animals. The Lamb Burial (tomb 4/99) A nearly completely preserved skeleton of a juvenile sheep was found in a small ovoid pit. The carcass was placed on a reed mat, positioned on its left side with the head facing north. The extremities were folded in front of the body (Köhler 2017: 397–398). Due to the dental status (Pd4 slightly worn, M1 erupting), the age at death can be estimated at around three months of age. According to morphological details of the mandibular deciduous Pd4 the individual was classified as young sheep (Zedar & Pilaar 2010: 227, Fig. 3). Even if most of the remains are highly fragmented into small bone splinters, nearly all of the skeletal elements could be recorded, with just a few, small bones such as the distal phalanges, carpal or tarsal bones were missing. Pathological changes could not be observed and there are no indications of butchery marks. In addition to these bone finds, organic residues of reddish to dark brown colour were recovered during the excavation. Fibrous specimens may represent remains of the fur or may be residues of the reed mat as well, whereas powdery untextured samples could represent remnants of other soft tissues from the body. Pigs Pigs (Sus scrofa f. domestica) were used quite rarely for food offerings at the ancient cemetery of Helwan. Only 131 (13.6 %) of the archaeozoological

THE FAUNAL REMAINS OF THE EARLY DYNASTIC NECROPOLIS OF HELWAN

Sus Descent/Pit fill Burial Chamber Unclear Strata Total

Cranium 0 0 32 32

Trunk 0 0 1 1

Girdle 0 0 0 0

33

Stylopodium Zygopodium Autopodium 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 98 0 0 98

Table 5. Representation of skeletal elements (body regions) of Pigs out of ‘sound strata’.

remains coming from undisturbed layers belong to this species. In fact, nearly all of these pig bones (n=127; 97 %) come from just one tomb context (4/48). Table 5 shows that the find composition is comparable to those of cattle and ovicaprines. Nearly all of the bones can be classified as cranial and autopodial skeletal elements. These bones were found in tomb 4/48 and were distributed over three stratigraphic units. Nonetheless, they most likely represent just one juvenile individual. At least both of the forefeet and the left hind foot, as well as the first cervical vertebra and remains of the cranium and the mandible are preserved. Due to the dental status, an approximate age at death can be estimated. Since the first mandibular molar shows beginning signs of abrasion, the fourth mandibular premolar is only slightly worn, and the permanent incisors not yet erupted, an individual age between eight and fourteen months seems to be plausible (Habermehl 1975: 150–151). This roughly coincides with the epiphyseal data, which indicates an age of not older than one year. No cut marks or pathological changes can be observed on these remains. A few other cranial and mandible fragments were found in tombs 4/7, 4/50 and 4/182, possibly indicating that such assemblages were originally deposited in other tombs as well. Dogs As mentioned above, most of the skeletal elements of dogs (Canis lupus f. familiaris) can be considered the natural loss of stray dog populations, which have inhabited this area since a time unknown. In this sense, it is hardly surprising, that just 31.4 % of canine remains derive from so-called ‘good contexts’. In fact, 96.7 % of these dog bones belong to just one individual, which was carefully positioned in a wooden coffin and placed in a shallow grave pit, thus representing a dog burial (Köhler 2017: 263–266). The few other dog bones (n=14), probably found near the burial chamber of tomb 4/148 and 4/172, can easily be associated with numerous skeletal remains of juvenile individuals found close-by in heavily looted strata. Therefore, these remains can be considered as unintentional additions and have to be left out of consideration, leaving just the one individual from the above-mentioned tomb suitable for archaeozoological examination.

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The Dog Burial (tomb 4/81) The dog was placed on its left side with tightly folded extremities in front of its body. The head was situated to the south, facing to the west. Inside the coffin, remains of textile were found as well as a pottery sherd and a mud seal fragment (Köhler 2017: 263–266). The skeleton is nearly completely preserved with just the metatarsal bones and few smaller skeletal elements including carpal bones and phalanges missing. Some organic remains like fur residues of dark brown colour still attached to both femora and some claws can be observed. Purple discolorations of the bone tissue can be found on nearly all skeletal elements. The baculum proves the dogs’ sex and since all epiphyseal plates are tightly fused and the permanent dentition fully erupted and in use, the individual can be identified as an adult male dog. The state of abrasion of the incisors may give a very approximate idea of the age at death of this individual, even though this method is quite vague and may be heavily biased by several factors. However, the incisive teeth show only light signs of abrasion, indicating an individual age of not more than a few years (Habermehl 1975: 161–163). Besides the slight overlapping of the lower fourth premolar and the first molar, no dental anomalies can be observed. Due to the morphology and osteometric data of the skeleton, the individual can be classified as a mediumsized, normally proportioned and mesocephalic dog of a withers height of about 50 cm. The greatest length of all the stylopodial and zygopodial long bones of both body sides was used for the estimation of the withers height. The factors by Harcourt (1974: 151–175) were used for the calculation of the body height. The results show a slight variation between 50 and 54 cm, with a mean value of nearly 52 cm. The results of the bones of the foreleg show tallying values of 50 cm in height, whereas the values of the hind legs show slight variations of 53 cm for the femora and 54 cm for the tibiae. This may indicate subtle differences in extremity proportions between the Helwan individual and the reference ‘standard individual’ on which the factors referred to. Even if the general state of preservation of the skeleton is very good, no indications for the cause of death could be found. Hare In tomb 4/46 the remains of a cape-hare (Lepus capensis) prove to be the only evidence for the use of wild mammals as food offerings in Helwan. All of the epiphyseal plates are tightly fused, indicating that it must have been an adult individual. Most of the hind legs are preserved, including femora and tibiae as well as some metatarsal bones and phalanges of the left and right body side. The left astragalus as part of the tarsal bones, complement the associated bone group, which also includes remains of at least two lumbar vertebrae and the

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Figure 3. Remains of a Cape Hare (Photo Helwan Project).

pelvic bones of both body sides. Even if no cut- or chop marks could be observed, this tends to suggest, that the carcass was separated transversally in the lumbar area with just the posterior part of the body being deposited in the tomb chamber. Since no indications for food preparation can be found on this partial skeleton and the hind feet are obviously still being attached to the legs, it seems plausible that this body part was deposited without any further processing.

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Birds With a total of 252 bone finds (Barn Owl excluded) bird remains count for nearly 8 % of the archaeozoological material from undisturbed tomb contexts. Thirteen graves provide clear evidence of bird offerings. If just the bird remains are considered, which could be specified more precisely, a total amount of 87 can serve as a basis for evaluation. All of these finds belong to various ducks (Anas) (Abd el-Karem 2014: 86; 2017: 81) and geese (Anser), though a verified determination of most of these finds to species level, as far as it is possible, has still to be undertaken. Table 6 shows the general composition of the bird samples, which seems to mirror a more balanced distribution of skeletal parts recorded than those of the domestic mammals, even though, distal parts of the extremities are clearly better represented than other body regions. Anas/Anser Descent/Pit fill Burial Chamber Unclear Strata Total

Cranium 2 2 0 4

Trunk 2 1 0 3

Girdle 0 8 1 9

Stylopodium Zygopodium Autopodium 0 6 7 7 10 27 4 3 7 11 19 41

Table 6. Representation of skeletal elements (body regions) of Ducks/Geese out of ‘sound strata’.

This surely is caused by the relatively high numbers of phalanges found among certain associated bone groups. Furthermore, it can be noticed that most of the bird bones (63 %) were recovered from strata within the burial chambers, sometimes directly associated with the human remains, indicating that ducks and geese were primarily used as food offerings, deposited in the direct vicinity of the deceased. In some cases, such as in tombs 4/19, 4/91 or 4/92, nearly all body parts of ducks can be recorded. In the case of tomb 4/19 and 4/92, the remains most possibly represent one adult individual, while in tomb 4/91 at least one humerus of a second individual was found. Some tombs provide evidence for partial skeletons, which include the extremities and elements of the shoulder girdle to a greater or lesser extent. This pattern can be observed in tombs 4/15, 4/102, 4/114 and 4/206. As with tomb 4/91, an additional humerus of the right body side indicates the presence of at least two individuals in tomb 4/206, while a second fragment of a left distal radius indicates an MNI of two in tomb 4/114. Combinations of wing and leg elements can be found in tombs 4/15, 4/114, 4/180 and tomb 4/206. Conversely, tombs 4/102 (remains of a left duck wing), and tomb 4/88 (feet of Anser sp.) provide evidence of wing or feet elements only. Whether these variations of body part representations can be considered to come from initial and intentional depositions, or if they are possibly caused by any kind of intrusion still has to be discussed in detail.

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Only tomb 4/88 provides indications for the presence of geese out of undisturbed feature contexts. Tarsometatarsal bones of both body sides as well as some phalanges are the only skeletal remains recovered, but can be placed within the size-variation of various wild geese species. In summary, most of the bird bone samples from undisturbed strata represent either complete skeletons or partial skeletons of the wings and legs belonging primarily to ducks. Aquatic Vertebrates Just twelve fish remains can be associated with primary contexts from Helwan Operation 4. Representing the pectoral spines of Synodontis sp. (most likely Synodontis schall), eight of these skeleton parts were found deposited in a single pot, which was part of the grave good assemblage of tomb 4/114. Their reddishbrown colour may indicate slight heat exposure; however, this could not be proven during the examination. Another two severely heat affected pectoral spines of this catfish were recovered in association with another ceramic vessel found in tomb 4/182. Therefore, it can be assumed, that most of the fish remains were subject to selective depositional patterns and obviously do not represent food offerings in a narrower sense. A few other fish bones including more pectoral spines of above-mentioned species, as well as some cranial bones and vertebrae of other not clearly identified species, were found in secondary contexts or as part of mixed stratigraphic locations. As far as it can be concluded from this initial evaluation, fish had been of minor importance for burial practice, being predominantly represented by culinary irrelevant body parts of catfish. Another aquatic animal has to be mentioned in this chapter, despite not being retrieved from ‘secure’ contexts. Tomb 4/65 and 4/104 provide evidence of the Nile soft-shell turtle (Trionyx triunguis). Although only a few carapace parts were found, they indicate the presence of these widespread animals, which were regularly recorded on Pre- and Early Dynastic archaeological sites, at the necropolis of Helwan. Discussion The faunal remains of the Helwan necropolis can clearly be attributed to different contextual frameworks, depositional processes and intended purposes. Firstly, animal burials can be noted that show clear similarities to those of humans (e.g. use of coffins, reed mats, orientation, etc.), and were placed amidst the human burials without any discernable spatial segregation. Secondly, animal remains were used as grave goods and food offerings for the deceased. For this group of faunal finds, consisting mainly of the most important domestic livestock animals and ducks, evidence for species- and body parts related

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differentiation within the archaeological feature contexts can be stated. This differentiation is undoubtedly correlated with the main architectural properties of the tombs: the shaft or descent on the one hand, and the burial chamber on the other. Animal burials, or depositions of carcasses, are a well-known phenomenon at ancient Egyptian sites, with their meaning being an ongoing point of discussion. Unlike the elite Predynastic cemetery of Hierakonpolis (HK6), where many wild animals were deposited (e.g.: Van Neer, Linseele & Friedman 2004: 67–130), the animal burials in Helwan represent domestic species. Despite the socially induced differences of these two sites, chronological aspects may be of significance too, since burials of wild species in HK6 are clearly restricted to the phases of Naqada I and II, while the later Naqada III burials exclusively contain domestic animals (Van Neer, Linseele & Friedman 2004: 117). Nevertheless, the sites Maadi/Wadi Digla (Naqada I–II) present the geographically closest parallel of ovicaprine and dog burials to the Helwan necropolis and prove their existence from the Chalcolithic Period in this region. Interestingly, the animal burials from Wadi Digla contained the skeletal remains of a medium-sized adult dog and juvenile goats (Boessneck, von den Driesch & Ziegler 1989: 120). In fact, the early excavations at Helwan yielded scarce indications for the presence of animal burials (Flores 1999: 91–92), but the two tombs presented above are the first that have been thoroughly and scientifically excavated and recorded. Interred dogs can be commonly found throughout ancient Egypt’s history, possibly mirroring their important role as companion, hunting and guard dog, as well as being a key element of the ancient Egyptian religion and belief system (Ikram 2007: 419–421). Therefore, the types of depositions and burials can vary significantly from individual tombs to mass depositions of carcasses, and combined burials together with humans (Ikram 2013: 299–307). In the case of the dog burial 4/81 at Helwan the original reasons and socio-cultural background remains unclear, even though the careful deposition of the canine and the use of a coffin possibly point to a close personal relationship to its owner. This might also have been the case with the lamb burial (tomb 4/99), even if the underlying concept for this deposition seems to have been even more cryptic. The depositions of juvenile goats at the cemetery of Wadi Digla were discussed as spatially associated with the surrounding human burials, possibly representing a local funerary custom (Flores 1999: 57). Although the lamb deposition in Helwan was situated amidst human burials, no clear indication for spatial references or patterns can be found. The rare occurrence of a cape hare in a tomb seems to be noteworthy, even if finds of this species are relatively common in other early sites, especially in Upper Egypt, where they tend to be the most abundant wild species among archaeological faunal remains (Linseele & Van Neer 2009: 58, 60). However,

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the nearby site of Maadi, even if not directly comparable, also yields some evidence for the use of this wild species (Boessneck, von den Driesch & Ziegler 1989: 109). The high rate of exploitation of cape hares might be caused by their prevalence, inhabiting various kinds of landscapes from deserts to farmland and wadi floors, as long as there are sufficient food sources (Osborn & Helmy 1980: 90; Van Neer & Uerpmann 1989: 316; Linseele & Van Neer 2009: 60). A comparison for the use of cape hares as grave offerings can be found in the tomb of a woman from Tell el-Farkha, where humeral and femoral bone fragments were recovered from a ceramic vessel (Abłamowicz 2011: 376). Perhaps the most important observation is the prevalence of skeletal elements of skulls and feet belonging to the main domestic mammals. Especially for cattle, there is clear evidence for the accumulation of these body parts in the pit and descent fills of the grave architecture, while ribs and parts of the upper extremities tend to be more often deposited within the burial chambers. Strong indications for this pattern can be noted for ovicaprines and pigs as well. This depositional pattern is well known, but poorly understood, especially from elite funeral contexts of the Old Kingdom (Ikram 2009: 295–298; Ikram 2011: 361–371) and can be traced up to the Middle Kingdom at least as a local phenomenon (De Meyer, Van Neer, Peeters & Willems 2005: 45–71). While birds and the meaty body parts of mammals deposited in the chamber can be clearly associated with food offerings according to offering lists (Ikram 1995: 231–236; Ikram 2006: 167–174), the culinary less-valuable cranial and autopodial parts from the descent fills maybe represent a completely different ritual background, which might also be reflected in other find categories, such

Figure 4. Associated hind foot skeleton of juvenile cattle-dorsal view (Photo: Helwan Project).

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as stone and pottery vessels (Bárta 2003: 28–30; Ikram 2011: 361–371). The material from Helwan provides proof that this depositional pattern of skulls and feet was not just a phenomenon of elite contexts, but was indeed a widespread habit among ordinary people that can be traced back to at least the 2nd Dynasty in the Memphite area. Socio-economic differences (or other reasons) may possibly be reflected by variations in species selection (use of pigs and ovicaprines), as well as the use of adult cattle for this ritual. Even though pigs are quite common in Pre- and Early Dynastic sites, they are rarely represented in Egyptian tombs and were not part of offering lists. Therefore, the use of a juvenile pig for this kind of selective skull and feet deposition seems to be especially noteworthy. Finally, it should be mentioned that the deposition of pectoral spines of Synodontis in ceramic vessels cannot presumably be associated with food offerings. A sound comparison to this can be found at the nearby site of Maadi, where such depositions were related to raw-material selection for artefact production (von den Driesch 1986: 305–308; Boessneck, von den Driesch & Ziegler 1989: 113–114). Bibliography ABD EL-KAREM, M., 2014. Faunal Remains [in:] KÖHLER, E.C. (ed.), Helwan III: Excavations in Operation 4: Tombs 1‒50. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 26. Rahden/Westf.: 85–88. ABD EL-KAREM, M., 2017. Faunal Remains [in:] KÖHLER, E.C. (ed.), Helwan IV: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 51‒100. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 28. Rahden/Westf.: 85–87 ABŁAMOWICZ, R., 2011. Symbolic Faunal Remains from Graves in Tell el-Farkha (Egypt). Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 20: 373‒378. BACHER, A., 1967. Vergleichend morphologische Untersuchungen an Einzelknochen des postkranialen Skeletts in Mitteleuropa vorkommender Schwäne und Gänse. Inauguraldissertation Universität München. BÁRTA, M., 2003. Funerary Rites and Cults at Abusir South [in:] KLOTH, N.; MARTIN, K. & PARDEY, E. (eds.), Es werde niedergelegt als Schriftstück. Festschrift für Hartwig Altenmüller. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur Beiheft 9. Hamburg: 17‒30. BARTOSIEWICZ, L. & GÁL, E., 2013. Shuffling Nags, Lame Ducks – The Archaeology of Animal Disease. Oxford. BELMAKER, M., 2005, Using Comparative Micromammal Taphonomy to Test Palaeoecological Hypotheses: Ubeida, a Lower Pleistocene Site in the Jordan Valley, Israel, as a Case Study [in:] O’CONNOR, T. (ed.), Biosphere to Lithosphere – New Studies in Vertebrate Taphonomy: Proceedings of the 9th Conference of the International Council of Archaeozoology, Durham, August 2002. Oxford: 110‒125. BOCHENSKI, Z.M. & TOMEK, T., 2009. A Key for the Identification of Domestic Bird Bones in Europe: Preliminary Determination. Kraków. BOESSNECK, J.; VON DEN DRIESCH, A. & ZIEGLER, R., 1989. Die Tierreste von Maadi und Wadi Digla [in:] RIZKANA, I. & SEEHER, J. (eds.), Maadi III: The Non-Lithic Small Finds and the Structural Remains of the Predynastic Settlement. Mainz am Rhein: 87‒128.

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BOESSNECK, J.; MÜLLER, H.-H. & TEICHERT, M., 1964. Osteologische Unterscheidungsmerkmale zwischen Schaf (Ovis aries LINNÉ) und Ziege (Capra hircus LINNÉ). Kühn-Archiv 78. München: 1–2. COHEN, A. & SERJEANTSON, D., 1986. A Manual for the Identification of Bird Bones from Archaeological Sites. University of Michigan. DE MEYER, M.; VAN NEER, W.; PEETERS, C. & WILLEMS, H., 2005. The Role of Animals in the Funerary Rites at Dayr al-Barshā. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 42: 45‒71. FLORES, D.V., 1999. The Funerary Sacrifice of Animals during the Predynastic Period. PhD-Thesis, University of Toronto. GRANT, A., 1982. The Use of Tooth Wear as a Guide to the Age of Domestic Ungulates [in:] WILSON, B.; GRIGSON, C. & PAYNE, S. (eds.), Ageing and Sexing Animal Bones from Archaeological Sites. British Archaeological Reports. British Series 109. Oxford. HABERMEHL, K.-H., 1975. Die Altersbestimmung bei Haus- und Labortieren. Berlin/ Hamburg. HALSTEAD, P. & COLLINS, P., 2002. Sorting the Sheep from the Goats: Morphological Distinctions between Mandibles and Mandibular Teeth of Adult Ovis and Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 29: 545–553. HARCOURT, R.A., 1974. The Dog in Prehistoric and Early Historic Britain. Journal of Archaeological Science 1, 151–175. IKRAM, S., 1995. Choice Cuts: Meat Production in Ancient Egypt. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 69. Leuven. IKRAM, S., 2006. Portions of an Old Kingdom Offering List Reified [in:] BÁRTA, M. (ed.), The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology. Prague: 167‒174. IKRAM, S., 2007. Animals in the Ritual Landscape at Abydos: A Synopsis [in:] HAWASS, Z.A. & RICHARDS, J. (eds.), The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt. Cairo: 417‒432. IKRAM, S., 2009. Funerary Food Offerings [in:] BÁRTA, M. (ed.), Abusir XIII: Abusir South 2: Tomb Complex of the Vizier Qar, his Sons Qar Junior and Senedjemib and Iykai. Prague: 295‒298. IKRAM, S., 2011. Food and Funerals: Sustaining the Dead for Eternity. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 20: 361‒371. IKRAM, S., 2013. Man’s Best Friend for Eternity: Dog and Human Burials in Ancient Egypt. Anthropozoologica 48/2: 299‒307. KÖHLER E.C., 2004. On the Origins of Memphis: The New Excavations in the Early Dynastic Necropolis at Helwan [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August‒1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 295–315. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008. Early Dynastic Society in Memphis [in:] ENGEL, E., MÜLLER, V. & HARTUNG, U. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer. Göttingen: 381‒399. KÖHLER, E.C., 2012. The Orientation of Cult Niches and Burial Chambers in Early Dynastic Tombs at Helwan [in:] EVANS, L. (ed.), Ancient Memphis ‒ ‘Enduring is the Perfection’. Proceedings of the International Conference held at Macquarie University, Sydney, on August 14–15, 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 214. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 279‒298. KÖHLER, E.C., 2014. Helwan III: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 1‒50. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 26. Rahden/Westf.

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KÖHLER, E.C., 2017. Helwan IV: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 51‒100. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 28. Rahden/Westf. LEPIKSAAR, J., 1994. Introduction to Osteology of Fishes for Paleozoologists. Göteborg. LINSEELE, V. & VAN NEER, W., 2009. Exploitation of Desert and Other Wild Game in Ancient Egypt: The Archaeozoological Evidence from the Nile Valley [in:] RIEMER, H.; FÖRSTER, F.; HERB, M. & PÖLLATH, N. (eds.), Desert Animals in the Eastern Sahara: Status, Economic Significance, and Cultural Reflection in Antiquity. Colloquium Africanum 4. Köln: 47‒78. LYMAN, R.L., 1994. Vertebrate Taphonomy. Cambridge Manuals in Archaeology. Cambridge. MATOLCSI, J., 1970. Historische Erforschung der Körpergröße des Rindes auf Grund von ungarischem Knochenmaterial. Zeitschrift für Tierzüchtung und Züchtungsbiologie 87: 89‒137. O’CONNOR, T.P., 1991. Bones from 46‒54 Fishergate. The Archaeology of York 15. London. OSBORN, D.J. & HELMY, I., 1980. The Contemporary Land Mammals of Egypt (Including Sinai), Fieldiana, New Series 5. Chicago. PALES, L. & LAMBERT, C., 1971a. Atlas ostéologique pour servir à l’identification des mammifères du quaternaire. Les members herbivores. Paris. PALES, L. & LAMBERT, C., 1971b. Atlas ostéologique pour servir à l’identification des mammifères du quaternaire. Les members carnivores. Paris. PAYNE, S., 1985. Morphological Distinctions between the Mandibular Teeth of Young Sheep, Ovis, and Goats, Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 12: 139‒147. PRUMMEL, W. & FRISCH, H.J., 1986. A Guide for the Distinction of Species, Sex and Body Side in Bones of Sheep and Goat. Journal of Archaeological Science 13: 567‒577. RADU, V., 2005. Atlas for the Identification of Bony Fish Bones from Archaeological Sites. Studii de Preistorie Supplementum 1. Bucuresti. SCHMID, E., 1972. Atlas of Animal Bones – Knochenatlas. Amsterdam/London/New York. TOMEK, T. & BOCHENSKI, Z.M., 2009. A Key for the Identification of Domestic Bird Bones in Europe: Galliformes and Columbiformes. Kraków. VAN NEER, W.; LINSEELE, V. & FRIEDMAN, R., 2004. Animal Burials and Food Offerings at the Elite Cemetery HK6 of Hierakonpolis [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August‒1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 67‒130. VAN NEER, W. & UERPMANN, H.-P., 1989. Palaeoecological Significance of the Holocene Faunal Remains of the B.O.S.-Missions [in:] Kuper, R. (ed.), Forschungen zur Umweltgeschichte der Ostsahara. Africa Praehistorica 2. Köln: 311‒341. VON DEN DRIESCH, A., 1976. Das Vermessen von Tierknochen aus vor- und frühgeschichtlichen Siedlungen. München. VON DEN DRIESCH, A., 1986. Der Fiederbartwels Synodontis schall als Lieferant von Pfeilspitzen im alten Ägypten. Annalen des Naturhistorischen Museums in Wien 88/89 B: 305‒308. WILLIAMS, J.P., 2001. Small Mammal Deposits in Archaeology: A Taphonomic Investigation of Tyto Alba (Barn Owl) Nesting and Roosting Sites. PhD-Dissertation, University of Sheffield.

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WOELFLE, E., 1967. Vergleichend morphologische Untersuchungen an Einzelknochen des postcranialen Skelettes in Mitteleuropa vorkommender Enten, Halbgänse und Säger. Inaugural Dissertation, Universität München. ZEDER, M.A. & LAPHAM, H.A., 2010. Assessing the Reliability of Criteria Used to Identify Postcranial Bones in Sheep, Ovis, and Goats, Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 1‒19. ZEDER, M.A. & PILAAR, S.E., 2010. Assessing the Reliability of Criteria Used to Identify Mandibles and Manibular Teeth in Sheep, Ovis, and Goats, Capra. Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 225‒242.

“EXTERNAL INTERACTION” IN THE FOURTH MILLENNIUM ANCIENT NEAR EAST: COMPARING AND CONTRASTING EGYPTIAN COLONIAL ACTIVITY IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT WITH THE URUK EXPANSION In memory of Jean-Paul Thalmann, a fine scholar and researcher of the Ancient Near East. ELIOT BRAUN Albright Institute of Archaeological Research, Israel

This paper briefly reviews comparisons by some scholars between the Uruk Expansion of the second half of the 4th millennium BCE and Egyptians residing at a few sites in the southern Levant in the late 4th and/or 3rd millennia BCE during c. one century. It compares and contrasts colonial activity and influence exerted by these major polities at the extreme ends of the Fertile Crescent, rejecting any notion of parity between these episodes. Egyptian activity in the southern Levant took place in late Dynasty 0-early 1st Dynasty and was confined to a very small region in the southwest of the Levant. The revealed archaeological record further suggests its influence on the southern Levant was minimal. By contrast the Uruk Expansion exerted a huge and long-lasting influence over much of the Near East as well as regions in Iran and the Caucasus. Additionally, Urukian activity appears to have provided impetus for the dispersion of the Caucasianbased Kura-Araxes Culture into the Near East as far as the northern region of the southern Levant, until about the mid-3rd millennium BCE.

Introduction Nearly two decades ago P. de Miroschedji (1999), in response to scholars’ contributions to an issue of Paléorient devoted to the Uruk Expansion (Algaze 1989; 2005; Rothman 2001), published a short paper suggesting a comparison between that phenomenon and what he supposed to be a similar effort by an Egyptian polity in the southern Levant in more or less the same time span. Somewhat later E.C. Kansa, S. Whitcher Kansa and T.E. Levy (2001: 10) suggested this as a possible parallel in the rise of pristine states. In a more recent study, R. Greenberg and G. Palumbi (2015) elaborated on that basic idea and have, albeit in considerably more detail, additionally equated the Uruk Expansion into Syria, Anatolia and Iran with Egyptian colonial activity in the southern Levant. In doing so the authors posed, and purported to answer the following questions: ‘To what extent are the Uruk and Egyptian ventures colonial in intent and in impact? What occurs in their aftermath?’

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In the following essay I present a hard look at available archaeological evidence, which, contrary to the claims of those scholars, belies any putative equating of those two colonial phenomena. The present thesis suggests that while at an absolute minimum the two episodes are perhaps comparable in their intent and even in some degree of their direct accomplishments (i.e., in some forms of colonisation and influence), they are otherwise vastly different in their parameters (i.e. the sizes of territories they encompassed, the lengths of time they endured, in the degrees of influence they yielded and in their ultimate impacts on human civilisation). As is demonstrated in this paper, that comparison as a thesis is only marginally valid. For purposes of the present study, by Uruk Expansion I mean not only the establishment of colonies and enclaves of Urukians beyond their south Mesopotamian homeland, but also the spread of Urukian material culture in greater and lesser degrees over large areas of the Ancient Near East. There is a wealth of finds in the archaeological record that document the extent of its direct impact, while there is very significant evidence to indicate an equally vast degree of indirect influence well beyond its topographical and chronological parameters. While Greenberg and Palumbi have apparently considered much available evidence for the Uruk Expansion, they have been far less assiduous in their review of the archaeological record of the southern Levant. Events directly associated with the Uruk Expansion took place in the latter half of the 4th millennium, but its ultimate impact, I believe, may also be discerned in the later dispersion of the Kura-Araxes Culture and its associated elements into the Near East, which apparently culminated sometime around the mid-3rd millennium. By contrast, the Egyptian incursion into the southern Levant occurred for something akin to a century. As indicated by radiocarbon determinations (see below) that occurred sometime at the end of the 4th and perhaps the beginning of the 3rd millennia, in late phases of what is conventionally known as Early Bronze 1 (EB 1). In order to compare and contrast these two colonial phenomena and their relative impacts on the ancient Near East two succinct overviews of the evidence for them are outlined below. A discussion of the Uruk Expansion and its associated aftermath is followed by a brief review of Egyptian colonial activity in the southern Levant. The Uruk Expansion Traditionally, this phenomenon has been limited to certain areas of the Near East, particularly on the fringes of southern Mesopotamia. More recently evidence has come to light to suggest further expansion to a region beyond, making this phenomenon a truly significant player in the material culture of the second half of the 4th millennium BCE.

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Traditional Evaluations of the Uruk Expansion Some evaluations of the Uruk Expansion, for which there is copious evidence (Strommenger 1980; Algaze 1989; Schwartz 2000; Stein 2000; Rothman 2001; Greenberg & Palumbi 2015; Palumbi 2016), indicate it was a widespread, long-termed phenomenon that spread, in different degrees, over large areas of the ancient Near East, including Syria, Anatolia and Iran. Those scholars understood it as a diverse phenomenon that created several actual colonies (e.g. Habuba Kabira and Jebel Aruda), enclaves or outposts for trade within local communities (e.g. Hassek Höyük and Hacınebi), and as responsible for the diffusion of ideas such as emulation (e.g. Arslantepe; Frangipane 1993). As Greenberg and Palumbi (2015: 112) noted: “The dynamics of the spread of these elements from the Mesopotamian ‘core’ to the surrounding ‘periphery’ appears to be associated with the physical translocation of communities of southern origin”. More recent research indicates that the Uruk Expansion also impacted the region of the Caucasus, with evidence suggesting Urukian influence on the Leilatepe Culture (Pitskhelauri 2012; Kavtaradze 2013; Rezepkin 2017). Whether that influence is indeed evidence of actual immigration as claimed by some scholars, or the result of less direct means of transmission of ceramic styles and other aspects of Urukian material culture, remains unclear for the present. Suffice it to note, for purposes of this discussion, that Urukian influence was apparently significant in the Caucasus in the late 4th millennium. Future work will undoubtedly clarify aspects of Urukian influence there. In short, evidence available at present suggests the Uruk Expansion is a descriptor for a very complicated reality lasting for around five centuries. Recent work by G.J. Stein and A. Alizadeh (2013: 133) in Kurdistan suggests it was likely not a single, sustained wave of emigration or influence, but rather a series of events that were not consistent over that span of time. In some instances it involved large-scale emigration from the Urukian homeland into peripheral regions and perhaps beyond, resulting in some few permanent colonies and enclaves of foreigners (i.e. Urukians) within other communities. Urukian colonies and enclaves appeared to have endured in differing degrees over long periods of time throughout a vast region of the Old World, which is only part of the story. There was also significant secondary influence felt in many regions where aspects identified with Urukian material culture can be seen as significant increments in more distant regions such as the Caucasus and Anatolia (Frangipane 2010; 2015; 2016). Of itself, the Uruk Expansion and its contemporary secondary effects was a truly momentous phenomenon in the latter half of the fourth millennium in vast regions of the Near East. However, it appears to have had a secondary effect, one that may have initiated, or at least

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provided impetus for the spread of a Caucasian-based culture throughout large regions of the ancient Near East. The Kura-Araxes Phenomenon The date of the early appearance in the Caucasus of the Kura-Araxes Culture, possibly as early as 3400–3300 BCE (Palumbi & Chataigner 2014: 248–249, Fig. 1) and the introduction of Urukian influence into that region during that period appear to suggest influence between southern Mesopotamia and the Caucasus was bidirectional. Contacts between Urukians and Caucasians in their homeland seem likely to have minimally provided an opportunity, and perhaps even an impetus for what Palumbi and C. Chataigner (2014: 254) understand to have been a twopronged movement emerging from the Caucasus towards the Anatolian Highlands and the Iranian Plateau c. 3000 BCE, which they labelled the ‘Kura-Araxes Expansion’. Pitskhelauri (2012: 153) interprets that as a vast movement that had, as he noted, far reaching effects on a supra-regional scale: “Later, in the second half of the 4th and throughout the 3rd millennium B.C., during the Early Bronze Age the Kura-Araxes culture spread throughout the greater part of the Caucasus, Eastern Anatolia, northern parts of Iran, the Middle East and even Europe”. The phenomenon may be understood as an incursion of definitive, quantitatively significant evidence for diffusion of Kura-Araxes associated material culture. Whether it is understood as evidence of imports, emigrant populations practicing their own traditions, or as transmission of ideas translated into templates adopted elsewhere and visible in other aspects of the archaeological record, or all of those factors (Rothman 2003) is beyond the scope of this discussion. Suffice it to note that its overall impact is discernible in regional differences in related ceramic types (e.g. so-called ‘Khirbet Kerak Ware’) from Anatolia, Syria and as far south as the southern Levant (Albright 1926; Amiran 1952; Philip 1999; de Miroschedji 2000; Paz 2009; Greenberg & Palumbi 2015). What is apparent is that together, the Uruk Expansion and the Kura-Araxes phenomenon represent two successive, loosely related sets of influences that affected vast areas of the Old World, from the Caucasus to the southern Levant, for at least a millennium. The Southern Levant This region is loosely defined as the area occupied today by the polities of Israel, the Palestinian Authority (Gaza and the West Bank) and Jordan. Evidence for Egyptian material culture in the period under discussion is primarily confined to the southwest of this region (Fig. 1), although relatively few occurrences of some such artefacts are known from sites farther north and east. The time period covered is late EB 1 (Braun 1996: 54–169).

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Fig. 1. Map of the southern Levant with select late EB 1 sites and designating the likely area of Egyptian colonial activity.

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The Chronological Parameters of the Egyptian Colonial Experience in the Southern Levant Two types of evidence indicate the chronology of the Egyptian colonial episode in the region. Primary evidence is from imported objects, particularly pottery and locally made, morphologically related, i.e. Egyptianised types (Braun 2002; 2016; Kansa, Whitcher Kansa & Levy 2002). Radiocarbon dates confirm the time span roughly as the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd millennia BCE. Unfortunately, that particular era saw rather diverse fluctuations in the amount of 14C in the atmosphere, which plays havoc with calibration curves, presently making the method less accurate than it is for other periods (Regev et al. 2017: 171). Thus, for the present, absolute dating for Egyptian activity in the southern Levant cannot be more accurately determined. The Archaeological Evidence Although there is some evidence of desultory contacts between denizens of the Nile Valley and the southern Levant from much earlier times (Braun 2011a), significant quantities of Egyptian-related material culture appear there only in late EB 1 in the form of Naqada IIIB–C type ceramics. The masses of Egyptian and Egyptianised (Braun 2002: 174; Kansa & Levy 2002) material are found in very different contexts. At some sites there are copious quantities, while at others they are represented in significant, albeit small assemblages. At other sites they are just a handful of artefacts, which allow for very different interpretations regarding their significance (Braun 2002 contra Brandl 1993 and Andelkovic 1995; de Miroschedji & Sadek 2001). The most direct evidence for the time span of Egyptian activity in the 4th millennium is derived from ceramics, especially from a motley collection of potsherds mostly of Egyptian origin, incised with serekhs before firing. The earliest appears to be related to Double Falcon of Dynasty 0. It was incised prior to firing on a jar of local (sic!) manufacture from Palmahim Quarry (Braun & van den Brink 1998). Another fragment of a serekh, albeit without a preserved name, is also on a locally made jar from Horvat ‘Illin Tahtit (Braun & van den Brink 1998). The rims of these jars, notably similar to rims of Egyptian wine jars, are extremely rare at these sites, although their fabrics and overall features, flat bases and horizontal strips of rope-like decoration, are typical to their milieus. Notably, the jars with serekhs are from sites where the material culture was overwhelmingly local, while Egyptian and Egyptianised objects are extremely rare. An assemblage of later serekhs suggests greater interaction between Egypt and the southern Levant in very late Dynasty 0 to early 1st Dynasty. Of those

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that bear names, all but one is of Narmer, while a unique example bears the name of his predecessor Ka (van den Brink & Braun 2002). Others are too fragmentary and no names are preserved on them. These serekhs, none of which was found in a primary context, seem mostly to have been on wine jars. Their presence in the southern Levant is somewhat surprising, while their functions are open to interpretation (van den Brink and Braun 2002). The largest assemblage of these serekhs, including that of Ka, is from Lod where there is a very small, but significant quantity of Egyptian and Egyptianised objects. Others, incised prior to firing are from Tel Erani, the Halif Terrace, Arad, Small Tel Malhata, Horvat ‘Illin Tahtit, Tel Ma’ahaz, Small Tel Malhata and Tell es-Sakan. One serekh from ‘En Besor was incised onto a vessel or sherd post firing. With the exceptions of Tell es-Sakan, and ‘En Besor, where Egyptian Naqada IIIB/C pottery and Egyptianised pottery dominates the assemblages, and Tel Erani, which has a very healthy increment of Egyptian and Egyptianised pottery in certain strata in Area D (Yeivin 1961); the serekhs are all from sites that have yielded either small or insignificant quantities of imported Egyptianised pottery such as Arad (Amiran 1978; Braun 2011b) and Small Tel Malhata (Amiran, Ilan & Arnon 1983). The actual significance of these serekhs, a form of graffiti, is unclear and is open to interpretation (Kansa, Whitcher Kansa & Levy 2002: 78). Notably, the evidence for significant quantities of Egyptian and Egyptianised artefacts is found only as late as the final phases of EB 1, after which it virtually ceases. Occasional objects have turned up in a few EB 2 occupations, but they are clearly residual or heirlooms of EB 1 date such as the large Egyptian jar found in Arad II (Braun 2011b). Several notable examples are palettes from Bet Yerah (Greenberg & Eisenberg 2002; Greenberg, Wengrow & Paz 2010) and the Egyptian wine jar from Arad Stratum II (Braun 2011b), all from clear, post EB 1 deposits. Other Egyptian associated artefacts from south Levantine, EB 2–3 contexts are apparently heirlooms, either residual from earlier contexts or contemporary imports. These last are diminutive in size (Sowada 2009: 25–50); such that they are likely to result from down the line trade or some similar type of indirect associations with no direct connection to any earlier putative Egyptian colonial enterprise. The EB 2 type jug from Bet Yerah, apparently incised with an Egyptian hieroglyph, appears, at least for the present, to be a unique find (Kaplony 2002) and does not represent evidence of large scale interaction between Beth Yerah or the northern reaches of the southern Levant and Egypt in EB 2 during the 1st Dynasty. Its origin and its association with that northern site, with virtually no other evidence for contemporary associations between Egypt and the southern Levant remain open to interpretation especially as similar vessels of so-called ‘Abydos Ware’ from the 1st Dynasty tombs at Abydos (Hartung et al. 2015: 17) seem to have originated in the northern Levant.

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The Radiocarbon Aspect The absolute chronology for this first colonial episode, that appears to have lasted little more than a century, probably occurred sometime between c. 3150– 2900 BC (Braun 2011b; Regev et al. 2012; Dee et al. 2013; Regev et al. 2017). Several strata at Tell es-Sakan and Tel Erani suggest some indeterminate, but not overlong time span for Egyptian activity. That is more or less correlated with the end of Dynasty 0 and the beginning of the 1st Dynasty or the reigns of Ka, Narmer, Aha and possibly early in the reign of Djer (Dee et al. 2013: ESM Table S1, Tell es-Sakan). The Putative Egyptian Colonial Episode By contrast with the evidence of the Uruk Expansion in all its varied manifestations, Egyptian activity in the southern Levant was limited to an infinitely smaller region (Fig. 1) and was vastly less pervasive than either the Uruk Expansion or the Kura-Araxes Phenomenon (Braun 2016). Its duration was also far less than that of either of those phenomena (see above). I believe I am, amongst colleagues who specialise in the late history of the southern Levant, a minimalist in my interpretation of the evidence for Egyptian colonial activity. Over a decade ago E.C.M. van den Brink and I (van den Brink & Braun 2002; Braun 2004) suggested a four-tiered system for characterising Egyptian associations with EB 1 settlements. With renewed excavations at Tel Erani, in which I have had the privilege of taking part as a member of the Institute of Archaeology of Jagellonian University in Krakow’s team, I am wont to opt for a slightly refined system that suggests a more nuanced designation for Tier 2. What follows are my suggestions based on observations from the presently known archaeological record. A Hierarchy of Sites Tier 1 This indicates an Egyptian settlement, apparently a colony of Egyptians transplanted to the southern Levant. To date there is only a single site that appears to completely fulfil that description, Tell es-Sakan (de Miroschedji et al. 2001; de Miroschedji & Sadek 2001). Although the excavation of the Egyptian elements at Tell es-Sakan was a salvage operation primarily undertaken within the confines of a massive bulldozer cut into the mound, the evidence of material culture recovered appears to be overwhelmingly Nilotic in nature, leading the excavators to extrapolate from it for the entire settlement of that period. How representative that sample of the site is remains unknown and will probably never be better understood as recently most, if not all of the site, was destroyed

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(Haaretz Oct. 8, 2017 ). Nevertheless, Tell es-Sakan appears to have been the location of an Egyptian settlement of significant size and duration. It was established on the south Levantine Littoral in a place of relatively easy access along the Way(s) of Horus. Its situation, not very distant from the coast, would also have made it easily accessible through maritime travel. By contrast, the diminutive Egyptian occupation of ‘En Besor seems to have been a more temporary settlement, perhaps a way-station (Gophna 1976) with a small complement of denizens residing and working in two small buildings of a single stratum. It can hardly be categorised as a ‘colonial settlement’. It does, however, offer copious evidence of Egyptian administration in scores of bullae fragments apparently for the transport of goods in sacks (Schulman 1976; 1980). A significant quantity of looted Egyptian and Egyptianised pottery from another site in the south Judean Shephela (piedmont), Tel Ma’ahaz, suggests that site would, if properly excavated, also yield evidence of Egyptians residing there (Amiran 1977; Schulman & Gophna 1981; Beit Arieh & Gophna 1999). However, except for a minute sounding with unclear results, the site remains terra incognita, and this interpretation remains speculative. Tier 2 Although I defined this type of site as one that was dominated by the indigenous, south Levantine material culture, albeit with a healthy or significant increment of Egyptian associated material culture, in light of new excavations this interpretation should be more nuanced. This would reflect two possible levels of activities carried out by Egyptians residing in enclaves within sites primarily peopled by south Levantines. Egyptians in these enclaves could have been engaged in trade as apparently Urukians did, or perhaps were associated with more sinister activities of interaction without parity such as tribute and/or slavery (Yekutieli 1998). It is noted that there is no good evidence for these last types of behaviour discernible in the archaeological record. Tier 2a I suggest defining this level as having a very substantial increment of Egyptian associated material culture, one comprising a large minority of artefacts when compared with south Levantine material culture. To this level I suggest ascribing recent exposures of three strata in Area D-III/Upper of renewed excavations at Tel Erani (Ciałowicz, Yekutieli & Czarnowicz 2016) that have revealed large quantities of Egyptian and Egyptianised artefacts within a primarily local assemblage. Egyptian style baking installations found there, together with baking bowls (a.k.a ‘bread moulds’), strongly suggest that this particular precinct

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was inhabited by Nilotic peoples, who apparently preserved their ethnicassociated food ways, although determining in what manner and measure (Kansa, Whitcher Kansa & Levy 2002) is open to interpretation. In the case of Tel Erani, the interpretation of available information depends upon the degree to which the excavation in this precinct is an accurate representation of the site in its entirety. If it is such, then there is a suggestion that the site is likely to have had a mixed population of Egyptians and south Levantines. An alternate possibility is that this particular precinct of the excavation is not typical, but may be evidence of an enclave of limited, albeit unknown size, preserving material remains signifying Egyptians residing within a primarily south Levantine population. Clearly more work is needed on other parts of the site before any determination of this issue may be made. In any event, it is evident that available material from this new excavation, and that from earlier work by S. Yeivin (1961; Brandl 1989) at the site, far surpasses, in quality (including many well-preserved, fine Egyptian imports) and quantity Egyptianassociated material culture from the EB 1 occupation at Lod. Tier 2b This type of site is exemplified by Lod and the Halif Terrace, where significant, albeit quite limited quantities of Nilotic type artefacts, including serekhs were recovered. They are exotica within those sites’ dominant south Levantine material culture. Nevertheless, those small, but important assemblages seems to suggest direct relationships with Egyptians, who were likely, at least at some points in time, to have resided there. The Halif Terrace has yielded evidence for baking of bread in similar types of vessels, apparently on a significant scale (Levy et al. 1997), although the so-called ‘oven’ at the site is merely a (storage?) room of irregular plan formed by stone wall foundations. Notably, despite the large quantity of baking bowls of Egyptian style, there is no evidence of the typical Egyptian baking installations, pits showing evidence of prolonged burning, apparently associated with baking bowls (Czarnowicz et al. 2016: 33–37, Figs. 7, 12) such as those unearthed at Tel Erani. Tier 3 This level indicates sites that are clearly populated primarily by south Levantines, as discerned from the overwhelmingly local nature of material culture. These same sites have yielded small quantities of Egyptian and Egyptianised artefacts (Brandl 1993) that may be interpreted in several ways. Possible explanations for their presence are desultory contacts between inhabitants and itinerant Egyptians (traders or raiders?) or from down the line trading activities (Braun 2011a). Amaziya (Milevski et al. 2014) is an excellent example of this type of site. It yielded a small, but curiously varied collection of Egyptian and

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Egyptianised ceramic vessels including a few fragments of baking bowls. They were not, as at the Halif Terrace, found in large quantities that would suggest there was some type of permanent activity there relating to them. Were they left there by itinerant Egyptians, or were they somehow used to provide a specialized type of provender? If so, for whom? While we will probably never understand the full significance of the presence of a mere handful of Egyptianised artefacts at some sites, it is noteworthy that baking bowls are restricted to only specific sites, mostly those yielding significant quantities of Egyptian-related material culture. From that we deduce the presence of Egyptian residents at least on a temporary basis. Tier 4 Some sites, primarily in the hill country to the north and beyond have not yielded any evidence of Egyptian-related artefacts. The Territorial Parameters of the Egyptian Colony B. Brandl’s (1993) useful documentation of the distribution of Egyptian and Egyptianised artefacts led him to ascribe a distinct territory to an Egyptian colony, which, prior to the discovery of Tell es-Sakan, he saw embodied by a primary occupation at Tel Erani. Brandl’s accompanying map, with minor alterations, has served as a basis for scholars who have circumscribed purported boundaries of an Egyptian colony (e.g. Andelkoviç 1995; de Miroschedji 1998: Fig. 14; Greenberg & Polumbi 2015: Figs. 7.1, 7.2). By colouring or shading large swaths on maps that include territories in which sites that have yielded any amounts (from a handful of potsherds to massive quantities) of Egyptian and Egyptianised artefacts those scholars purported to indicate the territory of the Egyptian colony and, in specific instances, of Egyptian political hegemony. Elsewhere I have offered significant arguments against this approach (Braun 2014; 2016), which detail the problems inherent in such interpretations. My interpretation, based on quantities of Egyptian and Egyptianised artefacts that would likely indicate the presence of denizens of Nilotic origin at south Levantine sites, greatly reduces the area of influence and possible control practiced by an Egyptian colony (Fig. 1). However, even if one were to accept the prevailing maximalist interpretation for an Egyptian colony in the southern Levant in this time span, it is still diminutive, particularly when contrasted with that of the Uruk Expansion, especially when the Caucasus region is included. But, as noted above, that is not the entire story as the Kura Araxes phenomenon further prolongs the indirect effects of the Uruk Expansion for a very long time, while Egyptian activity in the southern Levant seems to terminate rather abruptly by end of EB 1.

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The Impact of the Egyptian Colony on the Southern Levant There seems to be relatively scarce evidence for Egyptian impact on the material culture of late EB 1. In the realm of pottery there is evidence of Egyptianised pots of different types, but they appear, for the most part, to be associated with only a few sites in the southern region. They are limited to relatively simple types of coarse fabrics, jars and bowls, baking bowls and possibly the few vessels with rims similar to wine jars (see above). The greatest numbers are found at Tell es-Sakan, Tel Erani, ‘En Besor and Lod. Scattered examples are also known from other sites, including Megiddo (two granary jars; Braun 2013: Pl. 64), but they are not found there in any quantity. Egyptian morphological types appear to have had little or no influence on south Levantine ceramic production in EB 1. The two early serekhs on local south Levantine jars, with their wide, rounded rims are extremely rare types at both the sites where they were found, suggesting they were made for very specific reasons. So far as I am aware, there is no discernible Egyptian influence on pottery or any other aspect of south Levantine material culture in EB 2. By contrast, the south Levantine penchant for ledge handles seems to have infiltrated Egyptian pottery traditions where it was shortly transmogrified into decorative elements (Braun 2011a: 118). Notably, despite the obvious use of administrative paraphernalia at ‘En Besor, and a few sealings at the Halif Terrace, there does not seem to be any evidence of specific Egyptian types of behaviour or adoption of their administrative methodology. While there is creditable evidence for the use of sealings by Egyptians for keeping track of sacks of goods, there are no known south Levantine parallels. While there is limited evidence for the use of cylinder seals in the southern Levant, the impressions are invariably on ceramic vessels and there do not appear to have been any parallels to the Egyptianised bullae we know of. South Levantine seals were permanent marks on vessels, probably for some type of notation, perhaps even evidence of ownership (Braun 2013: 111–113), but they are hardly comparable to disposable bullae, especially as the motifs of south Levantine seals suggest Syrian and Mesopotamian influences, with no evidence of Egyptian themes (e.g. Braun 2004). Notably, there is no evidence in the southern Levant of any change in mortuary behaviour that would suggest Egyptian influence. Most EB 1 tombs were for multiple burials over time, with no suggestion of enhanced personal status for any individuals as may be discerned in contemporary burials in Egypt. Nor is there even a single example of an Egyptian style burial in the southern Levant, although that might change with new discoveries. It is a telling note that could be interpreted as evidence that Egyptians, even during the time span when the colonial effort was in place, did not come to the southern Levant to sojourn for any considerable length of time. If they did, then if they died and

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were buried, they were apparently interred with local customs as there is no evidence to date of anything akin to an Egyptian style burial in the southern Levant in EB 1. Alternately, the possibility remains that Egyptians were repatriated, alive or even dead, to the Nile Valley and thus left no evidence in the south Levantine archaeological record. The presence of imported Egyptian vessels in a select number of tombs in the southern Levant in normative type mortuary arrangements of locals as at Azor (Ben-Tor 1978; Amiran 1985), Ramla (Avrutis 2010: 12–13) and En Esur in the Megiddo Pass (Nahal ‘Iron; Yannai & Braun 2001), should be understood as nothing more than exotic grave goods. While one might be inclined to suggest the so-called ‘Egyptian cubit’ used in planning the late EB 1 ‘Great Temple’ at Megiddo (Adams, Finkelstein & Ussishkin 2014) would be evidence of Nilotic influence, that may well not be the case. The temple plan actually remains the earliest evidence known for its use. Indeed, as the plan of the structure seems not to owe anything to Egyptian influences, it appears that if that measurement is evidence of a borrowed tradition, it was not derived from Egypt. There is a modicum of evidence suggesting Egyptian-influenced imagery in the incised pavement of the sacred area as originally noted by Amiran (Braun 1993; Keinan 2013: 42), a veritable palimpsest, although the images do not appear to be particularly Egyptian in style. I am wont to view them as graffiti by pilgrims who wished to express some sentiment associated with the sacred precinct, similar to marks left by devotees of shrines throughout the world. The cache of Egyptianised vessels in the area of the Great Temple, once argued as dating to EB 1, has since been relegated to the Intermediate Bronze Period (Adams 2017), and thus is no longer relevant to the present discussion. Summary While Egyptian interaction with the southern Levant at Maadi in early EB 1 may have brought about interest in developing those relations, it was not until late in EB 1 that there was apparently a determined effort to establish some type of permanent settlement or presence of Egyptians on the soil of the southern Levant. Egyptians, probably from sites in the Nile Delta, apparently came along the Way(s) of Horus via the northern Sinai land route and possibly also by sea. For what specific purpose the colony was established is uncertain, but clearly it was related to south Levantine resources the Egyptians desired. Agricultural products, olive oil, wine (?), grains and pulses have been suggested. Other objects of interest to the Egyptians in the southern Levant might have been asphalt, pine pitch, timber and possibly slaves, but whether Egyptian interaction with the south Levantines was trade-based, and/or involved exactions of tribute

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is uncertain. The evidence from Tell es-Sakan and Tel Erani indicate the attraction was enough to see the enterprise lasted for several generations. Tell es-Sakan is something of anomaly as it appears to be the first evidence for a fortified Egyptian site anywhere, including the Nile Valley. It was apparently strategically placed to benefit from terrestrial and marine access, especially from the Nile Delta. It appears to have been a ‘bridgehead’ perhaps the ‘mother settlement’ for what appear to be a small number (3?) of enclaves of Egyptians at sites where locals were the majority. For reasons unclear, Tell es-Sakan was originally unfortified, but in a second phase a fortification was established and greatly embellished over time in two later phases. That may indicate some resentment and resistance on the part of the local population to Egyptians on the home soil of the indigenous population. ‘En Besor was obviously associated with Egyptian activity. The numerous bullae suggest the likely transference of provender in sacks either as trade or tribute. As opposed to the lengthy Egyptian occupation at Tell es-Sakan, it was of shorter duration and probably represents one relatively short-lived aspect of Egyptian activity over the several generations such activity spanned. What is clear from the presently revealed archaeological record is that Egyptians were never major players in the southern Levant in the late 4th millennium. They arrived in an area already populated by indigenous peoples at many sites (Braun 2011c), some with large aggregations of populations; some even fortified (e.g. Paar 2000; Paz 2002; Milevski & Getzov 2014). By then a modicum of south Levantine populations of significant size had coalesced into societies that were both complex and hierarchical. Some were urban-like, while others appear to have been centralised with numerous satellites such as late EB 1 Megiddo with its magnificent temple (Braun 2013: 147–150). Most of those large, complex sites were in the north, far from regions where they would have encountered Egyptians on any significant scale and so there is no evidence that Egyptians had any particular influence on the development of social complexity in the southern Levant. By contrast, Egyptian sites were few and the colony rather limited in its scope. That is hardly unexpected as in this same period Egypt was coalescing into a unified state. Indeed, if the unification represents efforts by Upper Egyptians at combining their polity with Lower Egypt, then major efforts would most likely have been aimed at incorporation of the Delta into the state. Thus, an Egyptian polity’s resources for conducting foreign affairs were not likely to be abundant. That would explain the limited nature of the Egyptian involvement in the southern Levant and its relative brevity. At some point, for reasons that are unclear, the Egyptians withdrew from the southern Levant, leaving their principal site, Tell es-Sakan abandoned, while at others only local populations remained. Tell es-Sakan, after a hiatus, was only resettled in EB 3. The present evidence suggests the entire time span for the Egyptian colonial episode to have been c. one century or perhaps a bit

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longer, while its overall impact on south Levantine EB 1 and EB 2 material culture was minimal. Thus, there does not appear to be any evidence to back up Greenberg’s (2002: 118) statement that “Egypt introduced new sources of power, new goals and motivations and, concomitantly, new sources of inequality into the local system…” (of the southern Levant), especially as that statement is based on results from a partial survey of a very limited region, the narrow Hula Valley in the very north of Israel. I suggest that on the one hand the Uruk Expansion represents a massive and extremely important episode in the prehistory of the Old World that is, in Swiftian terms, of Brobdingnagian proportions and impact. By contrast, the Egyptian colonial episode was a Lilliputian effort that seems to have had an extremely limited impact on a very conscribed, southwest region of the southern Levant. Overall, when any comparison is made between the Uruk Expansion and the first Egyptian colonial effort in the southern Levant is made, their vast differences in dimensions and their lasting effects argue against any significant degree of similarity. A more insightful comparison suggested to me by Marcin Czarnowicz would be between the Uruk Expansion and that of Upper Egyptians into Lower Egypt, but that is another subject and beyond the scope of this paper. Acknowledgements I am very grateful to Mitchell Rothman for his insightful comments on an early draft of this work and for his helping me to become acquainted with the vast literature on the Uruk Expansion and the Kura-Araxes phenomenon. Bibliography ADAMS, M., 2017. Egypt and the Levant in the Early to Middle Bronze Age Transition [in:] HÖFLMAYER, F. (ed.), The Late Third Millennium in the Ancient Near East: Chronology, C14 and Climate Change. Papers from the Oriental Institute Seminar “The Early/Middle Bronze Age Transition in the Ancient Near East: Chronology, C14, and Climate Change” Held at the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 7–8 March 2014. Oriental Institute Seminars 11. Chicago: 493‒515. ADAMS, M.; FINKELSTEIN, I. & USSISHKIN, D., 2014. The Great Temple of Early Bronze I Megiddo. American Journal of Archaeology 118/2: 285‒305. ALBRIGHT, W.F., 1926. The Jordan Valley in the Bronze Age. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 6: 13‒16. ALGAZE, G., 1989. The Uruk Expansion: Cross-Cultural Exchange in Early Mesopotamian Civilization. Current Anthropology 30/5: 571‒608. ALGAZE, G., 2005. The Uruk World System: The Dynamics of Expansion of Early Mesopotamian Civilization. 2nd Edition. Chicago. AMIRAN, R., 1952. Connections between Anatolia and Palestine in the Early Bronze Age. Israel Exploration Journal 2: 89‒103. AMIRAN, R., 1977. Excavations at Tell Ma’ahaz 1976, 1978. Israel Museum News 12: 63–64.

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ROTHMAN, M., 2001. Introduction [in:] ROTHMAN, M. (ed.), Uruk, Mesopotamia and its Neighbors: Cross-Cultural Interactions in the Era of State Formation. Santa Fe: 1‒26. ROTHMAN, M.S., 2003. Chapter 4: Transcaucasia-Anatolian Interaction in the Murat/ Euphrates Basin at the Beginning of the Third Millennium BC [in:] SMITH, A. & RUBINSON, K. (eds.), Investigations in Archaeology in the Borderlands: Transcaucasia and Beyond. Los Angeles: 95‒110. SCHULMAN, A., 1976. Egyptian seal impressions from ‘En Besor. ‘Atiqot (English Series) 11: 16‒26. SCHULMAN, A., 1980. More Egyptian Seal Impressions from ‘En Besor. ‘Atiqot (English Series) 14: 17‒33. SCHULMAN, A. & GOPHNA, R., 1981. An Archaic Egyptian Serekh from Tel Ma’ahaz. Israel Exploration Journal 31: 165‒167. SCHWARTZ, G.M., 2001. Syria and the Uruk Expansion [in:] ROTHMAN, M.S. (ed.), Uruk Mesopotamia and its Neighbors: Cross-Cultural Interactions in the Era of State Formation. Sante Fe: 233‒264. SOWADA, K., 2009. Egypt in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Old Kingdom: An Archaeological Perspective. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 237. Fribourg/Göttingen. STEIN, G.J., 2000. Material Culture and Social Identity: The Evidence for a 4th Millennium BC Mesopotamian Uruk Colony at Hacınebi, Turkey. Paléorient 25/1: 11‒22. STEIN, G.J. & ALIZADEH, A., 2013. Surezha, Kurdistan. Oriental Institute 2013–2014 Annual Report. Chicago: 132‒146. STROMMENGER, E., 1980. Habuba Kabira: Eine Stadt vor 5000 Jahren. Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft am Euphrat in Habuba Kabira, Syrien. Mainz. VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. & BRAUN, E., 2002. Wine Jars with Serekhs from Early Bronze Lod: Appellation vallée du Nil contrôlée, but for whom? [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. & YANNAI, E. (eds.), In Quest of Ancient Settlements and Landscapes: Archaeological Studies in Honour of Ram Gophna. Tel Aviv: 167‒192. YEGOROV, D. & MILEVSKI, I., 2017. Tel Erani. Hadashot Arkheologiyot / Excavations and Surveys in Israel 129. http://www.hadashot-esi.org.il/report_detail_eng.aspx?id=25179&mag_id=125 (last accessed 26/9/2018). YANNAI, E. & BRAUN, E., 2001. Anatolian and Egyptian Imports from Late EB I at Ain Assawir, Israel. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 321: 41‒56. YEIVIN, S., 1961. First Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Tel ‘Gat’ (Tell Sheykh ‘Ahmed el-‘Areyny): Seasons 1956‒1958. Jerusalem. YEKUTIELI, Y., 1998. The Early Bronze Age I of North Sinai – Social, Economic and Spatial Aspects. Ph.D. Thesis, Ben Gurion University of the Negev (Hebrew with English summary).

THE FLINT MINES OF NORTH GALALA (EASTERN DESERT) FRANÇOIS BRIOIS1, BÉATRIX MIDANT-REYNES2 & FRÉDÉRIC GUYOT3 1 

EHESS, UMR5608 TRACES, Toulouse, France CNRS, UMR5608 TRACES, Toulouse, France 3  Institut français d’archéologie orientale, Cairo, Egypt 2 

The first evidence of flint exploitations in the Wadi Umm Nikhaybar (North Galala) was highlighted at the end of the 19th century by the German botanist Georg Schweinfurth. His work led us to carry on new investigation in order to locate the mentioned sites and to extend the exploration beyond the area previously investigated. Initially, the exploration was based on satellite imagery in order to detect anomalies among the features of the natural landscape, and the field survey began in 2014. We were able to identify the sites discovered 140 years ago, but also to put in light many other mines distributed on about 600 km2, including Wadi Sannur, Wadi Umm Nikhaybar, Wadi Abu Rimth and several other wadis. This flint mining complex constitutes the largest known today in Egypt, prior to the Wadi Sheikh mines, which had been for many years the only reference since their discovery by Seton-Karr at the end of the 19th century. The work undertaken since 2014 allowed us to not only identify and analyse the high level flint technology, but also to identify caravan tracks linking the Nile Valley with the Red Sea via the Wadi Araba. Clear relations with the Wadi Jarf were established. Several camps linked with the mines were excavated and could be precisely dated from the 4th Dynasty. However, some evidence strongly suggests that the North Galala mining began as early as Naqada IIIA–B, and witnessed intensifying production from Naqada IIIC–D onward.

Introduction In 1876, 1877 and 1885, the learned German botanist, Georg Schweinfurth, travelled through northern Galala, in the eastern desert, in order to study the vegetation. In two distinct areas, ‘Wadi Sanour’ and ‘Wadi Ouarag’,1 he discovered localities that he interpreted as flint-knapping workshops (Schweinfurth 1886). This occurred twenty years before the discovery of Wadi el-Sheikh (de Morgan 1926, Seton-Karr 1898), the most important complex of flint exploitation from the Pharaonic Period ever known in Egypt. Surprisingly, whereas artefacts from the Wadi el-Sheikh workshops are displayed in museums throughout the world, the discoveries of the German scholar are shrouded in silence. 1 We opt here for the spelling used for current maps: ‘Sannur’ and ‘Warag’, rather than the old spelling used by Schweinfurth.

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The sites of Wadi Sannur and Wadi Warag, as they were described by Schweinfurth, are characterised by the presence of cores “en forme de pied de cheval très aplati” unlike anything he had seen before. He indicates that he found no traces of debitage workshops anywhere other than in the fossil river bed, and only mentions the presence of a knapping workshop and mines in use during the middle of the 19th century for the production of gun flints for the armies of Méhémet Ali (Schweinfurth 1886). More recently, the geologist James Harrell revisited this region and mentioned a fort from the Ramesside Period linked to flint exploitation near Wadi Umm Nikhaybar (Harrell 2008). This site corresponds to that discovered by Schweinfurth nearly 130 years earlier, although the date of the construction of the New Kingdom is not contested, the date of the nearby flint exploitation is erroneous, as it effectively dates from the middle of the 19th century, as published by Schweinfurth (Briois & Midant-Reynes 2015a). Indeed, it is precisely this mention of gun flint that attracted our interest in 2013, since the material universally employed for this type of industry, particularly in Europe, can only be of excellent quality (Emy 1978). Thus, the flint from Sannur could potentially have been of interest for ancient Egyptian production, and our first field missions proved this idea to have been correct. This result motivated further investigations, which began in 2014. When we started working in this region, the aim was to find the sites discovered by Schweinfurth 140 years ago. We were able to locate the exact place where the cores were found by the German botanist in Wadi Sannur and Wadi Warag and revisit the more recent gunflint exploitation located at the edge of Wadi Umm Nikhaybar. From there, we extended our investigations over a broader geographic area in order to locate the mines, which led to the discovery of many new sites in an area currently covering 600 km² for the region of Wadi Sannur and 35 km² for Wadi Warag (Briois & Midant-Reynes 2019). Geographic position and type of exploitations Gebel el-Galala el-Baharia forms a large limestone plateau to the north of Wadi Araba, between the Nile Valley and the Red Sea (Fig. 1). A vast network of wadis runs through this southwest-sloping plateau, meandering over its surface and sometimes following shallow canyons leading to dry valleys, some of which are very wide-ranging. This is the case for Wadi Sannur, which begins in the southwest of Galala and extends towards the south, and Wadi Warag, which commences in the northwest of Galala and runs towards the northwest. These two wadis lead to the Nile Valley. The currently identified flint exploitations are only located in the upstream environment of these two river systems. The Eocene limestones were carved out to different degrees, revealing levels rich in flint nodules at places, with highly thermoclastic and patinated surfaces, forming parallel dark bands on the hillsides.

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Fig. 1. Map of Egypt locating Wadi Sannur and Wadi Warag (© IFAO D. Laisney).

The flint strata are situated at an altitude of 700 to 720 m, at the source of Wadi Warag, and at an altitude of 500 to 350 m, from the northeast towards the southwest respectively, in the portion of the plateau where the Wadi Sannur flows. The flint nodules are frequently oval-shaped, sometimes tabular, and in rare cases, we observed a facies of thin plates, 1 to 2 cm thick. The dimensions of the nodules can reach 40 to 50 cm, but some tabular flint slabs can reach one metre in length, with a thickness of 5 to 10 cm. The cortex is regular, several millimetres thick, with a grainy aspect and often an orangeybrown colour. The materials observed correspond to a single generally vitreous grey, fine grained and very homogeneous flint type. These materials are only found in Eocene nummulite limestones, which occur in the upper part of the sedimentary stratigraphy, and some flint blocks contain these foraminifera.

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In the scope of this article, we will only present the latest data from ongoing work on Wadi Sannur, as up until now, Wadi Warag has only undergone very preliminary investigations. The many identified mines are grouped together in several sectors where the carving of the wadis and slope erosion has uncovered abundant flint bars in Eocene limestones (Fig. 2). WS100 is one of the main groups of mines. Flint quarrying was mainly carried out by digging out trenches, at times multiple and parallel, which followed several levels of sub-horizontal flint outcropping on the side of a series of hills

Fig. 2. Map showing the archaeological area surveyed by our mission surrounding Wadi Sannur and Wadi Abu Rimth until 2014 (© DAO F. Briois).

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(Fig. 3). Quarry spoil was systematically dumped along one side of the trench. The other side was used for the debitage from large blocks, where knapping waste often formed very large heaps. Other forms of quarrying were observed at the top of flat hills, where flint accessible at shallow depths was extracted from numerous connecting shafts, and extraction waste forms crowns of limestone debris. Site WS118 is quite different. It is situated on a narrow hill that extends over a length of 110 m at a width of 45 m (Fig. 4). The quarry trenches are wide

Fig. 3. View of WS 100 looking west (Photo B. Midant-Reynes).

Fig. 4. View of WS 118 looking east (Photo B. Midant-Reynes).

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(4–5 m) and reach a depth of 2 m. The flint bars form practically continuous levels of 10 to 15 cm thick slabs, about 50 cm long, and were extracted from the front. There are also several oval-shaped nodules of about 20 cm thickness. Fourteen debitage areas form spots of 8 to 160 m2, located around the quarry. Some of these heaps are characterised by very dense accumulations of knapping waste, including blade cores and some fragments of bifacial knife preforms. Site WS328 corresponds to the smallest observed exploitation model. It is located on the edge of Wadi Abu Rimth in a larger exploitation complex (Fig. 5). This miniature quarry, with a diameter of 12 m, is located on the side of a small round hill and the only trench is shaped like a horse shoe. Large knapped blocks and massive flakes surround the edge of the trench and a clearly-defined knapping workshop is located at the top of the hill.

Fig. 5. Map of WS328 and other flint quarries in its topographical context (© IFAO, M. Gaber).

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The complete excavation of this knapping area, which extends over a surface of 6 m², showed that the debitage was only geared towards blade production. The study of the numerous cores found and the refits carried out showed that two categories of craftsmen worked together in the same workshop (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6. Drawing of the flint workshop located at the top of WS328, where 64 blade cores and numerous refittings show two skill levels (© DAO F. Briois, Photo B. Midant-Reynes).

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A first assemblage is represented by 55 laminar sets of debitage, produced by experienced knappers; the second only contains 9 sets of debitage, made by unskilled knappers. The latter probably correspond to young knappers accompanying groups of specialized craftsmen as part of their apprenticeship. Installations linked to flint mining Several logistic base camps were discovered at different points of the vast mining and workshop area around Wadi Sannur. We focused on the study of these sites in order to find the best material for dating. WS005 is on the edge of Wadi Umm Nikhaybar, on the opposite bank to the fort from the Ramesside Period. It is composed of four construction remains, three of which display identical orientation and architecture: a rectangular plan and small annex room (Fig. 7).

Fig. 7. Building structures at WS 005 (at the top) and WS 010 (at the bottom), (© DAO M. Gaber).

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Building A, located on the highest point, is distinguished from the others by (i) its orientation; (ii) its larger dimensions; (iii) the fact that the annex room is outside the main room; (iv) the presence of a pavement. Overall, these structures contained few objects. Only building C contained an exceptional concentration of nearly three hundred, mostly fragmentary, blades from the full debitage phase. This concentration indicates that huge quantities of blades must have been handled and stored in this structure before being transported towards the valley. Another building (WS013), currently being excavated, was discovered about 30 m below WS005, at the base of Wadi Umm Nikhaybar. It corresponds to a vast structure extending over 30 m from north to south and about 20 m from west to east. It is made up of eleven connecting rectangular rooms and three apparently open spaces. More material remains were discovered here than in WS005, but they are of the same type, indicating that the two constructions are contemporaneous. A second site, WS010, located further south, forms a small complex composed of a rectangular plan building (A), comparable to those of site WS005 and a large structure formed by two large adjoining rooms (B) (Fig. 7). A knapping workshop, exposed over a surface of 50 m2, is situated about 30 m from the building. This workshop is specialised in the production of large numbers of narrow and regular blades (Briois & Midant-Reynes 2015b). A third site, WS329, displays a different configuration. It is embedded within the middle of a vast complex of mines and workshops bordering Wadi Abu Rimth (Fig. 5). A long and narrow dry-stone construction, made up of about ten cells, was built on the side of the hill in the continuity of a quarry trench. This construction, not yet excavated, was probably used as a shelter for the teams installed there during periods of flint exploitation. Chronology Precise dating elements from the period when the Wadi Sannur flint mines were in operation were obtained indirectly from the excavation of sites WS005, WS010 and WS013. Although limited, the ceramic repertoire highlights the contemporary nature of these sites that were in activity for a short period during the 4th Dynasty (Guyot, 2018). The vessels are functional forms primarily used for the expeditions’ daily life and are well known in the early Old Kingdom funerary or domestic assemblages (Alexanian 1999). The overwhelming majority of these pottery types are medium-sized storage jars in marl clay, either with a high cylinder-neck with an outward ledge rim or with a flat ribbon lip slightly curved inward (Fig. 8). The beer jars are notably absent from the assemblage. Among the tableware, the most significant and numerous are the carinated Meidum type bowls. Their deep profiles as well as their marked carination are

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Fig. 8. Pottery assemblage. 1-4: medium sized storage jars; 5: hole-mouth jar; 6: Meidum bowl; 7: bread-mould.

hallmarks of the 3rd–4th Dynasties (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2009). However, it has to be noted that about half of these Meidum bowls were imported from the 4th Dynasty establishment of Wadi el-Jarf on the shore of the Red Sea, where these vessels were locally produced by specialised potters working in advance of the expeditions (Tallet & Marouard 2016). Also imported in significant number, are the medium or large size holemouth jars and the large squat jars with a thick trapezoidal rim. As for the bread moulds, they were all produced on the spot and show a deep conical profile typical of the early Old Kingdom. The radiocarbon dates obtained up until now confirm this chronology (Tab. 1).

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Tab. 1. Radiocarbon dates from WS 005C (© IFAO Radiocarbon Lab).

Most of these containers were imported from the Nile Valley filled with supplies for the crews who were exploiting the Sannur flint mines. A much smaller portion has been imported from the settlement of Wadi el-Jarf, where potters’ workshops manufactured large quantities of containers to store water for shipments, which were going through the port before continuing their journey to mining areas on the other side of the Red Sea (Tallet & Marouard 2016; Guyot 2018). These containers circulated following the multiple caravan tracks crossing the Galala and extending to the Red Sea via the Wadi Araba (Tristant & Marouard 2015). Mining and knapping tools The macro-tools found at most of the flint working sites are relatively rare and mostly correspond to circular or sub-spherical hammerstones in grainy limestone from local sedimentary formations. These instruments, with dimensions ranging from 6 to 10 cm, were used for knapping activities, in particular for shaping blade core preforms. Other much larger hammerstones, also in compact limestone, were used for knapping large flint blocks. Large-sized cores and giant flakes from this debitage are frequently found in heaps on the edge of the quarry trenches. Some rare specimens, corresponding to grooved mallets with pecked channel, were probably hafted. Picks, which are abundant in mining contexts in Wadi el-Sheikh (Weiner 2011; Köhler et al. 2017), are practically absent from the Wadi Sannur exploitations. Lithic technology The lithic productions at the Wadi Sannur sites mostly correspond to industrial quantities of blades and bifacial knives, and to a lesser extent, flint bracelets with very similar characteristics to those from the Wadi el-Sheikh workshops (Barket & Yohe 2011; Weiner 2011; Köhler et al. 2017). The analysis of important series from the workshops and the refits carried out provide detailed information on the operating methods. The most classical,

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Fig. 9. Reduction sequence for the blade-cores. 1: bifacial preform; 2: core tablet; 3: crested blade and lateral blades; 4: blade core and triangular blade with rectilinear profile corresponding to the full debitage (Drawings F. Briois, Photos B. Midant-Reynes).

but also the most complex model, involves different phases with a series of precise operations: The first stage involves the selection of a volume of flint, frequently corresponding to a massive flake or a prism selected from naturally fragmented blocks. The first phase of the preform consists in creating an axial crest by bifacial removals in order to obtain a trihedral volume (Fig. 9.1). The rear part, opposite the crest, is generally shaped by flat transverse removals. The second crucial stage consists in the creation of the striking platform. This operation aims to obtain a large smooth and sloping platform and is carried out by the removal of one or several long tablets opening the striking platform, which generally have a facetted butt (Fig. 9.2). The following stage involves the extraction of a crested blade, then removal of the next two blades still bearing traces of crest preparation leading to the creation of a debitage surface (Fig. 9.3). The core is then used for blade production until it is depleted (Fig. 9.4).

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Other forms of flint working with a simpler operating method were also observed. For example, there are cores on small oval-shaped flint nodules where the main stages are the preparation of a smooth and sloping striking platform and the opening of the debitage surface by the removal of cortical blades. There are also cores on large thick flakes, where the lower face corresponds to the striking platform and the upper face to the debitage surface. The main characteristics of the cores are the marked slope of the striking platform and the systematically acute angle formed by the striking platform and the debitage surface (between 30 and 50°). Most of the cores are knapped in unipolar mode, but there are also long prismatic cores knapped in bipolar mode from two opposite striking platforms (Fig. 10). The resulting blades have a triangular morphology, and they generally present two convergent ribs and adopt a rectilinear profile.

Fig. 10. Bipolar blade cores from WS 100 (Photos B. Midant-Reynes).

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We also observed the production of bifacial discs, linked to the chaîne opératoire of bracelet production. We only found relatively rare, systematically broken artefacts, abandoned at different production stages. The first corresponds to a discoidal object, with a diameter of 7 to 9 cm, shaped by flat and centripetal bifacial removals. When the preform is sufficiently thin (about 5 mm) and regular, a perforation is initiated by percussion in the centre. The orifice is then progressively enlarged by several series of oblique retouch actions, which gradually hollow out the central part and reduce the width of the ring. Bifacial knife preforms were also found, corresponding to all manufacturing stages. The most classically observed operating method consists of removing a giant flake from very large blocks of flint. The successive stages involve squaring the morphology of the preform, then thinning it by removing several series of large flat flakes. The preforms found in the workshops were nearly all abandoned after a transverse break occurred during shaping. Based on connections between these artefacts, several morphological categories were identified corresponding to two main chronological phases: – Knives with concave backs correspond to models contemporaneous with the Nagada III C–D Period. This is the case, in particular, for the specimen from WS327 (Fig. 11.1), which corresponds to a model identified in tombs from the 1st Dynasty at Abu Rawash (Montet 1946), for WS118 (Fig. 11.2)

Fig. 11. Several morphologies of bifacial knife preforms from Naqada III C–D (No. 1, 2, 3) until Old Kingdom (No. 4, 5, 6), (Photos B. Midant-Reynes).

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that are comparable to those from the same period at Tell el-Iswid (MidantReynes & Briois 2014), or the large preform from WS703 (Fig. 11.3). – The other types of knives correspond to well-known types from the Old Kingdom, for which typological classifications have been proposed (Pawlik 2006; Tillman 2007). They present a generally convex back and a strongly curved wedge. The tang, which is not stemmed here, is prefigured by a tongue in the continuity of the blade. The example from WS301 evokes the ‘fish-shaped’ type in Pawlik’s classification and the specimen from WS304 is ‘boat-shaped’ (Fig. 11.5). The preform from WS419 is one of the rare artefacts with a rectilinear back and a blade with a regular curve (Fig. 11.6). Conclusions The north Galala Massif corresponds to a vast territory with rich flint resources, like most of the plateaus flanking the banks of the Nile Valley, from Upper Egypt to the Delta. However, the distinguishing feature of the Sannur and Warag sources is the accessibility and the exceptional quality of the flint, which was exploited at an industrial level from the Protodynastic Period until at least the early Old Kingdom. The abundant paths running through this vast territory linked the Nile Valley to the Red Sea, through Wadi Araba. These routes undoubtedly promoted the detection and the exploitation of even the most inconspicuous flint sources in many, now very isolated spots. The logistic bases of the quarry workers and flint craftsmen were set up at key points of the territory near Wadi Sannur, within the passage axis. These bases ensured the smooth-running of the mining exploitation, but also probably served as storage areas for production before being brought to the redistribution centres supplying the consumer sites of the valley. The specialised workshop production focused mainly on bifacial knives, which were used in Protodynastic and Old Kingdom cities in the Nile Delta, such as Tell el-Iswid and Tell Neshed. The productions are similar in type to those of Wadi el-Sheikh, which up until now, was the only large exploitation site known in Egypt. The Galala discoveries thus enhance our field of knowledge, which is still very incomplete. Indeed, the varied types of flints used for the main Egyptian productions point to the presence of other exploitation centres, which have yet to be discovered. Acknowledgements We wish to thank the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), Cairo, Egypt, for permission to conduct our research on Wadi Sannur. We are grateful to Mohammed Ibrahim and Samir Gaber from the Beni-Suef Inspectorate (2014/2015), Haza Abdel Aziz and Mohamed Abdel Ouhab who supervised fieldwork. We also thank Mohamed Gaber, Hassan Mohamed Hassan, Mohamed Hussein and

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the Reis Gamal Nasr al-Din for their precious and amical collaboration. Fieldwork was financed by the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire, by the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (research direction) and by the UMR 5608-TRACES in Toulouse. Bibliography ALEXANIAN, N., 1999. Dahschur II: Das Grab des Prinzen Netjer-aperef. Die Mastaba 11/1 in Dahschur. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 56. Mainz. BARKET, T.M. & YOHE, R.M., 2011. A Technological Evaluation of the Flint Blade-Core Reduction Sequence at Wadi El-Sheikh, Middle Egypt. Lithic Technology 36/1: 27–38. BRIOIS, F. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2015a. Sur les traces de Georg August Schweinfurth: Les sites d’exploitation du silex d’époque pharaonique dans le massif du Galala nord (désert Oriental). Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 114/1: 73‒98. BRIOIS, F. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2015b. Wadi Sannur: Rapport d’activité 2014‒2015. Supplément au Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 115: 49‒55. http://www.ifao.egnet.net/uploads/rapports/Rapport_IFAO_2014-2015.pdf BRIOIS, F. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2019. Recent Discovery: The Flint Mines of North Galala (Eastern Desert) between the Nile Valley and the Red Sea. Egyptian Archaeology 54: 24–31. DE MORGAN, J., 1926. La préhistoire orientale, T. II: L’Égypte et l’Afrique du Nord. Ouvrage posthume publié par Louis Germain. Paris. EMY, J. & de TINGUY, B., 1978. Histoire de la pierre à fusil. Blois. GUYOT, F., 2018. The 4th Dynasty Flint Quarries in the North Galala Plateau: A Ceramic Approach. Bulletin de la céramique égyptienne 28: 183–361. HARRELL, J.A., 2008. New Discoveries at Two Dynastic Chert Quarries. Paper presented at the 59th Annual Meeting of the American Research Center in Egypt, Grand Hyatt Seattle. http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p237225_index.html HENDRICKX, S. & EYCKERMAN, M., 2009. The 1955 Excavation of an Early Old Kingdom Storage Site at Elkab [in:] CLAES, W.; DE MEULENAERE, H. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Elkab and Beyond: Studies in Honour of Luc Limme. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 191. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 1‒30. KÖHLER, C.; HART, E. & KLAUNZER, M., 2017. Wadi el-Sheikh: A New Archaeological Investigation of Ancient Egyptian Chert Mines. PLoS ONE 12/2: 1‒38. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BRIOIS, F., 2014. Les industries de pierre taillée [in:] MIDANTREYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid 2006‒2009. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 73. Le Caire: 195‒213. MONTET, P., 1946. Tombeaux de la Ière et de la IVe dynasties à Abou-Roach, deuxième partie: inventaire des objets. Kêmi 8: 157‒227. PAWLIK, A., 2006. The Lithic Industry of the Pharaonic Site Kom al-Ahmar in Middle Egypt and its Relationship to the Flint Mines of the Wadi al-Sheikh [in:] KÖRLIN, G. & WEISGERBER, G. (eds.), Stone Age – Mining Age. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 19: 545–561. SCHWEINFURTH, G.A., 1886. Les ateliers des outils en silex dans le désert oriental de l’Égypte. Bulletin de l’Institut Égyptien 6 (Année 1885): 229‒238. SETON-KARR, H.W., 1898. Discovery of the lost Flint Mines of Egypt. The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 27: 90‒92.

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TALLET, P. & MAROUARD, G., 2016. The Harbor Facilities of King Khufu on the Red Sea Shore: The Wadi al-Jarf/Tell Ras Budran System. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 52: 135‒177. TILLMANN, A., 2007. Neolithikum in der späten Bronzezeit: Steingeräte des 2. Jahrtausend aus Auaris-Piramesse [in:] PUSCH, B. & BIETAK, M. (eds), Forschungen in der Ramses-Stadt: Die Grabungen des Pelizaeus Museums Hildesheim in Qantir-Pi-Ramesse 4. Hildesheim. TRISTANT, Y. & MAROUARD, G., 2015. Rapport d’activité 2014‒2015: Le survey du Ouadi Araba. Supplément au Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 215: 20‒24. WEINER, J., 2011. Typologie und Technologie von Steinartefakten aus dem altägyptischen Hornsteinbergbau-Revier im Wadi el-Sheikh, Ägypten. Der Anschnitt. Zeitschrift für Kunst und Kultur im Bergbau 4–5: 130‒156.

TECHNICAL TRADITION AND CHANGES: DATA FROM THE EXCAVATIONS OF THE SITE OF TELL EL-ISWID (EASTERN DELTA) NATHALIE BUCHEZ1, BÉATRIX MIDANT-REYNES1, JADE BAJEOT2, RACHID EL-HAJAOUI, JULIE GEREZ3, SAMUEL GUERIN3, MATHILDE MINOTTI4 1  Inrap, Hautes-de-France, Glisy – UMR5608 TRACES, Toulouse, France Sapienza University of Rome, Dipartemento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Italy 3  UMR 8164 HALMA, Lille III, France 4  UMR5608 TRACES, Toulouse, France

2 

Since 2013, the excavations at Tell el-Iswid have focused on the deposits related to Lower Egyptian Cultures (LEC), which occur below the Naqadian levels. The base of the LEC stratigraphy has now been reached over an area of 64 m2 and measures up to 2 m thick or more in places. From the beginning, a type of multicellular enclosure made of a light vegetal frame with coating is an important, if not major element of the occupation. At the present stage of the excavations, another construction mode, mudbrick architecture, appears suddenly at the end of the LEC sequence, which suggests a rupture with the traditional architecture. Moreover, the construction techniques and the general plan (a kind of enclosure associated with a corner room) are quite similar to those brought to light at Tell el-Farkha and highlight a more general phenomenon. This phenomenon predates the phase where two ways of producing pots, using the same local Nile clay, co-exist at Tell el-Iswid. It predates the phase where we can identify a new, exogenous, pot-making tradition, which involves, at least in the first stage of the process, a new group of potters.

Introduction The excavations led by the French Institute of Archaeology in Egypt (IFAO) at the Predynastic site of Tell el-Iswid began in 2006 with the financial support of the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs. They followed on from the test excavations carried out in 1987 by a Dutch team led by E.C.M. van den Brink (1989: 57–58). Tell el-Iswid is situated in Sharquiya Province, 14 km northwest of Faqus and 6 km southeast of Tell Râk (Fig. 1). It was occupied for much of the 4th millennium and the beginning of the 3rd millennium. Since 2013, the work has focused on excavating deposits related to Lower Egyptian Cultures (hereafter LEC), which occur below the Naqadian levels. A 700 m2 area is currently being excavated (Fig. 1), but the base of the LEC stratigraphy, which is 2 m thick or more in places, has only been reached over an area of 64 m2. Nonetheless, this indicated that the same construction mode was used throughout the whole LEC occupation, consisting of lightweight and often reworked buildings implanted in relatively deep trenches. At this present

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Fig. 1. Tell el-Iswid. Location (© J. Cavero).

stage, the excavation status shows that another construction mode, namely, mudbrick architecture, is only represented at the end of the LEC sequence. Lightweight architecture Throughout the excavated area, the architecture consists mainly of constructions in light materials embedded within trenches. The infilling of these trenches does not contain a particularly high proportion of clayey materials, but rather, quite variable types of sediment. In the earliest trenches, dug directly into the Gezirah, the filling is sandy and shows little variation from the natural surrounding ground. It is also noteworthy that the fillings generally contain a relatively high quantity of anthropogenic remains (sherds, flint, bones etc.). These fills thus appear to be backfill. In addition, we repeatedly observed calcified, more-or-less joined vertical remains in situ, pressed against one of the trench walls (Buchez et al. 2017: Fig. 5). Samples taken from some of these trenches contain numerous morphotypes of bark and wood phytoliths. The excavation and the sieving of the sediments from the structures and the different LEC occupation layers have yielded an impressive quantity of fire-altered elements from the dismantling of earth constructions. In 2016,

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a 300 kg sample of these elements was sorted and quantified on the basis of typo-morphological criteria. A total of 60 % of the fragments are less than 3 cm and only 14 % are over 5 cm long. The proportion of elements presenting identifiable characteristics is thus low (30 %). Most of the fragments (nearly 50 % of the determinate remains) come from plano-convex bricks, including several whole or almost-whole specimens.1 A second group of remains is made up of fragments of coating, 0.5 to 4 cm thick, some of which present traces of smoothing (Gerez 2015–2016: Fig. 4). On account of the presence of fibrous imprints, the possibility of coating on light vegetal structures cannot be ruled out. They suggest an earthen coating on a vegetal segment; however, they may not, or may not all be architectural remains. The term daub can only be used when the imprints reveal the presence of a wooden frame. This typological category only represents a small part of the studied sample (less than a kilogramme, 0.3 % of the whole, and less than 20 % of the determined elements); out of 145 fragments, only 15 present wooden imprints and a plane surface. The maximum thickness is 3 cm, and 2.7 cm for the fragments with imprints and a plane surface. If we double these values, we can estimate that the walls from which these fragments came were no thicker than 6 cm. The imprints mostly correspond to round branches, although some of them are from split wood (Gerez 2015–2016: Fig. 4). Their cross-section is between 0.7 and 2.9 cm, with an average of 1 to 2 cm. It is important to recall that daub is not well preserved when it is not accidentally heated. However, considering the small number of identified fragments, we cannot demonstrate the widespread use of wattle and daub at the site. From a technical viewpoint, the layout of the vegetal frame and the type and use of earthen elements (filling, wrapping, coating, etc.) can present different variants (Perello 2015). At Tell el-Iswid, the size of the observed imprints is similar to that of the calcified vertical reed-type elements brought to light on the edges of the construction trenches (cf. above). Therefore, all of the studied remains point to the use of the earth as a coating for this light structure. This explains the need to stabilise this light structure by pegging it into the ground, and the easiest way of doing this was to dig out trenches and then fill them in. Post holes were observed along these walls, but we cannot establish if they were regularly or systematically spaced. We must admit that part of the structures of this type, i.e. small-sized holes, may have gone unnoticed by the excavators due to the complexity of the stratigraphy (cf. below). However, it is unlikely that organised supporting structures could have been overlooked. Small clay structures may have been used to wedge posts (Buchez 1 It is widely accepted that the use of these modelled elements is not directly linked to the architectural domain (except in cases of reuse). No data from Iswid can confirm or disprove this hypothesis.

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et al. 2017), but their distribution also appears to be random. At the scale of the excavated zone, the posts seem to have been mainly used to reinforce the stability of certain walls, which does not exclude their use for supporting limited light roof elements. Alongside this study on Lower Egypt, we can cite examples of reed mat fences brought to light in Upper Egypt at Hierakonpolis. The elements held together by a transverse tie, and held in place on a network of vertical small posts, were coated (see Hierakonpolis-online). This construction mode at Tell-Iswid site, which was occupied for a long period of time, results in a complex stratigraphy and makes excavations difficult. Traces can be very subtle and the opening of trenches can be difficult to identify. In addition, due to incessant reworking, overlapping confuses our overall vision of the site. As we excavate further down, the problem becomes even more acute: the initial layout is fragmented by successive digging and is very difficult to distinguish. In this context, the analysis of the data is based on a constant comparison with the logic of the stratigraphy and the plan. Our understanding of

Fig. 2. Tell el-Iswid, Area 4. Plan of the oldest Lower Egyptian Cultures architectural remains (© N. Buchez).

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the site today will necessarily become more refined and coherent as the study area expands. For the time being, the only recurring form corresponds to complex, multicelled layouts, which can be considered as remains of enclosure systems with multiple purposes. From the beginning of the LEC occupation in Area 4, this type of enclosure is an important, if not the main element of the occupation (Fig. 2). It is also possible that these complexes may have been partially covered (cf. above) and were related to the domestic sphere, considering the presence of structures containing evidence of combustion, some of which were relatively permanent. We also find these multicellular systems during a recent phase of the LEC sequence, at the site of Tell el-Fara’in/Buto (Hartung et al. 2016), and they also appear on the non-sequenced plan of the site of Tell el-Farkha (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: Fig. 7 & 21). Other layouts have not been reported at Tell elIswid, such as single-celled quadrangular spaces about 3 m wide. They have been described at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto for the same period and we can detect them on the plan of Tell el-Farkha (cf. supra). They are also known at Maadi for an earlier period, where they were considered by the excavators to have a function related to animal penning, as a counterpoint to a habitation in the strict sense of the term with a different layout: oval-shaped organisation of posts (Rizkana & Seeher 1989). Mudbrick architecture A mudbrick construction was identified in a final phase of the LEC stratigraphic sequence (Fig. 3). It is made up of two perpendicular 1.2 m thick walls (the junction of which is interrupted by an irrigation canal and a plundering pit), a corner room and a possible wall or low wall located further north (beyond the irrigation canal). The 0.80 m thick walls enclosing the corner delineate a 6 m by 3 m quadrangular space. What appear to be three post-holes form an alignment in the longitudinal axis and half-way across the width of the room. This configuration is probably linked to the presence of a horizontal element in this location, resting on the posts and supporting a roof. The diameter of the post-holes was 18 to 22–24 cm and they were 20 to 40 cm deep. No wedges have been observed. Two other small pits of similar dimensions (diameter of 24 to 26 cm), but not as deep (7 to 12 cm), were recorded in the same area. One is near the southern wall of the room, where the wall is interrupted. At the entrance, which is marked out by this interruption of about 1.20 m in the southern wall, we do not observe a constructed threshold, but the presence of a blackened and compacted layer, indicating that this is a zone of passage. It is unlikely that an opening towards the exterior existed, but we cannot totally rule out the

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Fig. 3. Tell el-Iswid, Area 4. Plan of the mudbrick architecture (© M. Gaber & N. Buchez).

possibility that there may have been one in the corner, due to modern disturbances (cf. above). The only remains associated with the first occupation of this room are two small lemon-shaped bottles (Guyot 2015–2016: Fig. 6/2–3) found lying on the base of the western wall with their respective lids, made of two reshaped sherds that had fallen in front (Fig. 3 & 4/5). The small structure had evidence of combustion in the north-western area where the space is made up of a series of blackish layers interspersed with rare red thermos-altered nodules, probably belonging to a phase where the posts no longer existed. Outside this room, the deposits and structures linked to the occupation phase are just as difficult to understand. At the present stage of excavation, we can note that; the deposits resulting from this occupation are thin; as the sediments contain little organic matter. We also observed that what can possibly be considered as in situ fire structures display a disturbed or eroded aspect, unless this simply represents occasional surface waste. For example, we noted a heap of whitish to pinkish

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concretions (ashes?), associated with two large sherds and a silty mass (brick fragment?). Again here, the only clearly in situ remains is a pottery vessel, an open bowl-type form (Guyot 2015–2016: Fig. 6/5), which was found placed against the wall (Fig. 3 & 4/3–4).

Fig. 4. Tell el-Iswid, Area 4. The mudbrick architecture, in situ remains: 1–2, jar; 3–4, bowl; 5, small lemon-shaped bottles (© R. El-Hajaoui).

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Lastly, a large storage jar was found in the same stratigraphic position beyond the northern wall, in position against the wall and covered by collapsed wall elements (Fig. 3 & 4/1–2). It was embedded in a narrow pit and only its upper part and its lid system (an upside-down bowl), must have protruded beyond the floor level. No other finds were discovered in the homogenous sandy sediment filling the pit. This architectural complex consists of thick walls surrounding an open space, which can be considered as enclosing walls. A single covered area or room has been identified, leaning against the walls, and the walls of the room and the enclosure walls are bound together. The use of various bonds based on the alternation of stretchers and headers is similar to the general characteristics of constructions during the Naqada IIIA2–B period. However, we observe here the use of two sizes of moulded bricks: small bricks with the same dimensions as Naqada IIIA2–B bricks (30/26 cm × 15/13 cm), and larger bricks (43/40 cm × 23/21 cm), used for the lowest layers. In so far as the same features are observed at Tell el-Farkha (Chłodnicki 2016), for architecture from the same period, we can refer to a construction mode. Other similarities with Tell el-Farkha are also evident, although the plans of the two complexes (Tell el-Farkha and Tell el-Iswid) are incomplete: delimitation of a vast area, initial configuration characterised by a corner room, of similar dimensions (Chłodnicki 2016). Conclusions The available data for Lower Egypt does not point to a long tradition of the use of earthen materials, apart from as coatings on a light frame. This type of light architecture seems to have been used until a phase correlating with IIIA1 of the Naqadian chronology, at Tell el-Iswid as at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto in the western part of the Delta (Hartung et al. 2016). In other words, current data does not indicate a tradition of the use of earth to attain upright load-bearing masonry (walls in cob, technique also referred as “monolithic adobe” or walls made up of prefabricated elements, which are adobe or bricks). However, it is important to recall; 1) that cob constructions do not last well and thus, it is extremely difficult to bring these structures to light; 2) that only generally restricted excavations concern the Delta that ultimately limit the scope of such observations. The moulded mudbrick architecture of Tell el-Iswid and Tell el-Farkha involves very different skills to those used for the traditional light material enclosures. These kinds of architecture dominate prior to the erection of the mudbrick building and appear to persist after its demolition. This is well attested at Tell el-Iswid where the remains of the walls are intersected by the digging of new construction trenches (Fig. 3/3). Yet, in the architectural domain, traditional construction practices appear to be firmly entrenched and particularly binding, as shown by ethnographic observations. Innovation is

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slow and gradual. The current state of knowledge on Predynastic occupations in the Delta suggests that the sudden appearance of these mudbrick constructions cannot be considered as the simple adoption of new practices by local communities through a spreading process. The appropriation of new methods of construction supposes, at least initially, the presence of constructors from outside the Delta communities. However, at the same time ceramic production is made locally. Imported objects from the south of Egypt are relatively rare, indicating that they arrived in the Delta via contacts with the southern communities, and tangible indicators of exchanges with the Levant are likewise, still sparse. The technological study of the ceramic assemblages of Tell el-Iswid, which began in 2015 and continued in 2017, shows that the situation only changed during the subsequent period (Naqada IIIA2–B). Our goal for this paper is to underline the initial main results of a study that will be developed in forthcoming papers. The aim of this approach is to understand the techniques that the Predynastic potters of the LEC phase and of the Naqada IIIA2–B period used to make their pottery. Again, on the basis of ethnographic records, we know that the techniques used for fashioning pots are part of the traditions of a social group (Roux 2016). For this reason, they are representative of its identity and are very stable over time, unlike the forms of pots, which change in response to user demand. During Naqada IIIA2–B, the techniques used during the previous period still persist, but we observed the occurrence of new, clearly different pot-making techniques, in particular for roughouts. Thus, two ways of producing pots, using the same local Nile clay, co-exist during the Naqada IIIA2–B period and this probably indicates that, at least initially, two different groups of producers co-existed at the site (Bajeot & Roux 2019). One of these groups introduced a new, exogenous, tradition considered as the Naqadian tradition. The use of moulded mudbricks also became widespread during this same period in domestic architecture in Egypt (e.g. at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto or Elephantine, Kopp 2006; Hartung et al. 2016), probably in connection with the profound economic and social transformations related to the phenomenon of the emergence of the state, which does not clearly appear before the 1st Dynasty. But that is another topic, or another phase of history. Here, we are concerned with an earlier phenomenon, which does not seem to result from a simple internal process, at least from the point of view of technical evolution. The identification of mudbrick architecture at Tell el-Iswid reiterates the discoveries at Tell el-Farkha and implies that this is a more general phenomenon and not an exceptional indicator linked to the status of a site. Having established this, we do not yet have definitive arguments concerning the nature of the structures, or a sufficiently detailed chronology to really appreciate what this phenomenon represents.

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We can only underline the imposing aspect of these constructions, which contrasts with the type of occupations elsewhere. However, must we consider them as collective buildings, cultural places, or as part of a broader meaning, gathering places? Or can we speak of “residences”; in other words, the social differentiation of habitation types? The types of remains of objects and buildings associated with these constructions at Tell el-Farkha could effectively imply that this is the case: in particular two mace heads and a necklace with four beads composed of a gold leaf (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012) for the objects; brewing structures for the building remains (Ciałowicz 2012). The mudbrick constructions point a priori to a rupture with traditional architecture, and raise questions related to the type of mechanisms behind this rupture, which may involve population movements. This avenue of research now requires further exploration. Bibliography BAJEOT, J. & ROUX, V., 2019. The Lower Egyptian Culture: New Perspectives through the Lense of Ceramic Technology, Archéo-Nil 29: 157–178. BUCHEZ, N.; GUÉRIN, S.; EL-HAJAOUI, R.; MINOTTI, M. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2015‒ 2016. Les opérations de terrain [in:] BUCHEZ, N. & MIDANT-REYNES, B. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid. Rapport d’activité 2015‒2016. Supplément au Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 116: 49‒52. http://www.ifao.egnet.net/ifao/recherche/rapports-activites (accessed March 30, 2018). BUCHEZ, N.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; BRÉAND, G.; BRIOIS, F.; EL-HAJAOUI, R.; GUÉRIN, S.; GUYOT, F.; HOCHSTRASSER-PETIT, C.; MINOTTI, M. & ROBITAILLE, J., 2017. Lower Egyptian Culture Settlement at Tell el-Iswid in the Nile Delta [in:] MIDANTREYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th‒18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 35‒48. CHŁODNICKI, M. & GEMING, M.M., 2012. Lower Egyptian Settlement on the Central Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 89‒104. CHŁODNICKI, M., 2016. Beginnings of Mud Brick Architecture in Egypt: A Case Study from Kom C at Tell el-Farkha [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT, Y. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th‒30th July 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 21‒32. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. 2012. Lower Egyptian Settlement on the Western Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998-2011. Poznań/Kraków: 149‒162. GEREZ, J., 2015‒2016. Les éléments en terre CBE [in:] BUCHEZ, N. & MIDANT-REYNES, B. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid: Rapport d’activité 2015‒2016. Supplément au Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 116: 54, fig. 4. http://www.ifao.egnet.net/ifao/recherche/rapports-activites (accessed March 30, 2018).

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GUYOT, F., 2015‒2016. La céramique CBE [in:] BUCHEZ, N. & MIDANT-REYNES, B. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid: Rapport d’activité 2015‒2016. Supplément au Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 116 : 53‒55. http://www.ifao.egnet.net/ifao/recherche/rapports-activites (accessed March 30, 2018). HARTUNG, U.; HARTMANN, R.; KINDERMANN, K.; RIEMER, H. & STÄHLE, W., 2016. Tell el-Faraʽin – Buto: 12. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 72: 73‒126. Hierakonpolis. City of the Hawk. Explore the Predynastic Settlement. HK 11 – Settlement Features. http://www.hierakonpolis-online.org (accessed March 30, 2018). PERELLO, B., 2015. Pisé or not pisé? Problème des techniques traditionnelles de la construction en terre sur les archéologiques. ArchéOrient – Le Blog. 4 septembre 2015. https://archeorient.hypotheses.org/4562 (accessed March 30, 2018). KOPP, P., 2006. Elephantine XXXII: Die Siedlung der Naqadazeit. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 118. Mainz am Rhein. RIZKANA, I. & SEEHER, J., 1989. Maadi III: The Non-Lithic Small Finds and the Structural Remains of the Predynastic Settlement. Excavations at the Predynastic Site of Maadi and its Cemeteries Conducted by M. Amer and I. Rizkana on Behalf of the Department Geography, Faculty of Arts of Cairo University 1930‒1953. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 80. Mainz am Rhein. ROUX, V., 2016. Des céramiques et des hommes: Décoder les assemblages archéologiques. Nanterre. VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M., 1989. A Transitional Late Predynastic: Early Dynastic Settlement Site in the Northeastern Nile Delta, Egypt. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 45: 55–108.

EXPANDING LOGICS: ANOTHER VIEW ON THE POLITICAL UNIFICATION PROCESS IN THE NILE VALLEY MARCELO CAMPAGNO University of Buenos Aires & National Council of Scientific Research, Argentina

In the beginning of the 4th millennium BCE, the socio-political landscape of the Nile Valley can be described in terms of a multitude of autonomous village communities. A millennium later, a single political entity would rule between the Nile’s First Cataract and the Mediterranean Sea. Despite its magnitude, the process of change is poorly known. Here I will try to consider this process as the unfolding of three social logics, which had to coexist at least from the mid-4th millennium on: the logics of kinship, the state, and patronage. In this sense, the state logic, expansive in nature and based on the monopoly of coercion, is fundamental to understand the process that generates new political ties at the supra-local scale. But at the same time, the logics of kinship and patronage may have been significant in making stable bonds of subordination, through practices related to consensus, at least at the level of elites. I will suggest that theoretical research should be less focused on the elaboration of a sequence of hypothetical events, and more directed towards the formulation of a model that takes into account the complementary articulation between these three logics in the shaping of a new sociopolitical order.

Introduction Perhaps one of the least understood aspects of the early history of the Nile Valley is the process of political unification, which, over the course of the 4th millennium BCE, leads to the subordination of a multiplicity of socio-politically autonomous communities to a political entity capable of imposing decisions on a vast territory, from the First Cataract of the Nile to the Mediterranean Sea (Köhler 2008b: 535–536; 2010: 47). It is true that there have been many interpretations of such a process. However, the proposed models tend to simplify the issue too much, or to shift the focus towards other matters, avoiding the central problem of political expansion. For decades, the main model regarding political unification saw it as the outcome of an almost exclusively military process, in which a kingdom established in Upper Egypt achieved unity either through victory over a symmetrically arranged kingdom in Lower Egypt, or through a process of gradual conquest of the northern lands (e.g. Petrie 1912; Sethe 1930; Emery 1961; Pirenne 1961). This interpretation has now fallen into disuse, both because of its oversimplification of the problem and the lack of supporting evidence. As such, it has been superseded by two alternative

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models based on very different theoretical assumptions about the main characteristics of the epoch. In the first case, a group of interpretations about political unification is based on the still prevailing neo-evolutionist perspective, which tends to characterise the process in terms of stages of gradual development, wherein each stage involves a greater level of integration (e.g. Kaiser 1990; Wilkinson 2000a; Savage 2001; Anđelković 2004). However, little is said about the specific features of the socio-political process, which is usually reduced to a context of competition of ever-increasing scale between different polities. Inasmuch as these interpretations explicitly or implicitly rest on the perception that historical changes can be seen as stages that go from lesser to greater levels, these explanations of the unification process ultimately refer to a general model that predicts the evolutionary steps in organisation from tribes to chiefdoms to states. Unification is therefore seen as a natural outcome of a growth process: a new level, often considered, anachronistically, as a ‘national’ stage. In the second case, a more recent series of interpretations exists, which relies on the postmodern critique of evolutionism (e.g. Wengrow 2006; Stevenson 2016). These perspectives have the virtue of avoiding the assumption that processes of change are limited to more or less predetermined stages of growth; however, since these approaches tend to focus on the ideological aspects of the epoch, they do not provide a sufficiently clear explanation of the issue of political unification. Topics such as the treatment of bodies, ‘theatres of sacrifice’, or ‘ideological negotiations’ can be intellectually attractive and they are surely useful for understanding the ways in which social distancing between the elites and the rest of the population take place, but they do very little to help understand how a political elite could impose decisions over people who lived hundreds of kilometres away. The logics of kinship, the state, and patronage At this point, I would like to propose a reflection on the process of political unification of the Nile Valley according to an identification of social logics, i.e. the different forms of articulation created by practices that produce social ties, which may have intervened in such dynamics of change. I will suggest that the three main social logics identifiable in later times; that is, the logics of kinship, the state, and patronage (see Campagno 2011; 2017), are also decisive for understanding this initial process of political integration. In this sense, what I call ‘logic of kinship’ refers to a kind of social structuring based on reciprocity principles or, as Marshall Sahlins (2011: 2–3) has said, on a certain ‘mutuality of being’. It is the social logic par excellence in local communities, both before and after the emergence of the state, and it is also the main logic through which the elites are internally articulated, once the state arises.

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With regard to the ‘logic of the state’, it alludes to a completely different type of social organisation, which implies a social split between a minority, which holds the legitimate monopoly of coercion, and the majority of society (Weber 1978 [1922]; Clastres 1980). State logic has a much broader scale of intervention than kinship logic, thus implying the existence of enforcement mechanisms that ensure the execution of orders and the extraction of surplus labour from producers through taxation. As for the ‘logic of patronage’, it refers to a type of social structuring based on interpersonal ties of ‘asymmetric reciprocity’ (Westbrook 2005: 11; see Gellner & Waterbury 1977), which connect patrons and clients. It implies a type of social subordination; however, unlike the state logic, it is not based on the legitimate monopoly of coercion, but rather on an exchange in which patrons grant protection to their clients and receive the loyalty of the latter. Throughout ancient Egyptian history, the coexistence of these three logics has been fundamental to socio-political organisation. In fact, it has been significant since early times. Let us consider the stela of Merka, a high official at the end of the 1st Dynasty (Emery 1958: Pl. 39; see Wilkinson 1999: 148–149; Köhler 2008a: 386–388; Campagno 2017: 780–781). On the one hand, Merka certainly highlights several functions he performed as a state official, both within the context of the Palace and the exterior, as Ꜥḏ-mr zmjt (administrator of desert areas), or as ḫrp (inspector) who controls different places. But, on the other hand, Merka also indicates in his stela that he was a jrj-pꜤt, i.e. a member of a very restricted group related to the monarch (pꜤt), probably connected through kinship ties. He also includes the title of šms nzwt, ‘follower of the King’, which evokes a relationship of personal proximity, and clear subordination to the monarch and can be rightly interpreted within the framework of the logic of patronage. In this way, Merka is simultaneously connected to state logic as an official who executes orders received from the central court, to kinship logic as a member of the group pꜤt, and to patronage logic given the personal ties he had with the monarch. Thus, for the purposes of the present discussion, we can consider the 1st Dynasty to represent the terminus ante quem for the importance of the three logics in the early socio-political organization of the Nile Valley. To consider the terminus post quem, the funerary evidence from Hierakonpolis offers several hints that allow us to think about the possible coexistence of these three logics in much earlier times. On the one hand, at the beginning of Naqada II, we notice the simultaneous presence of different cemeteries, which suggests a considerable process of social segregation. Such a process is particularly noteworthy when comparing Cemetery HK6 to the contemporary Cemetery HK43, the first of which includes the more complex tombs of the period, while the second contains much simpler graves, probably corresponding to the general population of Hierakonpolis (Friedman 2008; see also Friedman

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et al. 1999; 2011; 2017). Such a segregation process coincides with other lines of evidence that point to a dynamic of accelerated population concentration, which implies interactions among populations of heterogeneous origins, as well as to different forms of labour specialisation, the emergence of large-scale architecture, and the existence of various forms of intra- or inter-societal violence, suggesting the possible presence of the state logic as the general mode of articulation of the urban realm and its rural hinterland (Campagno 2011). On the other hand, in addition to the state logic, if we look more closely at those same cemeteries, hints of other social logics seem to appear. With regard to Cemetery HK43, the distribution of tombs into subgroups arranged in circles can be related, through ethnographic analogies, to kinship criteria, which could point to the continuous relevance of the logic of kinship to the organisation of the general population in Hierakonpolis (Friedman et al. 1999: 4). As for the elite Cemetery HK6, the funerary complex related to Tomb 16 includes a larger, central tomb surrounded by subsidiary graves of smaller dimensions. Furthermore, another complex shows a strong contrast between Tomb 72 and a group of adjacent subsidiary burials (Tombs 50–62) that seem to be associated with the main tomb (Friedman et al. 2011: 159–185; 2017). This organisation of funerary space, especially when considered alongside similar funerary practices of later periods, might point to the existence of personal bonds of subordination that can be associated with the logic of patronage (Friedman 2009: 5). The evidence from other contemporary sites in Upper Egypt is too limited to detect the possible coexistence of these logics. However, at Naqada, for instance, this is the time in which Cemetery T is established, whose tombs of greater wealth and size also suggest a process of social segregation (Bard 1994: 77–109; van Wetering 2017). Such a process would take place within a context characterised by greater concentration of population and, somewhat later, by the probable use of administrative devices such as seals and tokens, all of which allow us to think about the unfolding of the state logic (Di Maria 2007; Hassan et al. 2017). At the same time, the existence of several burial grounds in simultaneous use seems to point to the ongoing importance of kinship logic as a criterion for the grouping of burials, particularly within the local elite (van Wetering 2017: 541–543). Be this as it may, what is worth highlighting here is that, faced with the subsequent process of political unification, it is possible to infer that the fundamental logics that created social bonds throughout Egyptian history were already operating in Upper Egypt, at the local level, at least since mid-Naqada II.1 1 The situation at contemporary Abydos is more difficult to understand. Cemetery U may have been a segregated burial ground since late Naqada I in contrast with other communal cemeteries. However, there is a hiatus in the use of Cemetery U during early Naqada II, and the demographic

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Of course, this is not to say that Egyptian society, as it is understood for the subsequent millennia, was completely structured by mid-4th millennium BCE. However, it is possible to consider that, during that time, the main sociopolitical dynamics of certain polities could already have been based on these social logics. That is to say, we can assume the existence of local elites that would be capable of imposing their decisions on the majority in the urban realm as well as in the rural hinterland, due to their ability to exert legitimate coercion. But at the same time, the logic of kinship could continue to be decisive for the internal articulation of both the elites and the different subgroups of the subordinated population. In addition, certain leaders could engage in more direct ties of personal subordination with an entourage of followers through the logic of patronage. The unfolding of the logic of the state Now, what kind of relationship can be established between the early presence of these logics of social organisation and the process of political unification that takes place in the last centuries of the 4th millennium BCE? At this point, it is necessary to focus firstly on the logic of the state. It could be said that, by its very nature, state logic is decidedly expansive. Indeed, the very action of imposition that state logic carries with it, acts as a vectorial force that travels from the pole that takes decisions to the pole that must accept them. Certainly, not every state action unfolds limitlessly in space: different political, logistical, and ideological factors may limit that effect. But there is a homology, which is not merely formal, between the state logic’s capacity to impose and its capacity to expand throughout a territory. It is likely that wars of conquest provide the context in which the association between the capacity to impose and to expand throughout a territory is most evident. Of course, there is no reason to assume the existence of large-scale wars: the coexistence, throughout Naqada II, of urban nucleuses like Hierakonpolis and Naqada, at a distance of little more than 100 km from each other and well connected by the river, suggests that conflicts were waged on a local scale. Only at the beginning of Naqada III, the possible crisis of Naqada, which some researchers associate with the warlike scenes in the graffiti at Gebel Tjauti (Hendrickx & Friedman 2003), could indicate a jump in the scale of wars, up to a regional level (see Campagno 2004: 697–700).2 level of the area seems to have been low (see Wilkinson 2000: 378–380, 382; Patch 2004: 914; van Wetering 2017: 544–546). 2 The archaeological evidence of wars in Predynastic Egypt is scant when compared to other historical contexts of early warfare. However, we should not expect much more than what we have. Firstly, the preservation of unambiguous archaeological evidence of warfare is always difficult. Secondly, there is some evidence of warfare in Predynastic Nile Valley such as weapons,

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From early on, the territorial expansion of the state logic could find favourable conditions in early Egyptian conceptions about foreigners as representatives of chaotic forces, who threaten the cosmic order, and the warlike role of leadership in repelling them (Köhler 2002; De Wit 2008: 107–115). On the one hand, the perception of the leader as the divine guarantor of the cosmos might facilitate acceptance of the new status quo by the conquered: their forced incorporation into the political order of the victors could be symbolised in terms of their integration into a cosmos shaped by the gods. On the other hand, since each territorial-incorporation created a new frontier and therefore new cosmic enemies to be defeated, the only way to guarantee the sacred order would be through the continuity of wars. The abundant iconography representing the warlike violence during early Naqada III could be understood in this sense (MidantReynes 2003: 326–361; see Gilbert 2004: 88–99; Bard 2007: 106–107; Bestock 2017: 40–84). Thus, regardless of the specific conflicts, what is important to note here is that state logic appears alongside an explicitly violent discourse, exclusively centred on the king, that is to say, the apex of the state. In this sense, if Naqada’s crisis can be related to the expansion of the state logic from other urban centres, either Hierakonpolis, or Abydos, the next enemies could have been mainly identified amongst the nucleuses of the Memphite region and of the Nile Delta. In early Naqada III, several of those centres, Tarkhan (Dreyer 1992), Helwan (Köhler 2004), Buto (von der Way 1992), and Tell el-Farkha (Ciałowicz 2011), among others, had achieved remarkable socioeconomic dynamism. Some of the early serekhs are documented only in northern nucleuses such as Helwan, Tarkhan, Turah, Buto, Ezbet el-Tell, and Minshat Abu Omar (van den Brink 1996: 145; 2001: 37–45; Jiménez Serrano 2003: 113, 118–120; Raffaele 2003: 114–117; De Wit 2008: 23; see Fig. 1), which may suggest the presence of local leaders in the north. These local or regional rulers, perhaps arising through processes of “elite emulation” (Higginbotham 1996; Campagno 2008) that presumably replicate practices previously known in the south, could be the new targets of the violent discourse that accompanied the expansion of the state logic.3 On the threshold of the 1st Dynasty, the palette of Narmer could be interpreted in that context: regardless of the debate about whether such an object commemorates (or not) a specific fact (summarised in Köhler 2002: 499–500), the single presentation of the king slaughtering the enemy, destroying walls, and inspecting rows of beheaded bodies or hints of defensive devices (in this regard, see Gilbert 2004). Thirdly, the iconography of the period emphasises warfare, which would be difficult to understand in the total absence of real wars. Finally, there is no reason to suppose that the state expansion has involved continuous warfare, but only when communities decided to oppose the resistance to the expansionist centers. 3 A tradition later reflected in the Palermo Stone (5th Dynasty) also points to the existence of pre-Memphite Lower Egyptian kings, organized in terms compatible with the Egyptian thought, as if they had been a single line of rulers (see Wilkinson 2000b: 85–89).

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Fig. 1. Lower Egyptian serekhs. 1) From Tarkhan (van den Brink 1996: 142, Fig. 9); 2) From Turah (van den Brink 1996: 142, Fig. 7); 3) From the Eastern Nile Delta (Wilkinson 1999: 53, Fig. 3); 4) From Turah (van den Brink 1996: 142, Fig. 19); 5) From Minshat Abu Omar (Wilkinson 1999: 53, Fig. 1); 6a–b) From Tarkhan (Raffaele 2003: 141, Figs. 28a– 28b); 7) From Helwan (Raffaele 2003: 141, Fig. 33).

strongly expresses the connection between violence and the state (see Heagy 2014: 65–69). In fact, other nearly contemporary documents allow us to observe that it is only at this point that the notion of a properly “Egyptian” territory, as opposed to what remains outside, begins to stabilise (Baines 1996): it is the moment when foreigners are defined in ethnic terms Asiatics, Libyans, Nubians, and are attacked or rejected, rather than being integrated into the state’s own political organisation. Certainly, the relationship between state logic and warlike violence that I highlight here refers mostly to the expansive momentum referenced previously. The consolidation of state logic would require the structuring of an administrative apparatus capable of executing and enforcing decisions made by the king and his elite over the territory claimed by the state. In this sense, it does not seem coincidental that the earliest known examples of writing appear inside the Tomb U-j in Abydos (Dreyer 1998), whose size and complexity, unprecedented for the time, as well as the large amount of imported goods found therein, imply the existence of some administrative apparatus with an impressive logistical capacity. The same capacity, on a larger scale, can also be seen during Narmer’s reign, when the name of the same king appears both in Upper and Lower Egypt, and even beyond (van den Brink 2001: 57–67; Jiménez-Serrano 2003: 117; Raffaele 2003: 105–110). In broader terms, the consolidation of

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the state logic can also be appreciated through the growing mentions of administrative officials and institutions from the 1st Dynasty onward (Wilkinson 1999: 109–149; Engel 2013). In this sense, it could be said that the possibility of reproducing state logic is directly proportional to the capacity of an administrative apparatus to enforce the orders emanating from its peak. Expansion, kinship, and patronage However, the process of political expansion that leads to the structuring of a single political entity from the beginning of the 3rd millennium BCE onwards is not related solely to the unfolding of state logic: the logics of kinship and patronage may also have fulfilled an important role in the development of those political ties more closely associated with consensus than with violence. Indeed, both logics could be decisive for the consolidation of the internal structure of the emerging state elite. Regarding the logic of kinship, which preexists the emergence of the first state practices as the way of organising village communities, once an elite that exercises the monopoly of coercion begins to exist, that elite is not organised internally through state logic, but rather through criteria compatible with the previous logic of kinship (for the importance of the royal family in the 1st Dynasty, see Bestock 2007; Köhler 2008a: 385–390). For instance, the expression of dynastic sequences, already noticeable on the 1st Dynasty king-lists such as those of the Abydos sealings (Dreyer 1986: 36, Fig. 3; Dreyer et al. 1996: 72, Fig. 26; see Fig. 2), clearly suggests that kingship was transmitted from fathers to sons, which indicates the prevalence of kinship logic among the elite. As Bruce Trigger (1987: 61) has proposed, the building of a state elite at a supra-local scale could make use of marriage alliances to

Fig. 2. Seal impression from the tomb of King Qaa, Abydos (Dreyer et al. 1996: 72, Fig. 26).

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integrate elites of different origins through a kinship criterion, in a way that might demonstrate a degree of parity between the allied elite groups (see also Cruz-Uribe 1994: 53). Perhaps this type of strategy explains the continued prevalence of Hierakonpolis and Abydos after the crisis of Naqada, at the beginning of Naqada III (see Savage 2001: 133; Hendrickx & Friedman 2003; Bard 2007: 107). In any case, inter-elite marriages could express alliances in terms of parity as well as relations of subordination, closer to the logic of patronage. In later times, the celebration of marriages between members of the royal elite and politically dependent regional elites was a relatively frequent practice, both in ancient Egypt and in other ancient Near Eastern societies, strengthening in this way the bonds of subordination between both groups (Moreno García 2005; 2009–2010: 38–39; Liverani 2001: 189–195). These types of marriages, as well as similar agreements between the king and other local subordinated leaders, could have been decisive throughout the process of expansion that led to the political unification of the Nile Valley. Indeed, if these strategies are taken into account, we might understand the limited relationship between the warlike discourse of the state and the archaeological record regarding wars. This is an issue frequently emphasised by researchers and it is possible that many of the northern polities could have submitted to the expansive southern polity without resistance, taking into consideration possible pre-existing links between them, mainly in the field of prestige goods exchanges, and the perception of military power or the sacred condition of southern leaders. To provide an example, the situation of northern urban centres such as Buto, which long pre-existed the process of expansion, and whose later integration into the southern state did not diminish its prestige as a religious centre (von der Way 1992; Wilkinson 1999: 342–343; Hartung 2017), could imply that the local elite had accepted some form of subordination to the southern kings without substantially altering its position in the local milieu. Such a possibility is notably compatible with the relations established between provincial elites and the central court in subsequent periods such as the Old Kingdom (Labrousse 2010; Moreno García 2013). In fact, even the northern elites that were eventually defeated militarily could subsequently re-establish some link with the state elite through ties of patronage. Perhaps in this light we could reconsider Michael Hoffman’s suggestion about the marriage of king Narmer with Neithhotep (Hoffman 1979: 322), who could have kept ties with Naqada, as an “alliance of post-unification” (Bard 1994: 109; see also Wilkinson 1999: 70), through which the local elite could have sought a closer relationship with the state elite by way of a marriage between one of its members and the monarch.4 4 There is some disagreement about the identity of the owner of the Royal Tomb at Naqada, alternatively interpreted as the burial of queen Neithhotep (Hoffman 1979: 322; Savage 2001: 132),

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In this sense, in the final stage of the process of political unification, the establishment of Memphis as the seat of kingship, could most likely combine practices associated with each of these social logics (Campagno 2003; on Early Memphis see Köhler 2004; Tallet 2012). In fact, the move of the elite from Upper Egypt to Memphis could be fundamental for the consolidation of the pꜤt, a group possibly restricted to the royal kinsmen (Baines 1995: 133; Wilkinson 1999: 186). On the one hand, this move would allow the king and his entourage to settle in a recently conquered territory, from which he could exercise patronage over local elites in a more effective way. On the other hand, by distancing itself from Upper Egypt, the royal elite would be better situated to homologate the southern population, from which it originated, to the rest of the population over which it prevailed through relationships of subordination. So, the same movement would allow the state elite to reinforce its kinship core as well as to reduce its kinship obligations to the south. At the same time, the elite could strengthen the ties of patronage with the populations recently conquered in the north. And all those effects would contribute to the consolidation of a state elite, capable of structuring all of society through the rules of state logic. Conclusion Returning to the stela of Merka, one can observe that, at the beginning of the 3rd millennium BCE and once the process of political unification has concluded, the elite is defined by the state logic, but also by the kinship and patronage logics. However, if the evidence coming from Hierakonpolis during Naqada II is taken into account, perhaps the co-existence of these logics of socio-political organisation, though on a much more restricted scale, could already have taken place many centuries beforehand. It is in this sense that the situation during the first centuries of the 4th millennium BCE in Upper Egypt can be seen as the terminus post quem to the process of unification, because the key components for understanding the subsequent political expansion are already there. What is worth noting is that the inherently expansive character of state logic, and its articulation with the capacity for cohesion found in the logics of kinship and patronage, are fundamental for interpreting the process of political unification of the Nile Valley. Rather than considering the process in terms of a sequence of events or stages of development, or giving up the possibility of thinking about it entirely, if we place the analytical focus on the unfolding and coupling of these logics, perhaps we can reach an alternative pathway for understanding the earliest trans-regional dynamics of socio-political integration. or the burial of an elite prince (van Wetering 2012). Irrespective of the specific identity of the tomb’s owner, what is important to highlight here is the possibility of this kind of alliances between the central power and provincial elites, possibly expressed through the presence of the same type of monumental architecture both in Memphis and Naqada.

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MORENO GARCÍA, J.C., 2005. Élites provinciales, transformations sociales et idéologie à la fin de l’Ancien Empire et à la Première Période Intermédiaire [in:] BERGER EL-NAGGAR, C. & PANTALACCI, L. (eds.), Des Néferkarê aux Montouhotep: Travaux archéologiques en cours sur la fin de la VIe dynastie et la Première Période Intermédiaire. Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient 40. Lyon: 215–228. MORENO GARCÍA, J.C., 2009‒2010. Introduction: Élites et états tributaires. Le cas de l’Égypte pharaonique [in:] MORENO GARCÍA, J.C. (ed.), Élites et pouvoir en Égypte ancienne. Cahiers de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Égyptologie de Lille 28: 11–50. MORENO GARCÍA, J.C., 2013. The ‘Other’ Administration: Patronage, Factions, and Informal Networks of Power in Ancient Egypt [in:] MORENO GARCÍA, J.C. (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Administration. Handbuch der Orientalistik, Section 1, 104. Leiden/Boston: 1029–1065. PATCH, D.C., 2004. Settlement Patterns and Cultural Change in the Predynastic Period [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Krakow, 28th August – 1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 905–918. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1912. A History of Egypt: Vol. I. London. PIRENNE, J., 1961. Histoire de la Civilisation de l’Égypte Ancienne. Neuchatel. RAFFAELE, F., 2003. Dynasty 0 [in:] BICKEL, S. & LOPRIENO, A. (eds.), Basel Egyptology Prize 1: Junior Research in Egyptian History, Archaeology, and Philology. Aegyptiaca Helvetica 17. Basel: 99–141. SAHLINS, M., 2011. What Kinship is (Part One). Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 17: 2–19. SAVAGE, S.H., 2001. Some Recent Trends in the Archaeology of Predynastic Egypt. Journal of Archaeological Research 9: 101–155. SETHE, K., 1930. Urgeschichte und Älteste Religion der Ägypter. Leipzig. STEVENSON, A., 2016. The Egyptian Predynastic and State Formation. Journal of Archaeological Research 24: 421–468. TALLET, P., 2012. Sur la fondation de la ville de Memphis au début de l’histoire pharaonique: De nouvelles données au Ouadi ‘Ameyra (Sud-Sinaï). Comptes-rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres 2012, IV: 1649–1658. TRIGGER, B.G., 1987. Egypt: A Fledgling Nation. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 17: 58–66. VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M., 1996. The Incised Serekh-Signs of Dynasties 0‒1, Part I: Complete Vessels [in:] SPENCER, A.J. (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt. London: 140– 158. VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M., 2001. The Pottery-Incised Serekh-Signs of Dynasties 0‒1, Part II: Fragments and Additional Complete Vessels. Archéo-Nil 11: 24–100. VAN WETERING, J., 2012. Relocating De Morgan’s Royal Tomb at Naqada and Identifying Its Occupant [in:] KABACIŃSKI, J.; CHŁODNICKI, M. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. New Ideas and Discoveries. Studies in African Archaeology 11. Poznań: 91–124. VAN WETERING, J., 2017. The Cemeteries of Nubt, Naqada Region, Upper Egypt [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 521–549.

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WAY, T., 1992. Excavations at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto in 1987-1989 [in:] VAN BRINK, E.C.M. (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition: 4th‒3rd Millennium B.C. Proceedings of the Seminar held in Cairo, 21‒24 October 1990. Tel Aviv: 1–10. WEBER, M., 1978 [1922]. Economy and Society. Berkeley/Los Angeles. WENGROW, D., 2006. The Archaeology of Early Egypt: Social Transformations in NorthEast Africa, 10,000 to 2650 BC. Cambridge. WESTBROOK, R., 2005. Patronage in the Ancient Near East. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48: 210–233. WILKINSON, T.A.H., 1999. Early Dynastic Egypt. London. WILKINSON, T.A.H., 2000a. Political Unification: Towards a Reconstruction. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 56: 377–395. WILKINSON, T.A.H., 2000b. Royal Annals of Ancient Egypt: The Palermo Stone and Its Associated Fragments. London/New York. VON DER

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LOWER EGYPTIAN RESIDENCE ON THE CENTRAL KOM AT TELL EL-FARKHA MAREK CHŁODNICKI Archaeological Museum Poznań, Poland

During the excavations between 2007 and 2009 we discovered part of a huge construction that we call a ‘residence’. During the 2016–2017 seasons we reached the southern part of this edifice, and as a result, some of the old concepts should now be reconsidered or supplemented. Initial construction of the wooden residence ranges between the end of Naqada IIB and the beginning of the Naqada IIC phases. Mud-brick walls of the second phase were built during Naqada IIC period and the structure ceased to function by the beginning of Naqada IID1. The entrance to the residence was probably located in the room placed in the south-western corner of the edifice. The main mud-brick room located inside residence was not connected to the southern wall as was proposed in earlier publications, but was a separate construction. Among the objects associated with the residence special attention was given to mace-heads, an imported red-slip jar and fire dogs. The other associated objects found have already been published.

Introduction The first information on the Lower Egyptian residence was presented during the conference Egypt at its Origins in London. However, as this was nine years ago, some of the original concepts should now be reconsidered or supplemented (Chłodnicki 2011: 43–46; Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: 92–98). During the excavations between 2007 and 2009 we discovered the eastern and central part of a huge construction, which was different from other buildings at Tell el-Farkha. Therefore, at this point we decided to call it the “residence”, which probably belonged to a ruler or chief of the village. By the 2016–2017 seasons we reached the southern part of this structure. This part of the settlement, including the “residence”, represented a kind of an administrative centre of the village occupying an area surrounded by a thick fence. Initially it had been a wooden construction that had separated the residence from the rest of the settlement and was preserved as a double line of furrows. Later, it was replaced with a thick mudbrick wall and was probably the first mudbrick structure built in the settlement, whereas the houses were still constructed in wood (Chłodnicki 2016). The residence was 25 m wide from the front and at least 20 m long, although the full extent of its dimensions remain unknown because it has proven difficult until the present day to establish the real length of the construction. However, if

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we adopt proportions in most of Lower Egyptian houses, which were 3 m wide and 5–7 m long, the residence could be at least 40 m in length. This issue should be resolved in the forthcoming seasons, when we expect find the continuation of the western wall in the northern trench of the Central Kom (Fig. 1). The residence was located in the western part of the Central Kom, most probably on the bank of the Nile canal. It was a privileged location within the settlement, not only because of direct access to water, but also because of the fact that the winds from the northwest did not blow pollution from the rest of the settlement. It is difficult to determine when this location took on its unique character and became the residence. Traces of older developments were found under the wooden structures of the residence that were remains of smaller buildings

Fig. 1. Tell el-Farkha: Location and general plan of the Lower Egyptian residence: mud-brick phase.

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similar to those found in other parts of the settlement. The foundation of the first residence varies between the end of Naqada IIB and the beginning of Naqada IIC phases. The second, mud-brick construction phase of the residence can be better dated to the Naqada IIC period; and it had ceased to function by the beginning of the Naqada IID1 period. By the late Naqada IID2/early Naqada IIIA1 period a large storage facility was erected in its place (Chłodnicki 2017: 50–53). This new building was associated with the settlers from the south and the Naqadian residence located on the Western Kom. As was previously mentioned, the first Lower Egyptian residence was surrounded by a wooden fence, the remains of which are a double row of furrows filled with a brownish soil that are visible on the sand. Half-round beams placed flat side up were used for this timber structure, the average width being not greater than 20 cm, although a number of them were 30 cm wide. They were probably the base for vertical posts, which constituted the construction of the fence. Taking into consideration the distance between the furrows, which was probably filled-in with something, the construction may have been almost 1 m thick (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Tell el-Farkha: Remains of the furrows of the wooden fence (southern part).

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Over time we have traces of many reconstruction events inside the residence, but the general outline of the interior arrangement was continued. It seems that the original wooden residential building occupied the south-western part of the foundation. It should not be excluded, however, that we are dealing here with a group of closely located buildings, which are difficult to be separated. Sometimes the spaces between the furrows were small and it seems that not all of them correspond to the partition of an individual room. Some of them were probably foundations located below the floor or separated some spaces within rooms. It cannot be ruled out that they may have also been remains of older buildings. There is still much work to be done, but we hope that further research will allow us to better understand these constructions. The eastern part of the residence enclosure was covered with storage pits and fireplaces. A group of bell shaped clay objects seems to be connected to the fireplaces (Fig. 3); all found in the eastern utility part of the residence or close to it. When we discovered them in 2008 we were not sure of their function; however, similar objects discovered in Merimde were classified as fire-dogs (Junker 1932; Tristant 2004). The objects from Tell el-Farkha are a bit smaller, but have the same proportions (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: Fig. 19). Perhaps the objects from Tell el-Farkha were also used as fire-dogs. This hypothesis may be confirmed by the fact that the best preserved types were found close to a large fireplace. These fire-dogs probably supported a big flat vessel with vertical walls used as a roasting pot. Fragments of such vessels were also discovered in the vicinity. The hearth itself, located in the south-eastern corner of the residence (object 540), is quite specific. Traces of fire activity are visible only on its edges, suggesting that the base of the vessel was supported by the fire-dogs and subsequently the vessel’s sides were exposed to the flames. Our reconstruction is then different from the one proposed for Merimde (Junker 1932). One question however, remains unanswered, why these kinds of fire-dogs were used in the early phase of the residence and yet not found in other parts of the settlement. In the second phase of the residence the wooden fence was replaced by a massive mudbrick wall. It was 1.6 m thick at the base and about 1.2 m at the top with a slightly oblique external side. I will not go into detail on the wall construction because it was presented at the conference Origins 4 in New York and already published (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: 95; Chłodnicki 2016). It is almost certain that a small elongated room was built in the southwestern corner of the residence at the same time the surrounding wall was constructed. It was about 5 m long and almost 2.5 m wide, and was the only mud-brick construction built directly on gezira sand. The other buildings inside the residence were still constructed in traditional wattle and daub. It was only a bit later that other mud-brick buildings with massive walls were built inside the southern part of the residence.

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Fig. 3. Tell el-Farkha: Fire-dogs (A), fragments of roasting pots (B), reconstruction of the roasting pots supported on fire-dogs (C), fireplace (object 540) (D).

In the previous reconstruction, when the whole plan of the building was still unknown, we suggested that this building had been connected with the surrounding wall (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: Fig. 12). Recent research shows that there was a narrow passage between that building and the external wall. Therefore, the room was not a square as was previously thought (about 6 × 6 m), but a rectangle 7.5 × 3.5 m (Fig. 1). The width of the room allowed a wooden ceiling to stretch across its width without the need for internal supports, and would explain the absence of postholes inside the building. The room’s width itself falls into the pattern of later mud-brick buildings at Tell el-Farkha, which are between 2.5 m to 3.5 m (mostly 2.5–3 m). It should be noted, however, that our excavations reached only the upper parts of the walls of the southern part of the building. Because we did not find any traces of door openings we can only speculate about the entrance to the residence and the representative

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building inside. It is hard to imagine that the entrance to this impressive building led through a narrow alley. It is more likely that the corner room functioned as a gate. Through it the road led to the courtyard and probably from there to the north of the main building where the entrance was placed. A similar gate, much better preserved, with visible entrances was discovered on the Eastern Kom. It has very similar thick walls as well as dimensions. This building was also built directly on gezira sand and was the oldest mud-brick construction in that part of the site. Doors were placed there on the longer side of the room, but the orientation of the entrance was the same as in the previously mentioned building. It is clear that the gate on the Eastern Kom was a part of a larger fence system. Unfortunately, the test trench on the eastern side of the site was small and archaeological material was scarce, thus the function of the structure is not yet explained. The preliminary date for this gate is Naqada IID/IIIA1, and if this chronology is correct, the gate is slightly younger than our building (Ciałowicz & Dębowska-Ludwin 2013; Dębowska-Ludwin 2013: 129–130). Undoubtedly the space in front of the residence was arranged in a special way. In this location we did not find any construction of houses, but only traces of fences and remains of mud-holes. What is more, a large complete jar was standing in front of the residence. This marl-clay, red slipped jar (Petrie’s type R84b) clearly comes from southern Egypt. Near the vessel we found a typical lemon-shape Lower Egyptian vessel (Fig. 4). The special significance of this place that we have called the Lower Egyptian Residence is reflected not only in its architecture, but also in the finds discovered inside. We discovered more luxury items that are absent in the rest of the settlement, most of which have been published as they were discovered during the 2007–2008 excavation season. It is necessary at this point to mention a group of beads made of semiprecious stones and gold (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: 97–98, Fig. 14–16). An imported stone vessel with a flat base and conical sides of a type known from Maadi (Seeher 1990: 141) is extremely unique as well (Pryc 2012: 299, Fig. 1.7, 14). The oldest fragment of a copper knife found on site (Czarnowicz 2012: 351, Fig. 1.2) as well as fragments of an imported ripple flake flint knife also come from the residence (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: 97–98). Although the area excavated within the residence is smaller than the area outside, 70 % of all pottery fragments imported from the Levant and Upper Egypt come from the residence. It is also worth mentioning that inside the residence we found less garbage (animal bones and potsherds) than in other parts of the settlement. Special attention should be paid to the mace heads (Fig. 5), two of which were discovered in the mud-brick building inside the residence. The first of these pear-shaped mace heads was made of basalt and the second made of bone, specifically the head of a femur (Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: Fig. 13). During

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Fig. 4. Tell el-Farkha: Red-slipped big jar and lemon-shape jar found in front of the residence.

the last two seasons we discovered two other mace heads in front of the residence, the first made of quartzite and the second made of bone. Although the shape of the second bone mace head is different from the first one, both were made in the same way and are probably symbolic in character. Detailed analysis of these mace heads showed that porous areas (in the upper part of the mace) were filled with white paste, after which they were painted in black patches imitating stone (Fig. 5b). They resemble a stone model of the mace

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Fig. 5. Tell el-Farkha: (a–b) Stone mace-heads; (c–d) bone mace-heads; (e) model of stone mace-head; (f) microscopic photos of painted patches on the bone mace-head.

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head discovered on the Central Kom in a slightly later phase of the settlement dated to Naqada IIIA1 (Fig. 5c). The excavations of this extraordinary building are still in progress and we will be able to determine the importance and purpose of this building after the work is completed, which we hope will happen soon. Bibliography CHŁODNICKI, M., 2011. The Central Kom of Tell el-Farkha: 1000 Years of History (c. 3600–2600 BC) [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE, P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London 27th July – 1st August 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 41–58. CHŁODNICKI, M., 2016. Beginnings of Mud Brick Architecture in Egypt: A Case Study from Kom C at Tell el-Farkha, [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT, Y. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York 26th July – 30th July 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 21–32. CHŁODNICKI, M., 2017. From the Storage Pit to the Silo: Storage Devices from Predynastic to Early Dynastic Times. A View from Tell el-Farkha, [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 49–62. CHŁODNICKI, M. & GEMING, M.M., 2012. Lower Egyptian Settlement on the Central Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell elFarkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 89–104. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2013. Tell el-Farkha and its Implications for Understanding the Earliest Architecture of Lower Egypt. Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 17: 25–40. CZARNOWICZ, M., 2012. Copper Tools [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 345–355. DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2013. Southern Trench [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., et al. Polish Excavations at Tell el-Farkha (Ghazala) in the Nile Delta: Preliminary Report 2011–2013. Archeologia 64: 99–140. JUNKER, H., 1932. Merimde-Benisalâme. Wien. PRYC, G., 2012. Stone Vessels [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań-Kraków: 297–314. SEEHER, J, 1990. Maadi: Eine prädynastische Kulturgruppe zwischen Oberägypten und Palästina. Praehistorishe Zeitschrift 65: 123–156. TRISTANT, Y., 2004. L’habitat prédynastique de la Valée du Nil: Vivre sur les rives du Nil aux Ve et IVe millénaires. BAR International Series 1287. Oxford.

A FEW REMARKS ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EGYPTIAN MASTABA KRZYSZTOF M. CIAŁOWICZ Jagiellonian University, Poland

From the beginning of its occupation, the importance of Tell el-Farkha is very clear. The first large mud-brick building was erected during Naqada IID1 at the Western Kom by migrants from Upper Egypt. This building and all the settlement was destroyed, during Naqada IIIA1 period, by the next group of Southerners, probably connected with another political centre. They were the builders of the oldest Egyptian mastaba, dated to Naqada IIIA2/IIIB. A few other graves from the first part of Naqada IIIB undoubtedly had a mastaba form with a large, free-standing superstructure and niches in at least one façade. They are the oldest Egyptian mastabas yet identified. It is possible, that the mastaba was introduced in the eastern Nile Delta by migrants from Upper Egypt as transposition of wood and reed architecture.

Tell el-Farkha is located next to the northern outskirts of the village of Ghazala, along the southern side of the Ghazala Drain, about 14 km east of el-Simbillawein. The site occupies an area of about 45,000 sq. m, with a maximum height of c. 4.5 m above the level of the cultivation plain. The site is actually marked by three mounds along the northern edge of the gezira and a gentle slope delimited by the village houses to the south and east. The site was discovered by the Italian Archaeological Mission in the Eastern Nile Delta in 1987. The Italian expedition, directed by R. Fattovich, carried out test excavations at the site between 1988 and 1990, but later the works were stopped (Chłodnicki et al. 1991; 1992). In 1998, the excavations at Tell el-Farkha were resumed by the Polish Archaeological Mission to the Nile Delta (Chłodnicki et al. 2012). The enormous quantity of artefacts, extensive evidence of settlement structures and a stratigraphic complex of layers reaching 5–6 m below the present ground surface provided sufficient evidence to distinguish seven main chronological phases of occupation on the Central and Eastern Koms and five on the Western Kom (Chłodnicki 2012: 13). The earliest settlement on the site is linked with the Lower Egyptian culture, and its final stages date to the beginning of the Old Kingdom. The site was occupied from approximately 3700 to 2600 BCE. During Tell el-Farkha Phase 2 (Naqada IID1) the first settlers from the south were present at the site. They erected a huge mud-brick building at the Western Kom, in a location previously occupied by breweries (cf. Ciałowicz 2012a: 149ff.).

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The main rooms of this edifice were surrounded by magazines, as is proved by the concentration of typical Naqada culture storage vessels at the western, eastern and southern ends of the Kom. Apart from storage vessels, in this building were also represented plain seals and those with cylinder impressions, as well as tokens in the form of balls and circles and fragments of pottery of a Southern Levantine origin (Czarnowicz 2012: 247). To this building, another monumental structure is connected (c. 25 × 15 m), which was discovered at the western edge of the Central Kom and most likely played a role in protecting the central storage area. There is evidence for at least two phases of use; the earliest was erected at the beginning of Naqada IIIA1 by the first group of Southerners (Chłodnicki 2017: 50). During Tell el-Farkha Phase 3 (Naqada IID2–IIIA1) this group of Southerners also settled on the southern extreme of Eastern Kom, in a location without traces of a Lower Egyptian settlement. The mud-brick structures were founded directly on the sands of the gezira; however, until now they are only partially excavated. During the first half of Naqada IIIA1 the entire settlement at Tell el-Farkha was burnt. The extent of the conflagration suggested that the fire was not started accidentally, but as the result of an intentional action (Ciałowicz 2016: 88–89). The traces of violent events are known from the Predynastic Period. The superstructure of tomb 23 at HK6 was burned probably during Naqada IIC and the limestone statue connected with this burial was not simply broken, but was intentionally defaced with glancing blows (Friedman 2008: 21–22). It is then quite possible that the earliest proto-kingdoms in Upper Egypt were competing in various fields. The dominant issue could be the control over the trade with the Southern Levant. Tell el-Farkha, situated at an important place on the trade route, was certainly of interest to the contemporary rulers, so it is not unrealistic to assume that one of them wanted to control this area. We can also presume that the first Naqadian settlers at Tell el-Farkha originated from a different centre than their successors. The second group of Southerners maintained and improved trade with the Levant. Southern Levantine pottery sherds are still present at Tell el-Farkha, but fragments from Northern Canaan also appear (Czarnowicz 2012: 247–251) and testify to contacts that reached far beyond the area of Southern Canaan, where the major Naqada trade centres were located during Early Bronze IB. Copper items, or at least copper as raw material, should be regarded as imports from Sinai and probably also Feinan (Rehren & Pernicka 2014: 250). Finished products or at least raw material used for beads and stone vessels were also imported. In the same layers not only the impressions of cylinders were discovered, but also a few seals, dated to the first half of Naqada IIIB. This means that trade reached the next step of organisation. Tokens and plain seals with cloth impressions were still present in abundance (Kołodziejczyk 2012).

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This group of people should be regarded as the builders of the oldest stage of the administrative-cultic centre at Western Kom (Ciałowicz 2012b: 171–180). The big storage from Central Kom was rebuilt in the same time and still used in the first half of Naqada IIIB, by which time the building was abandoned (Chłodnicki & Mączyńska 2018). Investigations on the early stages of Egyptian architecture have a long history, but still many problems are not solved. One of these issues is the origin of the mastaba (Kaiser 1998). It is connected with the introduction of a characteristic “palace façade”, which was present in buildings dated to the Archaic Period and in early representations. A simplified “palace façade” is present on many early objects and as a part of royal serekhs. According to various opinions, the “palace façade” was introduced in Lower (van den Brink 2001) or Upper Egypt (Hendrickx 2001). It was even seen as an imported element, which proves the existence of relations with Mesopotamia (Jiménez-Serrano 2001). However, new evidence connected with the earliest mastabas was provided thanks to excavations at Tell el-Farkha, where a necropolis, composed of three chronologically different phases (DębowskaLudwin 2012), was discovered. The mastaba (Fig. 1) at the Eastern Kom at Tell el-Farkha was one of the most important achievements of the second group of Southerners, mentioned above. This edifice is dated to the turn of Naqada IIIA2/B1 (Ciałowicz & Dębowska-Ludwin 2013: 154). It is a monumental, almost square (16.9 × 18.1 m) mud brick structure composed of five rooms surrounded by massive walls, usually 1.50–2 m wide. The almost square main chamber (6.6 × 8.1 m) was placed in the north-western part of the edifice (Fig. 2). From north and west its walls were extremely thick (2.6 and 3.0 m). The walls were actually made up of three different walls built of various kinds of brick. Three corners of the middle wall, two on the northern side and the south-western one, were rounded in their shape. The south-eastern corner of the central chamber was rectangular, but on this side there were external rooms adjoining it. It seems highly possible that the rounded wall had originally marked the outer limit of the structure and during the subsequent stages of its construction it was covered by an additional wall, about 1.25 m wide, which formed the final northern and western façade. Inside the main chamber, but not exactly in the centre, the shaft, which went down almost 1.5 m and was carefully lined with bricks, was executed. On top of it a kind of a wooden espalier was preserved (Fig. 3). The façades receded slightly toward the top and the walls are oblique in cross-section; at the foot on the outside there was a kind of bench (Fig. 4). At least in the eastern façade a row of niches is clear (cf. Fig. 1). On the same façade traces of a kind of a white mineral mortar are preserved. The mastaba from Tell el-Farkha is until now the oldest example of grave architecture so characteristic especially for the oldest stages of the Pharaonic

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Fig. 1. The mastaba at Tell el-Farkha. View from South-East (Photo R. Słaboński).

Fig. 2. The mastaba’s main chamber. View from the east (Photo R. Słaboński).

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Fig. 3. The wooden espalier on top of the shaft (Photo R. Słaboński).

Fig. 4. Cross section of the eastern façade of the mastaba (Photo R. Słaboński).

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state. The mastaba was separated from the rest of the settlement by high walls; only to the west from the mastaba were no traces recognised, but this could stem from their destruction or the state of research. The first wall is parallel to the southern wall of the mastaba. It turns to the south and its main function was probably to separate the mastaba from the remaining part of the settlement. The eastern wall is in fact an extension of the eastern façade of the main building to the north. To the north of the mastaba another wide mud brick wall was established. It enclosed badly executed houses and workshops erected between it and the mastaba. Nevertheless, the area was abundant in small finds such as clay figurines, various categories of flint (some of them were produced on the place), and copper tools, numerous bread moulds and small pots. Taking into consideration this separated area, the poor architecture and finds, an initial preliminary hypothesis arose that this region should be regarded as a prototype for the later estates established for supplying the posthumous cult. It is worth mentioning that from contemporary Abydos are known places in which offerings for a deceased were placed. Such a place is connected with grave U-j or U-k, and was used during all of the Naqada III period (Dreyer 1998: 15). Very noteworthy for the origins of the mastaba, as a grave type, are the results of excavations at Hierakonpolis. The most important graves discovered at the HK6 cemetery were characterised by superstructures and enclosures constructed exclusively from wood and reeds. The grave no. 16, with an impressive superstructure (6.5 × 4.6 m) is dated to Naqada IC–IIA (Friedman 2011) and surrounded by a fence of 7.5 × 6.2 m (Friedman 2009). A little bit later is grave no. 23, dated to Naqada IIA–B (Friedman 2008: 12), the superstructure of which is 6 × 4.5 m and is demarcated by 8 wooden posts, and 6 similar ones limited the so-called chapel. Both structures were surrounded by a post fence, forming an enclosure measuring 16 × 9 m. Fragments of gypsum plaster with green and red pigment were found on the west side of enclosure (Friedman 2008: 15–17). The arrangement of other graves was very similar, and they look from some distance as though they were surrounded and covered by a pillared hall (Friedman 2011: 4). During Naqada IIC, the elite cemetery at Hierakonpolis was shifted to the edge of flood plain and where the Painted Tomb was located (Friedman 2008: 21–22). Most of this cemetery was excavated over 100 years ago and it is now impossible to know if wooden fences and superstructure were located above the graves from that period. However, even if there was a break in such an arrangement of graves, the tradition of wood and reed construction had survived. The fences and superstructures were applied once more during Naqada III, when elite graves were built again at HK6. The graves from Naqada IIIA2–B (nos. 10–11) were surrounded by enclosures c. 9 × 5 m; grave no. 1, the latest one from the second half of Naqada IIIB, or beginning of Naqada IIIC1 has a much bigger enclosure: 13.75 × 9.5 m (Friedman 2008: 12).

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During the same time when at HK6 cemetery the wooden superstructures and fences were once again constructed, the second group of Southerners at Tell el-Farkha started to build their mastaba. The colourful fences in the desert area were very good markers for cultic or sepulchral zones and they were visible from the long distance. In the Delta, environmental conditions were completely different. Luxuriant vegetation during a few months could curtain fences and superstructures and over several years may have destroyed them. It is possible that new-comers who settled in the Delta at the beginning of Naqada III knew the tradition of wooden superstructures and fences from the place of their origins, but had to have used another kind of material. They chose mud-bricks, the cheapest and easily available raw material. In such a way the grave superstructure received monumental form that was clearly visible above ground, especially if it was painted in a white colour, as traces on the eastern façade of Tell el-Farkha mastaba suggests. The façade with niches is a reminiscence of wooden and mat fences. In some way it is confirmed by a kind of wooden espalier around the shaft in the burial chamber. It is therefore possible that the mastaba was introduced to the eastern Nile Delta by migrants from the Upper Egypt, as transposition of wood and read architecture. To the south-east of this monumental edifice a few smaller mastaba-graves from Naqada IIIB were uncovered (Dębowska-Ludwin 2012: 53–61). They were built in a similar way, whereby the burial chamber was dug into the ground and a 1–3 m high superstructure was erected above. At least one (eastern) façade was decorated with niches and good examples are grave nos. 100 and 130. The first of them (Fig. 5), dated the first part of Naqada IIIB and measuring 6.2 × 4.1 m, was surrounded by very thick walls (up to 2 m). The outer surfaces of the walls were slightly sloping and the northern, southern and eastern façades were decorated with niches. The whole construction was preserved to a height of about 3 m (Dębowska-Ludwin 2012: 60–61). Grave no. 130 (Fig. 6) is a little bit younger and is dated to the very beginning of Tell el-Farkha Phase 5 (Naqada IIIB/C1), which means that it was built during Dynasty 0 (Chłodnicki & Ciałowicz 2016: 246). On top of it an early Dynastic twochamber grave (no. 126) was built, the superstructure of which was at least 1.5 m high. The room between the walls was filled with soil mixed with fragments of pots and mud-bricks. Below, a covering like a kind of mat made from reed and twigs was partially preserved within the burial chamber (Fig. 7). Further down, a burial chamber with rounded corners was found, which was enclosed by mud-brick walls. From the same period is mastaba-grave no. 63 with a beautiful row of niches in the eastern façade and walls covered by thick pale mortar (Fig. 8). It is evident that the mastaba as a grave type was quickly adopted at Tell el-Farkha, and was used in turn, by the middle class of society from the Naqada IIIB period.

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Fig. 5. Digital reconstruction of the superstructure of grave no. 100 (Photo Rosińska-Balik).

Fig. 6. Graves no. 126 and 130. Cross-section. View from West (Photo R. Słaboński).

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Fig. 7. The covering of the burial chamber of grave no. 130 (Photo R. Słaboński).

Fig. 8. The superstructure of grave no. 63. View from South (Photo R. Słaboński).

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Bibliography CHŁODNICKI, M., 2017. From the Storage Pit to the Silo: Storage Devices from Predynastic to Early Dynastic Times. A View from Tell el-Farkha [in:] MIDANTREYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origins of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 49–61. CHŁODNICKI, M., 2012. History of the Research [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 9–15. CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), 2012. Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków. CHŁODNICKI, M. & CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2016. Tell el-Farkha: Archaeological Fieldwork 2014–2015. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 25: 227–255. CHŁODNICKI, M.; FATTOVICH, R. & SALVATORI, S., 1991. Italian Excavations in the Nile Delta: Fresh Data and New Hypothesis on the 4th Millennium Cultural Development of Egyptian Prehistory. Rivista di Archeologia 15: 5–33. CHŁODNICKI, M.; FATTOVICH, R. & SALVATORI, S., 1992. The Italian Archaeological Mission of the C.S.R.L. – Venice to the Eastern Nile Delta: A Preliminary Report of the 1987–1988 Field Season. Cahiers de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Égyptologie de Lille 14: 46–53. CHŁODNICKI, M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2018. Central Storage Devices from the Central Kom at Tell el-Farkha [in:] CIAŁOWICZ, K.M.; CZARNOWICZ, M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Eastern Nile Delta in the IVth Millennium BC. Poznán/Kraków: 81–90. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2012a. Lower Egyptian Settlement on the Western Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 149–162. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2012b. Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Settlement on the Western Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 163–180. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2016. The Naqadian Occupation of the Nile Delta: New Facts and Possibilities. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 70/71: 81–90. CIAŁOWICZ K.M. & DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2013. The Origin of Egyptian Mastabas in the Light of Research at Tell el-Farkha. Études et Travaux 26: 153–162. CZARNOWICZ, M., 2012. Southern Levantine Imports and Imitations [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998– 2011. Poznań/Kraków: 245–266. DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2012. The Cemetery [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 53–76. DREYER, G., 1998. Umm el–Qaab I: Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine frühen Schriftzeugnisse. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 86. Mainz. FRIEDMAN, R.F., 2008. The Cemeteries of Hierakonpolis. Archéo-Nil 18: 9–29. FRIEDMAN, R.F., 2009. HK6 Checklist. Nekhen News 21: 7. FRIEDMAN, R.F., 2011. Perseverance Pays Off: Answers from Tomb 16 at HK6. Nekhen News 23: 4–6. HENDRICKX, S., 2001. Arguments for an Upper Egyptian Origin of the Palace-Façade and the Serekh during Late Predynastic – Early Dynastic times. Göttinger Miszellen 184: 85–110.

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JIMÉNEZ-SERRANO, A., 2001. The Origin of the Palace-Façade as Representation of Lower Egyptian Élites. Göttinger Miszellen 183: 71–81. KAISER, W., 1998. Zur Entstehung der Mastaba des Alten Reiches [in:] GUKSCH, H. & POLZ, D. (eds.), Stationen: Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens, R. Stadelmann gewidmet. Mainz: 73–86. KOŁODZIEJCZYK, P., 2012. Tokens and Seals [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 267–278. REHREN, T. & PERNICKA, E., 2014. First Data on the Nature and Origin of the Metalwork from Tell el-Farkha [in:] MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (ed.), The Nile Delta as a Centre of Cultural Interactions between Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant in the 4th Millennium BC. Studies in African Archaeology 13. Poznań: 237–252. VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M., 2001. Some Comments in the Margins of “The Origin of the Palace-Façade as Representation of Lower Egyptian Élites”. Göttinger Miszellen 183: 99–111.

EGYPTIAN GODS IN THE EARLY STATE: FORMS AND CONTEXTS OF PRESENTATION (3100–2600 BCE)1 ANGELO COLONNA ‘Sapienza’ Università di Roma, Italy

The introduction of writing, the development of a prestigious decorative system, and the centralisation of both by the royal court reveal that the decisive process of state formation resulted in the definition of a new meaningful system of values and cultural models. In this regard, the world of the deities represents one of the central fields for high-cultural production, reception and circulation of visual and written items. While the social setting for religious display and performances are difficult to reconstruct in detail, artistic and symbolic forms remain crucial for understanding early configurations of values and beliefs. The artefacts and media through which such ideas are distributed bring material culture into discussion and allow the significance of religion’s entangled relationship with objects and the material world to be addressed. This article sets a short review of Early Dynastic evidence against a discussion on the meaning and position of gods within Egyptian society. Three aspects are discussed to explain such points and emphasise the theoretical value in modelling configurations and gaps in the archaeological record: 1) patterns of depiction; 2) patterns of (inter)action; 3) patterns of aggregation. They are intended to show how sophisticated the manipulation and exploitation of symbolic structures were, and how consciously relations with the divine were built and expressed, though with different levels of restriction.

Introduction: gods and high culture The combination of visual and written forms into a highly meaningful and coherent system at the same time represents one of the most distinctive products of the Egyptian high culture and illustrates a prestigious field of communication and transmission that was greatly sustained by intellectual and material investments (Baines 2007). The creation of the system can be placed approximately around the time of the political unification (c. 3100 BCE), and introduced significant changes in both style and content of artistic production, defining a normative frame of reference and setting the pattern for subsequent periods: “writing and 1 The present article should be set within the context of a wider project, which has benefited from a short-term British Academy Postdoctoral Research Scholarship granted by the National Academy of Lincei in Rome, and has been hosted at the Oriental Institute, University of Oxford. I wish to express my gratitude to John Baines for his kind supervision of the research, his valuable suggestions on the topic and his helpful comments on a previous draft of this paper. Richard Bussmann and Stan Hendrickx also made precious remarks that helped me improving the text. Finally, many thanks go to Liam McNamara for discussing relevant points on the material analysed here and highlighting comparisons with objects from the Ashmolean Museum.

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representation were crucial for the formulation and presentation of royal and religious ideology” (Baines 2007: 283; cf. Baines & Yoffee 1998: 233–240). As an important (but not exclusive) focus of religious thought and action, gods are affected by this process of elaboration, manipulation and transformation of symbolic and artistic forms (Baines 1990; Baines 1991a; Bickel 2006). Accordingly, iconography and written materials represent an important way of access to early religious configurations and display of belief structures, since both relate in complex ways to the world of deities, which is, together with kingship and the funerary domain, one of the main cultural fields for the exploitation of images and writing (Hornung 1982: 251; Morenz 2014). In dealing with this topic, the following paper will: 1) investigate the position of divine agencies in early Egyptian society from a contextual, materialbased perspective; 2) analyse the relationship between these three elements, i.e. gods, society, and the media through which they were projected; and 3) suggest a general framework for characterising patterns and gaps in the available record as well as for (re)assessing its position within society. The recourse to theoretical models and explicit hypotheses appears particularly appropriate for countering the limitations in the distribution of the sources, even more so considering the prestigious character of the available material and its strong relation to élite interests, activities, and contexts. In this perspective, the issue of the early configuration of the divine world will be addressed on the basis of the interplay of three levels: material (the medium/ support that carries the information); intellectual (the information itself: name or picture of a god); and situational (the context for its display, presentation or circulation). Modelling sources, patterning information In the visual/conceptual forms in which they are known and mediated through sources, deities participate in that process of ideological, cultural, and intellectual transformation known as State Formation (Köhler 1995; 2010; Wilkinson 1996; cf. also Colonna 2012), which significantly marked the transition between the late Predynastic and the Early Dynastic Period. Major achievements of this process were the establishment of a unified state with kingship as its central institution, and the development of a strongly integrated system of writing and pictorial representation, as a mode of communication and display (Baines 2007: 281–297; Baines 2008: 841–843). This statement must also be related to two major issues: Firstly, the materiality of the evidence, meaning that information about extra-human agencies is essentially indirect and nondiscursive; it is conveyed by, and embedded in, material objects that have specific purposes and whose production and distribution affect the character and the circulation of the mediated ideas. Secondly, the values communicated

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by the system, which mainly focus upon king, temples and gods, and are articulated through the constraints imposed by decorum, the set of rules regulating visual and written forms and restricting the core content and context for their use (Baines 2007: 15). Three aspects will be briefly discussed to explain such points and emphasise the theoretical value in modelling configurations and gaps in the archaeological record: 1) patterns of depiction, which relate to the modes of visualisation and presentation of gods, mainly in pictorial terms; 2) patterns of (inter)action that focus on ways of engagement, or rather, strategies of presenting engagement, between human and extra-human beings, in particular as emerging from personal names; and 3) patterns of aggregation, which address the issue of relations and group(ing)s among deities. Patterns of depiction Although gods are a central category within society, representations of deities appear to be relatively few in number, however distributed on different sources and complex in their appearance. Full depictions of gods in anthropomorphic or mixed forms, such as they are known from later periods, are not shown consistently on early material. More often they are visualised in symbolic, emblematic or animal forms, a distinctive device for which the relief decoration of late Predynastic palettes and mace-heads provide a significant monumental elaboration (Baines 1985: 277–305; Baines 2007: 285–288; Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Detail of the obverse of the Narmer Palette (Cairo CG 14716), Hierakonpolis, Main Deposit (Quibell 1898: Pl. 13).

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Fig. 2. Sealing of Peribsen, Umm el-Qa‘ab, Tomb P (Petrie 1901: Pl. xxii.179).

There are two major observations under this sub-heading: firstly, already during the first two Dynasties anthropomorphic figures appear and are integrated within the consistently rich animal repertoire (Hornung 1982: 100–109; Wilkinson 1999: 262–264). Two-dimensional representations of gods in human or composite form are depicted on some 2nd Dynasty sealings and stone vessels, and already display a certain degree of formalisation in both attitude (standing or enthroned) and attributes (mostly ankh-sign and was sceptre).2 Captions possibly associate these pictures with precise identities, such as the distinct figures of Ash (Fig. 2) and Akhty (?),3 which are clearly identified on some seal impressions dating to Hotepsekhemwy, Peribsen and Khasekhemwy (Kaplony 1963 III: Figs. 283, 286, 291, 303, 304, 307). The alleged 1st Dynasty incised bowl excavated by Petrie at Tarkhan (Petrie 1913: Pls. iii.1, xxxvii.24t) shows, as schematically as recognisably, the god Ptah in his characteristic standing pose within a shrine, an iconography that can be paralleled with the god’s logogram carved on the later entries of the Palermo Stone4. Likewise, on a diorite stone vessel from the underground galleries of the Step Pyramid and dating to Ninetjer’s reign, the goddess Neith is portrayed in fully anthropomorphic form, wearing the tripartite hairstyle typical of divine or royal (queens’) status surmounted by the double-bow emblem, and holding the traditional insigna of the ankh and was-sceptre (Lacau & Lauer 1959: Pl. 16.77; Tassie 2011: 628, 634). Although these depictions appear more as expanded hieroglyphs than actual artistic products, the late 2nd and 3rd Dynasty reliefs illustrate the elaboration of these basic visual patterns into the monumental discourse. The full development 2

These features, which also recur in the emblematic mode of representation, conceptualise the divine agency as distinctively characterised by control over life and supreme authority. 3 The name, interpreted as Hor-Akhty by Kaplony (1963 II: 1034; III: Fig. 304), has been more recently reconstructed as that of the god Ash by Kahl et al. (1995: 18–19 [Ne/Be/12]). 4 Cf. PS v.III.1 (Sahura) and PS v.V.2 (Neferirkara); cf. Wilkinson 2000: 160–166, 179–180; Fig. 3.

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of this process is possibly exemplified by the stela of Qahedjet (Louvre E 25982; Arnold et al. 1999: 177–178, cat. no. 9),5 and is best documented by the relief decoration of the small shrine of Djoser from Heliopolis (Turin S. 2671; Smith 1949: 133–136, Figs. 48–52; Arnold et al. 1999: 175–176, cat. no. 7A–C; Morenz 2002), where the monumental display of gods in full human or mixed form is framed within a more articulated context of action and speech (infra). Sculptural evidence is more difficult to evaluate, both because of problematic identification and lack of information about the archaeological setting. Large animal statues sculpted in various materials are known from the late Predynastic-Early Dynastic Period and their association with temple contexts as well as with particular divine agencies is usually assumed with a certain degree of confidence (Needler 1984: 351–353, 368–369; Craig-Patch 2011: 163– 169, 197–198; general discussion in Bussmann 2010: 201–205). Yet, the interpretation as cult statues that has been proposed for some of them is not entirely persuasive (Baumgartel 1967–1968; Needler 1984: 368); rather, following R. Bussmann (2010: 203–204), it seems more likely to consider these pieces as royal votives or gifts, which were instrumental in displaying the presence and interest of the king in strategic temple sites. Anthropomorphic stone statues are also attested, with the Coptos colossi being an outstanding example that already exhibits, at the end of the 4th millennium BCE, a complex iconographic configuration. This, despite its preformal character, includes all the main features that will quickly coalesce into the canonical image of the god Min (William 1988; Kemp et al. 2000). The ink drawing on a fragmentary stone bowl from the tomb of Khasekhemwy clearly points to the completion of such a process of visual and intellectual codification as early as the late 2nd Dynasty (Petrie 1902: 4, Pl. iii.48; Kemp 2006: 137– 138, Fig. 47) (Fig. 3). The small statue Brooklyn 58–192 and its closer parallel in Brussels E 7039, whose chronological attribution remains controversial and variously ranges from the 3rd to the early 4th Dynasty, have been tentatively identified as the god Onuris or Ha in striding human form, and interpreted as part of a larger group of divine figures (possibly nome-deities) placed in a sanctuary context (Wildung 1972; Arnold et al. 1999: 178–179, cat. no. 10; contra Craig-Patch 2011: 192–193, cat. no. 175). If so, they would confirm the trend just illustrated, and show the full integration of these monuments into an appropriate architectural setting,6 together with the significant reinforcement of the compositional and iconographic system. 5

The issues of the authenticity, origin, and chronological position of this monument remain a matter of debate among the scholars, as the most recent contribution of Pätznick (2007) demonstrates. 6 In this regard, D. Wildung (1972: 158) evokes a parallel with the architectural framework of the complex of Djoser, stating that “[t]he space for such statues was created in chapels which are preserved, for instance, in the Hebsed court of the Zoser Precinct”.

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Fig. 3. Inscribed stone bowl from the tomb of Khasekhemwy, Umm el-Qa‘ab, Tomb V (Petrie 1902: 4, Pl. iii.48).

The second major observation concerns the circulation of this representational pattern and the conceptual as well as social implications of such a distribution. The relevant point here relates to the restricted use of the human figure within the system and its hierarchical value in relation to the other modes of depiction discussed (symbolic, emblematic; cf. Baines 2007: 136–137, 283–285). This centrality is “a powerful cultural statement” (Baines 2007: 284), which has less to do with an anthropocentric perspective of the Egyptian religious thinking (Hornung 1982: 100–109) than with the intellectual association of the human form with the idea of action. A capacity that is accordingly limited to the most important actors of the cosmos, the king and the gods. Thus, the conventions and iconographic patterns of early objects must be framed within an elaborate, restricted and prestigious context of artistic representation, which likely had temples as the major, but not only,7 appropriate setting where direct interaction between royal and divine figures in human 7 The role of the palace as a relevant context of pictorial display should also be considered. In this regard, the temple character and functions of the revetted mound at Hierakonpolis have been questioned in recent years, and the site, with its associated votive material, has been alternatively understood “as an arena for rituals of kingship” (McNamara 2008: 926). It must be remarked, however, that the Khasekhemwy’s granite door-jamb (Engelbach 1934), carved with a scene (unfortunately effaced) of temple foundation where king and gods act together, still indirectly suggests the existence of an early temple. While in this case evidence is not conclusive and general interpretation remains open to debate, the fragmentary reliefs from the so-called ‘Fort’ of Khasekhemwy, thus a complex associated with royal cult and celebration, focus on the Heb-Sed ceremony and apparently includes anthropomorphic representations of deities (Alexanian 1998: Pl. 1, Fig. 5; Pl. 3, Figs. 11–12). This is hardly surprising, however, and does not affect the picture proposed here, which mainly emphasises (1) the limited use of the anthropomorphic mode of representation; and (2) the hierarchical character of the pictorial system and its values: the central position of cult scenes showing the king standing before and interacting directly with gods fits with their restriction to the inner areas of monumental buildings (temples and ceremonial areas). In this perspective, considering both the historical development of iconographic formulations as attested by relief-decorated objects, and the significance of temples as indicated by epigraphic sources (mainly contemporary inscriptions on ivory and wooden tags and later annalistic entries), it is reasonable to consider the latter as the core centre around which those meanings were articulated and from which they gradually expanded (Baines 1997: 221).

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form could be fully visualised and exploited (Baines 1997: 219–226).8 Emblematic depictions such as those displayed on palettes and mace-heads are confined to mobile objects with a broader circulation. However, at the same time, they imply an extended and meaningful figurative system focused on temple decoration and articulated in different media and genres (e.g. wall painting). The later relief fragments from the temples and complexes of Gebelein (Turin S. 12341, Cairo TN 20.1.21.7; Morenz 1994) and Hierakonpolis (Cairo JdE 33896; Engelbach 1934; Alexanian 1998), and the small chapel of Djoser in Heliopolis (Morenz 2002) point in the same direction. These monuments all show highly codified scenes with formal iconographies, complex compositional patterns and standard divine speeches in full narrative form, they suggest earlier antecedents and developments. Moreover, the attestation of divine figures identified by captions on contemporary objects (cf. supra), may illustrate the expansion of the system, together with developments in decorum that allowed material of this type to circulate on objects that might be distributed in contexts with differing levels of religious restriction (such as temple and palace; Baines 2007: 139). In particular, inscribed stone vessels represent an important category, since, despite being mainly recovered from funerary contexts, their textual content clearly mentions members of the élite in relation to the cult of gods and sets their original use in temple ceremonies (Roth 1991: 192–193). Patterns of (inter-)action The normative values transmitted by early Egyptian high-cultural products and incorporated into the system of decorum focuses on an ideological presentation of cosmos and society, which polarises around the core relationship between deities and kings. A distinctive set of iconographic and compositional configurations is quickly established, which is gradually developed, adapted, and refined into a coherent pictorial system. Patterns may vary from purely emblematic (e.g. the Horus falcon with a rope in hand subduing the personification of the enemy territory on the obverse of the Narmer Palette, Cairo CG 14716; Fig. 1), to fully active or transitive, such as in the case of royal participation in ritual ceremonies (e.g. the Khasekhemwy’s door-jamb; Fig. 5). Hieroglyphic inscriptions may be integrated and range from simple captions identifying the actors, to longer statements detailing the character of royal-divine connection, to extensive speeches that the gods address to their royal counterpart. The occurrence of captioned figures of deities on seals and stone vessels during the 8 A possible relevant exception to this pattern is represented by two fragmentary reliefs (Ashmolean Museum 1896–1908 E. 4088 a–b) from the private mastaba K1 at Beit Khallaf (3rd Dynasty). The occurrence of divine images sculpted in relief in a non-royal context is explained by J. Kahl as a possible case of “partieller Entgrenzung” of royal privileges (Kahl 2003: 158).

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Fig. 4. Reconstructed seal of Peribsen with full narrative inscription, Umm el-Qa’ab, Tomb P (Petrie 1901: Pl. xxii.190).

2nd and 3rd Dynasties, in scenes where they are associated to the king’s serekh and to the name of royal institutions (which they are supposed to protect), clearly exemplifies the first case (cf. Lacau-Lauer 1959: pls. 11.57, 11.58, 16.77, Kaplony 1963 III: Figs. 283, 286, 291, 303, 304, 307, 782[?]; supra Fig. 2). Likewise, on the rock-carved relief of Djoser at Wadi Maghara, a goddess, whose name is now lost, stands behind the king sanctioning the royal execution of the defeated enemy (Kahl et al. 1995: 120–121 [Ne/Ma/1]). The best example of the second inscriptional pattern is represented by the earliest known full narrative sentence, which is attested on a sealing of the reign of Peribsen (Kaplony 1963 III: Fig. 368) (Fig. 4), and formulates the relationship between the god (Seth) and the king in explicit theological terms, “The Ombite,9 he has united the Two Lands for his son, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Peribsen”. Similar, but more standardised formulations, stressing the role of the deities as generous donors of life, power and stability to the king, recur sometimes in the epigraphic record during the late 2nd–early 3rd Dynasty, and can be referred in part to the same context (cf. Kaplony 1963 III: Figs. 303, 304; Kahl et al. 1995: 120–121 [Ne/Ma/1]). Ultimately, the development of these brief statements into full speeches appropriate for relief decoration in monumental temple contexts is definitely illustrated by the fragments of the Djoser’s shrine, but the almost contemporaneous occurrence of the phraseology documented on the sealing of Peribsen and on other comparable impressions of the 2nd Dynasty, and of the iconographic schemes displayed on the door-jamb of Khasekhemwy may indicate that such changes could have taken place one or two generations earlier (infra, Fig. 5, 6). All of these patterns show kingship as the centripetal core and the unifying institution around which the world of deities is progressively structured in official ideology, while particular trends may possibly be identified, such as the relevant status of Seth under Peribsen or the progressive emergence of the figure of Ra during the 2nd Dynasty (Kahl 2007; contra Wilkinson 2008). An important consequence is that local/geographical connections of many deities 9 For a different understanding of this epithet as a designation of Ra (“the Golden One”), cf. Kahl 2007: 45–46.

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(e.g. Bastet, Neith, Nekhbet) appear to be less relevant to their character than their engagement with the central royal court. However, links with specific places could well be the result of an intellectual system that integrates divine powers into a wider mythical framework expressing and propagating the political idea of the unified state (Hornung 1982: 70–74; Kemp 1995: 679–681). The relevant point is that such deities already display a seemingly complex nature and range of influence, which is not topographically restricted while their cults already possibly have a wide diffusion over the whole country: “Whenever it is possible to see gods making their appearance in history, we find that their nature is already complex … and that the geography of their worship is correspondingly complex” (Hornung 1982: 225). Gods and goddesses protect the king and his initiatives (foundations, religious or military activities; cf. Fig. 2), reconfiguring with their presence this set of actions (or contexts of action) as both a domain of exclusive exchanges between divine and royal partners and a field of restricted forms of communication. Two related features of this strategy of display should be taken into account: firstly, the distribution of the written/pictorial repertoire on certain types of artefacts (sealings, tags, stone vessels) redefines the biographies of the objects themselves as well as of the products they were attached to, projecting them into a cosmological framework of royal-divine interaction, and thus reinforcing the process of centralisation (Wengrow 2008); and secondly, it represents a means of prestige for those members of the élite who had access to the system and were allowed to participate in the production and circulation of such inscribed/decorated items. The case of the stone vessels is highly illustrative in this regard. The last point is especially significant since it relates to a slightly wider social context than royalty and addresses the vital question of the significance of deities for larger groups within society as well as of how their relationship with individuals was presented. Here, the study of personal names and naming practice is crucial for better understanding early personal piety (Baines 1987: 94–97; 1991: 176–178; Gourdon 2016), how a personal relationship with a god was perceived and displayed, and what aspects were considered as constitutive and distinctive of a certain god(dess) and important for his/her conceptualisation. The point of reference is the standard work of Peter Kaplony (1963 I: 379–672) who collected most of the personal names belonging to the period; many of these are theophorous, i.e. mention one or more deities; however, his list is slightly problematic owing to a number of uncertainties in reading or understanding, and thus will need a critical review, together with the integration of new data.10 10 Since the review of the material is still in progress, and since the aim of the following remarks is not to give a critical study of the onomastic evidence, but to highlight some meaningful points, discussion will largely follow Kaplony’s interpretation.

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While providing valuable material to approach the spread of religious beliefs and notions about deities, a major focus in the study of theophorous names should be the analysis of recurrent patterns that record relevant aspects, actions or attitudes connecting the god mentioned with the name-bearer (Vittmann 2013). Here, the case of Neith can be briefly used as an illustrative example, since nearly forty percent of the names belonging to the corpus relate to the goddess (Hollis 1995: 46–48). Neith is addressed directly, with reference to her ka or in combination with other deities (e.g. Anubis, Ptah), while names can be grouped in different categories. For the most part, they affirm the idea of belonging to the deity (Ỉḫt-Nt, ‘Property of Neith’; Nyt-Nt, ‘She who belongs to Neith’); or her favourable, protective attitude toward the individual (Mryt/ Mry-Nt, ‘Beloved of Neith’; Nt-ḥtp, ‘Neith is satisfied’; ḫwy-Nt, ‘Neith protects’); with possibly a particular focus on the critical moment of birth (Ỉnwt-Nt, ‘Brought by/gift of Neith’); and the support she grants (Nbt-kꜢ.ỉ-Nt, ‘Neith is the mistress of my Ka’; Rdj-Nt, ‘Neith gives’). On the other hand, personal engagement of the name holder with the goddess is proclaimed in other cases (Mr.f/s-Nt, ‘He/She loves Neith’), and cultic participation can also be explicitly stated (MꜢt-Nt, ‘She who sees Neith?’; šms-Nt, ‘Follower of Neith’). All theophorous names emphasise the positive role of the deity, while some interesting appellations seem to allude to specific attributes of her personality: this is the case for the statements about Neith as a fierce and aggressive goddess (ꜤḥꜢ-Nt, ‘Neith fights’; Nḫt-Nt, ‘Neith is strong’). Three further remarks may be relevant for contextualisation: 1) the richness and variety in formulation point to an active understanding of the personal name as meaningful and effective for an individual to express his/her aspiration to proximity or direct and lifelong connection with divine power; 2) the relevance of major deities may reflect an influence of royal patterns as well as the interest in (or display of) participation in the official religion; 3) the multiplicity of divine figures addressed in theophorous names shows once more the complexity of their role and character as well as their articulated and pervasive distribution within society, outside the restricted royal sphere. Patterns of aggregation As discussed above, early evidence records a plurality of major divine agencies whose cult is integrated into society and landscape at different levels, as both personal names and official sources demonstrate.11 This also raises the issue of their organisation and inclusion into larger meaningful groupings, such as the system of the ennead, which is mainly attested in relation to Heliopolis and has 11 Important evidence in this regard includes the annalistic entries recording the manufacture and dedication of cult statues. It is not possible here to discuss this point further.

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its members first listed in the later Pyramid Texts (Pyr. 1655b; Hornung 1982: 221–223; Bickel 2006: 92–94). In this regard, it seems that, although the laconic character of the available material prevents us from appreciating the details of the processes, the development of articulated and possibly hierarchical mechanisms of aggregation of deities can already be assumed for the Early Dynastic Period. Some largely epigraphic as well as pictorial evidence is valuable for modelling a point of departure for later and more productive expansions of the system; in particular, three classes of sources are worth discussing for their significant implications: 1) names of so-called fortresses (or palaces) of the gods; 2) names of domains; 3) depictions in reliefs. As for the first group, both the Palermo Stone and several inscriptions engraved on stone vessels of the first two dynasties inform us about a particular type of cult building labelled as ‘Palace (or Fortress) of the gods’, which is depicted as a rectangular fortified enclosure surrounding the specific name of the structure (Kaplony 1963a); the latter is always composed with the word nṯrw as its second element, so that an assembly of gods is intended. Dieter Arnold (1997: 32–39) suggests that the names of the buildings clearly designate them as gathering places for the deities, who would have reached the location (probably at the court capital) by boat and met there with the king on the occasion of important ceremonial events (such as the Sed-festival or the šms-Ḥr ceremony); the enclosures would have thus provided a monumental arena for complex royal-divine interactions. While the exact composition of the group is not expressed, an interpretation as the ‘Followers of Horus’ remains an interesting possibility. More importantly, the collective identity of the assembly as well as the highly formalised and active context for its appearance should be understood as the product of a ritual mode of aggregation (Ciampini 2005: 169–170). This assembly defines and circumscribes (also graphically) the presence, role, and meaning of the divine agencies within a specific framework of ritual action, with its thematic focus being the renovation or legitimisation of the royal power. Plurality is therefore ritually organised and made meaningful in relation to kingship, while also incorporating this interplay between national and local issues; the Sed-festival court of the Djoser complex with its surrounding shrines and sets of statues (cf. supra) monumentally illustrates this configuration. As early as the 1st Dynasty, some royal names and a series of names of domains (Helck 1987: 204–205; Wilkinson 1999: 118–122) refer to a grouping of gods called ht, ‘corporation/community’ as the context for assessing the prominent role of Horus or the king. The Horus name of Djoser and Sekhemkhet clearly belong to the same conceptual horizon (Table 1). The term ht (Wb. III: 357–358) expresses the idea of ‘grouping, corporation’, although it does not have any explicit numerical focus. Rather, it refers to the indefinite plurality of the gods as a coherent structure with a hierarchical articulation

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(Ciampini 2005: 168–169). Within the system, relationships are arranged in terms of power and prestige, with a schematic, but significant polarisation between the singular dominant actor and the rest of the group in a subordinate position. Dyn.

KN

Domains

1 (Meretneith/Den)

Ḥr-tpy-ẖt

Horus, first of the corporation

1 (Andjib)

Ḥr-sbꜢ-ẖt

Horus, star of the corporation

Ḥr-ḏsr-ẖt

Horus, the holy one of the corporation12

Ḥr-nbw-ẖt

Horus, the golden one of the corporation

1 (Semerkhet)

Smr-ẖt

Companion of the corporation

1 (Qaa) 3 (Djoser)

Nṯry-ẖt

The (most) divine one of the corporation

3 (Sekhemkhet)

Sḫm-ẖt

The (most) powerful one of the corporation

Table 1. Royal names and names of royal domains constructed with ẖt.

It remains difficult to ascertain how this notion relates to the later group of the ennead, but it is worth remarking that in Pyr. 1041a (N) the king is clearly addressed as belonging to ‘this great corporation which was born before in Heliopolis’ (N pw wꜤ n ht tw ꜤꜢt mst m-bꜢḥ m Ỉwnw). In spite of the fact that the term used is ht, its geographical as well as formal categorisation may imply a process of conceptual overlapping and elaboration, connecting the unspecified corporation with the refined model of the great ennead of Heliopolis, its numerical classification and explicit composition (cf. Hornung 1982: 221–223). It can be proposed that the codification of a Heliopolitan pantheon represents a case of ‘invention of tradition’ that was developed within a court milieu as the intellectual product of sophisticated mechanisms of theological speculation on ancient material (Hornung 1982: 222; Bickel 1994: 285–298). In this regard, relevant early iconographic evidence is provided by two different relief scenes: the first scene is the largely erased foundation ceremony represented on the Khasekhemwy’s door-jamb from the temple mound of Hierakonpolis, where the king appears together with the goddess Seshat in the act of hammering in the boundary poles (Fig. 5). On the left side of the register, he is faced by a group of smaller standing figures, arranged in four rows, which 12 On the basis of new seal impressions rediscovered, the name of the royal domain has been reinterpreted by Engel as Ḥr-wp-ẖt “Horus who judges the corporation” (Engel 2004).

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Fig. 5. Door-jamb of Khasekhemwy (Cairo JdE 33896), Hierakonpolis, temple mound (Engelbach 1934: Pl. xxiv).

Engelbach (1934: 183) quickly classifies as ‘his (i.e. king’s) people’; they hold sticks and at least some of them possibly wear some kind of headdress or emblem so that, while the heavy damage suffered by the block does not allow any certain conclusion, the alternative possibility that a group of deities was originally depicted participating in (or assisting to) the ritual cannot be ruled out a priori. Since the accompanying inscriptions are now completely illegible, the exact identities of these figures remain difficult to ascertain, and any possible reason or religious meaning underlying their number and association is no longer understandable. However, even though the crucial issue of the identification of this group with an early form of divine corporation cannot be solved, the pictorial value of the scene as (possibly) providing a visual counterpart to the ritual mode of aggregation previously discussed should at least be remarked upon. The compositional principle of arranging the figures into complex, hierarchical group-action tableaux is also a noteworthy feature, which may reflect significant ideas about the actors and their relationships,13 while setting the pattern for later, more refined developments (cf. Arnold et al. 1999: 88–94). The second scene is perhaps more impressive, although likewise fragmentary; it belongs to the decoration of the small freestanding shrine of Djoser from Heliopolis (Fig. 6), and is usually interpreted as the first known attestation of the Heliopolitan ennead (Smith 1949: 132–138; Barta 1973: 185–186). This is mainly based on the identification of the two partially preserved seated figures as the gods Geb and Seth. While Ludwig Morenz (2002: 147–149) suggests 13 The apparently different scale among the (alleged) divine figures may be relevant in this regard, as well as their arrangement (compare the size and position of the two upper individuals with those of the figures in the lower sub-registers) but the state of preservation of the relief makes it difficult to articulate this point in detail.

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Fig. 6. Reconstruction of relief fragments from the shrine of Djoser (Turin S. 2671), Heliopolis (Smith 1949, Fig. 50).

reinterpreting Geb as Nbw (‘The golden one’), a sort of taboo name for Atum or Ra, a few points might be stressed in order to set discussion within a wider theoretical framework: firstly, whether the reliefs represent the ennead or another type of aggregation (e.g. the ht-corporation), the highly formalised character of the composition (at both pictorial and verbal level) points to a work of systematisation, which possibly assembled existing beliefs and conceptions into an ordered composition, numerically as well as mythically meaningful. Secondly, while lacking any strictly narrative quality, the sequence of gods encodes cosmological values and notions into a visual presentation that fits well with the fused pictorial-written system of decorum and with the list/ tabular mode of display as the core form of early prestige record and presentation (Baines 2007: 128, 135, 142–144). Thirdly, in spite of the seemingly abstract appearance, formal configurations in numerical-genealogical modes reveal a complex pattern of exchange between theological discourse, pictorial conventions and political framework, which shapes, mainly in terms of severe restrictions, the appropriate context and forms for transmitting information about relations among gods.14

14 All of these points obviously relate to the crucial issue of myths in early Egypt, which however cannot be addressed here. Valuable discussion in Baines 1991 and Bickel 1994: 257– 283, with relevant bibliography.

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Conclusion The topics discussed here, very briefly and selectively, could be further developed in different directions. The aim was to show how the world of deities exhibits a complex articulation, which was deeply ingrained in the Egyptian society (mainly the élite) and system of values. Sources and information may appear less consistent and detailed than those from later periods, nonetheless the review and analysis of the available material clearly point to the development of significant configurations, which were as elaborated in conceptual formulation as articulated in societal diffusion, even the constraints of decorum. Moreover, this once more emphasises the need to model more precisely their contents and contexts of use. In this regard, three further foci of research can be highlighted, by way of conclusion, as potentially relevant to strengthen arguments about early Egyptian religious experience: 1) the interplay between divine cults and early urbanism, which introduced a new powerful structure and framework of reference for deities and their relationships with(in) society (Bussmann 2014: 328–337); 2) the model of great and little traditions as a beneficial analytical framework for describing strategies and mechanisms of interaction within the cultural environment(s) producing the evidence (Kemp 2006: 111–135; Bussmann 2016); and 3) critical comparisons with patterns of evidence from earlier/subsequent stages, in order to appreciate forms and degrees of continuity with or transformation of previous and later traditions as well as to avoid, or at least to reduce, the risks of teleological perspectives or approaches oriented to the search for survivals. Bibliography ALEXANIAN, N., 1998. Die Reliefdekoration des Chasechemui aus dem sogenannten Fort in Hierakonpolis [in:] GRIMAL, N. (ed.), Les critères de datation stylistiques à l’Ancien Empire. Bibliothèque d’Étude 120. Cairo: 1–29. ARNOLD, D., 1997. Royal Cult Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms [in:] SHAFER, B.E. (ed.), Temples of Ancient Egypt. London/New York: 31–85. ARNOLD, D.; GRZMSKI, K. & ZIEGLER, C., 1999. Egyptian Art in the Age of the Pyramids. New York. BAINES, J., 1985. Fecundity Figures: Egyptian Personification and the Iconology of a Genre. Warminster. BAINES, J., 1987. Practical Religion and Piety. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73: 79–98. BAINES, J., 1990. Trône et dieu: Aspects du symbolisme royal et divin des temps archaïques. Bulletin de la Société Française d’Égyptologie 118: 5–37. BAINES, J., 1991a. On the Symbolic Context of the Principal Hieroglyph for ‘God’ [in:] VERHOEVEN, U. & GRAEFE, E. (eds.), Religion und Philosophie im Alten Ägypten: Festgabe für Philippe Derchain. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 39. Leuven: 29–46.

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PRE- AND EARLY DYNASTIC GEBELEIN FROM A REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE: SOME THOUGHTS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS WOJCIECH EJSMOND University of Warsaw, Poland

The archaeological sites of Gebelein are relatively poorly known. Therefore, a programme of surveys of this area was initiated in 2013, which lead to the acquisition of new data from the centre of the Gebelein region. The aim of this study is to present a number of archaeological sites within a wider, regional context in relation to Gebelein. Published and unpublished archival information combined with recently acquired data from the field surveys enable us to analyse the spatial distribution of Predynastic and Early Dynastic sites in the region between Birket Habu and Esna. The archaeological topography of the area was considered from the perspective of the Central Place Theory. Analyses showed that Gebelein forms a major concentration of the largest and functionally diverse archaeological sites in the region. The micro-region of Gebelein encompassed a primary centre(s) (settlements of Sumenu or/and Per-Hathor), which supports the idea that it could have been a proto-state capital. Furthermore, if the conclusion is valid, one can observe that Predynastic political centres in Upper Egypt were equidistant to one another, thus suggesting that their emergence was influenced by their role as centrally functioning places, which would develop to become proto-state capitals during the Predynastic Period.

Introduction Understanding of the local and broad cultural changes occurring throughout Egypt requires a regional study of the spatial organisation of human activities in a landscape. In the context of Predynastic Upper Egypt, good examples are the regional analysis of settlement patterns by M. Hoffmann, H. Hamroush, R. Allen (Hoffman et al. 1986); D. Patch (1991); and M. Gatto (et al. 2009) which have shaped how we understand not only the settlement patterns (see Mortensen 1991), but also our perception of other cultural processes, such as the emergence of elites and state formation (e.g. Stevenson 2016; Bárta 2017). Gebelein is located in a central area of Upper Egypt, making it directly accessible to other known Predynastic Upper Egyptian centres, especially Hiw-Abadiya, Naqada, and Hierakonpolis (Fig. 1). These sites are thought to have been proto-state capitals at some point (Wilkinson 2000; Hikade 2010: 5) that have all been studied within their own regional contexts (see Hassan 1981; Hoffman et al. 1986; Bard 1989; Patch 1991; Kraemer 2013). In the area of Gebelein the following surveys must be mentioned. The first one was conducted in 1907 by Henri de Morgan (1912; Needler 1984), whose research was very

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Fig. 1. Location of Gebelein and other sites mentioned in the text (W. Ejsmond).

general, poorly published, and did not include Gebelein in his concession. Nevertheless, the scholar did briefly visit Gebelein along with other sites in the region, but his research was very limited in this area and insufficiently published. F. Debono (1969) researched sites around of Esna to a radius of about 10 kilometres, which were never adequately published. R. Mond and O. Myers (1937) conducted meticulous and well published excavations at Armant, but a large part of their survey results were unpublished (Kemp 2008: 118). Very detailed and well published were surveys and excavations of B. Ginter, J. Kozłowski, and M. Pawlikowski (1985) between Armant cemeteries and Malqata. In addition to archaeological surveys, epigraphical works in mountain areas south of Thebes were conducted by H. Winkler (1938) as well as D. Darnell and J. Darnell (2002). Recently, on-going surveys and excavations at Mo’alla are being directed by C. Manassa Darnell (2017), contributing new information about the provincial settlement and funerary landscapes on the eastern bank of the Nile in this region. Many scholars have conducted work in the Gebelein area, among which the most notable include; A. Wallis Budge (1920: 359– 360), L. Lortet and C. Gaillard (1909: 34, 225–226), E. Schiaparelli (1921) and G. Farina (1929, 1937).

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After reviewing the previous research, one can see that the central part of the region, i.e. the west bank of the Nile from c. 10 km north from Esna to Armant, is practically unknown, with the exception of Gebelein. Although field research was conducted at Gebelein and er-Rizeiqat, the results of these excavations were published far from a satisfying extent (see also Ejsmond 2013; Ejsmond 2017; Ejsmond 2018 for the current research). Therefore, the Gebelein Archaeological Project aims to conduct a detailed survey and documentation of all traces of human activity in the past within the micro-region1 of Gebelein (Ejsmond 2016). It was already observed by different scholars that Gebelein could have played a prominent role in Egypt during the Predynastic Period (Wilkinson 2000: 378–379; Hikade 2010: 5); however, the limited number of published data from the area does not allow for a thorough evaluation of its significance (Ciałowicz 1999: 161; Wilkinson 2000: 378–379). New information regarding the spatial and chronological distribution of archaeological material at Gebelein has emerged that allows us to partly fill this gap (see Ejsmond et al. 2017 for the current results of the Gebelein Archaeological Project). This new data, paired with previous scholarship, can be analysed in a wider regional context. Methods Data from the above mentioned publications, as well as the recently acquired information from the field, will be discussed in this paper in order to understand the settlement pattern of the Gebelein region. A program of surveys across the micro-region of Gebelein began in 2013, and was continued in the 2015 and 2016 seasons (Ejsmond et al. 2015a, 2015b; Ejsmond et al. 2017). Unfortunately, due to delays in receiving the security clearances, fieldwork activities including the survey work was conducted over a shorter time than what had been planned. Therefore, only half of the Gebelein area has been surveyed at the time of writing. The examination of archival maps, old and contemporary satellite images shows the level of destruction and threats to the archaeological heritage in the region (Chyla 2017). Thus, the detailed documentation of the remaining traces of human activities became necessary. The field prospection was conducted with the use of a device with Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) and Geographic Information System (GIS) applications, which allow the survey 1 This term defines an area larger than an individual site but smaller than a region (the latter determined by geographic features or cultural tradition). A micro-region delimits a mid-level scale of analysis of a group of related sites and their structures. In this case, the area of the two hills of Gebelein and their direct vicinity.

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participants to produce a detailed documentation from the field works (see Ejsmond et al. 2015b; Ejsmond et al. 2017). Because cemeteries were usually located in proximity to the communities they served, their spatial distribution indicates approximate positions of settlements. As it is commonly assumed, structures of tombs and their furnishing reflect the social structure of a population they served (e.g. Wengrow 2006: 83). When luxurious artefacts have been found at a site, the interpretation follows that indicates the presence of a wealthy elite group,2 who controlled the local area for its resources to acquire these particular artefacts (Stevenson 2016: 439– 444). Thus, when elite tombs are found in such cemeteries they can also indicate whether or not an associated settlement could have been a centre of local administration or a polity (see e.g. Mortensen 1991; Köhler 2008: 381; Moeller 2016: 11–26). When approaching the issue of understanding the settlement pattern in the Gebelein region, the Central Place Theory by W. Christaller (1933) provides a suitable theoretical framework. Although, the theory was justly criticised (see e.g. Evans & Gould 1982; Nakoinz 2012), it can assist the way one is seeing a settlement structure,3 even if not directly adopting the method. Defining settlements in a hierarchical way here as primary (towns), secondary settlements (villages and shelters) is justified because it is not common that a shelter located in mountains or a village could act as an administrative centre like a town. Unfortunately, the state of the research of the sites in the Gebelein region4 does not allow informed distinctions to be made among the different archaeological sites. Therefore, the division used here will be made for medium and small cemeteries,5 settlements and shelters (the latter due to difficulty with reconstruction of their original size), and places of flint extraction including quarries (Fig. 2). The region studied here stretches about 25 km north and south from Gebelein and includes the hills surrounding the valley. This designated area was chosen for the reason that; if assuming after Wilkinson (2000: 378–379) that Gebelein was a proto-state capital, the distances between the centres that are thought to be proto-states capitals are approximately 50 km (Fig. 1). Therefore, their spheres of influence encompassed areas of about 25 km from the centre (if applying Christaller’s theory).

2

Or as S. Seidlmayer (2006: 315) phrased it, “social geography of the country”. E.g. Köhler 2008: 397. 4 I.e. uneven distribution of past research, different qualities of documentation and publication. 5 Wengrow wrote (2006: 75) that the large cemeteries in Upper Egypt contain thousands inhumations, and small ones between 100 and 200 bodies. In the present paper, the definition of a medium cemetery indicates 200 tombs or more, and the definition of a small cemetery represents anything under 200 tombs. Large cemeteries, i.e. above 1000 inhumations were not attested in the Gebelein region. 3

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Archaeological topography of Gebelein region The following list presents the sites and their short descriptions from the north to the south of the region (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Locations of Pre- and Early Dynastic archaeological sites in the Gebelein region (W. Ejsmond).

A group of numerous6 Neolithic/Naqada I–II (?) sites is located along 8 km line between Birket Habu and Armant. The sites include chert extraction places, settlements/camps, but no cemeteries were detected between Birket Habu and Armant cemetery 1300. The great quantity of the settlements may be partly explained by the meticulous documentation by Ginter, Kozłowski and Pawlikowski (1985). This Predynastic activity may be related to the abundance of chert in the nearby mountains and the low desert. Large extraction fields can be easily seen today, e.g. in the vicinity of Malqata. It is thought that the settlements excavated by Ginter and Kozłowski were of rural/pastoral and temporary nature, because they consist solely of archaeological features such as fire-places, storage and trash pits, post-holes, and simple dwellings (probably constructed with light and perishable materials), and only occasionally built with stone foundations (Ginter et al. 1985; Ginter & Kozłowski 1994; Takamiya 2008: 27). It must be observed, that this is also 6 Although, Ginter (et al. 1985: Fig. 1) presented a detailed map of the spatial distribution of the surveyed sites, the present author observed during his visits to the area that it is hard to give a detailed number of the archaeological remains due to an abundance of the lithic material distributed almost continuously along the border of the low desert and agricultural fields.

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the kind of architecture attested at permanently occupied sites (see e.g. Tristant 2004 for habitation sites and architecture). Therefore, the settlements of the low desert in the Armant region could have been permanent places of living and their large number may be related with mining places for local chert resources as well as the long history of the human occupation of the area. The Armant cemeteries consist of four necropolises, named 600 (12 tombs, Naqada I–II), 1200 (1 isolated tomb, Naqada IC; 3 elite tombs, Naqada IIID), 1300 (cemetery of 23 tombs, Naqada IIC–IID2; necropolis of 13 tombs, Naqada IIIC–IIID?), and 1400–1500 (cemetery of 169 tombs, Naqada IC–IIIA1) (Mond & Myers 1937; Hendricks & van den Brink 2002: 361). Armant settlement 1 is dated to the Badari Culture, but only storage pits of the settlement have survived the erosion (Myers & Fairman 1931: 228–229).7 Armant settlement 2 is dated to Naqada I–III, where remains of a construction with stone foundation and pots were reported in situ (Mond & Myers 1937: 163–258, Pl. LXXV–LXXVI). Both of the sites were found on the low desert edge, close to the modern agricultural areas. In the town of Armant, excavations under the pharaonic temple of Montu revealed Predynastic/Early Dynastic layers; the earliest of which correspond to Petrie’s Sequence Dates 60–78 (McEuen 1940: 39–40). There are some poorly published sites between Armant and er-Rizeiqat (de Morgan 1897: 41; Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 201–208). Many sites located on the low desert were documented by Mond and Myers, but they were never published (Kemp 2008: 118). De Morgan (1912: 49) also mentioned some sites, although their names and locations were not published. Considering the surveys by Ginter, Kozłowski, and Pawlikowski (1994; Ginter et al. 1985), it would be natural to suspect that such sites would be located further west from where the Polish scholars finished their survey. It is worth mentioning that this area was an important communication crossroad. From this place one can go north via the Theban gebel (Darb Rayayana road) to Nag Hamadi (area of Abadiya-Hiw) much quicker than making the journey along the Nile (Ejsmond 2018: 338–339). The second track leads to the oases of the Western Desert and southwards towards Nubia. It is attested that this road was used by nomads in dynastic times to move livestock between Nubia and Egypt (Vernus 1986: 144). This would explain the existence of the native Egyptian as well as C-Group (possibly also A-Group) artefacts found in the area of er-Rizeiqat and Armant (Mond & Myers 1937: Pl. LXXIV; Kemp 2008: 118).8

7 This may indicate that there was a period of heavy rains that contributed to erosion of earlier than Naqada Period sites. 8 The southern part of Egypt is regarded as a grey zone, where people representing Naqada and A-Group were living (Buchez 2011: 33; Roy 2011: 201–210), what explains Nubian material culture in the Gebelein region.

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Er-Rizeiqat is a necropolis that has unfortunately not been satisfactorily published; therefore, it is impossible to judge the extent of its size. Black-topped pottery found at the site suggests that it was in use during Naqada I and/or II. Lithic finds in its southern part may suggest that there was a settlement as well (Ejsmond 2017). The “Cave of the Wooden Pegs” is located by the Wadi Rizeiqat. To either side of the opening of the cave are drystone constructions, including U-shaped huts, which are the remains of shelters. In its vicinity, depictions of boats, quadrupeds, and birds were found. Large amounts of Predynastic pottery and flints were located by the entrance to the cave and large quantities of ash, as well as other organic matter were found within, indicating a long habitation history (Darnell 2002: 157). Rock art sites in the region include several places that sometimes coincide with more or less temporary shelters that Winkler (1938) discovered within several Predynastic sites in the area. The following numbers correspond with his numbering of the sites: sites 34 and 40 include petroglyphs only, e.g. depictions of boats and animals: giraffes, elephant, antelope, cattle, ass, fox, dog, and crocodile. Some men are depicted holding staffs, throwing-sticks, or lassos. Horus names of the elsewhere unattested king Raneb was found as well (Winkler 1938: 9). Sites 41 and 42 contain flint implements in addition to the rock art (Winkler 1938: 5). Site 37 is two cave-like shelters with walls made of rubble masonry at the entrances. Depictions of elephants, giraffe, ibex, sheep, and cattle are also reported (Winkler 1938: 9). Site 46 has a roof-like shelter. Depictions of giraffe, antelope, gazelles, a cat-like animal, boats as well as flints were found in the area (Winkler 1938: 5–6). The names surmounted by Horus at the site 34 (Winkler 1938: 9) have been the subject of some controversy, which requires further comment. According to Wilkinson (1995: 205, 210) the serekhs show the name of a previously unattested Predynastic king dated to Naqada IIIb. Because this name is difficult to read Wilkinson (1999: 56) called the owner of the name ‘King B’. According to Jiménez-Serrano (2003: 116) the bird surmounting the name is not a falcon, but a swallow (sign G36); and as such, the signs inside the serekh should be read as ‘Horus’ (O1) and ‘gold’ (S12). Therefore, the inscription would read, according to the scholar, wr pr nbw, which is attested elsewhere during the Early Dynastic Period (Kaplony 1964: 33, Abb. 1071; cf. Jiménez-Serrano 2003). Jiménez-Serrano’s argument to refute the existence of such a king is that these two signs occur together in other places, but without any bird surmounting the top of the serekh (see Winkler 1938: 10, pl. XI, no. 5), and that furthermore, this name occurs only in this peripheral area. However, the present author believes that Jiménez-Serrano’s arguments may be reversed in favour of Wilkinson’s interpretation. This name can occur without a falcon/swallow because it could have been a name used by other people or when the person was not a ruler; and as such the peripheral appearance of this name states that

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Fig. 3. Serekhs of the King ‘B’ (not in this same scale. Wilkinson 1995: Fig. 1).

he/she could have been a less significant leader, possibly controlling only the region where the names were found. This would also explain why the person is not attested elsewhere as the single attestation of rulers is not an exceptional occurrence. A good example comes from a desert track between the Kharga and Dakhla Oases (see Ikram & Rossi 2004). What would be the reason for framing the two signs within the rectangle and leaving the bird above it ‘free’ other than making a serekh? Thus, despite the peculiarities of its palaeography the author is agreeing with Winkler’s interpretation of the bird as a falcon. According to Wilkinson, the exact sequence of political developments of early Egypt is far from clear. Even if the Thinite kings achieved hegemony in Upper Egypt before the 1st Dynasty, it is possible that some local rulers continued to exist and retain or emulate royal protocol (Wilkinson 1995: 207), possibly in less visible places. Therefore, it is possible that the two serekhs discovered by Winkler as well as the one found by S. Ikram and C. Rossi (2004) may have belonged to local rulers from the Gebelein region. There is a large chert mine at Tod that was used mainly during pharaonic times, but possibly also earlier, however, further research is required. It is located to the south of the Tod temple on a 30–40 m high terrace (Fuchs 1995). Wadi Mahmiyyet ad-Debabiya is known from its Ramesside and GrecoRoman limestone quarry.9 No traces of Predynastic activities were found, but deeper in the valley two sites were documented. These two sites (M10–11.12/28.2 and M10–11.12/28.3) consist of large boulders and short dry-stone walls. Within them a small quantity of Predynastic pottery and flints were found. These sites are interpreted as shelters used during hunting and are dated to late Naqada II (Manassa Darnell 2017: 314–318). 9 There was some speculation concerning whether or not the quarry could have been used during Predynastic times (see Kemp et al. 2000).

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Fig. 4. Locations of Pre- and Early Dynastic sites in the Gebelein micro-region (map by W. Ejsmond on GoogleEarth satellite image).

As the result of the recent field surveys of Gebelein one can see the following distribution of Pre- and Early Dynastic archaeological sites within the microregion (Fig. 4).10 The name of the settlement of Sumenu occurs in Early Dynastic inscriptions at North Saqqara11 (Fig. 5). The pharaonic town of this name was located north from the Western Mountain of Gebelein (Ejsmond 2013; Ejsmond 2017: Fig. 1). The main deity was Sobek with the cultic epithet “lord of Sumenu”, who often occurs with the ima tree (Kuentz 1929: 157–8). It is worth mentioning that two stone knives, of probably cultic function, were found at Gebelein (Gaillard & Lotet 1909: 167–168). Crocodiles are depicted on their handles, which corroborates the idea that the cult of Sobek was present in the area since early times (the stone boat model from Gebelein with the depiction of a crocodile, Musée de Confluences in Lyon; Emmons et al. 2010: 75, Fig. 68). Previous researchers mentioned the remains of Pre- and Early Dynastic settlements (de Morgan 1912: 49), one of which was located north of the Western Mountain 10 The Predynastic topography of Gebelein was discussed in detail in Ejsmond 2013 and Ejsmond 2018, see also Ejsmond et al. 2017. The following description is based on the aforementioned publications and the recent field research. Repeating the discussions and reasoning behind the locations of Predynastic sites mentioned in the publications is beyond the scope of present paper. 11 Tomb 3121 (Emery 1949: 116–120), but the image and the description of the inscription are not published there. A drawing of the artefact and the inscription is in Kaplony (1963: Taf. 150, no. 865). In the inscription Sobek and the ima tree (the sacred plant of Sobek lord of Sumenu, for Sobek and ima tree see Kuentz 1929: 157–158; see also Regulski 2010: 130), denominates Sumenu.

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Fig. 5. Pot with the name of Sumenu form Mastaba 3121 (Kaplony 1963: 830, Abb. 865).

of Gebelein (Schiaparelli 1921: 27–28; Marro 1929: 9), and should be equated with Sumenu.12 The Northern Necropolis of Gebelein is a large area13 stretching from the north-eastern corner of the Western Mountain to its western corner. According to F. Ugliano (pers. comm. at the Origins 6 Conference), some tombs were also discovered directly west from Sumenu (see also Del Vesco 2015: 60, Fig. 46). Unfortunately, the northern necropolis is mostly destroyed and its central area was completely erased due to mining activities in the 20th century (Ejsmond et al. 2017: 247–248). It is this part of the cemetery where the Gebelein linen was discovered. The eastern part of the cemetery was frequently excavated by many missions, but none of them produced a sufficient account of their works in a published form. V. Rosa, who conducted excavations on behalf of Schiaparelli in the eastern part of the cemetery in 1911, wrote an unpublished field journal detailing his activities (Rosa 1911). He mentioned the discovery of bodies in a crouched position, ‘fine flints’, and Predynastic pottery. Predynastic dating of the eastern part of the necropolis was confirmed during the 2016 season, when numerous flints, Predynastic pottery sherds dating to Naqada I–III (including black-topped, decorated wares, cylindrical painted jars), a fragment of a cosmetic palette, grinding stones, and some ornaments were found (Fig. 6). For a report on the current state of research see Ejsmond et al. (2017). B. Kemp, A. Boyce and J. Harrell (2000) have suggested that the Coptos colossi were made of a limestone from Gebelein. Indeed, there is a stone quarry in the central part of Gebelein, but no traces of Predynastic activity were found 12

More information on the town and the Northern Necropolis is presented in W. Ejsmond, A. Skalec & J.M. Chyla, ‘The Northern Necropolis of Gebelein in Light of Old and Current Fieldwork,’ Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 106 (2020), 105–122. See also Ejsmond 2013; 2017 for the location of Sumenu. 13 The exact number of Pre- and Early Dynastic tombs is impossible to estimate. Over the period of several seasons only one was found after 200 were excavated (Marro 1929).

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Fig. 6. Selection of Predynastic artefacts from 2016 survey at the eastern part of the Northern Necropolis (Photo. W. Ejsmond).

within it. This absence may be due to its utilisation in pharaonic times, which erased traces of earlier stone extraction. Places of chert extraction were reported at Gebelein by de Morgan (1912: 49). Such sites were discovered above the quarry and elsewhere during current works (Ejsmond et al. 2017: 251–253). There is a large concentration of multi-period petroglyphs on the southeastern face of the Western Mountain (Fig. 7), facing the area of the pharaonic

Fig. 7. Locations of petroglyphs and dipinti in the southern part of the Western Mountain (Photo. W. Ejsmond, drawing of the cartouche D.F. Wieczorek).

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temple. Numerous depictions, such as the representations of giraffes, gazelles, and dogs, can be dated to prehistoric times. Due to their location in the shadow after about 10 a.m., this location could serve as a convenient resting place or some more or less permanent shelter. Unfortunately, this cannot be further determined because the top layer of earth at the site was removed in contemporary times due to the extension of agricultural fields in the region. Separate depictions of animals were also found about 150 m north of this concentration. Per-Hathor is the pharaonic name of the settlement located on the top and western slope of the northern part of the Eastern Mountain of Gebelein. The name was probably given to the town in the Old Kingdom, but the settlement has existed here since Predynastic times, although its earlier name is unknown (Ejsmond 2018: 343). West of the settlement is the Central Necropolis, although its extent is impossible to reconstruct now due to the devastation of the most of the site. It may be speculated that the cemetery stretched continuously from the foot of the Eastern Mountain to the base of the Western Hill (Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 34, 225–226; Ejsmond 2018: 343). Numerous artefacts came from this necropolis, as well as from the settlement, which are now mainly held at the Musée des Confluences in Lyon (see Emmons et al. 2010). These objects testify that both sites were used since Naqada II14 to the end of the 2nd Dynasty. A. Weigall (1910: 301) mentioned a Predynastic cemetery at Mo’alla15 and F. von Bissing, in his catalogue of Predynastic pottery from the Egyptian Museum in Cairo published several pots (von Bissing 1913: e.g. 7: 2028) from that place. Very interesting is a fragment of a decorated stone pot, which is alleged to have come from Mo’alla, and another form Hamadi located north of Esna, on the east bank (Scharff 1929: 79, Taf. 22; 80, Taf. 22). The dating of Berlin 15084 raises some doubts due to the strange shape of the axe held by a person. Manassa Darnell (2017: 321) conducted a survey in the region that resulted in finding only four Predynastic/Early Dynastic sherds in the whole area. The Pre- and Early Dynastic sites on the east bank of the Nile seem to be mostly destroyed by now. Zurghani (M08–09/S1) is a necropolis and is possibly part of an associated settlement area, which may be equated with the site of ed-Deir and is dated to the late Predynastic/Early Dynastic Period (Sayce 1905; Manassa Darnell 2017: 324). The Wadi Falij el-Hunud Road contains a rock overhang with a low drystone wall (M08–09. 1/3.6), where pottery and lithics were found in front of it. The pottery from the valley was dated to late Naqada II and Naqada III (Manassa Darnell 2017: 326). 14 The exact find spots of the D-ware pots is uncertain, thus the dating of the beginning of the Central Necropolis is not fully certain. 15 This site is sometimes spelled ‘Mahalla’ or ‘Mahalléh’ e.g. on maps: Jacotin 1826: pl. 5; Linant de Bellefonds 1882.

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Debono conducted a two week long survey within a 10 km radius from Esna in 1968, but he focused on sites ‘which seemed the most characteristic’. Most of them were of a Palaeolithic and Mesolithic date with only one Predynastic site located to the north of Esna.16 The site Esna no. 5 is located north from the Fish Necropolis, where Debono (1970: 247) found examples of late Predynastic lithics. Settlement pattern and material culture Considering the numerous settlement sites between Armant and Birket Habu, it is interesting that the nearest cemeteries are located at Armant, and in general they functioned longer than the settlements. Although, the necropolises were dated primarily on the grounds of the pottery, the settlements were dated often by lithic artefacts. This could affect to some extent the dating precision of the settlements. Nevertheless, the cemeteries of Armant contained only about 220 graves. Therefore, they served only a limited community, which is relatively small when compared with larger populations residing at other sites such as Naqada (about 2000 graves, Petrie & Quibell 1896) and Hierakonpolis (over 3000 graves,17 Hoffman 1982: Table IV.3). The low number of reported graves in the Gebelein region suggests that many cemeteries were either located in the alluvial plain, were destroyed later, or that there were parts of the population that left no traces of burial customs. In the area of Armant, one can observe that there was a probable settlement shift. During Naqada I–II the low desert was inhabited. The only known Naqada III settlements are Armant itself (close to the Nile) and Armant settlement 2 on the desert edge, while the local necropolises continue to exist from late Naqada I to the beginning of Naqada III. Thus, it has been suggested by Ginter and Kozłowski (1994: 139) that the population moved from the lower desert to the alluvial plain at the beginning of Naqada III. The approximate number of about 220 tombs attested in the area seems to be far too small for the local community. Thus, there should have been other cemeteries in the vicinity (especially for the population of Armant during Naqada III) or people were buried in a manner that did not leave archaeologically visible traces.18 The area of Armant is an extraordinary case in Upper Egypt, where the number of domestic sites surpasses the number of funerary ones. 16 Debono did not attach any map to his paper. His descriptions of the site locations are very generic and ambiguous. Maps of Survey of Egypt (1943), Army Map Service (USA) (1959), Egyptian General Survey Authority (1991), and GoogleMaps were used to locate the sites from Debono’s survey. 17 There is some controversy concerning the number of excavated and estimated number of tombs at Hierakonpolis, see Hendrickx & van den Brink 2002: 363; and Friedman 2008: 9–10. 18 For interesting thoughts on the matter see Niwiński 2014.

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According to Buchez (2011: 38), “… the regions of both Armant and Adaïma appear to lose their inhabitants gradually from the end of Naqada II and to decrease considerably from the Naqada IIIA1–IIIA2 transition onwards.” This observation is difficult to verify because there was no research focusing on Pre- and Early Dynastic on the alluvial plain highlighting the difficulty in researching early sites in the Nile Valley. Thus, one should always keep in mind the possibility that the local population could move closer to the Nile, continuing earlier tendencies. Migration to the developing political centres is also to be kept in mind, as it was shown in the case of Hierakonpolis and Naqada (Hoffman, Hamroush & Allen 1986; Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017). Periods of expansion of these centres needed an influx of population because it is unlikely that local inhabitants could provide such demographic growth on their own. Furthermore, Schiaparelli’s (1921) observation about the move of Sumenu in the direction of the alluvial plain corroborates the idea that settlements were shifting towards the Nile Valley during Early Dynastic times. It should be mentioned that Naqada entered its process of decline during early Naqada III and Hierakonpolis shifted from the low desert to Kom el-Ahmar at more less this same time (Hassan, van Wetering, Tassie 2017: 95–96). Thus, one can observe two processes in the continuation of population moving closer to the Nile Valley (Hierakonpolis); and possible migration from declining centres (Naqada). It is also possible that the centres thought to be declining could simply have moved to the alluvial plain, together with their burial grounds. The funerary traditions also change during early Naqada III (see e.g. Grajetzki 2007: 5–10) and cemeteries of political centres accumulated more goods at the expense of declining provincial areas. Therefore, it is more difficult to trace poorly equipped tombs that did not attracted early excavators on the one hand and, due to their limited furnishings would be less detectable on the other. Of course, this population movement was not only in the direction of the alluvial plain. Local mountains were also explored, with temporary camps related to hunting activities during the Naqada II and Naqada III Periods, as can be observed from the evidence presented by Winkler, Darnell and Manassa Darnell. With the exception of Gebelein itself, the west bank between er-Rizeiqat and Esna is archaeologically unknown. It may be speculated whether or not a similar pattern of a landscape exploration and location of settlements existed in the low desert area between er-Rizeiqat and Esna. This area would require a field survey before it becomes transformed into agricultural fields. In the context of the archaeological landscape, Gebelein represents an exceptional case in Upper Egypt due to the characteristic element of the local landscape that comprise of two mountains, on and around which Predynastic activities were concentrated. These mountains are located by the Nile in the centre of the valley. This environment, surrounded as it is by low desert and

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alluvial plain, held obvious attractions for human occupation. Therefore, the sites at Gebelein are preserved not at the low desert, as is the case in other parts of Egypt, but relatively close to the Nile from the Naqada I Period. This unusual situation causes problems in the interpretation of the site, because it is hard to say to what extent the archaeological sites were preserved as the result of the favourable landscape. The lack of studies on the material culture of Gebelein micro-region causes some serious problems in the context of the analysis of the material culture in Upper Egypt. Three significant studies have been conducted on pottery and lithic material (Finkenstaedt 1981; Holmes 1989; Friedman 2000) that brought to light some of the local traditions in the Nile Valley. It is significant that all of these studies identify regional styles centred at Hierakonpolis, Naqada, and Badari (the latter also includes the Abydos-This region). The division between the regions of Hierakonpolis and Naqada place the regional border at Gebelein during the Naqada I to early Naqada II phase. The reasons leading to the defining of these regional differences vary. Finkenstaedt (1981: 8) credited the regional distinctions to local workshops. Holmes (1989: 327–329) suggested that they reflect the ranges of different Predynastic kingdoms or other socio-political units. While Friedman (2000: 184) proposed something similar and observed that the area of social interaction identified in archaeological materials may have resulted from or formed the basis for polities. The results of the aforementioned studies correspond well with the hypothetical map of proto-states proposed by Kemp (2006: Fig. 22 and 23). Although, Köhler (2014: 173) rightfully underlined that the interpretations of the archaeological material still suffer from late 19th and early 20th century presumptions and the all too prevalent dependence on mythologies and ideologies of kingship that shaped the image of early Egypt of previous generations of scholars. The abovementioned divisions into cultural regions can be partly explained by the Central Place Theory. Population that migrated to the Nile Valley did not settle within any political borders, but rather within geographical boundaries, which were rather similar along the Nile in Upper Egypt (Mortensen 1991: 11). Some centres developed quicker than others,19 with Hierakonpolis and Naqada becoming the most important centres for local economies in their regions. Such centres were able to produce high quality and luxurious objects and could have been conveniently placed for long distance trade by redistributing goods in their regions and thus becoming centres for commodities exchange. People were traveling to the nearest centres for economic and/or religious reasons. Therefore, these were the places for cultural and economic exchange, influencing traditions in the territories from which local populations were eager 19 Kemp’s (2006: 73–78) comparison to a ‘game’ may serve as good way to picture the process of the developments of such centres.

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to visit and return to their home communities with acquired goods that were imitated in the peripheral areas. Such mechanisms may explain the cultural patterns of these peripheral regions, not to mention the development of the primary centres that later became political capitals. Primary centres developed in equidistant locations, placed in the midpoints of their regions. The results of previous studies suggest that the Armant area was, from its earliest stage, under the influence of Naqada and the cultural and technological tradition was shared with goods exchanged within the region (Takamiya 2008). But the resemblance of some aspects of the material culture to the artefacts from Naqada may also be explained by the location of Armant, which is on the route from Naqada, via the Armant area to er-Rizeiqat, and further to the oases of the Western Desert. It is difficult to identify the border between the regions of Hierakonpolis and Naqada, if it ever existed, mainly because of the scarcity of data from Gebelein. Therefore, the border that is mentioned in publications is artificially placed at Gebelein20 and most probably does not reflect the actual situation. Conclusion Gebelein forms a concentration of the largest sites in the region. This, and the extraordinary quality of artefacts from this area, supports the view that it was the local primary centre. It is hard to imagine that such a centre could have been just a border outpost for other cultural regions and not having its own independent cultural characteristics.21 The potential limitations that may have distorted the picture include the lack of large scale organised surveys on the west bank between Esna and Armant. Unfortunately, a large part of the archaeological evidence is already destroyed by modern encroachments of agricultural and settlement areas in the region. Furthermore, practically all of the artefacts from Gebelein lack their archaeological context, reducing their informative potential. This situation is aggravated by the fact that many artefacts came from the antiquities market, making their provenance uncertain. Nevertheless, their quantity cannot be accidental and therefore, at least part, if not all that came from the antiquities market originated from Gebelein. With regard to this and the archaeological topography of the region, it may be stated in light of Christaller’s Central Place Theory that a principal centre was located at Gebelein; however, it is difficult to say whether this was Sumenu or PerHathor. 20 It must be mentioned that Friedman is aware of this fact and underlined that the border was located there although the grounds for this were very poor. 21 Davis (1981: 42) observed some local characteristics in sculptures form Gebelein.

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If the presumption that there was a capital of a proto-state at Gebelein is valid, then the application of Christaller’s Central Place Theory is relevant. This theory, based on the analysis of the distribution of the Predynastic political centres in Upper Egypt may have important implications. Distances between centres regarded as capitals of proto-states are more less 50 km apart. This would mean that proto-state capitals may have originated from economically predominant centres during early Predynastic times and then developed into political centres of the late Predynastic Period. Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology of the University of Warsaw for their support in the organisation of the field research at Gebelein and research scholarships. The research was also financed by the University of Warsaw Foundation and Consultative Council for Students’ Scientific Movement of the University of Warsaw. The author would like to thank colleagues who took part in the field research at Gebelein and without whom the project would not have taken place: Julia M. Chyla, Piotr Witkowski, Taichi Kuronuma, Lawrence Xu-Nan, Dawid F. Wieczorkek, Daniel Takács, Marzena Ożarek-Szilke, Michał Madej, Adam Grylak, Aneta Skalec, Marcin Jakub Ordutowski as well as Olivier P. Rochecouste for valuable comments on the text. Bibliography BARD, K.A., 1989. Predynastic Settlement Patterns in the Hiw-Semaineh Region, Upper Egypt. Journal of Field Archaeology 16: 475–478. BÁRTA, M., 2017. Temporary and Permanent: Status Race and the Mechanism of Change in a Complex Civilisation. Ancient Egypt in between 2900 and 2120 BC [in:] CUNNINGHAM, T. & DRIESSEN, J. (eds.), From Crisis to Collapse: Archaeology and the Breakdown of Social Order. Louvain-la-Neuve: 278–293. BUCHEZ, N., 2011. Adaïma (Upper Egypt): The Stages of State Development from the Point of View of a “Village Community” [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE, P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London, 27th July – 1st August 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 31–40. BUDGE, E.A.W., 1920. By Nile and Tigris: A Narrative of Journeys in Egypt and Mesopotamia on Behalf of the British Museum between the Years 1886 and 1913. London. CAMPAGNO, M., 2002. On the Predynastic “Proto-States” of Upper Egypt. Göttinger Miszellen 188: 49–60. CHRISTALLER, W., 1933. Die Zentralen Orte in Süddeutschland. Jena. CHYLA, J., 2017. How Can Remote Sensing Help in Detecting the Threats to Archaeological Sites in Upper Egypt? Geosciences 7(4) (issue 94): 1–12.

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A BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EGYPT, NUBIA, AND THE NEAR EAST DURING THE PREDYNASTIC PERIOD KANYA GODDE University of La Verne, California

During the Predynastic Period, archaeological evidence suggests Egypt maintained contact with Nubia and the Near East through trade. The skeletal record should yield similar information and provide additional insight into this early, formative time. To examine population relationships, a Mahalanobis D2 with a tetrachoric matrix generated biological distances from the following samples: 1) Badari, 2) Naqada, 3) the Nubian A-Group, and 4) Bronze Age Lachish. This appears to be the first skeletal investigation using the Bronze Age Lachish sample. A principal coordinates analysis was applied to depict relationships among the populations in a graph. The closest relationship was between Badari and Naqada, a result that was not unexpected. Further, the A-Group plotted nearer to the Egyptians and the Lachish sample placed more closely to Naqada than Badari. When the spatial-temporal model was applied to the pattern of biological distances, it explained the more distant relationship of Badari to Lachish than Naqada to Lachish as gene flow will cause populations to become more similar over time.

Introduction Political unification in Egypt was originally viewed as the result of an expansion of the Naqada culture from the south into the north (see Kaiser 1987), but more recent hypotheses suggest assimilation (Buchez & Midant-Reynes 2011), or interaction between the two areas (Köhler 1995) as the likely mechanisms for unification under a single pharaoh. While unification was progressing, contact was maintained with other regions for trade, specifically with Nubia in the south and the Near East in the north (cf. Trigger 1976; Butzer 1997). The relationship among these populations is of interest to more clearly illustrate the history of each. Table 1 provides the chronology of these populations for the time periods investigated in this paper. The Badari Culture represents the earliest definitive evidence of farming in Egypt, placing the origin in the Nile Valley at approximately 4400 BCE. More specifically they practiced hunting, herding, fowling, fishing, and cultivated and stored barley and wheat (Hassan 1988: 154). The adoption of farming by the Badari Culture opened the door for the Naqada region to grow and produce their food locally. Naqada was a strategic political location that was instrumental in political unification. Social stratification of burials was evident at Naqada in Naqada I (Bard 1994), which is an early change towards the transition to a centralisation of power.

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The A-Group (a time period and term used to describe a set of archaeological sites in Nubia with similar cultural attributes) appeared in the Lower Nubian archaeological record during the Naqada Period. As a whole, they were a wealthy, complex stratified chiefdom (Smith 1998: 265) that practiced pastoralism, agriculture, and fishing (Nielsen 1970; Adams 1977). People from the A-Group controlled trade into Egypt from southern regions and potentially exported raw materials (Trigger 1976; Edwards 2004), which creates the perceived greater wealth of the A-Group peoples. The A-Group’s wealth ultimately declined, likely because the Egyptian economy changed (Smith 1998: 275) and alternative trade routes were established (Trigger 1976). The most recent interpretations of the archaeological record suggest that the A-Group people responded to this decrease in wealth with a change in settlement patterns, becoming more widespread (Edwards 2004). There is evidence in Palestine of Egyptian trade by the Late Chalcolithic (chronologically prior to the Early Bronze Age; 4500–3400 BCE) (Richard 1987: 27) and Egyptian residency in the Early Bronze Age (Richard 1987; Brandl 1992). Egyptian contact/influence began as early as the Chalcolithic (Rowan & Golden 2009) and was maintained through the Middle and Late Bronze Ages (Small 2011). As depicted in the bible, Assyrian sources, and archaeological evidence, during the late Iron Age, Lachish (part of the Judean Kingdom) came under siege by Sennacherib and was burned (Tufnell 1953; Barnett 1958). Lachish was occupied intermittently from the Chalcolithic to the Persian Period (after the Iron Age) (Tufnell 1977). During the Early Bronze Age, Palestine transitioned to sedentism and urbanism and by the end of the Early Bronze Age reverted to a non-urban environment and nomadism (Richard 1987: 34–35; Small 2011). The period of interest for this paper is EBI (3400– 3100 BCE) to EBII (3100–2700 BCE) as this is when Predynastic Egyptians would have been in residence at Lachish. To strengthen knowledge of the relationships between Egypt, Nubia, and the Near East during the Predynastic Period, this chapter will focus on comparing the archaeological and skeletal records. The skeletal evidence should be in line with archaeological evidence of longstanding trade relationships developed prior to political unification in Egypt if gene flow was occurring between the regions. Therefore, I hypothesise that Nubian and Egyptian groups will appear biologically similar, as will Near Eastern and Egyptian samples, reflecting gene flow among the populations, facilitated through long term contact. Materials and methods The data for this analysis are secondary in nature and were provided to the author by the original data collectors. The skeletal samples (Table 1) are comprised of

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Table 1. Samples from Egypt, Nubia, and the Near East.

two Predynastic Egyptian sites (Badari and Naqada), one Neolithic Nubian site (representing the A-Group), and an Early Bronze Age site (Lachish). The Upper Egyptian earlier Badari and later Naqada samples stem from the Predynastic Period. The A-Group Nubian data are from site 277, which is located just south of Wadi Halfa (northern Sudan, south of Egypt) on the east side of the Nile. The Near East sample was excavated from Tell ed-Duweir (modern day Lachish), which is located southwest of Jerusalem. While the sample from Lachish dates to the entire Bronze Age, it is expected that Middle and Late Bronze Age individuals will show evidence of gene flow stemming from Early Bronze Age interactions with Predynastic Egyptians (see spatial-temporal model in Discussion). As far as I am aware, this is the first time the Bronze Age sample has been examined without being pooled with the later Iron Age sample, also from Lachish. Dr. Nancy Lovell provided data for the Nubian sample (Personal Communication) and the remaining samples were derived from a large, comprehensive data set developed by Tsunehiko Hanihara (Personal Communication). The skeletal data are comprised of seven nonmetric traits observed from the cranium (Table 2). The diagnosis and scoring of these features is best described in Hauser and De Stefano (1989). Both practitioners, Lovell and Hanihara, scored all seven traits. These traits were recorded as present or absent in most cases, except for supraorbital foramen and accessory infraorbital foramen by Hanihara. To standardise the scoring across observers for these two traits, the scoring of Hanihara’s data was collapsed into clear present/absent categories,

Table 2. Cranial nonmetric traits and their frequencies by sample.

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which was easily completed from the method he utilised and described (cf. Hanihara & Ishida 2001). The trait presence frequencies are presented in Table 2. While seven variables may seem small to model biological relationships, others have been successful in using only a few traits, for example eight (cf. Konigsberg 1990). Moreover, due to the age and preservation of these samples, seven is the maximum that can be derived and it is typical to have to work with fewer traits in older samples. The value in cranial nonmetric traits is that they reflect a heritability in line with cranial measurements, depending on trait (Cheverud 1981; Cheverud & Buikstra 1981; 1982) and provide biological distances that coincide well with genetic distances (Herrera et al. 2014; Ricaut et al. 2010). They are not free from bias, however. Age, sex, and intertrait correlations can influence the expression of traits. Although the complete path of growth and development is not clear in these traits, it is known that many do not fully express in the skeleton until the cessation of growth (Saunders & Popovich 1978). Thus, to avoid introducing bias due to age, only adults were examined by Lovell and Hanihara. Sex bias can occur as a result of post-marital residence patterns, and thus, it is prudent to only examine one sex per analysis, which in this case was male. Intertrait correlations are of concern because traits can co-occur together, whereby features in closer proximity to one another are more likely to be expressed simultaneously (Hertzog 1968). Statistically, this is not of concern here as the biological distance statistic employed in this analysis (Mahalanobis D2 with a tetrachoric matrix) corrects for correlations among the characteristics (Konigsberg 1990). As these data were collected by multiple observers, inter-observer error may be of concern (Finnegan & Rubison 1980; Ishida & Dodo 1990; Gualdi-Russo et al. 1999). Prior to the ground breaking publication of Hauser and De Stefano (1989) the field lacked good descriptions and pictures of the traits for data collection purposes. Thus, it is not surprising that inter-observer error was of concern prior to that time. However, since the publication of this volume, practitioners have a strong guide to follow, that if adhered to, will greatly reduce inter-observer error and allow for combining of data sets; a notion aligned with recommendations for decreasing inter-observer error by Gualdi-Russo et al. (1999). Moreover, combining data from multiple sources is commonplace in other biological sciences (e.g. genetics) where a strict set of protocols is followed. For this research, inter-observer error has been deemed statistically negligible between these two practitioners in another study (Godde 2009), and thus combining data will not lead to inter-observer issues. To examine the biological relationships among samples, a biological distance (biodistance) was calculated between each pair of samples to generate a value that indicates the degree of relatedness between two samples. A Mahalanobis D2 with a tetrachoric matrix was applied to the data. The tetrachoric matrix is a modification to the standard Mahalanobis D2 that allows for the calculation of

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binary data, such as those from cranial nonmetric traits. The equation is as follows (Konigsberg 1990; Blangero & Williams-Blangero 1991; Bedrick et al. 2000): dij2 = (zik – zjk)ʹT –1 (zik – zjk) (1) where T is the tetrachoric matrix and z is the threshold value for samples i or j with cranial nonmetric trait frequency k.

In order to graphically depict the biodistances, a principal coordinates analysis (PCoA) (Gower 1966) was applied to the biodistance matrix. PCoA is a multivariate ordination procedure that differs from principal components analysis (PCA) in that PCoA is applied to a dissimilarity or similarity matrix. The statistical analyses were performed in R (R Core Team 2013) using programming provided by L. Konigsberg (Personal Communication). Plots were also generated from R using eigenvectors produced by Dr. Konigsberg’s scripts. Results The biodistance matrix (Table 3) shows the closest biological affinity between the samples of Badari and Naqada, followed by Naqada and the A-Group, and finally Lachish and Naqada. The greatest biological distance (which indicates a more distant biological relationship) to the Egyptian samples is between Lachish and Badari. The PCoA plot (Fig. 1) depicts the relationships of the

Fig. 1. PCoA plot of Egypt, Nubian, and Near East relationship.

Table 3. Biodistances among samples in this study.

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four samples to one another. The closest relationship of Egypt to the Near East is between Lachish and Naqada, followed by Lachish and Badari. Moreover, the A-Group sample plotted most closely to Naqada, followed by Badari. Discussion As expanded upon below, the skeletal data appear to align well with the archaeological data available for these populations, which supports my hypothesis and tentatively confirms longstanding contact among these peoples. It also indicates the seven cranial nonmetric traits were fair measures of the genetic relatedness of these groups. A close examination of the archaeological record will provide evidence tying the samples examined here to one another. As regards the Nubians, representatives of the A-Group maintained a relationship with the Egyptians via trade in Lower Nubia until the end of the time period (Trigger 1976). Similarities exist between Naqada and A-Group material cultures where artefacts from A-Group burials and the greater site resembled those from Naqada (Nordström 1972; Smith 1991; Bard 1994; Keita & Boyce 2005). Moreover, jars that possibly were once filled with wine or beer, wavyhandled jars, various pottery, copper tools, stone vessels, stone palettes, linens, stone beads, and faience beads from Naqada have all been found at A-Group sites (Bard 1994: 281), implying a connection between the two regions. The Near East contact with Egyptians differed in nature from the NubiaEgypt relationship. Artefacts suggesting maritime trade with the Levant during the Badari Period (see references and discussion in Gophina & Liphschitz 1996: 148), along with wood linking Lebanon to Badari (see references and discussion in Gophna & Liphschitz 1996: 148; Liphschitz 1998: 263), and a Palestinian jar from tomb 569 at Qaw el-Kebir (Friedman 1999) as described and discussed in Hendrickx and Bavay (2002: 66–67), provide an early point of contact between Egypt and the Levant. Evidence from Aspatharia shells also link Badari to the Levant (Hartung 2013). During the Chalcolithic in Palestine (Richard 1987: 30), more general Egyptian artefacts have been documented (e.g. slate cosmetic palettes and flint knives; Richard 1987: 30). Additionally, sherds and Predynastic Egyptian vessels have been found in structures where ritual was practiced at Ein Gedi (Rowan & Golden 2009). There is evidence that Egyptian artefacts (including pottery (Porat 1992) and other objects (Rowan & Golden 2009)) were made by local Egyptian craftsmen at Lachish and neighbouring areas in the Chalcolithic and EBI (Naqada III). Specifically, some items were created using Egyptian techniques with raw materials sourced from Palestine (Rosen 1988; Brandl 1992). Trade relations were established during the Early Bronze Age (Small 2011) and the Egyptians likely lived in Palestine to facilitate the trade (Richard 1987: 30). Egyptian presence in the Levant was so robust during these early time periods it led

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Lovell (2008) to postulate that the transition from Chalcolithic to EBI was due to Egyptian influence. At Predynastic Maadi (Northern Egypt), artefacts were found from Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant, indicating trade between the regions perhaps during the Late Chalcolithic and likely during the Early Bronze Age (Hartung 2013). Moreover, evidence of wine produced in Palestine (possibly obtained via Syria) has been found in Abydos (Upper Egypt) during Naqada III (as discussed in Butzer (1997: 267), citing Hartung (1994); see also Richard (1987: 30)) and Egypt may have imported olive oil produced in Palestine prior to the 1st Dynasty (during EB1) (see discussion in Butzer 1997: 267; Richard 1987: 30). Turning to the skeletal results, the lack of a close relationship between Badari and Lachish stems from the earlier nature of the Badari sample. The archaeological evidence shows contact (perhaps limited) between the two regions as early as the Badari Period, which may serve as the origins or near origins of the genetic similarity of the samples in this paper. This contact will not appear via a close relationship in the PCoA plot as gene flow exerts a homogenising effect over time (Konigsberg 1990). Therefore, under the spatial-temporal model of Konigsberg (1990), it is expected that populations engaging in gene flow will become more similar over time. Applying this model to my study, I see that it fits: the later samples from Egypt and the Near East (i.e. Naqada and Lachish) are more similar to one another than the earlier Badari sample to the later Egyptian and Near East samples. Naqada overlaps in time with Lachish, which allows for the examination of two samples of populations who potentially experienced longstanding gene flow with one another, as the archaeology suggests. Indeed, we see a close relationship between these two samples, which satisfies the expectations under the spatial-temporal model. The results from the skeletal analysis also coincide with the craniometrics findings of Keita (1988) who examined an Iron Age sample from Lachish. In his discriminant plot (Fig. 3: 385), a similar pattern develops were Lachish plots more distantly with Badari than Naqada. Keita (1988: 385) concludes, in part, that there might be some crania from Egyptians in his sample, causing the similarity. That also cannot be discounted here, as there is strong evidence that Egyptians were living locally at Lachish. Recent genetic evidence (extracted from mummies) also suggests a close affinity between modern Near East populations and New Kingdom and later Egyptian samples (Schuenemann et al. 2017), which supports the archaeological interpretations in this paper. Conclusions from Schuenemann et al. (2017) corroborate the observation that gene flow probably occurred between Near East peoples and Egyptians prior to the New Kingdom. This general trend of gene flow from the Near East into North Africa has been modelled as occurring even earlier, including during the Neolithic (Arredi et al. 2004) and Late Pleistocene (van De Loosdrecht et al. 2018), demonstrating that there may be a long history

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of genetic movement between the two areas. Of course there is evidence to the contrary; Berry and Berry (1972) found Egyptians to be more distantly related to a sample of individuals from Lachish when examining nonmetric traits. But, this very different result is likely due to study design differences, rather than competing conclusions. While the archaeological and biological data line up well, another explanation for the similarity in skeletal and genetic material cannot be discounted; these populations might appear genetically related due to adaptations to a similar environment, rather than an exchange of genetic material. Further, these similarities might also be random. It is tempting to definitively conclude that individuals from Egypt and Lachish were engaged in gene flow, but caution must be exercised and alternative hypotheses considered just as relevant. Acknowledgements Thank you to Shomarka Keita for the encouragement to produce this research. Thank you also to Dr. Lovell and Dr. Hanihara for graciously providing data. Bibliography ADAMS, W., 1977. Nubia: Corridor to Africa. Princeton. ARREDI, B.; POLONI, E.S.; PARACCHINI, S.; ZERJAL, T.; FATHALLAH, D.M.; MAKRELOUF, M.; PASCALI, V.L.; NOVELLETTO, A. & TYLER-SMITH, C., 2004. A predominantly Neolithic Origin for Y-chromosomal DNA Variation in North Africa. The American Journal of Human Genetics 75: 338‒345. BARD, K., 1994. The Egyptian Predynastic: A Review of the Evidence. Journal of Field Archaeology 21: 265‒288. BARNETT, R., 1958. The Siege of Lachish. Israel Exploration Journal 8: 161–164. BEDRICK, E.; LAPIDUS, J. & POWELL, J., 2000. Estimating the Mahalanobis Distance from Mixed Continuous and Discrete Data. Biometrics 56: 394‒401. BERRY, A. & BERRY, R., 1972. Origins and Relationships of the Ancient Egyptians: Based on a Study of Non-Metrical Variations in the Skull. Journal of Human Evolution 1: 199‒208. BLANGERO, J. & WILLIAMS-BLANGERO, S., 1991. Estimating Biological Distances from Dichotomous Threshold Traits. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 12: 51‒52. BRANDL, B., 1992. Evidence for Egyptian Colonization of the Southern Coastal Plain and Lowlands of Canaan during the Early Bronze I Period [in]: VAN DEN BRINK, E., (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition: 4th-3rd. Millennium BC: Proceedings of the Seminar held in Cairo, 21-24. October 1990, at the Netherlands Institute of Archaeology and Arabic Studies. Jerusalem: 441‒476. BUTZER, K., 1997. Sociopolitical Discontinuity in the Near East c. 2200 BCE: Scenarios from Palestine and Egypt [in:] NÜZHET DALFES, H.; KUKLA, G. & WEISS, H. (eds.), Third Millennium BC Climate Change and Old World Collapse. Berlin: 245‒296. CHEVERUD, J., 1981. Variation in Highly and Lowly Heritable Morphological Traits among Social Groups of Rhesus Macaques (Macaca Mulatta) on Cayo Santiago. Evolution 35: 75‒83.

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CHEVERUD, J. & BUIKSTRA, J., 1981. Quantitative Genetics of Skeletal Nonmetric Traits in the Rhesus Macaques on Cayo Santiago. I: Single Trait Heritabilities. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 54: 43‒49. CHEVERUD, J. & BUIKSTRA, J., 1981. Quantitative Genetics of Skeletal Nonmetric Traits in the Rhesus Macaques on Cayo Santiago. II: Phenotypic, Genetic, and Environmental Correlations between Traits. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 54: 51‒58. CHEVERUD, J. & BUIKSTRA, J., 1982. Quantitative Genetics of Skeletal Nonmetric Traits in the Rhesus Macaques of Cayo Santiago. III: Relative Heritability of Skeletal Nonmetric and Metric Traits. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 59: 151‒155. EDWARDS, D., 2004. The Nubian Past: an Archaeology of the Sudan. London. FINNEGAN, M. & RUBISON, R., 1980. The Assessment and Analysis of Interobserver Error in Non-Metric Cranial Studies. American Journal of Physical Anthropology Supplement 52: 226. FRIEDMAN, R., 1999. Badari Grave Group 569 [in:] DAVIES, W.V. (ed.), Studies in Egyptian Antiquities: A Tribute to T.G.H. James. London: 1‒11. GOPHNA, R. & LIPHSCHITZ, N., 1996. The Ashkelon Trough Settlements in the Early Bronze Age I: New Evidence of Maritime Trade. Tel Aviv 23: 143‒153. GOWER, J., 1966. Some Distance Properties of Latent Root and Vector Methods Used in Multivariate Analysis. Biometrika 53: 325‒338. GUALDI-RUSSO, E.; TASCA, M. & BRASILI, P., 1999. Scoring of Nonmetric Cranial Traits: A Methodological Approach. Journal of Anatomy 195: 543‒550. HANIHARA, T. & ISHIDA, H., 2001. Frequency Variations of Discrete Cranial Traits in Major Human Populations. II: Hypostotic Variations. Journal of Anatomy 198: 707‒725. HARTUNG, U., 1994. Bemerkungen zur Chronologie der Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Südkanaan in spätprädynastischer Zeit. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 50: 107‒113. HARTUNG, U., 2013. Some Remarks on the Chronological Position of the Predynastic Settlement at Maadi (Egypt) and its Relations to the Southern Levant. Paléorient 39: 177‒191. HASSAN, F., 1988. The Predynastic of Egypt. Journal of World Prehistory 2: 135‒185. HAUSER, G. & DE STEFANO, G., 1989. Epigenetic Variants of the Human Skull. Stuttgart. HENDRICKX, S. & BAVAY, L., 2002. The Relative Chronological Position of Egyptian Predynastic and Early Dynastic Tombs with Imported Objects from the Near East and the Nature of Interregional Contacts [in]: VAN DEN BRINK, E. & LEVY, T.E. (eds.), Egypt and the Levant: Interrelations from the 4th through the Early 3rd Millennium BCE. London: 58‒80. HERRERA, B.; HANIHARA, T. & GODDE, K., 2014. Comparability of Multiple Data Types from the Bering Strait Region: Cranial and Dental Metrics, and Nonmetrics, mtDNA, and y-Chromosome DNA. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 154: 334‒348. HERTZOG, K., 1968. Association between Discontinuous Cranial Traits. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 29: 397‒403. ISHIDA, H. & DODO, Y., 1990. Interobserver Error in Scoring Nonmetric Cranial Traits. Journal of Anthropological Society of Nippon 98: 403‒409. LOVELL, J.L., 2005. Horticulture, Status and Long-Range Trade in Chalcolithic Southern Levant: Early Connections with Egypt [in]: MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 741‒762.

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KEITA, S., 1988. An Analysis of Crania from Tell-Duweir Using Multiple Discriminant Functions. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 75: 375‒390. KEITA, S. & BOYCE, A., 2005. Genetics, Egypt, and History: Interpreting Geographical Patterns of Y Chromosome Variation. History of Africa 32: 221‒246. KONIGSBERG, L., 1990. Analysis of Prehistoric Biological Variation under a Model of Isolation by Geographic and Temporal Distance. Human Biology 62: 49‒70. LIPHSCHITZ, N., 1998. Timber Identification of Wooden Egyptian Objects in Museum Collections in Israel. Tel Aviv 25: 255‒276. NIELSEN, O., 1970. Human Remains: Metrical and non-Metrical Anatomical Variations. Copenhagen. NORDSTRÖM, H., 1972. Neolithic and A-Group Sites. Uppsala. PORAT, N., 1992. An Egyptian Colony in Southern Palestine during the Late PredynasticEarly Dynastic Period [in]: VAN DEN BRINK, E. (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition. 4th3rd Millennium B.C. Proceedings of the Seminar held in Cairo, 21–24 October 1990, at the Netherlands Institute of Archaeology and Arabic Studies. Jerusalem: 433–440. R CORE TEAM, 2013. R: A Language and Environment for Statistical Computing. Vienna. RICAUT, F.; AURIOL, V.; VON CRAMON-TAUBADEL, N.; KEYSER, C.; MURAIL, P.; LUDES, B. & CRUBÉZY, E., 2010. Comparison between Morphological and Genetic Data to Estimate Biological Relationship: The Case of the Egyin Gol Necropolis (Mongolia). American Journal of Physical Anthropology 143: 355‒364. RICHARD, S., 1987. The Early Bronze: The Rise and Collapse of Urbanism. The Biblical Archaeologist 50: 22‒43. ROSEN, S., 1988. A Preliminary Note on the Egyptian Component of the Chipped Stone Assemblage from Tel ‘Erani’. Israel Exploration Journal 38: 105‒116. ROWAN, Y.M. & GOLDEN, J., 2009. The Chalcolithic Period of the Southern Levant: a Synthetic Review. Journal of World Prehistory 22: 1‒92. SAUNDERS, S. & POPOVICH, F., 1978. A Family Study of Two Skeletal Variants: Atlas Bridging and Clinoid Bridging. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 49: 193–203. SCHUENEMANN, V.J.; PELTZER, A.; WELTE, B.; VAN PELT, W.P.; MOLAK, M.; WANG, C.-C.; FURTWÄNGLER, A.; URBAN, C.; REITER, E.; NIESELT, K.; TESSMAN, B.; FRANCKEN, M.; HARVATI, K.; HAAK, W.; SCHIFFELS, S. & KRAUSE, J., 2017. Ancient Egyptian Mummy Genomes Suggest an Increase of Sub-Saharan African Ancestry in PostRoman Periods. Nature Communications 8: 1‒11. SMALL, D.B., 2011. The Archaeology of Israel and Palestine [in:] LOZNY, L.R. (ed.), Comparative Archaeologies: A Sociological View of the Past. New York: 463‒492. SMITH, H., 1991. The Development of the A-Group Culture in Northern Lower Nubia [in:] DAVIES, W. (ed.), Nubia from Prehistory to Islam. London: 92‒111. SMITH, S., 1998. Nubia and Egypt: Interaction, Acculturation, and Secondary State Formation from the Third to First Millennium B.C. [in:] CUSICK, J. (ed.), Studies in Culture Contact: Interaction, Culture Change, and Archaeology. Carbondale: 256–287. TRIGGER, B., 1976. Nubia under the Pharoahs. Boulder. TUFNELL, O., 1953. Lachish III: the Iron Age. The Wellcome-Marston Archaeological Research Expedition to the Near East. London. TUFNELL, O., 1977. Lachish [in:] AVI-YONAH, M. & STERN, E. (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. Jerusalem: 735‒746. VAN DE LOOSDRECHT, M.; BOUZOUGGAR, A.; HUMPHREY, L.; POSTH, C.; BARTON, N.; AXIMU-PETRI, A.; NICKEL, B.; NAGEL, S.; TALBI, E.H. & EL HAJRAOUI, M.A., 2018. Pleistocene North African Genomes Link Near Eastern and Sub-Saharan African Human Populations. Science 360: 548‒552.

IDENTIFICATION AND INTERPRETATION OF NAQADIAN COMBUSTION STRUCTURES (TELL EL-ISWID, EASTERN DELTA) SAMUEL GUÉRIN Inrap, UMR 8164 Lille, France

The excavation of sector 4 at the site of Tell el-Iswid (Eastern Delta) has brought to light numerous combustion structures from the Naqadian Period (Naqada IIIA2–B). These comprise of open structures (hearths) and closed structures (ovens). But only the latter are presented here, corresponding to the remains of relatively elaborate ovens. The typology of these combustion structures was established based on morphological criteria. In this way, five types have been brought to light. On the one hand, combustion structures A to D are morphologically similar to traditional bread ovens, and are interpreted as the levelled remains of stationary urban type domestic ovens. On the other hand, the type E oven appears to have been used for a different activity, probably the firing of pottery. Indeed, from a morphological point of view, this oven is very similar to “classic” potters’ ovens. Lastly, several concentrations of combustion structures (A to D) have yet to be mapped. If the overlaps show that these ovens did not operate at the same time, then successive redevelopments would suggest that the function of these areas persisted for long periods of time. They could therefore be kitchens, or even bakeries.

Introduction The excavation of sector 4 at the site of Tell el-Iswid, Eastern Delta (MidantReynes et al. 2013: 4, Fig. 3; Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2014: 6, Fig. 3; Buchez et al. 2017; Buchez et al. in press) has brought to light numerous combustion structures from the Lower Egyptian Culture and the Naqada Period. These comprise open structures (hearths) and closed structures (ovens). Only the Naqadian structures (Naqada IIIA2–B) are presented here, corresponding to the remains of relatively elaborate ovens. It is not always easy to address this type of structure. Today, they are easily identified by excavation workers, but the upper part of the structures is often uncovered with a spade, which almost systematically damages the first few centimetres, regardless of the state of preservation. Furthermore, the levels in which they appear are rarely correlated to a floor level, as the part of the structure brought to light generally corresponds to the firing chamber, or in most cases, only to the base of the firing chamber (depending on levelling). Finally, the archaeological interpretation of these structures can also be biased by the overlapping of several combustion structures, strictly speaking, or other types of structures, such as post holes, walls, etc.

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Typology of the Naqadian combustion structures The typology of these combustion structures (Fig. 1) was established based on morphological criteria. In this way, five types have been brought to light:

Fig. 1. Typology of the Naqadian combustion structures.

Type A combustion structure is a circular pit, with no apparent opening, and a diameter of 0.60 to 0.70 m. A partially buried cylindrical pillar is found in the centre of the pit (Fig. 2A). This central pillar is made of vertically laid bricks covered with soil and appears to have been designed to maintain a hearth floor in place, although there are now no traces of the latter.

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The type B combustion structure is an oval or ‘potato-shaped’ elongated pit, once again with no discernible opening. It varies in length between 1 and 1.40 m, and its width ranges between 0.60 and 0.90 m. The assumed hearth floor was supported by two lateral, more or less cylindrical pillars, made of vertically laid bricks covered with earth (Fig. 2B), or quadrangular pillars made with stacked bricks lying flat. In both cases, the pillars are partly buried.

Fig. 2A. Example of type A, top view (© R. El-Hajaoui).

Fig. 2B. Example of type B, cross section (© R. El-Hajaoui).

The type C combustion structure is shaped like the number ‘8’. This structure is about 1 m long and seems to have initially been a type A oven (with a central pillar), which was then enlarged at one end, resulting in the narrowing of the lateral walls in the centre (top view). The remains of the pillars supporting

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the hearth floor highlight the different stages of these developments. The pillar of the initial oven was abandoned, probably levelled, and two new pillars were subsequently built with stacked bricks lying flat. The pillars are located at both ends of the structure, and sometimes lean against the walls (Fig. 3). In addition, we note that no opening has been identified.

Fig. 3. Example of type C, top view (© R. El-Hajaoui).

A ‘horseshoe’-shaped pit with built walls characterises the type D combustion structure (Fig. 4). This structure is 1 to 1.10 m long and 0.60 to 0.70 m wide, with walls made of joined bricks lying vertically, differentiating it from the previous structures. A priori, a single pillar supports the hearth floor, but this is not systematic. Lastly, the opening at the narrow end is thought to be the oven mouth. By way of comparison, type D combustion structures are similar to the oven discovered at the ‘burnt house’ of Hierakonpolis (locality 29, structure II). According to the descriptions of this oven (Hoffman 1980: 131 and 133; Midant-Reynes 2003: 241–243, Fig. 62; Tristant 2004: 90–91, Fig. 98 and p. 101), it is a domestic oven built in the northeast corner of the house, on a rectangular-shaped platform (1.50 × 1.25 m), made with natural silt. The only preserved part is the ‘horseshoe-shaped’ heating chamber (according to the reconstruction proposed by Hoffman (1980: 123, Fig. 3 and 131, Fig. 11), and fragments of partially fired bricks resulting from the construction of the built walls. Since then, other similar ovens have been brought to light in the Delta,

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Fig. 4. Example of type D, top view (© R. El-Hajaoui).

in particular at the site of Buto (Hartung et al. 2012: 91, Fig. 7 and 92, Fig. 8–9; Hartung et al. 2016: 86, Fig. 19). The type E combustion structure is more complex and is completely built in brick (Fig. 5 and 7). This oven is unique at the site and was erected in a circular pit (with a diameter of about 1.40 m), vertical walls and a flat base (Fig. 7). The walls are built in brick laid in a line of stretchers. They were joined, and then covered with an earthen coating. This part is the heating area, with a clearly identified dome directly above it, over a height of several centimetres (Fig. 8) and is covered with a coating that clearly ran onto the circulation level. The hearth was supported by two solid pillars, each of which was built on two rows of joined brick headers. Once they were dismantled, we observed that the walls located at the back of the heating chamber were rubified in the same way as the rest of the internal walls (Fig. 6). This observation suggests that a fire was deliberately lit in the heating chamber before the pillars associated with the hearth were built, or that the pillars were built after the first use of the oven, in which case the first structure supporting the hearth floor may have been replaced. There are no tangible traces of the hearth floor and questions still persist as to its form (perforated floor or a grid made from adobe?). This oven is also equipped with an ‘alandier’, a narrow brick-built corridor (L. 0.50 m), which leads onto a work pit.

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Fig. 5. Type E oven during excavation (© S. Guérin).

Fig. 6. Layout of the type E oven.

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Fig. 7. Type E oven, overall view and detail of the internal wall of the heating chamber (© S. Guérin).

Fig. 8. Type E oven, detailed view of the beginning of the dome (© S. Guérin).

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Similarities and differences Apart from the type E oven, the Naqadian combustion structures present a number of similar characteristics. On the one hand, their size is relatively modest and they are strongly levelled structures. Generally, only the excavated part is preserved, which corresponds to the heating chamber. In top view, it appears as a circular, more or less oval pit, more rarely quadrangular, with a clearly delimited perimeter by a double rubifaction ring: orangey/red inside and black on the outside that allow for the rapid identification of this type of structure as the base of the pit is rarely rubified. Ultimately, we observe that the heating chamber merged with the ‘alandier’. On the other hand, in most of these heating chambers, we find remains of small pillars with a cylindrical or quadrangular shape that probably supported a hearth floor. These pillars were buried over a depth of several centimetres in order to ensure their stability. In the current state of research, no hearth floor remains have been found in contact with such pillars. Therefore, the hypothesis of their association still remains to be verified. However, these structural elements are reminiscent of other rather similar structures discovered in simple hearths in hollows. The oldest examples were discovered in several hearths from the upper layers (III to V) of the site of Merimde Beni-Salâme, where they are described as earthen cones, which do occur in pairs. They are made of silt and on average their diameter is 20 cm at the base and 10 cm at the top, for a height of 25 cm. They have been interpreted “as stands for recipients for cooking food, like in some of the depictions observed in Mastaba decorations in the Old Kingdom” (Tristant 2004: 99–100, Fig. 110; see also Junker 1930: 42–43; Junker 1932: 56). Among the combustion structures discovered in the CBE occupation levels of Tell el-Iswid, we note two hearths in pits with a clay ‘cupule’ and a clayey ‘mass’ respectively, which may have been used as stands for pottery vessels (Buchez 2013: 25, 40, Fig. 14; Guérin 2017: 29–31, Fig. 16). The first case is a large non-rubified clay cupule with a diameter of less than 20 cm. This singular element contains a large sherd lining the bottom of the cupule, perhaps to reinforce it. In the second case, the grey clayey mass fills a slight hollow demarcated by three large pottery sherds with a central sub-circular, 3 cm deep cavity. It was found in the centre of the hearth, but it is difficult to determine whether it was a cooking stand or a wedging base inserted afterwards (in which case its position in relation to this hearth could be a coincidence). Whole pottery vessels may subsequently have replaced these stands, as the discovery of a whole vase in the centre of an oven in Tell el-Farkha implies (Chlodnicki et al. 2012: 109, Fig. 7). A similar association has also been brought to light at the site of Buto (pers. comm. from Rita Hartmann). Ultimately, the combustion structures with supporting pillars may result from the evolution of simple pit hearths, to which recipient stands were added

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in the form of simple clayey masses or cupules, in order to separate the container and its contents from the flames and embers. This innovation could then have led to the implementation of a suspended hearth, which would have separated the heating chamber from the workroom where the products to be cooked were stacked. The hearth floor could have been perforated or could have been a sort of ‘grid’, made from adobe and/or clay coils. It is also noteworthy that practically all elements related to hearth floors are absent, either because they were not preserved, or because they were not identified as such among the remains of rubified earth discovered in the infill of the heating chambers. Nonetheless, several elements have been interpreted as possible fragments of suspended hearth floors. A small fragment of a clayey-sandy plaque discovered in an oven filling could have been one of them (Fig. 9). It is 1.8/1.9 cm thick and has a plane, regular and smoothed surface, while the other side is more irregular and was slightly heated (orangey colour). No vegetal temper was detected in the matrix of this fragment. A second fragment of a fired earth plaque was brought to light in an occupation layer (Fig. 9). It is between 2.2 and 2.6 cm thick, and unlike the previous element, it contains long plant tempers. A third fragment was also associated with an occupation layer and is the only one with a small circular perforation, which is identified as a flue (Fig. 9).

Fig. 9. Fragments of assumed soles (© S. Guérin).

These elements appear to be anecdotal considering the abundant structures brought to light in sector 4. Thus, we may also consider the possibility that many of the hearths may have been made from adobe and/or clay coils. In this way, the grid would have leant against the pillar(s) made for this purpose and against the walls of the oven (Fig. 10). Like hearth floor pieces, dome or vault fragments are rare. However, they may also be mixed up with the remains of unfired and rubified earth in the infill of the heating chambers. In this way, several convex fragments were discovered in several structures (Fig. 11). As shown above, whole or fragmentary, unfired or rubified earthen elements characterise the upper infill level of heating chambers. They come from the

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Fig. 10. Replica of a traditional contemporary Portuguese oven with a hearth, supported by a central pillar, made of twelve arches of earth and brick that lean on the periphery of the oven (© D. Allios).

Fig. 11. Assumed fragment of a dome or vault (© S. Guérin).

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demolition of the combustion structure and comprise of oven wall and possibly hearth fragments, as well as dome or vault fragments. The initial infill is made up of fine ashy levels (light grey to white), below this layer, linked to the functioning of the structure. This first layer is only several centimetres thick and lines the base of the pit. The most frequent inclusions comprise rare charcoal and bone fragments (fauna), and shell remains, as well as several pottery sherds (of small dimensions), and often one or two fragments of bread moulds. Furthermore, it is important to note the absence of a pit or work area, where the person in charge of the oven works and where combustion waste is evacuated. This absence raises questions concerning the cleaning of the structure. In addition to these similarities, several differences are also noteworthy, in particular between the (‘horseshoe-shaped’) type D ovens and the type A to C ovens. The first of these divergences concerns the construction mode. Types A to C seem to have been made in earth (assembled from sheets or coils?), whereas the heating chamber walls of the type D ovens are made from vertically laid bricks, joined together. From a structural viewpoint, it is also important to underline the fact that types A to C do not have an apparent oven mouth, unlike the type D ovens, with one end clearly opening onto the exterior. In the first case, we can assume that the oven mouth was in an upper level of the perforated structure, similar to the ovens still in use today in villages of the Delta for cooking patties or fish.

Fig. 12. Examples of domestic ovens currently used in the villages of the Eastern Delta (© S. Guérin).

Interpretation Combustion structures A to D are morphologically similar to traditional bread ovens. As a result, they are interpreted as the levelled remains of stationary urban type domestic ovens (Martz 2010). Considering the absence of vitrification in all of these ovens, they were not heated to a high temperature. Furthermore, we note the absence of waste linked to specific artisanal activities. Therefore, food cooking is the most plausible hypothesis. On the other hand,

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the type E oven appears to have been used for a different activity, probably firing pottery. Indeed, from a morphological point of view, this oven is very similar to ‘classic’ potters’ ovens. Ovens with suspended hearths appear very early in the Near East, like for example, at the site of Suse (Iran), where ‘pottery’ kilns made in a similar way are recorded between 4200 and 3750 years before our era (Ubaid Period) (Huot & Delcroix 1972: 52, 90, Fig. 4 (C.3)). Thus, the type E structure from Tell el-Iswid can be classified among the type 5 potters’ kilns according to the typology of Huot and Delcroix (Fig. 13). For this type of kiln, “… the alandier and the heating chamber are separated: the cooking duct is regulated from the surface; a thermal flywheel eliminates heat loss after each load” (Huot & Delcroix 1972: 80–81, 95, Fig. 9).

Fig. 13. Type 5 potter’s oven after Huot and Delcroix (1972: 95, Fig. 9).

This particular type of oven is located in a yard area, whereas the other structures are spread out in intermediary areas (courtyards) and inside buildings. Several series of ovens seem to have been deliberately implanted in the central lengthways axis of elongated buildings, and it is not possible to establish whether or not these areas were covered (rooms or forecourts?). Lastly, several concentrations of combustion structures have yet to be mapped. If the overlaps show that these ovens did not operate at the same time, then successive redevelopments would suggest that the function of these areas persisted for long periods of time. They could therefore be kitchens, or even bakeries. Conclusion Until now, little evidence of Naqadian combustion structures had been documented. New studies will be conducted in the coming years, in particular to compare the ovens discovered at Tell el-Iswid with, for example, those of Tell el-Farkha or Tell el-Fara’in (Buto). In addition to comparisons with other archaeological examples, the examination of ethnographic models will continue and the construction of experimental models is also under consideration. Finally, we have also programmed new carpological and phytological analyses in order to determine the types of fuel used. The first results show that animal

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dung was predominantly used, but so was wood in at least one structure. In the future, it would be interesting to clarify whether certain types of structures required the use of particular fuel types, in keeping with their function (culinary, artisanal activities) and the quantity of energy needed. Bibliography ALLIOS, D., 2016. Céramique, expérimentation, méthodes, Moyen âge, retours(s) d’expérience. Archéologie expérimentale: le mythe d’Orphée. https://exphist.hypotheses.org/372 (last accessed 2018). BUCHEZ, N., 2013. Rapport Tell el-Iswid, Mission 2013: 41 p., 15 fig. BUCHEZ, N.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; BRÉAND, G.; BRIOIS, F.; E-HAJAOUI, R.; GUÉRIN, S.; GUYOT, F.; HOCHSTRASSER-PETIT, C.; MINOTTI, M. & ROBITAILLE, J., Lower Egyptian Culture Settlement at Tell el-Iswid in the Nile Delta [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 35–48. BUCHEZ, N. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2017. Tell el-Iswid 2017: Rapport de la douzième campagne et rapport à quatre ans: 2014–2017: 73 p., 33 fig. BUCHEZ, N. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., forthc. Tell el-Iswid 2010/2014: Fouilles de l’Ifao, IFAO. Le Caire. CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MACZYNSKA, A. (eds.), 2012. Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznan/Krakow. GUÉRIN, S., 2017. Étude thématique: les structures de combustion [in:] BUCHEZ, N. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., Tell el-Iswid 2017. Rapport de la douzième campagne et rapport à quatre ans: 2014–2017: 29–35, fig. 16–17. HARTUNG, U.; ENGEL, E.-M. & HARTMANN, R., 2012. Tell el-Fara’in – Buto, 11. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 68: 83–98. HARTUNG, U.; HARTMANN, R.; KINDERMANN, K.; RIEMER, H. & STÄHLE, W., 2016, Tell el-Fara’in – Buto, 12. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 72: 73–126. HOFFMAN, M.A., 1980. A Rectangular Amratian House from Hierakonpolis and its Significance for Predynastic Research. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 39/2: 119– 137. HUOT, J.-L. & DELCROIX, G., 1972. Les fours dits de potier dans l’Orient ancien. Syria 49: 35–95. JUNKER, H., 1930. Vorläufiger Bericht über die zweite Grabung der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf der vorgeschichtlichen Siedlung Merimde-Benisalâme vom 7. Februar bis 8. April 1930. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien 5–13: 21–83. JUNKER, H., 1932. Vorbericht über die von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien in Verbindung mit dem Egyptiska Museet in Stockholm unternommenen Grabungen auf der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme vom 6. November 1931 bis 20. Jänner 1932. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien 1–4: 36–97. MARTZ, A.-S., 2010. Les dispositifs de cuisson domestiques au Proche-Orient d’après les sources archéologiques (IIIe s. av. J.-C. – IIIe s. ap. J.-C.). Nancy.

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MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2003. Aux origines de l’Égypte. Du Néolithique à l’émergence de l’État. Paris. MIDANT-REYNES, B.; BUCHEZ, N.; BRÉAND, G.; BRIOIS. F.; CAVERO, J.; COUPEY, A-S.; DE DAPPER, M.; DELHOPITAL, N.; EMERY-BARBIER, A.; EL-HAJAOUI, R.; GUERIN, S.; GUYOT, F.; HOCHSTRASSER-PETIT, C.; LESUR, J.; MINOTTI, M.; REGULSKI, I.; ROBITAILLE, J.; TORCHY, L. & TRISTANT, Y., 2013. Tell El-Iswid 2006-2010: The Archaeology of the Eastern Nile Delta in the 4th Millennium BC [in:] JUCHA, M.A.; DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J. & KOŁODZIEJCZYK, P. (eds.), Aegyptus est imago caeli. Studies Presented to Krzysztof M. Ciałowicz on His 60th Birthday. Kraków: 37–56. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N., 2014. Tell el-Iswid 2006/2009. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 73. Le Caire. TRISTANT, Y., 2004. L’habitat prédynastique de la Vallée du Nil: Vivre sur les rives du Nil aux Ve et IVe millénaires. BAR International Series 1287. Oxford.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SPECIALISED PRODUCTION: LITHIC ARTEFACT EVIDENCE IN NILE VALLEY SETTLEMENT SITES ELIZABETH HART American Research Center, Egypt

Full-time specialisation developed by the Naqada IIC Period, as evidenced by production remains at HK29A and items such as ripple-flaked knives. This specialised production can be seen as part of a political or prestige goods system, where emerging elites sponsored the production of luxury items used to display status and build alliances through exchange. However, this model does not account for all specialised production. Other items, such as certain types of pottery and lithic blades, were also produced by specialists, and these goods were much more widely distributed, not fitting the definition of prestige goods. Research was undertaken on how specialised production developed over the Naqada period through an analysis of lithic artefacts. The organisation of production was evaluated for blade and bifacial tools by examining the distribution of production remains and tools at inter-site and intra-site levels. The results demonstrate that lithic production was organised in quite an array of ways. This study also assessed whether a ritual production model could account for some specialised production by investigating patterns of raw material use, production locations, and find contexts. The analysis shows that prestige, ritual activities, and changes in subsistence practices all factored into the development of specialised production.

Introduction Questions of why and how economies change are a key area of archaeological research, and this study contributes to literature on the degree of variability in human economies. The fourth Millennium BCE in Egypt was a period of substantial economic change, not the least of which was the development of specialised production. This article summarizes work undertaken for a doctoral dissertation, E. Hart (2017). The development of specialised production in Egypt has predominantly been described as a political or prestige goods system, where emerging elites sponsored the production of prestige items which were used to display status and build alliances through exchange (e.g. Takamiya 2004: 1036; Wengrow 2006: 75–76). This is supported by evidence of full-time specialised production dating to the Naqada IIC Period and later, such as large quantities of lithic production remains found at Hierakonpolis HK29A (Holmes 1992; Friedman 2009), and by the production of items that involved extremely high levels of skill such as ripple-flaked knives (Kelterborn 1984), as well as the production

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of items with a standardised stylistic repertoire such as Decorated Ware ceramics (Needler 1984: 2002; Aksamit 1992: 20). However, a prestige goods model does not account for the development of all specialised production. Prestige goods by definition are only accessible to a limited number of people; that is where they get their power to differentiate and confer prestige. Contrary to this definition, some items that are thought to be produced by specialists, such as untempered ceramics (Friedman 1994: 646–648), certain lithic blades (Ginter et al. 1996), and even coarse ware ceramics (Hoffman 1980; Friedman 1994: 653, 662–663), were quite widely distributed. Therefore, these items do not fit with a prestige goods model, and there should be a different explanation for how they came to be produced by specialists. The first step toward understanding how specialised production developed is to analyse which stone tools were made by specialists. Specialised production can be defined as a way of organising production, where a given class of objects is used by people other than those who made them, above the household level (Wattenmaker 1998: 3; Costin 2001: 275–276). In other words, the products of specialists should be found beyond the production areas. This is an intentionally broad definition of specialisation, because by being more inclusive it is suited to an analysis of intensification or change, rather than only presence or absence. Notably, this definition does not include any assumption about the relationship between the degree of specialization and the degree of skill, technical complexity, quality, or time investment required to make an object. For instance, quite a bit of time and skill may be invested to make elaborate, high-quality but unique products for personal use, but such items would not be considered specialized by this definition if they were not exchanged more widely. On the other hand, items which are technically quite simple to make can be mass-produced by specialists. Skill is here only considered an indicator of specialisation when accompanied by an argument that those who used an item were different from, or more numerous than, those that produced it. Similarly, standardisation is another indirect means that can be used to assess specialisation if it implies that the standardization results from a smaller number of producers. In all cases it is the relationship between the artisans and the consumers that is important, not the skill or standardisation itself. For this study, specialisation was primarily assessed through the spatial distributions of production remains compared to the spatial distributions of the corresponding tools at an inter-site/regional level (comparing distributions among sites) and at an intra-site level (looking at distributions within sites). Lithic artefacts were analysed from three recently excavated settlement sites: el-Mahâsna, Abydos, and Nag el-Qarmila. El-Mahâsna was a mid-sized settlement site located ~10 km north of Abydos. Briefly excavated by J. Garstang

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(1903), and more recently by D. Anderson (2006; 2011), the remains date to NIC–NIID. Anderson’s excavations revealed the existence of a ritual structure, in addition to domestic structures and middens. Abydos was a regional political centre, as is indicated by the series of Predynastic burials culminating in the tombs of the first kings of Egypt and their monumental funerary enclosures. However, little is known of the associated settlements. S. Harvey (1998: 163–164) uncovered a portion of a Predynastic settlement underneath the 18th Dynasty Ahmose pyramid complex. The early site dates to the NI–NIIAB. The features found generally relate to habitation, food processing, and storage. Nag el-Qarmila was a small village in Aswan’s Kubbaniya area. Rescue excavations have been underway since 2007 under the direction of M. Gatto (Gatto et al. 2009a, b). The site dates to NIC–NIIA/B, and consists of three components: the settlement, a cemetery, and a storage area on a nearby ridge. In total, about 9,000 artefacts were analysed from these three sites. For more details on the specific proveniences, analysis methods, and definitions of lithic types, see Hart (2017). Additionally, this study drew on published data from many other modern excavations of Naqada Period Nile Valley settlement sites, particularly: Adaïma (Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2002), Armant (Ginter & Kozlowski 1994), Hierakonpolis localities (Holmes 1989; 1992; 1996; Hikade et al. 2008; Takamiya & Endo 2011), and Naqada-area sites (Holmes 1989). Information on over 500 additional artefacts was gathered from online museum databases. Raw material analysis Understanding raw material use can aid in reconstructing patterns of production. Most flaked-stone tools in Egypt are made from microcrystalline quartz, referred to here as chert (a.k.a. flint) (Harrel 2012: 3). Chert in Egypt is abundant, and so might be considered an easily accessible resource available to all Egyptians. However, Egyptian chert is not homogeneous, but rather is quite variable in terms of properties like colour, texture, nodule size, and ease of flaking. This variability raises the question of whether Predynastic Egyptians used chert varieties differentially. For this study, 14 main varieties of chert were defined based on the macroscopic attributes of structures, cortex, texture, translucency, colour, and luster (Luedtke 1992) and through consultation with other researchers’ definitions of Egyptian raw material types. A comparison of the chert varieties present at el-Mahâsna, Abydos, and Nag el-Qarmila showed that the most common raw material at each site was different (Fig. 1). At Abydos, the most common raw material was a distinctive beige chert with pink bands. At el-Mahâsna, only 10 km to the north, the main raw material utilised was overwhelmingly a semi-translucent brown

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Fig. 1. Frequencies of raw material types at el-Mahâsna (MAP), Abydos (ATP), and Nag el-Qarmila (AKAP).

gravel chert with small white calcareous mottles. And at Nag el-Qarmila in the south, the prominent material was a medium to dark brown chert with distinctive fossil structures. Comparisons of the confidence intervals of the proportions indicated that the differences are not due to random chance or sampling error. Raw material survey around the sites showed that the most common material at Abydos and el-Mahâsna were each locally available. However, it is important to point out that the material which was commonly used at el-Mahâsna, was also available near Abydos, but the Abydos inhabitants preferentially selected the pink banded chert. Another important finding is that, compared to Abydos and el-Mahâsna, Nag el Qarmila had a substantially higher frequency of the chalky white cortex associated with primary deposits (Fig. 2). There are no primary chert sources near Nag el-Qarmila since the area is one of sandstone rather than limestone formations where chert occurs in primary context. Therefore, the people in Nag elQarmila must have imported much of their chert from distant primary sources. These finds show that Predynastic Egyptians had substantially different patterns of raw material use, even in sites that were relatively close together. Therefore, chert should not be considered an evenly distributed or evenly utilised resource.

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Fig. 2. Comparison of the 95 % binomial confidence intervals of the proportions of chalky cortex at el-Mahâsna (MAP), Abydos (ATP), and Nag el-Qarmila (AKAP).

Distribution analysis The distribution analysis of tools and production remains focused on select types of blade tools, bladelet tools, and bifacial tools. These included some items, such as ripple-flaked knives, that are already considered specialised, in order to have comparable data across a range of tool classes, and because the method used here is different from that used by previous researchers. The results showed that there were many ways that stone tool production was organised. These production configurations are summarised visually in Fig. 3. Tools made on medium-sized blades, and their associated production remains were found commonly in all habitation sites, and in multiple areas of the sites. For instance, blade cores, blade blanks, and often crested blades (production remains) were present in numerous sites such as Badari, el-Mahâsna, Abydos, Adaïma, Armant, Nag el-Qarmila, and Hierakonpolis localities. Tools made on medium blades (e.g. burins, denticulates, endscrapers, notches, perforators, and/or retouched pieces) were found in all sites. At el-Mahâsna and Hierakonpolis, where there were substantial intra-site data, production remains were found in multiple areas of the sites, without major differences in frequency (Hart 2017: 201). The complete overlap in the distribution of tools and their associated production remains indicates that they were made through diffuse systems of production that would not be considered specialised. However, the production of other tool types was more differentiated.

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Fig. 3. Visualisation of the distribution of tools and production remains for a number of flaked-stone items. The distributions show that there were many different ways production was organised. Note that the order is not meant to imply any increasing degree of specialisation. Only that there is a substantial amount of variation in patterns of production.

Microdrills were made within workshops to be used in those workshops by specialists who were making other items, namely beads. Examples include the HK29A workshop (Holmes 1992: 41–42), and Peet’s (1914: 3–6) excavations at Abydos. In both cases the microdrills were found with production remains from making the microdrills, along with the materials associated with bead production, such as carnelian fragments or even unfinished beads. The microdrills present an interesting case for thinking about Predynastic specialisation, since the items themselves should not be considered specialised according to the definition here, since they were not exchanged. However, they were probably used in the specialised production of beads. The distribution of provenienced eccentrics indicates that they were made only in certain communities, such as Hierakonpolis and Abydos, and were used within those same communities, without being exchanged more widely, so they should not be considered specialised at a regional level, given current data. The Abydos eccentrics differ substantially from the Hierakonpolis ones

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in style, quality, and date (Petrie 1902; 1903; Hart 2017: Tab. 6.1), showing that they must have been made by different sets of producers, each probably local to the area where the eccentrics were found. However, there is evidence that the eccentrics should be considered specialised at an intra-site level. Some of the eccentrics from the HK6 cemetery are simply variations on the shape of the concave-base projectile points (Nagaya 2011), or rhomboid tools (Hart 2017: 269). Finds of unfinished concave-base projectile points and a possible rhomboid tool fragment, along with large amounts of bifacial thinning flakes at HK29A show that both tool types were made at HK29A (Holmes 1992: 41; Friedman 2009: 89). Therefore, it is very likely the eccentrics were made by the same producers as the concave-base projectiles and rhomboid tools at Hierakonpolis. In terms of distribution of the eccentrics themselves, most come from the HK6 cemetery, but some have also been found in non-elite habitation areas (Watrall 2000), indicating that while there is only one clear group of producers at Hierakonpolis, there were at least two groups of consumers. Therefore, the production of the eccentrics should be considered specialised at an intra-site level. Axes were probably made at all sites, but the distribution of associated production remains like preforms, thinning flakes, and axe preparation flakes shows that axe production was concentrated within certain parts of the sites. A good example is Armant, where axe production remains clustered in the Southern sector of the site (Ginter et al. 1996: 177–178). Similarly, at el-Mahâsna the few axe preparation flakes were found in Block 3, along with the highest amount of bifacial thinning flakes and bifacial preforms (Hart 2017: 265). However, the quantities of axes and axe production remains varies in Predynastic sites, showing that they were made more intensively at some sites than others, such as in the Naqada region. This regional variation was discussed by Holmes (1989). A different production configuration was found for heat-treated microendscrapers. Although these tools were found at all sites, they were only produced in some communities, showing that they must have been exchanged, and specialised at the inter-site level. At el-Mahâsna this study identified the full sequence of production remains for making heated bladelet tools, including angular debris, cores, cortical blades, crested bladelets, bladelet blanks, and bladelet tools (all heat-treated). However, at nearby Abydos, and at more distant Nag el-Qarmila, heat-treated bladelet tools were present but without any of the associated production remains, showing that they probably were not made at the sites. Additionally, at sites with production remains from heat-treatment such as el-Mahâsna and Hierakonpolis (Holmes 1989; 1992; Takamiya & Endo 2011: Tab. 1; Hart 2017: 202, 204–205), the debris and debitage were distributed differentially within the sites, which may indicate that the production was segmented or at least becoming more differentiated.

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No unfinished examples of fishtails or bifacial sickles were identified, and unfinished concave-base projectile points were only found in a few sites, Naqada KH4 (Holmes 1989: 248–249), South Town (Holmes 1989: 274) and HK29A (Holmes 1992: 41), indicating there were a limited number of production locations for these items. The high skill required for techniques used in making some of these tools, such as pressure flaking and micro-serration, also support the idea of a limited number of producers. Bifacial sickles found at Adaïma (Briois & Midant-Reynes 2008: 27) and Abydos were made from raw materials which occurred only in extremely low quantities or not at all among the thinning flakes at the site, indicating that the tools were imported, and thus specialised. There were 12 different raw material types present in a sample of 101 fishtails in this study, eight chert varieties in the 31 concave-base projectile points, and seven varieties in the 20 bifacial sickles. The diversity of raw material types used for these tools points to different stone sources, and by extension, multiple production workshops. In all, it is likely that these tools were specialised at an inter-site level, with concentrated production that nonetheless took place in more than one locale. Finally, there were cases of tool production that are readily identified as very specialised, such as knives made on very large blades, and ripple-flaked knives. The tools were found in many sites, but there were no securely identified production areas, indicating that there were probably few production areas. This can be interpreted as a very restricted or concentrated production, and the tools should certainly be considered specialised at a regional level. For the rippleflaked knives, P. Kelterborn (1984: 452) analysed their production process by replicating numerous knives, and concluded that their production involved the very high skill levels of ‘master craftsmen’. Such skill levels would not have been attainable by all flintknappers, which supports the idea of a very limited set of producers compared to the relatively wide distribution of the tools. In summary, all of the tools mentioned above can be considered specialised in some way except for the medium blades and the microdrills. However, the details of production organisation among all tools were quite different. The important conclusion from this analysis is that there was a lot of variability in Naqada Period stone tool production. A simple division of stone tool production into ad-hoc utilitarian work and highly specialised creation of elaborate tools does not capture the multiplicity of production strategies that were in use at the time. Exploring a ritual production model As discussed above, most theories for the development of specialised production in Naqada Period Egypt have focused on the production of prestige goods. However, other items besides prestige goods were also made by specialists during the Naqada Period. This study explored the possibility that in addition to the

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specialised production of prestige goods, Predynastic Egyptians increased their economic production in order to make items needed for ritual activities, such as life cycle events (e.g. birth, marriage, death) and community-encompassing rituals. A ritual production model was proposed by K. Spielmann (2002) based on the observation that ritual participation by members of whole communities can be a significant source of increased economic production in many places and times throughout the world. She originally applied this theory to North American contexts, but because in Pharaonic Egypt ritual concerns were highly materialised and a major aspect of life, it also has potential to be pertinent in Egypt. In the ritual production model, goods produced by specialists are often everyday items which have significant symbolic meaning. As such they can be used in both daily life and in ceremonial contexts, carrying meaning in both spheres. Moreover, the items produced by specialists are used by many members of a community not just a few, as most people participate in lifecycle events. Thus, the demand for these ritually important goods is widespread and sustained, enough to affect the approach to production. Finally, production may be directly associated with ritual events. The aggregation of people during ritual events can facilitate sharing knowledge about production methods, and procurement of raw materials. Production associated with ritual events could also allow additional symbolic meanings to be associated with the place or time of production that add value to the goods. Focusing on the stone tools made by specialists, this study compared the archaeological data to expectations for archaeological patterns that should be observed if the ritual production model can account for the development of some specialised production in Egypt. The expectations concerned raw material choice, production locations, and find contexts. In the ritual production model, the raw material could be important for the symbolic meaning of the tools, leading to an expectation that there should be an association between raw material type and tool type. This was the case for only one of the specialized tool types, microendscrapers. In the examples analysed from sites as far apart as Hierakonpolis, Naqada, el-Mahâsna, and Badari, microendscrapers were made from a semi-translucent, pinkish-brown material. This study previously established that local patterns of raw material use varied, yet the same variety of chert was used for these tools in multiple locations, thus the pattern cannot be explained by simple local availability. Nor was there a functional explanation for the choice of this material: many other chert varieties had a similar texture, and many other varieties had nodules of appropriate size for making these small tools. Therefore, it is possible that symbolic considerations factored into the raw material choice for microendscrapers. Axes and large-blade knives were made from a few different chert varieties as defined here. However, it is important to consider that Predynastic Egyptians may not have used these same categories. In Pharaonic Egypt, chert (ds) was

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described as dark (km) or light (ḥd) (Graves-Brown 2010: 144–145). Therefore, it was notable that for axes and large-blade knives, the different varieties were overwhelmingly light coloured yellowish–tan materials, regardless of site (axes: 89 %, n = 82; large-blade knives: 84.5 %, n = 60). These light materials could all comfortably fit the ds ḥd category, so there was conceivably an association between tool type and colour for these tools. The color choice could not be accounted for by functional considerations or access to local resources. Instead, it is suggested that the raw material choices relate to the symbolic significance of the colour. The importance of color has been suggested for finds in other materials in this period, such as the unusual solid red and solid black vessels in the HK29A ceremonial enclosure (Hendrickx & Friedman 2003; Friedman 2009: 85–88). Rhomboid tools and ripple-flaked knives provide two counter examples. Rhomboids were made from only a few raw material types, but this selection was probably functional rather than symbolic. Their large size dictates that only raw material varieties with large nodules or tabular pieces could be used. Moreover, 40 % of the sample studied here were made from light materials, and 60 % from dark materials, so the raw material colour was not likely significant to their symbolic meaning. Among ripple-flaked knives, between one third and one half were made from a distinctive pink-banded material. It was not possible to rule out that this choice was simply related to the availability of materials near a place of production because the pink-banded chert variety has been located in secondary context around Abydos, and most of the rippleflaked knives made of that material were found near Abydos. In terms of production locations, the expectation for the ritual production model is that production should be associated with ritual contexts. Among the stone tools analysed in this study, in every case where data were available, specialist-produced tools were made in conjunction with ritual activity areas, at least some of the time (Tab. 1). Moreover, this association between production and ritual areas was not limited to one site, but occurred at both Hierakonpolis and el-Mahâsna. For find contexts, one expectation for the ritual production model was that stone tools would not be restricted to the elite segment of the population. This was the case for most of the specialist-produced tool types: fishtails, concave-base projectile points, eccentrics, bifacial sickles, axes, large-blade knives, and microendscrapers. They were found in multiple habitation areas within settlements (not just concentrated in one household), they were found in settlements of multiple scales (not just in the most politically active and functionally differentiated sites like Hierakonpolis and Abydos), and they were found in cemeteries dedicated to people of different status. A second expectation for find contexts was that specialised tools should be found in ritual contexts, if they were used (at least sometimes) for ritual or

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Table 1. Lithic production remains associated with ritual contexts. Both HK29A and el-Mahâsna Block 3 have higher concentrations of thinning flakes (byproducts of bifacial tool production) than other parts of each site.

symbolic purposes. The ritual contexts examined in this study included Hierakonpolis HK29A (Holmes 1992; Takamiya & Endo 2011), the HK25 columned hall (Hikade et al. 2008), el-Mahâsna Block 3 (Anderson 2011), and cemetery contexts including burials and offering deposits. All of the specialised tools examined here except for ripple-flaked knives and rhomboid tools were found in both ritual and domestic contexts. Ripple-flaked knives and rhomboid tools were found overwhelmingly in ritual contexts, mainly burials. See Hart (2017: 335–350) for discussion of the ritual activities each tool type might have been involved in, such as birth/rebirth rituals, hunting rituals, agricultural ceremonies, magical/medical kits, and funerary ceremonies. Overall, some stone tools fit the ritual production model for the development of specialisation quite well. Early fishtails, concave-base projectile points, eccentrics, axes, large-blade knives, and microendscrapers were produced by specialists, often in conjunction with ritual activity areas. They were used by many kinds of people, not just the elite, and they were found in ritual contexts. For some of these tool classes raw material choice might have related to the symbolic meaning of the tools. Other tools – ripple-flaked knives and rhomboid tools – fit better with a prestige goods model, since their find contexts were more socially restricted. Additionally, they had different patterns of distribution compared to all the other specialised tools, being found almost entirely in cemeteries, rather than in a variety of contexts both ritual and domestic. Furthermore, there was no

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association between raw material and tool type that would indicate selection for symbolic purposes. The case of fishtails was particularly telling because it was the only tool class that covered the whole timespan of the Naqada Period and that could be stylistically dated to earlier and later types. The differences in the archaeological patterns between the earlier fishtails and the later ones indicated a shift from patterns aligning with the ritual production model, toward ones matching a prestige goods system. The fishtails became more standardised in size over time. Increasing standardisation can indicate more concentrated production since presumably fewer producers would lead to fewer opportunities for variation. The coefficient of variation for the lengths of early fishtails was 19.94 %, and that of later fishtails was 13.63 %, showing a decrease in variability. More concentrated production aligns with a prestige goods system since fewer producers would be easier for sponsors to manage. Additionally, production of later fishtails included the use of some rare exotic materials like obsidian and rock crystal. The use of rare materials is expected for a prestige goods model because not all people would have access to these raw materials, thus increasing the effectiveness of the items for delineating status. The bifacial sickles were an interesting case because they did not fit with either the ritual or prestige goods models. There was no association between tool type and raw material type that would indicate symbolic considerations in raw material choice. The only ritual contexts they were found in were burials, and those were rare. Bifacial sickles were grain harvesting tools, an activity undertaken by a large portion of the population, making it unlikely that they were produced as prestige items. Yet they were produced by specialists. The explanation for the production of bifacial sickles by specialists probably relates to changes in subsistence practices and the increasing reliance on agricultural production – a hypothesis that deserves further study. In summary, ripple-flaked knives, rhomboid tools, and later fishtails aligned best with a prestige-goods model for the development of specialized production, while early fishtails, concave-base projectile points, eccentrics, axes, largeblade knives, and microendscrapers fit best with a ritual production model. Bifacial sickles fit with neither model. Conclusion The main findings from this research were: 1) raw material use varied between sites; 2) stone tool production was organised in a variety of ways; and 3) the source of demand for specialist produced goods could include symbolic uses by many people not just status building activities of emerging elites. Of course it is undeniable that ritual and prestige can be intertwined. The point of this study is not to parse them out or set up an untenable dichotomy, but to emphasise

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that status was not the only thing that Predynastic Egyptians signaled when they made specialised goods, and that an array of cosmological views were a part of many people’s lives, activities, and motivations, not just the elite. Furthermore, this research indicated not only that the development of specialised production was affected by ritual and prestige, but also by changes in subsistence strategy. This point is particularly significant because it highlights the multiplicity of influences on people in the past. Bibliography AKSAMIT, J., 1992. Petrie’s Type D 46 D and Remarks on the Production and Decoration of Predynastic Decorated Pottery. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 3: 17–21. ANDERSON, D., 2006. Power and Competition in the Upper Egyptian Predynastic: A View from the Predynastic Settlement at el Mahâsna, Egypt. Thesis (PhD), University of Pittsburgh. ANDERSON, D., 2011. Evidence for Early Ritual Activity in the Predynastic Settlement at Mahâsna [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London, 27th July – 1st August. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 3–29. BRIOIS, F. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2008. Lithic Industries from Adaïma: between Farmers and Craftsmen [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/ Paris/Dudley, MA: 21–31. COSTIN, C.L., 2001. Craft Production Systems [in:] FEINMAN, G.M. & PRICE, T.D. (eds.), Archaeology at the Millennium: A Sourcebook. New York: 273–327. FRIEDMAN, R.F., 1994. Predynastic Settlement Ceramics of Upper Egypt: A Comparative Study of the Ceramics of Hemamieh, Nagada and Hierakonpolis. Thesis (PhD), University of California, Berkeley. FRIEDMAN, R.F., 2009. Hierakonpolis Locality HK29A: The Predynastic Ceremonial Center Revisited. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 45: 79–103. GARSTANG, J., 1903. Maḥâsna and Bêt Khallâf. London. GATTO, M.C.; DE DAPPER, M.; GERISCH, R.; HART, E.; HENDRICKX, S.; HERBICH, T.; JORIS, H.; NORDSTRÖM, H.-Å.; PITRE, M.; ROMA, S.; ŚWIĘCH, D. & USAI, D., 2009a. Predynastic Settlement and Cemeteries at Nag el-Qarmila, Kubbaniya. ArchéoNil 19: 186–206. GATTO, M.C., et al. 2009b. Archaeological Investigation in the Aswan-Kom Ombo region (2007–2008). Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 65: 9–47. GINTER, B. & KOZŁOWSKI, J.K., 1994. Predynastic Settlement near Armant. Heidelberg. GINTER, B.; KOZŁOWSKI, J.K. & PAWLIKOWSKI, M., 1996. Raw Material Procurement in the Tarifian and in the Naqada Culture: A Case Study from the Nile Valley in Upper Egypt [in:] KRZYŻANIAK, L.; KROEPER, K. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Interregional Contacts in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. Poznań: 165–180. GRAVES-BROWN, C., 2011. The Ideological Significance of Flint in Dynastic Egypt. Thesis (PhD), University College London.

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HARRELL, J.A., 2012. Utilitarian Stones. UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, 1(1). Los Angeles. HART, E., 2017. Beyond Prestige: A Ritual Production Model for Stone Tool Specialization in Naqada Period Egypt. Thesis (PhD), University of Virginia. HARVEY, S.P. 1998. The Cults of King Ahmose at Abydos. Thesis (PhD), University of Pennsylvania. HENDRICKX, S., & FRIEDMAN, R.F., 2003. Chaos and Order: A Predynastic “Ostracon” from HK29A. Nekhen News 15: 8–9. HIKADE, T., PYKE, G. & O’NEILL, D., 2008. Excavations at Hierakonpolis HK29B and HK25 – The Campaigns of 2005/06. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 64: 27–30. HOFFMAN, M.A., 1980. A Rectangular Amratian House from Hierakonpolis and its Significance for Predynastic Research. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 39/2: 119–137. HOLMES, D.L., 1992. Chipped Stone-Working Craftsmen, Hierakonpolis, and the Rise of Civilization in Egypt [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & ADAMS, B. (eds.), The Followers of Horus. Studies dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman. Oxford: 37–44. HOLMES, D.L., 1989. The Predynastic Lithic Industries of Upper Egypt: A Comparative Study of the Lithic Traditions of Badari, Nagada, and Hierakonpolis. Oxford. HOLMES, D.L., 1996. Lithic Assemblages from Hierakonpolis and Interregional Relations in Predynastic Egypt [in:] KRZYŻANIAK, L.; KROEPER, K. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Interregional Contacts in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. Poznań: 193– 202. KELTERBORN, P., 1984. Toward Replicating Egyptian Predynastic Flint Knives. Journal of Archaeological Science 11: 433–453. LUEDTKE, B.E., 1992. An Archaeologist’s Guide to Chert and Flint. Los Angeles. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N., 2002. Adaïma 1: économie et habitat. Le Caire. NAGAYA, K., 2011. Focus on Flint: Artisans from the Elite Cemetery. Nekhen News 23: 18–19. NEEDLER, W., 1984. Predynastic and Archaic Egypt in the Brooklyn Museum. Brooklyn, NY. PEET, T.E., 1914. The Cemeteries of Abydos. Vol. 2, 1911–1912. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1903. Abydos. Part II. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1902. Abydos. Part I. London. SPIELMANN, K.A., 2002. Feasting, Craft Specialization, and the Ritual Mode of Production in Small-Scale Societies. American Anthropologist 104/1: 195–207. TAKAMIYA, I.H., 2004. Development of Specialization in the Nile Valley during the 4th Millennium BC [in:] HENDRICKS, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in memory of Barbara Adams. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 1025–1039. TAKAMIYA, I.H. & ENDO, H., 2011. Variations in Lithic Production at Hierakonpolis: A Preliminary Report from the Excavation of HK11C Squares A6–A7 [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven: 727–744. WATRALL, E.C., 2000. Excavations at Locality HK 11. Nekhen News 12: 11–12. WATTENMAKER, P., 1998. Household and State in Upper Mesopotamia: Specialized Economy and the Social Uses of Goods in an Early Complex Society. Washington, DC. WENGROW, D., 2006. The Archaeology of Early Egypt. Cambridge.

LOCAL ASPECTS OF THE POTTERY IN THE LATER LOWER EGYPTIAN CONTEXTS AT TELL EL-FARA’IN/BUTO RITA HARTMANN German Archaeological Institute Cairo, Egypt

Previous excavations at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto revealed a continuous stratigraphical sequence from the Predynastic Period until the Old Kingdom. Layers I and II represent settlement remains of the Lower Egyptian Culture, while layer III can be correlated with the Naqada IIIA/B Period. Of special interest is Buto layer IIIa, where pottery typical of both the Lower Egyptian and the Upper Egyptian Naqada traditions are attested. Unfortunately, detailed quantitative data about the wares and the development of vessel types within the material of the Lower Egyptian settlement layers were never published. Recent excavations at Buto focussing on the predynastic layers II and III now provide the opportunity to re-evaluate the chrono-typological aspects of the Lower Egyptian wares and shape corpus. Most characteristic of the pottery production at Buto is the high proportion of fibrous tempered ware, which can be recognised by its distinctive appearance. This particular type of ceramic seems to have played an important role in the production and storage of food. Its development during Buto layers II and IIIa and its decrease in the succeeding layers IIIb/c, corresponding to Naqada IIIA2, mirror other changes in local pottery production and can be seen as indicators of the socio-economic transformations taking place into the Naqada III Period.

Introduction During the 1980s, predynastic occupation in the Nile Delta proper was identified for the first time at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto (e.g. von der Way 1986; 1997). Settlement material comparable to finds known from the predynastic site of Maadi came to light, leading thereafter to the common use of the term ButoMaadi Culture for this assemblage. Following the intensive exploration of new Predynastic sites in the Eastern Delta over the last 30 years, e.g. Tell el-Farkha (int. al., Chłodnicki et al. 2012); Tell el-Iswid (int. al., Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2014); Kôm el-Khilgan (Buchez & Midant-Reynes 2007); and Mendes (int. al., Friedman 1992: 199–206); as well as sites in the Western Delta (Wilson 2014: 299–317), the term ‘Lower Egyptian Culture’ was introduced to refer to the wide distribution of similar artefacts across the Delta region (cf. Mączyńska 2011: 880–882). Nevertheless, Buto remains a key site, as it provides a continuous stratigraphic sequence throughout the Predynastic Period up to the late Old Kingdom (e.g. Faltings & Köhler 1996; Hartung 2008; von der Way 1997). In addition to stratigraphical observations, the occurrence of specific artefacts, primarily pottery types with decorative elements and flint

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tools, allowed the division of the predynastic strata at Buto into layers Ia, Ib, IIa and IIb (von der Way 1997: 77–80). Buto layer IIIa was separated from the preceding phase IIb mainly on the basis of the statistical analysis of typical Upper and Lower Egyptian wares and shapes (Köhler 1992: 11–22; Köhler 1996: 215–216; Köhler 1998: 43–44, note 238). Recent excavations of the Predynastic layers at Buto have yielded new information about the character of the pottery during the transition from Buto layer IIb to layer IIIa and its relation with the architecture of the settlement (see Hartung, this volume). For an understanding of the local development of pottery during this period of cultural change, the so-called fibrous tempered ware plays an important role. This ware is characteristic of the pottery inventory of Buto and was first identified and described in the Predynastic material from the excavations in the 1980s and 1990s (Faltings & Köhler 1996: 101–109; Köhler 1996: 216; Köhler 1998: 10–11). The new stratigraphic evidence from the recent excavations provides the basis for a quantitative analysis of fibrous tempered ware and allows its first appearance to be located in the lowest stratum of Buto layer IIa. Buto layer IIa and the transition to layer IIb The archaeological context of Buto layer IIa consists of small pits, postholes and reddish-black ashy discolorations representing the remains of light housing. The associated pottery is made from Nile clay. Only very few body sherds of Levantine origin were found; sherds of marl clay were absent. Most characteristic for this settlement phase is the significant amount (up to 60 % of the material) of brown and black pottery, which was covered before firing with a thick micaceous slip and careful burnishing. The fabric contains a high quantity of fine to medium straw tempering and is generally very soft due to the reducing firing atmosphere. Brown and black burnished wares share the same type spectrum, but occur in an approximate ratio of 2 to 1, with black burnished sherds increasing in the deeper strata of layer IIa. Fragments of restricted vessels dominate the assemblage. They are primarily from small and medium sized ovoid jars with small flattened bases and upright or slightly everted rims (Fig. 1.1–8). Very common is a globular vessel with a cylindrical neck, for which a function as a cooking pot is indicated by black stains on the body and the remains of soot on related base fragments (Fig. 1.6–7). Rim sherds of storage jars and vats are also attested (Fig. 1.14–15). The latter are occasionally decorated with finger-tip impressions. Unrestricted shapes are limited to conical bowls with rounded or flattened rims (Fig. 1.9–10). Small bowls with lip-rims decorated with a row of oblong impressions below the lip (Fig. 1.11) occur sporadically. The most distinctive type in the inventory is a large ovalshaped basin, coated on the lower interior walls and base with a layer of small abraded limestones (Fig. 1.12–13). This coating suggests such basins were

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Fig. 1. Buto layer IIa, brown and black burnished ware and vessels with micaceous slip.

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used in grinding or pounding activities (Rizkana & Seeher 1987: 42; Bajeot 2017: 79); however, from their frequency one can propose that these vessels played an important role in daily food preparation. Within this assemblage of brown and black burnished wares were a notable number of sherds with holes drilled after firing (e.g. Fig. 1.5). These drill holes occur on all types of vessels and give the impression that the surface attributes of this pottery were highly valued. As a variant of the brown and black burnished wares are vessels covered with a thick micaceous slip that are only wet-finished. This variant consistently makes up 5 % of the ceramic material in all contexts. The repertoire comprises restricted shapes: mainly ovoid and barrel-shaped jars with everted rims, but also vats with thick lip-rims (Fig. 1.16–19). Up to 30 % of the assemblage is composed of sherds with a wet-finished surface and tempered with medium to coarse straw. Typically the surface is uneven and greyish-brown in colour as a result of firing in uncontrolled conditions. The diagnostic pieces can be assigned predominantly to a wide variety of bowls with direct or everted rims (Fig. 2.1–4). Barrel-shaped vessels with upright rims are also common. In addition to fragments of small flattened bases, a few related ring bases (Fig. 2.5–6) have also been found. Of importance is the first appearance of sherds from ovoid jars decorated with an impressed zigzag pattern (Fig. 2.7–8) (cf. Faltings & Köhler 1996: 102, 109; von der Way 1991: 1–9; 1997: 80, 96–100). According to the recent excavation data such sherds are still exceptional in the lower strata of Buto layer IIa, and only become more numerous towards the transition to layer IIb. Aside from the main ware groups a wide variety of other Nile fabrics and wares can be observed, each of them represented by only a few examples in the archaeological contexts. These include sherds made of fine untempered Nile silt, which derive for instance from small vessels with brown or black burnished surfaces, and red burnished bowls with incised decoration (Fig. 2.9– 10). Occasionally, fine straw and limestone tempered white or orange slipped sherds are found as well as fragments of thick-walled restricted jars with coarse limestone and sand temper (Fig. 2.14). Fibrous tempered ware is present in only small numbers, generally making up less than 1 % of the assemblages. The fibres are visible as hairlines in the break and on both surfaces, giving this distinctive ware a special appearance. The clay is finely prepared and contains not only fibres, but also some fine sand and fine chaff. Some sherds are additionally tempered with very fine pulverised limestone, probably derived from crushed bones or shells. Fibrous tempered ware in this settlement phase is often thin-walled and skilfully made. Attested are sherds of restricted jars with a reddish-brown to beige-pale brown, with a lightly burnished exterior surface, and some with fine incised or impressed decoration (Fig. 2.11–13).

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Fig. 2. Buto layer IIa, wet-finished pottery, fine ware and fibrous tempered ware.

The pottery of the settlement phase Buto layer IIa is comparable in many aspects with the material known from the settlement and cemeteries of Maadi. Among them is particularly the high amount of brown and black burnished ware with its wide variety of jars. Common to both sites are types such as the brown burnished globular vessels with cylindrical necks (Rizkana & Seeher 1987: Pl. 22; Hartung et al. 2003: Fig. 9g; Bajeot 2017: Pl. 20) oval-shaped basins with limestone interior coating (Rizkana & Seeher 1987: Pl. 53; Hartung et al. 2003: Fig. 12d; Bajeot 2017: 79), and wet-finished jars with ring-bases (Rizkana & Seeher 1987: Pl. 2; Hartung et al. 2003: Fig. 8g; Bajeot 2017: Pl. 2). Fibrous tempered ware is also present at Maadi in a similar frequency of less than 1 % and with the same characteristics of fabric, shape and decoration (Hartung et al. 2003: 173 and Fig. 9f). The correlation of Buto layer IIa with the Naqada chronology of Upper Egypt is difficult, as no Upper Egyptian pottery imports have been recovered (for other objects see von der Way 1997: 80–81). However, contemporaneous finds from Maadi, including blacktopped pottery and other objects imported from Upper Egypt (Rizkana & Seeher 1987: 66 and Pl. 68; Hartung et al. 2003: Fig. 14a; Bajeot 2017: Pl. 54.1) allow a dating roughly from Naqada I until at least Naqada IIB. Only a single sherd with impressed zigzag decoration (cf. Fig. 2.7–8) has been found at Maadi (Rizkana & Seeher 1987: Pl. VII.6). This cannot solely be explained as local variation, but may instead be considered an indication that the decline of the Maadi settlement had already begun at the same time as Buto layer IIa was beginning (cf. Faltings 2002: 167). Therefore, Buto layer IIa should be synchronous with a later phase of Maadi, which in turn corresponds to Naqada IIA/B (see Hendrickx 2006: 92–93).

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The transition from Buto layer IIa to IIb was a long term process, for which no change in the archaeological context was evident, yet gradual modifications in the associated pottery could be observed. The amount of brown and black burnished ware slowly decreases to less than 40 % of the ceramic material, although the repertoire of types remains almost the same (Fig. 3.1–3). Important are the first examples of brown burnished bowls with incised half-moon decoration below the everted rim (Fig. 3.4), which will become more frequent in Buto layer IIb (see von der Way 1997: 80).

Fig. 3. Buto layer IIa/b, pottery types.

Vessels with micaceous slip (Fig. 3.5–8), consistently about 5 % of the material, comprise small jars with pointed bases similar to Petrie’s types R90/94 or R69 (Petrie 1921: Pl. 40, 44). Also present are rim sherds from lemon-shaped vessels with cylindrical necks, which have already been defined as typical for Buto layer IIb (von der Way 1997: 80; for discussion of the typological

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development of this type see Buchez & Midant-Reynes 2007: 45–49; Köhler 2014: 164–168). Pottery with a wet-finished surface, tempered with medium to coarse straw comprise up to 60 % of the assemblage in the upper strata. Shapes predominately include the spectrum of bowls known from the preceding phase, but also new types of bowls with convex walls, as well as fragments of storage jars with neck and lip-rims (Fig. 3.9–13). Sherds of ovoid jars with impressed zigzag decoration and other impressed or incised designs are extremely frequent (Fig. 3.14–16). Many of these sherds are burnt black, obviously from the regular use of such vessels in contact with fire (cf. Maczyńska 2012: 123). Fibrous tempered ware in material and quality is still unchanged and is now regularly part of the inventory, although it does not exceed 3 %. Diagnostic pieces belong to restricted jars with light burnishing, some provided with a fine incised decoration (Fig. 3.18–23). Exceptional are a few Nile clay sherds from restricted vessels coated with white slip and decorated in red paint, which were recorded in the upper strata of this settlement phase (Fig. 3.17). Similar sherds uncovered during the 1980s excavations were considered as imitations of Upper Egyptian Decorated Ware (von der Way 1997: 106). This interpretation is still open for discussion, as sherds of jars with a light surface and dark red paint have also been found in Maadi (Rizkana & Seeher 1987: 26, 29, Pls. 42–47, 67; see also Köhler 1996: 217–218). From recent excavations, evidence for contacts with Upper Egypt at the transition to Buto layer IIb is provided by a few sherds of red slipped marl clay, which were found in the same contexts as the red painted sherds. With regard to relative chronology, this settlement phase should be correlated with Naqada IIB/IIC, a time during which marl clay vessels were in common use in Upper Egypt (Hendrickx 2006: 79; Buchez 2008: 37–38, 166–167; Hartmann 2016: 331–332). Buto layer IIb The transition to the subsequent settlement phase of Buto layer IIb is evident in a completely new architectural layout. Circular kilns built with fire bars were installed, which must have been used for the processing of agricultural products on a considerable scale. Most probably they were for the production of beer, as shown by similar constructions excavated for instance at Tell elFarkha (Cichowski 2008: 33–40; Ciałowicz 2012: 149–162; Adamski & Rosińska-Balik 2014: 23–36). Associated with this new economic organisation of the settlement, remarkable changes in the pottery tradition are also taking place. Brown and black burnished pottery, the typical wares of Buto layer IIa and Maadi (Fig. 4.3–5), decreases to less than 20 % in the assemblages and comprises only a few new types of jars, while classical Maadi-types, like globular

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vessels with cylindrical neck, among others, disappear completely. On the other hand, bowls with incised half-moon decoration are found frequently (Fig. 4.1–2). Vessels covered with micaceous slip are still attested, making up 5 % of the material, and include storage jars with lip-rims and many fragments of lemon-shaped vessels with cylindrical necks (Fig. 4.6–7). Pottery

Fig. 4. Buto layer IIb, pottery types.

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with a wet-finished surface and medium to coarse straw temper dominates the assemblage in amounts of more than 60 % and exhibits an increasing variety of types. For the first time vessels with rolled rims, comparable to Petrie’s types R74/76 or R81/84 (Petrie 1921: Pl. 40–42) are present (Fig. 4.11–13). Although similar in shape to vessels in the Upper Egyptian pottery assemblages of the Naqada IIC/D Periods (Hendrickx 2006: 78–79; Hartmann 2016: 331–332 and Fig. 151), their fabric and surface treatment resembles the coarse tempered, greyish fired pottery of the preceding settlement phases. Bag-shaped jars of types R65/66 (Fig. 4.16, see Petrie 1921: Pl. 40) are common. Also present in higher numbers are fragments of vats with angular or rounded rims (Fig. 4.17– 18), which are no doubt connected to the increase in food production. Nevertheless, several pottery types, e.g. bowls with direct or everted rims, are taken over from the preceding settlement phases (Fig. 4.8–10). Fragments of ovoid vessels with impressed zigzag decoration continue to be important, but appear less frequently (Fig. 4.15). This settlement phase is characterised by a spectacular increase of fibrous tempered ware, which comprises up to 15 % of the assemblage. Suddenly, this ware has been transformed into a utilitarian pottery. In comparison to the products of the preceding settlement phases, most of the vessels are now made with less care; their surface colour ranges from red to brown or black and the burnish is often irregularly executed. Differences can also be noticed in the preparation of the clay, which is fat and exclusively tempered with a large amount of fibres and some sand. Nevertheless, this material was pliable and allowed the production of thin-walled voluminous vessels, formed by pressing a round instrument against the walls from the inside. The diagnostic pieces represent a wide variety of types (Fig. 4.22–29). In addition to medium sized jars with small flattened bases, very small S-shaped and very large vessels with thick lip-rims are also present. The latter often show traces of soot indicating their function as cooking pots. The finer made ware, like that known from Buto layer IIa, with impressed or incised decoration, is now extremely rare (Fig. 4.29). A remarkable number of sherds of marl clay with or without red slip belonging to restricted vessels were recorded (Fig. 4.20, see also Köhler 1998: 44 and Pl. 53.10), but still do not exceed 1 % of the sample. Exceptional pieces are sherds of Upper Egyptian Decorated Ware with red painted spiral decoration (Fig. 4.21), a type which was most common during Naqada IIB/C (Hendrickx 2006: 77–79). A fragment of a small Wavy-Handled jar (Fig. 4.19), uncovered in the upper stratum of Buto layer IIb, can be dated to Naqada IID (Hendrickx 2006: 81). Buto layer IIIa The archaeological context above the remains of the brewery shows a layout of irregular ditches, which are presumably the remains of fences or light huts

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(Hartung et al. 2017: 75–78). During Buto layer IIIa Upper Egyptian influences become increasingly evident, while the Lower Egyptian pottery tradition begins to diminish dramatically. This process can be observed quite clearly in the appearance of the straw-tempered wet-finished ware (see already Köhler 1992: 14–20; Köhler 1996: 215–216; Köhler 1998: 43–45). In terms of general percentages this ware has not changed, but there are now two variants: a medium to coarse straw-tempered greyish fired ware continuing from the preceding settlement phases Buto IIa and IIb; and a medium straw-tempered ware with a yellowish-reddish surface, which seems to be a result of more advanced pottery production technology in the tradition of Upper Egypt (Köhler 1998: 43–44; for further discussion see Köhler 2008: 529–530). Due to the fragmentary condition of the material it is difficult to distinguish between these two variants. However, vessels with a yellowish-reddish surface seem to dominate the corpus of restricted vessels, while bowls often show the greyish colour of the Lower Egyptian straw-tempered ware. The spectrum of types is extremely wide. In the lower strata of Buto layer IIIa many types known from the preceding settlement phases are still found, including bowls with everted rims and sherds with impressed decoration (Fig. 5.1–2, 5–6). Bag-shaped jars of types R65/66 (Fig. 5.17) and vessels with rolled rims of types R74/76/81 (Fig. 5.8–10, see Petrie 1921: Pl. 40–41) occur frequently. The latter occasionally show remains of a thin clay film on the interior wall, applied to prevent rapid loss of liquid contents. In the upper strata of Buto layer IIIa bowls with angular flattened rims become most characteristic (Fig. 5.3) and rather rapidly replace the older types. Vats with angular rims are consistently represented in higher numbers (Fig. 5.18). Fragments of thickwalled bowls with an irregular surface (Fig. 5.13) made of fat straw-tempered Nile clay bear a strong resemblance to bread moulds, the typical pottery type found in settlement contexts from the late Predynastic Period onwards (e.g. Köhler 1998: 27; Jucha 2005: 51–52; Guyot 2014: 126). Concentrated in the upper strata of Buto layer IIIa are fragments of vessels with flat or pointed bases corresponding to types R84, L30, L31 and R77 (Fig. 5.7, 11–12, 14–15, see Petrie 1921: Pl. 41–43, 46), as well as the first examples of the small round-based vessels (Fig. 5.16) that are typical for Buto (Form 88, see Köhler 1998: 87 and Pl. 18). All of these vessel types are made in the yellowish-reddish variant of the straw-tempered wet-finished ware, which comes to outnumber the greyish ware over the course of time. Contact with Upper Egypt is particularly evident in the increasing amount of marl clay sherds, which comprise up to 5 % of the material in the upper strata. Rim and base fragments of long-ovoid vessels of types L36 (Petrie 1921: Pl. 47–48), among others, appear occasionally in the lower strata, but become more frequent later (Fig. 5.19–21). Sherds of Decorated Ware show exclusively a wavy line pattern (Fig. 5.24). Wavy-Handled Ware (Fig. 5.22) is

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Fig. 5. Buto layer IIIa, wet-finished pottery, fine Nile and marl clay wares and Levantine imports.

represented by fragments of small vessels of types W47–50 (Petrie 1921: Pl. 29–30), for which a dating into the Naqada IID Period is possible. On the other hand, a small vessel with a continuous wavy-line decoration uncovered in the upper stratum of Buto layer IIIa (Fig. 5.23) can hardly be dated before the Naqada IIIA1 Period (see Hendrickx 2006: 82–83). For the first time

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fragments of red or white polished bowls and small jars made of fine untempered Nile or mixed clay occur (Fig. 5.25, 7.6). The Lower Egyptian pottery tradition of the preceding layers IIa/b is now almost exclusively represented only by fibrous tempered ware (Fig. 6). Its amount increases considerably and in some contexts comprises up to 30 % of the material. As in the preceding settlement phase, the clay is fat and coarse tempered with fibres. The surfaces are often uneven and more or less carefully burnished depending on vessel size; the colour ranges from red to brown and black. Many sherds are dark from direct contact with fire. The inventory includes small S-shaped jars, everted rims and lip-rims of medium sized vessels and a high number of massive rims belonging most probably to large globular jars. Sherds with incised decoration are extremely rare, yet a few body sherds with a burnished wavy line pattern are interesting (Fig. 6.10) as they resemble contemporaneous imports of Upper Egyptian Decorated Ware. Relatively wellburnished bowls made from fibrous tempered ware (Fig. 6.8) occur only in Buto layer IIIa and their shape finds parallels in the red polished bowls mentioned above. Brown burnished ware now comprises less than 3 % of the assemblage and appears as bowls with half-moon decoration and as hole-mouth jars (Fig. 5.4, 7.1). Pottery covered with micaceous slip is limited to a few sherds from storage jars. An example of the mixture of pottery traditions used in daily life can be observed in the vessel inventory found in situ within the remains of a light construction (Fig. 7; Hartung et al. 2017: 91–93, Fig. 2). Lower Egyptian pottery is represented by a small straw-tempered wet-finished globular vessel (cf. Mączyńska 2012: Fig. 1), fragments of a brown burnished hole-mouth jar and a voluminous thin-walled vessel made of fibrous tempered ware (Fig. 7.1–3). The presence of a fine untempered Nile clay vessel with a red polished surface as well as two flat-based bowls and a small jar of type R67 (Petrie 1921: Pl. 40)

Fig. 6. Buto layer IIIa, fibrous tempered ware.

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Fig. 7. Buto layer IIIa, pottery inventory of a Lower Egyptian building.

of the yellowish-reddish variant wet-finished ware (Fig. 7.4–7) indicates that pottery related to the Upper Egyptian technique was already a regular part of the domestic assemblage. After a long hiatus in ceramic evidence for contacts with the Levant, a few fragments of imported jars were found in this phase, including a ledge handle (Fig. 5.26). Buto layers IIIb/c With the establishment of the first mudbrick architecture during Buto layers IIIb/c, which corresponds to the late Naqada IIIA1 and the Naqada IIIA2 Periods, the phase of change in the material culture comes to a rather abrupt end (Hartung et al. 2017: 78–83). Fabrics and types related to the Lower Egyptian tradition generally disappear. Associated with the installations and kilns for the processing of agricultural products are standardised vessels of wet-finished straw-tempered ware with the yellowish-reddish surface of the Upper Egyptian tradition, such as conical bowls (Fig. 8.3), slender jars (Fig. 8.1) with pointed bases deriving from types L31 or L33 (Petrie 1921: Pl. 46–47), and bread moulds (Fig. 8.6). Jars of type L30c (Petrie 1921: Pl. 46) represent the most common type (Fig. 8.2). Small round based and bag-shaped vessels with two holes intentionally cut through their walls after firing become numerous (Fig. 8.4–5;

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Fig. 8. Buto layers IIIb/c, pottery types.

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Forms 88–89, see also Köhler 1998: 87 and Pls. 17–18). They were often found in situ within mudbrick walls, presumably deposited there for the protection of the house (see Hartung this volume). The break in the material culture is particularly evident in the sudden increase of fine untempered Nile or mixed clay fabrics (Fig. 8.9, 13–15). This includes, for example, fragments of wine jars, carinated red polished plates and exceptional pieces like rippled bowls. Marl fabrics, predominantly storage jars, make up 10 % of the inventory (Fig. 8.10–12). Cylindrical jars with net painting and types with a continuous decorative band (Fig. 8.7–8) are the chronological marker of this settlement phase (see Hendrickx 2006: 83–84). The amount of imported sherds from the Levant slightly increases. Restricted to this settlement phase are fragments of hard-fired carinated bowls with a white spiral decoration on the interior. Similar to examples found during the 1980s excavations, their fabric appears to be heterogeneous. Based on the clay and manufacturing technique, some can be considered imports from the Near East (Fig. 8.16–17), as suggested previously (see Köhler 1998: 37–39, Pl. 74); however, others are clearly imitations made from fine Nile clay (Fig. 8.18). Of the Lower Egyptian pottery tradition of Buto only the fibrous tempered ware still exists, but constitutes less than 2 % of the assemblage. Regarding shape, only thick lip-rims of large jars and vats and fragments of thick-walled hole-mouth jars are attested (Fig. 9). Fragments of cooking pots were often

Fig. 9. Buto layers IIIb–IIIf, fibrous tempered ware.

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found encrusted with soot and the remains of contents in the contexts of fire places. With this restricted functional corpus of shapes, fibrous tempered ware remained in use until the end of the Naqada IIIB Period. At the beginning of the Naqada IIIC1 Period, with the new architectural and economic orientation of the settlement, this ware disappears except for some scattered pieces. Discussion The development of the pottery at Buto, particularly the fibrous tempered ware mirrors transformations in the settlement contexts (Fig. 10). In Buto layer IIa, which can be correlated with early Naqada II, fibrous tempered ware, sometimes decorated with rows of incised strokes or impressed dots, is merely a rare fine-ware, its frequency similar to that found at Maadi (Hartung et al. 2003: 173); as well as in Upper Egyptian sites, where it occurs contemporaneously, for instance at Adaima (Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2002: 219, Fig. 2.31.9); Hierakonpolis (Friedman 1994: Fig. 9.66; Friedman 2008: 1178, Fig. 6c); or Abydos (Hartmann 2016: 58, Pl. 125, 1317). Its status as an indigenous Lower Egyptian ware at this time is therefore still not conclusively proven (see also Köhler 2008: 525). The few complete examples suggest that there is variation in the shape repertoire across the regions, with tentatively more globular round based jars in Upper Egypt (Petrie 1921: Pl. 13, P76, 76G, 77A, 77G, 77K, 78; except for type P40f on Pl. 11, see Hartmann 2016: 324), and ovoid jars with slightly convex bases in Lower Egypt (e.g. Rizkana & Seeher 1987: Pl. 39.5; Hartung et al. 2003: Fig. 9f). Other decorative elements, e.g. the half-moon motif or impressed zigzag décor, found in both Upper Egypt (see Friedman 1994: 714–717, Figs. 9.64–9.65) and Lower Egyptian settlements also indicate cultural exchange in both directions along the Egyptian Nile Valley (for discussion see Köhler 1996: 216; 2008: 524–526; 2014: 174–176; 2016: 258). Fibrous tempered ware increases slowly during Buto layer IIa, but it is the new economic organisation of the settlement at the beginning of Buto layer IIb that provides the impulse for the distinct changes in terms of quantity, quality of the fabric, shaping and shape repertoire. The installation of the brewery is also associated with the first appearance of more standardised Upper Egyptian shapes, for instance types R74/76/81, but with technological features, e.g. the uneven greyish surface, indicating that production was in the hands of local potters. At the same time, the first imports of marl clay jars can also be observed. Taking this into account, one could propose that Upper Egyptian influence is behind the introduction of brewing technology (for discussion see Adamski & Rosińska-Balik 2014) as well as the changes in pottery techniques, possibly as an economic package, despite some differences in the construction and arrangement of the brewing installations in Upper and Lower Egypt (e.g.

Fig. 10. Development of pottery types during the later Lower Egyptian Culture in relation to the architecture of the settlement.

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Baba & Friedman 2016: 185–193; see also Hartung, this volume). The increase in fibrous tempered ware in conjunction with the establishment of the brewery suggests that local solutions were found to fulfil the demand created by an increase in production and storage. Some rim sherds of jars (e.g. Fig. 6.7) find close parallels in rims of Upper Egyptian marl clay vessels (Fig. 5.20), which are more suitable for the storage and transport of liquids. Large body sherds show that the flexible fibrous tempered clay allowed for the production of thin-walled voluminous vessels with properties similar to those of marl clay jars. Later on, in Buto layer IIIa, a few examples of fibrous tempered sherds could indicate the intention to imitate Upper Egyptian vessels, among them red polished bowls and possibly Decorated Ware. Therefore, one may suggest that fibrous tempered jars were used as substitutes. With the abrupt increase in the frequency of marl clay wares in Buto layer IIIb/c, all small and medium sized fibrous tempered vessels disappear completely. This could imply that during Buto layer IIIa the demand for Upper Egyptian marl clay vessels increased exponentially, but contact with the south was not sufficient for regular imports until the Naqada IIIA2 Period. The chrono-typological development of wares and shapes described above reflects the process of cultural change on a local scale. At Sais the composition of the pottery assemblage, especially the percentages of fibrous tempered ware (Wilson 2014: 307–316), also points to a similar development. In comparison with Lower Egyptian sites in the eastern Nile Delta, e.g. Tell el-Farkha phases 1 and 2; and Tell el-Iswid phase A, which are contemporaneous with Buto layer IIb, striking similarities in the pottery assemblages can be seen for example in the repertoire of wet-finished straw-tempered wares (Mączyńska 2011: 888–898; 2012: 115–127; Guyot 2014: 99–117). On the other hand, differences are also found. The typical wares of the earlier Lower Egyptian Culture related to Maadi, e.g. brown and black burnished wares, seem to occur in Tell el-Farkha (Mączyńska 2011: 889–890) and Tell el-Iswid (Guyot 2014: 100–101), only in less frequent numbers. Fibrous tempered ware is represented on both sites (Mączyńska 2011: 890; Guyot 2014: 100–101), but in amounts of less than 2 % with no evident increase, suggesting that there was no increased demand for economic reasons. Different environmental conditions in the Delta (Köhler 2008: 532–533), and especially the geographical situation of Buto away from the trade routes to the Southern Levant, are most probably responsible for the different economic situations of the settlements, reflected in their local solutions and the regional differences to their pottery assemblages. Acknowledgements I thank Renee Friedman for improving the English of this paper and for valuable comments.

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MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2012. Pottery from the Central Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M., CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Krakow: 115–145. MIDANT-REYNES & BUCHEZ, N., 2002. Adaima 1: Économie et habitat. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 45. Le Caire. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N., 2014. Tell el-Iswid 2006–2009. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 73. Le Caire. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1921. Corpus of Prehistoric Pottery and Palettes. Egyptian Research Account & British School of Archaeology in Egypt 32. London. RIZKANA, I. & SEEHER, J., 1987. Maadi: The Pottery of the Predynastic Settlement. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 64. Mainz. VON DER WAY, T., 1986. Tell el-Fara’in-Buto, I. Bericht. Mit einem Beitrag von K. Schmidt zu den lithischen Kleinfunden. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 42: 191–212. VON DER WAY, T., 1991. Zur Herkunft keramischer Dekorationen des spätvorgeschichtlichen Unterägypten. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 2: 1–9. VON DER WAY, T., 1997. Tell el-Fara’in-Buto I: Ergebnisse zum frühen Kontext, Kampagnen der Jahre 1983–1989. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 83. Mainz. WILSON, P., 2014. The Prehistoric Sequence at Sais: Temporal and Regional Connections [in:] MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (ed.), The Nile Delta as a Centre of Cultural Interactions between Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant in the 4th Millennium BC. Poznań: 299–318.

RECENT EXCAVATIONS IN THE LATE PREDYNASTIC SETTLEMENT OF TELL EL-FARA‘IN/BUTO ULRICH HARTUNG German Archaeological Institute Cairo, Egypt

During the last few years, the excavations of the German Archaeological Institute (DAI) at Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto have revealed a sequence of Late Predynastic settlement layers covering the period from Naqada IIC/D until Naqada IIIB. Although a comprehensive picture cannot yet be drawn, this new evidence sheds light on the development of the settlement preceding the establishment of a presumable royal estate at the beginning of the 1st Dynasty. The exposed structures illustrate the situation in a village of the late Lower Egyptian Culture built with light constructions using the wattle and daub technique, the appearance of mud brick architecture during the transition from Late Naqada IIIA1 to Naqada IIIA2 in association with a substantial change of the material culture, and the subsequent development of complex building structures during Naqada IIIB.

Introduction The site of Buto (modern Tell el-Fara‘in), situated in the north-western Nile Delta, is one of the large settlement mounds in the region that have a long pharaonic history, such as Sais, Xois or Mendes. Buto covers an area of approximately 1 km2, or more than 100 fedan. Its topographical appearance with two mounds led W.M.F. Petrie as early as 1886 (Petrie 1886: 93; 1905: 6) to suggest that this place might have been the ancient twin cities of Pe and Dep mentioned on Early Dynastic seal impressions. Buto is assumed to have been the archaic capital of Lower Egypt, playing an important role throughout the Pharaonic Period both in religious belief and in cultic life, as a counterpart to Hierakonpolis (Nekhen) in Upper Egypt. The first investigations at Buto focusing on the early history of the site were initiated by W. Kaiser on behalf of the German Archaeological Institute in the early 1980s and conducted by Th. von der Way (e.g. von der Way 1984; 1993; 1997; von der Way & Schmidt 1986; Köhler 1998). The excavations exposed not only remains of Early Dynastic occupation, but also identified a settlement of the Lower Egyptian Maadi Culture for the first time in the Nile Delta proper. Field work was later continued by D. Faltings (e.g. Faltings & Köhler 1996; Faltings et al. 2000; Ziermann 2002) and by the author (Hartung 2008; 2017; Hartung et al. 2003; 2007; 2009; 2012; 2016). Due to these long-term investigations, which revealed an undisturbed stratigraphy from the early 4th millennium

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until the end of the Old Kingdom, Buto became a key site for the understanding of cultural-historical developments during the Late Predynastic and the Early Dynastic Period in the region. However, the excavation of early settlement remains in Buto is time-consuming and requires considerable effort. The early layers are not only covered by huge deposits from pharaonic and Ptolemaic/Roman times, but also Predynastic remains are generally situated

Fig. 1. Area of Predynastic occupation at Buto.

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below the present day water table and can only be reached in small squares by the employment of pumps. A survey by auger drillings identified the Predynastic and Early Dynastic settlement along a water course on the western edge of a Holocene sand dune that underlies the entire site of Buto (e.g. von der Way 1997: 38–43; Hartung et al. 2009: 170–188). From the beginning in the early 4th millennium the settlement seems to have consisted of two parts, separated by a small water course. The same area remained occupied until the end of the Old Kingdom, although it was considerably enlarged to the north during the Early Dynastic Period. The main area of DAI excavations is situated north of the modern village of Sekhmawy, i.e. in the northern part of the Predynastic settlement and approximately in the centre of the Early Dynastic occupation (Fig. 1). During the last decade, in an area of c. 2600 m2 remains of an Early Dynastic building complex were exposed. A sequence of several building phases mirrors the development of a presumed royal estate from the beginning of the 1st Dynasty (Naqada IIIC1) until its modification into a palace-like complex during the late 1st Dynasty (Naqada IIID), and its destruction and final abandonment towards the middle and late 2nd Dynasty (Hartmann 2007; 2012; 2016; 2017; Hartung 2017a; 2017b; Hartung et al. 2007: 72–81; 2012: 84–98; 2016: 85–90). Such a building complex was hitherto known only from Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt (Friedman & Bussmann 2017) and may have had in Buto a special significance as a symbol of power in this remote region of the north-western Nile Delta. Recent investigations at Buto More recently, the excavations at Buto have revealed the sequence of Late Predynastic settlement layers preceding the Early Dynastic complex (Hartung et al. 2016: 75–83; Hartmann 2016; 2017: 610–611; also in this volume), reaching back sofar until the Naqada IIC/D Period. Although the excavations were carried out on a much smaller scale than the previous investigations of Early Dynastic remains, this new evidence sheds some light on the situation in a village of the late Lower Egyptian Maadi Culture built in wattle and daub construction and illustrates its development towards a Naqada IIIB settlement with mud brick architecture immediately preceding the Early Dynastic occupation. However, large parts of the excavated material still await analysis and therefore, the following cannot be more than a preliminary assessment. Settlement remains of the Naqada IIC/D Period The oldest occupation phase exposed so far is characterised by the remains of an installation of at least 11 circular kilns which partly overlap one another

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Fig. 2. Schematic plan of the Naqada IIC/D brewery.

(Figs. 2 & 3). The total size of the installation is not yet determined as it continues beyond the limits of the excavation area. To the east of the kilns, at a safe distance, some shallow ditches indicate the existence of light constructions, such as huts or fences, presumably built in the wattle and daub technique (see below). The southernmost kilns (in square E13, cf. Fig. 2) cut into a brick construction consisting of six parallel walls orientated in an east-west direction. Similar installations are also found in subsequent layers and will be described in more detail below. All of this southern area is badly affected by fire, which left only scant remains of the southern kilns and baked the uppermost bricks of the parallel wall construction turning them a reddish colour. The northern part of the installation is much better preserved. The individual kilns measure c. 2–2.50 m in diameter and are slightly sunk into the ground. The edges of their shallow pits are surrounded by walls composed of fragments

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Fig. 3. Remains of the Naqada IIC/D brewery.

Fig. 4. View of one of the brewery kilns.

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of fire bars, D-shaped in section, laid in alternating layers as headers and stretchers (Fig. 2–4). The floors of the kilns are covered by ashes and in the middle of each is a broad collar of clay creating a deep conical hollow, indicating the original position of a large vat. Further upright fire bars surround the collar as side supports (Fig. 4). Similar constructions are known from other sites (see below) and leave no doubt that this installation represents the remains of a brewery. The kilns are predominantly arranged in sets of three, connected to each other by the interlocked fire-bar built walls surrounding the individual kilns. At least two sets of three can be identified in the northern part of the installation, and the kiln remains in the south probably belonged to another such group. Multiple phases of use of the facility are indicated by the overlapping of some of the kilns. This evidence closely resembles the breweries exposed at Tell el-Farkha, which are likewise constructed in a rather circular pattern and also include triple sets of kilns. The series of breweries in Tell el-Farkha covers chronologically the time-span from Naqada IIB until Naqada IIIA (e.g. Chłodnicki et al. 2002: 92, Taf. 13a & b; Cichowski 2008; Ciałowicz 2012a; Ciałowicz 2012b: 163; Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: 99–103; Adamski & Rosińska-Balik 2014). Breweries are also known from Upper Egypt, e.g. at Mahasna (Garstang 1903: 7), Abydos (Peet 1914: 7–10; Peet & Loat 1913: 1–7) and especially at Hierkonpolis (e.g. Geller 1992; Takamiya 2008; Baba & Friedman 2016: 185– 193). However, the construction and the arrangement of the Upper Egyptian kilns are somewhat different. The individual vat kilns are not arranged in a curving pattern, but rather placed side by side in straight rows and are not individually enclosed by fire-bar walls. Accordingly, the Upper Egyptian breweries have a more rectangular appearance. The installations at Hierakonpolis date from Naqada IC/IIA until Naqada IIC/D and represent so far the oldest evidence for beer production in Egypt (e.g. Geller 1992: 23; Baba & Friedman 2016: 190–193). Of special interest is the close connection of the breweries at Hierakonpolis to other sectors of food production and to pottery making (e.g. Takamiya 2008: 199–200; Baba & Friedman 2016; Baba et al. 2017), a connection that is not yet attested in Lower Egypt. According to the associated pottery, the brewery remains at Buto can be attributed to the later phase of the Lower Egyptian Culture, corresponding to layer Buto IIb of the internal occupation sequence established by von der Way (1997: 77–80). The pottery is manufactured in the Lower Egyptian tradition and includes lemon-shaped jars and vessels with incised or impressed decoration as well as the first examples of Upper Egyptian types, such as R74/R76 and R81. True Upper Egyptian pottery is restricted to some fragments of imported D(ecorated)- and W(avy-Handled)-Wares, which allow a tentative dating to Naqada IIC/D1 (Hartmann, this volume). Thus, the brewery in Buto fits well within the chronological range of similar constructions at Tell el-Farkha and Hierakonpolis.

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Settlement remains of the Naqada IID/IIIA1 Period The subsequent layer that overlies the brewery yielded no further remains of similar installations, but only traces of light constructions, such as huts for dwelling, stables and fences (Fig. 5 and 6), presumably built partly of simple mat construction or built in the wattle and daub technique (Hartung et al. 2016: 75–78). The production of beer might have either been given up or, more probably, was relocated to another place outside the excavated area. The outlines of the light constructions are only indicated by a pattern of small ditches or furrows, mostly 10–30 cm wide and c. 10–20 cm deep, in which the walls of the structures were probably fixed in the ground. Similar evidence is known from Tell el-Farkha (e.g. Chłodnicki 2012: 19–21; Chłodnicki & Geming 2012: 91–95; Ciałowicz 2012a) and from Tell el-Iswid, where remains of matting were occasionally verified along the sides of the ditches (Buchez et al. 2014: 17–21; 2017: 36–37 & Fig. 2–5). At Buto, due to the moisture of the soil, no such organic remains were preserved; however, the existence of

Fig. 5. Plan of light constructions overlying the brewery.

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Fig. 6. Latest phase of light constructions and first mud brick walls in the excavated area.

wattle and daub construction is indicated by individual pieces of burnt clay with reed imprints and by the consistency of the soil, which feels very granular owing to a high amount of small particles of burnt clay stemming most probably from eroded wattle and daub. In contrast, the soil of the subsequent layers with mud brick architecture is very fine grained without any such inclusions. Post holes, often lined with clay to protect the posts against the soil humidity, patches of ashes, fire places surrounded by fragments of fire bars or unfired clay lumps, and pits of different shape and size complete the picture of this occupation (Hartung et al. 2016: 75–78). At least three successive phases of light constructions can be distinguished after the brewery had been abandoned. Belonging to the earliest of these phases, another parallel wall construction has to be mentioned, which was situated beside a hut in a presumed courtyard, surrounded by a fence (Fig. 5). The installation resembles principally the construction south of the brewery mentioned above (cf. Fig. 2), although it is not built of bricks, but composed of six parallel benches of clay. The subsequent construction phase yielded among other features the remains of a hut that had been destroyed by fire (Hartung et al. 2016: 75–76). Its outline, measuring

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c. 6 × 3 m was marked by a thin band of burnt clay and within it a large part of its broken crockery was preserved (Hartmann 2016: 91–93). This sequence of light construction covers the period from Late Naqada IID until Naqada IIIA1 (Hartmann 2016: 90–95; also this volume) and corresponds to the so-called ‘Transitional Phase’ Buto IIIa established by von der Way (1997: 116–117, 125–126). It represents the latest stage of the Lower Egyptian Culture, and the pottery assemblage is characterised by a steadily increasing percentage of Upper Egyptian ceramics. Overlying the latest phase of light constructions, during Late Naqada IIIA1/ Early Naqada IIIA2, the first individual mud brick walls occur in the excavated area (Fig. 6). They do not belong to building structures, but were free-standing and presumably built to divide the area into several compounds (Hartung et al. 2016: 78–79). Only some smaller mat constructions might have been attached to them. Concomitant with the construction of these walls pottery manufactured in Lower Egyptian tradition disappears almost completely and is replaced by Upper Egyptian fabrics and shapes, both locally produced and imported (Hartmann 2016: 95–98). Two particular types of pottery are directly connected to these first mud brick walls, namely small bag shaped vessels with ‘eyes’ intentionally cut into the body after firing (Fig. 7), and small model vessels with

Fig. 7. Small bag shaped vessels with ‘eyes’ intentionally cut into the body after firing.

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distinct shoulders (see e.g., Hartmann 2016: Abb. 31.4, 32.12, 34.5–6). Both types are predominately found from early Naqada IIIA2 onwards until the early 1st Dynasty beneath or beside the lowest brick layers of walls, or even placed within the wall masonry. Including discarded examples, the number of such vessels found at Buto amounts to several hundred. Settlement remains of the Naqada IIIA2 and IIIB Period During Naqada IIIA2 extensive building activities started, which led finally to a settlement with complex mud brick structures. Initially the southern part of the excavated area was modified into a courtyard surrounded by several rooms. Some of them now adjoin the previously free-standing division wall mentioned above. The area north of the wall remained still undeveloped at this time (Hartung et al. 2016: 78–80). The courtyard in the south was obviously used for domestic activities and yielded a large number of fire places and small ovens, partly overlapping one another. The lower parts of pottery vessels sunk into the bottom of the ovens were often used as stands for larger cooking pots. Still during Naqada IIIA2, the room arrangement around the courtyard was modified several times and in the courtyard an installation consisting of 9 small parallel walls, orientated in an east-west direction, was established (Fig. 8 & 9). The

Fig. 8. Remains of matting on top of the walls of the Naqada IIIA2 drying installation.

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Fig. 9. Naqada IIIA2 building structures.

walls are only half a brick wide, c. 2.40–2.50 m long, 0.20–0.30 m high, and built at a distance of 0.25–0.35 m from each other. The entire construction was covered by matting (Fig. 8) and formed in this way a kind of platform that was presumably used for the drying of agricultural products, such as grain or other fruits. Spread on the mats such commodities could have been easily dried in the sun, well-protected from the dampness of the soil. In addition to pottery, the filling between the walls contained some large animal bones, which may point to another possible purpose of the installation, namely the preparation and drying of meat. The lay-out of the structure resembles the installations from Naqada IID contexts mentioned above (cf. Fig. 2 & 5). A similar construction, but smaller and built of fire bars (cf. Fig. 9) had already been exposed during the 1980s in the neighbouring square T IX (von der Way 1997: 120–122). After the installation went out of use the courtyard served awhile for other purposes, but soon afterwards, during Naqada IIIB, a rather similar construction was erected at the same place (Hartung 2016: 80–82). It is likewise orientated in an east-west direction but larger, measuring altogether c. 4 × 4.50 m. It consists of 10 parallel walls, half a brick wide and c. 20–30 cm high, with traces of matting preserved here and there on top of the walls. This new installation

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is no longer free-standing, but integrated into the surrounding architecture (Fig. 10 & 11). As seen previously, the fill between the walls contained no apparent botanical remains, containing mainly pottery, especially conical bowls (Hartmann 2016: 101 & Abb. 37), and some large animal bones. Nevertheless, during the 1990s, a similar installation consisting of at least 12 thin walls orientated in a north-south direction was revealed in the neighbouring square U I (cf. Fig. 10). This yielded remains of grain between its walls (Faltings & Köhler 1996: 92–93). These two facilities seem to be situated in adjoining courtyards that were separated by a thick east-west running wall, which presumably enclosed different economic units. A third similar construction, also dating to Naqada IIIB, was discovered recently at a distance of c. 50 m to the north-east, but only a small part of it was preserved below the foundation of a huge Saite building. The exposed structures do not yet provide a complete picture, nevertheless, they seem to represent a conglomeration of several closely associated grangelike units, each comprised of several rooms and a courtyard for dwelling and domestic activities. As special features, drying facilities seem to have belonged

Fig. 10. Naqada IIIB building structures.

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Fig. 11. Drying installation of the Naqada IIIB Period.

at least to some of these units. A passageway crossing square E14 diagonally in east-west direction separates the now also developed northern area from the structures in the south. In many rooms and courtyards fire places and small ovens were found (cf. Fig. 10), which were used for food preparation and cooking, presumably organised independently in each of the different units. At least four building phases can be attributed to Naqada IIIB. Apart from changes in the arrangement of rooms and courtyards, the overall picture they provide remains quite similar, characterised by numerous installations connected to the agricultural and domestic activities of the inhabitants (Hartung et al. 2016: 80–83). Yet, the drying installations are missing in the subsequent building phases. There was either no further need for this kind of facilities or they were merged at a place somewhere beyond the limits of the excavations from their previous scattered location in different units. Although some of the walls of the latest Naqada IIIB building phase (Fig. 12) were integrated into the re-organisation of the area at the beginning of the 1st Dynasty (e.g. Hartung et al. 2016: 83–85 & Abb. 17; Hartung 2017: 66–68), the general picture of the initial Early Dynastic development shows distinct differences. A rough standardisation in the size of the rooms, the arrangement of rooms and the establishment of a presumable administrative building with associated granaries all point to a pre-planned construction and the establishment

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Fig. 12. Building structures of late Naqada IIIB.

of centralised control of agricultural activities. Additionally, the general absence of any installations that reflect the activities of the inhabitants seems to indicate that even the organisation of daily life had changed with the beginning of the 1st Dynasty. The exposed rooms were apparently only used for dwelling whilst the preparation of food must have been carried out elsewhere, probably organised officially for the entire settlement. Conclusions The recent excavations are restricted in size, but their results shed some new light on the development of the Late Predynastic settlement at Buto and reveal insights into hitherto unknown activities of its inhabitants. Of special interest is the existence of a brewery in Buto and its similarity to the constructions previously exposed at Tell el-Farkha in the eastern Nile Delta. This new evidence from another region in the Delta proves that the brewing of beer was a common part of food production in Lower Egypt, at least from the middle of the Naqada II Period onwards. Breweries might have also existed at other Late Predynastic sites in the Nile Delta, for instance, at Tell Ibrahim

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Awad and Tell el-Iswid (South) where fragments of fire bars have been found (von den Brink 1989: 64) that may have originated from earlier abandoned breweries. The noticeable similarities of the construction and the arrangement of the brewery kilns at Tell el-Farkha and at Buto confirm the existence of structural differences between Lower and Upper Egyptian breweries. Previously, when the breweries at Tell el-Farkha were the only ones known in Lower Egypt it could be assumed they constituted simply an exception to the Upper Egyptian way of construction. However, it is too early to say whether these structural differences are incidental, perhaps caused by regional preferences, or if they reflect distinctions between the Upper and Lower Egyptian technology of beer production. Likewise, the origin of this technology has not yet been clarified. Although the brewery remains at Buto (and at Tell el-Farkha) are found in the context of the younger part of the Lower Egyptian Culture, the idea of beer production might have come to the north from Upper Egypt, considering the evidence from Hierakonpolis dating as early as late Naqada I (Baba & Friedman 2016: 193). During this time, the brewing of beer seems to have been still unknown in Lower Egypt. The settlement of Maadi, representative for the earlier phase of the Lower Egyptian Culture yielded no evidence of such production although it was excavated on a large scale. The identification of several phases of light constructions, which represent the latest phase of the Lower Egyptian Culture, is an important key for the understanding of Buto’s Late Predynastic history. The sequence can be attributed to the so-called ‘Transitional Phase’ in von der Way’s excavations, which is characterised by the gradual replacement of the typical Lower Egyptian material culture by pottery and flint implements manufactured in the Upper Egyptian tradition. However, previous excavations yielded no substantial architectural traces associated with this phase and its understanding was hitherto mainly based on the statistical analysis of the excavated material (von der Way 1997: 116–117; Köhler 1998: 43–44). The new excavations prove the connection of light constructions to the Lower Egyptian material culture and the evidence corresponds thereby to the situation at Tell el-Farkha and Tell el-Iswid. However, in contrast to the Eastern Delta, substantial mud brick architecture seems to occur in Buto slightly later, not before the transition from Naqada IIIA1 to Naqada IIIA2 (for the beginning of mud brick architecture in the Eastern Delta see e.g. Chłodnicki 2016: 28–30; Buchez et al. 2017: 37–39). Previously, during Naqada IIC/D, (very flat) mud bricks were only used in Buto for the construction of installations such as the parallel wall construction south of the brewery (cf. Fig. 2). On the other hand, the excavations have exposed only a very small part of the settlement and the situation might be quite different at another place. For instance, in late Naqada IIIA1 the name of Buto is attested for the first time on bone labels from tomb U-j at Abydos, written as in later times with a

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heron on the roof of a large building (Dreyer 1998: 128 & 134, Abb. 80; 127–129, Abb. 82. X188; 142). According to these depictions one may assume that a large, presumably mud brick building, might have existed in Buto during that time, but so far archaeological proof for it is still missing. The so-called drying installations constitute evidence of further interest. The large number of such facilities in Late Predynastic Buto and their fairly long tradition, from Naqada IIC/D until Naqada IIIB, is noticeable. They must have served a crucial purpose, either connected to a specialised, but not yet identified branch of agricultural production in Buto, or as a necessary adaption to local climatic or environmental conditions. Such installations are hitherto unknown in Predynastic Egypt1; however, they are attested in the Near East since Neolithic times (for a summary see Zaccagnini 1993). The only somehow related construction known in Egypt so far, came to light in an Old Kingdom context in Giza, and was assumed to be used for the drying of fish (see Lehner 2002: 42–46). The existence of several such drying installations during Naqada IIIB and the multiplicity of cooking facilities in all of the building phases of this period seem to indicate that the exposed structures constitute an assemblage of grangelike dwellings and working units that operated independently from each other, at least to a certain extent, and organised their food production separately. This mode of community arrangement seems to have changed not before the re-organisation of the settlement at the very beginning of the 1st Dynasty. Acknowledgement I thank Renee Friedman for improving the English and for useful comments. Bibliography ADAMSKI, B. & ROSIŃSKA-BALIK, K., 2014. Brewing Technology in Early Egypt: Invention of Upper or Lower Egyptians? [in:] MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (ed.), The Nile Delta as a Centre of Cultural Interactions between Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant in the 4th Millennium BC. Studies in African Archaeology 13. Poznań: 23–36. BABA, M. & FRIEDMAN, R., 2016. Recent Excavations at HK 11C, Hierakonpolis [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT, Y. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th–30th July 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 179–205. BABA, M.; VAN NEER, W. & DE CUPERE, B., 2017. Industrial Food Production Activities during the Naqada II Period at HK 11C, Hierakonpolis [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; 1 Similar installations might have also existed at Hierakonpolis (at HK11C and/or HK24) but need to be verified by future excavations; pers. communication R. Friedman.

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TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origins of State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 3–34. BUCHEZ, N.; EL-HAJAOUI, R.; GUÉRIN, S. & MINOTTI, M., 2014. Les périodes d’occupation: La séquence stratigraphique des sondages 1a et 1b [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid 2006–2009. Le Caire: 17–64. BUCHEZ, N.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; BRÉAND, G.; BRIOIS, F.; EL-HAJAOUI, R.; GUÉRIN, S.; GUYOT, F.; HOCHSTRASSER-PETIT, C.; MINOTTI, M. & RUBITALLE, J., 2017. Lower Egyptian Culture settlement at Tell el-Iswid in the Nile Delta [in:] MIDANTREYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 36–48. CHŁODNICKI, M., 2012. Lower Egyptian, Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Settlements in the Northern Part of the Eastern Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/ Kraków: 19–34. CHŁODNICKI, M., 2016. Beginnings of Mud Brick Architecture in Egypt – A Case Study from Kom C at Tell el-Farkha [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT, Y. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th–30th July 30, 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 21–32. CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M.; ABŁAMOWICZ, R.; HERBICH, T.; JÓRDECZKA, M.S.; JUCHA, M.; KABACIŃSKI, J. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A, 2002. Tell el-Farkha Seasons 1998– 1999: Preliminary Report. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 58: 89–117. CHŁODNICKI, M. & GEMING, M.M., 2012. Lower Egyptian Settlement on the Central Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell elFarkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 19–34. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2012a. Lower Egyptian Settlement on the Western Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 149–162. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2012b. Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Settlement on the Western Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell elFarkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 163–180. CICHOWSKI, K., 2008. The Brewery Complex from Tell el-Farkha: Archaeological Aspects of the Discovery [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/ Paris/Dudley, MA: 33–40. DREYER, G., 1998. Umm el-Qaab I: Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine frühen Schriftzeugnisse. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 86. Mainz. FALTINGS, D. & KÖHLER, E.C., 1996. Vorbericht über die Ausgrabungen des DAI in Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto 1993 bis 1995. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 52: 87–114. FALTINGS, D.; BALLET, P.; FÖRSTER, F.; FRENCH, P.; IHDE, C.; SAHLMANN, H.; THOMALSKY, J.; THUMSHIRN, C. & WODZINSKA, A., 2000. Zweiter Vorbericht über die

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Arbeiten in Buto von 1996–1999. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 56: 131–179. FRIEDMAN, R. & BUSSMANN, R., 2017. The Early Dynastic Palace at Hierakonpolis [in:] BIETAK, M. & PRELL, S. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Palaces: Vol. 1. Proceedings of the Conference on Palaces in Ancient Egypt, London 2013. Contributions to the Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant 5. Vienna: 79–99. GARSTANG, J., 1903. Mahasna and Bet Khallaf. Egyptian Research Account 7. London. GELLER, J., 1992. From Prehistory to History: Beer in Egypt [in:] FRIEDMAN, R. & ADAMS, B. (eds.), The Followers of Horus: Studies dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman. Egyptian Studies Association Publication 2. Oxford: 19–26. HARTMANN, R., 2007. Keramik der 1.–3. Dynastie aus den Grabungsflächen E0 – E14 [in:] HARTUNG, U.; BALLET, P.; BÉGUIN, F.; BOURRIAU, J.; DIXNEUF, D.; VON DEN DRIESCH, A.; FRENCH, P.; HARTMANN, R.; HERBICH, T.; KITAGAWA, C.; KOPP, P.; LECUYOT, G.; NENNA, M.-D.; SCHMITT, A.; ŞENOL, G & ŞENOL, A., Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto, 9. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 63: 81–96. HARTMANN, R., 2012. Keramik [in:] HARTUNG, U.; ENGEL, E.-M. & HARTMANN, R., Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto, 11. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 68: 98–109. HARTMANN, R., 2016. Keramik der spätprädynastischen Zeit [in:] HARTUNG, U.; HARTMANN, R.; KINDERMANN, K.; RIEMER, H. & STÄHLE, W., Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto, 12. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 72: 90–106. HARTMANN, R., 2017. Pottery from the Recent Excavations in the Early Dynastic Settlement of Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 609–630. HARTUNG, U., 2008. Recent Investigations at Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origins of State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 1195–1219. HARTUNG, U., 2017a. Constructions of the Early Dynastic Period at Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 63–80. HARTUNG, U., 2017b. Recent Investigations of Early Dynastic Building Structures at Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto [in:] BIETAK, M. & PRELL, S. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Palaces: Vol. 1: Proceedings of the Conference on Palaces in Ancient Egypt, London 2013. Contributions to the Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant 5. Vienna: 101–112. HARTUNG, U.; BALLET, P.; BÉGUIN, F.; BOURRIAU, J.; FRENCH, P.; HERBICH, T.; KOPP, P.; LECUYOT, G. & SCHMITT, A., 2003. Tell el Fara‘in – Buto, 8. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 59: 199–267. HARTUNG, U.; BALLET, P.; BÉGUIN, F.; BOURRIAU, J.; DIXNEUF, D.; VON DEN DRIESCH, A.; FRENCH, P.; HARTMANN, R.; HERBICH, T.; KITAGAWA, C.; KOPP, P.; LECUYOT, G.; NENNA, M.-D.; SCHMITT, A.; ŞENOL, G. & ŞENOL, A., 2007. Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto, 9.

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Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 63: 69–165. HARTUNG, U.; BALLET, P.; EFFLAND, A.; FRENCH, P.; HARTMANN, R.; HERBICH, T.; HOFFMANN, H.; HOWER-TILLMANN, E.; KITAGAWA, C.; KOPP, P.; KREIBIG, W.; LECUYOT, G.; LÖSCH, S.; MAROUARD, G.; NERLICH, A.; PITHON, M. & ZINK, A., 2009. Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto, 10. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 65: 83–190. HARTUNG, U.; ENGEL, E.-M. & HARTMANN, R., 2012. Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto, 11. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 68: 83–114. HARTUNG, U.; HARTMANN, R.; KINDERMANN, K.; RIEMER, H. & STÄHLE, W., 2016. Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto, 12. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 72: 73–126. KÖHLER, E.C., 1998. Tell el-Fara‘in-Buto III: Die Keramik von der späten NaqadaKultur bis zum frühen Alten Reich (Schichten III bis VI). Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 94. Mainz. LEHNER, M., 2002. The Pyramid Age Settlement of the Southern Mound at Giza. Journal of the American Research Centre in Egypt 39: 27–74. PEET, T.E., 1914. The Cemeteries of Abydos: Part II. 1911–1912. London. PEET, T.E. & LOAT, W.L.S., 1913. The Cemeteries of Abydos: Part III. 1912–191. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1886. Naukratis I. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1905. Ehnasya 1904. London. TAKAMIYA, I.H., 2008. Firing Installations and Specialization: A View from Recent Excavations at Hierakonpolis Locality 11C [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 187–202. VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M.; SCHMIDT, K.; BOESSNECK, J.; VON DEN DRIESCH, A. & DE ROLLER, G.-J., 1989. A Transitional Late Predynastic – Early Dynastic Settlement Site in the Northeastern Nile Delta, Egypt. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 45: 55–108. VON DER WAY, T., 1984. Untersuchungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo im nördlichen Delta zwischen Disûq und Tida. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 40: 297–328. VON DER WAY, T., 1993. Untersuchungen zur Spätvor- und Frühgeschichte Unterägyptens. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 8. Heidelberg. VON DER WAY, T., 1997. Tell el-Fara‘in-Buto I: Ergebnisse zum frühen Kontext, Kampagnen der Jahre 1983–1989. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 83. Mainz. VON DER WAY, T. & SCHMIDT, K., 1986. Tell el Fara‘in - Buto, 1. Bericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 42: 191–212. ZACCAGNINI, C., 1993. Appendix I: Comments on the Parallel Wall Structures [in:] WILHELM, G. & ZACCAGNINI, C. (eds.), Tell Karrana 3, Tell Jikan, Tell Khirbet Salih. Baghdader Forschungen 15. Mainz: 29–33. ZIERMANN, M., 2002. Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto: Bericht über die Arbeiten am Gebäudekomplex der Schicht V und die Vorarbeiten auf dem Nordhügel (site A). Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 58: 461‒499.

LATE PROTODYNASTIC – EARLY DYNASTIC CEMETERY AT EL-QULEILA NORTH (KH.2B), NAQADA REGION, UPPER EGYPT FEKRI A. HASSAN1, JORIS VAN WETERING2 & GEOFFREY J. TASSIE†3 1 

French University in Egypt, Cairo, Egypt 2  Den Haag, The Netherlands 3  Department of Archaeology, Winchester University, UK

A survey with excavations at selected sites was conducted between modern el-Ballas and modern el-Danfiq, on the west bank of the Naqada Region, Upper Egypt, between 1978 and 1981 under the auspices of Washington State University, led by F. Hassan (Tassie & van Wetering 2013/2014). During this survey, several cemetery sites were surveyed, but very few were extensively excavated. These cemetery sites include: Koptos West (PWT.168), Tukh (PWT.138/9), Naqada South (PWT.112, ‘Royal Tomb Cemetery’), el-Quleila North (Kh.2b), and el-Quleila North (PWT.101), of these only cemetery site Kh.2b (at el-Quleila North) was extensively excavated. These last three sites cannot be associated with a nearby settlement, instead these cemetery sites seem to belong to one or more settlement sites situated on the floodplain. The el-Quleila North cemeteries: Kh.2b and PWT.101 are located less than 1 km from each other, whereas PWT.112 is about 1.5–2.0 km north of these two cemetery sites (van Wetering 2012). It is therefore possible, depending on view lines, that these three cemetery sites belonged to the same Early Dynastic urban centre. This centre probably replaced the urban centre at Nubt as the regional administrative node. Nubt seems to have contracted strongly from early Naqada III onwards (Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017), corresponding to the expansion of the Thinite polity along the Nile Valley. PWT.112 and Kh.2b attest that during the Early Dynastic Period an urban centre was situated on the floodplain in the area of modern Naqada – Qus – el-Danfiq, which may have served as a regional administrative centre overseeing the gold procurement from the Eastern Desert via the Wadi Hammamat for the early state. The site of Kh.2b is situated on a terrace overlooking the floodplain and consists of at least nine Protodynastic to Early Dynasty structures, seemingly all tomb structures, including both mastaba/multi-chambered tombs and brick-lined single-chambered tombs, of which three were excavated: T.1, T.2 and T.3. All of the tombs had apparently been looted in antiquity. Scattered on the surface were abundant potsherds, including potsherds characteristic of the Naqada III Period, fragments of mud-brick, pieces of mud with reed impressions, pieces of burnt wood, fragments of stone vessels, and animal and human bones. This terrace provided the tombs with a commanding location, presumably with clear view lines from the settlement towards the cemetery. Tomb 3, which consisted of a single rectangular chamber that measured 2.6 × 1.6 × 1.78 m provided some of the most interesting artefacts. The fill of this tomb not only contained mud-bricks, pottery vessels and potsherds, but also 12 clay bullae bearing hieroglyphs, probably used to seal ceramic jars. The writing on one of the seals gives the title, sealer of the golden things (a translation provided by Kaplony 1981); a reminder of the region’s importance in procuring gold from the Eastern Desert. Similar to the name of ancient Nubt: “City of Gold”.

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Introduction Between 1978 and 1981, Prof. F.A. Hassan, then of Washington State University (WSU), led a team to survey and conduct excavations along the west bank of the Naqada region between modern Ballas and modern el-Danfiq (Qena Province, Upper Egypt) (Fig. 1) as part of the WSU Predynastic of Egypt Project (hereafter the Naqada Project). The field documentation is now being collated and re-analysed and its results will be published in the report series of the Naqada Project (Hassan, van Wetering, Tassie et al. in prep.).

Fig. 1. Sites of the Naqada region, west bank, central Upper Egypt.

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The WSU survey was a follow-up to a survey undertaken in the same area by T. Hays between 1975 and 1977 (hereafter the Khattara Project), which searched specifically for early settlement sites along the desert margin near the edge of the cultivation. Seven settlement sites dated to the Naqada I–IIA-B Period were discovered (from south to north): 75/7, 75/2, 75/3, 75/1, 75/4, and 75/5 (Hays 1976; Friedman 1994). The WSU survey looked at a wider margin of the low desert to better understand the settlement pattern of the area; this led to the discovery of several cemeteries, some of them seemingly associated with early settlement sites found in 1975. However, very few of these cemetery sites were investigated beyond a cursorily surface collection, as the focus was on excavating settlement sites. Some of these cemeteries belonged to nearby settlements, such as Menchia (Kh.3) and Khattara North (Kh.1), whereas others seem to be associated with floodplain-based settlements, such as Koptos West (PWT.168), Naqada South (PWT.112), and el-Quleila North (Kh.2b and PWT.101). Excavation was only conducted at the cemetery at el-Quleila North (Kh.2b), as initially it was assumed that this site, the WSU survey located in 1978 and excavated in 1980, was identical with the early settlement (75/2) located by Hays (Hays 1976). The excavation, however, indicated that this was actually a cemetery site. The archive of the Naqada Project does not contain extensive information from the work of the Khattara Project, a short entry related to settlement site el-Quleila North (Kh.2a, 75/2) states that flint tools and debitage as well as pottery was found on the surface and that in square 2, a significantly large amount of flint tools and debitage, as well as pottery was found at a depth of 0.15 m. The test trenches undertaken in 1980 at the cemetery did not recover anything similar to this although flints were found, their context is being verified and the objects are being analysed and dated (to be published in the final report). As such, an early settlement dated to the Naqada I–IIA-B was present at el-Quleila North, its precise location is unknown either underneath the later tombs or nearer to the edge of the floodplain, and this settlement site is here identified as Kh.2a. A cemetery with tombs dated to the Early Dynastic Period (Naqada IIIC–D) was later constructed either on top of the older settlement or further in the low desert on a higher spur (about 100–120 m from the edge of the floodplain), and this site is here identified as Kh.2b. The presence of an early settlement (el-Quleila North Kh.2a) accords with the settlement pattern of the area with settlements evenly spaced along the edge of the floodplain (see: Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017; Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie in prep.). Cemetery site el-Quleila North (Kh.2b) The site of el-Quleila North (Kh.2b) is situated on a terrace, about 100– 120 m from the edge of the floodplain (Fig. 2a). The terrace location provided

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Fig. 2. Quleila North, a) cemetery, and b) investigated tombs T.1, T.2 and T.3.

the tombs with a commanding location, presumably with clear view lines from the settlement towards the cemetery. The location of the associated settlement site is unknown, presumed to be nearby, but within the floodplain. According to Baer (1981), the cemetery with the Royal Tomb (Naqada South PWT.112) as well as other cemeteries in the area, seem to be connected to Qus. To date, the earliest remains at Qus date to Late Old Kingdom (6th Dynasty). It is located within the floodplain, thus it is very likely that its associated cemeteries are located on spurs of the low desert of the nearest Nile Bank (Makris 1999: 657–658). However, modern Naqada where de Morgan (1897) noted an ancient tell-site and modern el-Danfiq are closer, both with better lines of sight than Qus. The el-Quleila North (Kh.2b) cemetery consists of an unknown amount of tombs of which nine were recorded and three excavated: T.1, T.2 and T.3 (Fig. 2b). The dating of the site is based upon surface finds supplemented by the objects recovered from the three investigated tombs, which provide a date range from the late Protodynastic to Early Dynastic/1st–2nd Dynasties (the individual dating of the tombs is discussed below). Tomb 1 is a rectangular, mud-brick (coated with plaster), multi-chambered mastaba tomb. Its burial chamber measured 3.1 × 2.7 m and the two southern magazines 0.98 × 0.76 m each, with a single northern magazine, which is characteristic for a mastaba tomb. The finds included a number of small ceramic vessels (Fig. 3a–c) and a stone vessel. Remains of wood and mud-bricks within the tomb seem to indicate that the superstructure consisted of wooden planking covered by mud-bricks with reed matting possibly placed in between. Alternatively a mud-covered reed superstructure was built on top of the mud-bricks (see also: Holmes 2019). The analysis of these finds, including the reedimpressed examples present within the study collection is on-going, the full

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Fig. 3. Selected ceramic vessels from T.1, with a) dish 152, b) dish, c) breadmould.

inventory of finds from this tomb and the results of the analyses will be published in the final report. The pottery finds from T.1 include a small chaff tempered Nile silt dish (Petrie type 3k: SD78–81); a medium sized chaff tempered Nile silt flaring bowl (Petrie type 12t: SD77–82); and a breadmould (Emery type K13: Naqada IIIB–D) (Petrie 1921; 1953; Emery 1949–1958; Jacquet-Gordon 1981; Hendrickx et al. 2002). Based on these finds the tomb can be dated to Naqada IIIC1–C2, corresponding to the early-to-mid 1st Dynasty. Tomb 2 is also a rectangular, mud-brick, multi-chambered mastaba tomb. Its burial chamber measured 2.6 × 1.6 m and its northern magazines 0.60 × 0.60 m each (Fig. 4). This tomb is very similar to T.1 in that the two small magazines were situated on the northern side of the burial chamber and there was no magazine present on the southern side. The finds included a number of small ceramic vessels (Fig. 5a–d), a crucible (Fig. 6), and stone objects/vessels (Fig. 7a–c). A full inventory of the finds will be published in the final report. In 2008 conservation work was undertaken on the crucible (Pot 153) found in this tomb (Fig. 2b), which indicated that it might have retained faint traces of gold smelting. Further testing was inconclusive as cleaning of the crucible in the field had been too extensive and thus it remains a tentative possibility that gold smelting occurred in the settlement associated with this cemetery. The seal impressions found in T.3 support an interpretation of gold working and transportation. This crucible (measuring: 80 mm rim diameter, and 38 mm high) has signs on the exterior that it had been heated over a fire. Soot can be seen on the outside in various patches, with traces of vitrification around the top of the inside in one particular area. It was formed from Nile silt, tempered with crushed limestone.

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Fig. 4. Mastaba Tomb 2, with the large burial chamber and the smaller northern magazines.

Other ceramic finds from T.2 include seven small chaff tempered Nile silt offering dishes, collectively grouped as Pot 155 (Petrie type 13c: SD80). Pot 156 and Pot 157 are medium chaff tempered Nile silt bowls with flaring rims (Petrie type 3i: SD78–80). Two small chaff tempered Nile silt squat ḥes-vases: Pot 151 and Pot 159 (Petrie type 57t: SD77–80), which are similar to JE98314 from Abu Roash dated to the 1st Dynasty (Petrie 1921; 1953; Klasens 1958; 1959). A fragment of a siltstone cosmetic palette and two siltstone vessels

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Fig 5a–b. Selected ceramic vessels from T.2 with a) vessel 159 and b) vessel 151.

Fig 5c–d. Selected ceramic vessels from T.2 with c) storage vessel, and d) fill deposit of two of the seven small offering dishes 155

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Fig. 6. Crucible from T.2.

Fig. 7. Selected stone objects / vessels from T.2, with a) siltstone palette, b) siltstone vessel, and c) siltstone vessel.

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were also found in this tomb. Based on the finds this tomb can be dated to the Naqada IIIC1–C2, corresponding to the early-to-mid 1st Dynasty. Tomb 3 is a rectangular single-chambered mud-brick tomb partially lined with plaster. This chamber measured 2.6 × 1.6 m with a depth of 1.78 m. This later tomb has a different kind of architecture (lack of magazines) and is much deeper (Fig. 2b). Chunks of wood found on the floor of the burial chamber may well have been from a roof construction that had collapsed, but there is not enough evidence to confirm whether it had a mastaba-like superstructure. The finds consisted of ceramic vessels (Fig. 8) and lumps of clay with seal impressions on them (see below). A full inventory of the finds will be published in the final report. Twelve clay-seal impressions were found within T.3, these are currently being analysed. Sealings No. 161 and No. 171 (Figs. 9 & 10) are presented here as the latter shows a close connection with gold working and transportation, which supports the functional identification of the associated settlement (see below). The ceramic finds from Tomb 3 include a large straight sided bowl of Nile silt with a chaff temper (Petrie L17C: SD80–81); a flat shallow oval breadmould of Nile silt tempered with chaff (Petrie type 11c: 79–81); and a wide,

Fig. 8. Selected ceramic vessels from T.3 with top: bowl, bottom: oval breadmould.

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deep breadmould (Emery type K13: Naqada IIIB–D) (Petrie 1921; 1953; Emery 1949–1958; Jacquet-Gordon 1981; Hendrickx et al. 2002). Based on the finds Tomb 3 can be dated to Naqada IIID, the end of the 1st Dynasty to the beginning of the 2nd Dynasty. During the survey at least six other tombs were recognised, including one with plastered walls, but no further investigations were conducted. The presence of a deposit of large bovid bones may point at funerary rituals (Tassie 2010) or the burial of animals within the cemetery. At least 33 diagnostic potsherds from bowls with a painted criss-cross pattern were recovered during the survey. The pottery vessels fashioned from marl clay were formed into various types of bowls. The Seal Impressions from Tomb 3 Writing in Egypt emerged about 3325 BCE, during the Naqada IID–IIIA Period (Kahl 2001; Regulski 2008; 2010) and seems to be a device linked with the emergence of the Egyptian State. With the growing complexity of interactions between the different regional polities at the very end of the Naqada II Period and beginning of Naqada IIIA writing was required to keep account of the numerous transactions (Regulski 2008: 1000). Writing on labels was one of the earliest forms, although cylinder seals began early in the development of writing during the Naqada IIC/D Period (Regulski 2011). These seal impressions occur about three-quarters of the way through the development from the labels in tomb U-j until the earliest known continuous written text in the reign of King Netjerikhet (2700 BCE) (Kahl 2003: 127). The palaeography of these 12 seal impressions indicates a date of Naqada IIID or early 2nd Dynasty, particularly the lack of cross-hatching on any of the signs (Regulski 2010; 2011).

Fig. 9. Seal Impression No. 161.

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Sealing KH 161 Sealing 161 (Fig. 9) is very difficult to read, and thus tentative reading options are suggested below:

Tentative readings: (1) → Nt-ḫnt-kꜢ.wy/ḫnt-kꜢ-Nt/kꜢ(.ỉ)-ḫnt-Nt (ỉ)ḫ(t)-kꜢ(.ỉ)/ḫ(wỉ)-kꜢ(.ỉ) ḫtmw Nb(.ỉ)-kꜢ(.ỉ) PN 1 + PN 2 + title + PN 3 (2) → ḫnty-kꜢw-Nt ḫtmw (ỉ)ḫ(t) nb(t)  ???-kꜢ PN 1 + title + PN 2 (?) (3) ← Nt-nb(t)-kꜢ(.ỉ) ḫtmw (ỉ)ḫ(t)-kꜢ(.ỉ)/ḫ(wỉ)-kꜢ(.ỉ) ḫnt(y)-kꜢ(.ỉ) PN 1 + title + PN 2 + PN 3 Notes The identification of the single signs is positive, but their grouping remains obscure, therefore the following points should be considered in the reading of this inscription: – Since there are no clear signs indicating the orientation of the text, both directions appear equally possible and both could make sense. The orientation of the Neith-pole is not totally reliable in this regard, but possibly suggests a left-right direction. – The symbol of the goddess Neith is easily recognisable and is represented by the goddess’ standard (Kahl 1994: 686–687, r4; Regulski 2010: 604–605, r4), which is very similar to that appearing on the famous Meret-Neith stela (the pole, the bilobate ‘shield’ with crossed arrows and the hanging element). It should be part of a PN which, however, is difficult to read. – The three vertical signs most likely correspond to ḫnt(y) (W 17) and are alternated with the kꜢ-signs. They might be linked with the GN as part of a PN, while the crossed pattern is well documented, so that it could just be read once. – The circle below the third kꜢ-sign (from the left) is most likely the ḫ-sign (the crossed pattern just being recognisable); this could be part of another PN composed with the kꜢ-sign. – The ḫtm-logogram is easily recognisable, followed by the nb-sign V 30. – The sign above the last kꜢ (from the left) is not easily understandable; furthermore, it has been impressed multiple times so the layout is not so clear.

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It looks circular and it could be another ḫ-sign (although larger than the previous one). Below it, and between the arms of the kꜢ-sign something else apparently occurs, which could be very tentatively identified as a t (?). If so, the ḫ- and t-signs could be interpreted as phonetic complements of S 12 (ḫtm), while the kꜢ-hieroglyph should be related with the preceding nb to compose a further PN. This makes sense of both ḫtm (S 20), once again this seems quite apparent, and nb (V 30); yet, the uncertainties in identifying these last signs remain and thus the suggested reconstruction is very hypothetical. Tentative readings of personal names (PN): If the Neith-sign is considered part of a PN, the composition of which depends on the orientation you adopt, there are several possibilities for the personal names: – From left to right: Neith is composed with the ḫnty- and kꜢ-signs: Nt-ḫntkꜢ.wy. There is something similar in a sealing from Elephantine (cf. Patznick 2005: 419) that records the PN Nt-ḫnty(t)-kꜢ.wy, although it is not exactly the same. – For PN kꜢ(.ỉ)-ḫnt-Nt (‘My ka is before Neith’), cf. the similar pattern in Ranke (1935: 340, 19). Conversely, a reading Nt-ḫnt-kꜢ(.ỉ) (‘Neith is before my ka’) is theoretically possible, although less likely. Both interpretations are based on the fact that the crossed pattern of a PN (or part of a PN) recurs often. – For the PN ḫnt(y)-kꜢ-Nt (‘Prominent is the ka of Neith’?), cf. Ranke (1935: 273, 6–7, 12–13) with a similar pattern cf. also Kaplony (1963, IÄF I: 637). – For the PN (ỉ)ḫ(t)-kꜢ(.ỉ), cf. Kaplony (1963, IÄF I: 432). – For the PN Nb(.ỉ)-kꜢ(.ỉ) (‘My ka is my lord’), cf. Ranke (1935: 186, 19), Kaplony (1963, IÄF I: 536–537; III, Abb. 108). (2) – For PN ḫnt(y)-kꜢw-Nt (‘Prominent are the kas of Neith’?), cf. Ranke (1935: 273, 6–7, 12–13) with similar pattern, cf. also Kaplony (1963, IÄF I: 637). It must be remarked that the occurrence of kꜢw (plural) in a PN is rather unusual for the Early Dynastic Period while being usual for the Old Kingdom (e.g. ḫnt-kꜢw.s, Khentkaus). (3) – For PN Nt-nb(t)-kꜢ(.ỉ) (‘Neith is the mistress of my ka’), cf. Kaplony (1963, IÄF I: 538; III, Abb. 466). This reading assumes a right-left direction, the Neith-pole becoming therefore the first element of a different name. – For PN ḫnt(y)-kꜢ(.ỉ) (‘Prominent is my ka’), cf. Ranke (1935: 273, 6–7); several examples of this pattern (mḏd-kꜢ = IÄF III: Abb. 219, 230–231; ḥmꜢ-kꜢ = IÄF III: Abb. 215–216; kꜢn = IÄF III: Abb. 217 nb-kꜢ, IÄF III: Abb. 108A-B; kꜢ-sn, IÄF III: Abb. 120; he is also ‘sealer’).

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Titles – The title ḫtm alone is well attested in titles of the Early Dynastic Period and Old Kingdom; cf. Jones (2000: 760, No. 2763). It seems the most likely identification. Taking into account all of these elements, the following seems the most fitting interpretation: a left-right reading is perhaps to be preferred, and therefore either reading 1 or 2, although it is not easy to choose among the various possible PNs.

Fig. 10. Seal Impression No. 171.

Sealing KH 171 Sealing 171 mentions a King’s Son Ka-hotep with the title: Sealer of Gold (Kaplony 1981) (Fig. 10). A Prince Ka-hotep has not been previously attested for the 2nd Dynasty (Schmitz 1976: 4; van Wetering in press), although the personal name ḥtp-kꜢ(.ỉ) (‘My Ka is satisfied’) is attested (cf. Kaplony 1963, IÄF I: 598).

Reading ḥtp-kꜢ / kꜢ-ḥtp zꜢ-nzw ḫtmw-nbw ḥtp-kꜢ / kꜢ-ḥtp zš (?) Hotep-Ka/Ka-hotep royal son, sealer of the gold, Hotep-ka/Ka-hotep scribe (?) Notes – The reading of the zš-sign is very uncertain: the shape of the sign with two halves and small circles is probably an early form of the scribal-palette, the

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sign to the right of it seems to be the brush and pigment pouch. The vertical line continues higher than the two oblique strokes, and the rectangular object by the pole may be the pigment pouch. Kaplony (1963, IÄF: Abb. 379, 431) shows the logogram zš (Y 3/4): the palette with the two depressions, and the vertical reed with the strings, with the element almost attached to the reed probably being the bag for the pigments. The curious loop above the rectangular palette is unusual and, although it has no parallels in the palaeographical work of Regulski (2010) nor in Kaplony (1963; 1964; 1968) this could just be a stylist difference. The standard curved trait connecting the palette and the reed is also lacking (unless it is to be recognised in the loop itself). – Alternatively the final sign could be an early nṯr-sign. However, a title zš-nṯr is not attested in the literature. There is a title zš-mḏꜢt-nṯr (‘Scribe of the god’s book’; Jones 2000: 857 No. 3132), which appears during the Early Dynastic Period, but this is written quite differently. – The simple title zš is well attested in the Early Dynastic Period (cf. Kahl 1994: 833–835). – The small sign under the zꜢ-nsw(t) group seems to be a small -t (part of the writing of nswt). The occurrence of the title zꜢ-nsw(t) at such an early date is very intriguing (one of the earliest attestations is on seals found in the tomb of Hetepsekhemwy where the title zꜢ-nsw(t) is given to Per-neb (cf. Kaplony 1963, IÄF III: Abb. 367). The zꜢ-nsw(t) title also occurs on some slab-stelae from Helwan (e.g. Tomb 175 H.8 and Tomb 964 H.8); although Kaplony (1963) dated them to the 1st Dynasty, the dating has been lowered to the early-mid 2nd Dynasty by Köhler & Jones (2009: 152–153 [EM99–15], pl. 17; 168–169 [EM99–23], pl. 25). Tentative readings of personal names (PN): – The PN ḥtp-kꜢ(.ỉ) (‘My Ka is satisfied’) is attested (cf. Kaplony 1963, IÄF I: 598), although the enigmatic final sign could eventually be part of the name (ḥtp-kꜢ-???), it seems unlikely. – An alternative reading of the PN as kꜢ(.ỉ)-ḥtp is equally valid (cf. Petrie 1922: pl. III.8; Kahl et al. 2003b: 331, 332). Titles – The title ḫtm-nbw seems quite evident (Jones 2000: 766 [2786]). The group ḫtm-nbw is clear and is well attested (cf. Kaplony 1963, IÄF III: Abb. 346, 460, 464, 543); the shape of the latter signs fit quite well with its identification as nbw (‘gold’, cf. also the repertoire of Regulski 2010: 608– 610 for S 12). The only other alternative for the upper sign is S 22 (tꜢ-wr/ sṯ), which is the name of one of the phyles (Roth 1991: 20–30). Since the lower sign is clearly S 20 (ḫtm), the group should be understood as ḫtm

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tꜢ-wr/sṯ (‘sealer of the phyle tꜢ-wr/sṯ’), a parallel for which is found in Kahl (1994) Qu. 3337 (= Kaplony 1963, IÄF III: Abb. 833, with a different interpretation). However, the understanding of the group as ḫtm-nbw remains the most likely explanation. – The title zꜢ-nsw seems apparent. The first attestation known so far is in the 2nd Dynasty (Kaplony 1963, IÄF III: Abb. 367; cf. Jones 2000: 799, No. 2911; Kahl et al. 2002: 155). – The alleged zš-sign (Y 3/4) is very uncertain (cf. Regulski 2010: 717), but seems to be the best reading. The el-Quleila North cemetery and neighbouring cemeteries, southern Naqada region The Naqada region before the 1st Dynasty was dominated by Nubt (Petrie’s Naqada-site and De Morgan’s Toukh-site), in all probability the core place of regional polity (see: Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017; van Wetering 2017a). The region was, due to geographical circumstances, well suited to exploit resources in the Eastern Desert, including gold, copper and precious stones, via the Wadi Hammamat and the Wadi Qena (Fig. 11). Gold seems to have flowed into the Naqada region where it was worked into finished goods; although the specifics are still unclear. It might be that several places, for example Dendara and Koptos, benefitted from the mining expeditions and the smelting and working of gold with Nubt being the political centre that received the bulk of the worked goods as well as raw gold to process. However, it might also be that Nubt was the sole centre for gold working with all the raw gold being transported there and worked so it could be used by the ruling elite and distributed throughout the polity (see: Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017). Suffice to say that prior to the 1st Dynasty an established network of gold procurement and working existed in the Naqada region, controlled by Nubt. Naqada region: late Protodynastic – Early 1st Dynasty Nubt seems to have been the political centre of the Naqada region until the late Protodynastic Period / beginning of the 1st Dynasty when it declined and significantly contracted (see: Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017; van Wetering 2017a). This decline and loss of political power seems to correspond to the expansion of the Thinite polity in Upper Egypt. Locally, the site of Zawayda (Quibell’s Ballas-site) seems to have prospered as indicated by the Early Dynastic – Early Old Kingdom graves (see: Vanthuyne 2017; van Wetering 2017a), whereas at Nubt a minor step pyramid was built and the temple was maintained with a small community around it, as in all probability indicated by cemetery N North (Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017; van Wetering 2017a).

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Fig. 11. Map of central Upper Egypt with sites and wadis mentioned in the text.

The loss of political power by Nubt is also indicated by the early 1st Dynasty mastaba tomb at Naqada South (cemetery PWT.112), about 6–7 km south of Nubt. It was here that Prince Rekhit, a member of the Thinite royal family was buried. He can in all probability be identified as a son of King Narmer, the first king of the 1st Dynasty and who may have been in all probability the king’s representative in the region, supervising the economic activities on behalf of the Thinite court (van Wetering 2012; 1017b [see: van Wetering 2012, for a comprehensive discussion on the identification of the tomb-owner of this mastaba]). A position and situation very similar to that of Prince Het who was buried in S.3335 at North Saqqara, and who also might have been a son of King Narmer, functioning as that king’s representative within the Memphite region where he had a large mastaba tomb constructed to ‘project’ Thinite power through funerary architecture (van Wetering 2017b). Therefore, the tomb and the statue of the tomb owner at Naqada South is indicative of a northward shift of the administrative-economic centre, replacing Nubt, when the Thinite polity took control of the Naqada region at the very beginning of the 1st Dynasty.

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Naqada region: Early Dynastic Period (1st Dynasty – 2nd Dynasty) By the early 1st Dynasty, it would seem that the newly formed large-scale polity under the rule of the (Thinite) 1st Dynasty kings established a new administrative centre in the Naqada region (formerly a hostile territory) to replace Nubt as the primary political centre. This new centre seems to have taken control of the gold procurement and transportation and in all probability various other types of raw material coming out of the Eastern Desert. The general location of the new administrative-economic centre is indicated by three cemeteries that seem to have been associated with it: Naqada South (PWT.112), el-Quleila North (Kh.2b) and Quleila North (PWT.101). The actual site of this politicaladministrative centre is unknown, no evidence of it has been found in the low desert along the west bank (Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie in prep.) so a floodplain location seems most likely. It might be beneath modern Qus (see above, but this site seems to be a bit too far away [north] to be associated with the cemeteries), modern Naqada (with evidence of a tell-site) or modern el-Danfiq. The latter two are both very near to the three cemeteries, and seem to have better lines of sight with these cemeteries. The Kh.2b cemetery at Quleila North seems to have existed at least from the late Protodynastic to the early 2nd Dynasty, whereas the nearby cemetery PWT.101 (less than 1 km north of Kh.2b) was in use from at least Naqada II, and based on the surface finds. It consists of an area of about 200 × 200 m, roughly oval/ triangularly shaped (Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie in prep.). The cemetery was discovered by de Morgan in 1895–1896, but his description is very incomplete and sketchy, he dates it to the Predynastic Period (de Morgan 1897: 39, Fig. 19). It was relocated by the WSU survey, about 2 km northwest of modern el-Danfiq. No graves were investigated, the southwest quadrant of the cemetery was surveyed intensively and the other three quadrants were surveyed ‘randomly’ with the aim to locate special finds. Re-analysis of the finds in the archaeological study collection indicates that the cemetery was in use from at least Naqada II to IIIC and again during the Ptolemaic to Roman Period (Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie in prep.). The cemetery of Naqada South (PWT.112) is located about 1.5–2 km north of the el-Quleila North cemeteries, it consists of a very large mastaba tomb of the early 1st Dynasty, at least one other mastaba tomb and a large number of smaller graves dated to the Early Dynastic (see: van Wetering 2012). No information is available on the other mastaba tomb and the smaller graves, but if these all date to the early 1st Dynasty, it is possible that the cemetery at el-Quleila North (Kh.2b) is the successor to this cemetery. Prince Rekhit, who was probably buried in the main mastaba tomb at Naqada South (PWT.112) and in all probability a son of King Narmer, could have acted as the king’s representative in the Naqada region on behalf of the Thinite court where he oversaw the gold procurement and working (as well as other precious

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commodities) from the Eastern Desert. He would have controlled, be it forcefully subjugating or pacifying, a formerly hostile territory only recently incorporated into the expanding Thinite polity (see: van Wetering 2012). Part of his duties may have been supervising the transportation of gold and other objects to the Thinite capital, initially at Abydos and later at Memphis (van Wetering 2017b; in press). At a later stage, Prince Kahotep, in all probability buried within T.3 at Quleila North (Kh.2b), served in a similar position within the court of the early 2nd Dynasty, be it that the prince (either a son or grandson of a king, see: van Wetering in press) was now fully integrated into an institutionalised central administration. The strategic importance of the Naqada region is underlined by the seal impressions found in T.3 at Quleila North connected with gold working, and the crucible from T.2 that may have been used in gold smelting. It is unclear if the new administrative-economic centre replaced not only Nubt at the top of the existing gold network in the Naqada region, or if several places in the region lost their access to gold and gold working facilities, with all gold-related activities having been moved to the new centre. The choice of which in the southern area of the Naqada region may have been influenced by the overland route to Farshut (and This/Abydos) via Gamula and the Wadi Imran (in case the riverine route was inaccessible). Early Old Kingdom: 3rd Dynasty – 4th Dynasty By the 4th Dynasty, the political landscape in the Naqada region had shifted again, with Koptos (Qift) as the main centre of the Koptite Nome (Fisher 1964). Prince Netjeraperef, a son (or, more likely, a grandson) of King Sneferu of the Early 4th Dynasty was in charge of the 5th (Koptite) Nome as well as the 6th (Denderite) Nome and the 7th (Diospolis Parva) Nome of Upper Egypt (Fisher 1964). He governed his provinces from the capital either during the reign of King Sneferu and/or that of King Khufu. Unlike Prince Rekhit or Prince Kahotep, he was buried at Dahshur in the Memphite region, near the Red Pyramid where King Sneferu was buried. The nome system may have been established as early as the 2nd Dynasty (it was in existence during the early 3rd Dynasty); therefore, Koptos may have replaced the administrative-economic centre in the southern part of the Naqada region by that time. The cemetery at el-Quleila North (Kh.2b) seems to have been abandoned during the 2nd Dynasty. Conclusions The cemeteries at el-Quleila North (Kh.2b and PWT.101) and at Naqada South (PWT.112) suggest that during the 1st and 2nd Dynasties an important

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administrative-economic centre existed in the southern part of the Naqada region. At this centre the gold coming out the Eastern Desert (via the Wadi Hammamat and the Wadi Qena) was probably smelted and worked before it was shipped to other parts of the state, primarily to the capital (initially at Abydos and later at Memphis). During the early 1st Dynasty, Prince Rekhit who was probably a son of King Narmer possibly oversaw this operation. He was buried during the reign of King Aha within the main mastaba tomb at Naqada South (PWT.112). During the early 2nd Dynasty, Prince Ka-hotep, either a son or grandson of a king, probably oversaw these operations. He was in all probability buried within T.3 at el-Quleila North (Kh.2b). Both princes probably had direct lines of communication with the court. During the early 4th Dynasty, Prince Netjeraperef was in charge of the Koptite Nome (to which the Naqada region belonged) but unlike Prince Rekhit and Prince Kahotep, he governed this province from the capital. These three princes attest to the way king and court controlled the realm, initially (early 1st Dynasty) perhaps in an ad hoc fashion, but later fully institutionalised, brothers, sons, or grandsons of the king were placed in charge of important areas within the realm to allow the court direct control. By the 4th Dynasty, the princes no longer resided in the province, but governed it from the capital. The re-location from Nubt during the early 1st Dynasty to the southern area of the Naqada region (possible modern Naqada or modern el-Danfiq) and then back north to Koptos in the late 2nd or 3rd Dynasty, implies the initial imposition of Thinite control over a hostile area, replacing the existing network and primary centre with a new centre at a strategic position with riverine and overland routes to Abydos. Later when the region had been fully subjugated and had acquiesced to the new rule, the centre was re-located to a site with more efficient links to the gold network: Koptos at the mouth of the Wadi Hammamat as capital of the Koptite Nome. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Angelo Colonna for his knowledge and input in the area of early hieroglyphs. Bibliography BAER, K., 1981. Letter to F.A. Hassan Discussing the Status of South Town, Nubt, and Qus in the Naqada Region. Letter on File with the Authors. DE MORGAN, J., 1897. Recherches sur les origines de l’Égypte II: Ethnographie préhistorique et tombeau royal de Negadah. Paris. EMERY, W.B., 1949. Great Tombs of the First Dynasty I. Cairo. EMERY, W.B., 1954. Great Tombs of the First Dynasty II. London. EMERY, W.B., 1958. Great Tombs of the First Dynasty III. London.

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Prehistory of Northeastern Africa: New Ideas and Discoveries. Studies in African Archaeology 11. Poznań: 91–124. VAN WETERING, J., 2017a. The Cemeteries of Nubt, Naqada Region, Upper Egypt [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo (Egypt), 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 521–549. VAN WETERING, J., 2017b. The Macramallah Burials, Wadi Abusir, Saqqara [in:] BARTA, M.; COPPENS, F. & KREJCI, J.B. (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2015. Prague: 419–433 VAN WETERING, J., in press1. The Early Dynastic Royal Cemetery at Saqqara [in:] KURASZKIEWICZ, K.; MYŚLIWIEC, K.; POPIELSKA-GRZYBOWSKA, J. & KOPP, E. (eds.), Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology. 6th Conference, Warsaw, 2-6 July 2014. Warsaw: 370–398. VAN WETERING, J., in press2. Imhotep in the Court of Horus Netjerykhet: Prince, Courtier, Administrator of the Kingdom [in:] DE TRAFFORD, A.; TASSIE, G.J.; VAN WETERING, J. & EL DALY, O. (eds.), A River Runs Through It: Studies in Honour of Fekri A. Hassan, Volume Two. London.

THE BURIAL CUSTOMS IN EARLY DYNASTIC EGYPT: A VIEW FROM THE CEMETERY AT TELL EL-MURRA (NILE DELTA) MARIUSZ A. JUCHA Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland

The excavation at Tell el-Murra provided 38 graves of the Early Dynastic Period. In several cases their relative chronology was confirmed by the stratigraphic relationships of overlapping graves. Frequently the burials nearest to one another were of a different period. Those of the same phase were sometimes situated not only far away from their counterparts, but also in different parts of the trench, forming separate groups. These could be burials of related persons. Bodies were laid in a tightly contracted position, on the left side. Alignment along the north-east to south-west, or north to south axis occurred with the highest frequency. Pit burials prevailed, while others include oneand two-chambered graves. Some of them contained pottery coffins, which differentiate Tell el-Murra from some other contemporary Nile Delta cemeteries. The occurrence of coffins was not related to the wealth and social status of the deceased. Relations between graves cutting into each other, but of very close chronology were observed and it could not be excluded that these belonged to relatives. Thus, the occurrence of areas associated with related groups of people, possibly family, can be assumed. Regarding the distribution of grave goods within a burial, several remarks concerning the preferable location of at least some grave goods are made.

Introduction Tell el-Murra, located in the north-eastern part of the Nile Delta, about 100 km north-east of Cairo, is the subject of research being conducted since 2008 by the Polish Archaeological Expedition of the Institute of Archaeology at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Jucha 2009a: 86–88, Figs 40–41; Jucha & Buszek 2011; Jucha et al. 2013; Jucha et al. 2014; Jucha et al. 2015; Jucha et al. 2016). The site contains settlement remains dated to the Predynastic Lower Egyptian Culture and the Protodynastic, Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Periods, as well as a Naqada III–Early Dynastic cemetery.1 Research in the south-western part of the Tell, where the cemetery is currently being explored, commenced with a surface survey in 2008. The first test trench (S3), measuring 3 by 3 m, was opened there in the course of the 2010 season (Jucha et al. 2013: 110–113, Fig. 4). After further enlargements during subsequent 1 The article is the result of implementing a project financed by funds from the National Science Centre, Poland, allocated on the basis of the decision number DEC-2013/09/B/HS3/03588.

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Fig. 1. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Location of graves (Digitizing: G. Bąk-Pryc).

seasons (Jucha et al. 2014: 141–146, Figs. 2–5; Jucha et al. 2015: 200–208) until 2017, the explored area covered in total 25 by 20 m. The presence of settlement remains was also confirmed in that part of the site (Jucha et al. 2015: 200–201, 208, Figs. 3 & 6; Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 99). In the course of the excavation between 2011 and 2016, a total of 38 graves were explored (Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 88–100). The comparisons between assemblages allow us to define, based mostly on the pottery, their chronological differentiation. Furthermore, in cases when one grave had been cut into a second older one, the relative chronology was confirmed by stratigraphic relationships.

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Chronology of graves Only two graves that are considered to be the earliest (Fig. 1) have been dated more confidently to the Protodynastic/Naqada IIIB (grave 3; Figs. 2: 1–2; 3: 12–13; Kazimierczak 2014: 102–104; Jucha et al. 2015: 201, 208, Fig. 3) and the beginning of the 1st Dynasty/Naqada IIIC1 (grave 21; Figs. 2: 3; 3: 14–15; Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 88–90; Kazimierczak 2016a: 113–114, Fig. 38: 1–5). Two further graves (22 and 24) are possibly of an earlier chronology from the timespan covering the Early Dynastic Period (Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 91). Although they did not contain any pottery or stone vessels that would allow us to date them more precisely, both were partly disturbed by the later grave 2 that belongs to a Naqada IIIC2 date (Jucha et al. 2014: 144–145, Figs. 2, 3 right, 4–5; Kazimierczak 2014: 110–113, Fig. 5; Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: Fig. 9). Six graves were considered (tentatively all together) to belong to the second part of the 1st Dynasty/Naqada IIIC2 (Figs. 2: 4–7; 3: 3–8, 16–19, 21; graves 1, 2, 19, 20 and probably also 34 and 40; Jucha et al. 2014: 143–145; Kazimierczak 2014: 104–113; Figs. 2–5; Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 91–94; Kazimierczak 2016a: 115; Figs. 39, 40:1–5). However, some differences should be noted with regard to the pottery types and in particular the storage jars. The larger types with rope band patterns (graves 20 and 40) or with smoothed crescentlike decoration (grave 1) occurred only in three of the above mentioned graves. Smaller and narrow examples with rope band patterns were found in three others (graves 2, 19 and 34). The graves with the former types of jars are slightly older than the graves containing the latter. Such chronology is further confirmed by the stratigraphic relationships between graves 20 (Figs. 2: 5; 3: 3, 5) and 2 (Figs. 2: 6; 3: 18, 21). Grave 20 has one of its corners partly cut into by grave 2 (Fig. 4). Two out of three graves (19 and 34), assumed to be later ones, also contained beer jars characteristic mainly of still later graves (cf. Jucha 2009b; Jucha 2012; Kazimierczak 2014b: 11–12; Kazimierczak 2015). The chronology of other graves is uncertain, due to a very modest number of grave goods. It seems, however, that some of them (graves 8, 9, 30, 38, 39; Fig. 3: 1–2) may have been made within the time span covering the 1st Dynasty/ Naqada IIIC (Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 90–91; Kazimierczak 2016a: 114–115: Fig. 38: 6–9). One of these graves (grave 39) had been cut into grave 40 from an earlier period of Naqada IIIC2 (Fig. 5). Yet another, grave 8 had been partly disturbed by grave 5, dated to Naqada IIID (Jucha et al 2015: Figs. 2 & 4). At least six graves (7, 12, 18, 23, 27, 31; Fig. 3: 9–11, 20), containing beer jars with a scraped surface (vertically below the shoulders), have been dated more precisely to the second half of the 1st Dynasty-first half of the 2nd Dynasty/ Naqada IIIC2/D (Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 94–98; Kazimierczak 2016a: 115–121, Figs. 41–42). Three others (graves 6, 33, 35) could be of the same chronology, although their inclusion here is less certain.

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Fig. 2. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Pottery from the graves (Digitising: U. Bąk).

The chronology of some other graves has not been so obvious due to the lack of sufficient grave goods, especially chronological markers. However, at least grave 5 has been more firmly dated to the second part of the 2nd DynastyNaqada IIID (Kazimierczak 2014: 115, Fig. 6; Jucha et al. 2015: 201–203). A few other graves (4, 14, 17, 28) can, although very cautiously, be assigned to the same chronological phase.

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Fig. 3. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Pottery from the graves (Digitising: U. Bąk).

The nine other graves are difficult to date precisely due to the occurrence of only a single type of grave goods (grave 29), or due to the lack of any assemblages (graves 11, 13, 15, 25, 26, 32, 36, 37). However, as the exploration of layers located above graves within trench S3 has not yet provided any material other than an Early Dynastic date, it can be tentatively assumed that these graves should be attributed to the timespan covering that period (Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016: 98–99).

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Fig. 4. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Graves 2 and 20 (Photo: G. Bąk-Pryc).

Fig. 5. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Graves 39 and 40 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

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Distribution of graves within the explored area according to chronology The explored area was quite densely occupied by graves (Fig. 1) frequently intersecting each other. However, looking at their distribution according to chronology, it has been observed that within smaller sections of the trench the number of graves from the same phase is relatively small. Although many graves were located close to each other, frequently the burials nearest to one another were of different periods. Conversely, roughly contemporary graves could be situated at some distance and separated by older or younger burials. The chronological development of the cemetery, at least in some cases, seems to be vertical rather than horizontal. Younger graves were in several cases located above the older ones. Furthermore, the horizontal development of the cemetery seems to not follow in a continuous line or one direction. Graves of the same phase or of chronological proximity were sometimes situated not only far away from their counterparts, but also in different parts of the trench. In some cases, it could even be suggested that certain roughly contemporary graves formed separate groups, clustered in different areas. Between them, older as well as younger graves or empty spaces were placed. It is tempting to see in this situation the reflection of family relationships and burials of related persons placed within a defined area of the cemetery. Burial orientation Most of the graves share similar characteristics regarding grave and body orientation. Alignment of the burial along the north-east to south-west axis and placement of the body in a tightly contracted position, on the left side, with the head to the north-east prevailed. Burials oriented along the north to south axis with the body laid on the left side and with the head to the north also occurred quite frequently (Fig. 1). It can be assumed that orientation along the north-east to south-west axis was dominant earlier, until Naqada IIIC2. Orientation along the north to south axis prevailed in later graves of Naqada IIIC2/D. However, it has been observed that even among graves of the same chronology the orientation could differ. This is true, for instance, of grave 7 of Naqada IIIC2/IIID date, oriented along the north-east to south-west axis, unlike other graves of the same period and type (e.g. grave 12). As well, the older grave 19, oriented along the north to south axis, differs from contemporary graves included in the Naqada IIIC2 phase (e.g. grave 2). On the one hand, it could be safely assumed that the decision of orientating the burial pit or chamber along one of these axes could have played a minor role in the burial customs of the Tell el-Murra society, and both axes could have been used simultaneously. On the other hand, it could be possible that the orientation was in some way related to the local north, marked by the alignment

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Fig. 6. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. a) Grave 3; b) Grave 9 (Photo: G. Bąk-Pryc).

Fig. 7. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. a) Grave 19 (Photo: G. Bąk-Pryc); b) Grave 33 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

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of the local main water canal. If so, it could be assumed that the differences and changes in orientation of burials reflect a period of changes of this watercourse alignment. These could have happened due to hydrological transformations after the higher Nile floods. This seems to be quite likely if we take into account the fatal consequences it could have caused, and the fact that an especially large overflow was recorded in ancient sources, among others, during the reign of Den (Bell 1970: 569–571, Fig. I), that is approximately Naqada IIIC2. Nevertheless, aside from the abovementioned orientations, only a few graves were aligned along the north-west to south-east axis with the body laid on the left side with the head to the north-west. These appear in a later Naqada IIID phase. Other orientations, along the south to north axis and on the right side with the head to the south or along the east to west axis, were attested only sporadically. Types of graves Most of the graves explored at the Tell el-Murra cemetery are pit burials (Figs. 6b; 7a) and include both graves with and without assemblages. In some, the body was also placed in a pottery coffin (Figs. 9; 12 left; cf. also Math, this volume); chambered graves (Figs. 6a; 7b; 8) occur as well. These include both one- and two-chambered examples (Fig. 11). Some of them had distinctive walls made of dry bricks that can be clearly distinguished. There are also graves with narrow, mud-plastered side walls (Fig 7b). The chambered graves include examples in which the deceased were laid in a pottery coffin (Figs 6a;

Fig. 8. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Grave 35 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

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Fig. 9. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Grave 5 (Photo: G. Bąk-Pryc).

10; 11a). The edges of some of the graves were marked only by a very thin layer of mud. The above-mentioned types of graves were used throughout the entire Early Dynastic Period. However, some preliminary observations concerning chronological differences are worth mentioning. At least in the case of the already explored two-chambered graves, those with a storage chamber on the northern side and a burial chamber on the southern side (Fig. 10) were made in an earlier Naqada IIIC2 phase (graves 1, 40). On the other hand, two-chambered graves with a reversed layout, a storage chamber on the southern side and a burial chamber on the northern (Fig. 11b) were created in a later Naqada IIIC2/D phase (graves 7, 12). It could also be of some significance that in one-chambered graves of the latter chronology (graves 18, 23, 27, 31) beer jars were located to the south of the deceased, whether within the chamber (Fig. 11a) or outside its outline (Fig. 12 right), that is on the same side as the storage chamber in the two-chambered graves (Fig. 11b) of the period. Today the Tell el-Murra graves comprise mostly of substructures, traces of superstructures were only very poorly represented. This could have resulted from the fact that the uppermost levels within the explored trench were very badly disturbed. Furthermore, some graves, at least the poorest ones, could have been marked on the surface only by a simple mound of earth, making them difficult to identify. It seems, however, that cohesive layers observed in different parts of the trench sometimes joining with each other and with a

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limited number of artefacts should be interpreted as remnants of disturbed architecture, possibly grave superstructures. The existence of more elaborate structures made of mud-bricks could be possible, especially as the outlines of such structures were more clearly visible at least in graves 6 and 7 (Jucha et al. 2015: Fig. 7). In both cases, the distinctive sand-brick walls outlined rectangular structures oriented north-east to south-west, and larger in size than the chambers, constructed at the bottom of a pit located below the superstructure. In the case of the burial chamber of grave no. 6, a section of bricks was furthermore identified, placed directly

Fig. 10. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Grave 40 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

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Fig. 11. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. a) Grave 23; b) Grave 12 (Photo: G. Bąk-Pryc).

above the body of the deceased and serving as a sort of a ‘lid’ covering the burial chamber with the body inside. Burials Traces that remained after the decomposition of organic material (matting) have been detected (Fig. 5). These allow us to assume that bodies were usually laid on and covered by matting. The matting could also have covered grave goods, as well as the internal faces of walls or sides of the pit, tops of walls, and the bottom of the pit. In some cases, probably more than one mat was used. Unfortunately, the skeletons have not been well preserved. However, in several cases it has been possible to determine the age of the buried person. Thus, it can be said that both children and adults had been buried there. Only in a few cases has it been possible to define their sex. Most however, remain undetermined (Mądrzyk et al. 2016). Single burials dominate, apart from one case (grave 17) where bones belonging to two deceased individuals have been recorded. At least in two cases (graves 20 and 21) the presence of a layer of mud has been observed. In grave 20, mud partly covered the vessels in the lower parts of the pit, and possibly also the bottom of the chamber (below a coffin). The coffin base was crushed and pushed up as though the coffin was actually embedded into the liquid mud. In grave 21 it looks as though liquid mud had

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been poured inside the burial pit. It remains uncertain in both of these cases if the occurrence of mud inside the burials resulted from an intentional action, related possibly to additional security of the burial (cf. Dębowska-Ludwin 2012: 51), a specific way of setting the coffin embedded on the bottom of a grave; or an accidental event possibly related to a higher Nile flood. However, the first intentional action seems most probable. Pottery coffins The presence of pottery coffins at the Tell el-Murra cemetery has already been mentioned above. These occurred in 10 out of 38 graves explored before the 2016 archaeological season (graves 2, 3, 5, 7, 18, 20, 23, 28, 31, 40; Grzyb & Kazimierczak 2016), which constitutes almost 25 % of the burials. The most typical coffin is a low rectangular box with a semi-cylindrical, two-part lid (Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2017: Fig. 14). Only singular examples were found of a coffin with a low rectangular box without a lid (Fig. 9), and a coffin without a lid with rounded corners (Fig. 6a). The cover in the latter cases was probably made of another, possibly organic material, which could have prevented it from being preserved. In some cases, the bottom of the coffin contained drilled-through holes (Jucha et al. 2015: Fig. 5; Grzyb & Kazimierczak 2016; cf. Junker 1912: 21–22, 64, Taf. XIX; Möller & Scharff 1926: 12, Taf. 8:3). Pottery coffins occurred during all the subsequent phases of the Early Dynastic cemetery. The custom was not restricted to a certain type of grave, as coffins were found inside one-chambered graves (Figs. 6a; 11a), two-chambered graves (Fig. 10), and pit graves (Figs. 9; 12 left). Furthermore, even graves of the same chronology and type could contain a pottery coffin or not (cf. graves 1 and 40, as well as graves 7 and 12; Jucha et al. 2014: Fig. 3 left; Jucha et al. 2015: Fig. 9 top). The occurrence of pottery coffins within the cemetery was not related to the wealth of certain members of the Tell el-Murra society, as they were found both in graves without any assemblages (grave 28; Fig. 12 left) and those with a larger amount of grave goods (graves 2, 40; Fig. 10). Thus, it seems that they should not be considered hallmarks of social status and wealth, at least of the deceased buried there. Neither is there a rule concerning the localisation in a specific part of the cemetery, as graves with coffins occurred in different parts of the explored area. It should be mentioned that, despite the placement of the deceased in pottery coffins, the state of preservation of human bones ranges from very good (Figs. 11a; 12 left) to almost complete decomposition (Figs. 9; 10). The latter was caused most probably by the destruction of the more fragile coffin bases. Although defining their sex is in most cases difficult due to the poor state of bone preservation, at least in the cases where it has been specified, the coffins

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Fig. 12. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Graves 27 and 28 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

contained males. In terms of age, the deceased ranged from children (6–7 years old) to adults (between 20–24 and 45–54 years old) (Mądrzyk et al. 2016: tab. 3). Some coffins were large enough to hold the body as well as grave goods (Fig. 10); others contained only the deceased. In some cases the coffins were too small to fit the deceased. This is most obvious in the cases of graves 23 and 28 (Figs. 11a; 12 left). In both cases, the body was placed in a contracted position and the cervical vertebrae were sharply bent, causing the spine of the deceased buried in grave 28 to break, possibly while his body was being stuffed into the coffin. The occurrence of pottery coffins differentiates Tell el-Murra from some other contemporary Nile Delta cemeteries (cf. Dębowska-Ludwin 2012: 91–92, Appendix no. 5; Grzyb & Kazimierczak 2016). This is especially true of Minshat Abu Omar (Kroeper & Wildung 1994; 2000) where such coffins have not been found. At the neighbouring Tell el-Farkha (Dębowska-Ludwin 2013), among more than 150 graves only in one case was the deceased laid in a pottery coffin (the latter explored in October 2018; J. Dębowska-Ludwin, K.M. Ciałowicz, personal communication). Likewise, pottery coffins only sporadically occur at Kom el-Khilgan (Tristant et al. 2008: 470–471, Fig. 8); however, there are also sites located in the vicinity where pottery coffins of similar type occurred more frequently, including Ezbet el-Tell / Kufur Nigm (Bakr 1988; 1994; 2003). Their presence has also been confirmed further to

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the south, among others at Tura (Junker 1912: 21–23), but also at several other sites both at the apex of the Nile Delta and in the Nile Valley (Grzyb & Kazimierczak 2016). It could be also of some significance that, in contrast to Tell el-Murra, pottery coffins found at Kafr Hassan Dawood were of different shapes, oval and round (Hassan et al. 2008: 53–54, Figs. 11–12; Rowland 2014: 274–275, Fig. 2). The reasons for the above-mentioned diversifications remain clearly unresolved and none of the explanations could be completely proven. There is the possibly that several elements overlap as variability in funerary practices and differences in local tradition could have originated on the local ground occurring within a single society of structural and organisational complexity (Binford 1971). Even so, these must have resulted from, and depend on, some factors. The age and sex seem to not be significant in the issue discussed here. The possibility that variations could have resulted from differences in the social statuses of societies living in settlements of different sizes and functions, e.g. regional centres and rural settlements, cannot be completely excluded. However, it seems that the occurrence of pottery coffins both at larger sites and smaller ones in graves of different types, with different amounts and types of grave goods does not support an assumption simply based on diversified social status and wealth. Nevertheless, the larger quantity of burials with pottery coffins at small rural sites like Tell el-Murra and the only sporadic occurrences at large regional centres like Tell el-Farkha should be noted here as a significant element in further discussion. It is also tempting to associate the origins of diversification concerning the presence or lack of pottery coffins at certain Nile Delta sites with the various origins of people, possibly coming there from different locations and at different times. They could have brought and continued their own customs, and they could have also had an impact on mixing up tradition and as a result regional diversification (Jucha 2016). That seems to be possible, as the movement of people in several groups is assumed for not only the Naqada II phase, but also the Naqada III phase (Kaiser 1956; Wilkinson 1996: 5; Wengrow 2006: 88–89; Ciałowicz 2012: 163–165; Jucha 2014: 20, 31–32; Ciałowicz 2017). The appearance of newcomers especially in the latter period (Jucha 2014: 31–32; Ciałowicz 2017: 244–248) could play an especially significant role here. Stratigraphic relationships In several cases, younger graves at the Tell el-Murra cemetery were cut into the older ones. The location of much later graves above the earlier ones could have resulted from, among others, a lack of knowledge about the previous burials, due to possible disturbance of superstructures or an accumulation of debris covering the older graves. This seems to be possible, at least in cases

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when the period of time between the subsequent graves was rather long. This refers to, among others, Naqada IIIB grave 3, which was cut by grave 5, dated to Naqada IIID; and by grave 4, which is possibly of the latter date as well (Jucha et al. 2015: Figs 2–4). Such a situation is comparable to, among others, neighbouring Tell el-Farkha (Dębowska-Ludwin 2012: 67; Jucha 2012). It should be emphasised here that, contrary to the above situation, relations among graves cutting into each other, but of very close chronology, were also observed at Tell el-Murra (Figs. 4–5). This is the case, for instance, in graves 2 and 20 (Fig. 4), both tentatively included into the same Naqada IIIC2 phase. It is obvious, however, that grave 2, which was cut into grave 20, should be considered slightly younger. That is also reflected through some differences between their assemblages (Kazimerczak 2014: 110–113, Fig. 5; Kazimierczak 2016a: 115, Fig. 39). Although the chronology could be slightly different, the timespan between both graves is undoubtedly shorter than in the example (graves 3, 4 and 5) mentioned above. In some other cases, while the number of grave goods is small (making dating at least one of the intersecting graves uncertain), a rather short chronological distance can also be assumed (graves 39 and 40; Fig. 5, graves 8 and 9; graves 17 and 33; Fig. 1). In such situations it seems possible that the location of the older graves should be known from the rather short period of time that passed before the younger burials were made. It also has to be highlighted that the younger grave disturbs a small part (usually a corner) of an older one. It can even be said that in most of these cases the younger grave does not disturb, but rather adjoins the older one. Furthermore, only the upper part of the latter was violated, almost not touching its assemblage, e.g. in the relations between graves 2 and 20, as well as between graves 39 and 40 (Figs. 4–5). It was also due to the fact that the younger grave was shallower, thus not reaching the bottom of the older one. It would be difficult in such cases to assume that the location of the older grave was unknown, especially as there was no destruction of the equipment. Perhaps, as far as it was intended, we are dealing here with a custom associated with burials of relatives, in which family relations were emphasised. If so, the occurrence of areas within the cemetery associated with related groups of people, possibly family, can be assumed. This could be correlated with abovementioned similar assumptions based on the distribution of graves. However, at this stage of research it is difficult to confirm it beyond any doubt. Grave goods The grave goods comprise mostly pottery vessels (Kazimierczak 2014; 2015; 2016a; 2016b). Stone vessels occurred quite frequently as well (Bąk-Pryc 2016). Other objects have been found in smaller quantities, or even as single examples. These include a bone bracelet (grave 5); a stone bracelet (grave 24);

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what seems to be a fragment of a spoon handle (grave 1); beads (graves 4, 14, 39); a flint knife with a tang for a handle (grave 7); a miniature-sized rectangular stone cosmetic palette (grave 20); as well as copper tools and weapons (graves 1 and 21) (Jucha et al. 2014: 144; Jucha et al. 2015: 201–203; Jucha & Bąk-Pryc 2016). As for the latter items, it is interesting to note that these occurred both in the relatively large and well-equipped grave 1, and in grave 21, which is relatively small and modest. This could be evidence that the presence of copper may not necessarily have been related to the wealth of the buried person. In case of the distribution of grave goods within a burial, it seems that there was no single rule concerning the placement of specific items in one, strictly defined area. Nonetheless, several remarks concerning the preferable location of at least some grave goods can be made. In general, the goods could be placed only inside a pit or a chamber (Figs. 5 top left; 6b; 7; 8; 11b; 12; 13); only outside a coffin (Fig. 11a); only in a coffin (Fig. 9); or both in a coffin as well as outside it (Figs. 4; 5 bottom right; 6a; 10). Pottery vessels were located, among other places, in the corners of a grave, including both large (Figs. 2: 1–2; 6a) as well as smaller (Figs. 3: 1–2; 6b) vessels. Pottery vessels were also placed in coffins, but rather sporadically, and if so, only in restricted quantities (graves 3, 5, 40; Figs. 6a; 9; 10). It is of some significance that when they were found in coffins, they included mostly cylindrical jars (Fig. 3: 12; e.g. graves 3, 40). It is worth noting that these were also situated in the corner to the west of the head of the deceased (Figs. 6a; 10). In burials containing pottery coffins, stone vessels, mainly squat and barrel shaped jars, but also cylindrical jars and less frequently bowls occur inside the coffin, while most of the pottery vessels are outside (Fig. 10). The latter also concerns stone bowls, which in several cases were placed in contact with the coffin from the outside. All objects could be placed within a coffin, as in the case of grave 5, which contained different types of pottery vessels, stone vessels, bone bracelets, and a rounded clay token (Fig. 9). Pottery (Fig. 7b) or stone vessels (Fig. 11b) were also located along one of the longer sides of a grave. As for flat pottery plates, these were frequently put edgeways between the wall of the chamber and the wall of the coffin (Fig. 3:18), or close to the wall of the burial (Fig. 7b). The placement of grave goods along shorter sides of the grave was also practiced (Fig. 7a). Objects more valuable than pottery vessels were frequently located closer to the body, in front of the face or next to the back of the head (stone palette, stone vessels; Fig. 10); close to the hands (copper tools or weapons, stone vessels); on the wrist (stone bracelets); or close to the feet (stone vessels; Figs. 8; 12). In graves with coffins such valuable objects, if present, were placed inside them. The location of at least some of them (e.g. stone vessels) matches their location within a pit or a chamber.

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Large jars with smoothed crescent-like decoration (Fig. 2: 4) or jars with a rope band pattern (so-called wine jars, Fig. 2: 5), could be, even in contemporary burials, located in the northern (Fig. 10) or southern (Fig. 4) part. Both types of jars are associated mainly with better-equipped graves, especially during Naqada IIIC2 (the former type with grave 1, and the latter with 20 and 40; Figs. 4; 10). Smaller and narrower examples of wine jars with rope bands (Fig. 2: 6–7) have also been found in better-equipped graves of slightly later chronology within the Naqada IIIC2 phase. These jars occurred also together with beer jars (Fig. 3: 8). Such co-occurrence was confirmed both for the poorer and better equipped graves (respectively 19 and 34; Figs. 2: 7; 3: 8; 7a; 13). Beer jars have also been discovered in graves devoid of wine jars, dated to the Naqada IIIC2/D phase (Figs. 3: 9–11; 11). If we consider wine a more valuable kind of grave offering than beer, it is tempting to see here the reflection of a decrease in the wealth of Tell el-Murra inhabitants with the passing of time. It could have happened possibly sometime around the middle of the 1st Dynasty, that is at a similar time to the above-mentioned change in the dominant orientation of the graves from north-east to south-west, to north to south, and roughly contemporary to an exceptionally large overflow from the reign of Den. It remains possible that correlation among all these factors is not without significance and can be suggested here. At least in the case of the currently explored Tell el-Murra graves, it has been observed that jars for liquids (wine or later beer) were more frequently located on the northern side in older graves of Naqada IIIB, C1, C2 phases (Fig. 10). This seems to remain in relation to the occurrence of graves with storage chambers on the northern side at that time. Conversely, beer jars were frequently placed in the south in younger graves of Naqada IIIC2/D (Fig. 11a). The latter custom may be related to the location of a storage chamber also on the southern side in contemporary two-chambered graves (Fig. 11b). However, it should be mentioned that there are also graves that deviate from this general rule. Some observations concerning the location of certain objects within the burial should also be highlighted. The abovementioned beer jars, located in the southern part, could be situated within the burial pit or the burial chamber (Fig. 11a) or within a separate storage chamber (Fig. 11b). However, in some cases beer jars were also placed in an area slightly above the bottom of the burial where the deceased and other items were located. Even more importantly, there are similarly graves in which beer jars were situated to the south, at a higher level, although outside the outline of the grave. This could happen even when other beer jars were located simultaneously inside (Fig. 12 grave 27). Another interesting example concerns grave 34 (Fig. 13), where beer jars in the southern part were located above other vessels belonging to the grave assemblage, including a narrow wine jar. Moreover,

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Fig. 13. Tell el-Murra. Trench S3. Grave 34 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

beer jars in this case were situated partly above the upper outline of the burial pit (which appears on the surface only throughout the subsequent exploration). These three examples were associated with the burial, but partly exposed above the level at which the outline of the uppermost part of the burial pit becomes visible. This is contrary to other elements of the grave assemblage located below, within a pit. In these cases it is tempting to interpret the remains as being associated with the burial, but of different character: on the one hand, grave goods constituting an integral part of an assemblage were designed for the afterlife and placed inside a grave; on the other, goods used during a funeral (funeral banquet) or later sacrifices related to the cult of ancestors were placed beside the grave chamber or pit later on by descendants of the deceased. Some graves are also worth mentioning due to the occurrence of exceptional objects. Among them are a relatively large vessel, imitating basketwork (cf. Kansa et al. 2002) on a foot with an internal ledge supporting the lid (grave 40), as well as fragments of several bread moulds put intentionally inside one of the jars located in the north-western corner of the grave (grave 40). What should also be emphasised is the occurrence of pot sherds intentionally placed within burials at the upper part of the body, close to the hands and covered by matting. The excavations at the cemetery provided burials ranging from very poor to relatively rich. Both, grave size and architecture as well as the quantity and quality of grave goods in certain graves point to social diversification within the Tell el-Murra society. Undoubtedly, some graves (e.g. grave 1 and grave 40)

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belonged to persons situated higher than others in the local hierarchy. The research is in progress, thus some of the assumptions discussed above could be considered preliminary, and they require confirmation or rejection based on more data obtained during further research. However, they represent an initial step in further studies concerning the burial customs of common people in early Egypt. The current results of the research at Tell el-Murra point towards very promising perspectives of research, which could provide more important data from the investigated area. Bibliography BĄK-PRYC, G., 2016. Stone Vessels [in:] JUCHA M.A., with Contributions by BĄKPRYC, G.; MAŁECKA-DROZD, N.; KAZIMIERCZAK, M.; OWNBY, M.F.; MĄDRZYK, K. PANKOWSKA, A., WOŹNIAK, B. & ABŁAMOWICZ, R. 2016. Polish Excavations at Tell el-Murra in the Nile Delta Preliminary Report 2013–2015. Archeologia 65: 131–135 BAKR, M.I., 1988. The New Excavations at Ezbet el-Tell, Kufur Nigm; the First Season, 1984 [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. (ed.), The Archaeology of the Nile Delta. Problems and Priorities. Amsterdam: 49–62. BAKR, M.I., 1994. Excavations of Kufur Nigm [in:] BERGER, C.; CLERC, G. & GRIMAL, N. (eds.), Hommages à Jean Leclant 4, Varia. Bibliothèque d’Étude 106/4. Cairo: 9–17. BAKR, M.I., 2003. Excavations at Ezbet al-Tel, Kufur-Nigm: The Third and Fourth Seasons (1988–1990) [in:] HAWASS, Z. (ed.), Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twentyfirst Century: Proceedings of the Eight International Congress of Egyptologists, Cairo 2000. Vol. 1. Cairo/New York: 30–43. BELL, B., 1970. The Oldest Records of the Nile floods. Geographical Journal 136: 569–573. BINFORD, L.R., 1971. Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology 25: 6–29. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2012. Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Settlement on the Western Kom [in:] M. CHŁODNICKI,M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 163–180. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2017, New Discoveries at Tell el-Farkha and the Beginnings of the Egyptian State. Études et Travaux XXX: 231–250. DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2012. The Cemetery [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 53–75. DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2013. Early Burial Customs in Northern Egypt: Evidence from the Pre-, Proto-and Early Dynastic Periods. British Archaeological Reports. International Series 2571. Oxford. GRZYB, K. & KAZIMIERCZAK, M., 2016. With Pottery to the Afterlife. Distribution of the Pottery Coffins and Vessels in the Assemblages of Tell el-Murra Graves (unpublished Paper Presented at the Conference: Delta and Sinai 2. Current Research, Krakow 29th September – 1st October 2016). HASSAN, F.A.; TASSIE, G.J.; EL-SENUSSI, A.; VAN WETERING J.; SHARP D. & CALCOEN B., 2007. A Preliminary Report on the Pottery from the Protodynastic to Early Dynastic Cemetery at Kafr Hassan Dawood, Wadi Tumilat, East Delta, Egypt [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt

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at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State, Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 41–59. JUCHA, M.A., 2009a. The North-Eastern Part of the Nile Delta – Research Perspectives: Polish Archeological Survey in the Ash-Sharqiyyah Governorate [in:] POPIELSKAGRZYBOWSKA, J. & IWASZCZUK, J. (eds.), Proceedings of the Fifth Central European Conference of Egyptologists. Egypt 2009: Perspectives of Research, Pułtusk 22-24 June 2009. Acta Archaeologica Pultuskiensia II. Pułtusk: 83–88, figs. 33–41. JUCHA, M.A., 2009b. Beer Jars of Naqada III Period: A View from Tell el-Farkha [in:] RZEUSKA, T.J. & WODZIŃSKA, A. (eds.), Studies on Old Kingdom Pottery. Warsaw: 49–60. JUCHA, M.A., 2012. Pottery from the Cemetery [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 77–86. JUCHA, M.A., 2014. The Nile Delta since the End of the Lower Egyptian Culture until the Beginning of Egyptian State [in:] JUCHA, M.A.; DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J. & KOŁODZIEJCZYK, P. (eds.), Aegyptus Est Imago Caeli: Studies Presented to Krzysztof M. Ciałowicz on his 60th Birthday. Kraków: 19–35. JUCHA, M.A., 2016. The Northeastern Part of the Nile Delta during the Naqada III Period [in:] ADAMS M.D.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT Y. (eds.), Egypt at Its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th–30th July 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 63–76. JUCHA M.A., 2016, with Contributions by BĄK-PRYC, G.; MAŁECKA-DROZD, N.; KAZIMIERCZAK, M.; OWNBY, M.F.; MĄDRZYK, K.; PANKOWSKA, A., WOŹNIAK, B. & ABŁAMOWICZ, R., Polish Excavations at Tell el-Murra in the Nile Delta, Preliminary Report 2013–2015. Archeologia 65: 85–146. JUCHA M.A. & BĄK-PRYC, G., 2016, Trench S3 – Cemetery [in:] JUCHA M.A., with Contributions by BĄK-PRYC, G.; MAŁECKA-DROZD, N.; KAZIMIERCZAK, M.; OWNBY, M.F.; MĄDRZYK, K.; PANKOWSKA, A., WOŹNIAK, B. & ABŁAMOWICZ, R., Polish Excavations at Tell el-Murra in the Nile Delta, Preliminary Report 2013– 2015. Archeologia 65: 88–100. JUCHA, M.A. & BĄK-PRYC, G., 2017. Settlement and Cemetery – New Research on the 4th/3rd Millennium Nile Delta Site of Tell el-Murra [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origins of the state, Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 175–197. JUCHA, M.A. & BUSZEK, A., 2011. Tell el-Murra (North-Eastern Nile Delta Survey). Season 2008. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XX, Research 2008: 177– 182. JUCHA, M.A.; BĄK-PRYC, G., CZARNOWICZ, M., 2014. Tell el-Murra (North-Eastern Nile Delta Survey) Season 2011. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XXIII/1, Research 2011: 141–152. JUCHA, M.A. BĄK-PRYC, G. & MAŁECKA-DROZD, N., 2015. Tell el-Murra (North-Eastern Nile Delta Survey) Seasons 2012–2013. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XXIV/1, Research: 199–214. JUCHA, M.A.; BŁASZCZYK, K.; BUSZEK, A. & PRYC, G., 2013. Tell el-Murra (Northeastern Nile Delta Survey). Season 2010. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean XXII, Research 2010: 105–120.

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JUNKER, H., 1912. Bericht über die Grabungen der Kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf Friedhof in Turah. Winter 1909–1910. Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Band LVI/1. Wien. KAISER, W., 1956. Stand und Probleme der ägyptischen Vorgeschichtsforschung. Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 81: 87–109. KANSA, E.; HENDRICKX, S.; LEVY, T.E. & VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. 2002. Nahal Tilah Reed Decorated Pottery: Aspects of Early Bronze Age IB Ceramic Production and Egyptian Counterparts [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. & YANNAI, E. (eds.), In Quest of Ancient Settlements and Landscapes: Archaeological Studies in Honour of Ram Gophna. Tel Aviv: 193–218. KAZIMIERCZAK, M., 2014. Pottery from Tell el-Murra Graves. Seasons 2011-2012. Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 18: 101–118. KAZIMIERCZAK, M., 2015. Beer Jars from Tell el-Murra Graves (Seasons 2011-2015). Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 19: 7–17. KAZIMIERCZAK, M., 2016a. The Pottery from the Graves – Trench S3, [in:] JUCHA M.A., with contributions by BĄK-PRYC, G.; MAŁECKA-DROZD, N.; KAZIMIERCZAK, M.; OWNBY, M.F.; MĄDRZYK, K.; PANKOWSKA, A., WOŹNIAK, B. & ABŁAMOWICZ, R., Polish Excavations at Tell el-Murra in the Nile Delta, Preliminary Report 2013– 2015. Archeologia 65: 113–121. KAZIMIERCZAK, M., 2016b. The Pottery from Early Dynastic Cemetery at Tell elMurra: Seasons 2011-2014 [in:] KAJZER, M.; MISZK, Ł. & WACŁAWIK, M. (eds.), The Land of Fertility, South-east of the Mediterranean from the Beginning of the Bronze Age to the Muslim Conquest. Newcastle upon Tyne: 3–18. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 1994. Minshat Abu Omar I: Ein vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Friedhof im Nildelta. Gräber 1-114. Mainz am Rhein. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 2000. Minshat Abu Omar II: Ein vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Friedhof im Nildelta. Gräber 115-204. Mainz am Rhein. MĄDRZYK, K.; PANKOWSKA, A. & WOŹNIAK, B., 2016. Anthropological Research [in:] JUCHA M.A., with Contributions by BĄK-PRYC, G.; MAŁECKA-DROZD, N.; KAZIMIERCZAK, M.; OWNBY, M.F.; MĄDRZYK, K.; PANKOWSKA, A., WOŹNIAK, B. & ABŁAMOWICZ, R., Polish Excavations at Tell el-Murra in the Nile Delta, Preliminary Report 2013–2015. Archeologia 65: 135–139. MÖLLER, G. & SCHARFF, A., 1926. Die archäologischen Ergebnisse des vorgeschichtlichen Gräberfeldes von Abusir el-Meleq. Leipzig. ROWLAND, J., 2014. Interregional Exchange: The Evidence from Kafr Hassan Dawood, East Delta [in:] MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (ed.), The Nile Delta as a Centre of Cultural Interactions between Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant in the 4th Millennium BC. Poznań: 269–298. WENGROW, D., 2006. The Archaeology of Early Egypt: Social Transformation in Northeast Africa, 10,000 to 2650 BC. Cambridge. WILKINSON, T.A., 1996. State Formation in Egypt: Chronology and Society. BAR International Series 651. Oxford. TRISTANT, Y.; DE DAPPER, M. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2008. Human Occupation of the Nile Delta during Pre- and Early Dynastic Times: A View from Kom el-Khilgan [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State, Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 463–482.

POTTERY VESSELS AS MARKERS OF SOCIAL IDENTITY: REGARDING THE DIVERSITY OF THE FUNCTION AND SIGNIFICANCE OF POTTERY VESSELS IN OPERATION 4, HELWAN FRIEDERIKE JUNGE Institute for Egyptology, University of Vienna, Austria

From 1998–2012 a team under the supervision of E.C. Köhler conducted excavations in a hitherto unexplored area of the Early Dynastic cemetery at Helwan, called Operation 4 (Op 4). There, a total of 218 tombs dating from ca. 2950 to 2600 BCE were uncovered that are currently being analysed regarding their architectural, physical anthropological, zoological, and botanical aspects, as well as their small finds and pottery; the latter being the subject of this paper.1 Thanks to modern documentation standards Operation 4 provides adequate contextual information and allows a socio-cultural approach to the analysis that goes beyond merely typological and chronological issues. Accordingly, ceramic vessels are considered as materialised traces of social practices, which in turn can give insight into social identities and religious beliefs of human beings; in this case, the inhabitants of Early Dynastic Memphis. Depending on the situation and the combination of social actors pottery vessels potentially fulfil several different functions of practical and/or symbolical nature. In the following paper, the broad spectrum of functionality and significance of ceramic vessels at Operation 4 shall be illustrated by means of a few selected examples.

Introduction The necropolis of Helwan is a well-known Early Dynastic archaeological site. By 1937 Hjalmar Larsen had excavated six tombs in this area, at this point known as Ma’asara (Larsen 1940a; 1940b). Only a few years later, from 1942 to 1954, Zaki Youssef Saad conducted large-scale research and uncovered more than 10,000 tombs within four main areas; though he only published a fractional amount (Köhler 2007: 108–112). In addition, as was normal at that time, his work concentrated rather on individual finds and features and mostly neglected contextual information. A similar picture is drawn for two further archaeological campaigns of the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation during 1966 and 1975 (El-Banna 1990; Adeeb 1991). Because of this unsatisfactory research situation and the progressive threat to the area through modern housing, in 1997 Macquarie University Sydney supported a project under the direction of E. Christiana Köhler in order to re-examine earlier excavations. In this process, 1 Since the analysis of the material is still in progress, all information should be regarded as preliminary. Only three quarters of the statistical analyses have been completed as of this article.

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a hitherto unexplored area within Saad’s Area 4 was discovered, named Operation 4, and excavated between 1998 and 2012 using modern standards. Therefore, for the first time, a comprehensive data-group for the necropolis of Helwan is available. In an area of 150 by 100 m 218 funerary structures dated from the late 1st to the early 4th Dynasties2 came to light (Köhler 2014: 1–5; see Köhler, this volume). As the location, architecture and equipment of an average tomb indicate, the buried human beings were most probably members of the Memphite middle and lower classes. Indeed, the tomb assemblages provided quite heterogeneous material. But except for some very small burial pits, almost every tomb contained ceramic vessels, often still in their original position, so that they usually constitute the lowest achievable common denominator. Ceramic sources Although pottery vessels represent the most common type of finds in archaeological contexts, their potential as a source of information has been underestimated for a long time. When it came to the analysis of ceramic artefacts, the focus was mostly on typological and chronological issues. It was only in the 1960s that Anglo-American researchers in the field of Pre- and Early History began to recognise and study the historico-cultural significance of ceramic finds as markers of social identity in detail.3 In that regard, the function of pottery vessels and their involvement in certain practices and contexts gained a greater importance in the scientific debate (Skibo 1992; 2013; Stockhammer 2009). As we move into the 21st century these new approaches are also finding their way into Egyptological research.4 For the Egyptian Early Dynastic Period, wide-ranging studies concerning the social significance of ceramic vessels in burial contexts are thus far absent. However, evaluation of the archaeological remains from Operation 4 at Helwan can contribute to filling this gap.

2 Although the chronological categorisation is not completed yet it is already apparent that the majority of the graves date to the 2nd Dynasty. 3 Basic studies have been conducted inter alia by W. Longacre (1970), D. Arnold (1985) and P. Rice (2000). 4 Amongst others, A. Seiler (2005) investigated the mutual relations between humans and ceramic vessels at the necropolis of Dra’ Abu el-Naga during the Second Intermediate Period, and T. Rzeuska (2006) discussed thoroughly different vessel functions within their respective context of use in the Old Kingdom tombs at Saqqara West. Also several studies regarding Pre- and Early Dynastic pottery address theoretical and functional aspects; see e.g. Buchez 1998: 97–103; Köhler 1998: 40–42.

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Materiality and social practices Following the theory of social practices, archaeological remains are material traces of past interactions between human beings and things, which constitute and communicate social realities (Ingold 2000; Reckwitz 2003). Social practices are defined as collective actions determined by the habitus of the involved social actors, i.e. their internalised knowledge, understanding/ insights and abilities (Bourdieu 1987: 101). These cognitive structures decide on the use of things and manifest in them. Thus, with their integration in activities things become ‘materialised culture’ and indicators for humans’ activities, identities, and beliefs (DeMarrais 2005: 12). A problematic issue in interpreting things/material culture is the inherent variability of functionality and significance. Indeed, the physical characteristics provide a framework for the utilisation of a thing (affordance)5, but in the end its perception and meaning change in relation to a specific situation and the arrangement of the participating social actors (Schreiber 2013: 65; Keßeler 2016: 349). Such dependence also applies to modern researchers, affecting their spectrum of conceivable interpretations (Hofmann 2016: 295). For this reason, it should be stressed that there cannot be one exclusive truth, but rather several equally important altering versions of reality. Accordingly, the significance(s) of a thing always should be analysed considering its context of use. This fact, in turn, represents a major issue when it comes to archaeological data, because the taphonomic record is usually full of gaps, and much important information is missing. But even though we are struggling with natural restrictions and limitations in perspective, the approximation for a portion of meanings can be achieved by careful and broadly defined analysis. Analysis of functionality As indicated above, the physical and morphological characteristics of a thing imply certain possibilities of its use. Regarding pottery vessels, relevant immanent criteria are the type and temper of clay, the shape and dimensions of a vessel, as well as its surface treatment. These properties affect the storage capacity, the porosity, and thermal and mechanical resilience. Furthermore, traces of usage and remnants of content provide information about an actual use (Köhler 1998: 40–42; Rice 2000: 207–242). Apart from those sensually perceivable utilisations ceramic vessels also fulfil more implicit functions (Stockhammer 2009). They communicate and constitute identities and positions of the participating social actors and reflect 5

Regarding the concept of affordance cf. J. Gibson (1982: 137).

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their ideologies and religious beliefs. As such functionalities are not necessarily intended in the manufacturing process, but develop in specific situations; they cannot be recognised solely by physical properties. They have to be explored by combining large-scale contextual and comparative cultural analyses (Bader 2013). Potential regarding Operation 4 Although most of the tombs at Operation 4 were already disturbed in ancient times, it was still possible to reconstruct the depositional contexts and primary positions of a large number of pottery vessels; not only in burial chambers, but also within the back-fill, near-surface, and aboveground layers (Köhler 2014: 9). Thereby the excavation team created the basic preconditions for a systemic functional analysis of ceramic vessels involved in social practices of private funerary contexts.6 As with other archaeological sites, pottery vessels represent the largest number of finds in Operation 4. Almost every tomb included at least one complete ceramic vessel, most contained significantly more. Hence there is a large body of data available for examining the social actors, who were present at this cemetery, i.e. the inhabitants of the Memphite region from the late 1st to the 4th Dynasty. Indications of practical use: Bowls with soot stains Regarding funerary equipment in general, the question arises if it had been deposited in a new state or if it had actually been used prior to deposition. In the first case, one could assume that the objects had been exclusively produced for burial purposes and only fulfilled a function as depositional goods. In the second case, they could represent re-used everyday items or burial-related goods that had been involved in funerary practices beyond deposition. While the majority of pottery vessels in Operation 4 show no explicit signs of wear, several instances prove that at least traces of usage were no reason to exclude them from deposition; a situation that is not unknown from Pre- and Early Dynastic elite burials (Hendrickx 2008: 78). Upon completion of statistical analyses, in Operation 4 there is evidence for twelve bowls with distinct soot stains at their lower interior body and/or around the rim area deriving most probably from an interior heat source. Six of these bowls had been found intact and two could be reconstructed as complete vessels (Fig. 1). In the other four cases, there were only rim fragments preserved, one of them also comprising the edge of a base (Table 1). 6 As mentioned before Operation 4 was treated with a broad focus and yet in a very detailed approach, whereas many earlier excavations at Early Dynastic private burial sites have suffered from uncontrolled work methods, documentation, and publication for different reasons, such as lack of interest and time or different research emphasis and standards.

POTTERY VESSELS AS MARKERS OF SOCIAL IDENTITY

Fig. 1. Complete bowls with soot stains from Operation 4.

301

Naqada IIID2

IIIC/D

–

P08-75

–

P05-47

–

Op4/174 Pit tomb

Op4/172 Subterranean chamber tomb

Op4/193 Subterranean chamber tomb

Op4/105 Pit tomb

Op4/209 Subterranean chamber tomb

IIID3

P05-17

–

P03-23

–

-

Op4/94 Subterranean chamber tomb

Op4/173 Subterranean chamber tomb

Op4/68 Subterranean chamber tomb

Op4/182 Pit tomb

Op4/158 Pit tomb

* Final dating is still pending.

IIID3*

IIID2*

IIID3

IIID2

IIID3

Op4/96 P05-27 Small shaft tomb

Naqada III*

IIID2

Naqada III*

IIID3

P00-60

Op4/11 Pit tomb

Date / Date group

P-No.

Tomb-No. Type

212-321

22421

21xx1

21221

21421

21421

21221

21221

21201

21221

21221

21201

Warecode (Köhler 1998: 3f.)

rim sherd

rim sherd

intact

complete

complete

intact

rim sherd

Intact (small parallel cut marks at the rim)

intact

intact

rim sherd

intact

Preservation

421

322

321/322

403

322

322

too small

320/350

406

406

405/406

405

Disturbed entrance to burial chamber

Upper and middle fill

Undisturbed fill south of coffin

Detailed context

D 20 cm

D 21 cm

H 4 cm D 16.8 cm

H 4.9 cm D 20.5 cm

H 4.8 cm D 17.2 cm

H 4.2 cm D 16 cm

D undet.

H 6.5 cm D 12.2 cm

Fill of partially disturbed burial pit

Lower and lowest fill of burial pit

Lower fill of burial chamber

In front of door blocking

Deposit in an antechamber behind the door blocking

Floor of burial chamber, probably disturbed

Level of disturbed burial

South of burial, close to the feet

H 4.7 cm Level of disturbed burial D 10.8–11.2 cm

H 4.5 cm D 10.2 cm

H 3.9 cm D 11 cm

H 6 cm D 11.5 cm

Shape (Köhler Dimensions 2014: 32f.)

Table 1. Bowls with soot stains sorted by shape.

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All but one of the bowls were made of alluvial silt with a standard temper, but on the basis of morphological characteristics, they emerge as two groups. The representatives of the first group have rather deep bodies, are wet smoothed and partially covered by a red slip. According to a list of shapes compiled by Köhler (2014: 32–33), they are designated as numbers 405 to 406 and 320 (Figs. 2; 3). The second group comprises of shallower bowls with larger diameters and partially protruding rims, i.e. the shape numbers 321/322 and 403. In addition, the bowl in pit tomb Op4/158 exhibits a little internal lip, corresponding to shape 421. The vessel in Op4/94 has a small depression/pinch at the rim,

Fig. 2. Bowl P08-75 from tomb Op4/173.

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Fig. 3. Bowl P05-47 in tomb Op4/105.

which possibly served as a kind of a spout. Similar bowls have been found in the 6th Dynasty mastaba of Kaemsenu, Werdjededptah and Sehetpu at Saqqara (Firth & Gunn 1926: 31–33, Fig. 32:6) and in the settlement at Tell el-Murra dated from the 5th to 6th Dynasties (Jucha 2016: 121, Fig. 44:3). The vessels in the subterranean chamber tombs Op4/68 and Op4/173 have wick holders at the centre of their interior base. Their morphology and use-wear resemble a bowl from the Pre- and Early Dynastic settlement at Buto (Köhler 1998: 28, pl. 49:11).

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All bowls except the one from tomb Op4/173 are either well smoothed or polished and covered by a red slip. The bowl from tomb Op4/68 must be excluded at this point because its surface is too eroded to make clear statements. Nonetheless, this surface treatment appears as a characteristic feature of group two. Since it has a positive effect on the heating efficiency and reduces the absorption of liquids like oil (Berger 2010: 30f.), such a surface treatment would support the assumption of an interior heat source. Altogether the technical data suggest that the vessels of group two were intentionally produced to burn fuels or scenting substances, whereas the bowls of group one could represent early forms of group two or re-used vessels with a diverging primary function. The vessels in question occur equally in pit tombs and subterranean chamber tombs mainly dating to Naqada IIID. Three intact vessels and three rim fragments derived from pit tombs or small shaft tombs. They were either located at the bottom of the burial pit, within its lower fill or in the fill above the coffin. The bowls in tomb Op4/11 and Op4/105 were placed on the southern side of the pit near the deceased’s feet (Fig. 3). The subterranean chamber tombs revealed five intact or fully reconstructable bowls and one rim fragment, found either in the subterranean entrance area or in the burial chamber at the level of the corpse. In tomb Op4/94 an intact bowl with soot stains (P05-17) had been located in the southwestern corner of a small antechamber behind the entrance. It was accompanied by several limestone ‘dummy vessels’, two beer jars and three further bowls (Köhler 2017: 364, pl. 59). In the small shaft tomb Op4/96 a soot-stained bowl (P05-27) was found in the lowermost fill in the north of the burial chamber, also directly associated with several stone vessels, relatively close to two copper bowls and two copper tools in the layer above and below (Köhler 2017: 386, pl. 64). In all the above cases it seems that the bowls had been used at any time before the burial and were deposited before the tomb was completely back-filled. They could have served as sources of light on the way to the tomb and/or while preparing, furnishing and blocking the subterranean part.7 Equally, they could have been used to burn scenting substances and offerings in the funerary process as it is suggested for similar findings in Old Kingdom tombs at Dahshur, where different assemblages were found at the transition to the burial chamber. It is suggested that these deposits were used for incense, pouring, libation, and ritual washing, and represent remnants of closing ceremonies (Alexanian 1998: 11).

7 Bruyere (1937: 99, 136–137) reported several bowls with soot stains at Deir el-Medineh, which had apparently been deposited and lit just before the tomb’s entrance had been closed, they must have been extinguished soon after due to the lack of oxygen. A somewhat longer utilisation is proven in the 18th Dynasty tomb of Nefer-Khewet in Thebes. In his burial chamber there was a roughly carved recess whose walls and ceiling were blackened by an oil-lamp (Hayes 1935: 35).

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Usage of damaged and broken vessels8 Several findings at Pre- and Early Dynastic burial sites indicate that burials could have been deliberately provided only with vessel fragments instead of complete items (Hassan 2000: 39). In Operation 4 there is evidence for three burials in which a single very small bread mould fragment had been located within or under the deceased’s right hand. The latter was in turn placed in front of the face and pointed to the mouth.9 Two tombs, namely Op4/151 and Op4/200, were shallow simple pit tombs with hardly any (ceramic) grave goods.10 The deeper pit tomb Op 4/142 at the transition of Naqada IIIC to IIID contained several further pottery vessels; among them many bread mould fragments as well as partly intact and sealed beer jars in the upper fill. Tomb Op 4/142 and Op4/151 contained male adults aged from 20 to 29 and 35 to 40 years, and tomb Op4/200 a sub-adult of unknown sex (Köhler 2016: Abb. 4). Therefore, it seems that the use of bread mould fragments is not a matter of age, but rather of a certain wealth – which would match the relatively small burial size, simple architecture, and the poor accoutrements –, social status, and/or a group-specific or personal preference. In addition, the deceased’s sex may also play a role, but since the dataset is very small such a trend cannot be detected. By providing the deceased with bread mould fragments, the relatives possibly tried to ensure an unlimited and perpetual food supply (Grajetzki 2003: 6), while causing as little costs and effort as possible. Despite its fragmented condition, the bread mould fragment was probably still considered as being able to maintain the function originally intended in its manufacturing process, namely to bake and hold the bread. In addition, the notion of feeding was emphasised by imitating the gesture of grasping food and raising a hand to the mouth. In this regard the fragment posed as a pars pro toto not only for a whole functional bread mould and its edible content, but for an eternal provision of food in general. This assumption may be supported by an observation in the small pit tomb Op4/43 dated to date group IIID3 that corresponds to most archaeological parameters of the previously described instances. The deceased also held his right hand in front of his face, but clasped a piece of fabric with a dark brown organic substance on it. The owner was probably male and aged between 35 and 39 years (Köhler 2014: 337, pl. 72). Despite the tomb being 8

There are also deformed vessels attested in Operation 4, but they will not be considered at this point. 9 A very similar arrangement is known from tomb 958 at Kafr Hassan Dawood, where the deceased’s left hand touched the face and held a pottery sherd of rough ware, most probably a fragment of a bread mould or a pot stand (Hassan et al. 2008: 52). 10 Due to the scarcity of finds the tombs can only be roughly dated to Naqada III.

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well preserved and considered to have been found in its original condition, it only contained five non-diagnostic ceramic fragments. While the bread mould fragments mentioned could have been broken by accident and reused afterwards, there are also hints pointing to a deliberate destruction of ceramic vessels in Operation 4. The upper fill of the pit tomb Op4/217a contained a small red polished jar (P10-46+47), which had been divided into halves and then piled on top of each other. The distinct break in the middle of the body could arise from a precise stroke (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4. Broken jar P10-46+47 from tomb Op4/217a.

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Fig. 5. Broken wine jar in pit tomb Op4/190.

Another broken vessel was found in the pit tomb Op4/190 (Fig. 5)11. On top of a wooden coffin lay a wine jar that had been broken around its lower third. The lower part was then reversed and placed next to the upper part. Hardness and thickness of the ceramic material, as well as the slope of the break, make it very likely that this wine jar had been destroyed deliberately and not fragmented by accident. 11

Also cf. Kuch, this volume, Fig. 1; Köhler 2016: Abb. 5.

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The use of broken vessels is also attested at other Early Dynastic burial sites. For example there is a clear reference in the 1st Dynasty pit tomb 70 at Minshat Abu Omar (Kroeper & Wildung 2000: 100). In this case, a fragmented large, rather shallow bowl had been placed behind the deceased’s head. One of its fragments had been taken and used to cover a beer jar in the opposite corner of the tomb. Therefore, the bowl had been definitely destroyed before the arrangement of grave goods was finished and the pit was backfilled. In the context of broken vessels, another conspicuous phenomenon at Operation 4 should be mentioned. In a few cases, the bases of beer jars had been pierced prior to the firing process and thereby discharged from their otherwise expected practical function of storage.12 It might be assumed that those beer jars had a symbolic meaning and fulfilled a communicative function, which admittedly still remains to be clarified. However, a find from a 1st Dynasty tomb at Minshat Abu Omar leads in a somewhat different direction. In the north-western corner of the pit tomb 435 stood a beer jar with a pierced base in an upright position that had been filled with black dense soil and covered by a reversed red polished bowl (Kroeper & Wildung 2000: 167f.). In this case, a ceramic stick had been found in situ in the aperture of the jar so that it theoretically could have stored substances. In this regard, the small perforation at the base might have helped to pour out liquids in a slower and more directed fashion. Exceptional arrangements In favour of a wide-ranging contextual analysis, it is not only important to consider the selection, quantity, type and condition of artefacts, but also their placement in relation to one another and arrangement in space. As mentioned before, the way in which subjects were positioned and combined can be regarded as a result of social practices reflecting religious concepts and social identities (Parker Pearson 2003: 84; Stevenson 2009: 161). Even if we have to keep in mind that the actual form and performance of ideal concepts and identities are also affected by real-world conditions such as logistical capacities, availability of resources and space, as well as coincidences (Näser 2008: 445).

12 Deliberately perforated pottery vessels are known from several Pre- and Early Dynastic burial sites as well as settlements; i.e. Heliopolis (Debono & Mortensen 1988: 48); Tell el-Murra (Chłodnicki, Ciałowicz & Mączyńska 2012: 116, Fig. 18.1; Jucha 2016: Fig. 41:10); Tell el-Farkha (Jucha 2005: 55, pl. 86:5); and Buto (Köhler 1998: pl. 7:9, pl. 49:14–16). The above mentioned holes made before firing should be distinguished from perforations aiming at repair, which are also attested at vessel bases, e.g. at Adaïma (Crubézy, Janin & Midant-Reynes 2002: 157). A further probably independent phenomenon exists in drilling two holes at the same level of a vessel’s lower body (Chłodnicki, Ciałowicz & Mączyńska 2012: Figs. 10.3, 26.9; Hartmann 2017: 613, Fig. 8).

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At Operation 4 many examples indicate that objects were not placed by chance, but were deliberately chosen and arranged.13 Some extraordinary instances will be discussed below in detail. Three well preserved and most likely intact pit tombs display a thoughtful setup of two vessels apparently referring to the body of the deceased (Figs. 6, 7; Table 2).14 The pit tomb Op4/23 (Köhler 2014: 251–252, pl. 50) dated in the late Naqada III Period, contained the burial of an adult (>25 years) of indeterminate sex along the eastern longitudinal side of a wooden coffin. Along the western side, one rather fine bowl (P01-26) was located in front of the deceased’s face and one jar in an upright position next to his feet. The bowl is made of medium fine marl clay with no or only a few inclusions, covered with a red slip and streaky polished on the interior and upper exterior surface. Conversely, the jar (P01-25) is rather rough, being made of medium coarse alluvial silt, wet smoothed and without any coating. Tomb 163 at Minshat Abu Omar produced a very similar vessel set at its narrow southern end, which is the supposed foot end (Kroeper & Wildung 2000: 87). The simple pit tomb is dated to the 1st Dynasty and housed a child of indeterminate sex aged between five and six years. As in Op4/23 the jar was roughly made from reddish medium coarse alluvial silt, wet smoothed and without any coating. The bowl was also made of medium coarse alluvial silt and uncoated, but well smoothed. A similar arrangement can be observed in the well-preserved pit tomb Op4/12 dated to the Naqada III Period (Köhler 2014: 207–208, pl. 36). Within a thick layer of mud and decayed wood were the remains of a child aged between five and seven years. Equally, there was a bowl in front of its face, though in this case it was made of limestone (S01-7), and at the foot of the burial stood a ceramic bowl instead of a jar. The bowl (P01-69) was made of medium coarse alluvial silt, wet smoothed and covered with a red slip. A set-up of two bowls was also found in the intact pit tomb Op4/14 (Köhler 2014: 211–214, pl. 38) dated to the early Naqada IIID phase. Within the outlines of a decayed wooden coffin were the remains of an infant skeleton and three stone vessels. In front of the head stood a siltstone bowl (S01-10) and north of the feet there was a calcite bowl with thick walls (S01-11) turned upside down. The third vessel was a small calcite jar, which had been placed under the skull and thereby would have been invisible in a top view. 13 Needless to say, that the thoughtful arrangement of grave goods is not exclusively proven/ presumed at Operation 4. 14 Simple Pre- and Early Dynastic tombs were often equipped with only a few or no grave goods. Relatively well-preserved instances with two pottery vessels included rather jars, specifically cylindrical vessels (Jucha 2016: 90, Fig. 6; Junker 1912: pl. XXII; Kroeper & Wildung 1994: 2, 17, 28, 33, 37, 79, 99, 102, 126, 130, 134; Kroeper & Wildung 2000: 42, 89, 120, 137). The arrangement of one bowl and one jar at a time is attested since the Naqada II Period (Buchez 1998: 103).

POTTERY VESSELS AS MARKERS OF SOCIAL IDENTITY

Fig. 6. Arrangement of vessels at floor level in Op4/12, Op4/14 and Op4/23.

Fig. 7. Vessels at floor level of the pit tombs Op4/12, Op4/14 and Op4/23.

311

Naqada IIIC2-D

Late Naqada III

Naqada IIIC-D1 (1. 5–6 years Dynasty) n/a

Tell el-Iswid S09 Pit tomb

Op4/23 Pit tomb

MAO Tomb 163

Pit tomb

Early Naqada IIID

Op4/14 Pit tomb

>25 years n/a

20–30 years n/a

2–3 years n/a

5–7 years n/a

Naqada III

Op4/12 Pit tomb

Burial: Age and Sex

Date group

Tomb-No. and type

Bowl

Alluvial silt

Alluvial silt

Loessy (Marl-) clay

Bowl P01-26

Jar

Alluvial silt

Limestone? Calcite

Two stone vessels S09/3, S09/4 Jar with broad shoulder P01-25

Alluvial silt

Two beer jars S09/1, S09/2

Siltstone Calcite

Bowl S01-10

Alluvial silt

Bowl P01-69

Bowl S01-11

Limestone

Material

Bowl S01-07

Vessel type Yellowish white

Colour

Well smoothed

Wet smoothed, Self-slip

Streaky polished, red slip

Wet smoothed, rough base

Scraped

Red (2.5 YR 4/6)

Red (2.5YR 4/6)

Buff fabric (5YR 6/4) Red slip (o. 2.5 YR 6-5/6, i. 10 R 5/5)

Reddish fabric (2.5YR 6/6)

Whitish

Reddish

Whitish

Greyish brown

Wet smoothed, red Red slip slip (10R 5/6)

Surface treatment

Table 2: Juxtaposition of vessel types regarding exceptional arrangements in Helwan Operation 4, Adaïma and Minshat Abu Omar.

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The arrangements in Op4/12 and Op4/14 somewhat remind of the intact burial S09 at Tell el-Iswid dated to Naqada IIIC2–D that housed the burial of an adult between 20 and 30 years. In this case, one alluvial silt beer jar at a time had been deposited in the northern and southern corner of the tomb, while two small stone vessels were situated behind the head and under the chin (Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2014: 86–87). In summing up, the above mentioned arrangements occur in simple pit tombs of the late Naqada III Period. The deposition of one bowl and one jar is attested in the burial of an adult and a child, whereas the combination of two bowls appears in the case of an infant and a young child. The selected vessels show no striking common characteristics as they differ in shape, dimensions, material and surface treatment (Fig. 7). But perhaps it is just this diversity that was aimed for. In Op4/23 and MAO tomb 163 the vessels are clearly distinguished by type and surface treatment (rough without slip vs. polished with red slip or well smoothed); in Op4/12 and S09 by material/colour (reddish alluvial silt vs. whitish limestone or calcite); and in Op4/14 by material/colour (dark siltstone vs. pale calcite) and deliberate positioning (reversed vs. upright). Thus, besides the distinct spatial segregation of the vessels, a further aspect of the arrangement would be the distinct separation of their respective functional and visual properties. Another reference for the interrelation between positioning and functionality can be found in the tombs Op4/28 and Op4/168, in which pottery bowls appear to have been deliberately deposited upside down. Op4/28 is a large rectangular pit tomb with interior ledges dated to Naqada IIID1–2 that housed the burial of a probable male adult aged 40 to 44 years inside a wooden coffin. The reversed bowl (P01-64) had been located within a deposit along the western longitudinal side of a wooden compartment and outside the decayed coffin. Though the tomb had been disturbed several times, this accumulation held many intact pottery vessels and was most likely not affected by looting activities (Köhler 2014: 261–270, pl. 55). It included large cattle bones as well as ceramic bowls, plates, and beer jars that were partially filled with dark organic substances and small animal bones. The reversed bowl was located at the centre and on top of the deposit partly covering the cattle’s shoulder bones. The structure Op4/168 was also a pit tomb with interior ledges, but somewhat smaller than Op4/28. It is dated to the date group IIID2 and housed the burial of a male adult aged older than 46 years. In this case, the reversed bowl (P08-61) was found on the eastern ledge at the southern end of a row of upright beer jars aligned along the pit’s wall (Fig. 8). Similar findings are also attested at other Early Dynastic burial sites, though often only little contextual information is available so far due to changes in research questions, unclarified transformation processes and lack of publication.

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Fig. 8. Tomb Op4/168.

For example, a reversed bowl was found in the south-eastern corner of the pit tomb Z90 at Zawiyet el-Aryan (Dunham 1978: 6). This tomb was apparently disturbed, and the course of the disturbance and the positioning of the reversed bowl cannot be ascertained. This is also the case with the pit tomb 19.m.5 in Turah (Junker 1912: Taf. IX). A reversed bowl is also attested in tomb 4 at Kom E in Tell el-Farkha, but this still needs to be published.15 15 The piece is known to the author from the gallery at the official Tell el-Farkha website. http://www.farkha.org/english/galeria.html (01.03.2018).

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Fairly well attested is a reversed ceramic bowl in the 1st Dynasty pit tomb 404 at Minshat Abu Omar (Kroeper & Wildung 2000: 109–110). It was part of a vessel deposit south of the burial and covered a smaller stone bowl. Another reference comes from grave 19 at Tell el-Murra16 dated to Naqada IIIC2, which housed the burial of a male aged between 18 and 22 years (Jucha 2016: 93–95, 117, Fig. 40:4; Jucha, this volume, Fig. 5). The reversed bowl was situated in the centre of the eastern longitudinal pit wall in front of the deceased’s bent forearms. A further example, although from a Protodynastic context, was found at the burial site of Adaïma in Upper Egypt. The intact pit tomb 68 is dated to Naqada IIIA1 and held an adult female aged 25 to 45 years (Crubézy, Janin & Midant-Reynes 2002: 161–164). Here the reversed bowl was placed in front of the woman’s chest and head, above her bent forearms. Furthermore, the Predynastic pot burial S658 (Midant-Reynes et al. 2002: 84, Fig. 16); burial S597 (Hochstrasser-Petit 2005: 58, Fig. 24a); and burial S559 (Baduel 2008: 1070, Fig. 13) at Adaïma had been accompanied by a reversed bowl. In summary, it is likely that the reversal of a certain type17 of vessel had been implemented in the Delta, the Memphite region, and Upper Egypt since the Predynastic Period. The possible reasons for the bowls being placed upsidedown can vary widely. In line with a practical functionality, they may have covered and thus secured something beneath such as organic substances, bones or other items.18 Following a symbolic approach, reversed vessels could have constituted an intended counterpart to properly disposed vessels as a metaphor of emptiness after pouring or redistributing their content in the course of the burial. In addition, the reversal could have been also intended to reinforce the opposite to the standards of everyday life and to illustrate the separation of the realm of the dead from the world of the living (Parker Pearson 2003: 26). Contents as an indicator of functional conversion As mentioned above the manufacturing of a vessel relates to a certain idea of usage and results in more or less specific physical properties. But the actual use can be contradicting since functionality varies depending on situations and combinations of social actors. Therefore, in this paper, the term functional conversion is applied to vessels used in a way that does not fit the function indicated by the vessels physical properties. 16 The reversal of bowls is apparently not uncommon at Tell el-Murra (Jucha, this volume, Figs. 7, 8). 17 The bowls mentioned show distinct similarities in shape, dimensions, and surface treatment, but for now, it needs to be clarified if they actually form a pattern in comparison to other bowl types in a broader local and chronological context. 18 This explanation seems to be in line with bowls of different sizes that were (re-)used to cover jars as a kind of a lid. In this regard even relatively big bowls are attested (Chłodnicki, Ciałowicz & Mączyńska 2012: 161, Fig. 22; Kroeper & Wildung 2000: 75f., 167–168).

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In Operation 4 functional conversions can frequently be recognised by residues and remnants of contents. Several tombs were equipped with assemblages of different ceramic vessels filled with edible and inedible plant remains, animal bones, ash, mud as well as fragments of stone and ceramic containers. Similar contents are also attested at many other Pre- and Early Dynastic as well as later Egyptian burial sites, and are usually interpreted as evidence for feasting, offering or as symbolic substitutes (Petrie & Quibell 1896: 19; Debono & Mortensen 1988: 48). At Operation 4 an interesting case can be found in the subterranean chamber of tomb Op4/83, date group IIID1–2 (Fig. 9). Besides the main chamber, the substructure comprised of two side chambers or niches that had been packed with several pottery jars. In the first chamber right behind the entrance (Chamber A), 13 wine jars lay on top of each other and in the second chamber behind the entrance (Chamber B) 9 beer jars and 4 smaller jars clustered around a large boulder. The jars still partly held their original sealings and contained ash and plant remains (Köhler 2017: 270; Moustafa, this volume). Therefore, at any point before locking the substructure a fire must have taken place, in which plants were burned and/or served as fuel. This could point to feasting activities

Fig. 9. Substructure of tomb Op4/83 with beer and wine jar deposits.

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without animal products, a burning of offerings and scenting plants or just a pyre lighting the burial space. In any case, the jars did not fulfil their intended function, namely to hold beer and wine. So, one should ask, why the remnants of the fire were located in the substructure and within the jars and not left on the ground or buried with the backfill.19 What did this conversion of use communicate and who did it address? The same question arises regarding a ceramic vessel deposit in tomb Op4/148 (Fig. 10). The descent of this tomb included at least 13 complete beer jars holding ash, partly burnt plant remains and pottery fragments.20 The smaller ceramic fragments were mostly completely burnt and showed none of the original surface. The larger fragments exhibited only little or no traces of burning. They derived mainly from red polished bowls, beer jars, and bread moulds. Some of the larger sherds originally may have stabilised a mud sealing and later on had accidentally been pushed inside the jar. But the smaller, frequently burnt fragments should be considered as intended. Therefore in this case, we not only see a functional conversion of the filled beer jars, but also of the broken vessels, whose intentional function of storing, transporting or serving certain contents was abandoned and replaced by being themselves contents. Here too, the question arises as to why individual vessel fragments had been put inside the beer jars; what did that mean to the performers of the funeral? Were the burnt pieces remnants of feasting or an offering? What about the unburnt fragments? Were they parts of randomly broken vessels or thoughtfully chosen, even deliberately broken? Actually, the contents could have been placed in the tomb because of various reasons: 1. The surface of the cemetery was possibly meant to be rather clean and funeral participants were not willing to spend energy and time to return with the objects used at the funeral; although this hypothesis could be contradicted by the following observation. None of the larger pottery fragments deriving from the beer jars in Op4/148 could have been refitted with finds from other contexts in this tomb. It is therefore very likely that not all pieces of the vessels in question had been located in the substructure. The living could have also discarded the sherds in another area that has not been preserved, scattered them somewhere in the necropolis, or took them back to the settlement. 2. Goods that had been used within the funeral ceremony might have been considered polluted and therefore had to be removed from everyday life by placing them with the deceased (Parker Pearson 2003: 24). 19 The practice of throwing animal bones and away into shafts and backfill while closing a tomb is already well attested at Pre- and Early Dynastic burial sites. Cf. Ablamowicz, Debowska & Jucha 2004: 402; Debowska 2013: 77. 20 Small burnt pottery fragments have been frequently observed when jars contained ash at Helwan.

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Fig. 10. Descent with beer jar deposit in tomb Op4/148.

3. Perhaps the deposition helped the mourners to leave behind everything that was connected to the act of the interment, including their grief, but also a certain fear of and an aversion to death. 4. Conversely, the living may have wanted to create a long-term medium reminding of the performance of certain social practices, which was better protected from transformation processes inside the tomb. 5. Or the fillings were used to express and materialise the thought that the deceased could take part in the actions of the living and benefit from them.

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Conclusion All examples mentioned in this paper illustrate the large scope of vessel functions and demonstrate the high potential of a socio-cultural approach in analysing pottery. It emerges that funerary ceramic vessels were not exclusively aligned with the deceased’s needs and preferences, but also formed an active constituent for the living community of the bereaved. They could have served to display the separation of the living from the dead, symbolise and stabilise status and beliefs, and offer visible means of memory. Therefore, the uses of pottery vessels in funerary contexts reveal certain aspects of the Early Dynastic reality of life and enlighten social and religious concepts and perceptions of individuals, groups, and societies. But likewise it becomes clear that the understanding and interpretation of functionality and significance is always determined by the perceiving individual, and is therefore naturally limited. The examination of vessel functionality applied to Operation 4 does not strive to generate only one valid truth, binding rules or regularities. It rather stresses the situational ligation of meanings and argues for context-specific interpretations that consider the diverse interconnections between humans and things; in the hope to achieve a better and more comprehensive knowledge and understanding of the Early Dynastic Memphite society. Acknowledgments The author would like to thank the Ministry of Antiquities (MoA) and the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) for their permission and support of the Helwan Project. Excavations and post-excavation analyses were funded by Macquarie University, the Australian Research Council, the Institute for Bioarchaeology, the Brennan Foundation, the University of Vienna, the Austrian Science Fund (FWF, project-no. P27123-G21), and private donations. The author is grateful to all members of the Helwan team and the project supervisor E. Christiana Köhler for providing help and advice. Photographs and drawings are courtesy of the Helwan Project. Bibliography ABLAMOWICZ, R.; DEBOWSKA, J. & JUCHA, M., 2004. The Graves of Tell el-Farkha (Seasons 2001-2002) [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August ‒ 1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 399–419. ADEEB, H., 1991. Excavations of the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation at Ezbet Kamel Sedqi in Helwan. Ancient Middle Eastern Soc. 2.8: 10–18.

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MASS POPULATION MIGRATION VS. CULTURAL DIFFUSION IN RELATIONSHIP TO THE SPREAD OF ASPECTS OF SOUTHERN CULTURE TO NORTHERN EGYPT DURING THE LATEST PREDYNASTIC: A BIOANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACH SHOMARKA O.Y. KEITA Department of Anthropology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, United States

The spread of aspects of southern Predynastic culture to northern Egypt associated with increasing social complexity and political unification may have occurred in a number of ways. Population migration from south to north with or without military conquest, the traditional view is one possibility that has now been criticised on archaeological grounds. The other is that cultural diffusion took place with little migration. Other scenarios involving intermediate degrees of migration and cultural diffusion are possible. Beyond the question of causality in the production of cultural change is what happened to the population over time as the cultural change occurred. Population growth and the incorporation of new communities often accompany increasing social complexity and state formation. Standard techniques used to assess biological distance are used to explore the question of migration and merger by studying the craniofacial similarity of samples from varying sites and dates in southern Egypt. The results are more consistent with a complex picture of interaction than with either a simple model of migration or cultural diffusion. They do not support a massive migration from south to north over time with increasing social complexity.

Introduction In traditional interpretations the final phase of the Egyptian Predynastic is usually interpreted as providing evidence for the cultural and eventual political unity between northern and southern Egypt (Midant-Reynes 1992) due primarily to the agency and migration of southern Egyptians perhaps with some militarism. What was the mechanism of this cultural interaction/transfer between south and north during the latest part of the Predynastic Period? In the main was it due to the mass migration of southern Egyptians and the spreading their culture called “Nagadakultur” as suggested by Kaiser (1957: 69–71)? Or was it due primarily to a peaceful and gradual interaction? Köhler (1995; 2008) argues, based on archaeology, that there was no change of the north by the south via mass migration, that the northern and southern traditions were variations of a common culture, but that there was a strong southern ‘political influence’ in the ‘second stage of state formation’ during the 1st Dynasty. In this view the regions gradually grew together.

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The goal of this small study is to examine one class of biological data that might shed some perspective on the question of migration. It is in part a continuation of aspects of previous work done by Keita and Godde (2016), but also uses Dynastic samples. The issue of increasing social complexity from the Badarian through the Dynastic Period and the unification of Egypt can be seen as the social context which may have had biological consequences analogous to other social situations that have influenced biological variation. The Dynastic Egyptian Culture that ensued could be interpreted as a product of a kind of ethnogenesis – the result of merger of different synchronic cultural practices (see Moore 1994) which in theory could also apply to populations. Stojanowski (2013) notes that various social contexts can have biological consequences due to the abandoning of endogamy and narrow notions of identity and that these consequences can sometimes possibly be detectable in archaeological remains. This, in terms of theory, is broadly consistent with the finding that there is a parallel increase in serogenetic variation with ‘cultural evolution’ defined as temporal change through the progression of band, tribe, chiefdom and state (Beals & Kelso 1975), although it is now acknowledged that this traditionally taught linear scheme does not describe all historical trajectories and may reflect a narrow notion of complexity. Changes in social complexity with population intermarriage have also been shown to possibly affect variability in body morphology (Oliver & Howells 1957). What is being emphasised is that social complexity is often accompanied by the breakdown of isolation and merger of smaller social units into larger ones which could also be coupled with territorial expansion, and also increasing population size – an independent factor in increasing population variability. In terms of ancient Egypt, it is interesting to note that each successive Predynastic Phase apparently covers more geographical territory in the sense of a spread of specific cultural markers. There is some detectable north to south variation in Egypt in the earlier Predynastic (Keita & Godde 2016). In the most extreme situation if the later northern and southern populations were nearly biologically the same as the source [southern] population this might suggest simple settler colonisation and replacement (with or without militarism and there is no evidence of mass annihilation). Migration with continuous admixture/intermarriage (versus population replacement) could also change the biology of the population. If there is notable persistence of regionality in biological traits this would tend to favour the notion that there had been more of a process of cultural diffusion without mass population movement. The approach utilised here involves using samples treated as biological units that are analysed using cranial morphometrics in order to assess similarity based on a concept of biological distance (Mukherjee et al. 1955; Ashton et al. 1957; Sokal 1961; Goodman 1972; Albrecht 1980; Abbott 1985). The assumption is that similarity, as an indicator of resemblance, can be an index to biological affinity in the sense of genealogical relationship or relative relatedness.

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Craniofacial variability is used as a marker of difference useful enough to make assessments about affinity and identity depending on the context; this has been demonstrated in forensic work. Numerous craniofacial traits have good heritabilities across populations (reviewed in Keita 1988). In addition to forensic identification craniofacial measurements have been used in various techniques to assess relationship. For example, cephalometry has been used to assess the likely familial relationships of New Kingdom elites (see Harris & Weeks 1973). Geographical, historical and cultural data provide the context in which to judge the meaning of observed degrees of similarity/resemblance deemed to reflect relationship. Below the species level and ignoring resemblance due to chance or adaptive micro-convergence, relatedness can be due to common ancestry, either from one population having been derived from another (through fissioning), or gene flow (admixture via mate exchange) between populations. Another possibility (and demonstrated in the real world in an analysis of the parishes of Oxfordshire, England) is increasing similarity and relatedness of populations due not only to mutual mate exchange but to the contributions of an external population (Hiorns et al. 1989) to those populations that make them more similar due to sharing more ancestry. Although archaeological samples are often treated as ‘populations’ in the sense of breeding units it is better to be conceptually cautious and acknowledge that some bioarchaeological samples may consist of unrelated individuals and only constitute a ‘population’ in having been buried in the same region. This actually leads to some interesting interpretive possibilities in the context of complex societies that are geographically large. There are different levels of biosocial connectedness and this is of conceptual interest. Unfortunately, skeletal samples are often not large and this has to be considered in any interpretation. This does not preclude useful study in anticipation of better data at some future date. The interpretation of findings in this study is straightforward: if post-predynastic northern Egyptians are found overall to be more similar to Predynastic Upper Egyptians in the context of the political unification of Egypt this may mean that there was significant migration with settlement or admixture from south to north, given the temporal and cultural differences. If the post-Predynastic populations maintain notable regional distinctions this could be taken as evidence for less or little migration, and therefore cultural and political unity without mass migration. There are permutations of these scenarios and the possibility that geographical variation in biology is related to other microevolutionary forces such as drift. Exploring previous studies Previous work can be mined in different ways to examine the question of population change over the course of the Predynastic when there was increasing social complexity. It has been found to be interesting in this regard. This kind

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of exploration can be said to constitute a new analysis; here it is included in a review of previous work and will be referred to in the discussion as well. Few studies have explicitly examined the question of biological population trends in the context of a stated spread of southern Egyptian culture or – aspects of it – to the north. Keita and Godde (2016) in an exploratory study using published cranial data analysed with principal components analysis (PCA) find some evidence for a merging of populations but no simple replacement of the northern population by the south. The samples were small and the material is no longer available or in usable condition for fresh analyses. PCA (like canonical variates) derives axes of variation based on the variables used and places units relative to the measurement space whose dimensions have been reduced and does not employ a preconceived schema/type as in factor analysis (Zegura 1978). The PCA analysis would seem to indicate continuance of regionality or some distinction from the Predynastic to Early Dynastic Periods. It was also shown that the ED series perhaps show some evidence of robusticity that could reflect some heterosis. Zakrzewski (2007) does not directly address the question of south to north migration in her analysis which uses biological distances to understand population continuity and change over a period which culminates in Egyptian state formation. An approach to her results will be undertaken here which constitutes a different kind of analysis. The samples and provenance included in her biological distance study include the Badarian (from el-Badari), Early Predynastic (EP, from Abydos, el-Amrah and Gebelein), the Late Predynastic (LP, from Hierakonpolis and El-Amrah), and the Early Dynastic (ED, from Abydos and ElAmrah). This ED sample includes crania from the royal cemetery complex of mid-1st Dynasty kings (Djer and Djet). Other samples are from the Old Kingdom (OK, from Gizeh, Meidum and Regagnah) and Middle Kingdom (MK, from Gebelein) (see Table 2, Zakrzewski 2007: 504). These samples are predominantly from Upper Egypt, the exception being the OK material from Gizeh and Meidum which are in the north. A review of the distance matrices between periods in Zakrzewski (2007: 506) is revealing especially when the Badarian through ED is considered using the approach developed in Keita and Boyce (2008). The values from the Badarian consistently increase to the ED and then decrease in the OK and MK: Badarian-EP, 2.67, Badarian-LP, 4.74, Badarian-ED, 6.13, Badarian-OK, 3.22, Badarian-MK, 3.90. (Values have been truncated to two decimal points). An examination of the distances between serial pairs of periods is also interesting: Badari-EP, 2.67, EP-LP, 2.06, LP-ED, 4.81; note the relative increase in the distance value (metric dissimilarity) between LP and ED. There is a parallel trend of note: The EP, LP, and ED samples also have smaller distance values (are more similar) to the OK series (with a large northern component) than to the Badarian one. When the distances are analysed using principal coordinates analysis (PCO) (Fig. 1) these patterns are broadly in evidence.

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Fig. 1. PCO plot of distance matrix between periods from Zakrzewski (2007).

This approach to her distance results indicates a trend of increasing distinction from the Badarian, and a notable relative increase in dissimilarity between the LP and ED when compared to other serial pairs. The LP-ED difference is quite interesting because this is the period identified with state formation and greater integration of the Egyptian Nile Valley. The post-Badarian increase in similarity to the sample with northern material is also interesting. The distance matrix between sites of different periods in Zakrzewski (2007: 506) reveals temporal differences within sites and differences between sites of the same period. Distance values between different sites of the same period or the same locale of different periods do not necessarily indicate close similarity even in a relative sense (Fig. 2). The series from the EP sites of Abydos and el-Amra is by distance the most dissimilar to the ED site from the same region than between any pair of series in the analysis, and again it is worth noting that the ED site series has its largest component from an elite context (1st Dyn. royal cemetery). The EP series from Gebelein, in southern Upper Egypt is also notably dissimilar to the Middle Kingdom series from same site. Given the question here concerning migration from south to north the matrix reveals some data consistent with this: the LP series, from Hierakonpolis, is more

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Fig. 2. PCO plot of distance matrix by sites in Zakrzewski (2007).

similar to the OK series from Gizeh in northern Egypt than it is to any predynastic series. Hierakonpolis was very important in the LP as one of the central places of importance in the developing Egyptian society (Hassan 1988). However, considered in isolation, the finding may have some other explanation. In any case the results are intriguing in historical terms and invite further research and analyses which integrate more detail allowing for an idiographic approach to diachronic change at a site. The results of the multiple discriminant function (canonical variate) studies of Keita (1990; 1992) which include southern and northern cranial series from different periods also indicate some evidence for a change in Upper Egypt over time which is consistent with some earlier findings from older work reviewed in Zakrzewski (2007: 502): namely, that Upper Egyptian craniometric patterns were trending more toward a “northern” pattern – the reverse of what might be expected given the common narrative of domination by southern Egypt – if migration is hypothesised as a part of the domination. However, the older studies used the Coefficient of Racial Likeness (CRL) which is problematic and not a true measure of biological distance (Seltzer 1937; Howells 1973).

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A similar trend is found in Keita and Boyce (2008) who combined Naqada I and Badarian series to construct an Early Predynastic sample (following Barbara Adams), but also had a Naqada III or Terminal Predynastic (TP) sample. They report the largest distance value between the TP and ED series. Inspection of the matrix of Mahalanobis distances found in Mukherjee et al. (1955) shows a similar pattern: the general Naqada series which covers all periods but is predominantly Naqada II from the ‘Great Cemetery’ shows lower values with the dynastic northern series as compared to the temporally earlier Badarian series. This is consistent with some change towards the dynastic northern Egyptian pattern if the Badarian pattern is treated as a baseline and assumed to have been common throughout Upper Egypt – as opposed to having been just one variant among many – which is not known at this time. However, there is another interesting observation about the matrix in Mukherjee et al. (1955) which has drawn little if any general attention: the distance values between Naqada and some Nubian series is also lower. There is a bidirectional increase in similarity which for Mahalanobis distances means a bidirectional overlap in morphometric pattern. This could be interpreted as 1) indicating an amalgamation of several populations during the Naqada Period, 2) that the mean Naqada morphometric pattern is somewhat ‘naturally’ generalised, or both of these. Other analyses using multiple discriminant functions have indicated that overall Naqada Period crania have an intermediate morphometric pattern between Badarian and Dynastic northern crania (Keita 1988; 1990; 1992). Material and methods Material The cranium has long been used in zoological and anthropological work as potential population markers. It is still deemed to have value in this regard. Morphology and morphometrics capture an aspect of biological variation that relies on the concept of resemblance to make assessments about affinity. Minimally this kind of variation can say something about the population variation at differing scales. The cranial series used here is from northern and southern Egypt; there are four series from northern Egypt: Sakkarah, Sedment, Gizeh and Lisht. This allows for comparisons given that the view of massive southern migration is a key question. The material used in the primary analysis is from various sites from the Predynastic and Dynastic Periods and sites: Badari-Predynastic (n=22); Naqada and Ballas- Predynastic, mainly Naqada II (n=50); Hierakonpolis-Naqada II (n=19); Sakkarah, 1st Dyn. (n=14); 1st Dyn. Abydos-‘Courtiers’ from the ‘lower squares’ (funerary palaces) of the royal cemetery complex of

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Kings Djer and Djet (n=33); 1st Dyn. Abydos-retainers from around the tombs of Djer and Djet (n=12), designated Royal Tomb; Sedment, 9th Dyn. (n=24); Gizeh, 26th–30th Dyn. (n=53); Lisht, 12th Dyn. (n=45); Thebes, 11th Dyn. (n=46); Abydos + el-Amra, 1st Dyn., designated Senon which means non-royal 1st Dynasty material from southern Egypt (n=9). The preference was to use only complete or nearly complete crania from the collections. All of the material is found in the Duckworth Laboratory, Cambridge University except for Lisht (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC), Sakkarah (literature: Batrawi and Morant 1947), Royal Tomb and Senon (Natural History Museum, London) and Thebes (American Museum of Natural History, New York, New York). The material labelled Courtier and Royal Tomb have usually been said to be the remains of retainers who had been interred when the king was buried and hence a kind of sacrifice, although this has been questioned. The Gizeh series here dates to the Late Period (26th–30th Dynasty) and is not the same as the series used in Zakrzewski (2007). No material designated Naqada III was used in this analysis, but it is acknowledged that this period blends into the 1st Dynasty culturally; Hassan (1988) calls it ‘Terminal Predynastic’. Here the ED material was clearly from the middle of the 1st Dynasty. Unfortunately, no northern Predynastic/Neolithic samples were available for primary analysis. However, this does not preclude making observations about later northern series’ similarity to early southern ones, or integrating the results of other work into the analysis. Interpreting the degree of similarity is the issue. The fact that the northern series are later allows for an examination of the question of the impact of earlier migration. The variables chosen are standard and cover the major aspects of the craniofacial region. In this study they include maximum cranial length, basi-nasion length, maximum cranial breadth, zygomatic breadth, basi-bregma height, nasal height, nasal breadth, zygomaxillary breadth, minimum frontal breadth and upper facial height (Keita 1988; Keita & Boyce 2008). Methods The statistical methods for examining biological similarity using continuous variables are well established and have been used successfully by zoologists and anthropologists. Conceptually the methods calculate biological distance (Goodman 1972; Mukherjee et al. 1955; Sokal 1961). The greater the numerical distance value the more dissimilar the units under study. Common approaches include the generalized distance of Mahalanobis (MD) and canonical variate analysis (CVA), otherwise called multiple discriminant function analysis (M/DFA) or canonical discriminant function analysis (CDFA) (Blackith & Reyment 1971; Howells 1973; Albrecht 1980; Abbott et al. 1985). The generalised distance of Mahalanobis incorporates the overlap of the samples into its calculation, as

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opposed to just being a measure between centroids (multivariate means) which is what applying a simple Euclidean model would do. This notion of overlap is very important. Mahalanobis distances and CVA are both methods that facilitate the assessment of the relative similarity of samples for a battery of multiple linear measurements. The calculation of CDFA/CVA results in a lower dimensional space based on the variables used and produces compound functions that denote axes which can be plotted (Abbott et al. 1985; Albrecht 1980; Ashton et al. 1957). MDFA/CVA makes no assumptions about pre-existing patterns of relationship or morphometric pattern, but places the units being studied in relationship to each other based on the measurement battery used thus allowing an assessment of similarity in a two or three-dimensional display. The distance between the multivariate means in variants of MDFA is the generalised distance of Mahalanobis which is used here. MDFA/CVA can also be used to ‘classify’ an unknown specimen into the groups whose measurements were used to construct the functions, as in forensics to make an identification (under the assumption that the unknown came from one of the groups), but this is not its only use as is sometimes believed. Generalised distances are generated using the discriminant function analysis routine in SAS (SAS, 2013) and are plotted using principal coordinates analysis (PCO) (Gower 1966) which is another data reduction technique. Results Analysis of the distance matrix (Table 1) proves interesting. The values can be seriated into what can be called a distance hierarchy based on progressive values from a particular series. Using the Badarian sample as a baseline the following is found from the matrix: from the Badarian: Naqada, Hierakonpolis, Senon (1st Dyn. Abydos/el-Amrah), Thebes (XI), 1st Dyn. Royal Tomb, Sakkarah 1st Dyn., Lisht, Gizeh, Sedment, Courtier (1st Dyn. Abydos). The apparent ‘anomaly’ in this is the Courtier series – although ‘from’ Upper Egypt it is the most distant from the Badarian. This is most striking in the PCO plot (Fig. 3) and is similar to the findings in Zakrzewksi (2007). The sample from around the royal tombs are also distinct. In previous analyses in which all of the southern 1st Dynasty crania were amalgamated into one series it was found that when treated as unknowns to be classified in an analytical space including northern and southern series that numerous 1st Dynasty crania from Abydos classified into northern series (Keita 1990; 1992). This analysis reveals that it is the Courtier subset that is primarily responsible for that observation. The results discussed from Zakrzewski (2007) demonstrate the greatest dissimilarity from the Badarian as being the 1st Dynasty series from Abydos + el-Amrah – whose major component is the Courtier subset (i.e. the same series). As noted this Courtier series shows primary affinities to some northern series (Gizeh and Lisht).

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Table 1. Generalised distance values to series studied here.

The plot shows the Badarian as the most distinct of the southern series. The other predynastic series from Hierakonpolis, Naqada plot intermediate to the late northern series from Gizeh, Lisht and Sedment. The Courtier group of Abydos 1st Dyn. (n=33) plots nearest the northern series although it is from a southern cemetery. The diversity of 1st Dynasty crania from the Abydos area viewed collectively is consistent with previously reported findings. The Upper Egyptian series – Predynastic Naqada and Hierakonpolis and 11th Dynasty Thebes plot near each other. Although Sakkarah is northern it plots closer to the Upper Egyptian ‘cluster’. The series from the Royal Tombs (adjacent to the royal burials of 1st Dyn. Abydos) has low distance values (is relatively similar) to Hierakonpolis and Naqada – more similar than to the non-elite burials from 1st Dynasty Abydos and the other retainers (the Courtiers).

Fig. 3. PCO analysis of distance matrix Predynastic, Early and Later Dynastic series.

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Great diversity is observable in the results of the analysis. At one level we see the difference between the Badarians and late Dynastic northerners with the Courtiers from the 1st Dynasty being more similar to the latter. At another level Hierakonpolis and Naqada series are observed to have relatively lower values with the northern Dynastic series and others; they also have lower values with the Badarian series than do the northern series or those from 1st Dynasty Abydos, thus ‘tying’ the regions together in some sense. The diversity of the Early Dynastic series (1st Dyn. Abydos and Sakkarah) or subset in case of the royal cemetery is notable. The dynastic northern series overall show relative greater similarity to each other although the late dynastic Gizeh series interestingly is more similar to several southern Predynastic series than to certain northern Dynastic ones; given that some regionality is observable this defies easy explanation but may be what one would expect in a society where there have been complex patterns of movement. Discussion Although the samples in bioarchaeology are often small this does not mean that they cannot or should not be studied. Such work becomes an early data point and this is how this work should be viewed. Conceptually this analysis explores the question of Egyptian north-south biological variation as it relates to changes in social complexity and the emergence of a society that has a common culture and political ideology. Although there were no northern Predynastic series it is possible to make inferences by examining the affinities of later northern remains and integrating other work. The prominence of Upper Egypt is taken as a simplifying assumption given that much of the political symbolism, major cultural features and political ideology seem to have originated from there (Kaiser 1957; Arkell & Ucko 1965; Hassan 1988; Midant-Reynes 1992). There are some questions of interest as noted in the introduction. Was northern Egypt transformed culturally via population migration in a way detectable into the dynastic era? The results are not consistent with a replacement of the northern population by migration from the south, but nor do they rule out some migration. The plots and distance values do not indicate the northerners as a group to be identical to or very similar to the southern predynastic series, which would be the result in theory of mass migration and colonisation. This would suggest that the sociocultural and political change was not due to mass migration and colonisation from the south. The data are consistent with there being migration to the south, especially if the Badarian pattern accurately reflects the major variant in the earliest Predynastic population. The distance values are consistent with the idea that as certain cultural practices and politics spread with increasing social complexity that the southern region became more attractive

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to northerners for a variety of reasons. There is evidence for intra-nilotic migration – from north to south based on the lower distance values between later Predynastic series and the north as compared to the Badarian. The reason for this migration can be postulated as being due to the sociopolitical changes in the south which made its major towns Hierakonpolis, Naqada and Abydos more attractive. These towns all had elites and were possibly the sites of microstates/chiefdoms by the end of Naqada II which by their nature would attract people. It may also be the case that aspects of Upper Egyptian culture were attractive for other reasons. The results for the 1st Dynasty series from Abydos become very interesting when time and increasing social complexity are considered. The craniometric variation is striking and obvious when this material is not pooled as observed in the PCO plot. In the case of the royal cemetery complex and the burials generally regarded as having been of a sacrificial nature it is of sociological interest that those buried around the king (the Royal Tomb sample) were relatively more similar to Naqada and Hierakonpolis samples, but still distinct – this may be a statistical artefact. The Courtier sample from another part of the cemetery complex, were more similar to northern series (Fig. 3). This may be informative about the political situation and court of the king in the 1st Dynasty; one possible interpretation is that it is evidence for the country being unified and northerners were at the court and accepting of the idea of journeying with the kings in the afterlife – if the burials took place at the same time. The Sakkarah series, also northern, is not quite as distant as later Dynastic northerners from southern series and adds more interest to questions about population dynamics. The distinctiveness of the Royal Tomb and Courtier samples does stand out and deserves further consideration in social terms. The results are consistent with bidirectional migration, settlement and/or admixture but not replacement of northerners by southerners. Returning to the analysis of data from Zakrzewki’s (2007) study, the Old Kingdom Gizeh series (not the same Gizeh series as in the new analysis) is more similar to the series from LP Hierakonpolis than to any other with the exception of a Middle Kingdom series from Gebelein in Upper Egypt, and Hierakonpolis is very similar to that series. The situation is even more complex. EP Gebelein is notably dissimilar to its MK geographical ‘descendant’ and more similar also to LP Hierakonpolis, but MK Gebelein’s similarity is greatest to LP Hierakonpolis and OK Gizeh – having essentially the same distance values. Hierakonpolis, important in all accounts in the political development of early Egypt, clearly is also interesting in terms of its population. What is striking in the various analyses is that the series do not cluster tightly together as would be expected in samples that were uniform in craniofacial form. This variability is interesting and invites a range of hypotheses. In general, this biological evidence is more consistent with the implications of Köhler’s model of the

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regions of country ‘growing together’ and not sudden population migration and replacement. A range of approaches to these series and the recovery of many more remains should make it possible to get an even clearer picture of the relationship between social change, trade practices and population biology for a given region. For example, those regions of Egypt that had more ongoing contact with the Near East would be expected to show this in a distance analysis; this would also be true perhaps for certain professions or elites involved in trade. This analysis is consistent with others that show over time a change from the earlier Predynastic Periods. Acknowledgment I would like to acknowledge the late G.A. Harrison, Professor of Biological Anthropology at Oxford, who played a role in developing the concept of phenetics and cladistics, and whose work, with A.J. Boyce on migration between populations and relatedness in parishes in Oxfordshire humanise the notions of gene flow and admixture. There is nothing to declare financially. I would like to thank Professor J. Baines and Dr A.J. Boyce for numerous discussions through the years. Thanks go to those who permitted data collection in the labs that I visited over some period of time: the late P. Garlick, M. Lahr (Cambridge), G. Garcia, I. Tattersall (AMNH), C. Stringer (NHM), R. Potts (Smithsonian). The Vice Chancellors and Principals of Universities in the UK made the initial study possible. The Boise Fund and an Ashmolean grant also provided some financial assistance. Helen Whitehouse of the Ashmolean and Barbara Adams of UCL provided various kinds of insights about dig records and ways to think about difference. Kanya Godde provided computational assistance. Bibliography ABBOTT, L.A.; BISBY, F.A. & ROGERS, D.J., 1985. Taxonomic Analysis in Biology. New York. ALBRECHT, G.H., 1980. Multivariate Analysis and the Study of Form, with Special Reference to Canonical Variate Analysis. American Zoologist 20: 679‒693. ARKELL, A.J. & UCKO, P., 1965. A Review of Predynastic Development in the Nile Valley. Current Anthropology 6: 145‒166. ASHTON, E.H; HEALY, M.J. & LIPTON, S., 1957. The Descriptive Use of Discriminant Functions in Physical Anthropology. Proceedings of Royal Society B 146: 552‒572. BATRAWI, A.M. & MORANT, G.M., 1947. A study of First Dynasty Series of Egyptian Skulls from Sakkara and of an Eleventh Dynasty Series from Thebes. Biometrika 34: 18‒27. BEALS, K.L. & KELSO, A.J., 1975. Genetic Variation and Cultural Evolution. American Anthropologist 77: 566‒579. BLACKITH, R.E. & REYMENT, R.A., 1971. Multivariate Morphometrics. London.

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CARLSON, D. & VAN GERVEN, D., 1979. Diffusion, Biological Determinism, and Biocultural Adaptation in the Nubian Corridor. American Anthropologist 81: 561‒ 580. CAVALLI-SFORZA, L., 1991. Genes, Peoples and Languages. Scientific American 265: 104‒110. DERRY, D., 1956. The Dynastic Race in Egypt. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 21: 80‒85. FIX, A., 1997. Migration and Colonization in Human Microevolution. Cambridge. GOODMAN, M.M., 1972. Distance Analysis in Biology. Systematic Biology 21: 174‒186. GOWER, J.C., 1966. Some Distance Properties of Latent Root and Vector Methods Used in Multivariate Analysis. Biometrika 53: 325‒338. HARRIS, J. & WEEKS, K., 1973. X-Raying the Pharaohs. New York. HASSAN, F.A., 1988. The Predynastic of Egypt. Journal of World Prehistory 2: 135‒185. HIORNS, R.W.; HARRISON, G.A.; BOYCE, A.J & KUCHEMANN, C.F., 1969. A Mathematical Analysis of the Effects of Movement on the Relatedness of Populations. Annals of Human Genetics, London 32: 237‒250. HENNEBERG, M.; KOBUSIEWICZ, M.; SCHILD, R. & WENDORF, F., 1989. The Early Neolithic, Qarunian Burial from the Northern Fayum Desert (Egypt) [in:] KRZYZANIAK, L. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Late Prehistory of the Nile Basin and the Sahara. Poznan: 181‒196. HOWELLS, W.W., 1973. Cranial Variation in Man. Papers of the Peabody Museum 67: 1‒269. KAISER, W., 1957. Zur inneren Chronologie der Nagadakultur. Archaeologica Geographica 6: 69‒77. KEITA, S.O.Y., 1988. An Analysis of Crania from Tell Duweir Using Multiple Discriminant Functions. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 75: 375‒390. KEITA, S.O.Y., 1990. Studies of Ancient Crania from Northern Africa. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 85: 35‒48. KEITA, S.O.Y., 1992. Further Studies of Crania from Ancient Northern Africa: An Analysis of Crania from First Dynasty Egyptian Tombs, Using Multiple Discriminant Functions. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 87: 245‒254. KEITA, S.O.Y., 2004. Exploring Northeastern African Craniofacial Variation at the Individual Level: A Comparative Analysis Using Principal Components Analysis. American Journal of Human Biology 16: 679‒689. KEITA, S.O.Y. & BOYCE, A.J., 2008. Temporal Variation in Phenetic Affinity of Early Upper Egyptian Male Cranial Series. Human Biology 80: 141–159. KEITA, S.O.Y. & GODDE, K., 2016. A Preliminary Analysis of Diachronic Craniometric Geographical Variation during the Predynastic-Early Dynastic Period: Possible Population Implications for the Theories of the Merger of Upper and Lower Egypt. Göttinger Miszellen 249: 95‒108. KÖHLER, E.C., 1995. The State of Research on Late Predynastic Egypt: New Evidence for the Development of the Pharaonic State? Göttinger Miszellen 147: 79‒91. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008. The Interaction between and the Roles of Upper and Lower Egypt in the Formation of the Egyptian State, Another Review [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 516‒542. MIDANT-REYNES, B., 1992. The Prehistory of Egypt. Oxford. MOORE, J.H., 1994. Putting Anthropology Back Together Again: The Ethnogenetic Critique of Cladistic Theory. American Anthropologist 96: 925‒948.

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MUKHERJEE, R.; RAO, C. & TREVOR, J.C., 1955. The Ancient Inhabitants of Jebel Moya (Sudan). Cambridge. OLIVER, D.L. & HOWELLS, W.W., 1957. Micro-Evolution: Cultural Elements in Physical Variation. American Anthropologist (New Series) 59: 965‒978. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1939. The Making of Egypt. London. SELTZER, C., 1937. A Critique of the Coefficient of Racial Likeness. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 23: 101‒109. SOKAL, R.R., 1961. Distance as a Measure of Taxonomic Similarity. Systematic Zoology 10: 70‒79. STOJANOWSKI, C., 2013. Ethnogenetic Theory and New Directions in Biodistance Research [in:] LOZADA, M.C. & O’DONNABHAIN, B. (eds.), The Dead Tell Tales: Essays in Honor of Jane E. Buikstra. Los Angeles: 71–84. ZAKRZEWSKI, S.R., 2007. Population Continuity or Population Change: Formation of the Ancient Egyptian State. American Journal Physical Anthropology 132: 501– 509. ZEGURA, S., 1978. Components, Factors and Confusion. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 21: 151–159.

HELWAN AND THE EARLY CITY OF MEMPHIS E. CHRISTIANA KÖHLER Institute for Egyptology, University of Vienna, Austria

Excavations in the necropolis at Helwan during the 20th and 21st centuries have contributed a large amount of empirical data relevant to the early city of Memphis and its role in the early Pharaonic state. This paper presents a comprehensive summary and discussion of this data, especially on the basis of research results achieved between 1997 and 2017, with a particular focus on the chronology of occupation, material culture, funerary customs and rituals, society and social structure, centralisation and the Early Dynastic settlement system.

History of research Memphis was the first capital city of the early Pharaonic state of Egypt and thus has a long history of importance, both in terms of its role as a primary centre for Egypt’s centralised government, administration and economy, but consequently also with regard to it being of interest to historiographers, Egyptologists and archaeologists. It is mentioned by a number of ancient authors like Herodotus and Manetho as a place where the first kings of Egypt established palaces and temples. At the time of its foundation its name was inb.w ḥḏ.w or White Walls, and with that name it remained the capital of the 1st Lower Egyptian nome even during periods when other centres assumed the predominant political role in the Pharaonic state. Although derived from the name of an Old Kingdom pyramid town, mn-nfr-Ppy, we will use the established later name of the city, Memphis, for convenience. In the Early Dynastic Period this city was the largest urban centre with the highest population density in the Nile Valley as the numerous necropoleis of this region, which were excavated during the early 20th century, document (Fig. 1). The sites of Abu Roash, Abusir, Saqqara and Giza on the west side and Maadi, Tura and Helwan on the east bank of the river have long provided the quantitative evidence for this point, amounting to about 11,000 excavated Early Dynastic tombs. Especially the site of Helwan, that was largely excavated during the 1940s and 50s by an Egyptian mission under Z. Saad (Saad 1947– 1969), had long stood out for its unparalleled size and variability in funerary evidence; its special significance was later highlighted in a study by D. Jeffreys and A. Tavares (1994). This is why a new reinvestigation with a set of specific research questions relevant to the early city of Memphis seemed opportune at the time.

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Fig. 1. Map of the area of Memphis with Early Dynastic cemeteries.

New archaeological work at the site and in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo was then conducted by a team of Macquarie University between 1997 until 2010 and was later continued in cooperation with the University of Vienna until 2017 under the direction of the author.1 During that time, the mission re-excavated seven of Saad’s tombs (Operations 1–3; Fig. 2), recorded over 1100 objects in the Cairo Museum and approx. 1500 pottery vessels from Saad’s excavations on-site. The team also discovered 218 previously unexcavated tombs in the Operation 4 (Op.4) area, analysed approx. 152,000 fragments of pottery and hundreds of complete vessels, 2500 non-ceramic artefacts, 229 human individuals, 72,000 botanical remains and 13,700 faunal remains from the new excavations. Primary data collection was completed in late 2017; five monographs and dozens of research articles (see references) have been published until now with more in preparation. With the project having entered its final stage of analysis and interpretation, we expect further insights to be forthcoming in the years to come, but after 20 years of intensive new research a brief overview of our results can be provided. The papers by Ch. Marshall, 1

The project was funded by Macquarie University, Australian Research Council, Institute for Bioarchaeology, Brennan Foundation, University of Vienna, the Austrian Science Fund (Project No. P27123-G21), as well as private donations. The author would like to take the opportunity to thank all participants of the Helwan Project between 1997–2017, as well as the Ministry of Antiquities, Supreme Council of Antiquities and the staff at the Helwan inspectorate for their encouragement and support.

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Fig. 2. Map of the necropolis of Helwan showing Areas 1–4 (excavated by Z. Saad) and Operations 1–4 (excavated by the author and team).

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A. Moustafa and H. Böhm in this volume highlight the wealth and quality of evidence pertaining to the bioarchaeological aspects of the site. Other aspects, like the chronology of occupation, material culture, funerary customs and rituals, as well as society and social differentiation and the cemetery’s overall significance within the historic landscape of early Memphis will be briefly covered here. Chronology of occupation The necropolis of Helwan was in use throughout the duration of Egyptian civilisation. Although prehistoric artefacts, such as stone tools, fragments of pottery and stone palettes have occasionally been found, the main period of use as a cemetery probably only started in the Early Protodynastic Period (Naqada IIIA) and lasted until the Early Old Kingdom (4th Dynasty). This time span extends between c. 3300–2500 BCE and thus covers some 800 years. Some areas of the site, especially the northern Area 3, continued to be occupied until the late Pharaonic Period and beyond, but on a very modest scale. We estimate that of Saad’s 10,258 tombs, most of which are unfortunately not published, about 80–90 % derive from the main period of occupation. Of the 218 tombs uncovered in recent years in Operation 4, all but one probably date between late 1st Dynasty and early 4th Dynasty; they allowed for establishing six date groups that form the foundation of the relative chronology of the site and for the region of Memphis during this time. The majority of tombs in Operation 4, over 50 %, represent date groups, which roughly correspond to the 2nd Dynasty to early 3rd Dynasty in the historical chronology, and thus provide data for defining the relative chronology of an otherwise ill-defined and obscure time period. Historical Chronology Protodynastic Relative Chronology

Naqada IIIA1/2–IIIB

Absolute Chronology in years circa BCE

3300–3100

Operation 4 Date Group

Dynasty 1

Dynasty 2

Dynasty 3

Dynasty 4

Naqada IIIC1–3

Naqada IIID

?

?

3100–2900 2900–2700 2700–2600 2600–2500 IIIC3–D1 IIID2-3 IIID4

IV

Table 1. Synchronised chronology of the main occupation period of the necropolis at Helwan.

Because of the variable state of preservation and complex stratigraphy of most of the graves, with at least 85 % having been looted in ancient times leaving probably only about 15 % of burials intact, the context analysis has been a time

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consuming process and is on-going, which directly affects the progress of our seriation and correspondence analyses. But with over 30 very well preserved burials and numerous looted tombs still containing areas with useful secondary and sometimes even primary contexts, the use-life of most of the tombs and the precise provenance of thousands of artefacts and ecofacts are now well established. Considering the fact that hieroglyphic inscriptions and royal names feature only very rarely at Helwan, the chronology of occupation almost entirely relies on archaeological evidence, which, however, is present in representative quantities. A number of artefact groups, especially among the pottery, have proven to be particularly useful for chronological purposes as they provide typological sequences for their own relative chronological development and thereby valuable indicators for dating the tombs they were found in. Two of these, the so-called beer jars and wine jars shall be discussed here. Pottery beer jars are probably the most common ceramic type at Helwan and are characterised by their distinct ovoid shape and restricted neck. The earliest examples have flat, lentoid or slightly pointed bases (Köhler 2014: Fig. 4: Types 1–2; Fig. 3), although flat bases occur only rarely in the graves and seem to be more typical for settlement contexts (Köhler 1998; 2014; 2017: Form 150). They have distinct shoulders, short necks and rounded or angular rims, and are made from different Nile and Marl clay pastes (Ownby & Köhler, this volume), very often with a red slip. Their surface finish is characteristically rough with the body frequently exhibiting traces of vertical scraping, although the neck and rim area are relatively smooth. These jars do not change significantly during Naqada IIIC and early IIID (Operation 4 Date Groups IIIC3–IIID2). The quality of execution is variable with the Marl clay jars tending to be better made, but over time, i.e. in late Naqada IIID (Date Group IIID3–4), jars of Marl clay decrease in number, and the overall quality of Nile silt jars changes. Although jars of the earlier style continue to be in use until the end of the sequence, new types of jars develop out of these. The scraped bodies are gradually replaced by an uneven, wavy surface finish with numerous irregular finger imprints (Köhler 2014: Fig. 4, Type 3), and the shoulders and rim profiles are less distinct eventually ending in uneven, direct rims (Köhler 2014: Fig. 4, Type 4). Jars of this type are in use with only minor changes until the late Old Kingdom. The latest type in this typological sequence has the same surface characteristics and poor quality, with a more elongated body, but exhibits a distinct ledge, or collar below the direct rim (Köhler 2014: Fig. 4, Form 22); it is typical for the last two date groups in Operation 4 (IIID4 and IV), corresponding to late 2nd Dynasty until the early Old Kingdom in historical terms. The later beer jars (Types 3, 4 and collared jars) are probably the most reliable chronological indicators because even highly looted and very poor burials contained beer jars or fragments thereof. And if only fragmentary body sherds

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Fig. 3. Typological sequence of ovoid vessels (beer jars) from Helwan date group IIIC3–D1 to IV.

are present, they at least indicate a late Naqada IIID or later date. Conversely, not finding any such piece among a solid sample of beer jars would strongly suggest a date in early Naqada IIID or earlier. Although a far less sensitive chronological indicator, the so-called wine jars have also proven to be of good use for the overall relative chronology of the

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Fig. 4. Sets of ‘wine jars’ from different tombs in Operation 4.

Naqada III Period. They emerge in Naqada IIIB in the form of two distinct type variants (Köhler 1996; Köhler & Knoblauch 2017) and develop in a typological sequence until late Naqada IIID, i.e. over 400 years. They are made of Nile and Marl clays, as well as mixes thereof, and tend to have an elongated ovoid body, lentoid base and restricted, sometimes distinct neck and their surface is usually well-smoothed. Their general typology is yet to be established conclusively, but it is possible to separate jars with horizontal coils, often finger-impressed imitating ropes, jars with incised crescents on the shoulder and just plain jars (Fig. 4). Over time, these jars change their proportions from more globular to slender body shapes, and when found complete they allow for establishing a proportional index along their typological development (Köhler & Smythe 2004; Smythe 2008). Wine jars of an early Naqada III date tend to have a proportional index of about 1:2, meaning that their height is roughly double in relation to their maximum diameter. Subsequently, in Naqada IIIC, the jars become quite slender in proportion and the index reaches up to 1:3.8 in IIIC3 (Engel 2013: 47–48). During Naqada IIID the index reaches around 1:5.5 and more before it reverses and the type subsequently disappears (Hartmann, in press). Importantly, jars of different indices can be observed in the same context suggesting heterogeneity in production, which is also borne out by index

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variability among jars of different clay fabrics and morphological type variants (Köhler & Knoblauch 2017: 27). For example, the proportional index of five complete wine jars in tomb 4/28 (Fig. 4), which had numerous features supporting a late Naqada IIIC–early IIID dating, allowed for anchoring the date more precisely in early IIID (Köhler 2014: 47). Additionally, wine jars may have been in use over longer periods of time, often in secondary function, before they ended up in a tomb. This and especially the observation that the proportional index reverses in late Naqada IIID, means that a single jar is of not much use for dating, but having several complete jars in one context is a fairly reliable indicator for a tomb’s dating. The chronology of tomb assemblages at Helwan is of key importance for the relative chronology of the Early Dynastic Period in the Memphite region, especially for the advanced Naqada III stages. We have also observed that the material culture of the Naqada III Period develops continuously and seamlessly beyond this period and well into the Old Kingdom, which calls for a revision of the relative chronological terminology currently in use (Köhler 2011; 2013; 2014). Material culture Beside its importance for chronological questions, the material culture from the graves at Helwan also offers valuable insights into the technologies of manufacture, use and distribution of material remains, their significance within the economic system of the time, and how these reflect the many different levels and modes of entanglement between humans and things. Close-up investigation, such as through material and functional analysis, offers new qualitative insights into the nature and complexity of material remains and sometimes challenges long held archaeological assumptions. It is again the pottery that can be demonstrated to be a most significant category of material culture that is not only valuable for chronological studies, but also for ideological, functional and economic aspects (see also Junge, this volume). Pottery at Helwan is the largest and most consistently occurring group of artefacts. If a burial, be it wealthy, poor or looted contains any artefact, it will be made of fired clay. In fact, the area of Operation 4 was so rich in ceramics that a strict sampling protocol had to be observed, with only pottery directly associated with tombs, and not from unrelated debris near the modern surface or the spaces between the tombs, having been analysed. And even this sample yielded over 150,000 potsherds and hundreds of complete vessels, most of which (over 120,000 pieces) formed the basis for our technological and morphological analysis, and our substantial pottery corpus. Some of the large tomb structures were filled up almost solid with pottery debris; if one leaves these large tombs aside, the average number of potsherds per tomb

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is still around 300 pieces, plus the many intact vessels that we were able to record in situ. These numbers very well serve to highlight the volume of the pottery industries in ancient Memphis, and in effect beyond, and the role they played in the overall economy of the time. In general, we distinguish almost 20 different clay fabrics of Nile, Marl, mixed or non-Egyptian imported clays on the basis of visual examination under 10 × magnification. M. Ownby conducted petrographic analysis on almost 90 samples, which confirmed and corrected some of our visual assignments, and we are now in the position to start with the final analysis of this material. Whilst the bulk of the ceramic material, about 90 %, is made of Nile clay in various paste compositions, and while some of the Marl clay fabrics may derive from the Memphite area, the remainder represents fabrics that are most probably imported from Upper Egypt and elsewhere. We can distinguish between ceramic imports from the northern Levant and their local imitations (Köhler & Ownby 2011), which, being juglets and jars, served as containers for other commodities, possibly oil and wine. The Levantine vessels at Helwan show close petrographic affinities to imports at other sites, especially to the large corpus of contemporary imported ceramics at Abydos, and thus suggest that they were not only transported over long distances from the northern Levant, but also in very large numbers (Hartung, Köhler, Müller & Ownby 2015). The city of Memphis, being the primary centre of the early state of Egypt, would have played a key role in facilitating the import and distribution of this material. However, a most surprising result of the petrographic analysis was that also bowls, especially the so-called Meydum bowls of the early Old Kingdom, seem to have been made from clays not local to the Memphite region, but originating in southern Egypt; this provides interesting insights into the nature of craft industries and interregional trade in early Egypt (see Ownby & Köhler, this volume). This high level of complexity of early manufacturing industries is also borne out by other artefact groups and materials of which we identified over 2000 individual pieces from Operation 4 alone, which are made from 37 different raw materials. About 75 % of these are made of locally available materials, such as limestone, calcite, mud, ivory, faience, fibres or horn. The remainder of objects is made from materials not local to the Memphite region; they include different kinds of hard stones, semiprecious stones, malachite, copper and gold. They would have been acquired via interregional trade and exchange networks be it within Egypt or abroad, or via formal expeditions sent and organised by the early Egyptian state. Especially when there is evidence for an early royal involvement at mining and quarrying sites in the Sinai and in the Eastern Desert and cataract region (Tallet 2012; 2013; 2015; Tallet & Laisney 2012), the administrative institutions in the city of Memphis would have been integral to organising the acquisition and distribution of raw materials. Such

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activities can be considered in the framework of a centralised political economy (Smith 2004; 2011; Storey 2006). The late 1st Dynasty official Merka (Emery 1958) and other officials carrying the title Ꜥḏ-mr smỉ.t/ḫꜢsw.t would have been responsible for the acquisition of such raw materials and their distribution to industries attached to the administration and temples for the benefit of the elites and bureaucratic apparatus. The question arises as to what extent members of the middle and lower classes, like the occupants of most of the Helwan tombs, also benefitted from this redistributive system since they were not necessarily in direct contact with the redistribution networks between king, elites and bureaucracy. As in later time periods, it is therefore also possible that some craft industries operated independently from the state-organised economy, acquired their raw materials via informal expeditions or trade contacts and offered their manufactured goods on the local markets of the city in exchange with other commodities (Menu 2003; Eyre 2010; Moreno-Garcia 2013: 2; Warden 2014). Funerary customs and rituals Burials fulfil several functions; the primary function being a place where the corpse of a deceased human or animal is disposed of. But there is usually more to a grave. It can be a stage where social relations are acted out after the loss of a close relative; where a new social or political order is asserted; and where the living separate from the dead and then convey them either to nothingness or to a life after death. Some of these notions are expressed in rituals performed at the house or at the grave site, some leave behind material traces, some do not. And some of these rituals catered for the interests of the living whereas others were intended to serve the dead (van Gennep 1909; Bloch & Parry 1982; Bourdieu 1991; Metcalf & Huntington 1995; Barrett 1996; Heinze 2000; Parker-Pearson 2003). Ancient Egyptian funerary archaeology is very rich in evidence for a whole range of such rituals and religious beliefs (Assmann 1986; Lloyd 1989; Taylor 2001; Baines & Lacovara 2002). The tombs at Helwan provide some of the earliest examples for the wealth and complexity of this funerary culture (Köhler 2003a). Although we have observed a great deal of consistency among the graves we have excavated, with single burials for each individual, most of the bodies being placed in a contracted position on the left side, with some form of protection for the corpse from the surroundings (e.g. shroud, reed mat, coffin) and with some kind of food and drink provision – be it symbolic or real – there is also a high degree of variability. The question is what this funerary variability signified at the time of the burial and what it does for us as archaeologists today. On the one hand, the different patterns of burying the dead could be an expression of social coherence and group identity; on the other, a grave

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could evoke distinction and individuality. The papers by F. Junge, N. Kuch, and E. Schuster in this volume discuss several of these aspects. The comparison of two tombs in Operation 4 will serve as a case study here as it allows for illustrating the multidimensionality of many of these points and the challenges we face when attempting interpretation. Tombs 4/88 and 4/94 are both subterranean chamber tombs cut about 4 meters deep into the ground, with a staircase and a mastaba superstructure built of mudbricks (Köhler 2017; Fig. 5). They are very close to each other and run parallel side by side with as little as only 15 cm distance between them for no obvious or practical reason, as there was plenty of space. Unfortunately, both superstructures were poorly

Fig. 5. Plan of Helwan tombs Op. 4/88 and 4/94.

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preserved; if 4/88 did have an external offering place, it probably would have been on the east side, but with the mastaba wall of 4/94 being so close, it would have been inaccessible. The subterranean parts of both tombs comprise of a small antechamber and a main chamber with a recess facing west, the entrances were originally blocked by a mudbrick wall and portcullis stone. The burial chamber of 4/94 also has two shallow niches in the eastern wall and is oriented at a slightly different angle. As it is slightly later than 4/88 one could say that it is oriented towards 4/88. Both tombs were plundered at least twice in antiquity, once via the entrance and once via a vertical robbers’ tunnel, which descended directly from the surface. The looters were probably interested in objects of material value, be it metals or jewellery, which means that objects of personal significance for the deceased such as adornment, that would have conveyed a degree of individuality, are today lost. Tomb 4/88 belonged to a mature age female and dates Group IIID2, i.e. mid 2nd Dynasty, whereas tomb 4/94 belonged to an adult male and dates IIID3, mid to late 2nd Dynasty. The tombs have roughly the same orientation and size, with 4/94 being slightly larger2, and belong to the same type of tomb architecture. Although one was owned by a woman and the other by a man, one could say that if tomb size and architecture are any indicators of status, both individuals had the same socio-economic, i.e. lower middle class (for a definition see Köhler 2008 and below) background, and, being so close to each other, presumably came from the same social milieu. But it is the contents of the tombs that make a difference, although archaeological preservation does play a role in that, too (Table 2). A large deposit of fragmentary pottery vessels was observed in the mastaba superstructure of tomb 4/88 comprising at least 16 beer jars, bowls and plates, some of which were deposited upside-down. Considering the location of this deposit, it may be possible to interpret it as the remains of a funerary feast, i.e. of an activity that the funeral party would have engaged in. Unfortunately, the superstructure of 4/94 was too eroded for any such observation. The descent of 4/88 originally contained nothing except sand that was filled in after the burial chamber was closed. In contrast to this, the descent of tomb 4/94 contained, beside sand and many large rocks, an array of things upon the stairs and in the fill; one pottery beer jar and one bowl, four calcite cylindrical vessels, seven bowls, two dishes, one gneiss bowl, one mud vessel and the remains of at least five slaughtered cows. Importantly, the stone vessels had been emptied of their contents; the cylindrical vessels probably contained oil and dark stains could be observed in the sandy matrix surrounding the deposits. All of the stone vessels were deliberately destroyed prior to deposition, their 2 The substructure of tomb 4/88 has a volume of 17.5 m3 and 4/94 of 20 m3. Since the mastaba superstructure of 4/94 is so poorly preserved, it is difficult to determine its size, but it would have been larger than that of 4/88.

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fragments were distributed along the length of the staircase, between large rocks directly in front of the portcullis stone, and a small number of pieces were found in the space between portcullis stone and the mudbrick wall additionally blocking the entrance to the burial chamber. This means that it all took place while and after the portcullis stone was being lowered into position (see Kuch, this volume). What is also interesting is that the cattle remains are not complete animals, but only the limbs and heads, i.e. those parts of the animal that provide the least meat (see Böhm, this volume). This could either mean that the limbs and cattle heads were just ordinary butcher’s waste used as symbolic offerings or that the cows were specifically sacrificed for the funeral and that the rest of the carcasses with meat were consumed elsewhere, possibly during a funerary feast. That the latter may be more likely is suggested by Old Kingdom tomb offering scenes where the slaughter of cattle plays an important role. Moving into the substructure, tomb 4/88 contained two pottery beer jars on the floor of the antechamber and 14 in the main chamber, of which some contained ash and large quantities of plant remains (see Moustafa, this volume) but no beer. Also found were two ceramic bowls and one plate as well as one basalt and five calcite cylindrical jars, one small calcite jar, 17 bowls, one dish, one siltstone dish and two flint blade tools. The small antechamber of 4/94 also contained two beer jars, 42 limestone ‘dummy vessels’ (Fig. 6) and four ceramic bowls, of which one was possibly a lamp. The main chamber contained a

Fig. 6. Assemblage of limestone ‘dummy vessels’ from Helwan tomb Op. 4/94.

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further 12 ‘dummy vessels’, one pottery beer jar, two bowls, three calcite cylindrical jars, one dolomite bowl, three copper tools and one fossilised shell. The preservation conditions in 4/94 were very moist, which means that any organic remains possibly contained in some of the vessels in the burial chamber had decayed. The overall count of items, including the cows, ‘dummy vessels’ and fossilised shell in 4/94 is at 91, whereas 4/88 scored less with 61, but the objects placed inside the main burial chamber, i.e. near the deceased, are more numerous in 4/88, which contained 17 pots and 26 functional stone vessels as opposed to 3 pots, 4 functional stone vessels and 12 ‘dummy vessels’ in 4/94, plus tools. The table below summarises these contents and their location, and also provides a possible interpretation of these different artefact deposits. Location

4/88

4/94

Superstructure Pottery deposit

Possible interpretation 4/88: Remains of a feast by the funeral party.

Descent

Sandy fill

Deposit of 1 pottery beer jar, 1 bowl, 4 broken calcite cylindrical jars, 7 bowls, 2 dishes, 1 gneiss bowl, 1 mud vessel, limbs and heads of 5 cows, dark stains in the surrounding matrix of stone vessels; sandy fill and large rocks

4/88: The descent had purely practical use as access and was backfilled after the funeral. 4/94: Remains of a ritual during and after the closing of the tomb; oil was poured and offered for purification; stone vessels were deliberately destroyed and then deposited; cattle remains as a token of the sacrifice for the funeral.

Antechamber

2 pottery beer jars

2 pottery beer jars and 4 bowls, 42 limestone ‘dummy vessels’

Remains of a ritual before the closing of the tomb: ‘dummy vessels’ symbolise purification in the afterlife and the pottery vessels may have contained sustenance.

1 pottery beer jar, 2 bowls, 3 calcite cylindrical jars, 1 dolomite bowl, 12 limestone ‘dummy vessels’, 3 copper tools, 1 fossilised shell

Remains of a ritual before the closing of the tomb; ‘dummy vessels’ and cylindrical jars symbolise purification in the afterlife and the pottery and stone vessels may have contained sustenance; grave goods for the symbolic use by the deceased.

Main chamber 14 pottery beer jars, 2 bowls, 1 plate, 5 calcite & 1 basalt cylindrical jars, 1 small calcite jar, 17 calcite bowls, 1 dish, 1 siltstone dish, 2 flint blade tools

Table 2: Overview of tomb contents of 4/88 and 4/94*. * note that both tombs were looted in antiquity and would also have once contained personal belongings and adornment of the deceased.

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The interpretation of these deposits rests on the sequence of events surrounding the burial and the chronological parameters provided by the stratigraphy, the deposits’ location as well as the closing of the entrance by mudbrick walls and portcullis stones. Prior to the burial, the tombs had to be excavated into the hard bedrock, which would have taken several days, although this process could have started well before death. It is not known what – if any – separation rituals were performed at the house of the deceased before the corpse and grave goods were carried from the settlement to the cemetery, i.e. over a distance of at least 1–2 km, which either involved groups of several persons or several trips, or both. Some of the stone vessels weigh up to 21 kg and with their contents of up to 12 litres they would have been too heavy to be carried safely by one person without assistance, which might indicate that donkeys, carrying devices or sledges may have been involved in the transport. During the funeral, the deceased was taken down the stairs or lowered down with ropes within a wooden coffin to be placed inside the burial chamber. The grave goods that the dead required for the afterlife were carefully placed nearby on the ground. One can assume that the placing of objects on the floor of a tomb was a very deliberate, ritualised process. Once all the grave goods had been deposited, the chamber door was walled up. After that, the portcullis slab, which weighed several hundred kilograms, was slowly lowered down the vertical portcullis slot with the help of ropes. While this was happening at tomb 4/94, a number of persons had already started to empty and destroy some of the stone vessels and to throw their fragments into the staircase. But even after the portcullis was already in place, this process continued as sand, large limestone boulders and stone vessel fragments were building up at the bottom of the stairs next to the portcullis stone. Liquid vessel content was spilled in the sandy fill at that time. Meanwhile, and possibly in the vicinity of the tomb, five cows were slaughtered and their limbs and heads were cut off. These were finally placed with pottery in the upper part of the staircase after the descent had already been partly filled with sand. In contrast to that, the descent of 4/88 was simply filled with sand and the mudbrick mastaba superstructure was finally built across and surrounding the descent. The stratigraphy in 4/88 does not allow for determining when exactly, in relation to the burial and closure of the tomb, the pottery deposit was placed in the superstructure, but the situation suggests that at least the northern part of the mastaba had already started to be built because the deposit was placed within. Its location would suggest that it was not meant to be used by the deceased; otherwise it probably would have been placed inside the burial chamber. Instead, it may have been used by the funeral party feasting on beer and food near the tomb at the end of the funeral. The key differences between these two tombs are that 4/94 exhibited deposits and objects that 4/88 did not contain, even though, as we stated previously,

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both individuals can be assumed to have held a comparable socio-economic status. Of particular note is the large deposit of cattle remains and deliberately destroyed stone vessels in the descent as well as the 54 limestone ‘dummy vessels’ in the substructure, none of which were found in 4/88. The distinction not only comes with the difference in the quantity and nature of objects having entered the tombs, but also in the effort and rituals that would have accompanied their deposition. There are two main variables that could potentially explain this difference. One being time, the other social differentiation. One could argue that with 4/94 being somewhat later, possibly by one generation or little more, the progress of time could have seen the development of customs and rituals that were not known yet at the time of 4/88. But the evidence from other tombs of the same date group would suggest otherwise as the deposition of cattle bones, the deliberate destruction of stone vessels and the use of limestone ‘dummy vessels’ indeed are in evidence at the time of 4/88. Chronological factors do not seem to be responsible for the difference and can thus be excluded. This means that social differentiation could be a factor. With 4/88 belonging to a woman and 4/94 to a man, one could consider this difference in biological sex to be a cause for distinction. Prior studies have found that men and women in early Egypt enjoyed a greater degree of socio-economic gender equality than in later periods of Pharaonic history when males received more elaborate burials than females (Janosi 1999; Meskell 1999; Savage 2000; Seidlmayer 2001: 214; Köhler & Jones 2009: 79), although the jury is still out if this also applied to non-elite Egyptians. That there was some degree of gender equality is supported by the observation that 4/94, the male’s tomb, is only slightly larger and that the architectural design of both tombs is comparable, which means that there was probably little vertical social difference between them. But it is possible that gender or other forms of horizontal differentiation may yet have been deciding factors here. While the deliberate destruction of stone vessels and cattle bones have been observed in both male and female burials across the site, the provision of limestone ‘dummy vessels’ has been noted predominantly in male tombs3, at least as far as the sex of the occupant could be determined. This is interesting, because regular cylindrical vessels made of stone and pottery were found in both male and female graves. Cylindrical vessels probably contained oil or other fatty substances that mainly played a hygienic and ritual purification role during the Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Periods, especially in funerary contexts, which is why they are a regular item in archaeological tomb inventories as well as in offering lists (Kaplony 1963: 272; Koura 1998; 1999; 3 Securely contexted limestone ‘dummy vessels’ were found in tombs 4/4, 4/19, 4/61, 4/96, 4/137, 4/157A and 4/193, which all belonged to males. Tombs 4/15 and 4/178 also contained them, but the sex of the owner could not be determined due to disturbance. Interestingly, limestone ‘dummy vessels’ were also found in tomb 4/206, and while this tomb is relatively large, it belonged to a young female.

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Köhler & Jones 2009: 39–40). If the observation that limestone ‘dummy vessels’, symbolising oil vessels, occur mainly in male tombs can be sustained on a broader basis, this would be an interesting pattern. It is also interesting that when these ‘dummy vessels’ are found, they rarely occur as single pieces, but at least in pairs, and even more frequently in much higher numbers, often of variable quality and form, and in addition to regular cylinder vessels as is the case with 4/94. All of the 54 ‘dummy vessels’ were found in the substructure and thus were deposited before the tomb was closed, and regular cylindrical vessels were found inside and out, except that the ones outside the burial chamber were destroyed. Their significance could hence lie in their specific function and location where they were deposited, i.e. in relation to the deceased, or in the timing of their placement and the associated specific ritual context. The woman of 4/88 probably had a burial appropriate to her social standing that involved a variety of funerary rituals, as did the man of 4/94. But his burial included two significant additional ritual features, one being the deposition of dozens of ‘dummy vessels’ before the tomb was closed, and the other involved this most unusual ritual of emptying the oil vessels, destroying the stone vessels and depositing their fragments along with the limbs and heads of cattle during and after the closing ceremony of the tomb. This could possibly indicate that while there was little vertical economic differentiation between the two, the man did enjoy a different, possibly greater social status.4 Whilst this detailed comparative analysis only applies to two tombs out of 218, and thus will need to be embedded in the overall analysis of all the tombs before a final verdict can be made, it is very telling nevertheless. We were in the position of making these significant sequential observations only because of the modern standards of archaeological documentation that have been employed. Such details were unfortunately not always realised during the excavation of cemeteries in the earlier 20th century and are therefore lost today. As a result, the tombs at Helwan provide most valuable qualitative evidence on the variability of funerary remains in early Pharaonic Egypt. Society and social structure Because of its size, Helwan was probably the main urban cemetery for the vast majority of the inhabitants living in the early city of Memphis. Considering the size and furnishing of the tombs, the greater part of occupants were members 4

This point emphasises the crucial observation that socio-economic status, which indeed seems to be comparable here, is not the only possible social distinction. Given the fact that males seem to have filled more significant positions in the early state of Egypt in comparison to women of the same social group or class, for example at the court or in the bureaucracy, this would have provided more and different opportunities for their social status to be recognised and expressed in the material remains.

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of the lower and middle classes, although a limited number of unusually large tombs, such as 40.H.3 (Op.1/1), 1473.H.2, 423.H.9, 785.H.5 and 287.H.6 have been documented, which could indicate a very small group of elite burials. The analysis of the corpus of 43 funerary relief slabs from the site, which date between the 1st and 4th Dynasty, has shown that the socially highest ranking individuals would have been sons and daughters of the king (Köhler & Jones 2009). But the majority of office holders were low-ranking bureaucrats, priests and courtiers, as well as craftsmen and logistics personnel, in addition to numerous individuals, especially women, without any titles. And yet this group of individuals who had access to such an inscribed relief slab, and a mastaba large enough for a slab of this kind to be installed, enjoyed much less social standing in comparison to the occupants of the elite tombs at North Saqqara; they ranked higher than the majority of Helwan occupants. This is why we interpret this particular group of persons as members of the ‘middle class’ within Memphite society and why Helwan generally ought to be regarded as a non-elite cemetery (Köhler 2008). Even within this specific socio-economic segment of Memphite society, i.e. the middle and lower base of the social pyramid, there is a significant degree of variability in terms of funerary expenditure. Whilst the quality and quantity of grave goods can be normally considered indicative of socio-economic status, the high degree of ancient disturbance and the heterogeneity of grave furnishings – as discussed above – make this notion difficult to assess at Helwan. On the other hand, the tombs themselves, especially the volume of their substructures, which are far less affected by later interference, offer a degree of comparability between tombs, especially when they can be dated and thus placed within the same timeframe. Analysis of the dated tombs in Operation 4 shows that every date group exhibits a wide range of grave sizes, from very small pit graves of 1 m3 or little more, to relatively large substructures with 15 m3, over 30 m3 and more (the largest being 73 m3 in size), which probably reflects vertical social differentiation. It also emphasises the wide spectrum of socio-economic groups present in this sample. And the larger the substructure, the less tombs belong to the same date group, which means that at all times, the majority of occupants at Helwan had relatively small graves. This also seems to be borne out when considering the tombs that Saad had excavated at the site, but the general lack of published data prevents a direct comparison. Although the sample of excavated tombs in Operation 4 is very small and certainly not representative for the entire Memphite region, it provides a glimpse into the social hierarchy of the city’s population and supports the existence of complex society during the Early Dynastic Period. Preliminary analysis has also shown that the size difference becomes less pronounced in the latest date group IV in Operation 4 where the largest substructure only has a volume of about 15 m3. This date group also marks the end

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of the main occupation period of the Helwan cemetery as well as the time period when Saqqara and Giza developed into the city’s main cemeteries. Seen together these two phenomena could signify a shift in the funerary landscape in the region, from east to west, which was initially driven by the middle and upper socio-economic segments of the urban population, followed by the arrival of the royal tombs in the region from the 2nd Dynasty onwards (Köhler 2012). Centralisation and the Early Dynastic settlement system Throughout this paper, we have been working with the premise that Memphis was the first primary centre of Pharaonic Egypt, and many of the points highlighted above document the significance of Helwan for our understanding of this city. This is especially pertinent because next to no urban settlement remains have been uncovered from this period. Viewing this necropolis within the socio-political landscape of the centralised territorial state allows for a better appreciation of the role that this and other sites in the Memphite region may have played. Following intensive geo-archaeological research and excavations by the EES under the direction of D. Jeffreys over the last several decades, it has been suggested that the main river bed of the Nile was located further west, close to the western desert plateau, and that it had shifted east to its current location over the past 5000 years (Jeffreys & Tavares 1994; Jeffreys 2008; 2012; Bunbury et al. 2017). The later Pharaonic ruins of the city located under the modern village Mitrahina would initially have been located to the east of the river, except that no Early Dynastic remains have as yet been found there. Instead, Jeffreys and his team have uncovered limited early settlement remains along the western escarpment, especially below North Saqqara and Abusir, which document the existence of a habitation area similar to the later pyramid towns. Being located near the elite tombs at Saqqara would support the idea that this settlement may be considered part of the ancient city of Memphis and that the city had subsequently shifted east and south (Jeffreys 2008; 2012). It has also been suggested that instead of a single core settlement, early Memphis may have comprised of a loose conglomerate of several smaller settlements distributed over a vast area (Malek 1983; Lehner 1997; Love 2003). However, a closer look at the necropoleis in the region offers an alternative explanation. About 70 % of the approximately 11,000 excavated Early Dynastic tombs in the region are located at Helwan on the east side of the river; the remainder are distributed over numerous other, much smaller sites that include Tura and North Saqqara with only c. 800 and fewer. Also, judging by the size and architecture of the largest tombs at these sites, not only Saqqara, but Abusir, Abu Ghurab, Giza, Abu Roash, Old Cairo and Helwan also contain elite mastaba tombs. And although Tura is a relatively large site, it does not

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have monumental mastaba tombs. Where such tombs are present at the other sites, the smaller tombs are often subsidiary burials of the elite mastabas as in Abu Roash Cemetery M or at North Saqqara, but beside these, these cemeteries generally display little socio-economic diversity, at least during the 1st Dynasty. With Helwan being one of the earliest, by far the largest, and also the most socio-economically diverse cemetery of the region, it is thus very likely that it served the urban population of early Memphis. An accumulation of such a large number of tombs in a relatively small space on the east side of the river would support the idea of an urban core settlement that cannot have been far from this cemetery. Although there is no direct archaeological evidence for such a settlement, it is possible that it was somewhere at the centre of the valley between Helwan and North Saqqara and to the north of Mitrahina. At that time, it would have been on the east side of the river, and if any remains were still present and not washed away by the changing course of the Nile, it would today be buried under many meters of alluvial silts and modern houses. Furthermore, the elite cemeteries on the west side started comparatively late, with the beginning of the 1st Dynasty, and one could argue that the urban elites chose their burial grounds in a more prominent position than Helwan, and far removed from the rest of the population, i.e. high up on the plateau overlooking the Valley and the Nile Delta. This would be consistent with a long tradition of other elite cemeteries in Egypt, such as at Abydos, Naqada and Hierakonpolis. But this leaves a question about the significance of the settlement remains at Abusir-Saqqara. Probably the best approach to answering this question is by contextualising the above-said within the notion of a complex settlement system that has wide application in archaeology (Nissen 1988; Drennan & Peterson 2004). A complex settlement system allows for ranking several settlements in one region or polity by function, size and complexity, with the largest, socioeconomically most complex, and politically, religiously and economically most significant settlement being the primary centre of that system. The more complex a polity is in terms of its socio-economic and political organisation, the more complex is usually its settlement system. For example, early city states exhibit one primary centre surrounded by numerous small villages and hamlets in the hinterland, whereas territorial states can comprise of a more hierarchical, multi-ranked settlement system including primary, secondary and even tertiary centres as well as villages across the territory (Trigger 2003: 92). The latter settlements rank lower because of their reduced population size and socioeconomic complexity as well as political significance, but their function can be understood within the provincial administration of the state territory. Normally, this notion is applied to regional settlement data, which are obviously not available in our case, but the idea itself yet provides a degree of relevance and can be used with caution when considering the cemeteries as proxies for the settlements. In the early territorial state of Egypt, with its multi-tiered,

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complex society, its centralised government and economy, Memphis most probably was the primary centre. This is not only because historical sources would support this idea, but also because judging by the currently known archaeological evidence from the cemeteries, this region exhibits the highest population density and greatest socio-economic complexity all over Egypt. As has been argued above, the data from the Memphite cemeteries would suggest that this primary centre was located somewhere between Helwan and North Saqqara. The other cemeteries in the regional settlement system of Memphis would have served lower ranking settlements that, depending on rank, location and distance from the primary centre, would have either directly catered for the administration or procurement of agricultural produce for the city of Memphis. The settlement near Tura could have taken such a role in the hinterland. Alternatively, where the size and the existence of elite tombs suggest a degree of socio-economic complexity and centralisation, such as at Abu Roash during the 1st Dynasty, these cemeteries may have served secondary centres, i.e. rural towns or provincial centres at a distance from Memphis. With the settlement at Abusir-Saqqara being not too far from the city, but also near the entrance of Wadi Abusir that appears to be an access route for the North Saqqara plateau, it is possible that this community played a role in relation to the cemeteries. This would have included locations for the funerary craft industries and personnel similar to the later pyramid towns, but unfortunately, this cannot be ascertained on the basis of the information currently available. Importantly, past research on Memphis has very much focused on the western side of the region where the elite cemeteries and the visible ruins of Memphis are located. Our intensive research on the archaeological evidence from Helwan has forced the Egyptological discourse to not only consider the area between Abu Roash, Dahshur and Mitrahina, or what is often termed the ‘capital zone’ (Bunbury et al. 2017; Lehner 1997), as part of the history and archaeology of Memphis, but to also extend attention to the east. We hope that our research has made a contribution to elucidating this point.

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BUNBURY, J.; TAVARES, A.; PENNINGTON, B.; GONCALVES, P., 2017. Development of the Memphite Floodplain Landscape and Settlement Symbiosis in the Egyptian Capital Zone [in:] WILLEMS, H. & DAHMS, J.M. (eds.), The Nile: Natural and Cultural Landscape in Egypt. Bielefeld: 71‒96. DRENNAN, R.D. & PETERSON, C., 2004. Comparing Archaeological Settlement Systems with Rank-Size Graphs: A Measure of Shape and Statistical Confidence. Journal of Archaeological Science 31/5: 533‒549. EMERY, W.B., 1958. Great Tombs of the First Dynasty III. London. ENGEL, E.-M., 2013. Grab des Semerchet. 1. Weinkrüge [in:] DREYER, G.; ENGEL, E.-M.; HARTMANN, R.; KÖPP-JUNK, H.; MEYRAT, P.; MÜLLER, V. & REGULSKI, I., Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof – 22./23./24. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 69: 46‒54. EYRE, Ch., 2010. The Economy: Pharaonic [in:] LLOYD, A. (ed.), Companion to Ancient Egypt. Chichester: 291‒308. HARTMANN, R., in press. Wine Jars from the Second Dynasty Royal Tombs of Ninetjer and Peribsen [in:] WODZINSKA, A. & RZEUSKA, T. (eds.), Old Kingdom Pottery Workshop 2. HARTUNG, U.; KÖHLER, E.C.; MÜLLER, V. & OWNBY, M., 2015. Imported Pottery from Abydos – a New Petrographic Perspective. Egypt & the Levant 26: 295‒333. HEINZE, R.H. (ed.), 2000. The Nature and Function of Rituals. Westport. JEFFREYS, D., 2008. The Survey of Memphis, Capital of Ancient Egypt: Recent Developments. Archaeology International 11: 41–44. JEFFREYS, D., 2012. Climbing the White Walls: Recent Experiences of the Memphis Survey [in:] EVANS, L. (ed.), Ancient Memphis: ‘Enduring is the Perfection’. Proceedings of the International Conference Held at Macquarie University, Sydney on August 14–15, 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 214. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 221‒236. JEFFREYES, D. & TAVARES, A., 1994. The Historic Landscape of Early Dynastic Memphis. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 50: 143‒173. JANOSI, P., 1999. The Tombs of Officials: Houses of Eternity [in:] Egyptian Art in the Age of the Pyramids. New York: 27‒39. KAPLONY, P., 1963. Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit I-III. Wiesbaden. KÖHLER, E.C., 1996. Vorbericht zur Keramikbearbeitung der spätvorgeschichtlichen und frühzeitlichen Friedhöfe U und B [in:] DREYER, G.; ENGEL, E.-M.; HARTUNG, U.; HIKADE, T.; KÖHLER, E.C. & PUMPENMEIER, F., Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof. 7./8. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 52: 49‒56. KÖHLER, E.C., 1998a. Buto III - Die Keramik von der späten Vorgeschichte bis zum frühen Alten Reich (Schicht III bis VI). Mainz. KÖHLER, E.C., 1998b. Excavations at Helwan. New Insights into Early Dynastic Stone Masonry. Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 9: 65‒72. KÖHLER, E.C., 1999. Re-assessment of a Cylinder Seal from Helwan. Göttinger Miszellen 169: 49‒56. KÖHLER, E.C., 2000. Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery at Helwan – A Preliminary Report of the 1998/99 and 1999/2000 Seasons. Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 11: 83‒92. KÖHLER, E.C., 2002. Hidden Treasures in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo – The Collection of Objects from Zaki Saad’s Excavations at Helwan/Ezbet el-Walda [in:] EL-DAMATY, M. & TRAD, M. (eds.), Egyptian Museum Collections around the World. Studies for the Centennial of the Egyptian Museum, Cairo. Cairo: 679‒690.

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KÖHLER, E.C., 2003a. Zum Grab und Totenkult in der Frühzeit [in:] GUKSCH, H.; HOFMANN, E. & BOMMAS, M. (eds.), Grab und Totenkult. Festschrift Jan Assmann. München: 11‒26. KÖHLER, E.C., 2003b. The New Excavations in the Early Dynastic Necropolis at Helwan. Archéo-Nil 13: 16‒27. KÖHLER, E.C., 2003c. Preliminary Report on the Fourth Season of Excavations at Helwan/Ezbet el-Walda by the Australian Centre for Egyptology at Macquarie University in Sydney. Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 77: 83‒90. KÖHLER, E.C., 2004a. Australian Excavations at Helwan in Egypt [in:] MURRAY, T. (ed.), Archaeology from Australia. Melbourne: 325‒341. KÖHLER, E.C., 2004b. The Cairo Museum Collection of Artefacts from Zaki Saad’s excavations at Helwan. Armidale. KÖHLER, E.C., 2004c. On the Origins of Memphis – The New Excavations in the Early Dynastic Necropolis at Helwan [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August ‒ 1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 295‒315. KÖHLER, E.C. 2004d. Seven Years of Excavations at Helwan in Egypt. Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 15: 79‒88. KÖHLER, E.C., 2005. Helwan I: Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery. Season 1997/98. With Contributions by BIRRELL, M.; CASEY, I.; HIKADE, T.; SMYTHE J. & ST.CLAIR, B. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 24. Heidelberg. KÖHLER, E.C., 2007a. Final Report on the 9th Season of Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery at Helwan/Ezebt el-Walda. Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 81: 191‒215. KÖHLER, E.C., 2007b. Zaki Y. Saad – A Life for Archaeology. Archéo-Nil 17: 107‒114. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008a. Early Dynastic Society at Memphis [in:] Engel, E.-M.; Müller, V. & Hartung, U. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer. Wiesbaden: 381‒400. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008b. Funerary Architecture (Helwan Cemetery). Archéo-Nil 18: 113‒130. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008c. Final Report on the 10th Season of Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery at Helwan/Ezbet el-Walda. Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 82: 171‒188. KÖHLER, E.C., 2009. Final Report on the 11th Season of Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery at Helwan/Ezbet el-Walda. Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 83: 279‒293. KÖHLER, E.C., 2011. Introduction. Archéo-Nil 21: 5‒11. KÖHLER, E.C., 2012. The Orientation of Cult Niches and Burial Chambers in Early Dynastic Tombs at Helwan [in:] EVANS, L. (ed.), Ancient Memphis – ‘Enduring is the Perfection’. Proceedings of the International Conference Held at Macquarie University, Sydney on August 14–15, 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 214. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 279‒298. KÖHLER, E.C., 2013. Early Dynastic Egyptian Chronologies [in:] SHORTLAND, A. & RAMSEY, C.B. (eds.), Radiocarbon and the Chronologies of Egypt. Exeter: 224‒234. KÖHLER, E.C., 2014. Helwan III – Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 1-50. With Contributions by ABD EL-KAREM, M. & MARSHALL, C. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 26. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C., 2017. Helwan IV – Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 51-100. With Contributions by MARSHALL, C.; ALI, A.M.; BÖHM, H. & ABDEL KAREM, M., Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 28. Rahden.

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KÖHLER, E.C., forthcoming. Memphis – Rebuilding the Ancient City of White Walls. KÖHLER, E.C., & JONES, J., 2009. Helwan II – The Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Funerary Relief Slabs. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 25. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C. & KNOBLAUCH, C. 2017. Die Keramik von Friedhof B [in:] DREYER, G.; ENGEL, E.-M.; HARTMANN, R.; KNOBLAUCH, C.; KÖHLER, E.C.; KÖPP-JUNK, H.; KUHN, R.; MAHN, M.; MEYRAT, P.; MÜLLER, V.; REGULSKI, I. & SÄHLHOF, M., Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof, 25./26./27. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 73: 23‒35 KÖHLER, E.C. & OWNBY, M., 2011. Levantine Imports and their Imitations from Helwan. Egypt & the Levant 21: 31‒46. KÖHLER, E.C. & SMYTHE, J., 2004. Early Dynastic Pottery from Helwan – Establishing a Ceramic Corpus of the Naqada III Period. Cahiers de la Céramique Egyptienne 7: 123‒144. KÖHLER, E.C.; SMYTHE, J. & HOOD, A.G.E. 2011. Naqada IIIC–D: The End of the Naqada Culture? Archéo-Nil 21: 101‒110. KÖHLER, E.C. & VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M., 2002. Four Jars with Incised Serekh-signs from Helwan Recently Retrieved from the Cairo Museum. Göttinger Miszellen 187: 59‒81. KOURA, B., 1998. Die allgemeinen und einzelnen Bezeichnungen der ölhaltigen Produkte im Alten Ägypten. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 26: 69‒80. KOURA, B., 1999. Die “7-Heiligen Öle” und andere Öl- und Fettnamen: eine lexikographische Untersuchung zu den Bezeichnungen von Ölen, Fetten und Salben bei den alten Ägyptern von der Frühzeit bis zum Anfang der Ptolemäerzeit (von 3000 v.Chr. - ca. 305 v.Chr.). Aachen. LEHNER, M. 1997. The Complete Pyramids. London. LOVE, S., 2003. Questioning the Location of the Old Kingdom Capital of Memphis, Egypt. Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 14: 70‒84. LLOYD, A.B., 1989. Psychology and Society in the Ancient Egyptian Cult of the Dead [in:] Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt. New Haven: 117‒133. MÁLEK, J. 1983. Giza [in:] SMITH, H.S. & HALL, R. (eds.), Ancient Centres of Egyptian Civilization. London: 25‒36. MENU, B., 2003. La mise en place des structures étatiques dans l’Égypte du IVe millénaire. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 103: 307‒326. MESKELL, L., 1999. Archaeologies of Social Life. Oxford. METCALF, P. & HUNTINGTON R., 1995. Celebrations of Death. New York. MORENO-GARCIA, C. (ed.), 2013. Ancient Egyptian Administration. Leiden. NISSEN, H.J., 1988. Grundzüge einer Geschichte der Frühzeit des Vorderen Orients. Chicago. PARKER PEARSON, M., 2003. The Archaeology of Death and Burial. Gloustershire. SAAD, Z.Y., 1947. Royal Excavations at Saqqara and Helwan (1941-1945). Cairo. SAAD, Z.Y., 1951. Royal Excavations at Helwan (1945-1947). Cairo. SAAD, Z.Y., 1957. Ceiling Stelae in Second Dynasty Tombs from the Excavations at Helwan. Cairo. SAAD, Z.Y., 1969. The Excavations at Helwan: Art and Civilization in the First and Second Egyptian Dynasties. Oklahoma. SAVAGE, S.H., 2000. The Status of Women in Predynastic Egypt as Revealed through Mortuary Analysis [in:] RAUTMAN, A.E. (ed.), Reading the Body: Representations and Remains in the Archaeological Record. Philadelphia: 77‒92.

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SEIDLMAYER, S.J., 2001. Die Ikonographie des Todes [in:] WILLEMS, H. (ed.), Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 103. Leuven/Paris/Sterling, VA: 205‒252. SMITH, M.E., 2004. The Archaeology of Ancient State Economies. Annual Review of Anthropology 33: 73–102. SMITH, M.E., 2011. Empirical Urban Theory for Archaeologists. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 18/3: 167‒192. SMYTHE, J., 2004. Pottery from Operation 3/1 [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the international conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August ‒ 1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 317‒335. SMYTHE, J., 2008. New Results from a Second Storage Tomb at Helwan: Implications for the Naqada III Period in the Memphite region [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th-8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 151‒186. STOREY, G.R. (ed.), 2006. Urbanism in the Preindustrial World – Cross Cultural Approaches. Tuscaloosa. TALLET, P., 2012. Sur la fondation de la ville de Memphis au début de l’histoire pharaonique: de nouvelles données au Ouadi ‘Ameyra (Sud-Sinaï). Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres 2012/4: 1649‒1658. TALLET, P., 2013. Une inscription du roi Djer au Sud-Sinaï: La première phrase écrite en hiéroglyphes? Abgadiyat 8/1: 122‒127. DOI: 10.1163/22138609-90000014. TALLET, P., 2015. La Zone Minière Pharaonique du Sud-Sinaï: Les inscriptions pré- et protodynastiques du Ouadi ‘Ameyra. Cairo. TALLET, P. & LAISNEY, D., 2012. Iry-Hor et Narmer au Sud-Sinaï (Ouadi ‘Ameyra): un complément à la chronologie des expéditions minières égyptiennes. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 112: 381‒398. TAYLOR, J.H., 2001. Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt. London. TRIGGER, B.G., 2003. Understanding Early Civilizations. Cambridge. VAN GENNEP, A. [1909] 1969. Les rites de passage. New York. WARDEN, L.A., 2014. Pottery and Economy in Old Kingdom Egypt. Leiden.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE MINING AREAS OF THE WADI EL-SHEIKH E. CHRISTIANA KÖHLER1 & ELIZABETH HART2 1 

Institute for Egyptology, University of Vienna, Austria 2  Metropolitan Museum New York, USA

This paper provides a summary of archaeological research conducted by the University of Vienna Middle Egypt Project at Wadi el-Sheikh with a special focus on prehistoric and early 3rd millennium BCE activities. It will discuss the different mining and chert processing technologies observed so far, the difficulties in dating many of the mining sites as well as the significance Wadi el-Sheikh holds for lithic production in Prehistoric and Pharaonic Egypt.

The area of Wadi el-Sheikh has been known for its intensive use as a source of chert and other materials since 1896 when H. Seton-Karr discovered its wealth of archaeological evidence and conducted surface collections, the yield of which he distributed to numerous museums worldwide (Seton-Karr 1898). Besides brief visits by various scholars during the past century (Baumgartel 1930; Pawlik 2000; 2006; Negro & Cammelli 2010; Barket & Yohe 2011; Weiner 2011; Weisgerber 1982; 1987; 1991), this vast area has never been explored systematically until 2014 when the University of Vienna Middle Egypt Project, in cooperation with the Deutsches Bergbaumuseum in Bochum, set out to explore the ancient mines in the Wadi el-Sheikh and engage in comprehensive archaeological research. Wadi el-Sheikh is a large dry valley system in the Eastern Desert of Middle Egypt that is about 35–40 km long, it includes numerous smaller tributaries and enters the Nile Valley in the area of el-Hibeh and el-Fant (Fig. 1). The chert deposits are of Eocene origin and, being embedded within limestone formations, are either exposed at the surface or buried deep in the rock. Besides chert, we have also noted the possible extraction of gypsum, iron oxide, silicified limestone and salt, the latter having been exploited until modern times. The aim of this project is to investigate the scope and chronology of human activities in the Wadi el-Sheikh, particularly mining activities, the technologies and scales involved in the acquisition and processing of the raw materials, their archaeological distribution within the Nile Valley and to contextualise all of these within the ancient socio-economic system of the time. One objective in pursuing these aims is to explore the Wadi el-Sheikh in order to determine the geographic extent and dating of the ancient mining activities through reconnaissance and surface surveys. To date, about 120 km2

Fig. 1. General map of Wadi el-Sheikh.

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have been covered and 34 localities have been identified, but vast areas remain to be investigated. Also, since many of these localities cover hundreds of thousands of square meters, many are yet to be investigated in detail. At most of these localities evidence for ancient chert mining and processing have been observed. However, the progress of this aspect of the project has been relatively slow because the chert deposits tend to be located high up on the desert terraces at a level between 70–200 m, which are dissected by smaller wadis and gullies making the terrain most difficult to access, even with the assistance of 4WD vehicles. Parallel to the survey of sites, the project has also been engaged in more detailed investigations of certain localities, including surface collections and archaeological excavations in order to better understand the nature of the evidence (Köhler, Hart & Klaunzer 2017; Klaunzer, Mustar & Köhler 2017). As far as this evidence currently allows us to say, we can distinguish between two general mining methods; one being above-ground, or open-cast mining, and the other underground extraction. Where chert deposits are located near the surface, we have observed that the ancient miners aimed for raw material from lower levels, which had not been exposed to wind and thermoclastic effects, and extracted the chert via pits and trenches of variable depth. In some areas, relatively shallow ditches extend along the entire edge of the terraces while cutting back into the rock, separating chert from limestone and disposing of the debris next to the mining trench (Fig. 2). In other areas, these trenches reach depths of 3–4 meters with large mounds of limestone debris having accumulated beside them.

Fig. 2. Mining trenches along the edge of the plateau in Locality 29.

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Fig. 3. Google Earth image of Locality 5.

Where the chert deposits are buried deep under thick layers of rock the miners often chose to excavate vertical mining shafts of 5–6 m depth creating subterranean mining chambers that then followed the natural chert deposits in a horizontal direction. The debris was removed and deposited around the rim of the shaft thereby creating conspicuous circular mounds of debris, which are easily discernible in satellite images (Fig. 3). In one area of L20C, a 3 m deep trench was later used to start a subterranean mining chamber that extended horizontally 19 m deep and 7–8 m wide into the mountain in pursuit of large, high quality chert nodules. The chert raw material is very heterogeneous in character. Colours range from solid creamy buff, light to dark brown, and different hues of grey (Munsell 7.5– 10 YR 5–8/1–2–6/3), or with structures varying from light-coloured veins, to a dark brown to black centre. The chert materials also occur in opaque and semitransparent varieties. The cortex ranges from rough and knobbly to chalky. Due to long-term exposure of the otherwise very well preserved chert workshops, the surface material exhibits a dark brown to black patina. At times, the chert seems semi-coarse and opaque, more comparable to silicified limestone, at other times it is fine-grained and semi-transparent. This heterogeneity obviously poses a difficulty with visually identifying the distribution of Wadi el-Sheikh chert in Nile Valley archaeological sites. The project is currently exploring scientific methods

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for identifying and analysing Wadi el-Sheikh raw materials and comparing them to materials from archaeological sites in the Egyptian Nile Valley. The extraction of the raw material was done with the assistance of special mining tools made of chert, silicified limestone and quartzite (Figs. 4–5). We have observed relatively standardised chert picks of c. 20–25 cm length with

Fig. 4. Examples of chert picks.

Fig. 5. Quartzite hammer stone from Locality 20C.

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bi- or tri-facial shaping and retouch, a pointed tip at one end and a handle at the other, as well as rounded and ovoid hammer stones that appear to have been hand-held or hafted to a wooden handle. We have also noted traces of copper or bronze on chert raw materials and tools, which might indicate the use of metal tools in the extraction or processing of the raw materials, although metal tools themselves have not been found to date. Once the chert raw material was extracted and isolated from the surrounding limestone initial processing often occurred right next to the mining trenches and shafts. Throughout the chert mining sites large numbers of knapping areas have been recorded where the raw material was turned into cores, roughouts, and preforms of different kinds. The principal technologies observed are bifacial core-reduction and blade-technology (for a comprehensive summary see Hart et al., in preparation; Köhler, Hart & Klaunzer 2017). The most remarkable aspect of the chert mines in the Wadi el-Sheikh is the enormous intensity of the mining activities and combination of different technologies in many of the localities that have been surveyed to date. This is most probably due to the fact that this particular chert was considered of adequate quality for the manufacture of artefacts, and thus highly sought after in antiquity; and that Wadi el-Sheikh was visited over a very long period of time. For example, our research and limited excavations in Locality 20C have provided evidence for several phases of mining activities between the Early Dynastic Period and the Late Period, i.e. a time span of some 2500 years, although the mining intensity may have varied at different times. However, the difficulty in dating the ancient mines lies in the dearth of sufficiently precise chronologically diagnostic material since blanks and preforms of chert tools are often somewhat ambiguous to date and typologies are based on the shape of final forms. Although in numerous cases, the mission was able to collect pottery, this was often highly eroded as a result of exposure or not sufficiently diagnostic for dating. Nevertheless, on numerous occasions we have arrived at a positive result. For example, Early Dynastic activity is indicated in L20C on the basis of chert bangle production. Chert bangles are rare, but highly diagnostic artefacts in the Nile Valley where they are found in settlement and cemetery contexts of the Naqada III Period (e.g. Petrie 1895: 59, 1901: 36, pl. VII; Katthagen 1985; Schmidt 1987: Fig. 5:2; Tillmann 1992: 165–167; Köhler 2004: Fig. 15:2; Pawlik 2006: 204; Graves-Brown 2010: 481–483; Kobusiewicz 2015: 25). For example, during the excavations by Zaki Saad at Helwan at least 18 chert bangles were found, although not many in secure contexts (Fig. 6); the new mission at Helwan (see Köhler, this volume) found one fragment on the surface in Operation 4 (Fig. 7). In addition, several pieces were observed by R. Hartmann at Abydos/Umm el-Qaab in the tomb of King Peribsen of the 2nd Dynasty (Hartmann, forthcoming). They are made from bifacially retouched disc-shaped preforms, which are subsequently

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Fig. 6. Chert bangle from Saad’s excavations at Helwan (EM98–37).

Fig. 7. Fragment of a chert bangle from the surface in Operation 4 (S06–51).

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hollowed out to create chert circles and then left either trifacially retouched with a triangular cross-section or carefully polished with a D-shaped section and thereby created to be thin and delicate bangles. In the same area of L20C we also recorded pottery fragments of the Old Kingdom, such as beer jars and Meydum bowls, as well as pottery of the 27th Dynasty. Interestingly, a large building structure made of dry stone walls comprising of four rooms, three are relatively equal in size, appears to have been used during the Old Kingdom and Late Period, although final analysis of the occupation history is pending. We hypothesise that buildings like these would have been used as shelter by the ancient miners while working and temporarily living near the mines. In Localities 20B and C many different kinds of mining technology are present including deep open-cast trenches and subterranean galleries, but with the broad chronological range of activity in the area and a lack of specific, chronologically indicative data associated with them, it is currently difficult to directly relate the different mining strategies to particular time periods. There is some evidence to suggest that in those areas where Early Dynastic bangle production was observed, in L20C and L33, the raw material was extracted through open-cast mining. And at least during the Old Kingdom, the mining technologies at the Wadi el-Sheikh range from relatively large-scale open-cast extraction in L20C to underground mining in L5, L20C and possibly L11, which could indicate that different mining technologies were used during the same time periods. On the other hand, comparison with other Old Kingdom mining sites, like at Wadi Sannur (Briois & Midant-Reynes, this volume; 2014; 2015), shows that, up until now, underground mining seems to be limited to the Wadi el-Sheikh. This may relate to differences in the geology of the areas. Especially seen together, these two mining areas demonstrate the high demand of chert tools during the Old Kingdom and the effort that the early Pharaonic miners were prepared to invest in the acquisition of this most basic resource. Much effort has been invested in determining the beginning of mining activities at the site. The earliest lithic artefacts so far identified in Wadi el-Sheikh are Levallois cores dating to the Middle Paleolithic found on the surface of Localities 19 and 20A. Although there is evidence for mining in both localities, this seems to be a later activity, since the mines contain and are surrounded by Pharaonic Period lithic artefacts. So far there is no clear association between the Levallois cores and the chert mining and it is possible that the raw material was collected from the surface during the earliest periods. There are signs of later prehistoric activities at Locality 24 (L24) where open-cast mining is associated with lithic production that is very different from the production at the Pharaonic localities. A number of unretouched side-blow flakes were found at L24 (Figs. 8–9). Side-blow flakes are retouched tools made on blanks that are twice as wide as they are long and struck consecutively from a core with a distinctive platform shape and dorsal scar pattern. They are

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE MINING AREAS OF THE WADI EL-SHEIKH

Fig. 8. Surface survey at Locality 24.

Fig. 9. Side-blow flake from Locality 24 (K16–230).

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frequently associated with sites dating to the 6th–5th millennia BCE (Eastern Desert: Tree Shelter – Vermeersch et al. 2002: 135, Fig. 11; Western Desert: Nabta area – Banks 1984: 175; Wendorf & Schild 1980: 160–161; Djara – Kindermann 2010: 43–44, 75–77; Dakhla – McDonald 2002: 110, 112–113,

Fig. 10. Blades and core from Locality 24 (K16–223).

Fig. 11. Core and prismatic blades from Locality 20C.

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Fig. 1; Nile Valley: Mahgar Dendera 2 – Hendrickx et al. 2001: 36, Pl. 29, 2), and have occasionally been found in later 4th millennium BCE sites (Abadiya 2 – Vermeersch et al. 2004). Additionally, the blade technology at L24 is substantially different from the blade technology observed at the Pharaonic sites, pointing to an earlier date. The blades from L24 are wide, thick blades struck from oblong single platform cores with little preparation and a platform angle close to 90 degrees (Fig. 10). In contrast, the blades from the Pharaonic localities are prismatic, narrow, and thin, struck from distinctive cores with acute platform angles and which often exhibit substantial preparation of the platform and flaking face (Fig. 11). The difference can also be demonstrated with a comparison of blade dimensions. Average dimensions of the blades from L24 are given in Table 1 and compared to those of prismatic blades from other localities (Fig. 12). The blades from L24 are on average more than twice as wide and twice as thick as those from Pharaonic sites. The sample from L24 is distinct from the others, which can be dated to the Pharaonic Period through finds of associated pottery. Therefore, the Pharaonic Period can reasonably be excluded as the period of activity, pointing to an earlier date for L24. A potential parallel for the site is Kharga Oasis where Caton-Thompson (1952: 177–187) identified retouched and unretouched side-blow flakes associated with remains from what she terms a Neolithic culture group, found in the Kharga depression and on the limestone scarp. Additionally, in some isolated surface finds in the depression they co-occur with blade cores technologically similar to the ones found in L24 (Caton-Thompson 1952: 177, Pl. 120 2, 3), but smaller. On the scarp, side-blow flakes were also found near a chert extraction area; however, the remains there date from her Neolithic to the Late Period.

Blades #L L (cm) #W W (cm) #TH TH (cm)

L24

L20

L22

L25

L27

L29

L30

29

18

4

1

1

0

0

9.17

6.13

8.36

4.14

5.49

n/a

n/a

29

279

18

12

65

27

8

3.74

1.19

1.32

1.36

1.31

1.68

1.33

29

278

18

12

65

27

8

1.59

0.36

0.52

0.4

0.42

0.79

0.36

Table 1. Comparison of the average blade dimensions from Locality 24 to the average blade dimensions from Pharaonic localities (L20, 22, 25, 27, 29, 30). # = number of pieces measured for L = Length, W = Width and TH = Thickness. The width and thickness of blades from the Pharaonic localities were measured on complete pieces and fragments, since there were so few complete pieces.

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Fig. 12: Average blade dimensions at Wadi el-Sheikh Localities 20, 22, 24, 25, 27, 29, 30.

Although much more work needs to be done to validate these results and to add more chronologically diagnostic and other qualitative data to the individual localities, the material from Wadi el-Sheikh currently suggests that this area was exploited for its chert over a long period of time and also very intensively. At this point, the evidence indicates more or less continuous use from prehistoric times through to the Late Period, which distinguishes this area from other chert mining sites in Egypt where exploitation was limited to certain time periods. In the long term, the mission hopes to contribute evidence to research on ancient Egyptian resource acquisition strategies, be it via informal expeditions by small groups of specialist craftsmen or formal, large-scale state-organised expeditions. The scale and logistics of the latter are well-established on the basis of inscriptions starting in the Proto-Dynastic Period (e.g. Tallet 2003; 2012; 2013; 2015; Tallet & Laisney 2012), although none of these seem to have been concerned with the acquisition of chert (Seyfried 1981; Eichler 1993; Hikade 2001). This is where our archaeological research can fill a crucial gap in information about such expedition activities.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE MINING AREAS OF THE WADI EL-SHEIKH

Ca. years BCE

Relative chronological / historical period

Chert mines at the Wadi el-Sheikh

1070–400

Third Intermediate Late Period

✔

1550–1070

New Kingdom

+

2050–1550

Middle Kingdom - Second Intermediate Period

+

2600–2050

Old Kingdom - First Intermediate Period

✔

Galala North/Sannur

3300–2600

Naqada III / Proto- and Early Dynastic

✔

Galala North/Sannur

4000–3300

Naqada I+II / Chalcolithic (Predynastic)

5100–4000

Neolithic

24000–7000

Late Palaeolithic / Epipalaeolithic

50000–24000

Upper Palaeolithic

175000–50000

Middle Palaeolithic

+ ✔?

377

Other chert/flint mines in Egypt*

Tell el-Amarna, Hierakonpolis

Hierakonpolis, Ain Barda

✔

Nazlet Khater-4 (✔)

Taramsa Hill

Table 2. Chronology of mining activities at Wadi el-Sheikh and other mining sites in Egypt. * = where Eocene limestone formations and chert deposits occur near the Nile Valley, spontaneous exploitation of surface chert can generally be assumed. The sites listed here are recognised active mining areas. ✔ = based on data obtained by the Austrian mission. + = previously suggested (e.g. Harrell 2012; Tilmann 1992) but not confirmed by this mission.

Bibliography BANKS, K.M. 1984. Climates, Cultures, and Cattle: The Holocene Archaeology of the Eastern Sahara. Dallas. BARKET, T.M. & YOHE, R.M., 2011. A Technological Evaluation of the Flint Blade-Core Reduction Sequence at Wadi el-Sheikh, Middle Egypt. Lithic Technology 36/1: 27‒38. BAUMGARTEL, E., 1930. The Flint Quarries of Wady Sheykh. Ancient Egypt 4: 103‒108. BRIOIS, F., & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2014. Sur les traces de Georg August Schweinfurth: Les sites d’exploitation du silex d’époque pharaonique dans le massif du Galâlâ nord (désert Oriental). Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 114: 73‒98. BRIOIS, F. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2015. Ouadi Sannur: Rapport d’activité 2014-2015. Suppl. au Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 115: 49‒55. CATON-THOMPSON, G. 1952. Kharga Oasis in Prehistory. London.

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EICHLER, E., 1993. Untersuchungen zum Expeditionswesen des ägyptischen Alten Reichs. Wiesbaden GRAVES-BROWN, C.A., 2011. The Ideological Significance of Flint in Dynastic Egypt. Ph.D. Thesis University College London. HARRELL, J.A., 2012. Utilitarian Stones. UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, 1(1). Los Angeles. Available at: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/77t294df HARRELL, J.A. & STORMYR, P., 2009. Ancient Egyptian Quarries – An Illustrated Overview. Geological Survey of Norway Special Publication 12: 7–50. HART, E. et al., in preparation. Stone Tool Production at Wadi El-Sheikh, Egypt. HENDRICKX, S.; MIDANT-REYNES, B. & VAN NEER, W. 2001. Mahgar Dendera 2 (Haute Égypte), un site d’occupation Badarien. Egyptian Prehistory Monographs 3. Leuven. HARTMANN, R., forthcoming. Das Grab des Königs Peribsen in Umm el-Qaab – Funde. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen. HIKADE, T., 2001. Das Expeditionswesen im Ägyptischen Neuen Reich. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 21. Heidelberg. KATTHAGEN, B., 1985. Die Silexartefakte aus Elephantine: Ein Beitrag zur Steinindustrie des Alten Reiches in Ägypten. Masters thesis. University of Tübingen. KINDERMANN, K., 2010. Djara: Zur mittelholozänen Besiedlungsgeschichte zwischen Niltal und Oasen (Abu-Muharik-Plateau, Ägypten). Köln. KLAUNZER, M.; MUSTAR, F. & KÖHLER, E.C., 2017. Chert for the Masses… Mining Archaeology in Wadi el-Sheikh: A Preliminary Report. Metalla 23.1: 3–18. KOBUSIEWICZ, M., 2015. The Production, Use and Importance of Flint Tools in the Archaic Period and the Old Kingdom of Egypt. Oxford. KÖHLER, E.C.; HART, E. & KLAUNZER, M., 2017. Wadi el-Sheikh: A New Archaeological Investigation of Ancient Egyptian Chert Mines. PLOS ONE (Feb., 2, 2017). https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0170840 KÖHLER, E.C., 2004. The Cairo Museum Collection of Artefacts from Zaki Saad’s Excavations at Helwan. Armidale. MCDONALD, M., 2002. Dakhleh Oasis in Predynastic and Early Dynastic Times: Bashendi B and the Sheikh Muftah Cultural Units. Archéo-Nil 12: 109‒120. NEGRO, G. & CAMMELLI, M., 2010. The Flint Quarries of Wadi El Sheikh (Eastern Desert of Egypt). Sahara 21: 107‒116. PAWLIK, A.F., 2000. Exkursionen zu den Silex-Bergbaurevieren im Wadi el-Scheick bei el-Hiba. Göttinger Miszellen 177: 49‒56. PAWLIK, A.F., 2006. The Lithic Industry of the Pharaonic Site Kom al-Ahmar in Middle Egypt and its Relationship to the Flint Mines of the Wadi al-Sheikh [in:] KÖRLIN, G. & WEISGERBER, G. (eds.), Stone Age – Mining Age. Der Anschnitt, Beiheft 19. Bochum: 545‒561. PETRIE, W.M.F. 1895. Naqada and Ballas. London. PETRIE, W.M.F. 1901. Diospolis Parva. The Cemeteries of Abadiyeh and Hu 1898-99. London. SCHMIDT, K., 1987. Die lithischen Kleinfunde [in:] VON DER WAY, T., Tell el Fara’inButo, 2. Bericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 43: 297‒306. SETON-KARR, H.W., 1898. Discovery of the Lost Mines of Egypt. Journal of the Royal Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 27: 90‒92. SEYFRIED, K.-J., 1981. Beiträge zu den Expeditionen des Mittleren Reiches in die Ostwüste. Hildesheimer Archäologische Beiträge 15. Hildesheim. TALLET, P., 2003. Notes sur la zone minière du Sud-Sinaï au Nouvel Empire. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 103: 459‒486.

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TALLET, P., 2012. Sur la fondation de la ville de Memphis au début de l’histoire pharaonique: de nouvelles données au Ouadi ‘Ameyra (Sud-Sinaï). Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres 2012/4: 1649‒1658. TALLET, P., 2013. Une inscription du roi Djer au Sud-Sinaï: la première phrase écrite en hiéroglyphes? Abgadiyat 8/1: 122‒127. DOI: 10.1163/22138609-90000014 TALLET, P., 2015. La Zone Minière Pharaonique du Sud-Sinaï: Les inscriptions préet protodynastiques du Ouadi ‘Ameyra. Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 132. Cairo. TALLET, P. & LAISNEY, D., 2012. Iry-Hor et Narmer au Sud-Sinai (Ouadi Ameyra): Un complement à la chronologie des expeditions minières égyptiennes. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 112: 381‒398. TILLMANN, A., 1992. Die Steinartefakte des dynastischen Ägypten, dargestellt am Beispiel der Inventare aus Tell el-Dab’a und Qantir. Tübingen. TILLMANN, A. 1994. Die Steinartefakte [in:] Pharaonen und Fremde. Dynastien im Dunkel. Katalog zur Sonderausstellung des Historischen Museums der Stadt Wien. Wien: 105‒109. TILLMANN, A., 1999. Dynastic Stone Tools [in:] BARD, K.A. (ed.), Encyclopedia of Egyptian Archaeology. London: 262‒265. VERMEERSCH, P.M., 1986. Middle Palaeolithic Quarry Pits near Qena (Upper Egypt). Paléorient 12: 61‒65. VERMEERSCH, P.M., 2002a. Nazlet Khater 4 – An Upper Palaeolithic Underground Chert Mine [in:] VERMEERSCH, P.M. (ed.), Palaeolithic Quarrying Sites in Upper and Middle Egypt. Leuven: 211‒271. VERMEERSCH, P.M., 2002b. Palaeolithic Quarrying Sites in Upper and Middle Egypt. Leuven. VERMEERSCH, P.M.; PAULISSEN, E. & GUSELNIGS, G., 1991–92. Jungpaläolithischer Hornsteinbergbau in Ägypten. Der Anschnitt 43: 50‒62. VERMEERSCH P.M. & PAULISSEN, E., 1993. Palaeolithic Chert Quarrying and Mining in Egypt [in:] KrzyżANIAK, L., et al. (eds.), Environmental Change and Human Culture in the Nile Basin and Northern Africa until the Second Millennium B.C. Studies in African Archaeology 4. Poznan: 337‒349. VERMEERSCH, P.M.; VAN NEER, W. & HENDRICKX, S., 2004. El Abadiya 2, a Naqada I Site near Danfiq, Upper Egypt [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August ‒ 1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 213‒276. VERMEERSCH, P.M.; VAN PEER, P.; MOEYERSONS, J. & VAN NEER, W., 2002. The Tree Shelter, a Holocene Site in the Red Sea Mountains. Archéo-Nil 12: 123‒137. WEINER, J., 2011. Typologie und Technologie von Steinartefakten aus dem altägyptischen Hornsteinbergbau-Revier im Wadi el-Sheikh, Ägypten. Der Anschnitt 63/4–5: 130‒ 156. WEISGERBER, G., 1982. Altägyptischer Hornsteinbergbau im Wadi el-Sheikh. Der Anschnitt 36: 186‒210. WEISGERBER, G., 1987. The Ancient Flint Mines at Wadi el-Sheikh (Egypt) [in:] DE SIEVEKING, G. & NEWCOMER, M.H. (eds.), The Human Uses of Flint and Chert: IV. Cambridge: 165‒171 WEISGERBER, G., 1991. Bergbau im alten Ägypten. Das Altertum 37/3: 140‒154. WENDORF, F. & SCHILD, R. 1980. Prehistory of the Eastern Sahara. New York.

DIE ANFÄNGE DER MUSIK IM ALTEN ÄGYPTEN: EIN ÜBERBLICK HEIDI KÖPP-JUNK Department III – Egyptology, University of Trier, Germany

The earliest attested instruments in Ancient Egypt are rattles, dating to the 5th millennium BCE.1 They are followed by clappers and flutes in the 4th millennium. Stringed instruments as well as drums are so far not documented in Predynastic and Early Dynastic times; the first harps and drums date to the beginning of the 4th Dynasty. All in all, there is more evidence for idiophones than for melody instruments in the earliest periods. However, the use of the voice for recitations or singing is older than the use of instruments, and so is the iconographically documented hand clapping. The contexts of the instruments and the musical activities cover funerary rites and religious situations, while court settings do not appear before the middle of the 3rd millennium. No direct connection to the king could be identified. Nevertheless, in this very early stage of Egyptian history, music seems to have played a major role during ceremonies and rituals, referring to the nature of the supporting documents as well as the amount of the sources.

Einführung Aus dem Alten Reich ist eine Vielzahl von archäologischen, bildlichen wie auch textlichen Belegen für Instrumente, Musiker und deren Hierarchie überliefert. Doch wie sah es in den Phasen davor aus? Bisher wurde die Periode vom Neolithikum bis zum Anfang des Alten Reiches aus musikarchäologischer Sicht nicht ausführlich thematisiert. Emery bemerkte in seiner Untersuchung zur Frühzeit: „Es wurden nirgends erkennbare Reste irgendwelcher Musikinstrumente angetroffen, aber es hat sie zweifellos gegeben“ (Emery 1964: 271). Erfreulicherweise konnte diese Feststellung durch die vorliegende Untersuchung widerlegt werden. Bei den frühesten in Ägypten belegten Instrumenten handelt es sich um Idiophone in Form von Rasseln und Klappern sowie um Aerophone, die durch Tonpfeifen und Flöten vertreten sind. Chordophone sind ebenso wie Membranophone erst in der 4. Dynastie nachzuweisen. Nichtsdestotrotz bestehen die frühesten musikalischen Aktivitäten in Gesang und Klatschen. Die Grundlagen für die altägyptische Musik werden bereits im Neolithikum gelegt 1 Ich danke Prof. Dr. E.C. Köhler auf das Herzlichste, die Ergebnisse meiner Forschungen in diesem Rahmen präsentieren zu dürfen. Bei dem Folgenden handelt es sich um einen Ausschnitt aus einer größeren Untersuchung, die der frühesten Musik Ägyptens vom Neolithikum bis zum Ende der 4. Dynastie gewidmet ist (Köpp-Junk 2018).

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und die Anzahl der Quellen nimmt im Laufe der Zeit merklich zu. Die Belege vom Neolithikum bis zum Ende der Frühzeit stammen aus Siedlungen, Heiligtümern und Gräbern. Im Folgenden seien die frühesten Instrumente bzw. musikalische Aktivitäten vorgestellt, doch zunächst sei der Frage nachgegangen, wie Musik überhaupt sichtbar gemacht wurde. Die Musiker sind wie auch in späterer Zeit nicht an einer bestimmten Tracht oder Frisur erkennbar. Eine singende Person kann durch einen geöffneten Mund als solche kenntlich gemacht werden, wie dies aus späterer Zeit (siehe dazu Köpp-Junk 2015b: 43), jedoch nicht bis zum Ende der 2. Dynastie belegt ist. Ferner werden Singende oftmals mit einer Hand am Ohr dargestellt, doch auch dies ist nicht in frühester Zeit, sondern erst im Alten Reich überliefert (Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, CG 1414; Hickmann 1961: Abb. 116; Manniche 1991: Abb. 212). Eine gesungene Melodie ist bildlich kaum eindeutig wiederzugeben, es sei denn durch die Darstellung von Tönen, die in Form von Tropfen o.ä. aus dem Mund hervorkommen, doch ist dies aus ägyptischem Zusammenhang nicht bekannt. Daher ist der eindeutigste Weg, Musik sichtbar zu machen, die Darstellung einer Person mit einem Instrument oder beim Klatschen bzw. Tanzen. Instrumente Bei den frühesten Instrumenten der Welt handelt es sich um Flöten. Vom Fundort Divje Babe 1 in Slowenien stammen solche mit einem Alter von 60.000– 45.000 Jahren (Lau et al. 1997: 533–534; Petru 2009: 299). Verschiedene Flöten kamen auf der Schwäbischen Alb wie z.B. im Geißenklösterle zutage, bei denen man von einem Alter von 43.000–35.000 Jahren ausgeht (Conard et al. 2009: 737–740). Weitaus jünger sind die aus Ägypten stammenden Belege für Musik. Bei den frühesten handelt es sich mit Rasseln und Klappern um Idiophone (als Überblick über die insgesamt in Ägypten belegten Instrumente siehe Emerit 2013: 1–16). Darüber hinaus sind aus etwas späterer Zeit Aerophone nachzuweisen. Diese sind als Tonpfeifen und Langflöten belegt. Chordophone sind für das 4. Jt. v. Chr. nicht nachzuweisen, der früheste Beleg datiert stattdessen ebenso wie der für Membranophone in die 4. Dynastie (Mackay et al. 1929: Taf. 21, 28). Die von Hickmann in die Frühzeit datierte vermeintliche Trommel (Hickmann 1956: 77, Taf. 4, 1) konnte nicht eindeutig als solche identifiziert werden. Insgesamt übersteigt die Anzahl der Funde, die aus Gräbern stammen, die aus Heiligtümern und Siedlungen bei weitem. Idiophone Die frühesten Idiophone bestehen in Rasseln und Klappern, während andere Instrumente dieser Gattung wie Sistrum und Menit erst seit dem Alten Reich

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nachzuweisen sind. Für Schnurrasseln ist kein eindeutiger, für Schraper gar kein Nachweis zu erbringen. Rasseln sind seit dem 5. Jt. v. Chr. belegt und erscheinen in Gräbern, Siedlungen und Heiligtümern. Sie sind die einzigen Instrumente, die in allen drei Fundortkategorien vertreten sind. Die frühesten sind aus Ton gefertigt, während aus späterer Zeit auch solche aus organischem Material belegt sind (siehe z.B. Hickmann 1949: Taf. 40a, b; 41a, b). Die älteste Rassel kam in Merimde zutage und wird in die jüngere Merimdekultur datiert (Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, CG 69721 = JE 57996; Junker 1932: 41, 70, Taf. 5). Nach ihrem ersten Auftreten sind Rasseln bis in die Frühzeit belegt, doch sind keine aus der 3. und 4. Dynastie bekannt. Die frühen Rasseln sind als Früchte (Hickmann 1954: 124, Taf. 10, 10) und Lotusblüten (Pommerening et al. 2010: Tab. C) bzw. ei- oder schiffsförmig (Hickmann 1954: 117, Taf. 10, 1–2) wiedergegeben, während sich andere wie ein Exemplar aus Gerzeh einer eindeutigen Zuordnung entziehen (Petrie Museum London, Inv.-Nr. UC 10748; Petrie et al. 1912: Taf. 6, 11). Tierförmige wie in späterer Zeit sind in den frühen Phasen nicht nachgewiesen. Eine der aus Helwan stammenden Rasseln ist mit einer Ritzung versehen (Hickmann 1954: 124, Taf. 10, 10), die allerdings nicht eindeutig als eine bestimmte Hieroglyphe zu identifizieren ist. Keine Darstellung, weder aus Prädynastischer Zeit noch aus der Frühzeit oder später, zeigt das Spielen von Rasseln, sie sind stattdessen lediglich als Instrumente selbst nachzuweisen. Auch schriftliche Belege existieren nicht. Ferner erscheinen Rasseln im Gegensatz zu Klappern nie im Zusammenhang mit Gottheiten. Klappern sind zumeist in Gräbern und nur überaus selten in einem Tempel belegt. Im 4. Jt. v. Chr. sind sie als Darstellungen im Moment des Spielens auf Naqada II-Gefäßen wiedergegeben (Fig. 1), bevor sie in der Frühzeit als Instrumente in Gräbern erscheinen. Bei den von Hickmann als Klappern interpretierten Bumerangs aus Badari (Brunton & Caton-Thompson 1928: 14–15, 32, Taf. 23, 25; Hickmann 1958: Sp. 980) ist zweifelhaft, ob ihre primäre Funktion darin bestand, sie gegeneinanderzuschlagen, so dass sie nicht eindeutig als Musikinstrumente zu interpretieren sind. Als Instrumente sind Klappern vereinzelt in Königsgräbern der 1. Dynastie wie in dem des Djer und des Djet in Abydos vertreten (Petrie 1901: 24, 38, Taf. 6A, 8, 11; 37, 19), ferner traten sie in Elitegräbern zutage. Allein in Helwan sind über 20 Exemplare belegt (St. Clair 2005: 81). Aufschriften sind selten und erscheinen in Form von Namen wie Meretneith (Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, CG 69245 = JE 34912; Hickmann 1949: 21, Taf. 11B) oder Ib-Neith.2 Bei den in Form von 2 National Museums Scotland, Inv.-Nr. A.1972.235, A.1972.236; http://minim.ac.uk/index. php/explore/?instrument=40775, letzter Zugriff 23.11.2017.

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Fig. 1a. Naqada II-Gefäß mit männlichen Personen, die Klappern in Händen halten (Copyrights: Museum August Kestner Hannover, Inv.-Nr. 1954.125, Foto: Christian Tepper, mit freundlicher Genehmigung).

Fig. 1b. Detail.

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Instrumenten überlieferten Klappern ist die größte Anzahl mit Tierköpfen versehen, während solche mit Menschenköpfen lediglich durch ein Paar vertreten sind (Ägyptisches Museum Kairo CG 69457a, b = JE 64771; Hickmann 1949: 26, Taf. 14a). Einige wenige sind in Handform gearbeitet. In späterer Zeit überwiegen die handförmigen Klappern in Vergleich zu den zoomorphen deutlich. Solche mit den in der Frühzeit typischen Tierköpfen treten später nicht mehr auf. Aerophone Als Aerophone sind in frühester Zeit Gefäßpfeifen und Flöten nachzuweisen, während Doppelklarinetten erst in der 5. Dynastie vertreten sind. In Bezug auf die Aerophone stellt sich die Situation folgendermaßen dar, dass die Anzahl der Belege äußerst gering ist. Für Tonpfeifen ist lediglich ein Exemplar in Form eines Instrumentes belegt. Der Fundort ist unbekannt, es befindet sich heute im University College London und wird in die Phase Naqada II datiert. Bei dem mit dem Instrument zu erzeugenden Ton handelt es sich um ein „tiefes, hauchig klingendes e“, wie Hickmann ausführt (Petrie Museum London, Inv.-Nr. UC 45288; Hickmann 1955a: 316–317, Abb. 13; Arroyo 2003: 36, Abb. auf Seite 39). In der Tonpfeife befinden sich zudem Objekte, die bei Bewegung Geräusche erzeugen, so dass es sich sozusagen um eine „Pfeifenrassel“ handelt. Das seltene Auftreten dieser Gefäßpfeifen bzw. -flöten ist auffällig und es ist davon auszugehen, dass sie innerhalb der Fundgruppe der keramischen Objekte möglicherweise mitunter nicht als solche erkannt wurden. Gleiches gilt für Muschelpfeifen und Schwirrhölzer. Die älteste Langflöte ist auf der sog. „Zwei-Hunde-Palette“ aus Hierakonpolis wiedergegeben, die von Morenz auf etwa 3100 v. Chr. datiert wird (Fig. 2;

Fig. 2. Flötenspieler auf der „Zwei-Hunde-Palette“ (Zeichnung: A. Kireenko).

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Ashmolean Museum Oxford, Inv.-Nr. E 3924; Quibell 1902: Taf. 28; Morenz 2013: 128). Dort wird sie von einem Priester mit Maske bzw. einer Tiergestalt oder einer Gottheit gespielt.3 Das Instrument ist mit größerem Durchmesser als in späterer Zeit wiedergegeben, doch befinden sich die Grifflöcher wie auch sonst im unteren Bereich des Instrumentes. Bei dieser wie auch bei den jüngeren Exemplaren ist eine Art Mundstück nicht erkennbar. Bei dieser Flöte handelt es sich um einen Einzelbeleg. Der nachfolgende Nachweis datiert erst in die 4. Dynastie unter Chefren (Mastaba der Meresanch III., Giza, G 7530, 4. Dynastie; Dunham & Simpson 1974: 19, Abb. 11, Taf. 12a), während aus der Frühzeit und der 3. Dynastie keine Flöten dokumentiert sind. Im Alten Reich sind Aerophone häufiger nachzuweisen, während die Anzahl der Belege für die früheren Epochen mit lediglich zwei äußerst gering ist. In Hinsicht auf die Tatsache, dass es sich bei den ältesten Musikinstrumenten der Welt um Flöten handelt, ist das verhältnismäßig späte Aufkommen in Ägypten doch durchaus von Bedeutung. Verschiedene Instrumente wie Muschelflöten, Schnurrasseln, Blashörner und Schwirrhölzer4, die andernorts bereits sehr früh vertreten sind, wurden auch für Ägypten angenommen (Sachs 1929: 8; 1940: 26; Hickmann 1955a: 318; Hickmann 1970: 160; Wörner 1993: 12–13; Arroyo 2003: 68). Oftmals wurde ihre Existenz lediglich vermutet, weil sie andernorts verbreitet sind. In manchen Fällen erwiesen sich die als Beleg angegebenen Objekte jedoch als undatierbar. Einige waren nicht in einem Fundkontext zutage gekommen, der eine konkrete Datierung zuließ, weil es sich um einen Oberflächenfund handelte oder das Objekt aus dem Kunsthandel stammte. Mitunter wird lediglich die Behauptung aufgestellt, dass ein bestimmtes Instrument existiert hätte, ohne dass Belege genannt werden. Als Ergebnis der vorliegenden Untersuchung ist festzuhalten, dass gemäß den konkreten archäologischen, bildlichen und textlichen Belegen Muschelflöten, Schnurrasseln, Blashörner und Schwirrhölzer in Ägypten nicht oder, wie im Falle der Schwirrhölzer, erst sehr viel später erscheinen. Mitunter sind durchbohrte Muscheln nachzuweisen, die als Muschelflöten bzw. bei einem Vorkommen in größerer Zahl als Schnurrasseln zu werten wären (siehe z.B. die aus Mahasna (Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire Brüssel, Inv.-Nr. E 2974; Eyckerman & Hendrickx 2011: 410), el-Omari (Hickmann 1955a: 314; Debono & Mortensen 1990: 55, Taf. 51, 3) oder Adaïma (Brooklyn Museum Inv.Nr. 07.447.758; Needler 1984: 312, Kat.-Nr. 238, Taf. 54, 238). Allerdings ist bei den in Ägypten belegten Exemplaren die tatsächliche Nutzung als Musik-

3 Die Interpretationen dieser Szene sind überaus zahlreich, siehe dazu u.a. Midant-Reynes 2000: 240–241; Morenz 2013: 129; Petrie 1953: 13. Zu den in Hierakonpolis gefundenen Masken siehe Friedman 2011: 38, Abb. 4.8; Friedman 2014: 115–127. 4 Schwirrhölzer sind durchbohrte, oftmals lanzettförmige Objekte, die man mit Hilfe einer Schnur über dem Kopf wirbelt, wobei ein charakteristisches Geräusch entsteht.

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instrument unklar, muss dies doch neben der Interpretation als Kleiderzier oder Kette bzw. Anhänger nicht zwingend die primäre Funktion gewesen sein. Ein Objekt aus Gebelein wird von Hickmann als Schwirrholz interpretiert (Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, JE 26669; Hickmann 1955b: 152, 156). Als Oberflächenfund kommt es aber aus keinem gesicherten Fundzusammenhang, so dass die Datierung unklar bleiben muss. Hickmann datiert es aufgrund des Dekors in die Prädynastische Zeit. Die Lochung an einem Ende, die die Identifikation als Schwirrholz zulassen würde, fehlt jedoch, da das Ende abgebrochen ist. Somit ist weder die eindeutige Identifizierung als Schwirrholz noch eine Datierung möglich. Tatsächlich sind Schwirrhölzer bzw. -scheiben erst in griechischrömischer Zeit vorhanden (siehe z.B. Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, CG 69801, 69802; Hickmann 1949: 113–114, Taf. 82A; Van Beek 1989: 56). Einige Instrumente, die in anderen Zusammenhängen und Kulturkreisen vorkommen, sind in Ägypten gar nicht bekannt wie z.B. Gongs oder Glocken aus gebranntem Ton.5 Letztere sind aus Metall lediglich in späterer Zeit belegt, Gongs hingegen gar nicht. Möglicherweise sind diverse Instrumente aus organischem Material schlichtweg nicht mehr erhalten. Dies würde implizieren, dass ggf. schon von einer weitaus früheren Nutzung von Instrumenten auszugehen wäre. Nichtsdestotrotz gestaltet sich der ägyptische Urbestand an Instrumenten offenbar anders als an anderen Orten der Welt, bestehen doch die frühesten konkret nachzuweisenden Instrumente aus Rasseln, Klappern und Flöten. Musik ohne Instrumente Musik wird nicht allein mit Instrumenten erzeugt, sondern überdies auch mit dem eigenen Körper in Form von Singen oder Klatschen. Gesang ist erstmalig auf der Stele des Merka aus der 1. Dynastie erwähnt, auf der sein Titel ḫrp mrwt, „Leiter der Sängerschaft“, genannt wird (Mastaba 3505; Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, ohne Inventarnummer; Emery 1958: 31, Taf. 23a–b, 39). Damit wird erstmalig eine Hierarchie erkennbar. Des Weiteren existiert dieser Titel in der 2. und 3. Dynastie (Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, JE 55286, JE 55275; Kaplony 1963, I: 504, 546, 622; Guglielmi 1991: 10, 12. Siehe auch Kahl 1994: 432, 485; Kahl et al. 1995: 58–59). In der 4. Dynastie sind Sänger in den Grabreliefs durch Beischriften gekennzeichnet. Damit ist Gesang die einzige Art von Musik, die ohne Unterbrechung vom Beginn der Frühzeit bis zur 4. Dynastie nachzuweisen ist. Der früheste Beleg für das Klatschen in die Hände erscheint auf der Prunkkeule des Herrschers Skorpion II. aus dem Tempel von Hierakonpolis aus der 5 Zu Tonglocken aus der mittelneolithischen Theißkultur siehe z.B. Pomberger & Mühlhans 2015: 21.

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0. Dynastie (Ashmolean Museum Oxford, Inv.-Nr. E 3632; Quibell 1900: Taf. 26c). Dort zeigt eine Szene mindestens drei klatschende Frauen, die gleichzeitig tanzen, in unmittelbarer Nähe zu zwei Sänften. Der nächste Beleg ist erst unter Chefren in der 4. Dynastie nachzuweisen (Mastaba der Meresanch III., Giza, G 7530, 4. Dynastie; Dunham & Simpson 1974: 19, Abb. 11, Taf. 12a). Diskussion Insgesamt sind mindestens 38 Klappern als Instrumente nachzuweisen sowie wenigstens 40 auf Naqada II-Gefäßen wiedergegeben, zudem sind 61 Rasseln überliefert. In Bezug auf Klatschen ist lediglich ein Beleg, für Gesang nur äußerst wenige Textquellen dokumentiert. Die Anzahl der Aerophone beläuft sich auf 2 (ausführlich dazu Köpp-Junk, im Druck). Die bildlichen, textlichen und archäologischen Quellen zeigen folgende chronologische Abfolge: 4600–4100 v. Chr.6 3650–3300 v. Chr.7 3100 v. Chr.8 3100–3000 v. Chr.9 2853–2828 v. Chr.10 2604/2554–2581/2531 v. Chr.11

Rassel (Siedlung) Klappern (Grab), Tonpfeife Langflöte (Tempel) Klatschen (Tempel) Gesang (Grabstele) Trommel, Harfe (Grab)

Allerdings ist zu vermuten, dass Gesang und Klatschen als früheste Formen von Musik auftraten, da sie ohne Hilfsmittel durchzuführen waren, und Instrumente erst in einer anschließenden Entwicklungsstufe hinzutraten. In Bezug auf Klatschen und die Nutzung von Idiophonen ist festzuhalten, dass auch in späterer Zeit das Klatschen in die Hände oder auf andere Körperstellen nicht von Schlagidiophonen abgelöst wird. Gleiches gilt für die Idiophone per se – die Rasseln werden nicht von den nachfolgend aufkommenden Klappern ersetzt. Dieses Phänomen gilt für alle Instrumente bis zum Ende des Neuen Reiches. Allein die Doppelklarinette wird gegen die Doppeloboe ausgetauscht (Hickmann 1980: Sp. 450). Ebenso liegt bei allen Instrumenten ein Hiatus für die 3. Dynastie vor. Während Klappern und Flöten in der 4. Dynastie wieder vertreten sind, erscheinen Rasseln erst wieder in der 5. Dynastie in Form von Instrumenten. Für das 6

Rassel aus der jüngeren Merimdekultur, Jahreszahlen nach Pommerening et al. 2010: 23. Jahreszahlen nach Wengrow 2006: 72. 8 „Zwei-Hunde-Palette“; Datierung nach Morenz 2013: 128. 9 Prunkkeule des Herrschers Skorpion II., Whitehouse 2009: 21. 10 Stele des Merka, der in der Regierungszeit von König Qaa in der 1. Dynastie lebte. Jahreszahlen der Regierungszeit nach Grimm & Schoske 2000: 16. 11 Regierungszeit des Cheops, Jahreszahlen nach von Beckerath 1997: 188. 7

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Klatschen besteht eine Beleglücke von der 0. Dynastie bis einschließlich in die 3. Dynastie. Erst vom Anfang der 4. Dynastie sind Wiedergaben von Klatschenden überliefert. Allein für den Gesang sind anhand von Titeln durchgehende Schriftquellen belegt. Ferner sind keine Flöten oder Rasseln vor Gottheiten wiedergegeben, stattdessen werden lediglich Klappern vor Standarten von Göttern benutzt. Bei den in den frühesten Phasen in Verbindung mit Musik nachzuweisenden Gottheiten handelt es sich zumeist um andere als in späterer Zeit. Allein Bat bzw. Hathor erscheint sowohl in den früheren wie auch in den späteren Quellen. Bei den auf den Naqada II-Gefäßen zusammen mit Klappern bezeugten Gottheiten sind Min, Ha und Bat bzw. Hathor in Form von Standarten vertreten.12 Des Weiteren erscheint die Göttin Neith in drei Fällen als Namensbestandteil (Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, CG 69245 = JE 34912; Hickmann 1949: 21, Taf. 11B).13 Zudem ist Merka, der den Titel „Leiter der Gesangsgruppe“ trägt, Priester der Neith, wie seiner Stele aus der 1. Dynastie aus Saqqara zu entnehmen ist (Mastaba 3505; Ägyptisches Museum Kairo, ohne Inventarnummer; Emery 1958: 31, Taf. 23a–b, 39). Zur Musizierpraxis sind in den frühesten Perioden der ägyptischen Geschichte kaum fundierte Aussagen möglich. Eine Notation ist erst aus römischer Zeit belegt (von Lieven 2002). Ob oder wann von strukturierten musikalischen Einheiten auszugehen ist und ob es sich dabei um eine Art Lied oder Ähnliches handelt, ist unklar. Lautstärkevermehrende Maßnahmen wie z.B. das Versehen von Rasseln mit Lochungen, wie dies aus Europa bekannt ist14, sind von der Prädynastischen Zeit bis zum Anfang des Alten Reiches selten nachzuweisen. Allein die Aushöhlung von Klappern zur Verstärkung des Aufschlaggeräusches ist in späterer Zeit belegt (Hickmann 1958: Sp. 984, Taf. 40, 3a). Das Erscheinen der ersten Instrumente im Neolithikum wirft die Frage auf, ob sie von außen nach Ägypten eingeführt wurden oder ob es eigens ägyptische Erfindungen bzw. ägyptische Weiterentwicklungen von anderweitig belegten Instrumenten sind. Wie die Untersuchung zeigte, sind alle Instrumente bis auf eines auch in anderen Kulturen belegt. So ist allein das im Alten Reich auftretende Menit lediglich in Ägypten vertreten, wobei es sich um eine Ägypten-spezifische Ausprägung der andernorts überlieferten Schnurrasseln handelt (Köpp-Junk 2018: 152–154). Seit frühester Zeit ist ein hoher Grad an Mobilität, Handel und Verkehr in Ägypten nachzuweisen (Köpp 2008: 401–412; 12 Zu Bat und Hathor in Prädynastik bzw. Frühzeit siehe Hartung 2008: 186–192; Kaplony 1963, III: Abb. 579, 629, 963, zu den anderen Gottheiten Köpp-Junk 2018: 92–95. 13 National Museums Scotland, Inv.-Nr. A.1972.235, A.1972.236; http://minim.ac.uk/index. php/explore/?instrument=40775, letzter Zugriff 23.11.2017. 14 Siehe z.B. das Exemplar aus Bad Belzig-Lüsse aus der Lausitzer Kultur (1200–800 v. Chr.), Berlin, Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte SMB, Inv.-Nr. If 6065; http://www.jenseits-deshorizonts.de/item/256/, letzter Zugriff 13.02.2018.

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Köpp-Junk 2015a: 222–227, 262–263, 326). Aus späteren Perioden sind verschiedene Musiker und Musikerinnen mit einem ausnehmend großen Aktionsradius belegt (Köpp-Junk 2015a: 230; Köpp-Junk 2017: 23–24). Der Transfer von Instrumenten bzw. Spielweisen und Melodien erfolgte sicher nicht nur in eine Richtung und könnte ebenso durch die hohe Mobilität ägyptischer Musiker erfolgt sein, sowie durch nach Ägypten einwandernde Musiker, die ihre Instrumente und musikalisches Wissen mitbrachten (von Lieven 2008: 158). In dieser frühen Periode sind die Instrumente nicht allein auf den Bestattungskontext beschränkt, sondern erscheinen auch in Heiligtümern, während Funde in Siedlungen überaus selten sind. In Bezug auf die in Gräbern gefundenen Instrumente ist unklar, ob es sich bei den Bestatteten um Musiker handelt, oder ob es das persönliche Lieblingsinstrument des Bestatteten bzw. eines Hinterbliebenen war. Es ist zu vermuten, dass die Naqada II-Gefäße mit den Klappern spielenden Personen darauf oder auch die Instrumente selbst, die dem Verstorbenen ins Grab gegeben wurden, eine Schutzfunktion innehatten, indem das Spielen der Klappern die Aufmerksamkeit der Götter erregen sollte, damit diese den Verstorbenen auf dem Weg ins Jenseits schützten. Diese Interpretation schließt eine Nutzung innerhalb eines am Grab vollzogenen Rituals, in dem Klappern gespielt wurden, nicht aus. Ähnliches gilt für die in Gräbern gefundenen Rasseln. Die Anzahl der Instrumente und Wiedergaben davon bzw. von Klatschen in Heiligtümern ist gering. Sechs Rasseln stammen aus dem in Tell el-Farkha (Pommerening et al. 2010: 23, Tab. C), ein Paar frühzeitlicher Klappern kamen im Tempel von Hierakonpolis zutage (Adams 1974: 67, Nr. 350; Bussmann 2009: 54, 249, 530, Abb. 5.111, Kat.-Nr. H2196; Petrie Museum London, Inv.-Nr. UC 27613). Ob es sich dabei um Votive handelt oder aber um Instrumente, die im Ritual Anwendung fanden, ist unklar. Auffallend ist die Tatsache, dass die Funde von Musikinstrumenten allein auf diese beiden Heiligtümer beschränkt sind, nicht jedoch in anderen wie Elephantine und Abydos vertreten sind. Während es sich mit Hierakonpolis doch um den Haupttempel der 0.–1. Dynastie mit den qualitätvollsten Votiven, die vermutlich vom König bzw. der höchsten Elite gestiftet wurden, handelt, sind Abydos und Elephantine eher als lokale Heiligtümer einzuschätzen (Bussmann 2011: 123). Auch das Heiligtum von Tell el-Farkha ist anhand der dortigen Funde mit dem König in Verbindung zu bringen (Ciałowicz 2009: 87, 93–95). Als Darstellungen auf der Prunkkeule des Herrschers Skorpion II. aus der 0. Dynastie ist aus dem Tempel von Hierakonpolis das Klatschen belegt (Ashmolean Museum Oxford, Inv.-Nr. E 3632; Quibell 1900: Taf. 26c), auf der „Zwei-Hunde-Palette“ eine Flöte (Ashmolean Museum Oxford, Inv.-Nr. E 3924; Quibell 1902: Taf. 28). In beiden Fällen ist von einem rituellen Zusammenhang auszugehen, im ersteren wird ein Sedfest vermutet (Baines 1995: 118–119). Aufgrund des Darstellungskanons auf den Naqada II-Gefäßen ist ebenfalls auf

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einen rituellen Kontext zu schließen. Dort werden die Klappern auf Min-15, Ha- und Bat-16 Standarten, Frauendarstellungen17, Hornträgern18 sowie Pflanzen19 gerichtet. Es ist also davon auszugehen, dass man vor einem Gott oder einem Gegenstand, dem eine Gottheit innewohnt, die Klappern spielt, um die Aufmerksamkeit des betreffenden Gottes zu erheischen und seine Hilfe zu erlangen. In Anbetracht des Umstandes, dass die mit Klappern versehenen Gefäße insbesondere in Gräbern belegt sind, mag es sich um Wiedergaben von Vorstellungen vom Weiterleben nach dem Tod und Fruchtbarkeit handeln (ausführlich dazu Köpp-Junk 2018: 82–97). Nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in zahlreichen Kulturen findet Musik bei der Ausübung von Ritualen Anwendung und wird als Medium zur Kontaktaufnahme mit den Göttern genutzt (Shehata 2014: 102; ausführlich siehe Köpp-Junk 2018: 14). Das Praktizieren von Religion in der Gruppe fördert das Gemeinschaftsgefühl. Musik als gruppenbildende und sinnstiftende Kraft unterstützt diesen Vorgang maßgeblich. Das Musizieren in Gruppen bzw. das Hören gemeinsamer Musik stärkt das Gemeinschaftserlebnis, insbesondere bei der Ausübung gleicher religiöser Praktiken (Gembris 2005: 243; Livingstone & Thompson 2009: 87). Diverse für die spätere Zeit dokumentierte Aspekte sind im untersuchten Zeitraum nicht nachzuweisen, wie z.B. die erotische Konnotation von Musik an sich bzw. für bestimmte Instrumente (siehe z.B. Manniche 1988: 189–198), oder das Verbot von Musik in gewissen Zusammenhängen (Junker 1913: 21, 31; Sauneron 1958: 271–279). Wie oben ausgeführt, ist Musik in Form von Instrumenten sowie Wiedergaben derselben erhalten, bzw. in Form von Klatschen und Gesang überliefert. Statuetten von Musikern mit Instrumenten oder von Klatschenden bzw. Singenden sind vom Neolithikum bis zum Ende der Frühzeit nicht belegt. Das Aufkommen solcher Statuetten erfolgt in der gleichen Zeitphase, in der die Reliefs in den Gräbern des Alten Reiches exponentiell zunehmen, also mit dem Aufkommen der Bestattungssitte der reichen Bebilderung der Gräber in der 5. Dynastie (siehe z.B. die Statuetten aus dem Grab des Nikauinpu in Giza, Oriental Institute Chicago, Inv.-Nr. OIM 10642; Teeter 2003: Abb. auf Seite 24). 15

Siehe z.B. British Museum London, Inv.-Nr. EA 50751; http://www.britishmuseum.org/ research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=144414&partId=1&search Text=clappers+egypt&page=1, letzter Zugriff 08.02.2018. 16 British Museum London, Inv.-Nr. EA 26635; http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/ collection_online/collection_object_details/collection_image_gallery.aspx?partid=1&assetid= 1613276849&objectid= 143964, letzter Zugriff 08.02.2018. 17 Siehe z.B. Puschkin Museum Moskau, Inv.-Nr. 4788; http://www.arts-museum.ru/data/ fonds/ancient_east/1_1_a/0001_1000/4788/index.php?lang=de, letzter Zugriff 17.11.2017. 18 Siehe z.B. Museo Arqueológico Nacional Madrid, Inv.-Nr. 16169; Graff et al. 2011: Abb. 6. 19 Zur Ausrichtung auf eine Pflanze bzw. Ha-Standarte siehe z.B. das Exemplar im Museum August Kestner Hannover, Inv.-Nr. 1954.125; Wildung & Drenkhahn 1985: Kat.-Nr. 99.

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Bezüglich der Frage, wo Musik letztendlich erscheint, ergibt sich, dass keine Darstellung Musik als private Unterhaltung in alltäglichem Zusammenhang oder auch für den König bzw. den Hof zeigt. Dies bedeutet nicht notgedrungen, dass nicht privat bzw. als Unterhaltung vor dem König musiziert wurde, sondern lediglich, dass dies in der zwei- und dreidimensionalen Kunst dieser Zeit keinen Niederschlag fand. Grundsätzlich ist Musik nicht unmittelbar vor dem König wiedergegeben. Wenn auch keine Darstellungen aus Prädynastischer Zeit und Frühzeit überliefert sind, die Musik eindeutig im Zusammenhang mit dem König zeigen, so muss dies doch nicht heißen, dass sie realiter nicht dennoch stattfand. Wenn auch Musik nicht direkt vor dem König wiedergegeben ist, so steht sie doch durch die Funde in den Heiligtümern von Tell el-Farkha mit ihm in Verbindung. Auch ergibt sich eine unmittelbare Nähe aus den Instrumenten in Königsgräbern und den Wiedergaben beim Sedfest, also an den Orten bzw. in den Situationen, die zugleich Ritual- und Herrscheranteil des Königs darstellen. Musik erscheint lediglich vereinzelt. Sie ist nicht auf Annalentäfelchen, Messergriffen oder Siegeln dargestellt und nur äußerst selten auf Prunkpaletten bzw. -keulen, wo der Raum für Darstellungen sehr begrenzt ist, so dass nur das wiedergegeben wurde, was als absolut unabdingbar galt. Wenn Musik auftritt, dann in sehr exklusiven Zusammenhängen wie an den Schnittstellen von Leben und Tod, von König und Ritual, nicht jedoch im Alltäglichen (ausführlich Köpp-Junk 2018: 381–433). Fazit Bei den frühesten Instrumenten aus Ägypten handelt es sich um die im 5. Jt. v. Chr. auftretenden Rasseln, danach schließen sich im 4. Jt. v. Chr. die Klappern und Flöten an. Saiteninstrumente waren ebenso wie Membranophone bisher in Prädynastischer Zeit und Frühzeit nicht nachzuweisen, die ersten Harfen datieren wie die frühesten Trommeln erst in die 4. Dynastie. Doch bereits weitaus früher als die Verwendung von Instrumenten ist der Einsatz der Stimme bzw. des Gesangs anzusetzen, ebenso wie das bildlich belegte Klatschen mit beiden Händen oder an verschiedenen Körperregionen oder das Fußstampfen. Diverse in verschiedenen Publikationen für die Prädynastische bzw. Frühzeit propagierte Instrumente waren nach eingehenden Untersuchungen nicht zu verifizieren, so dass der Urbestand an Instrumenten ein anderer ist als z.B. in Europa. Kein Instrument ist allein auf eine Region beschränkt, sondern alle sind in ganz Ägypten nachzuweisen. Sie sind in Siedlungen, Heiligtümern und Gräbern vertreten. Welche Funktion sie bei Bestattungsritualen oder im Tempelkult erfüllten und wie diese Zeremonien vollzogen wurden, ist unklar. Keine Darstellung zeigt die Verwendung von Klappern, Rasseln oder Flöten bei einer Bestattung oder definitiv während eines Tempelrituals. Alles in allem erscheint Musik in den frühen Phasen selten, aber an äußerst marginalen Stellen und in signifikanten Situationen.

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GRIMM, A. & SCHOSKE, S., 2000. Am Beginn der Zeit: Ägypten in der Vor- und Frühzeit. Schriften aus der Ägyptischen Sammlung 9. München. GUGLIELMI, W., 1991. Die Göttin Mr.t: Entstehung und Verehrung einer Personifikation. Probleme der Ägyptologie 7. Leiden. HARTUNG, U., 2008. Ein Fragment eines verzierten Dolchgriffs aus dem Friedhof U in Abydos (Umm el-Qaab) [in:] ENGEL, E.-M.; HARTUNG, U. & MÜLLER, V. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer. Menes 5. Wiesbaden: 183–194. HICKMANN, E., 1980. Klarinette [in:] HELCK, W. & WESTENDORF, W. (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie III. Wiesbaden: 449–451. HICKMANN, H., 1949. Instruments de musique: Nos. 69201–69852. Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiens du Musée du Caire. Kairo. HICKMANN, H., 1954. Die altägyptische Rassel. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 79: 116–125. HICKMANN, H., 1955a. Unbekannte ägyptische Klangwerkzeuge II: Muschelpfeifen und Gefäßflöten. Die Musikforschung VIII: 314–318. HICKMANN, H., 1955b. Unbekannte ägyptische Klangwerkzeuge I: Schwirrholz und Schwirrscheibe. Die Musikforschung VIII: 151–157. HICKMANN, H., 1956. Die Gefäßtrommeln der Ägypter. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 14: 76–69. HICKMANN, H., 1958. Klappern [in:] BLUME, F. (ed.), Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart 7. Kassel/Basel/London/New York: 980–986. HICKMANN, H., 1961. Ägypten. Musik des Altertums II. Leipzig. HICKMANN, H., 1970. Altägyptische Musik [in:] SPULER, B. (ed.), Handbuch der Orientalistik. 1. Abt: Der Nahe und der Mittlere Osten. Ergänzungsband IV. Orientalische Musik. Leiden/Köln: 135–170. JUNKER, H., 1913. Das Götterdekret über das Abaton. Wien. JUNKER, H., 1932. Vorbericht über die von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien in Verbindung mit dem Egyptiska Museet in Stockholm unternommene Grabung auf der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme vom 6. November 1931 bis 20. Janner 1932. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien I–IV: 36–82. KAHL, J., 1994. Das System der ägyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0.–3. Dynastie. Wiesbaden. KAHL, J.; KLOTH, N. & ZIMMERMANN, U., 1995. Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie: eine Bestandsaufnahme. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 56. Wiesbaden. KAPLONY, P., 1963. Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit I-III. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 8. Wiesbaden. KÖPP, H., 2008. Reisen in prädynastischer Zeit und Frühzeit [in:] ENGEL, E.-M.; HARTUNG, U. & MÜLLER, V. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer. Menes 5. Wiesbaden: 401–412. KÖPP-JUNK, H., 2015a. Reisen im Alten Ägypten: Reisekultur, Fortbewegungs- und Transportmittel in pharaonischer Zeit. Göttinger Orientforschungen, IV. Reihe: Ägypten 55. Wiesbaden. KÖPP-JUNK, H., 2015b. The Artist behind the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs: Performance and Technique [in:] LANDGRÁFOVÁ, R. & NAVRÁTILOVÁ, H. (eds.), The World of the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs. Prag: 35–60. KÖPP-JUNK, H., 2017. Weibliche Mobilität im Alten Ägypten II: Frauen auf Reisen in pharaonischer Zeit. Distant Worlds Journals 3: Migration and Change: Causes and Consequences of Mobility in the Ancient World: 19–43.

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KÖPP-JUNK, H., im Druck. Die Anfänge der Musik im Alten Ägypten vom 5. Jt. v. Chr. bis zum Ende der 4. Dynastie. LAU, B.; BLACKWELL, B.A.B.; SCHWARCZ, H.P.; TURK, I. & BLICKSTEIN, J.I., 1997. Dating a Flautist? Using ESR (Electron Spin Resonance) in the Mousterian Cave Deposits at Divje Babe I, Slovenia. Geoarchaeology: An International Journal 12/6: 507–536. LIVINGSTONE, S.R. & THOMPSON, W.F., 2009. The Emergence of Music from the Theory of Mind. Musicae Scientiae, Special Issue 2009/10 “Music and Evolution”: 83–115. MACKAY, E.; HARDING, L. & PETRIE, W.M.F., 1929. Bahrein and Hemamieh. British School of Archaeology in Egypt 47. London. MANNICHE, L., 1988. The Erotic Oboe in Ancient Egypt [in:] HICKMANN, E. & HUGHES, D.W. (eds.): The Archaeology of Early Music Cultures. Bonn: 189–198. MANNICHE, L., 1991. Music and Musicians in Ancient Egypt. London. MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2000. The Prehistory of Egypt: From the First Egyptians to the First Pharaohs. Oxford. MORENZ, L.D., 2013. Texts before Writing: Reading (Proto-) Egyptian Poetics of Power [in:] HILL, J.A.; JONES, P. & MORALES, A.J. (eds.), Experiencing Power, Generating Authority: Cosmos, Politics and the Ideology of Kingship in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. Philadelphia: 121–150. NEEDLER, W., 1984. Predynastic and Archaic Egypt in the Brooklyn Museum. Wilbour Monographs 9. New York. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1901. The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties II. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1953. Ceremonial Slate Palettes. British School of Archaeology in Egypt 66. London. PETRIE, W.M.F.; WAINWRIGHT, G.A. & MACKAY, E., 1912. The Labyrinth, Gerzeh and Mazghuneh. British School of Archaeology in Egypt 21. London. PETRU, S., 2009. Palaeolithic Art in Slovenia. Documenta Praehistorica 36: 299–304. POMBERGER, B.M. & MÜHLHANS, J. 2015. Der Kreisgraben – ein neolithischer Konzertsaal? Archäologie Österreichs 26/2: 18–28. POMMERENING, T.; MARINOVA, E. & HENDRICKX, S., 2010. The Early Dynastic Origin of the Water-lily Motif. Chronique d’Égypte 85: 14–40. QUIBELL, J.E., 1900. Hierakonpolis I. Egyptian Research Account Memoir 4. London. QUIBELL, J.E., 1902. Hierakonpolis II. Egyptian Research Account Memoir 5. London. SACHS, C., 1929. Geist und Werden der Musikinstrumente. Berlin. SACHS, C., 1940. The History of Musical Instruments. New York, Nachdruck 2006. SAUNERON, S., 1958. L’Abaton de la campagne d’Esna. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 16: 271–279. SHEHATA, D., 2014. Sounds from the Divine: Religious Musical Instruments in the Ancient Near East [in:] GOODNICK WESTENHOLZ, J.; MAUREY, Y. & SEROUSSI, E. (eds.), Music in Antiquity: The Near East and the Mediterranean. Berlin/Boston: 102–128. ST. CLAIR, B., 2005. The Ivory Clappers from Helwan: Reconstructing their Context and Date – a Preliminary Report [in:] KÖHLER, C. (ed.), Helwan I: Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery Season 1997–98. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 24. Heidelberg: 81–82. TEETER, E., 2003. Ancient Egypt: Treasures from the Collection of the Oriental Institute. Oriental Institute Museum Publications 23. Chicago. VON BECKERATH, J., 1997. Chronologie des pharaonischen Ägypten: Die Zeitbestimmung der ägyptischen Geschichte von der Vorzeit bis 332 v. Chr. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 46. Mainz.

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LIEVEN, A., 2002. Musical Notation in Roman Period Egypt [in:] HICKMANN, E., KILMER, A.D., EICHMANN R. (eds.), Archäologie früher Klangerzeugung und Tonordnung: Vorträge des 2. Symposiums der Internationalen Studiengruppe Musikarchäologie im Kloster Michaelstein, 17.–23. September 2000. Studien zur Musikarchäologie III. Orient-Archäologie 10. Rahden: 497–510. VON LIEVEN, A., 2008. Native and Foreign Elements in the Musical Life of Ancient Egypt [in:] BOTH, A.A.; EICHMANN, R.; HICKMANN, E. & KOCH, L.-C. (eds.), Herausforderungen und Ziele der Musikarchäologie: Vorträge des 5. Symposiums der Internationalen Studiengruppe Musikarchäologie im Ethnologischen Museum der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, 19.–23. September 2006. Studien zur Musikarchäologie VI. Orient-Archäologie 22. Rahden: 155–160. WENGROW, D., 2006. The Archaeology of Early Egypt: Social Transformations in NorthEast Africa 10,000 to 2,650 BC. Cambridge. WHITEHOUSE, H., 2009. Ancient Egypt and Nubia in the Ashmolean Museum. Cambridge. WILDUNG, D. & DRENKHAHN, R. 1985. Nofret - die Schöne. „Wahrheit“ und Wirklichkeit: Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim, 15. Juli 1985 – 4. November 1985. Mainz. WÖRNER, K.H., 1993. Geschichte der Musik: Ein Studien- und Nachschlagebuch. Göttingen. VON

ANALYSIS OF STONE VESSELS IN THE NECROPOLIS OF HELWAN, OPERATION 4: DESTRUCTIVE MODIFICATION AS PART OF EARLY DYNASTIC BURIAL PRACTICE? NORA KUCH Institute for Egyptology, University of Vienna, Austria

The archaeological record of the Helwan cemetery, Operation 4 provided evidence of a distinct treatment of grave goods. Stone vessels stand out as a particular group of objects that appear to have been intentionally broken and placed deliberately in specific positions within the tombs. To verify this as an intentional treatment, it is essential to first refer to tombs that were considered as having intact or primary contexts. Preliminary work so far resulted in 35 graves with undisturbed contexts, emphasising a pattern that requires a detailed analysis and interpretation. The aim of this paper is to highlight some of these tombs as a case study and to make this phenomenon debatable as a possible part of Early Dynastic funeral practice. Analyses will show that there seems to be a connection between the deposition of the fragments and the closing of the tomb. Fragmentation should be understood as part of the funeral act and thus as a ritual or part of a ritual-sequence per se. Consequently, objects and especially their usage underline that grave goods not only reflect the social status of the dead, but are the result of a system of beliefs and regularities as part of Early Dynastic burial practice.

Introduction Located in the vicinity of the ancient capital of Memphis, the Helwan necropolis is of great importance for the investigation of a non-royal society. The necropolis of Helwan comprises c. 10,000 tombs and is therefore the largest known cemetery from the Early Dynastic Period. The earliest evidence at the site dates back to Naqada IIIA, but the greatest occupation of it was during Naqada IIIC–D.1 Recent analysis focuses on Operation 4 (Op 4), an area where no excavation had been conducted until the Helwan Project started in 1997/1998 (Köhler 2005). This area comprises of 218 tombs that date to the main period of occupation (from late Naqada IIIC onwards). The majority of tombs are simple pit tombs (Type I), but subterranean chamber tombs (Type II) also exist. Current analysis2 of the 218 tombs in Operation 4 provides interesting insights into Early Dynastic burial practices, where the intentional fragmentation 1 Some scattered artefacts can be dated back to the Prehistoric Period, and later on the cemetery was sporadically used into the 1st millennium BCE. Cf. Köhler & Jones 2009. 2 See also E.C. Köhler, this volume.

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of stone vessels is a little noticed phenomenon until now, and which is in need of a detailed analysis.3 In several tombs a distinct location of stone vessel fragments was observed, and the position of the fragments can only be explained if an intentional breakage of the vessels prior to the deposition can be assumed. However, the area was transformed by constant use and modern occupation. Further, most tombs underwent a taphonomic processes having been robbed once or even twice and therefore were found disturbed (Köhler 2014: 5, 9–10). To be still able to determine the fragmentation as an intentional act performed during the funeral, it is necessary to refer to intact tombs or primary contexts for the analysis. Tombs yielding a still articulated burial and grave goods preserved in good conditions were considered as intact or at least providing a sufficient primary context. Thanks to detailed documentation it was possible to distinguish 35 acceptable contexts from the 218 tombs, which is c. 15 % of tombs in Operation 4. In addition, most vessels are very solid and have thick walls and bases. The soil in Helwan is very soft and sandy, so it is unlikely that the vessels will break by dropping or throwing them down. Further, some vessels show cut marks, which illustrate a breaking with the help of tools emphasising an intentional action (see Fig. 1b). All together, these clues provide a basis for a pattern that requires a detailed analysis and interpretation. The aim of this paper is to illustrate this pattern in a case study of four selected tombs, which are considered as intact or provide primary contexts. On the basis of these results it will be possible to recognise comparisons that may occur in less well-preserved contexts. Some of these comparable examples will also be briefly illustrated. As a preliminary conclusion this paper attempts to establish a connection between the act of fragmentation and the closing of a tomb. Thus, fragmentation can be understood as part of the local burial practice, and therefore as ritual per se. By using recent developments in the discourse of ritual studies, this paper attempts to expose new insights of Early Dynastic burial practices in the necropolis of Helwan. Case study: tombs 4/190, 4/177, 4/14 and 4/69 Apart from pottery, stone vessels are the most common group of objects found in the 218 tombs at Helwan, Operation 4. The first hundred tombs contain roughly c. 600 diagnostic vessels or fragments thereof. Additionally, personal adornments, jewellery and beads, palettes, ‘dummy vessels’ and even vessels or tools made of 3 Deliberate destruction of stone vessels as a part or a result of ritual action was already mentioned by Köhler 2014: 78, 79; 2017: 367 and is part of my PhD thesis, which is connected to the FWF-funded project Helwan: A Necropolis of Ancient Memphis at the University of Vienna. Nevertheless, all analysis and interpretation is to be understood as preliminary.

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Fig. 1a. Tomb 4/190, position of the siltstone bowl S09–23 and the cylindrical jar S09–22.

copper were also found (Köhler 2014; 2017). The stone vessels are made in a wide variety of shapes, of which the most common types are open forms such as bowls and plates with direct rim and angular internal lip, and closed forms including ovoid jars or cylindrical vessels as well as miniature or ‘dummy vessels’. The materials used cover a varied range of soft and hard stones. Calcite and limestone are the most commonly used; however, basalt, breccia, diorite, dolomite, gneiss, or andesite-porphyry and siltstone were also found. The tombs 4/190, 4/177, 4/14 and 4/69 were chosen for this case study, because they were considered to be intact or contained primary contexts. It can be assumed that the position of the objects, especially the stone vessel fragments, corresponds as far as possible to the conditions that had been left at the time of the burial, and therefore might be understood to be the result of a deliberate action. Tomb 4/190 is an intact pit tomb and comprises the burial of a mature adult woman, placed in a contracted position on the left side facing east. Above the coffin, within a layer of soil a siltstone bowl with a spout (S09–23) was found. Interestingly, the vessel was cut into two halves, which were located on the western and eastern long side of the pit (Fig. 1a, on the left). These distinct positions in an intact burial provide proof, that the deposition was intended and therefore the fragmentation as well. Further, a cutmark (Fig. 1b) on the interior of the base indicates the use of a tool – a chisel or similar – in order to break the vessel emphasising the intention of that action.

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Fig. 1b. Tomb 4/190, cutmark on the interior base of the siltstone bowl S09–23.

In addition, at the bottom of the pit in front of the eastern length-side, the fragments of a cylindrical vessel (S09–22) were located. Again, the position of the fragments is significant because they had been placed side by side following the eastern outline of the coffin (Fig. 1a, on the right). This vessel is made of calcite and exhibits a heavy base and thick walls, so it seems rather implausible that the vessel could just break by coincidence or other random taphonomic processes. It also seems unlikely that this pattern of rim-fragments mixed with base-fragments was caused by non-intentional circumstances, leading to the assumption of an intentional destruction, separation and deposition. In the author’s opinion the fragmentation as well as the deposition of the fragments was done on purpose. Tomb 4/177 is also an intact simple pit tomb that contained the burial of a female mature adult; lying on the left side facing east. A calcite bowl (S09–4) was located at the southern narrow side at the bottom of the pit; where it was placed in a vertical position between the coffin and the wall of the pit. The fragments of this bowl show traces of a brownish mortar or plaster, which had been applied to the fracture edges. This indicates that the bowl had been broken at an undetermined point in time during its use-life and was fixed at a later point, but before its deposition in the tomb. Furthermore, the position of the fragments with some distance to each other indicates a possible re-breaking of the bowl before its deposition. Therefore, the metaphorical biography4 of this object suggests that the vessel had been broken at some undetermined point of time. After its successive mending, it has been intentionally disassembled 4 The biography of an object summarises its use-life and different stages of usage, concerning changes in function and possible reshaping or modification. Cf. Kopytoff 1986: 64–91; Samida 2010: 91.

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again and has been deposited at the southern narrow side of the tomb. Consequently, the breaking of the objects might be understood at this point to be an intentional action directly linked to the deposition in the tomb. Additionally, another calcite bowl (S09–2) was found, placed on the eastern long side of the pit, and again in a vertical position. The fragment-assemblage consists of the two halves of the bowl, which were placed side-by-side, and two smaller fragments situated in front of one of these halves. The placement in this upright position and the accurate separation in particular seems rather unlikely to happen by natural causes or coincidence; and therefore, a suggested interpretation of this situation is as the result of an intentional action as well (Fig. 2). Tomb 4/14 is an intact pit tomb containing a burial of a 2–3 year old child, which was orientated head to the north facing east. (Köhler 2014: 211–214, Pl. 37A). In the north-eastern corner of the pit, two fragments of a calcite vessel (S01–8, S01–12) were located. These were placed in an upright position within the narrow space between the wall of the pit and the coffin. Within an upper layer, a deposit of three beer jars (P01–1 to P01–3) was situated at the northern narrow side of the pit. Also considered as a primary context, this deposit provided another matching fragment of the aforementioned calcite vessel. As already mentioned, this tomb was found intact, and the position of the fragments had not been affected by disturbance or other coincidences (Köhler 2014: 78). Therefore, an intentional fragmentation and deposition of the fragments in different layers can be assumed.

Fig. 2. Position of the calcite bowl S09–2 at the eastern side of tomb 4/177.

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The phenomenon of fragmentation also occurs in the subterranean chamber tombs of Helwan. In tomb 4/69 looting activity had occurred in the descending staircase and main burial chamber where the remains of a middle adult male individual were located, and bones had been scattered throughout the chamber. The lower levels of the entrance area, however, are considered to be a primary context (Köhler 2017: 7, 201–202). This context comprised a layer of mudbricks that had remained in their original position, and originally belonged to a wall closing the tomb’s entrance. A number of stone vessel fragments were located within a layer of sandy material between the mudbricks and the gebel surface (cf. Köhler 2017: 204, Fig. 48 and Pl. 23B–C). Matching fragments of this vessel (S03–90 and S03–172) were also detected in the entrance area. Again, it might be assumed, that the fragmentation was made before the mudbricks had been placed to close the entrance, and therefore can be understood as an intentional act. Comparable examples in the necropolis of Helwan, Operation 4 In addition to the aforementioned tombs, some more examples will be briefly summarised below. Most of them were found well-preserved, but disturbed burials exhibited some good contexts for this analysis. Although robbery may have affected the burials themselves and in particular the edge areas of the pit; nevertheless, the tombs and the space between coffin and pit, as well as the lower layers of the subterranean entrances are still considered to be undisturbed. So, in comparison to the primary contexts mentioned above, in the following cases it might still be possible to recognise some indications of intentional fragmentation. The tombs 4/190 and 4/177 illustrate a specific fragmentation and deposition of stone vessel fragments, which was also detected in some other tombs as 4/29, 4/51a, 4/78, 4/102 and 4/120 (Table 1a). All of these tombs consist of a simple pit with remains of a burial. The burials of the tombs 4/51a and 4/78 (Köhler 2014: 80, 279–280, Pl. 56A; Köhler 2017: 3, 62, 101, 107, Fig. 4) were orientated with the head in the north facing east and the fragments were found at the eastern long side of the pit. On the other hand, the burials in the tomb 4/120 was orientated with the head in the south facing east, and the fragments were found on the eastern long side of the pit. As the work is still preliminary, it is not possible to go into this circumstance in more detail, but it seems conceivable that the placement of the fragments may probably be linked to the orientation of the body. However, tomb 4/78 (Köhler 2017: 9, 249–254, Fig. 67, Pl. 29B) displays a location of some fragments in the north-western corner of the pit even though the orientation of the body was head to the north facing east.

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In comparison to the example of tomb 4/14 three more tombs exhibit a similar situation: stone vessel fragments were found in the lower layers of the pit, while matching fragments had been placed within a deposit of beer jars located in an upper layer. This is also the case in tomb 4/55 (Köhler 2017: 4, 64, 125–128, Fig. 13, Pl. 5C); tomb 4/85 (Köhler 2017: 71, 294, Fig. 88, Pl. 39); and tomb 4/127 (Table 1b). Tomb 4/55 is a pit tomb that yielded the burial of a middle adult woman. The tomb was robbed, but the disturbance affected the area of the burial only, while other contexts remained in good conditions. Therefore, the northern section is considered to be a primary context (Köhler 2017: 4). In this area, a deposit of three beer jars was detected as well as a single stone vessel fragment (S03– 66), with matching fragments found in the lower part of the pit. Therefore, in comparison to tomb 4/14 it seems plausible to reconstruct a similar sequence of actions: the vessel must have been fragmented and the deposition in different layers was intended. There are still more subterranean chamber tombs that illustrate a similar situation as mentioned tomb 4/69. The tombs 4/96 (Köhler 2017: 10, 77, 385–389, Pl. 63 A–B), and 4/153 had been closed with a mudbrick wall, and the lower layers were still in their original condition. It was possible to localise some stone fragments in this instance, placed underneath the mudbricks and therefore indicating breakage before deposition. Even more impressive are the tombs 4/94 (see below), 4/46, 4/116 and 4/206. These graves are mostly robbed, but there are still well-preserved contexts especially in the entrance areas (Table 1c). Moreover, there are some finds that indicate intentional fragmentation due to the context or traces on the objects themselves (Table 1d). Tomb 4/11 (Köhler 2014: 77, 199–200) provided a single stone vessel fragment of an ovoid jar made of calcite. Interestingly the second half of that jar is missing, but the tomb was found intact and undisturbed. The vessel fragment must have been removed before the tomb was closed, and therefore, the fragmentation was intentional and done before the closing of the tomb. Tomb 4/92 provided a well-preserved stone vessel deposit of ten vessels located in the northern area of this tomb (Köhler 2017: 354, Fig. 117, Pl. 53A). This deposit contained an ovoid jar made of calcite (S05–45), which was found split vertically. The vessel appears to be solid with a thick base and walls, and the fracture is quite accurate, indicating an intended breakage of this vessel (Köhler 2017: 12). To conclude, these examples provide several indications that destructive modification was a more common feature in Helwan, Operation 4. During current research in this area, c. 35 tombs out of the total of 218 tombs could be identified, which represents about 15 % of the sample. These numbers are preliminary, nevertheless some similarities are recognisable: The deposits of fragments within pit tombs are located at the eastern or western long side.

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Fig. 3. Tomb 4/92, ovoid jar with a vertical split.

Further, some other examples provide the deposition of a fragment within the beer jar deposit in combination with matching fragments in lower layers. In the case of subterranean chamber tombs, the fragments can be located under the entrance wall, or scattered in the descent (Table 1a–d). However, it might be premature to designate these occurrences as a kind of category or regularity, especially since there are also some variations. But nevertheless, these incidences highlight a special treatment of grave goods that requires a thorough investigation. This includes questions concerning a possible connection between the material and or shape of the chosen vessel. Does this action of intentional destruction occur in a special period of time and is this habit somehow connected to the sex or age of the buried individuals? And is the destruction of objects somehow connected to a destruction of value and therefore limited to a specific group of the society? Does a special location of the fragmented vessels within the tomb exist? And is there a possibility to gather more information about this behaviour as a form of ritual practice? And finally, is this assumed ritual action limited to the cemetery of Helwan, is it a regional phenomenon of the north or even traceable in Upper Egypt as well? Destructive modification as a ritualised action? The assumed intentional fragmentation of the stone vessels indicates that the vessels may no longer have been used for their primary purpose, which is to

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store or serve food, beverages or similar. Thus, things were produced with an intended function (Gebrauchssabsicht), which is termed by S. Schreiber ‘primary function’ (Schreiber 2013: 65). However, this primary function is not restricted and can be changed by user or context. So materiality and shape of objects offer a certain range of applications in which they can or cannot be used. This range of applications depends on the context and also on the users’ habitus resulting in a range of possibilities of usage such as perceiving, accepting, ignoring or even changing the object’s physical appearance by reworking (Nutzungsabsicht). This range of possibilities in which objects can be used is summarised under the term or concept of affordance (Gibson 1979). Concerning this theoretical approach, the archaeological interpretation should be sensitised in considering the significant role of the relationships or interdependencies between humans and things. These are defined by the term agency, which describes the inherent capacity of both humans and things to mutually influence each other.5 With this in mind, the case study tries to emphasise that due to the fragmentation of stone vessels, their primary function as containers is no longer possible, and by drawing on the concept of affordance, it should be accentuated that the usage of objects may differ depending on the context. In doing so, a changed context may imply a modified or altered function or meaning of the used objects. And as funerals always have a ritual context, all actions performed during a funeral can be understood as rituals. Therefore, a rather ritualistic function might be suggested for the act of intentional fragmentation as well (Köhler 2014: 18). Earlier studies had focused on general interpretations of grave goods as personal belongings of the dead or as a supply for the afterlife. Further, fragmentation as an intentional action was never generally considered, and if noticed, some very general explanations were found. These range from rather practical reasons as the lack of space in a tomb or the prevention of robbery to ritualistic reasons such as ritual killing or execration of enemies (Grinsell 1961: 475– 491). As a consequence, the assemblage of funerary objects had been understood to serve the tomb owner and his wellbeing in the afterlife, and therefore all actions, which were done by the community (Bestattungsgemeinschaft) had also been seen in this context. This interpretation had been concerned with a relationship between the dead and the grave goods only. But as a result of recent discussions in sociology and ethnology, the conducting of rituals can now be better understood as a dynamic process with a far-reaching impact on 5

The definition by L. Ahearns: ‘agency is the socio-culturally mediated capacity to act’ (Hoskins 2006: 74). This concept should not be confused with objects as being ‘active’ or ‘alive’, but solely stresses their importance within human interaction and their potential to influence human behaviour and handling of objects. See also Robb 2010: 493–520; and also Dobres & Robb 2000, who discuss several definitions of agency and the problematic use of this term.

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all participants. Thus, in combining this approach with the interpretation of the archaeological record, it is possible to widen our insight into cultural processes, and therefore we might be able to gain a greater understanding of ancient cultures or societies.6 Therefore, this paper focusses on a more nuanced interpretation of the grave goods based on theoretical concepts to emphasise the polysemic functions of things and the interdependencies between things and humans; which will lead to a discussion of ritual behaviour and possibilities of identification of rituals or sequences of rituals within the archaeological record. Speaking of ritual or ritualising actions, it is necessary to look closer into the discussion about ritual theory and how it can be used to gain more input for the interpretation of archaeological contexts. In recent discussions of ritual studies,7 the term ritual is no longer restricted to religious actions. Rituals can also be understood as more general phenomena that occur in every culture and in many more contexts than just religious situations (Krieger & Belliger 1998: 8). In order to describe the term ritual, a more comprehensive definition is preferred. Ritual can be understood as a sequence of formalised actions that take place at a specific time and place, and which were done for a definite purpose to transmit a specific meaning by using definite symbols in a performative presentation (Platvoet 1998: 187). Modern interpretations of rituals no longer focus on an exact definition, but rather on a discussion of different constitutive aspects such as status, power and hierarchy, tradition and innovation, expressive and symbolic dimensions, as well as identity and communication. It is now accepted that the main aspect of rituals is to communicate and to transmit the dimensions of beliefs and social regularities. As part of the audience or actors, people are part of this system and demonstrate their social affiliation (Rappaport 1998: 193–194). In this way social groups are able to express their way of thinking, define – and even more confine – themselves from other groups / communities / cultures. Thereby, the aspect of performative presentation is visible in used gestures, special clothing and texts, and of course in the objects involved, which can be understood as inherent key-symbols of a specific group or culture (Platvoet 1998: 178) and therefore have a specific meaning. Unfortunately, in most archaeological contexts these meanings or emic perspectives are no longer recognisable, but following the ideas of ritual studies, and therefore a comprehensive definition of the ritual is of less importance. Instead it is of greater importance to recognise a ritualised action and to deal with its constitutive aspects (Humphrey & Laidlaw 1998: 148). 6

Here the methodological approach of a bottom-up-analysis will be used, which means the observation of details in the archaeological record, e.g. the fragmentation of stone vessels. These will be used to argue for a wider context of cultural phenomena, and trying to explain behaviours of groups or societies. 7 This term was used first at a conference at the American Academy of Religion in 1977 and was further used and adapted by L. Grimes.

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One of these aspects is the act of repetition and for archaeology this is the most important feature, because repetition is recognisable in the preserved contexts. Funerals, as highly formalised and structured actions, show a variety of such repetitions as the result of distinct meaning to the community. The similarities and repetition of the treatment of the body, its position and orientation in the tombs, the construction of the tomb itself, and similar objects used during the funeral and deposits within the tomb provide insights into some genuine ideas of death and treatment of the dead of a specific group or culture. Not every repetition is necessarily part of a ritual;8 however, the placement of the stone vessel fragments within highly ritualised burial contexts may be related to such a kind of repetition and might therefore be a ritualised action as well. In conclusion, funerals can be understood as very specific rituals and are defined as macro-rites with a highly formal and stylistic organisation (Bergesen 1998: 63), and therefore they create a liminal space of interaction. On the one hand, this interaction affects the dead and their transformation; but on the other hand there is a distinct effect on the audience as well. Consequently, the fragmentation and placement of the pieces in distinct locations can be understood as such a repetitive moment, which is traceable in several tombs and is therefore a distinct action with a specific meaning to the community. The meaning may no longer be understandable to us, but nevertheless it is obvious that this action once had a certain meaning. Reconstruction model In trying to get closer to a possible interpretation, a detailed documentation of the fragments’ position is of great interest. Therefore, their positions were illustrated in meters above sea level (m.a.s.l.). As a preliminary result it was possible to work out a specific sequence of actions; and there is a recognisable pattern concerning the placement of objects between the coffin and the pit. There also seems to have been a certain order in the placement of objects in specific positions. Tomb 4/190 displays a clear alternation of deposited objects and layers of soil (Fig. 4) creating a sequence of actions: after the coffin was placed in the tomb, the cylindrical vessel was fragmented and arranged as described above, side-by-side along the eastern wall of the pit. The siltstone bowl was placed in an upper layer, after c. 30 cm of soil was placed into the pit. And again, after more backfilling, a deposit of beer jars and a wine jar9 was placed in the southern part of the tomb. 8 The same actions in a different context can have a total different meaning, and more importantly may not necessarily have to be a ritual at all. 9 Interestingly this wine jar seems to be broken intentionally as well. There also exist more examples indicating that the phenomenon of destructive manipulation occurs with pottery vessels as well. Cf. Junge in this volume.

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Fig. 4. Tomb 4/190, position of the grave goods in meters above sea level.

Fig. 5. Tomb 4/177, position of the grave goods in meters above sea level.

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The situation in tomb 4/177 is quite similar: on the southern narrow side the vessel fragments were placed and covered by a layer of soil. In a next step, another fragmented vessel was placed in a higher layer, but this time at the eastern side of the pit. Finally, a deposit of beer jars was arranged on the southern side of the tomb (Fig. 5). Tomb 4/14 illustrates a deposition of the fragments in the lower fill, followed by a layer of soil and another deposit of beer jars, which yielded a matching stone vessel fragment. What we can see is that the placement of objects alternates with a layer of backfilled soil and in different parts of a tomb; furthermore, the placement of the objects seems to start in the south and was then covered by a layer of soil. The next deposit of objects is placed in the east and the topmost objects were placed at the southern or northern narrow side of the pit. Even if one considers the taphonomic processes, the distance between the objects might only be possible if the fragments were intentionally covered with soil. Therefore, in the author’s opinion, the deposition of the vessels is closely connected with the backfilling of the soil inside the tomb, and there might be an interrelation with the closing of the tomb. Interpretation: destructive modification in the context of a ‘closing ritual’? To strengthen the idea of the destructive manipulation as part of a closing ritual, the example of tomb 4/94 will be discussed here briefly. Tomb 4/94 is a subterranean chamber tomb that was accessed by a staircase (Type II, Köhler 2017: 367). The remains of a middle adult man were located in a recess of the main burial chamber, which was closed by a mudbrick wall and secured with a heavy limestone slab (portcullis). In front of the portcullis numerous stone vessel fragments had been located in the entrance area, spread over the lower third of the descent (Köhler 2017: Pl. 56). The majority of these vessels are bowls or dishes and cylindrical vessels, made of calcite, and also one piece carved from gneiss.10 A number of matching fragments (S05–141, S05–149, S05–155) were located within the space between the mudbrick wall and the portcullis. Although the tomb was robbed, the area of the entrance can be considered well preserved, especially in the lower part. The robbers broke through the upper third of the portcullis while the lower area containing the vessel fragments remained untouched, and was therefore considered a primary context (Köhler 2017: 76). It is possible to recognise another sequence of action in relation to the closing of this tomb, in that the burial chamber had been equipped and closed by the mudbrick wall. After this, the vessels must have 10 It was possible to reconstruct the vessels, which were documented as: S05–141, S04–145, S04–148, S04–149, S04–150, S04–151, S04–152, S04–153, S04–155, S04–157, S04–158, S04–159, S04–201, S05–171.

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Fig. 6. Fragmentation and reconstruction of a cylindrical jar of tomb 4/94.

been broken and spread into the descent, and subsequently in a next step the portcullis was set in position and the entrance area was filled with soil and more stone vessel fragments.11 Interestingly, the fragments could be reconstructed to complete vessels (Fig. 6), and some of them are of above-average size: the cylindrical vessel (S05–158) is 50 cm in height and weighs 21 kilos, and the calcite plate (S05– 155) has a diameter of 68 cm. These vessels are solid and heavy with thick walls (up to 4 cm thickness), so it can be assumed that the vessels may not be broken by coincidence. In contrast, Köhler mentioned some limestone boulders located in the entrance area that might have been used to destroy the vessels (Köhler 2017: 364, Pl. 56B, 57A). However, by the very fact that these boulders are very large and bulky, it seems unlikely that they were used as a tool. In comparison to tomb 4/206 it becomes apparent, that the boulders may have served another function. This tomb displays a solid layer of large limestone boulders, which extends over the entire length of the descent (Fig. 7). Their function is not clear and remains speculative, but in the author’s opinion this layer may have served as a kind of protection. The assessment of a stonemason12 revealed that traces on the stone vessels indicate the use of pointed tools like a chisel. In sum, these indications emphasise an intentional fragmentation of the vessels (Köhler 2017: 76) and the intention of that action. 11 Besides the tombs 4/206, 4/116 and 4/46, tomb 4/94 is the only example of a chamber tomb with such an impressive amount of deliberately broken stone vessels. Interestingly, N. Alexanian mentioned another example in Bet Khallaf: the entrance area of the tomb was filled with stone vessels, which had been destroyed during the closing of the tomb by setting the portcullis into position. Alexanian 1998: 13. The Bet Khallaf tombs are slightly later than Helwan tomb 4/94. 12 Many thanks go to Hardy Maaß M.A., whose assessment is based on many years of work as a professional stonemason and archaeologist. Nevertheless, it seems necessary to compare such working marks on other archaeological artefacts.

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Fig. 7. Layer of massive limestone boulders in tomb 4/206.

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Taking into account the unusually large dimensions of some objects, the production and transport required a great deal of effort, manpower, knowhow and material. And during the funeral itself, the act of fragmentation would have taken a certain amount of time as well. Furthermore, within the layer of the stone vessel fragments, some traces of spilled liquids were observed, as well as the feet and skulls of cattle (Köhler 2017: 12, 363). In this context it might be possible to recognise the phenomenon of intentional destruction of stone vessels in connection with the closing of the tomb and in combination with other ritualised actions as libation, feasting and offering. In addition, the situations within the simple pit tombs might be interpreted in a similar way: while the placement of the fragments in the chamber tombs is concentrated in the area of the entrance, the simple pit tombs do not possess a distinct entrance area. As a consequence, the leftovers of feasting or other ritualised actions might be placed in the gap between the pit and coffin. This evidence would suggest that objects used in the ritual were separated in position and height from other grave goods. Therefore, it might be possible to realise the same ritual actions in chamber tombs as well as in pit tombs, closely connected to the closure of the tomb. Conclusion In consideration of the archaeological record as described in this paper, some ritualised actions are traceable in several tombs of the Helwan cemetery. Concerning the opening questions, most of the broken vessels were made of calcite or limestone, which was easy to access in the vicinity of Memphis. Its soft structure is easy to work and therefore, the objects might have had a lower value. In relation to the social groups buried in Helwan, the idea is that the destruction of vessels is also destruction of value and by using affordable objects more people are able to engage in the ritualising action of destructive modifications. However, this is only a vague assumption, and the large amount of vessels from 4/94 and their above-average size indicate a certain kind of value based on the amount of material and time of production. Furthermore, the siltstone bowl as mentioned above also indicates a higher value. Nevertheless, speculating about value is more than problematic and further research needs to be done on this issue.13 At this stage of research the fragmented vessels do not show any coincidence in material, shape or size. However, bowls and cylinders made of calcite or limestone have been preferred. No specific social group can be identified either, deliberately broken vessels were found in tombs of women and men of 13 The term ‘value’ is very problematic to use in prehistoric contexts, and further research needs to be done here to discuss it properly. In general, value is defined by access to the used material and the time of producing.

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different age, and in burials of children. In addition, there is no cluster of such tombs containing intentionally broken vessels; they were located throughout the Operation 4 area. Furthermore, the chronological setting of the tombs varies from late Naqada IIIC to date group IIID3, covering a timespan from the late 1st and 2nd Dynasty. But this is all preliminary results and further research needs to be done. So far, the research has only concentrated on Helwan, Operation 4, a further step in the author’s research will extend on other cemeteries in the Delta and even to Upper Egypt. As the aforementioned tomb in Bet Khallaf indicates, the phenomenon of stone vessel fragmentation might be traceable as an interregional phenomenon, but this idea remains preliminary so far. Considering the early stage of analysing the archaeological record, we may assume that burials and also funerals are highly formalised actions. These actions are endowed with a specific meaning, transmitting and communicating special ideas of social groups, and therefore, funerals can be understood as liminal spaces of interaction. In providing the dead with a supply of personal belongings, food and other equipment, the idea of an afterlife is supported. Furthermore, the socio-economic status of the tomb owner is an important aspect, which ought to be maintained in the afterlife, and is thus demonstrated to the community (Fitzenreiter 2011: 78, 81). This becomes evident in the offering scenes on the relief slabs, which depict the tomb owners, their names and titles, as well as the offerings, creating a constant link between the dead and the living, and therefore demonstrating the status and social position of the deceased (Köhler & Jones 2009). After the death of a person, the community needs to be rearranged. This concerns the nuclear family in particular, but also other social relationships. As the social position of the family members or of members of the community are closely related to the former position of the deceased, and as a consequence of the death of this community member, these fragile social relationships have to be rearranged and reconfirmed. Therefore, ritual actions provide a formalised framework of socially accepted behaviours, in order to transform not only the status of the dead, but also the status of the living (Fitzenreiter 2011: 83–84). Finally, objects are more than fossilised witnesses, as G. Childe (1956) once claimed, and they are more than just artefacts that reflect the status of the dead. The assemblage of the objects used, and of which we are able to detect in the archaeological record, is part and the result of a system of beliefs and regularities of a group or culture. Analysing the contexts in which objects were used makes it possible to gain some insights into these beliefs and regularities. In combining a theoretical approach and notions about ritual actions with the archaeological record of Operation 4, the deposition of various grave goods can be reconsidered: due to the archaeological reconstruction of the objects, the fragments were repositioned and the intentional action of destruction is no longer visible on the vessels themselves. We are looking at more or less complete

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vessels, and due to our cultural make-up and habitus the idea of storage supply comes to our mind first. However, by using the concept of affordance, the destruction of stone vessels negates the primary function of storage and some other interpretations need to be considered, which gives cause for more theorybased approaches. The grave goods can be divided into at least three main categories or functional distinctions (Köhler 2017: 12): in addition to the personal belongings of the dead and the supply of wine and beer etc., it is possible to identify a third group of objects, which were used in ritualised actions, and which were placed separately. However, the objects used for these purposes do not necessarily have to be subdivided into these categories by form or material; the individual possibilities and the respective context of use seem to be much more decisive. However, it could be shown that there is a specific handling of some stone vessels, and the position of the fragments at specific places in the grave can be highlighted. These places, or categories of placement, can be found in several tombs, of which to date c. 35 examples can be recognised in the data; and thus represent a repetition that represents an indication of ritualistic action. This is crucial in order to elaborate statements in the archaeological record and to discuss them in the context of ritual studies.

Tomb

Date

Orientation

Age

Sex

4/29

III

–

–

–

4/51a

III D4–IV

head north / facing east

young adult

male

4/78

III C3 – D2

head north / facing east

adolescent

n.a.

4/102

III D1–2

n.a.

mature adult

female

4/120

–

head south / facing east

middle adult

male

4/177

III C/D

head north / facing east

middle adult

female

4/190

III C/D

head north / facing east

mature adult

female

Tab. 1a. Pit tombs providing stone vessel fragments at the eastern or western long side of the pit.

Tomb

Date

Orientation

Age

Sex

4/14

III D (early)

head north / facing east

infant

n.a.

4/55

III D2

n.a.

middle adult

female

4/85

III D1–2

n.a.

mature adult

male

4/127

–

head north / facing east

mature adult

female

Tab. 1b. Pit tombs with stone vessel fragments found in beer jar deposit and matching fragments found in lower layers.

415

ANALYSIS OF STONE VESSELS IN THE NECROPOLIS OF HELWAN

Tomb

Date

Orientation

Age

Sex

4/46

III D4

n.a

young adult

male

4/69

III D (late)

n.a.

middle adult

male (?)

4/94

III D3

n.a.

middle adult

male

4/96

III D3

n.a.

mature adult

male

4/116

–

n.a.

mature adult

female

4/153

–

–

middle adult

male

4/206

–

–

young adult

female

Tab. 1c. Subterranean chamber tombs with stone vessel fragments scattered in the entrance area.

Tomb

Date

Orientation

Age

Sex

4/11

III D

head north / facing east

adolescent

n.a.

4/92

III D2 (?)

n.a.

adolescent

n.a.

Tab. 1d. Pit tombs, which yield single artefacts indicating an intentional fragmentation.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank E. Christiana Köhler for her support and helpful comments, and the permission to use the image material. Further, many thanks go to the Helwan team and as well to the peer-reviewers for their encouraging remarks. Bibliography ALEXANIAN, N., 1998. Ritualrelikte an Mastabagräbern des Alten Reiches [in:] GUKSCH, H. & POLZ, D. (eds.) Stationen: Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens, Rainer Stadelmann gewidmet. Mainz: 3–22. BERGESEN, A. 1998. Die rituelle Ordnung [in:] BELLIGER, A. & KRIEGER, D.J. (eds.), Ritualtheorien: Ein einführendes Handbuch. Opladen/Wiesbaden: 49–76. CHILDE, V.G., 1956. Piecing Together the Past: The Interpretation of Archaeological Data. London. DOBRES, M.-A. & ROBB, J., 2000. Agency in Archaeology. London. FITZENREITER, M., 2011. Grabmonument und Gesellschaft – Funeräre Kultur und Soziale Dynamik im alten Reich. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 40: 67–101. GIBSON, J.J., 1979. The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception. Boston. GRINSELL, L.V., 1961. The Breaking of Objects as a Funerary Rite. Folklore 72/3: 475–491.

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HAHN, H.P., 2014. Materielle Kultur: Eine Einführung. Zweite überarbeitete Auflage. Berlin. HODDER, I., 2012. Entangled: An Archaeology of the Relationships between Humans and Things. Chichester. HOSKINS, J., 2006. Agency, Biography and Objects [in:] TILLEY, C.; KEANE, W.; KÜCHLER, S., ROWLANDS, M. & SPYER, P. (eds.), Handbook of Material Culture. London: 74–84. HUMPHREY, C. & LAIDLAW, J. 1998. Die rituelle Einstellung [in:] BELLIGER, A. & KRIEGER, D.J. (eds.), Ritualtheorien: Ein einführendes Handbuch. Opladen/Wiesbaden: 135–155. KESSELER, A., 2016. Affordanz, oder was Dinge können! [in:] HOFMANN, K.P.; MEIER, T.; MÖLDERS, D. & SCHREIBER, S. (eds.), Massendinghaltung in der Archäologie: Der Material Turn in der Ur- und Frühgeschichte. Leiden: 343–363. KÖHLER, E.C., 2005. Helwan I: Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery. Season 1997/98. With contributions by M. Birell, J. Casey, T. Hikade, J. Smythe and B. St.Clair. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 24. Heidelberg. KÖHLER, E.C., 2009. Helwan II. The Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Funerary Relief Slabs. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 25. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C., 2014. Helwan III: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 1-50. With Contributions by C. Marshall and M. Abd El Karem. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 26. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C., 2017. Helwan IV: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 51-100. With Contributions by C. Marshall, A.M.A. Ali, H. Böhm, M. Abd el-Karem. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 28. Rahden. KOPYTOFF, I., 1986. The Cultural Biography of Things: Commoditization as Process [in:] APPADURAI, A. (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Cambridge: 64–91. KRIEGER, J.D. & BELLIGER, A., 1998. Einführung [in:] BELLIGER, A. & KRIEGER, D.J. (eds.), Ritualtheorien: Ein einführendes Handbuch. Opladen/Wiesbaden 1998: 1–33. PLATVOET, J., 1998. Das Ritual in pluralistischen Gesellschaften [in:] BELLIGER, A. & KRIEGER, D.J. (eds.), Ritualtheorien. Ein einführendes Handbuch. Opladen/Wiesbaden: 173–189. RAPPAPORT, R.A., 1998. Ritual und performative Sprache [in:] BELLIGER, A. & KRIEGER, J.D. (eds.), Ritualtheorien: Ein einführendes Handbuch. Opladen/Wiesbaden: 191–211. ROBB, J., 2010. Beyond Agency. World Archaeology 42/4: 493–520. SAMIDA, S., 2010. ‘Objekte der Begierde’: archäologische Dinge zwischen Forschung und Kommerzialisierung [in:] TIETMEYER, E; HIRSCHBERGER, C.; NOAK, K. & REDLIN, J. (eds.), Die Sprache der Dinge: Kulturwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf die materielle Kultur. Münster: 89–98. SCHREG, R.; ZERRES, J.; PANTERMEHL, H.; WEFERS, S.; GRUNWALD, L. & GRONENBORN, D., 2013. Habitus – ein soziologisches Konzept in der Archäologie. Archäologische Informationen 36: 101–112. SCHREIBER, S., 2013. Archäologie der Aneignung: Zum Umgang mit Dingen aus kulturfremden Kontexten. Forum Kritische Archäologie 2: 48–123.

BACKGROUND ON THE SELECTION AND USAGE OF GOODS IN BURIALS: CONSIDERATION FOR GOODS ASSEMBLAGE AND PLACEMENT IN CEMETERY B AT NAQADA TAICHI KURONUMA Archaeology Laboratory, Tokyo Metropolitan University, Japan

This article discusses mortuary characteristics seen in Cemetery B at Naqada, Upper Egypt, particularly the selection of goods and their use in burials. To analyse these points, this study focuses on the assemblage and placement of goods. These observations are from publications as well as unpublished notebooks. The results of the analyses indicate that Cemetery B saw substantially fewer good-types variation and had less regulation on the placement of goods. This was due to the small, rural nature of the associated settlement Kh.4 that used Cemetery B. The attributes analysed indicate the possible presence of social order, but the social strata are unclear during the Naqada I Period. However, the Naqada II Period observed a change in the amount and variation of goods. This may be due to the use of the cemetery by dwellers from the South Town, whose ancestors might have come from Kh.4 as indicated by previous research. The study reconfirms that the complexity of the associated settlement influences the complexity of mortuary characteristics, and the abandonment and relocation of Kh.4 also affected the selection and usage of goods in burial context.

Introduction Cemetery B at Naqada, Upper Egypt (Fig. 11), is a small Predynastic cemetery that is associated with the settlement Kh.4 (Tassie & van Wetering 2013/ 2014; Hassan et al. 2017). W.M.F. Petrie excavated Cemetery B from 1894 to 1895, almost contemporaneously with Cemetery N, Cemetery T, Cemetery G and Ballas (Petrie & Quibell 1896; Davis 1983). Although Petrie treated Cemetery B together with other cemeteries at Naqada, archaeological surveys conducted between the 1970s and 1980s suggested its mother settlement was Kh.4 (van Wetering 2017). The current view is that Cemetery B belonged to the neighbouring community of the South Town (or Nubt), which contained Cemeteries N, T, and G. In studies by K.A. Bard (1989; 1994), Cemetery B was analysed along with Cemeteries N and T; however, these studies may have failed to reconstruct the social structure in the Naqada region due to the recent suggestion on the actual associated settlement of Cemetery B (e.g. Tassie & van Wetering 2013–14). Thus, separated modified-analyses are necessary for reconsidering Cemetery B. 1

For the location of Cemetery B in Naqada region, see van Wetering 2017: Fig. 1.

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Fig. 1. Grave distribution in Cemetery B (Petrie & Quibell 1896: pl. LXXXVI, digitally traced by T. Kuronuma).

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This paper aims to present the results and discussions from a trial examination for reconsidering the mortuary characteristics at Cemetery B. The study focuses on the selection of goods and their uses in burial contexts through the analyses of the placement of goods. Petrie has only partially discussed funerary goods in context in Cemetery B, and the importance that observation plays in consideration of the entire grave in the cemetery is obvious. Acquisition of new data is not possible because the site was excavated in its entirety. In this paper, published and unpublished data from Petrie’s excavation are re-interpreted to reconstruct the funerary context of Cemetery B. Petrie’s excavation at Naqada and its advantage The archaeological site of the Naqada region comprises more than 40 Predynastic localities that are mainly cemeteries and settlements (Hendrickx & van den Brink 2002; Tassie & van Wetering 2013–14). In this region, Petrie first excavated four cemeteries and settlement remains that he called the South Town from 1894 to 1895. Petrie excavated at least 2116 Predynastic graves in Cemeteries N, B, G, and T. Cemetery N comprised of east and west areas (northeast and northwest) divided by a wadi. Petrie also included two other smaller, separate cemetery areas in his published plan of Cemetery N (Petrie & Quibell 1896: pl. LXXXVI). However, surveys of the Naqada area led by F.A. Hassan in the 1970s and 1980s revealed that this area was essentially a different cemetery and designated as Cemetery N South (van Wetering 2017: Fig. 1). These surveys also identified the location of another northern cemetery called Cemetery N North (Hassan et al. 2017; van Wetering 2017). The number of graves in these cemeteries with their chronological duration is as follows: Cemetery N East: at least 1312 (Naqada IA–IIIC1); Cemetery N West: at least 548 (Naqada I–IIIC1); Cemetery N North: at least 100 (Naqada II–III); Cemetery N South: 54 (until Naqada III); Cemetery B: 135 (Naqada IB–IID1); Cemetery G: at least 6 (Naqada III); and Cemetery T: 57 (Naqada IIB–IIIB) (cf. Hendrickx & van den Brink 2002: 360; Hassan et al. 2017: Table 1). The biggest advantage of analysing the cemeteries at Naqada is the availability of a rich information source. Unlike the other Predynastic cemeteries, excavated between the late 19th and mid-20th centuries, the information on graves at Naqada collected during excavation is published in the excavation report (Petrie & Quibell 1896), as well as in unpublished documents. Descriptions in Petrie’s publication remain fragmentary, and it is hard to rely solely upon this report for analysis. However, a combination of reports and unpublished documents enrich the information of each grave at Naqada. The unpublished documents are now in the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College London. Divided into two categories, these documents include notebooks, and the original lists of pottery by type per grave. By combining these different sources

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contextual studies per grave become possible. In the notebooks, 87 plans of a grave in Cemetery B are recorded (Petrie Notebooks 70 & 71). Considering that Petrie published no grave plans and only mentioned 13 ‘notable graves’ of Cemetery B in his report (Petrie & Quibell 1896), the availability of these notebooks for analysis greatly expands our knowledge of the area, especially for contextual analysis of the goods and the placement of these goods. Analyses of graves at Cemetery B Materials and methods To estimate the selection of goods and their use in burials at Cemetery B, the study focuses on the assemblage per grave and their placement pattern. These assemblages are discussed in previous research (Petrie & Quibell 1896; Baumgartel 1970), and will be summarised. In mortuary archaeology, it is suggested that the variation of goods types in graves is connected to the social status of the buried person, and that more variation across graves represents a more complex social structure (e.g. Binford 1971; Tainter 1978). Therefore, to examine the variation or assemblage of goods will be effective to evaluate the degree of social differentiation in Kh.4. Furthermore, if social differentiation is related to variation in the type of goods, it is expected that the usage of goods may also be affected. Petrie noted the assemblages within the burials, but only for several selected and notable graves. E.J. Baumgartel recorded information on the number of goods per type by extracting information from the notebooks (Baumgartel 1970; Payne 1987), which carried lists that are more extensive. However, due to the lack of records, she has listed 76 out of the 135 graves. This information provided some insights into the original goods assemblage in the graves of Cemetery B. Although her listing is useful for identifying the goods assemblage, a review was made of every description in order to avoid and modify any possible errors. Information on 87 graves has been obtained in this review, and 83 burials, including the graves without any finds will be examined for further analysis. Four of the burials have been excluded, as they are probably dynastic. The graves examined in this paper are provided in table 1, where not only the number of goods is arranged by type, but also the chronological position and the degree of disturbance are listed by individual graves. Degree of disturbance was categorised into three categories: intact; minor disturbance; and major disturbance. In general, the state of preservation of the graves in Cemetery B was bad, with 40 out of 83 graves showing traces of major disturbance and 34 graves with evidence for minor disturbance. Only seven graves were intact. In table 1 goods are also categorised into several types for the analysis: namely, pottery; stone vessels; palettes; lithics; beads and pendants; bone and

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Table 1. List of the goods number by type per grave in Cemetery B. Abbreviations are: CDN: Petrie’s C, D, N-Wares; BO: Bone and ivory objects; BP: Beads and pendants; CB: Cups/bowls; SV: Stone vessels; W: Petrie’s W-Ware. Period is according to Hendrickx (1989).

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ivory objects, and other minor goods types. Pottery types include the subtypes of: 1) pottery with decoration (Petrie’s C-, D-, N-Wares); 2) W-Ware; 3) cups/ bowls, and 4) jars. Pottery with decoration contained any morphological type if it was C-, D- or N-Wares. Goods assemblage per grave In total 71 graves contained one or two goods-types. Among them, 59 graves contained only pottery and one grave had a pot sherd scraper (Grave B43). There are 11 graves containing at least two types of goods, and several goodstype combinations consisting of a pottery type good and another goodstype. Out of 11 graves, five had combinations of pottery and cosmetic palettes (Graves B89, B119, B120, B121, and B125). Among the six graves that contained more than three goods-types, one grave (B99) had eight goods-types (25 pottery, one stone vessel, one palette, two flint knives, one copper harpoon, two ivory pendants, two ivory hairpins, and pebbles). Furthermore, one grave (B102) had five goods-types and the remaining four graves contained three goods-types. In addition, five graves have no records of any finds. Therefore, graves in Cemetery B can be divided into two groups. The first group comprised a few graves, which contained more than five goods-types, and the second group comprised many graves, which usually contained less than two, and occasionally three goods-types. In Cemetery B, goods-types in burials were generally not variated, and the most frequent goods-type was pottery. Contrarily, stone vessels are rare in this cemetery, and only five can be identified in four graves. One stone vessel was found from B99, i.e. a grave with eight goods-types. However, other precious objects such as copper objects or mace heads are rare. Copper objects are found only in graves B99 and B132, while only one mace-head is present in grave B110. Imported objects are limited to N-Wares, which were found in four graves (B19, B20, B25, and B29). Therefore, some sorts of valuable objects were not often used for funerary purpose in Cemetery B. In the next section, beyond the wealth evaluation according to the presence or absence of certain goods-types, the ways in which these goods were placed will be examined to understand the pattern of goods usage in the burial context, and to deepen our understanding of goods usage in rural cemeteries. Placement of goods in burials Fourteen areas for the placement of goods in a grave were defined for analysis and are listed as follows: 1) above the head; 2) behind the head; 3) in front of the face and around the hands; 4) around the neck and shoulder; 5) behind the back; 6) before the body, between arms and upper legs; 7) around the pelvis;

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Fig. 2. Model grave plan with placement areas (Regner 1996: Abb. 40, modified by T. Kuronuma).

8) in front of the legs; 9) below the feet; 10) in front of the upper body; 11) along the grave outline above the head; 12) along the grave outline in front of the face; 13) along the grave outline below the feet; 14) along the grave outline behind the back (Fig. 2). These areas are based on the area setting by A. Stevenson for the analysis on the placement of goods in the cemetery of el-Gerzeh (Stevenson 2013), although some areas were modified and added for this study. The placement of goods was plotted on a model burial for analysis and the category of goods were assigned according to the definitions mentioned above. The results show that the placement areas of jars were dispersed around the grave; however, there were especially high numbers in areas 11, 12, and 13 (Fig. 3 top left). Conversely, the number of jars placed near the body is smaller. Cups/bowls are normally found in the southern part of the grave (such as areas 10, 11, northern half of 12), and in front of the upper part of the body (such as areas 3 or 6) (Fig. 3 top right). Some cups are clustered because they were stacked to make a group. For C- and D-Wares, the placement areas were mainly either between the southern pit wall and head (such as areas 1, 10, 11 or southern part of 14) or between the northern pit wall and feet (such as areas 9 and 13) (Fig. 3 bottom left). Although there were ten identifiable C- and D- Wares, eight of these types were placed in these two areas. Contrarily, few C- and D-Wares were found near the body, indicating the presence of a possible regulation on the placement of C- or D-Ware. A similar tendency can be seen for the placement of W-Ware, which was also found near the head or the feet. Of four N-Wares so far confirmed, only two of the placements could

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Fig. 3. Placement of goods in burials in Cemetery B (Left: pottery types except C-, D-, W-, and N-wares; Centre: C-, D-, W-, and N-wares; Right: stone vessels, cosmetic palettes, beads and pendants, and other objects).

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be plotted and both of them are in or near area 11. Therefore, unlike other categories of pottery, C-, D-, W- or N-Wares were likely to be placed in the southern or northern sectors of the grave and not in front of the face or hands of the buried person. For stone vessels, palettes, beads and pendants, and other goods, a clear pattern of placement was not evident (Fig. 3 bottom right). Stone vessels were present is areas 8 or 14, but this hardly indicates anything about their placement because of their small number (two in total). Since all the five palettes identified were found in the southern part of the grave, possible placement patterns could be seen, albeit vaguely. The point that the palettes were placed in the southern part of the grave-pit is partially similar to that of cups/bowls. With regard to beads and pendants, an example was located near the hand of one body; however, all other examples were found some distance away. Due to the small number of beads and pendants, it is difficult to observe any pattern that would contradict their original function. This small number may indicate that the graves were disturbed for goods and precious raw materials. Indeed, many bodies in Cemetery B suffered disturbance around the head or upper part of the body. Thus, this situation may negatively affect the low number of beads or pendants. Summary of the analyses Grave goods in Cemetery B can be characterised in two ways: First is the general scarcity of variation in goods selected. Of the analysed graves, 85.5 % (71 of 83) had only one or two types of goods. Only two graves had more than five types of goods. Second are the vague conventions in where these goods were placed within the burial. For pottery, including C-, D-, N- and W-Ware, and palettes, patterns or preferences in the placement of goods can be noted. However, for other types of goods, it is difficult to assess due to the small number of goods. These results suggest that the number and variation in goods assemblages does not relate to the usage in terms of the placement of minor goods. Discussion Selection of goods Considering the reflection of goods-type variation in a cemetery to the diversity of social status (e.g. Binford 1971; Tainter 1978), it can be recognised that the community of Kh.4 does not have clear vertical social differentiation in Cemetery B as indicated by Bard (1994). The fundamental funerary goods-type is pottery, and there seems to be less preference for the selection of goods in

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general. However, since some of the graves contained more than three goodstypes, they may indicate the presence of social differentiation or vertical stratification. For example, Grave B102 contained five goods-types during the Naqada IC Period, or Grave B99 contained eight goods-types by the Naqada IIC Period. However, this presence of burials with richly variated goods-types should be treated separately. As stated above, Cemetery B lies between the Naqada IB and Naqada IID1 Periods. The variation of goods is generally low in a cemetery during the Naqada I Period such as Adaïma, Armant, Badari, Matmar, and Mostagedda. Considering this general trend in Upper Egypt, the presence of graves with more than three goods-types in Cemetery B raises the possible presence of a person who belonged to a relatively high social position in the Naqada I Period. Grave B102 contained not only pottery that included four C-Wares, four bowls, two large jars, but also a palette, two ivory fragments, malachite, and resin. Thus, not only the relatively large number of goods (at least 14), but also various goods-types (five types) were selected for this grave. Grave B102 is a single burial; therefore, such a high variation of goods clearly indicates that the person belonged to a relatively higher social stratum in Naqada IC. Contrary to the graves before the middle of Naqada II, the presence of graves with richly variated goods-types during the Naqada IIC Period is of a different nature. According to Hassan et al. (2017), Cemetery B continued to be in use even after the relocation of Kh.4 to the South Town, which took place in the first half of the Naqada II Period. They have suggested that after the middle of the Naqada II Period, the inhabitants of the South Town may have populated Cemetery B, but their ancestors may have come from the Kh.4 community (Hassan et al. 2017). Therefore, examples such as Grave B99, while physically containing a rich variation of goods-types, does not reflect the local economy or social differentiation of Kh.4, but of the South Town. Mortuary characteristics in the graves after the Naqada IIC Period that show a higher variation in goods types in burials may be a reflection of economical and funeral regulation of South Town. Therefore, goods selection and usage revealed in graves have different backgrounds before and after the middle of the Naqada II Period. Usage of goods in burial context Although the background of selection seems different before and after the middle of the Naqada II Period, it is clear that general rules for the placement of pottery are according to their original function. Every Egyptian grave seems to have functioned as a house of the soul for the buried person, and goods were ideologically used for serving the necessities for the dead (cf. Reisner 1936).

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Considering the results of analyses for Cemetery B, several points are apparent. For pottery, jars that mainly worked for storage were placed not near to the body, but along the inside outline of the grave-pit. This result is very much in line with results from the study of where goods were placed in the el-Gerzeh cemetery, where most of the burials were intact or less disturbed (Stevenson 2013). This may also apply to pottery with decoration, especially C- and D-Wares, where almost all D-Wares consist of the same jar types, and C-Wares from Cemetery B are also present, except a bowl from Grave B102. However, the relatively preferred placement of W-Wares below the feet in Cemetery B is not found at el-Gerzeh. Another interesting point is for cups/bowls, since they are mostly found along the inside edge of the grave-pit albeit in the southern half. Cups/bowls were often used for serving foods for the buried persons, thus they should be placed near them. However, in Cemetery B, cups/bowls were found together with jars and sometimes stacked with them. Thus, it can be observed that cups/bowls are used in combination with the jars in Cemetery B. Placing food in close vicinity to the deceased does not seem to be of primary importance in this cemetery. Therefore, the general rules of the placement, which is according to the original function of goods, is generally applicable for Cemetery B, but there are some local characteristics. Although some local aspects can be seen in goods placement, the fundamental rules of goods placement in Cemetery B was not differentiated by the social status of the buried person. What distinguishes the social status of the burials, between low and high is the placement of additional goods-types in the graves. As stated above, it is difficult to observe the positive regulations of goods placement except pottery due to the limited number of goods. However, the presence of some additional goods in the burial may affect the visual impression of the grave by displaying the wealth of goods-types and amounts comparing to the other less equipped graves. For Cemetery B, this is especially applicable for the graves between Naqada I and the middle of the Naqada II Periods. The importance of a visual aspect of goods in burial context has been discussed recently in Cemetery H at Mahasna (cf. Eyckerman & Hendrickx 2011). Although the goods assemblage in Cemetery B is limited compared to Mahasna; the use of goods in burials by placing and displaying them could be seen as a way to display the social status of a buried person. As stated above, a variety of goodstypes in a funeral context are often related to the variety of social status of the buried person, and their society (cf. Binford 1971; Tainter 1978; Carr 1995). In this sense, Predynastic goods were used not only for fulfilling their original function in a funeral context, but also for presenting the social status in the burial area. However, the variation of goods-types is not quite as diverse in Cemetery B, and thus the community in Kh.4 did not have such a complex social structure as South Town. If the ideas of the surveyors are correct, after the middle of Naqada II, the importance of goods usage in the funerary context

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changed because of the relocation of the associated settlement. Although it is still difficult to identify the rules of goods placement after the middle of Naqada II, it can be suggested that the primary practice of placement became for the mortuary purposes and visual purpose possibly became less important. Concluding remarks The rural nature of Cemetery B at Naqada influenced the selection and usage of goods in the burial context. The selection and usage of goods for burial was generally low and less regulated. However, a few examples may indicate the presence of a social order in the Kh.4 community during the Naqada I Period. The presence of graves with more goods-types and less probably indicates the existence of simple social strata. The Kh.4 community did not have a complex vertical social structure like that of South Town as frequently analysed. The social structure of the mother settlement influences the variation in burial aspects (cf. Binford 1971), and mortuary characteristics in Cemetery B. Goods selection and usage was also influenced by the simplicity of the Kh.4 community. However, even the less differentiated circumstance of goods in burials, slight difference in goods could be observed in the graves until the middle of Naqada II. Contrary to this, a relatively large change of amount and variation of goods in burials during the Naqada II Period related the change of background especially when Kh.4 was defunct and possibly dwellers in the South Town used Cemetery B. This change may indirectly indicate the complex nature of society in South Town. This paper presents only two aspects of the mortuary characteristics that have been extracted from Petrie’s record. The use of legacy data for the re-interpretation of archaeological sites is increasingly important in Egypt (e.g. Emmitt et al. 2017). While legacy data may not be as thorough as data recorded today and the information concerning the preservation state is indeed weak. As this paper has demonstrated, it is undeniable that there are some limitations in the use of legacy data, but further trial is necessary for understanding the old, but important excavation and refreshing its evaluation. Acknowledgement I would like to express my gratitude to Dr Anna Garnett (Curator of the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College London) for the use permission of the records in Petrie’s notebooks. I also would like to appreciate the valuable comments from three anonymous reviewers. My gratitude also goes to Dr Joshua J. Emmitt (Anthropology, School of Social Sciences, the University of Auckland) who kindly corrected my English, and gave me valuable comments.

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Bibliography BARD, K.A., 1989. The Evolution of Social Complexity in Predynastic Egypt: An Analysis of the Nagada Cemeteries. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 2: 223–248. BARD, K.A., 1994. From Farmers to the Pharaohs: Mortuary Evidence for the Rise of Complex Society in Egypt. Sheffield. BAUMGARTEL, E.J., 1970. Petrie’s Naqada Excavation: A Supplement. London. BINFORD, L.R., 1971. Mortuary Practices: Their Study and their Potential [in:] BROWN, J.A. (ed.), Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices. Washington: 6–29. CARR, C., 1995. Mortuary Practices: Their Social, Philosophical-Religious, Circumstantial, and Physical Determinants. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 2: 105–200. DAVIS, W., 1983. Cemetery T at Nagada. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 39: 17–28. EMMITT, J.; SEFTON, B.; PHILLIPPS, R.; WENDRICH, W. & HOLDAWAY S., 2017. Reimag(in)ing the Past: Adding the Third Dimension to Archaeological Section Drawings. Advances in Archaeological Practice 5: 44–53. EYCKERMAN, M. & HENDRICKX, S., 2011. The Naqada I Tombs H17 and H41 at elMahasna, a Visual Reconstruction [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE, P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London, 27th July–1st August 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 379– 429. HASSAN, F.A.; VAN WETERING, J. & TASSIE, G.J., 2017. Urban Development at Nubt, Naqada Region, Upper Egypt, during the Predynastic – Protodynastic Period [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 81–127. HENDRICKX, S., 1989. De grafvelden der Naqada-cultuur in Zuid-Egypte, met bijzondere aandacht voor het Naqada III grafveld te Elkab: Interne chronologie en sociale differentiatie II. Tabellen en bibliographie. Leuven. HENDRICKX, S. & VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M., 2002. Inventory of Predynastic and Early Dynastic Cemetery and Settlement Sites in the Egyptian Nile Valley [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. & LEVY, T.E. (eds.), Egypt and the Levant: Interrelations from the 4th through the early 3rd Millennium B.C.E. London/New York: 346–399. PAYNE, J.C., 1987. Appendix to Naqada Excavations Supplement. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73: 181–189. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1921. Corpus of Prehistoric Pottery and Palettes. London. PETRIE, W.M.F. & QUIBELL, J.E., 1896. Naqada and Ballas. London. REGNER, C., 1996. Schminkpaletten. Wiesbaden. REISNER, G.A., 1936. The Development of the Egyptian Tomb down to the Accession of Cheops. Cambridge, MA. STEVENSON, A., 2013. Predynastic Burial Rituals: Citations and Transformations [in:] DANN, R. & EXELL, K. (eds.), Egypt: Ancient Histories, Modern Archaeologies. New York: 9–49. TAINTER, J.A., 1978. Mortuary Practices and the Study of Prehistoric Social Systems [in:] SCHIFFER, M.B. (eds.), Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 1. New York: 105–141.

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TASSIE, G.J., & VAN WETERING, J., 2013–14. The History and Research of the Naqada Region Collection. Egyptian & Egyptological Documents, Archives, Libraries 4: 61–77, Pls. VI–IX. VAN WETERING, J., 2017. The Cemeteries of Nubt, Naqada Region, Upper Egypt [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 521–549.

THE ORIGIN OF NEOLITHIC POTTERY IN LOWER EGYPT. THE EASTERN SAHARA HYPOTHESIS AGNIESZKA MĄCZYŃSKA Poznań Archaeological Museum

The oldest Lower Egyptian pottery is dated to the middle of the 6th millennium BCE. It was recorded at sites on the northern shore of Lake Qarun, inhabited by groups known in archaeology as the Fayumian. Over time, clay vessels became common utensils and have been found in large quantities on all known Neolithic sites in the area (Merimde, Sais, Wadi Hof). Theories explaining the emergence of the first pottery in Lower Egypt have been largely affected by its coexistence with remains of domesticated plants and animals. The concepts of making and using new types of containers were supposed to have been introduced to Lower Egypt from the outside, as an element of the Neolithic Package. Such a hypothesis matches the classical model of the Neolithic spread from the Levant. Apart from hypotheses assuming a Levantine origin of the earliest Lower Egyptian pottery, another hypothesis has been proposed that points out to the Eastern Sahara. This paper presents the results of a comparative analysis of ceramic assemblages from Lower Egypt and from the Western Desert, aimed at verifying the Eastern Sahara hypothesis.

Introduction The oldest Lower Egyptian pottery is dated to the middle of the 6th millennium BCE. It was recorded on the Fayumian sites on the northern shore of Lake Qarun. Over time, clay vessels became common utensils and have been found in large quantities on all known Neolithic sites in the area (see Mączyńska 2017). Theories explaining the emergence of the first pottery in Lower Egypt have been largely affected by its coexistence with remains of domesticated plants and animals. The concepts of making and using new types of containers were supposed to have been introduced to Lower Egypt from the outside, as an element of the Neolithic Package. Such a hypothesis matches the classical model of the Neolithic spread from the Levant. Newcomers from the Near East were supposed to introduce new subsistence strategies to Lower Egypt, together with other elements of the Neolithic Package, such as clay vessels. Research on the origins of Lower Egyptian pottery has been dominated by hypotheses linking it to the southern Levant, although their proponents fail to agree on the size of groups that reached Lower Egypt, or on their cultural identity, chronology and reasons that forced them to leave their homelands (i.e. Hayes 1965: 114; Eiwanger 1984: 61–63; Debono & Mortensen 1990: 40, 53; Ciałowicz 1999: 91–103; Midant-Reynes 2000; Shirai 2010: 312–314; Tassie 2014: 194; Streit 2017).

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Apart from Levantine hypotheses, an assumption pointing to the Eastern Sahara as a source of the Neolithic pottery of Lower Egypt has been proposed. Even though the desert hypothesis is only moderately popular and has rather few supporters, in recent years possible Saharan influences on the development of Lower Egyptian communities have been mentioned more and more often. Although similarities are particularly noticeable in flint assemblages, the links connecting the pottery of both regions have attracted researchers’ attention as well (i.e. Wendorf & Schild 1984: 428; Kuper 1996: 89; 2002: 9; Warfe 2003; Riemer et al. 2013; Muntoni & Gatto 2014: 457). This paper focuses on the hypothesis that indicates the Eastern Sahara as a possible source for the Neolithic pottery in Lower Egypt. It presents the results of a comparative analysis of ceramic assemblages from Lower Egypt and from the Western Desert, aimed at verifying the said hypothesis. The scope of the analysis covered pottery from all currently known sites in Lower Egypt dated to the middle of the 6th and the 5th millennium BCE (Fig. 1), i.e. Fayumian pottery (Caton-Thompson & Gardner 1934; Emmitt 2011; 2017; Emmitt et al. 2018), the Merimde pottery (Eiwanger 1984; 1988; 1992), as well as el-Omari pottery (Debono & Mortensen 1990). Lower Egyptian pottery was juxtaposed with undecorated thin-walled pottery characteristic of the Bifacial technocomplex distinguished in the central and northern parts of the Western Desert during the final part of the Holocene humid phase (Riemer et al. 2013). Thus far, pottery has been registered in a few locations on the Abu Muhariq Plateau, in Abu Ballas Scarp Land, in the Great Sand Sea as well as in Dakhleh, Kharga and Farafra Oases (Fig. 1; i.e. Gehlen et al. 2002; Hope 2002; Warfe 2003; 2018; Riemer & Schönfeld 2006; 2010; McDonald 2009; Muntoni & Gatto 2014). Pottery from Sodmein cave in the Eastern Desert, associated with this northern pottery tradition, is also addressed here (Vermeersch et al. 2015). Pottery collections from the two regions could not be analysed comparatively on the basis of statistical data. The comparison was made difficult by the nature of ceramic assemblages from Lower Egypt, including in particular those from the Fayum, found in the first half of the 20th century. Desert assemblages were challenging too, for their small size and a limited amount of detailed publications. Given the nature of available data, a comparative analysis was carried out taking into account the principal stages in pottery production, as proposed by C. Orton et al. (2010). Bearing in mind the limited length of this paper, the author chose to present the features of pottery from both regions in a tabular form (Table 1). Additionally, the analysis took into account the influencing factors defined by D. Arnold (1989) as part of the ceramic theory. Five of the seven factors have been analysed in detail: raw material resources; weather and climate; possible scheduling conflicts; degree of sedentariness; and demand.

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Fig. 1. Lower Egypt and the Eastern Sahara during the 6th and 5th millennium BCE; dotted line: boundary between the Bifacial technocomplex and the Khartoum-style technocomplex (Riemer et al. 2013: Fig. 3; Vermeersch et al. 2015: Fig. 1; Mączyńska 2017: Fig. 1).

Neolithic pottery of Lower Egypt Resources Determining the exact location of sources of raw materials used for pottery production in Lower Egypt is not always possible. Ethnographic studies investigating the distance between resources and the place of pottery production

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concentrate primarily on sedentary or semi-sedentary populations (for details see Arnold 1989: 50). However, the logistics of raw materials procurement may have been different in the case of mobile or partly mobile groups. A 20–30 km round trip is suggested by L.H. Kelley (1995: 133) as the upper limit of the distance that mobile hunter-gatherers could walk in a day. Assuming that the Neolithic groups from Lower Egypt were partly mobile and that their existence was based on movement and using resources located within an area they occupied and probably knew well, they may have used multiple clay deposits located at distances ensuring their return home before sunset. In the case of pottery from Qasr el-Sagha, research has indicated the Hawara Depression as the location of the deposits (Ginter et al. 1980: 114–120; Ginter & Kozłowski 1983). El-Omari pottery was made of local clay obtained from the region of Wadi Hof (Debono & Mortensen 1990; Hamroush & Abu Zied 1990). On the basis of most recent studies, multiple raw material sources have been suggested in the case of both Fayum and Merimde (Emmitt 2017: 152–153, 155, 243–244). On each of those sites clays from deposits located at a walking distance from the site were probably used. Extracting clay from such deposits may have accompanied movements across the area, thus being part of exploiting the abundant resources of the region. Tempers were probably sourced from a similar location. Other materials necessary for pottery making, i.e. water and fuel, were also easily available in the vicinity, as the sites were located in rich ecological niches ensuring easy access to water (Barakat 1990; Wilson et al. 2014: 149). The presence of water had a positive effect on vegetation, in particular for the trees. Indeed, most charcoal samples from the sites in the Fayum were identified as originating from tamarisk or other typical waterside trees (Marston et al. 2017). Tamarisk and acacia were also identified among el-Omari charcoals (Barakat 1990). J. Emmitt (2011: 107–108) additionally suggests the use of animal dung as firing fuel in the Fayum. Weather and climate Although, according to R. Phillipps et al. (2012), the Fayum was located beyond the reach of the ITCZ during the Early and Middle Holocene, it was influenced by the southward movement of Mediterranean winter rains (see also Welc 2016: 276–277). Winter rainfalls and cooler conditions, both being of key importance for crop farming in this region, may have had a negative effect on pottery production in general, and vessel drying and firing in particular. As a result, pottery production may have been confined only to periods when temperature and humidity levels were favourable for pottery making; including primarily warm summers (see also Köhler 1997 for the Predynastic Period).

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Degree of sedentariness For many years, the Neolithic societies of Lower Egypt were considered as fully sedentary. Currently, however, a certain degree of mobility connected with the use of many different resources available in the environment has been implied. Some degree of such mobility has been suggested for the Fayumian Culture on the basis of flint and pottery analyses (Holdaway et al. 2010; 2016; 2017; Emmitt 2011; 2017; Phillipps et al. 2016a/b; contra Shirai 2017; Emmitt et al. 2018). Places where pottery was produced had to be occupied long enough for the whole production process to be completed. Vessels may have been produced at extended stay sites, where lithic items were made, food was cooked and other activities were carried out. However, they could not have been possibly made in transit. When leaving a given location, people would take those vessels that were useful with them. Other vessels were probably left behind in the form of ‘site furniture’. Subsequently, when returning to a given location, people would use both the vessels they carried with them and those constituting the site’s ‘equipment’. Particularly remarkable among the latter are large vessels, whose dimensions and weight made them perfect ‘site furniture’. As they were used for storage, it was their contents that may have made people come back. Storage facilities (including large vessels) used by the Fayumians became permanent points in their settlement pattern (Emmitt 2011: 132; 2017: 242–243). In light of the most recent research, the Merimdians also travelled across Wadi Gamal and exploited available resources for hunting, food processing and working tools (Rowland 2015; Rowland & Bertini 2016). Round structures recorded in phase I of the site, probably constituting part of a camp, have been interpreted in the context of seasonal occupation (Wetterstrom 1993). Pottery may have been made within the camp, while the hearths recorded there may have been used for vessel firing. Movement across Wadi Gamal did not necessarily influence pottery production, since if it was practiced in places used for a longer stay (seasonal camps); it could have been pursued independently of, and simultaneously with other activities, not unlike in the Fayum. In the younger phases of Merimde, when settlement structures became more stable, dense and complex, pottery production could have been practiced within the settlement, inside households or in their vicinity. A similar situation may have taken place at Wadi Hof. With its numerous structures in the later occupation phases (including a semi-subterranean circular hut), the settlement may have served as a permanently inhabited central place, from where expeditions to other parts of the region were organised. Pottery production may have been located within the vicinity of clay outcrops in one of the places of activity located around the main settlement sites. A small amount of pottery made of Nile silt may indicate that pottery production was

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also located on the Nile floodplain, a place visited in search of fish and in connection with crop farming (Hamroush & Abu Zied 1990: 92). Scheduling conflicts In the early studies on the Neolithic in Lower Egypt, domestic plants and animals were treated as an important source of food for humans. However, recent studies from the Fayum have largely changed that view. According to R. Phillips et al. (2016b: 12), domestic grains were not extensively used in Fayum. Their initially minor role in human diet may have helped avoid scheduling conflicts with pottery production. In the Fayum area, crops were sown after summer inundations, probably in lake basins and the growing season coinciding with the cold and humid winter. As that part of the year was unfavourable for pottery production, scheduling conflicts were minimised. Pottery production may have begun after harvesting – not only because of favourable climate conditions, but also due to the demand for storing grains in ceramic vessels. A similar situation is clearly visible in the case of domesticated animals. Studies conducted in the Fayum indicate that domesticates were only an addition to wild food (Phillipps et al. 2016b: 12). Faunal analyses indicate the major importance of fish among groups that occupied the northern shores of Lake Qarun (99 % of all identified faunal remains). On the basis of the predominance of adult/spawning fish, Linseele et al. (2014; see also Phillips et al. 2016b) have suggested that fishing was probably practised in the late summer months, namely August/September or slightly later. Compared with fish, other wild animals did not constitute an important source of food for the Fayumians, while the quantity of their bones in the assemblages makes it reasonable to suggest that hunting was an opportunistic activity, practiced all year round (Linseele et al. 2014). Fishing, hunting and pottery production may have been practiced in the Fayum at the same time, namely in summer. Currently, the available evidence is insufficient to determine the existence of a scheduling conflict between them. Since pottery was produced as and when necessary in places of extended stay during dry and warm periods, its simple technology and firing conditions did not necessarily interfere with other activities, including, in particular, those related to food supply (fishing or hunting). A lack of scheduling conflicts between pottery production and other activities seems also likely in the case of the early occupation at Merimde and Sais. Mobility coupled with rich environmental resources available all year round, as well as the seasonality of various activities, allowed for the flexible organisation of pottery production during the Early Neolithic. Domesticated plants and animals were also known to the inhabitants of Wadi Hof; however, the diet of the inhabitants was primarily based on fish, along with products supplied by domesticated animals. The richness of natural

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resources in Wadi Hof and in its vicinity, as well as the probability of permanent human presence, made it possible to organise pottery production in a manner preventing possible scheduling conflicts with important subsistence strategies. Assuming that crop farming was linked to the Nile floods, it was of a seasonal nature (taking place mostly after floods and during winter). In addition, it was at a rather early stage of development (Midant-Reynes 2000: 122–123), and as such, probably did not create any conflicts with pottery production. By the 5th millennium BCE, the Nile Delta probably witnessed a reduction in the mobility of human groups, accompanied by a more stabilised settlement activity. Both processes may have been linked to the growing importance of domesticated plants and animals as food resources. Remains from Merimde show that, during the 5th millennium BCE, farming and breeding became important subsistence strategies. Although fish are still present in faunal assemblages, their relative proportions are far lower than those recorded earlier. Pigs begin to appear among domesticated animals, which according to Linseele et al. (2014), is a discernible marker of reduced mobility among Neolithic communities. Such a reduction in mobility may have had a positive effect on the development of pottery production. Pots may have been formed and fired as and when needed for a given household, rather than only in periods of extended stay in one location. Scheduling conflicts with farming, herding or other activities followed by sedentary groups, may have been resolved by a division of labour. D. Arnold (1989: 100–102) suggests pottery production could have been easily introduced as an additional activity for women, as they were closely attached to households because of pregnancy, infant care, and other tasks. Demand In the Fayumian, pottery may have served a number of functions, from storage to processing, to cooking and serving, and transport. The prevalence of open forms and simple shapes during the Early Neolithic promoted the use of the same vessels for multiple purposes (Mączyńska 2017). Owing to their reduced permeability, vessels with slip and burnishing may have been additionally used for the storage of liquids. Ceramic containers were in common use and people relied on them, both in transit and during longer stays in a given location. Both portable pots and ‘site furniture’ were also in use. In places of extended stay, potters manufactured vessels that were immediately necessary, but also as a result of breakage. When it comes to large storage vessels, the situation may have been different; as such vessels were not carried from one place to another. Instead, they were used for the storage of grain. The demand for these vessels appeared probably after the harvest when grain had to be properly stored. The variety of vessel forms known from Merimde and el-Omari settlements, coupled with the lack of detailed data concerning their function, renders it

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impossible to precisely analyse the effect of demand on pottery production. They may have been used for a number of activities (food storage, preparation, serving or transport). Particularly remarkable are the cord marks recorded by J. Emmitt (2017: 221) on Merimde pottery that were formed during vessel transport. Other interesting observations have been provided from the Sais site. While its chronology is similar to that of Merimde, unlike in the phase I, most burnished ware items recorded in Sais are closed forms. The difference may be linked to the key function of the site, namely a fish-catching station. Middle Holocene pottery of the central and northern part of the Western Desert Resources The exact location of deposits from which clay or tempers for pottery making were sourced cannot be determined. Herders who made and used ceramic vessels probably had a fairly thorough knowledge of the environment within which they operated seasonally. The knowledge of places offering essential raw materials (including those for making tools, such as lithics and pottery) helped them survive in the challenging conditions of a savannah environment. Clay and temper deposits were probably located in the vicinity of vessel-making sites. In the case of the Dakhleh or Farafra Oases, sources located within the oasis have been pointed out (Eccleston 2002; Mutoni & Gatto 2014: 456). Apart from clay and tempers, two other important raw materials were necessary for pottery production, namely water and fuel for firing (Arnold 1989: 53–54). Although the climate in the Eastern Sahara during the Middle Holocene was milder than today, access to water sources was not equally simple in all locations. The presence of artesian springs in oases encouraged people to set up production sites in their vicinity. A lack or limited availability of water could render pottery production difficult or simply impossible (e.g., in the northern part of the Abu Muhariq Plateau; Riemer & Schönfeld 2010: 752–753). Vessel firing was an important stage in pottery production. The fuel necessary to sustain a high firing temperature was most plentiful in places with a permanent water presence. Large quantities of acacia and tamarisk trees are found in Farafra Oasis and the Hidden Valley may have been used during firing (Lucarini 2014). Weather and climate In the Middle Holocene, the southern part of Egypt was under the influence of monsoonal summer rains, while its northern part was dominated by a winter rain regime (Kuper & Kröplin 2006). Rainy seasons were separated by dry

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periods during which people may have faced difficulties in accessing water. Although summer monsoons and (to some extent) winter rains were of key importance for a human presence in the desert, rainy weather may have had a negative influence on pottery production. The way production was organised (including, in particular, the timing of vessel shaping, drying, and firing) had to take precipitation and related humidity into account. In dry periods, herders moved to places ensuring permanent access to water. Given the favourable conditions for pottery making offered by oases (including access to the necessary raw materials), it seems that they were the best place for potters over the summer period. Since they were regularly visited by mobile groups, it was in the oases that herders could seasonally make vessels during periods when high temperatures and limited access to water made it difficult to stay elsewhere. The negative influences of the summer monsoons could be minimised by high temperatures, which allowed vessels to dry more rapidly (Kindermann & Bubenzer 2007: 29). Degree of sedentariness and scheduling conflicts Desert groups who made and used Eastern Saharan pottery were highly mobile, which was a form of adaptation to unstable conditions prevailing in this area throughout the Holocene humid phase. Mobility made their presence in the savannah possible by offering access to a variety of resources available in various locations. Movement in search of food, water and various plant and animal resources took place in the winter season when transient reservoirs formed after rainfalls. Lower temperatures also favoured mobility during winter seasons, as people and animals were able to walk greater distances with little or no need for replenishing water. In dry seasons, water sources outside oases and large reservoirs became limited, and vegetation and pasture for herds shrank rapidly. Oases and other places with access to water attracted human groups from various directions (Riemer 2009; Riemer et al. 2013). Dry seasons were the right time for pottery making, as the production technology (e.g. drying before firing) required a prolonged stay in one location (Eerkens 2001: 7–8; 2008: 309–310). Pottery production organised in this way could be successfully adapted to the mobile way of life and to subsistence strategies followed by desert groups, without causing any scheduling conflicts. The limited scale of pottery making also allowed one to avoid them (Arnold 1989). Demand The limited size of assemblages is a particular feature of pottery from the Western Desert. The quantity of sherds recorded at sites is low, which may result from production limitations or from the fact that vessels were cumbersome

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to transport. Although the fragility of pottery and the ensuing high breakage rates during movement did not favour vessel transport during seasonal movements, it did not preclude it altogether. The problem of vessel transport may have been solved by caching pots in regular stopover locations along seasonal movement routes (Eerkens 2008: 313). Clay vessels may have remained in places where people stayed for longer periods of time or to those which they frequently returned. Unfortunately, no evidence from the Western Desert linked to the Bifacial technocomplex has been found so far in support of the above assumption. The number of clay vessels used by desert groups may have also reflected the demand for and the functions of such vessels. In this part of the Eastern Sahara, undecorated thin-walled pottery emerged simultaneously with the introduction of domesticated animals. Its function may have been linked to new food resources. Despite the greater presence of domesticated animals at sites, wild animals continued to be one of the major components of Middle Holocene faunal assemblages in this region. In the opinion of H. Riemer (2009: 132) herding could have been incorporated into the traditional hunting subsistence strategy, while domesticated animals played a minor role in the 6th millennium BCE. Their limited number could reflect a minor role played by dairy products in the local diet and subsistence practices. With a limited demand and high production requirements, people may have preferred to use containers made of other materials, as they were simpler to produce and could even be made in transit. Last but not least, it cannot be precluded that pottery had some sort of symbolic meaning, as suggested by B. Hayden (1995) or P. Rice (1999). Pottery could have been a prestige technology available to a limited number of users, thus denoting their special social status. Undoubtedly, functions of vessels used by desert groups demand further research. Comparative analysis: Lower Egyptian Neolithic pottery vs. undecorated thin-walled pottery A careful look at pottery production in the Western Desert typical for the final part of the Holocene humid phase and Neolithic pottery production in Lower Egypt reveals a number of similarities. These are primarily attributable to the parallel lifestyles, and (to some extent) subsistence strategies particularly visible in the second half of the 6th millennium BCE. Both in the desert and in Lower Egypt, pottery was made at extended stay sites, in response to the requirements of the production technology. Access to raw materials and a sufficient amount of time required by the process (from raw material sourcing through to vessel firing) is essential. Although in both cases vessels were made of local materials, their diversity suggests reliance on multiple deposits within the group’s movement area. Likewise, the diversity of

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tempers (both in the Eastern Sahara and in Lower Egypt) may suggest that they came from different locations. In both cases, such a situation was probably linked to the groups’ mobility within a well-known environment and to the use of various resources offered by it. In the Eastern Sahara, oases were the most likely production sites. Nevertheless, it is possible that pottery was also made in other locations ensuring easy access to water. Given the importance of firing fuel for the production process, oases or locations with permanent water availability and the resulting vegetation provided convenient access to it. Although the mobility of people in Lower Egypt in the second part of the 6th millennium BCE was probably limited when compared to that of desert groups, Lower Egyptians, nevertheless, moved around exploring various environmental resources. Unlike desert groups, Neolithic people inhabited rich ecological niches with permanent access to water and its resources. Although pottery production inevitably involved extended presence in the same location, it could nevertheless take place in a few different places, as long as each of them ensured a rich environment and easy access to the necessary raw materials. Pottery production both in the Eastern Sahara and Lower Egypt depended heavily on weather and climate. A human presence in the desert was made possible by the northward shift of the ITCZ and summer monsoonal rains. In the Middle Holocene, the northern part of Egypt was within reach of Mediterranean rainfalls that supplied water to wadis and to areas located at greater distances from water reservoirs. While precipitation had a positive effect on the presence of vegetation and wild animals, it was rather unfavourable for pottery production, as it interfered with every single stage of the process. It seems that both in the desert and Lower Egypt pottery production was a seasonal activity, practised not only in specific places, but also at specific times of the year. In the desert, high temperatures and limited access to water in the summertime forced people to gather in the vicinity of reservoirs or springs (playas, ponds, wadis, oases), with easy access to a wide range of plants and animals. Such locations were favourable for pottery production, which was additionally facilitated by warm and dry weather and reduced mobility due to droughts and high temperatures. However, the production of low-fired vessels was also possible in less favourable weather conditions (e.g. the Dakhleh Oasis) (Warfe 2018). Likewise, the summer (April–September) seems to have been the most convenient time for pottery making in Lower Egypt, allowing potters to avoid the negative impact of winter rains. The mobility of human groups in the Eastern Sahara and Lower Egypt resulted from their adaptation to the local environment. Hunting was the fundamental subsistence strategy of desert groups, supplemented by gathering wild plants and herding domesticated animals. Longer stays in oases or other locations ensuring permanent access to water in hot and dry summers, when

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humans’ and animals’ mobility was reduced by the harsh climate; probably making it possible to combine a few different activities, involving both subsistence and tool-making. A similar situation may have been observed in Lower Egypt, where wild resources constituted a very important source of food despite the presence of domesticated animals already by the second part of the 6th millennium BCE. Seasonal pottery production in places of extended stay did not necessarily cause any scheduling conflicts with other activities (including subsistence), as the surrounding area offered plentiful, predictable and renewable resources. Even the introduction of domesticated plants in this region did not cause a scheduling conflict, since farming activities were confined to the cold season of winter rainfalls. Additionally, the importance of grains from domesticated plants in the Neolithic diet was rather small during this initial period. In the course of the Neolithic, Lower Egypt saw the growing role of domesticated plants and animals, accompanied by the declining mobility of human groups that switched to more permanent settlements. Possible scheduling conflicts between pottery production and subsistence strategies may have been resolved by a division of labour, with some individuals being in charge of pottery making in households (as and when necessary), while others procured and produced food. The similarities between undecorated thin-walled pottery and Lower Egyptian Neolithic pottery are visible not only in how pottery production was organised, but also in the production technology itself (Table 1). A simple technology, involving open firing and vessels that were made by hand-coiling could have been utilised even when potters’ skills and know-how were rather low, as long as access to raw materials and adequate conditions (time, temperature and humidity) were ensured. One’s attention is drawn to the striking degree of similarity between vessel forms used by desert herders, on the one hand, and those of the Fayumians and early Merimdians on the other (Fig. 2). While in either case it is not possible to compare relative amounts, assemblage analyses indicates that open vessels prevailed in both regions. The most common forms in both regions were hemispherical, spherical and conical bowls, vessels with vertical walls, or deep vessels with a restricted mouth (hole-mouth jars). Most vessels have round rims and bases with the only exceptions being large storage jars from Lower Egypt, linked to growing domesticated plants and used for the storage of grain. Some common features are also visible in surface treatments, although the poor condition of artefacts makes proper recognition difficult. The presence of slip on vessel surfaces, as well as vessels with burnished or smoothed surfaces, has been confirmed both in the Eastern Sahara and at Neolithic sites in Lower Egypt. Burnishing is the dominant form of surface treatment on the Abu Muhariq Plateau (Riemer & Schönfeld 2010: 731–734). A similar situation is visible in pottery from phase I at Merimde, although in the later phases of the settlement

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Fig. 2. Lower Egyptian Neolithic pottery (A); and the undecorated thin-walled pottery (B) (Fayum: 3, 4, 8, 9; Merimde: 1, 6; Merimde: 2–1, 7; Abu Muhariq Plateau: 10–20) (Caton-Thompson & Gardner 1934; Eiwanger 1984; 1988; Riemer & Schönfeld 2010: figs. 16–19; Mączyńska 2017: figs. 3–5, 7).

the quantity of vessels with burnished surfaces decreases gradually, while smoothed surfaces become increasingly common (Mączyńska 2017: table 2). Moreover, vessels with rough surfaces are also present in both regions. The fact that black-topped vessels have been found in el-Omari assemblages is rather puzzling, as vessels of this kind are only known from a few locations in the Western Desert, and from the Eastern Desert. Unfortunately, the available data is too scant to verify whether any relationship exists between black-topped pottery from these two regions (Debono & Mortensen 1990: 26; Riemer & Schönfeld 2010: 754–758; Vermeersch et al. 2015; Sodmein Online Resource 3). The presence of the herringbone pattern on materials from Merimde and Sodmein Cave deserves special attention. In both cases, this form of decoration was found on hole-mouth jars with a surface covered by slip and then burnished. However, the herringbone pattern found in the Eastern Desert is rougher compared with the finely incised decoration from Lower Egypt. The decorated sherd from Sodmein Cave is dated to approximately 5600 cal BCE, while the Merimde settlement was established just before the 5th millennium BCE. Since the current state of research does not provide information that would help link the two decoration patterns, the issue requires further research.

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Apart from the above similarities in pottery production in the Eastern Sahara and in Lower Egypt, a number of differences have also been identified. A considerable disproportion in the size of ceramic assemblages from both regions is fairly evident and may result either from the state of research, or from a multitude of cultural and environmental factors affecting the presence and use of ceramic vessels. For desert groups, such vessels may have been a tool used for a limited scope of activities. Since they were introduced simultaneously with domesticated animals, their function has often been linked to these new food resources. Given that domesticated animals were merely an addition to food obtained from hunting, the scarcity of vessels may be a reflection of the scarcity of products of animal origin (such as milk or blood) used by these groups. Thus, the limited demand for animal secondary products resulted in a limited demand for ceramic containers. The number of vessels used may have also resulted from the degrees of difficulty related to pottery production faced by mobile groups. Seasonality, necessary resources, a lengthy production process and challenging external conditions affected the quantity of vessels produced. Further, mobility and transport problems may have limited the number of vessels used. Moreover, desert groups may have used containers made of organic materials more frequently, such as straw or leather, as they were much simpler to make. Finally, it is possible that undecorated thin-walled vessels had a certain nonutilitarian function. The limited quantity of vessels may reflect their special, symbolic function, as well as a limited group of users (Hayden 1995; Rice 1999; Warfe 2018). Ceramic assemblages from Neolithic sites in Lower Egypt are far more numerous and indicate the common use of vessels in many activities related to food processing, cooking, serving, storage, and transport. Although Lower Egyptian assemblages are initially dominated by simple open forms suitable for many different activities, later layers show an increase in form diversity and a growing proportion of closed forms. These changes may have resulted from the development of the pottery tradition. They suggest not only an improvement in potters’ skills, but also the growing role of clay vessels among Neolithic communities. Such vessels gradually became utilitarian utensils used in many activities, while the diversity of forms and surface treatments reflects their various possible functions. The development of the pottery tradition visible in the Neolithic communities of Lower Egypt was probably linked to reduced mobility, a more stable settlement pattern and the growing importance of domesticated animals and plants during the 5th millennium BCE. At the beginning of the Neolithic, the size of early Lower Egyptian pottery inventories was also influenced by the practice of caching pots, which solved problems caused by transporting vessels faced by mobile groups. The possibility of leaving vessels in frequently visited places in order to use them during the

local; tamarisk, acacia

pans, playas, springs, oasis

local; tamarisk, acacia

water

fuel

lake

local; quartz, shale, limestone, gypsum; organic temper

tempers

open bowls, open bowls with straight walls, hemispherical bowls and deep restricted vessels, round rims, round or pointed bases

forms1

3

2

1

el-Omari

open firing; 600ºC

knobs

burnishing, smoothing, roughing, slip coating

open bowls, open bowls with straight walls, hemispherical bowls and deep restricted vessels; round rims, round and flat bases

hand-made; coils, pinching and drawing; wall thickness approx. 5–12 mm

open firing; 800ºC

knobs

herringbone pattern3; knobs; various decoration patterns in phase 3

open firing; 600ºC

burnishing, smoothing, roughing, slip coating

open bowls, open bowls with straight walls, hemispherical bowls and deep restricted vessels; round rims, round and flat bases

hand-made; coils; wall thickness approx. 5–15 mm

local; tamarisk, acacia

springs, wadi, river

burnishing, smoothing, roughing, slip coating

open bowls, open bowls with straight walls, hemispherical bowls and deep restricted vessels; round rims, round and flat bases2

hand-made; coils; wall thickness approx. 5–15 mm

local

river

local; sand, straw, papyrus, untempered pottery in phase 1; local – sand, straw, gravel, quartz, ochre limestone, shells

Only the most common forms. Phases 1 and 2. Only for phase 1.

Table 1. Comparative table of the Neolithic pottery of Lower Egypt and the undecorated thin-walled pottery of the Eastern Sahara (Caton-Thompson & Gardner 1934; Eiwanger 1988; 1992; Debono & Mortensen 1990; Eccleston 2002; Riemer & Schönfeld 2010; Emmitt 2011; 2017; Mutoni & Gatto 2014; Mączyńska 2017).

method and temperature

open firing; 700ºC

no

decoration

Firing

burnishing, smoothing, roughing, slip coating

surface treatment

Pre-firing treatments

hand-made; coils, wall thickness app. 3–7 mm

method

local; sand, straw

local; clay deposits in oases

Forming vessels

Merimde

Lower Egypt

local; Nile silts, different deposits local; Nile silts, different deposits local; Wadi Hof, Nile silts

Fayum

clay

Procurement and preparation of raw materials

Eastern Sahara

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next stay had an effect on the size of the inventory used by a given group. Such a practice may have also contributed to greater production volume and a greater diversity of vessel forms, including vessels too large and too heavy for transport. Summary and conclusions Around 5300 BCE a desiccation process began in the desert, forcing the groups that occupied the Eastern Sahara during the Holocene humid period to search for new settlement areas. The current state of research allows one to suggest a few directions of such migrational shifts. Thanks to the presence of artesian springs, water was still available in the oases, where some groups took refuge. People also moved to the Nile Valley, southern Egypt and northern Sudan. Desert groups may have also migrated further to the north, to Lower Egypt (Kuper & Kröplin 2006; Riemer et al. 2013). Traces of Middle Holocene occupations are well known in the northern part of the Western Desert in the area of Siwa and the Qattara Depressions (Hassan 1976; 1978; Cziesla 1989; 1993; Tassie et al. 2008). Furthermore, F. Wendorf and R. Schild (1984) suggest that the area around Lake Qarun was known to hunter-gatherers and herders as a fishing ground already before the 6th millennium BCE. Recent studies in this area showed that from the Early Holocene until 6000 BP, activity was frequent on the northern shore of Lake Qarun (Wendrich et al. 2010; Holdaway et al. 2016; Holdaway & Wendrich 2017). The northern shore of Lake Qarun or Wadi Gamal at the boundary of the Nile Delta and the desert may have been a place where groups of herders and hunter-gatherers settled after climatic conditions had forced them to leave the Eastern Sahara. Both regions were rich ecological niches and offered access to water and resources (food and raw materials). Desert groups adapted to local conditions and only slightly modified their lifestyle by reducing the degree of mobility. They operated within a well-known environment, exploiting resources that were available. Domesticated animals, which appeared in Lower Egypt by the middle of the 6th millennium BCE, may have been introduced into this region by desert herders, although in fact, they were of Levantine origin. As in the Eastern Sahara, domesticates did not play an important role, and human diet was still dominated by wild food procured by fishing or hunting. Even the introduction of domesticated plants did not immediately change the earlier strategy, and grains served merely as an addition to the diet. Lower Egyptian pottery was not invented in this area, but was introduced from the outside. It seems that the groups who settled on the northern shore of Lake Qarun or in Wadi Gamal may have possessed pottery making skills. The lack of pottery in the northern part of the Western Desert to the north of the Farafra Oasis does not necessarily denote the lack of pottery making skills among the groups occupying that area. Instead, it may result from a number of

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environmental and cultural factors, such as limited access to resources or lack of demand. The Fayum area and the Nile Delta offered not only plentiful food resources, but also raw materials, including clay deposits. If all necessary materials were easily available and climate was favourable, pottery production could ‘flourish’ again, as long as the group chose to stay in one location for a longer period of time. The similarities between pottery production in the Eastern Sahara and on Early Neolithic sites in Lower Egypt may be attributable to cultural links connecting the two regions. There are a number of reasons why the pottery tradition developed dynamically in Lower Egypt once introduced in conjunction with developments in the social and economic realm within Neolithic societies. In addition, reduced mobility, stabilised settlement patterns, the greater role of farming and animal breeding all had an effect on pottery production. Furthermore, its development may have been influenced from the outside. Domesticated plants and domesticated animals were probably introduced to Lower Egypt from the southern Levant in the 5th millennium BCE. It was then that local pottery production may have been influenced by Levantine newcomers, who knew and used clay vessels (see Streit 2017). The herringbone pattern on the oldest Merimde pottery may be a trace of this influence. Egypt enjoys a special geographical and cultural position, in that it is both part of the Near East and also the African continent. The lack of any significant geographical barriers between Lower Egypt and the Eastern Sahara (or between Lower Egypt and Southern Levant) enabled the movement of people and ideas between these regions. Lower Egyptian Neolithic communities may have been influenced from various directions. Undoubtedly, pottery was introduced to Lower Egypt from the outside. The view claiming its Levantine origin is very strongly rooted in the archaeology of the region. It is based on the origins of farming and herding on the one hand, and on stylistic and/or technological similarities on the other (see Streit 2017). So far, not a single foreign item (ceramics or flint) has been found on any Neolithic site that could serve as evidence confirming the presence of foreign groups in this area. Meanwhile, the hypothesis claiming Eastern Saharan origins of the Lower Egyptian Neolithic, although based on similar evidence (affinity of pottery and way of life), is rarely considered. While recent studies have drawn researchers’ attention to the links that connect early Neolithic groups from Lower Egypt with those from the Western Desert, the issue still requires further research. Acknowledgements This paper was prepared as part of ‘The development of the Early Neolithic societies in Lower Egypt in the 5th millennium BC and their interactions with the Southern Levant’ project financed by the National Science Centre (No. 2014/ 13/B/HS3/04874).

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Bibliography ARNOLD, D.E., 1989. Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. Cambridge. BARAKAT, H., 1990. Plant Remains from El Omari [in:] DEBONO, F. & MORTENSEN, B., El-Omari, a Neolithic Settlement and Other Sites in the Vicinity of Wadi Hof, Helwan. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 82. Mainz am Rhein: 109–114. CATON-THOMPSON, G. & GARDNER, E.W., 1934. The Desert Fayum. London. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 1999. Początki cywilizacji egipskiej. Warsaw/Kraków. CZIESLA, E., 1989. Sitra and Related Sites at the Western Border of Egypt [in:] KRZYŻANIAK, L. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Late Prehistory of the Nile Basin and the Sahara. Poznań: 205–214. CZIESLA, E., 1993. Investigations into the Archaeology of the Sitra-Hatiyet, Northwestern Egypt [in:] KRZYŻANIAK, L.; KOBUSIEWICZ, M & ALEXANDER, J. (eds.), Environmental Change and Human Culture in the Nile Basin and Northern Africa until the Second Millennium B.C. Poznań: 185–197. DEBONO, F. & MORTENSEN, B., 1990. El-Omari, a Neolithic Settlement and Other Sites in the Vicinity of Wadi Hof, Helwan. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 82. Mainz am Rhein. ECCLESTON, M.A.J., 2002. Early and Mid-Holocene Ceramics from the Dakhleh Oasis: Macroscopic, Petrographic and Technological Descriptions [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. (ed.), Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert. London: 62–109. EERKENS, J.W., 2001. The Origins of Pottery among Late Prehistoric Hunter-Gatherers in California and the Western Great Basin. Unpublished PhD Thesis. University of California, Santa Barbara. EERKENS, J.W., 2008. Nomadic Potters: Relationships between Ceramic Technologies and Mobility Strategies [in:] BARNARD, H. & WENDRICH, W. (eds.), The Archaeology of Mobility: Old World and New World Nomadism. Los Angeles: 307–326. EIWANGER, J., 1984. Merimde-Benisalâme I: Die Funde der Urschicht. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 47. Mainz am Rhein. EIWANGER, J., 1988. Merimde-Benisalâme II: Die Funde der mittleren Merimdekultur. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 51. Mainz am Rhein. EIWANGER, J., 1992. Merimde-Benisalâme III: Die Funde der jüngeren Merimdekultur. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 59. Mainz am Rhein. EMMITT, J.J., 2011. Investigating Ceramics from the Neolithic Occupation of Kom W, Fayum, Egypt. Unpublished M.A. Thesis. The University of Auckland. EMMITT J.J. 2017. The Neolithic Pottery of Egypt: Investigating Settlement Pattern in Middle Holocene Northeast Africa with Ceramics. Unpublished PhD thesis. The University of Auckland. EMMITT, J.J.; MCALISTER, A.J.; PHILLIPPS, R.S. & HOLDAWAY, S., 2018. Sourcing without Sources: Measuring Ceramic Variability with pXRF. Journal of Archaeological Science. Reports 17: 422–432. GEHLEN, B.; KINDERMANN, K.; LINSTÄDTER, J. & RIEMER, H., 2002. The Holocene Occupation of the Eastern Sahara: Regional Chronologies and Supra-Regional Developments in Four Areas of the Absolute Desert [in:] JENNERSTRASSE 8 (eds.), Tides of the Desert: Contributions to the Archaeology and Environmental History of Africa in Honour of Rudolf Kuper. Köln: 85–116. GINTER, B.; HEFLIK, W.; KOZŁOWSKI, J.K. & ŚLIWA, J., 1980. Excavations in the Region of Qasr el-Sagha, 1979: Contribution to the Holocene Geology, the Predynastic and Dynastic Settlement in the Northern Fayum Desert. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 36: 105–169.

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GINTER, B. & KOZŁOWSKI, J.K., 1983. Investigation on Neolithic Settlement [in:] KOZŁOWSKI, J.K. (ed.), Qasr el Sagha 1980: Contributions to the Holocene Geology, the Predynastic and Dynastic Settlements in the Northern Fayum Desert. Kraków: 37–71. HAMROUSH, H.A. & ABU ZIED, H., 1990. Petrological and Chemical Analyses of Some Neolithic Ceramics from El-Omari, Egypt [in:] DEBONO, F. & MORTENSEN, B., El-Omari, a Neolithic Settlement and Other Sites in the Vicinity of Wadi Hof, Helwan. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 82. Mainz: 117–128. HASSAN, F.A., 1976. Prehistoric Studies of the Siwa Oasis Region, Northwestern Egypt. Nyame Akuna 9: 18–36. HASSAN, F.A., 1978. Archaeological Explorations of the Siwa Oasis Region, Egypt. Current Anthropology 19/1: 146–148. HAYDEN, B., 1995. The Emergence of Prestige Technologies and Pottery [in:] BARNETT, W.K. & HOOPS, J.W. (eds.), The Emergence of Pottery: Technology and Innovation in Ancient Societies. Washington/London: 257–265. HAYES, W.C., 1965. Most Ancient Egypt. Chicago. HOLDAWAY, S. & WENDRICH, W. (eds.), 2017. The Desert Fayum Reinvestigated. Los Angeles. HOLDAWAY, S. & PHILLIPPS, R., 2017. Human Environmental Interrelationships and the Origins of Agriculture in Egypt and Sudan [in:] Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Environmental Science. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199389414.013.177 (accessed on 8.03.2018). HOLDAWAY, S.; PHILLIPPS, R.; EMMITT, J. & WENDRICH, W., 2016. The Fayum Revisited: Reconsidering the Role of the Neolithic Package, Fayum North Shore, Egypt. Quaternary International 410: 173–180. HOLDAWAY, S.; WENDRICH, W. & PHILLIPPS, R., 2010. Identifying Low-Level Food Producers: Detecting Mobility from Lithics. Antiquity 84: 185–194. HOPE, C.A., 2002. Early and Mid-Holocene Ceramics from the Dakhleh Oasis: Traditions and Influences [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. (ed.), Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert. London: 39–61. KELLEY, L.H., 1995. Protoagricultural Practices among Hunter-Gatherers [in:] PRICE, T.D. & GEBAUER, A.B. (eds.), Last Hunters, First Farmers: New Perspectives on the Prehistoric Transition to Agriculture. Santa Fe: 243–272. KINDERMANN, K. & BUBENZER, O., 2007. Djara – Humans and their Environment on the Egyptian Limestone Plateau around 8,000 Years Ago [in:] BUBENZER, O., BOLTEN, A. & DARIUS, F. (eds.), Atlas of Cultural and Environmental Change in Arid Africa. Africa Praehistorica 21. Köln: 26–29. KÖHLER, E.C., 1997. Socio-Economic Aspects of Early Pottery Production in the Nile Delta. The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 8: 81–89. KUPER, R., 1996. Between the Oases and the Nile: Rohlfs’ Cave in the Western Desert [in:] KRZYŻANIAK, L.; KROEPER, K. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Interregional Contacts in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. Poznań: 81–91. KUPER, R., 2002. Routes and Roots in Egypt’s Western Desert: The Early Holocene Resettlement of the Eastern Sahara [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. (ed.), Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert. London: 1–12. KUPER, R. & KRÖPELIN, S., 2006. Climate-Controlled Holocene Occupation in the Sahara: Motor of Africa’s Evolution. Science 313: 803–807. LINSEELE, V.; VAN NEER, W.; THYS, S.; PHILLIPPS, R.; CAPPERS, R.; WENDRICH, W. & HOLDAWAY, S., 2014. New Archaeozoological Data from the Fayum “Neolithic” with a Critical Assessment of the Evidence for Early Stock Keeping in Egypt. PLoS One, vol. 9(10):e108517.

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LUCARINI, G., 2014. Exploitation and Management of Wild Grasses at Hidden Valley, Farafra Oasis [in:] BARICH, G.; LUCARINI, G.; HAMDAN, M.A. & HASSAN. F.A. (eds.), From Lake to Sand: The Archaeology of Farafra Oasis Western Desert, Egypt. Rome: 345–367. MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2017. The Pottery of the Neolithic Lower Egyptian Societies: A Single Regionwide Tradition or Multiple Local Traditions? [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 657–688. MARSTON, J.M.; HOLDAWAY, S. & WENDRICH, W., 2017. Early- and Middle Holocene Wood Exploitation in the Fayum Basin, Egypt. The Holocene 27/12: 1812–1824. MCDONALD, M., 2009. Increased Sedentism in the Central Oases of the Egyptian Western Desert in the Early to Mid-Holocene: Evidence from the Peripheries. African Archaeological Review 26/1: 3–43. MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2000. The Prehistory of Egypt: From the First Egyptians to the First Pharaohs. Oxford. MUNTONI, I.M. & GATTO, M.C., 2014. Archaeological and Archaeometric Data on the Farafra Pottery [in:] BARICH, G.; LUCARINI, G.; HAMDAN, M.A. & HASSAN. F.A. (eds.), From Lake to Sand: The Archaeology of Farafra Oasis Western Desert, Egypt. Rome: 445–463. ORTON, C.; TYERS, P. & VINCE, A., 2010. Pottery in Archaeology. Cambridge. PHILLIPPS, R.; HOLDAWAY, S.; EMMITT, J. & WENDRICH, W., 2016a. Variability in the Neolithic Patterns of the Egyptian Nile Valley. African Archaeological Review 33: 277– 295. PHILLIPPS, R.; HOLDAWAY, S.; RAMSAY, R.; EMMITT, J.; WENDRICH, W. & LINSEELE, V., 2016b. Lake Level Changes, Lake Edge Basins and the Paleoenvironment of the Fayum North Shore, Egypt, during the Early to Mid-Holocene. Open Quaternary 2/2: 1–12. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/oq.19. PHILLIPPS, R.; HOLDAWAY, S.; WENDRICH, W. & CAPPERS, R., 2012. Mid-Holocene Occupation of Egypt and Global Climatic Change. Quateranry International 251: 64–76. RIEMER, H., 2009. Risks and Resources in an Arid Landscape: An Archaeological Case Study from the Great Sand Sea, Egypt [in:] BOLLIG, M. & BUBENZER. O. (eds.), African Landscapes: Interdisciplinary Approaches. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation 4. New York: 119–158. RIEMER, H.; LANGE, M. & KINDERMANN, K., 2013. When the Desert Dried up: Late Prehistoric Cultures and Contacts in Egypt and Northern Sudan [in:] RAUE, D.; SEIDLMAYER, S.J. & SPEISER, P. (eds.), The First Cataract of the Nile: One Region – Diverse Perspectives. Berlin/Boston: 157–183. RIEMER, H. & SCHÖNFELD, P., 2006. The Prehistoric Pottery of Abu Tartur, Western Desert of Egypt [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; KROEPER, K. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Archaeology of the Earliest Northeastern Africa. Poznan: 335–374. RIEMER, H. & SCHÖNFELD, P., 2010. The Prehistoric Pottery of the Abu Muhariq Plateau [in:] KINDERMANN, K. (ed.), Djara: Zur mittelholozänen Besiedlungsgeschichte zwischen Niltal und Oasen (Abu Muharik-Plateau, Ägypten): Teil 2. Africa Praehistorica 23. Köln: 715–764. RICE, P., 1999. On the Origin of Pottery. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 6/1: 1–54. ROWLAND, J.M., 2015. Prehistoric Groups along the Western Nile Delta. Egyptian Archaeology 42: 31–33.

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LE SITE DE RODA, PRÈS DE MÉDAMOUD, DANS LA COLLECTION PRÉDYNASTIQUE DU MUSÉE DES CONFLUENCES DE LYON KARINE MADRIGAL1, MEREL EYCKERMAN2 & STAN HENDRICKX2 1 

L’Association Dauphinoise d’Egyptologie Champollion Grenoble, France 2  Hasselt University / PXL-MAD, Belgium

The Predynastic cemetery at a locality named ‘Roda’ by the excavators Louis Lortet and Claude Gaillard in 1907, can no longer be located but was in the neighbourhood of Medamud. The only objects known from this cemetery are now in the Musée des Confluences at Lyon. The objects and the scant information provided by the excavators both indicate that the cemetery was in use during the Naqada IIIA1–2 Period. Because of the nearby cemeteries of Khozam, the population of the region must have been rather dense during this critical period of state formation.

Introduction L’importance des fouilles réalisées dans les cimetières prédynastiques depuis la fin du 19ième siècle jusqu’à la Première Guerre mondiale est bien connue et l’apport des informations qui en proviennent ne se conteste pas. Malgré une impression d’exclusivité de la recherche par Petrie et ses collaborateurs, d’autres scientifiques ont fouillé des sites prédynastiques. Malheureusement, ceux-ci n’ont généralement pas ou peu publiés leurs fouilles, à l’exception de Hermann Junker et Alexander Scharff, pour les sites de Turah, Kubanieh et Abusir elMeleq (cf. Hendrickx & van den Brink 2002). Bien que plusieurs sites aient été fouillés à cette époque, aujourd’hui on ne sait que peu de choses des objets provenant de ces fouilles et les rapports de fouilles sont presque inexistants. Les objets de la collection prédynastique du Musée des Confluences de Lyon en font partie. Dans cet article, nous avons choisi de présenter les objets issus du site de Roda, dont les seuls exemplaires connus à l’heure actuelle sont conservés à Lyon. La collection prédynastique du Musée des Confluences est principalement formée à partir des fouilles menées à la fin du 19e et au début du 20e siècle par Louis Charles Lortet (1836–1909) et Claude Gaillard (1861–1945) d’une part et Ernest Chantre (1843–1924) de l’autre. La provenance de la très grande majorité des objets conservés à Lyon est connue mais pour beaucoup nous n’avons pas de localisation précise à l’intérieur du site. Cette collection est orientée vers les ‘beaux objets’. Parmi les 122 vases, 53 vases décorés (36 Decorated et 17 White Cross-lined) sont présents, alors qu’ils ne représentent qu’un faible pourcentage dans le mobilier funéraire et sont plus rares encore sur les sites

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d’habitat. Malheureusement, les fouilles de Lortet et Gaillard, ainsi que celles de Chantre n’ont pas été publiées in extenso. Celles de Lortet et Gaillard sont intégrées dans l’œuvre monumentale qu’ils ont dédiée à la faune momifiée de l’Égypte (Lortet & Gaillard 1909). Chantre a seulement publié quelques courts articles sur ses travaux, dont la valeur informative est, par conséquent, limitée (Chantre 1899a–b; 1900; 1907). Rôda Le site de Rôda est seulement mentionné par Lortet et Gaillard (1909: 39–46, 55–60) et se trouvait dans les environs de Médamoud. À l’heure actuelle, l’emplacement exact ne peut plus être déterminé. Un lieu nommé ‘Rôda’ ne figure pas sur les cartes détaillées comme celles du Survey of Egypt (1920), ni sur des cartes plus récentes. Selon Lortet et Gaillard (1909: 40), il fallait partir à l’est de Karnak pour aller au temple de Médamoud : « Depuis ces ruines [Médamoud], pendant une heure encore, il faut faire trotter rapidement les baudets pour atteindre l’emplacement de la vieille nécropole de Rôda, située à la limite du désert ». Puisqu’un âne fait environ 5 kilomètres par heure, il faut chercher le site de Rôda à cette distance de Médamoud. Mais au début du 20ième siècle, le bord du désert n’était qu’à deux kilomètres de Médamoud à vol d’oiseau. Il serait illogique de chercher le site vers le sud à partir du bord du désert le plus proche de Médamoud puisqu’il serait alors beaucoup plus facile d’y aller en direct de Karnak. Le site de Rôda doit donc se situer plus au nord. Mais pas aussi loin au nord que Khozam, situé à vol d’oiseau, à 7,5 km puisque Lortet et Gaillard ont aussi travaillé sur ce site et distinguent clairement les deux sites (Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 47–54). Il faut donc chercher le site de Rôda au bord du désert, au sud de Khozam mais il est fort douteux qu’aujourd’hui nous puissions en retrouver la localisation exacte. Les bords du désert sont mis en culture et de plus le développement de New Tiba City depuis 2011 a complètement changé le paysage. Mais ceci était déjà le cas il y a plus d’un demi siècle, quand Kaiser et Butzer pendant leur survey de la Haute et la Moyenne Égypte ont aussi visité la région de Médamoud et Khozam (Kaiser 1961: 13–14). À cette époque, il ne restait quasiment plus de traces des vastes cimetières prédynastiques fouillés et surtout pillés de Khozam au début du 20ième siècle. Kaiser ne fait aucune mention de trouvailles prédynastiques dans les environs de Médamoud bien qu’il ait parcouru le Wadi Médamoud (Kaiser 1961: 13). Toujours selon Lortet & Gaillard, aucun archéologue n’avait travaillé à Rôda avant qu’ils y fouillent en 1907. Ils sont moins affirmatifs sur des fouilles clandestines et malgré « un assez grand nombre de tombes inviolées » (Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 39) les ossements humains étaient brisés et disséminés pour presque toutes les tombes, ce qu’ils expliquaient par la putréfaction des corps. Tout ceci semble être le résultat de pillages mais Lortet et Gaillard

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Fig. 1. Grande ‘bassine’ avec squelette (Musée des Confluences, inv. 90001252).

mentionnent que ces tombes renfermaient des objets. Il semble donc exclu que les tombes aient été perturbées récemment, mais plutôt pillées durant l’antiquité quand on cherchait surtout des objets en métal et des parures, laissant les vases en terre cuite, car sans intérêt, dans les tombes. Lortet et Gaillard trouvèrent également deux ‘momies desséchées’ entourées de linges grossièrement tissés, de peaux de gazelles et de nattes très fines. Ces deux ‘momies’ sont maintenant au Musée des Confluences (inv. 90002402 et 90002403, Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 43–46, figs. 38–39). Un squelette trouvé dans une grande ‘bassine’ est aussi conservé à Lyon (inv. 90001252, Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 39, fig. 31) (Fig. 1).1 À part les deux ‘momies’ humaines et le squelette dans la ‘bassine’, la collection de Lyon comprend 15 objets provenant de Rôda, sans doute tous issus de la fouille de Lortet et Gaillard en 1907 (Table 1). Il s’agit de 14 vases en 1 On ne discutera pas ici l’anthropologie physique ‘des momies’, ni un crâne qui a causé au début du 20ième siècle une discussion sur la supposée présence de la syphilis (proposé par Lortet 1907; 1908; Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 40–43, 56, contredit par Gangolphe 1909; 1912; Smith 1908, 1909; voir aussi Buikstra et al. 1993). De plus, il y a quelques études récentes dont les ‘momies’ de Rôda font partie: Touzeau et al. 2014; Quiles et al. 2014).

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Fig. 2. Vase Wavy-handled fixé sur un socle (inv. 90001301).

céramique et une palette (Figs. 2–8) qui n’ont jamais été étudiés dans leur totalité. De plus, il y a une série d’objets provenant des fouilles de Lortet mais dont on ne sait s’ils proviennent des sites d’Abydos, Gebelein, Khozam ou Rôda et qui de ce fait ont été laissés en dehors de cette étude.2 Une autre difficulté pour l’étude de ces vases est à noter: la présence initiale de socles. Certains vases (probablement ceux destinés à être présentés au public) furent fixés sur des socles en bois (Fig. 2). Ces socles, réalisés avant les années 50, furent pour 2

Les informations sont données par le livre d’inventaire du Musée Colonial, 1925–1968 «Poteries, nécropoles préhistoriques, Khozam, Roda, Abydos, Dr Lortet». Il s’agit des numéros d’inventaire 90000135, 90000544, 90000551, 90000554, 90000555, 90000567, 90000570, 90000571, 90000572, 90000574, 90000575, 90000577, 90000579, 90000580, 90000584, 90000586, 90000596, 90000600, 90000601, 90000604, 90000605, 90000611, 90000613, 90000614, 90000615, 90000616, 90000619, 90000622, 90000626, 90000632, 90000638, 90000639, 90000647, 90000649, 90000650, 90000651, 90000653, 90000654, 90000655, 90000656, 90000657, 90000659, 90000661, 90000667, 90000674, 90000678, 90000679, 90000680, 90000681, 90001293, 90001294, 90001295, 90001296, 90001297, 90001298, 90001299, 90001300, 90001301, 90001304, 90001305, 90001306, 90001308, 90001309, 90001310, 90001311, 90001312, 90001313, 90001314, 90001315, 90001316, 90001317, 90001319, 90001320.

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certains vases enlevés pour le besoin des scénographies modernes. En revanche, les socles restant, nous ont posé quelques problèmes pour la documentation et surtout pour les dessins des vases, ce qui explique que pour plusieurs cas nous n’avons pu dessiner l’extérieur de la base, ni prendre les mesures exactes. Lyon 90000547

Vase Wavy-handled

Matériau3

Type Petrie

Naqada

Marl A1

W58

IIIA2

90000558

Vase Wavy-handled

Marl A1

W51a

IIIA1

90000559

Vase Wavy-handled

Marl A1

W62

IIIA2

90000566

Coupe

Nile B1

Cf. L12b

90000573

Coupe

Marl A1

L12k, L16b

90000595

Coupe

Marl A1

L 12b-c

90000642

Petit vase globulaire

Nile B2

R69b

90000648

Vase Wavy-handled

Marl A1

W61

90000691

Palette en forme de poisson

Grauwacke

90000946

Coupe

Nile B2-C

IIIA1

R24a,m

90001252

Grande ‘bassine’ avec squelette –

90001253

Vase Wavy-handled

Marl A1

W62

90001299

Jarre à base arrondie

Marl A1

L36b

90001301

Vase Wavy-handled

Marl A1

W58

90001315

Jarre à base arrondie

Marl A1

L36a

90002402

‘Momie’ d’homme

–

90002402

Coupe

Marl A1

90002403

‘Momie’ de femme

–

IIIA2 IIIA2

L17n

Table 1. Les objets provenant de Rôda au Musée des Confluences.

Lortet et Gaillard (1909: 40) mentionnent que « Toutes [les tombes] renfermaient aussi un certain nombre de vases de formes variées, mais surtout cylindriques ou cylindro-coniques, ornés de quelques bandes rougeâtres dessinant de grands losanges sur les flancs, et présentant autour de l’orifice une petite couronne en saillie d’un effet assez gracieux. Dans chaque tombe, il y avait encore une amphore sans anses, en terre grise […] ». Le matériel archéologique provenant des tombes semble donc fort homogène et composé surtout de vases cylindriques Wavy-handled (Figs. 2–4) et de grandes jarres à fond rond (Fig. 5). Lortet et Gaillard (1909: 41, figs. 35–36) publient deux photos 3

D’après Nordström & Bourriau 1993.

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Fig. 3. Lyon, Musée des Beaux-Arts, inv. 1974-163 (H 23,5 cm) (Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 41, fig. 36).

de vases Wavy-handled, dont un est maintenant au Musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon (Fig. 3) suite à des transferts de collections au début des années 1970.4 Les vases Wavy-handled ainsi que les jarres de stockage à fond rond se placent facilement dans la chronologie relative de la culture nagadienne en Haute-Égypte (Hendrickx 2006).5 Les vases Wavy-handled cylindriques à décor de filet (Petrie 1921: pl. XXX, W62–63, Figs. 4.5–4.6) sont parmi les types conducteurs les plus caractéristiques du Nagada IIIA2. Les vases Wavy-handled à épaule marquée mais avec une bande ondulante continue (Petrie 1921: pl. XXX, W54–61, Figs. 3–4.2) sont un peu plus anciens et datent du Nagada IIIA1 (cf. Hendrickx 1999: 31, fig. 9). Les grandes jarres de stockage à fond rond et épaule marquée (Petrie 1921: pl. XLVII–XLVIII, L36a–s, Fig. 5) sont exceptionnellement déjà attestées à 4

Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 41, fig. 35 = Musée des Confluences inv. 90001253; fig. 36 = Musée des Beaux-Arts inv. 1974–163, Khozam est indiqué fautivement comme site de provenance. 5 La chronologie relative du Nagada I – début Nagada II proposée par Hendrickx (2006) est maintenant à revoir (cf. Hartmann 2016). Mais ceci n’a pas d’influence sur la présente contribution puisque pour Rôda on ne connait que des objets du début du Nagada III (pour cette période, voir aussi Hendrickx 2011).

Fig. 4. 4.1. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000558 (H 22,0 cm); 4.2. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000648 (H 25,5 cm); 4.3. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000547 (H 30,5 cm); 4.4. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90001301 (H 29,0 cm); 4.5. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000559 (H 29,5 cm); 4.6. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90001253 (H 27,8 cm).

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Fig. 5. 5.1. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90001315 (H 41,5 cm); 5.2. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90001299 (H 38,0 cm).

partir du milieu du Nagada II mais sont surtout caractéristiques et fort nombreuses pour la période Nagada IIIA1–IIIB. Les deux poteries en pate alluviale à dégraissant végétal, un petit vase globulaire et une coupe à parois évasées (Fig. 7) ont une distribution chronologique assez large, allant du Nagada IIB–C jusqu’au Nagada IIIA1 pour le vase globulaire et la fin du Nagada III pour la coupe. Les coupes en argile marneuse (Fig. 6) s’inscrivent sans problème dans la même fourchette chronologique.

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Fig. 6.1. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000566 (Diam. 12,5 cm).

Une petite coupe (inv. 90002402, Fig. 6.4) est terminée en coupant l’argile excédentaire sur la partie inférieure de la paroi. Ceci s’observe souvent sur les coupes du Nagada IIIA–B (Hendrickx 1994: 76). La datation de cette coupe est particulièrement intéressante puisqu’elle a été retrouvée avec la ‘momie’ d’homme. Pendant la fin du 19ième et le début du 20ième siècle, des ‘momies’ naturelles sont entrées dans quelques collections européennes. Les plus connues

Fig. 6.2–4. 6.2 Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000595 (Diam. 12,1 cm); 6.3. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000573 (Diam. 12,9 cm); 6.4. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90002402 (Diam. 8,8 cm).

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Fig. 7. 7.1. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000642 (H 11,0 cm); 7.2. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000946 (Diam. 15,0 cm).

sont les sept ‘momies’ provenant de Gebelein et conservées aujourd’hui au British Museum à Londres (voir récemment Friedman et al. 2018). Mais elles sont difficiles à dater puisqu’on ne connait pas de matériel archéologique associé. La présence de la petite coupe avec l’une des momies et le fait qu’on ne connaisse pas d’objets provenant de Rôda antérieurs à cette coupe, nous laissent penser que les deux ‘momies’ de Lyon sont probablement contemporaines du reste du matériel, c’est-à-dire de la période Nagada IIIA1–2. Il convient maintenant d’examiner plus en détail une coupe (inv. 9000566, Fig. 6.1) remarquable par son décor incisé mais problématique à dater. Elle est faite en argile alluviale assez fine, avec un engobe rouge sur l’extérieur et l’intérieur, ce qui est assez exceptionnel pour la Période Nagada III et semble indiquer que la coupe fait partie de la céramique Polished-red, caractéristique du Nagada I–IIB. Mais seul l’intérieur de la coupe est poli et ceci de façon moins intensive que ce que nous voyons habituellement pour les coupes Polished-red. L’extérieur est lissé soigneusement de façon horizontale à oblique, ce qui n’est pas le cas pour les coupes Polished-red. Ceci, avec en plus une paroi assez mince et une nette indication de la base à l’intérieur, permet de montrer la différence avec les coupes Polished-red et de mettre la pièce en relation avec les coupes faites en argile marneuse du Nagada IIC–III.6 L’hypothèse formulée ici est que cette pièce serait contemporaine des autres céramiques provenant de Rôda. Le décor est également problématique. Il est incisé sur l’extérieur, avant cuisson, mais au moment où la pâte était déjà sèche. Il se compose de quatre éléments organisés placés l’un à coté de l’autre autour de la coupe. Pour l’élément à partie rectangulaire en haut, il pourrait s’agir d’une tête de taureau sur un étendard, que nous pouvons comparer avec les inscriptions en encre sur des vases Wavy-handled de la tombe 6 Voir par exemple pour le site d’Adaïma les différences entre les coupes Polished-red (Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2002: 250, fig. 2.2) et les coupes en argile marneuse Nagada III (Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2002: 259, fig. 2.11).

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U-j à Abydos (Dreyer 1998: 65–68) et des gravures rupestres de Gebel Tjauti (Darnell 2002: 10–18) et el-Khawy (Darnell 2017). Mais cette identification n’est qu’une hypothèse. Les deux éléments à gauche de ‘la tête de taureau’ pourraient être des éléments végétaux simplifiés pour lesquels nous trouvons des parallèles durant toute l’Époque Prédynastique (e.g. Petrie & Quibell 1896: pl. LIV.282–292, pl. LVI.468–470) et qu’on retrouve, même s’ils sont rares, peints sur des vases Nagada III (e.g. Mustagedda – Brunton 1937: pl. XLIV, 5 British Museum EA62399; Qustul – Williams 1986: fig. 26a; Williams 1989: fig. 18a). Le dernier élément pourrait également représenter un élément végétal, à cause des deux parties courbées ressemblant de façon vague à la fameuse ‘plante nagadienne’ représentée sur la céramique Decorated du Nagada IIC–D (Graff 2009: 168, V2), mais aussi au palmier figurant sur des céramiques décorées du Nagada III (Williams 1986: pl. 84–85) et sur des palettes décorées en relief comme la Palette du champs de bataille (Londres, British Museum EA20791). Mais toutes nos remarques ne sont que des spéculations et nous préférons ne pas proposer une interprétation de l’ensemble de cette décoration incisée. La seule palette connue pour Rôda est en forme de poisson et fut déjà publiée avec les autres palettes du Musée des Confluences (Baduel 2005: 36–37, No. 22) (Fig. 8). La forme très simplifiée ne permet pas d’identifier l’espèce de poisson

Fig. 8. Lyon, Musée des Confluences, inv. 90000691 (17,2 × 9,2 cm).

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avec certitude, mais il pourrait bien s’agir du tilapia. Des palettes semblables en forme de poisson sont attestées pendant toute la période Nagada II–IIIB (Regner 1996: Abb. 36) et la pièce n’apporte donc pas de précisions sur la date d’occupation du cimetière de Rôda. Nous terminerons notre discussion avec le squelette présent dans la grande ‘bassine’ à fond arrondi (Fig. 1).7 Des enterrements semblables sont bien connus pour la Haute-Egypte mais ils sont généralement plus récents que le début du Nagada III (Hendrickx 1998: 115–128, voir aussi Power & Tristant 2016). Les exemples trouvés à Hemamieh sont particulièrement ressemblant et datés par les fouilleurs ‘as Late Predynastic to Protodynastic’ (Brunton & Caton-Thompson 1928: 89), ce qui correspond à la totalité de la Période Nagada III. On ne peut donc pas exclure l’hypothèse que le cimetière de Rôda continuât d’être utilisé après la période indiquée par les vases Wavy-handled. Contexte Lortet et Gaillard ne mentionnent nulle part l’extension du cimetière ou le nombre de tombes attestées à Rôda. En introduction du site de Rôda dans leur ouvrage sur la faune momifiée de l’Égypte, ils parlent des « nécropoles préhistoriques de cette localité », puis un peu plus loin ils n’évoquent qu’une seule nécropole, dont ils se contentent de dire qu’il y avait un assez grand nombre de tombes inviolées. Mais comme les tombes semblent toutes dater de Nagada IIIA1–2, on a l’impression qu’il s’agit d’une nécropole assez vaste pour cette période. Il faut la considérer en la comparant avec les nécropoles importantes des environs de Khozam, à seulement quelques kilomètres au nord. Ces nécropoles sont aussi mal connues mais il est certain qu’il y avait là aussi des tombes du début du Nagada III, avec entre autres des vases Wavy-handled cylindriques à décor de filet (Lortet & Gaillard 1909: 48, 52; Hendrickx 1992). On peut donc présumer qu’il y avait une population assez importante dans la région pendant cette période critique pour l’origine de l’état en Égypte. Aucun site d’habitat n’est connu pour les environs de Médamoud et Khozam mais Kemp (2006: 134) suppose qu’il y avait déjà avant la fin de l’Ancien Empire un sanctuaire ‘pre-formal’ à Médamoud. Il n’y aucune preuve définitive pour un sanctuaire pendant la Période Nagada III mais l’importance des nécropoles de cette période pourrait en être les témoins. Remerciements Nous tenons à remercier Geneviève Galliano ainsi que Véronique Gay pour leur aide et les informations transmises sur les objets prédynastiques conservés 7 Pour des raisons pratiques, il n’a pas été possible de dessiner la ‘bassine’ durant nos séjours d’étude à Lyon.

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au musée des Beaux Arts de Lyon. Nous remercions également Gaëlle Bréand, Geertrui Storms et Carla Swerts pour leur collaboration aux dessins. Bibliographie BADUEL, N., 2005. La collection des palettes prédynastiques égyptiennes du Museum (Lyon): Étude des objets (traces de fabrication et d’utilisation) et présentation des palettes et du fard prédynastique dans leur contexte historique, archéologique, social et funéraire. Cahiers scientifiques: Département du Rhône Muséum Lyon 9: 5–63. BRUNTON, G., 1937. Mostagedda and the Tasian culture. London. BRUNTON, G. & CATON-THOMPSON, G., 1928. The Badarian Civilisation and Prehistoric Remains near Badari. London. BUIKSTRA, J.E.; BAKER, B.J. & COOK, D.C., 1993. What Diseases Plagued Ancient Egyptians? A Century of Controverse Considered [in:] DAVIES, W.V. & WALKER, R. (eds.), Biological Anthropology and the Study of Ancient Egypt. London: 24–53. CHANTRE, E., 1899a. Étude craniologique sur la population prépharaonique de la Haute Égypte : Nécropole de Khozam. Note préliminaire. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Lyon 18: 187–192. CHANTRE, E., 1899b. Note sur les nécropoles de la Haute Égypte. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Lyon 18: 67–70. CHANTRE, E., 1900. Étude craniologique sur la population prépharaonique de la HauteÉgypte : Note préliminaire résumée. Nécropole de Khozan [in:] Compte rendu de l’Association française pour l’Avancement des Sciences, 28e session, Boulogne-surMer, 1899, vol. 2. Paris: 618–625. CHANTRE, E., 1907. La nécropole memphite de Khozan (Haute Égypte) et l’origine des Égyptiens. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Lyon 26: 229–246. DARNELL, J.C., 2017. The Early Hieroglyphic Inscription at el-Khawy. Archéo-Nil 27: 49–64. DARNELL, J.C.; DARNELL, D.; FRIEDMAN, R.F. & HENDRICKX, S., 2002. Theban Desert Road Survey in the Egyptian Western Desert 1: Gebel Tjauti Rock Inscriptions 1-45 and Wadi el-Hôl Rock Inscriptions 1–45. Oriental Institute Publications 119. Chicago. DREYER, G., 1998. Umm el-Qaab I: Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine frühen Schriftzeugnisse. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 86. Mainz. EMMONS, D.; EYCKERMAN, M.; GOYON, J.-C.; GABOLDE, L.; HENDRICKX, S.; MADRIGAL, K. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2010. L’Égypte au Musée des Confluences: De la palette à fard au sarcophage. Milano/Lyon. FRIEDMAN, R.F.; ANTOINE, D.; TALAMO, S.; REIMER, P.J.; TAYLOR, J.H.; WILLS, B. & MANNINO, M., 2018. Natural Mummies from Predynastic Egypt Reveal the World’s Earliest Figural Tattoos. Journal of Archaeological Science 92: 116–125. GANGOLPHE, M., 1909. À propos de la prétendue découverte de la syphilis chez les Égyptiens préhistoriques. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Lyon 28: 73–76. GANGOLPHE, M., 1912. Syphilis osseuse préhistorique. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Lyon 31: 25–39. GRAFF, G., 2009. Les peintures sur vases de Nagada I - Nagada II : Nouvelle approche sémiologique de l’iconographie prédynastique. Egyptian Prehistory Monographs 6. Leuven. HARTMANN, R., 2016. Umm el-Qaab IV: Die Keramik der älteren und mittleren Naqadakultur aus dem prädynastischen Friedhof U in Abydos (Umm el-Qaab). Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 98. Wiesbaden.

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HENDRICKX, S., 1994. Elkab V: The Naqada III Cemetery. Bruxelles. HENDRICKX, S., 1998. La nécropole de l’Est à Adaïma: Position chronologique et parallèles. Archéo-Nil 8: 107–128. HENDRICKX, S., 1999. La chronologie de la préhistoire tardive et des débuts de l’histoire de l’Égypte. Archéo-Nil 9: 13–81, 99–107. HENDRICKX, S., 2006. Predynastic – Early Dynastic Chronology [in:] HORNUNG, E.; KRAUSS, R. & WARBURTON, D.A. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Chronology. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section One. The Near and Middle East, vol. 83. Leiden/ Boston: 55–93, 487–488. HENDRICKX, S., 2011. Naqada IIIA-B, a Crucial Phase in the Relative Chronology of the Naqada Culture. Archéo-Nil 21: 65–80. HENDRICKX, S. & VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M., 2002. Inventory of Predynastic and Early Dynastic Cemetery and Settlement Sites in the Egyptian Nile Valley [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. & LEVY, T.E. (eds.), Egypt and the Levant: Interrelations from the 4th through the Early 3rd Millennium BCE. London/New York: 346–399. KAISER, W., 1961. Bericht über eine archäologische-geologische Felduntersuchung in Ober- und Mittelägypten. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 17: 1–53. KEMP, B.J. 2006. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. London/New York. LORTET, L.C., 1907. Crâne syphilitique et nécropoles préhistoriques de la Haute-Égypte. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Lyon 26: 211–226. LORTET, L.C., 1908. Réponse de M. le docteur Lortet à M. Chantre sur l’antiquité du crâne syphilitique trouvé dans la nécropole préhistorique du Roda (Haute Égypte). Lyon. LORTET, L.C. & GAILLARD, C., 1903. La faune momifiée de l’ancienne Égypte. Lyon. LORTET, L.C. & GAILLARD, C., 1903. La faune momifiée de l’ancienne Égypte: Deuxième série. Lyon. LORTET, L.C. & GAILLARD, C., 1909. La faune momifiée de l’ancienne Égypte et recherches anthropologiques (3e, 4e et 5e séries). Lyon. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N., 2002. Adaïma 1: Économie et habitat. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 45. Le Caire. NORDSTRÖM, H.A. & BOURRIAU, J.D., 1993. Fascicle 2: Ceramic Technology. Clays and Fabrics [in:] ARNOLD, D. & BOURRIAU, J.D. (eds.), An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery. Mainz am Rhein: 143–190. PETRIE, W.M.F. & QUIBELL, J.E., 1896. Naqada and Ballas. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1921. Corpus of Prehistoric Pottery and Palettes. British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account 32. London. QUILES, A.; DELQUÉ-KOLIC, E.; BELLOT-GURLET, L.; COMBY-ZERBINO, C.; MÉNAGER, M.; PARIS, C.; SOUPRAYEN, C.; VIEILLESCAZES, C.; ANDREU-LANOË, G. & MADRIGAL, K., 2014. Embalming as Source of Contamination for Radiocarbon Dating of Egyptian Mummies: On a New Chemical Protocol to Extract Bitumen. ArcheoSciences 38: 135–149. REGNER, C., 1996. Schminkpaletten. Bonner Sammlung von Aegyptiaca 2. Wiesbaden. SMITH, G.E., 1908. The Alleged Discovery of Syphilis in Prehistoric Egyptians. The Lancet 2: 521–524. SMITH, G.E., 1909. La prétendue découverte de la syphilis chez les égyptiens préhistoriques. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Lyon 28: 76–86. TOUZEAU, A.; AMIOT, R.; BLICHERT-TOFT, J.; FLANDROIS, J.-P.; FOUREL, F.; GROSSI, V.; MARTINEAU, F.; RICHARDIN, P. & LÉCUYER, C., 2014. Diet of Ancient Egyptians Inferred from Stable Isotope Systematics. Journal of Archaeological Science 46: 114–124.

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WILLIAMS, B.B., 1986. Excavations between Abu Simbel and the Sudan Frontier. Part 1: The A-Group Royal Cemetery at Qustul: Cemetery L. Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition 3. Chicago. WILLIAMS, B.B., 1989. Excavations between Abu Simbel and the Sudan Frontier. Parts 2, 3 and 4: Neolithic, A-Group and Post-A-Group Remains from cemeteries W, V, S, Q, T, and a Cave East of Cemetery K. Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition 4. Chicago.

NOT BY BREAD ALONE: NOTES ON GRAIN STORAGE AND PROCESSING DURING THE 3RD MILLENNIUM BCE NATALIA MAŁECKA-DROZD & MAGDALENA KAZIMIERCZAK Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland

Grain and its derivatives, bread and beer, were the basic element of the ancient Egyptian diet and a convenient conversion of the value of other products and services, a currency used in everyday life. Control over their production was an important element of power, which manifested itself primarily in the organisation of the production processes. There are three major elements that should be identified when considering the definition of an organised baking and brewing industry: 1) the presence of standardised containers, ceramic vessels often bearing signs of ‘economic relevance’; 2) the appearance of specialised production areas and related installations along with effective methods of their supply; 3) a gradual unification of the production space according to developed standards. All of these elements, in various proportions, are recognisable in the archaeological material of the 4th and 3rd millennia BCE. Based on them, it is possible to define a potential change in the organisation of baking and brewing during the Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Periods.1

Introduction Bread and beer were not only the main components of the ancient Egyptian diet, but also a currency and the most common offering to the dead. Consecutive stages of its production have already been reconstructed based on iconography, supported by results of archaeobotanical analysis, ethnographical observation and experimental archaeology (Geller 1989; Lehner 1994: 26–29; Wetterstrom 1996; Samuel 2000; Kubiak-Martens & Langer 2008). Studies such as these have formed the basis for identification of the installations and devices needed for each stage of these processes. However, this paper will not deal with the methods of production per se. The organisation and design of working space appears to be more of interest. The amount of residues associated with production of both staples (i.e. types of vessels, cooking facilities etc.) significantly increases at settlements from the end of the Predynastic Period and particularly the beginning of the Early 1 The presented paper is a result of research carried out within the framework of the project “The structural variability of the Nile Delta settlements as a part of the Egyptian royal urban policy during the 3rd millennium BC”, funded by the National Science Centre (UMO-2015/19/N/ HS3/00879).

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Dynastic era (cf. Buchez 2004; Takamiya 2008; Adams 2009; Chłodnicki et al. 2012; Rampersad 2015–2016; Jucha et al. 2016; Baba & Friedman 2016; Hartung et al. 2012; Hartung et al. 2017 etc.). The archaeological remains identified so far indicate diverse methods of organising the production area. In the case of household bread and beer production, targeted at private needs, it is more difficult to precisely identify the right space or installation. It should be assumed that the same facility could sometimes serve various activities (cf. Lehner 2002: 56). Official and semi-official bakeries and breweries, producing on a mass scale, at least for the local community, are much easier to recognise. This paper briefly reviews evidence provided over a period of the final Predynastic to the early Old Kingdom times on the growing level of production organisation. Results are presented separately for bakeries and breweries, complemented by an outline of connection between bread and beer production areas and their storage facilities. Bakeries Three methods of bread baking were in use during the 3rd millennium BCE: firstly, the bread was placed directly into the hot ashes; secondly, it was cooked in a kind of an oven made of stone slabs; thirdly, within two preheated moulds, joined by their rims and placed into ashes to create a small oven (Darby et al. 1977: 512–515; Adamski & Kołodziejczyk 2014: 66). The last method was the most popular one and often depicted on tomb reliefs. It is also the best recognised according to archaeological records. The earliest evidence for more organised bread production, carried out according to patterns known from the Old Kingdom depictions, come from the end of the Predynastic Period. Analysis of ceramic material provides relevant information, according to which the introduction of new methods of bread making took place no earlier than at the very end of the Naqada II Period, and was confirmed by the emergence of classic bread moulds of uniform size. The earliest recognised vessels of this kind dated to the Naqada IIIA– B Period, representing broad and flat forms. During the Naqada IIIC1 Period the forms become medium shallow with rounded base (Fig. 1) (Petrie 1953: pl. III: 8 e–g; Jacquet-Gordon 1981: figs. 1.1–1.4; Hendrickx et al. 2002: 294; Mączyńska 2012: 135–137, figs. 18.4–18.5; Sobas 2012: 186, 190, figs. 2, 19, 37, 39), in many cases already signed with pre-fired potmarks (Sobas 2014). However, in terms of the material remains of facilities related to baking bread, the matter is more complex. So far, there have been no architectural remains of bakeries dated to the Predynastic Period that could be comparable to breweries exposed in recent years in several locations (see below). Therefore, the assessment of the production space at this early stage is extremely difficult.

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Fig. 1. Early Dynastic medium shallow bread moulds. Tell el-Farkha, Eastern Kom (Digitising: U. Bąk).

Until the end of the Naqada III Period, the number of bread moulds at many sites significantly increased, which may suggest that a new method of making bread with the use of a preheated matrix spread during that time (Buchez 2004: 681; Adams 2009: 133, 146; Mączyńska 2009: 97; Sobas 2010: 120). Along with mass production of bread moulds, their shape also underwent a change. Forms characteristic of the Naqada IIID Period are much deeper than earlier examples; most of them are shaped like an upside-down bell (Jacquet-Gordon 1981: figs. 1.5–1.6; Hendrickx et al. 2002: 294; Mączyńska 2012: 135–136, figs. 19.2, 20.7) They were used for production of the most popular type of bread in the historical period, known as “bḏꜢ” (Faltings 1998; Adams 2009: 174). It is possible that bread production during this period became more specialised as a result of a wider process of “increasing levels of social differentiation” (Hendrickx et al. 2002: 298). Quite numerous potmarks incised on bread moulds have been suggested as indicating a symbol of “economic relevance” (Buchez 2004: 682; Adams 2009: 137) and seem to confirm it. Bread marks, along with seal impressions found at some sites, are often considered to be an element of organised, official bread production, for example for administrative purposes (cf. Buchez 2004; Rampersad 2008; Adams 2009: 150). From the very beginning of the Early Dynastic Period (Naqada IIIC1) onward, distinct

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traces of specialised areas of bread production are also recognised within settlements. According to their design, they may be divided into two main categories: The first category of bakeries may be classified on the basis of few sites located in the Nile Delta. These were recognised at Mendes phases VI–V corresponding to Naqada IIIC1–IIID to mid-1st to the end of 2nd Dynasty (Adams 2009: 140– 156, figs. 20, 25; Adams 2020: 52–54, Tab. 3.1); and Tell el-Murra at levels dated to Naqada IIIC2–IIID (cf. Kazimierczak 2016: 123–127; Małecka-Drozd 2016: 111–113). Another example may be the structures discovered on the Eastern Kom at Tell el-Farkha dating to phase 6 / Naqada IIIC2–IIID (Chłodnicki & Ciałowicz 2014: fig. 15); however, their exploration is still ongoing. Evidence of bread baking might also be provided by late 2nd Dynasty circular structures discovered at Tell el-Gabbara (Rampersad 2008; 2015–2016: 83–87; fig. 3). A characteristic feature of the space layout of this form is the presence of circular or semi-circular rooms with adjoining rectangular buildings or compartments (Fig. 4; cf. Adams 2009: figs. 20, 25). In some cases, freestanding arched walls suggest only partial separation of a given area (cf. Adams 2009: fig. 20). There are completely circular structures built into rectangular spaces at Tell el-Gabbara; however, some of them were intentionally partitioned (Rampersad 2015–2016: 87). A similar solution was similarly used at Tell elMurra (Fig. 2, structure to the east). Importantly, the design of the structures is not influenced by the necessity to fit them to the available space. The remains of arched and circular walls discovered at Mendes (Adams 2009: 140–156), and more recently at Tell el-Murra show signs of multiple reconstructions and repairs, indicating an intentional and repetitive shaping of the area in a definite manner. The majority of oval constructions discovered at these sites cannot be interpreted as storage facilities. Ashes and layers of burnt soil often in association with a great number of bread moulds have been found inside these structures, as well as between them and the free-standing arched walls. In Mendes phase VI, the amount of this type of pottery reaches 70–85 % of the total ceramic inventory (Adams 2009: 133, 146). Only inside Tell el-Gabbara Structure 1 did the number of beer jars exceed the number of bread moulds (Rampersad 2015– 2016: 91).2 In many cases vessels are signed by pre-fired potmarks (Adams 2009: 137; Rampersad 2015–2016: 93). Along with bread moulds also bowls, vats and a number of beer jars have been found inside the structures (Adams 2009: figs. 21–22). This evidence allows us to link them to cooking activities, in this case mainly bread baking. However, economic operations were not restricted to the closed spaces inside circular or rectangular rooms, but they 2 For that reason, there are some doubts if the circular structures of Tell el-Gabbara might be considered as purely a bakery area (see below).

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Fig. 2. Early Dynastic structures from Tell el-Murra, trench T5 (Drawn by N. Małecka-Drozd).

were also held in open areas. In the cases of Mendes (Adams 2009: 150–151) and Tell el-Murra traces of burnt soil, clusters of burnt bricks, a limited number of grinders and pieces of millstones, as well as a great amount of pottery have been recognised outside the rooms. These were located in between small silos (Fig. 3). All of the above-mentioned structures are dated exclusively to the Early Dynastic Period. In all probability, they were connected with official or semiofficial bread production, as may be concluded from large amounts of bread moulds with potmarks and the occasional presence of royal seal impressions (Adams 2009: 146, fig. 17; Rampersad 2015–2016: 95–97, fig. 8). It also appears

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Fig. 3. Tell el-Murra, early Old Kingdom arched buildings with traces of intensive cooking activities (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

that this type of design did not continue into the Old Kingdom. At the same time, at least from the Early Dynastic Period onward, a second category of bakery organisation was being developed. It is a trend to enclose a working space within rectangular (also multilateral) rooms and courtyards, which over a time became dominant. Examples of bakeries that qualify for this type come from numerous sites, both in the Nile Delta and the Nile Valley, as well as from such remote places as an oasis in the Western Desert (cf. Mills 1995; Pettman et al. 2012; Adamski & Kołodziejczyk 2014). Particular examples may have differed a lot from each other, and even official bakeries were not constructed according to any repetitive pattern. In some cases, all facilities related to bread production and baking were situated within a single area. This is the case of the Naqada IIIC1–C2 / early– mid-1st Dynasty remains discovered at Buto (Hartung et al. 2012: 90). Subterranean containers and vats, pits lined with mud, numerous millstones, brick installations, hearths and three brick ovens as well as great number of bread moulds have been discovered in an area of a single courtyard. It might have been partially covered by a light roof supported by wooden posts. According to the archaeologist, the ovens were used to heat bread moulds before the actual bread baking. However, the presence of both hearths and brick ovens, may also indicate that the bread production was twofold and both facilities were involved in it.

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Based on pottery, it appears that the technique of baking bread within moulds preheated in advance, which had been developed up to the end of the Early Dynastic Period, was continued during the Old Kingdom. Well-preserved sets consisting of complete vats, big bowls for mixing dough, and bread moulds have been discovered in contexts connected with economic activity. They are known from Tell el-Farkha phase 7, corresponding with the 3rd to 4th Dynasty (Adamski & Kołodziejczyk 2014: 67–68, figs. 1–5); 3rd to 4th Dynasty levels at Tell el-Murra (Fig. 4); the 4th Dynasty town Heit el-Gurob at Giza plateau

Fig. 4. Bread moulds and big bowls from Tell el-Murra, trench T5 (Digitising: U. Bąk).

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(Wetterstrom 1996: 6–7; Lehner et al. 2009: 44–49), and resemble depictions portrayed on reliefs from the Old Kingdom mastabas (Paice 1989: 57). In many cases, the remains of such sets of dishes are the one and only indicator of the baking activity in a given location. Early Old Kingdom bḏꜢ vessels are similar to late Early Dynastic examples with a deep, conical shape, an angular transition dividing the body into two areas (slightly smoothed upper part, and rough and irregularly formed lower part), and with a rounded base (Fig. 5). This shape is a Type A1 according to Jacquet-Gordon (1981: fig 2; Adams 2009: 163; Emery 1954: 160, fig. 222: EE1; Jucha 2011: 962–963, 965–966, 968–969, figs. 2:30, 3:37, 4:27; 2012, 52– 53, fig. 2:10; Kazimierczak 2016: 125, fig. 48.1–48.2; Raue 1999: 174–175, Abb. 34:3).

Fig. 5. Early Old Kingdom bḏꜢ vessels from Tell el-Murra and Tell el-Farkha (Photo: E. Kuciewicz & R. Słaboński).

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Towards the late Old Kingdom, their bases became flat-bottomed: Type A2 according to Jacquet-Gordon (1981: figs. 3.2–3.7; Paice 1989: 57; Faltings 1998: figs. 9a–10a; Marchand 2004: 216, fig. 10; Bader 2009: 34–35, fig. 12d; Vereecken et al. 2009: 198, 3007/1/1). Old Kingdom bread moulds continued to bear signs connected with a particular potter or workshop, i.e. potmarks (Figs. 4.2–4.3, 6) (Kazimierczak 2016: figs. 48.1–48.2, 48.6–48.8). These could have been placed on the outer or inner walls of the vessels, usually in the upper part of the body. Signs situated on the inner surface were deep enough to leave their negative impressions on the bread surface, and it is supposed that they were meant for marking the bread. Marks made by potters on the inside walls of bread moulds definitely prevail at Tell el-Murra, representing about 81 % of all bread signs found within trench T5. Meanwhile, only about 19 % of potmarks were located on the exterior surface; they were probably related to the moulds themselves (Bréand 2009: 57). However, it was not a rule, as pottery assemblages from other sites indicate that sometimes bread moulds were more likely to be marked on their outer walls (Bréand 2009: 57; Sobas 2014: 67, fig. 1). In the case of Tell el-Murra, Old Kingdom bread moulds have quite standardised sizes with a diameter of about 25 cm. However, the sizes of bread forms at other sites are diverse and depended on the scale and purpose of the production. Very large and unique examples of bḏꜢ forms are known from the 4th Dynasty sites of Sheikh Sa’id and Heit el-Gurob, where they were used for daily bread production to meet the food needs of the workmen (Wodzińska 2009: 211). A large number of unusually large moulds along with standard, smaller volumes has also been found in 4th Dynasty levels at Dendara (Marouard 2016: 46, fig. 11). These may indicate that production of bḏꜢ bread of various sizes did not have to be limited to exceptional cases of workers, but distinct kinds of loaves were in everyday circulation. During the Old Kingdom, another type of vessel connected with bread baking also appeared, shallow prt-trays, which could be interpreted as a continuation of the flat bread mould from the beginning of the Naqada III Period (Hendrickx et al. 2002: 295). They were probably connected with daily life and their presence is well documented within bakeries (Faltings 1998: 83–88, figs. 6a–b; Lehner 2008: 70–71; Adams 2009: 174; Wodzińska 2009: 218), although in a settlement context, for example at Tell el-Murra, their number does not exceed that of bḏꜢ moulds. At the same time, trays are also known from cemeteries, which may suggest that they could have been used also as offering vessels (Bárta 1995: 22–23; Rzeuska 2006: Pls. 60–63, 66–70; Bader 2009: 37, figs. 12 f–g; Vereecken et al. 2009: 199, 3005/15/1). Over a time, a visible tendency emerged to organise official and semi-official bakeries as areas with a set of clearly separated spaces for individual stages of bread production. In Heit el-Gurab at Giza plateau the most popular type of

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Fig. 6. Potmarks on Old Kingdom bread moulds. Tell el-Murra, trench T5 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

an official bakery was a rectangular room. Two of these rooms were located in area A7, where they were attached to a larger gallery-like building (Lehner 1992: 60–66). Other bakeries of similar design have been documented further to the east, in the so-called “Bakeries Area”, northern part of the EOG industrial

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yard (Lehner 2008: 58–59). According to the reconstruction, bread dough was prepared in vats located in one of the rooms’ corners. The dough was poured into preheated bread moulds, which were then set into ashes that had been accumulated along the room’s longer wall (Lehner 1994: 26–29, figs. 1–2). Different solutions were adopted in the area of the Western Town. The so-called ‘East Bakery Complex’ in Area AA (Lehner 2008: 70–72, fig. 31) that consists of several compartments filled with ashes from hearths and fireplace platforms may be one of the examples. A walled basin lined with silt located next to baking facilities could have been used, for example, for preparing dough; however, its other functions have been suggested by the archaeologists (see below; Lehner 2010: 46–48). Importantly, earlier stages of grain processing for the needs of these bakeries, such as milling, took place in separate buildings. The Royal Administrative Building, where certain numbers of millstones and grinders were found in a secondary context within the area of the silos courtyard, could have been one of such buildings (Lehner 2002: 62). Remains dated to 3rd and 4th Dynasties, discovered in recent years at the northern settlement of Tell el-Murra, indicate that both ways of organising the working space in bakeries could exist side by side. Above the arched structure of the late Early Dynastic Period, the area was arranged according to completely different patterns (Jucha et al. 2015: 208–213; Małecka-Drozd 2016: 102–111; Jucha et al. 2017). At least two phases of rebuilding have been identified for the early Old Kingdom. Initially during the 3rd Dynasty, the relationship between various stages of bread production is difficult to determine precisely. They are most likely to have been partially open areas with shallow pits filled with ashes. Well-preserved bread moulds found within one of the pits point to a place where moulds were preheated (Fig. 7). It can be assumed that the baking took place in close proximity. Vats and big bowls for bread dough mixing have been found in the whole area of the trench and a number of pieces belonging to them were located in the open space, in the vicinity of well-preserved bread moulds. However, these spaces were predominantly separated by residual walls. On the other hand, there are courtyards and rooms where traces of various stages of food preparation are observable together. In one of the rooms, a millstone and several burnt stones have been found adjacent to an ash cavity that included fragmentarily preserved bread moulds. In other compartments, big bowls were situated next to an area of burnt soil containing fragments of moulds and jars and a small mud circle may indicate places where pots were fitted. Slightly later, though still during the 3rd to 4th Dynasty, the production area became more clearly defined. Small compartments heavily filled with ash (Fig. 8) and bread mould fragments limited to the process of bread baking were recognised. In this case, earlier stages of bread production took place in adjacent rooms. However, there are still spaces (both in courtyards and rooms) where traces of subsequent stages of food preparation were located side by

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Fig. 7. Bread moulds placed into ashes. Tell el-Murra, trench T5, 3rd Dynasty (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

Fig. 8. Compartment filled with ashes and fragmentarily preserved bread moulds. Tell el-Murra, trench T5, building complex of the 3rd to 4th Dynasty (Photo: M. Jucha).

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side: saddle querns and grinders for milling grain, vats and big bowls for mixing bread dough, and jars that may have contained water necessary for the process. Finally, there were ash layers from open hearths where bread moulds were heated before use together with smaller ash cavities, where bread was baked. Regarding Tell el-Murra, it is difficult to determine if traces of bread production recognised within the early Old Kingdom building complex were purely economic in nature, or whether at least some compartments and courtyards were parts of domestic units. The presence of potmarks on the moulds (cf. Figs. 4.2–4.3, 6) could indicate a certain level of organised bread production intended for the needs of the community. Moreover, based on the finds from other compartments (bones, flints, pottery etc.) activities varied more than expected indicating that there was more than just bread baking taking place (Małecka-Drozd & Kazimierczak 2017: 60–68). The trend to organise official bread production within a set of rectangular compartments and a courtyard gathered within a larger compound associated with general food processing seems to be dominant also in the later part of the Old Kingdom (cf. Ain Gazzareein, Dakhla Oasis in: Mills 1995: 63; Pettman et al. 2012). Breweries In contrast to bakeries, the best recognised breweries come from the Predynastic Period. Remains of these structures are known from a few sites, especially Hierakonpolis (Hoffman 1982; Geller 1989; Friedman & Geller 2007; Takamiya 2008; 2016; Baba & Friedman 2016); Abydos (Peet 1914; Peet & Loat 1913); Tell el-Farkha (Cichowski 2008; Chłodnicki & Geming 2012; Ciałowicz 2012a; 2012b); and recently Tell el-Fara’in/Buto (Hartung 2017: 23–24). They have been dated from Naqada IC onward and their structural and stylistic differences allow us to trace their development at both the local (Takamiya 2016: 405–407), and regional (Adamski & Rosińska-Balik 2014: 31–34, Table 2) levels. Predynastic breweries had the form of kilns, consisting of a set of vat seats and almost all examples have been additionally walled. In some cases (e.g. HK24A), they might also have been roofed with ceramic plates and clay (Geller 1989: 47). The differences between them lie mainly in the details of construction and the shape of the installations in question. Recent analysis has shown that the heating facilities at Hierakonpolis developed from kilns constructed without ceramic bars to those with vats supported by these objects (Takamiya 2016: 406– 407). According to a more general approach, breweries discovered at the Upper Egyptian sites (i.e. Hierakonpolis or Abydos) had an elongated, rectangular shape with two parallel rows of vats and stoke holes. On the other hand, facilities known from Lower Egypt (mainly Tell el-Farkha, also Buto, cf. Hartung, this

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Fig. 9. Nest-like installations of burnt bricks. Tell el-Murra, trench T5, Early Dynastic Period (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

volume) had a shape strongly related to the circles of vat seats with overlapping parallel rows of vats such as the so-called ‘Olympic Ring’ or ‘clover shape’ breweries (Fig. 9) (Adamski & Rosińska-Balik 2014: 33). Another structure, which might be related to brewing, constructed as a single oval oven with ceramic supports, has been found at Buto in a context belonging to the later Naqada IIIB Period (Hartung et al. 2017: 82–83, Abb. 12). Predynastic breweries were associated with three main stages of beer production: i.e. cooking the porridge-like mass of grain; mixing it with malt; and finally fermenting the liquid obtained during the process (Samuel 2000: 553– 555; Kubiak-Martens & Langer 2008: 432–435). Due to the required conditions (Samuel 2000: 551–553), malt was probably produced elsewhere. At Hierakonpolis site HK11C, in the square 0N–6E, situated west to the installation from Operation B, Harlan (1982: 20–23) uncovered a mud feature with troughs and a basin, as well as a row of posts running south-east to it. According to Baba and Friedman (2016: 189), this facility might have been used for grain malting, probably under a roof supported by the posts. Basins for possible water supply have been exposed north of it, at the square 0N–0E. A large deposit of wheat chaff, exposed nearby, makes such an interpretation more probable. The malt production could also be related to so-called Parallel Wall Structures discovered at Buto (Faltings & Köhler 1996: 91–93; von der Way 1997: 117–122; Faltings et al. 2000: 144, 177; Hartung 2017: 22; Hartung et al. 2017: 78–83, Abb. 9,

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10, 11). Rows of low and narrow walls of fired bricks were recognised inside several compartments dated from the Protodynastic (Naqada IIIA2) to the beginning of the Early Dynastic (Naqada IIIC1) Period. Residue of straw mats at the walls’ crowns along with grains, bones and fragments of pottery were found around part of these structures. Analogies from Turkey or Iraq indicate that they might have been used to dry the grain and other food products before further processing (Faltings et al. 2000: 144; Hartung 2017: 22; Hartung et al. 2017: 80–81). Since malt could be prepared by laying it on a mat or in wide baskets (Samuel 2000: 552), the Parallel Wall Structures, among others, might have been used for this purpose. Conversely, pottery assemblages used for beer production during this period are rather homogenous. This assemblage consists of rough vats that are conical in shape (Geller 1989: 45–47; Cichowski 2008: 37; Baba & Friedman 2016: 185; Takamiya 2016: 399), and probably jars of two types, which played the role of prototypes for so-called beer jars. These started with the big rough R81 and R82 jars, used during the Naqada IIC–D Period (Baba & Friedman 2016: 192, fig. 10; Baba et al. 2017: 14–15, Fig. 10: subjective shape 2b; Friedman

Fig. 10. Tall tapering vessels. Tell el-Farkha, Western Kom (after Sobas 2013).

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1994: 676; Petrie 1921: PL. XLI–XLII); that were later replaced by more slender examples L30 and L31 (Fig. 10) during the Naqada IIIA–B Period (Petrie 1921: PL. XLVI; Adams & Friedman 1992: 324–326, figs. 7:2,3; Köhler 1998: Pl. 8:4–5, 7; Hendrickx et al. 2002: 293–294; Buchez 2004: 681; Sobas 2010: 120, figs. 21:7, 25:15–16; Mączyńska 2012: 130–131, figs. 4:2, 9:4–7, 10:5; Sobas 2013: 106, figs. 21:1–4, 6–7). Crucially, the youngest of the known breweries went out of use at the very beginning of the Early Dynastic Period, no later than during the Naqada IIIC1 Period (Peet & Loat 1913: 1–7; Peet 1914: 7–10; Adamski, & Rosińska-Balik 2014: Table 2). Shortly thereafter, during Naqada IIIC2–D, new types of vessels related to beer production appeared at many sites throughout Egypt (Hendrickx et al. 2002: 291–293), among others in Tell el-Farkha (Jucha 2011: 965–966, 968–969, figs. 3:13, 4:14); Abydos (Petrie 1953: Pl. 30: 99W); Giza (Kromer 1978: 59, fig. 19.1); and Buto (Köhler 1998: 22, Taf. 24.2–6). These include mainly classical beer jars with broad shoulders, conical or ovoid in shape with characteristic traces of scratching visible on the lower part of the vessels (Fig. 11) (Petrie 1953: Pl. XIII:59H) and spouted bowls. At the same time, there is a recognisable increase in the number of vats and big bowls. Similarly, as in the case of bread production, the introduction of new types of beer-related vessels and an overall increase in their number was probably a reflection of social processes and pertinent appearance of professional crafts, responsible for food delivery (Hendrickx et al. 2002: 298). This pottery assemblage continues throughout the Old Kingdom, virtually unchanged. Slender, narrow-shouldered beer jars with rounded or pointed base (Fig. 12) (Kazimierczak 2016: figs. 47.1–7) along with vats, big bowls and spouted bowls (Kazimierczak 2016: figs. 46.1–7) are represented in large numbers in the Egyptian settlements from that period (Kazimierczak 2016: 123–127). However, it is difficult to identify brewing installations to which they might have been associated. From the 1st Dynasty (Naqada IIIC1) onward, the range of means for identifying beer production at a given site is limited. Most of the interpretations are based on the presence of the types of vessels described above: beer jars, vats, spouted bowls etc. The occurrence of such a set in connection with recognised bread production appears to confirm the expected relationship between these two activities. Inside the 2nd Dynasty Structure 1 at Tell el-Gabbara, the number of beer jars is over 50 % higher than that of bread moulds recorded in the building. Within a 3rd Dynasty building complex at Tell el-Murra, beer jars are found throughout the research area, among others in the vicinity of bread baking facilities (Kazimierczak 2016: 123, figs. 47.1–7). A larger number of these vessels had been documented in one of the compartments in the southern part of the complex, which allows us to consider other possible beer production areas in the still-untested part of the settlement. At Mendes phase IV, corresponding to Naqada IIID3–IV, 3rd–4th/5th Dynasties,

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Fig. 11. Early Dynastic beer jar. Tell el-Murra, trench T5 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

Fig. 12. Early Old Kingdom beer jar. Tell el-Murra, trench T5 (Photo: E. Kuciewicz).

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whole beer jars revealed within a pottery cache were supposed to be the evidence for brewing in area AJ (Adams 2009: 163; 2020: 55). Over time, the share of this ceramic form in the overall pottery assemblage increases, which makes the interpretation more likely due to the presence of bowls and spouted vats (Adams 2009: 175–190). However, it is still not confirmed whether these structures were related to official beer production (Adams 2020: 55). Despite the fact that beer jars are regularly among the most frequent of all types of Early Dynastic/Old Kingdom pottery recorded during excavations (Warden 2014: 98), there are still no remains of kilns comparable to installations of the Predynastic Period (cf. Lehner 2011: 133; Redding & Wetterstrom 2014: 10). The disappearance of these types of facilities could be explained up to a certain degree by changes in the production process itself. However, according to recent research (Samuel 2000: 554; Kubiak-Martens & Langer 2008: 427–435), there were no changes in brewing methods from the Predynastic times until at least the New Kingdom. In this context, a structure of interest is one revealed recently at Tell el-Murra and dated to the later part of the Early Dynastic Period / Naqada IIIC2–D (Fig. 13). It is a cluster of fired or burnt mud bricks, arranged in a shape similar to a nest, which roughly resembles vat seats known from Predynastic breweries (cf. Fig. 9) The feature is located in a building situated directly to the west of the bakery area (cf. Fig. 2),

Fig. 13. Brewery W272. Tell el-Farkha-Western Kom, Naqada IIIA1 (Photo: R. Słaboński).

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Fig. 14. Early Dynastic beer jars, bowls and vat from Tell el-Murra, trench T5 (Digitising: U. Bąk).

in layers of burnt, black, and in few places, reddish earth lying between two silos filled with charred grain. The larger of the silos, incorporated into the corner of the room, had an opening at its base allowing for direct access to the stored grain. Next to the brick nest was a whole beer jar lying on its side. Representations of similarly set beer jars are known from some of Old Kingdom reliefs depicting men reaching for ready malt in order to mix it with water (Épron & Daumas 1939: Pl. LXVI). If the interpretation is correct, the uncovered installation might have been used to heat malt or to mix both parts of it. Numbers of fragmentarily preserved beer jars, bowls and vats seem to confirm that beer production took place in this space (Fig. 14). On the other hand, a great number of bread moulds and plates found in the vicinity may indicate that bread was also baked at the site. Two other clusters of burnt mud bricks were found on the same levels, however in those cases, no nest-shape arrangement was recognisable. If the said beer jar in fact contained malt, it was probably not its original location. The container had to be delivered from the place where the malt was produced in a larger quantity and safely separated from the source of fire, perhaps in facilities similar to those found at Hierakonpolis or Buto (see above). The results of the excavations at Heit el-Gurab provide a hint as to the subsequent appearance of such installations. Mark Lehner’s team has revealed interesting structures, the so-called pedestals, distributed over different parts of a settlement (Lehner & Watterstrom 2007: 1–3; Lehner et al. 2009: 65–69). These were rows of rectangular bases of clay and fieldstone (about 0.6 m high), with partition walls placed on top of them creating compartments that straddled the space between two bases (Fig. 15). In some examples, complete beer

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Fig. 15. Pedestals exposed within “Pedestal Building” at Heit el-Gurob. Beer jars placed at the bottom (Photo: M. Lehner, Copyright 2018 by Ancient Egypt Research Associates).

jars have been found within this space. The pedestals were located in various places all over the site, both in closed spaces inside buildings (i.e. so called ‘Pedestal Building’ in the Western Town), as well as open areas (i.e. EOG, just south of the ‘Bakeries Area’). There are small arrangements consisting of only two to three bases (Lehner 2015: 86–87, fig. 10) and long rows of dozen pedestals (Lehner et al. 2006: 35–36, 42). They have been interpreted as elements of a special type of storage facility for products that were in need of moisture (provided by water stored in jars; Fig. 15; cf. Witsell 2014: 34) and air circulation. Such a product could have been malt, used later to produce large amounts of beer at a still indeterminate place at the site. Similar, however less-preserved structures were also discovered within the so-called Industrial Settlement just southeast of the Menkaure pyramid complex at Giza (Saleh 1974). No structures resembling Predynastic brewery kilns were recognised at Heit el-Gurob. Though, there are some locations for beer production (on a smaller scale) within or in the immediate vicinity of the rooms interpreted as bakeries and, in a broader sense, kitchens. The most probable location is an eastern part of the House Unit 1 in the Western Town (Lehner 2011: 131–133). The design of this part of the building resembles the ‘East Bakery Complex’; however, some modifications are visible. Hearths located in southern rooms served as the main baking and cooking facilities. Several bins and basins might have

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been also used for soaking grain in order to produce malt, according to the discoverers (Lehner 2010: 46–47). After which, soaked grain could have been placed on pedestals that were located in a courtyard just south of the House Unit 1 and were easily accessible from the building. Since the proximity of malt storage installations appears to be crucial for beer production, it cannot be excluded that larger, official breweries were located in the vicinity. There are no examples of pedestals from sites outside the Giza plateau. Yet, a parallel for these structures might be seen in the much earlier facilities discovered in so-called Parallel Wall Structures at Buto (see above). There is a probability that in later periods, especially at a well-organised, state-planned settlement like Heit el-Gurob, the installations for malt production became more sophisticated and took the form of pedestals. Nevertheless, the low, parallel walls were still used for other activities, like drying fish, as exemplified by the so-called ‘Hypostyle Hall’ at Heit el-Gurob (Lehner 2002: 42–46; Hartung et al. 2017: 80–81). So far, no such malt-related facilities have been discovered at Tell el-Murra. Bakeries, breweries and their storage facilities Bread and beer production were closely associated activities. Iconography of both industries (Épron & Daumas 1939: Pl. LXVI; Paice 1989) have always been shown together as two sides of the same process of providing basic food products made of cereals. On this basis, it has been assumed that both baking and brewing took place in the same locations or in the immediate vicinity of each other. Obviously, the most important argument is the presence of a set of vessels traditionally associated with beer production in the proximity of pottery assemblages and installations related to bread baking. In the context of architectural remains, such a connection is more difficult to prove. The best-known breweries from the Predynastic Period were not related to any recognisable bread baking facility. It appears that an important feature of the earliest official beer production was the fact that its industrial scale resulted in separation of brewing facilities from the area of proper settlement (cf. Baba et al. 2017: figs. 1–2; Ciałowicz 2017: 234). Although, from the very beginning, breweries might have been incorporated into more extensive food production areas (Takamiya 2008; Baba & Friedman 2016; Baba et al. 2017), they were designed as separate facilities, specialising in the production of a single type of food. The presence of pottery-kilns within HK11C-Operation B is rather a proof of the high specialisation and accumulation of all aspects of beer production, including production of containers, in the single production area (Baba & Friedman 2016: 185–193). An important exception is the single Naqada IIIB kiln from Buto, which is situated within the courtyard of a developed building complex related to food production and processing (Hartung

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et al. 2017: 82–83, Abb. 8). Association between the bakery and the brewery becomes more direct during the Dynastic Period. Despite the lack of unquestionable remains of breweries after Naqada IIIC1, there are some premises for combining both activities. Nest-like installations from the Naqada IIIC2–D levels at Tell el-Murra are located directly next to arched structures of ‘bakeries’. Some indications for malting and brewing are also provided by the ‘bakery’ in the House Unit 1 at Heit el-Gurob. However, in both cases, there are doubts as to whether they can be considered as breweries producing on a mass scale. With regards to the official, mass scale beer production, the lack of brewing kilns within settlements dated to the 3rd millennium BCE is puzzling. Considering the large cluster of pedestals in the EOG area at Heit el-Gurob, installations for brewing were supposed to be located in the vicinity, probably next to baking facilities. However, no convincing evidence (i.e. remains of starch-protein mixture) of beer brewing was found within big vats located in corners of the bakeries revealed in the area. Beer production had to take place in separate rooms or buildings that were situated somewhere in this part of the settlement (cf. Lehner 2015: fig. 2). An important argument for combining the bread and beer production was initially a hypothesis on the use of bread loaves during the brewing. Yet, detailed studies on beer production methods have made it possible to reject the theory. It appears that a very basic and purely practical issue has determined the connection between these activities. Both baking and brewing, particularly at a mass level, required constant and direct supply of the same necessary ingredient – cereals. For this reason, the work space had to be organised in a way enabling the most effective access to granaries. It can be assumed that mutual proximity of the installations in question was more reasonable from a logistical point of view, particularly in the case of smaller scale production, e.g. in provincial settlements. In some cases, it can be seen that bread and beer production assigned for official purposes (e.g. offerings to the royal deceased) has been located in the immediate vicinity of the granaries. An example of such a solution might be the Silo Building Complex, a 5th Dynasty structure adjacent to Khentkawes’ town at Giza plateau (Lehner 2012: 58–63; 2014: 67–71). Though interestingly, many remains of official or semi-official bakeries seem to be modestly equipped with storage facilities. These are rather small and scarce. At Buto, within a Naqada IIIC1/C2 courtyard containing remains of bread production, small (1 m in diameter) pits had been recognised as the only storage facility in the close vicinity. A set of brick silos recorded in the western part of the area, as well as north of it, was related to a later construction phase (Hartung et al. 2012: 90, Abb. 5). Additionally, small (c. 1 m in diameter) brick silos have been recorded next to Naqada IIIC2–D baking facilities at Tell el-Murra. Granaries did not create a compact group, but were scattered in between the

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arched constructions. Only vestigial traces of two silos have also been recorded within the area of intensive baking and cooking activity dated in the 3rd Dynasty (Jucha et al. 2017; Małecka-Drozd 2016: 110–111). In Mendes phases VI–Vb (mid-1st–2nd Dynasty), similarly small, single silos were recorded (Adams 2009: figs. 20, 25). A slightly larger, yet single silo had provided supplies for a 5th to 6th Dynasty bakery at Ain Gezzareen (Mills 1995: fig. 1). It is significant that in the case of the discussed examples the capacity of silos located within bakery areas would not allow for intensive bread production over a long time. The most likely explanation is that silos situated in close proximity to bakeries were regularly replenished by supplies from a main granary, located further away. It is more likely that there were also examples of bakeries where no silos have been recognised in the immediate vicinity. The necessity to protect the main source of supplies and the ‘staple’ from fire, theft or wastages certainly played an important role in a decision to separate larger granaries from the production area. The most expressive example of this is Heit el-Gurob, where the only granaries in town have been found within the best secured edifice across the whole site, the Royal Administrative Building, located in some distance to the production area (cf. Lehner 2015: fig. 2). A separation between the main granary and the production area has resulted in a natural division of places where successive stages of grain processing were carried out. According to sources, both the most popular Egyptian cereals, emmer wheat and hulled barley, were stored rather in the spikelet form and not as clean grain (Murray 2000: 520–527). Such a method protects crops from pests, but there is also a requirement to clean the grain before its further processing (Samuel 1993). In all probability the operation took place in a different part of the settlement than the actual baking and brewing. It was done before grain was sent to silos located directly within the production area; and in fact, there are locations that confirm such organisation of work. It is likely that the already cleaned grain3 was deposited within silos located next to the nest-like installation at Tell el-Murra. It makes the function of this space as a place of direct grain heating more possible. In some cases, not only cleaning, but also grain milling might have been conducted in the area of main granaries, exemplified by Heit el-Gurob (see above). However, it cannot be ruled out that only part of the grain was treated this way. During his excavations within the bakery area at Ain Gazzareen, A. Mills (1995: 64) suggested that only barley was preliminary processed in a different place at the site, while emmer was cleaned within the exposed production area.

3

This assumption is based on the preliminary field observation of the collected material.

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Conclusions The control of food supply and production is usually tantamount to controlling a society. In ancient Egypt, products that provided the greatest degree of control were cereals and their derivatives such as bread and beer. As the most basic and the most common element of the daily diet, they quickly became a convenient measure of the value of other goods. Standardisation of both products facilitated transactions and calculations. Predynastic chiefs gradually realised that controlling the bread and beer production allowed them to mobilise a larger number of workers, carry out more ambitious construction projects or provide funds necessary for wider trade exchange. In other words – that it was one of the carriers of power. Based on archaeological material associated with bakeries and breweries, three stages of increasing the control of authorities over these types of food production can be identified. These are: firstly, the introduction of standardised containers such as ceramic vessels, often signed by marks; secondly, the appearance of organised production areas and related installations; thridly, unification of the production space. It appears that brewing had earlier been subjected to the control of local rulers. The reason may have been a greater level in the complexity of the production process, assuming more intermediate steps and requiring a greater amount of time. Already by the Naqada I–Naqada II Periods, the first two levels of control have been achieved. At that time, there was early evidence for the standardisation of vessels associated with beer (e.g. rough jars Type R81 and R82), as well as developing organised installations focused on mass beer production (e.g. Hierakonpolis, Tell el-Farkha). Interestingly, there are many indications that organised brewing kilns had been disappearing in Egypt before the regional differences between the installations were harmonised. However, this should not be considered a weakening of beer production control. The standardisation of vessels intensified, which is interpreted as an acceleration of the craft development. At that time breweries probably became more integrated into settlements, more directly incorporated into larger areas of food production. The structures that facilitated evolution of the work organisation in this direction can be already seen in Naqada II Hierakonpolis (Baba & Friedman 2016; Baba et al. 2017) and the Naqada IIIB Buto (Hartung 2017: 22). By historical times, some evidence for it might be seen in the spread of beer-associated vessels (e.g. beer jars, spouted bowls and vats) within settlements (cf. Wardan 2014: 98), malting-related facilities exposed at Giza plateau, as well as the nest-like facility revealed at Tell el-Murra. In terms of bread production, its organised and official form appeared slightly later, at the end of the Naqada II Period. Again, the first evidence for production control was standardisation of the pottery assemblage. It should

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be noted that bread production as a basic and universal activity, a daily life necessity, always eluded strict control. This was simply impossible. However, with the emergence and subsequent spread of the new form of storage facility during Naqada III; namely, a mudbrick, rounded and often free-standing structure called a silo, it became possible to control grain and its derivatives to a greater extent. Well-defined areas and installations related to mass bread production appeared within settlements during this period. From the very beginning, their form was very diverse; however, the general rule remained unchanged until the end of the Old Kingdom and later on. The more organised and official was the level of production, the clearer were the divisions between its subsequent stages. Interestingly, in the case of the organisation of bread production areas, as in the case of the design of breweries, some regional differences appeared. Rounded buildings and arched walls related to bakeries (Fig. 2) have been known so far only from the Early Dynastic Nile Delta settlements. Some similarity to these structures may be the design of the latest breweries discovered at Tell el-Farkha and Buto. Their clover-like shape (Fig. 9) differs from facilities at Hierakonpolis and Abydos, and was probably a manifestation of local approach to functionality and, perhaps, also aesthetics. Despite the significant time gap between both types of structures, similar substrata on their basis cannot be excluded. It appears that there was a local tradition of economic space design within the Nile Delta settlements, which survived until the end of the Early Dynastic Period. At the beginning of the Old Kingdom, bread production areas were rebuilt according to different patterns, as a set of rectangular or multilateral courtyards and compartments. The organisation of the official bread and beer production evolved throughout the entire Naqada Period, until the beginning of the Dynastic era. During the Old Kingdom, both activities were already formalised: in terms of facilities associated with successive stages of production as well as its area design. Significantly, from a certain point, strict control of production did not involve placing it in a clearly separated area. Official or semi-official baking and particularly brewing were gradually incorporated into larger complexes devoted to general food production. Bibliography ADAMS, B. & FRIEDMAN R.F., 1992. Imports and Influences in the Predynastic and Protodynastic Settlement and Funerary Assemblages at Hierakonpolis [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition: 4th–3rd Millennium B.C. Tel Aviv: 317‒338. ADAMS, M.J., 2009. An Interim Report on the Naqada III – First Intermediate Period Stratifications at Mendes 1999-2005 [in:] REDFORD, D.B. (ed.), Delta Reports vol. 1. Oxford: 121‒206.

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RAMPERSAD, S., 2008. Introducing Tell Gabbara: New Evidence for Early Dynastic Settlement in the Eastern Delta. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 94: 83‒99. RAMPERSAD, S., 2015–2016. Tell el-Gabbara: A Late Second Dynasty Settlement in the Eastern Delta, Egypt. The Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 42: 83‒99. RAUE, D., 1999. Ägyptische und Nubische Keramik der 1.-4. Dynastie [in:] KAISER, W. et al. (eds.), Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine, 25./26./27. Grabungsbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 55: 173‒189. REDDING, R. & WETTERSTROM, W. 2014. Season 2015: Doing Science at Giza. Aeragram, Newsletter of the Ancient Egypt Research Associates 15/1–2: 10‒13. RZEUSKA, T.I., 2006. Pottery of the Late Old Kingdom: Funerary Pottery and Burial Customs. Saqqara II. Warsaw. SALEH, A.A., 1974. Excavations around Mycerinus Pyramid Complex. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 30: 131‒154. SAMUEL, D., 2000. Brewing and Baking [in:] NICHOLSON, P.T. & SHAW, I. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology. Cambridge: 537‒576. SHIRAI, N. & TAKAMIYA, H., 2010. In the Shadow of the Red Mound: HK 24B in 2010. Nekhen News 22: 21‒22. SOBAS, M., 2010. Western Kom: The Settlement Pottery of Phases 5/4, 4/ and 4/3 [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M. & CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., Polish Excavations at Tell el-Farkha (Gazala) in the Nile Delta: Preliminary Report 2008–2010 (With contributions by CZARNOWICZ, M.; DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J.; MĄCZYŃSKA JÓRDECZKA, M.; JUCHA M.A.; MĄCZYŃSKA, A.; MROZE-WYSOCKA, M.; ROZWADOWSKI, M. & SOBAS, M.). Archeologia 61: 120‒129. SOBAS, M., 2012. Pottery from the Western Kom [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M., CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations 1998–2011. Poznań/Kraków: 181‒201. SOBAS, M., 2013. Western Kom: The Settlement Pottery [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M. & CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., Polish Excavations at Tell el-Farkha (Gazala) in the Nile Delta: Preliminary Report 2011–2013 (With contributions by BĄK-PRYC, G., DĘBOWSKALUDWIN, J., JUCHA M.A., ROSIŃSKA-BALIK, K. & SOBAS, M.). Archeologia 64: 105‒112. SOBAS, M., 2014. Bread Moulds Potmarks from a Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Site in the Nile Delta, Egypt: A View from Tell el-Farkha. Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 18: 65‒82. TAKAMIYA, I.H., 2008. Firing Installations and Specialization: A View from Recent Excavations at Hierakonpolis Locality 11C [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensa Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 187‒202. TAKAMIYA, I.H., 2016. Another Type of Heating/Cooking Installation at Hierakonpolis: A View from the Excavations at Locality HK24B [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANTREYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT, Y. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th–30th July 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensa Analecta 252. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 399‒409. WARDEN, L.A., 2014. Pottery and Economy in Old Kingdom Egypt. Leiden/Boston. WETTERSTROM, W., 1996. Pyramid Age Bakery Reconstructed: Experimental Archaeology Offers Clues to Ancient Baking Technology. Aeragram, Newsletter of the Ancient Egypt Research Associates 1/1: 6‒7.

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WITSELL, A., 2014. A Return to the Area AA: Informal Seals and Sealings of the Heit el-Ghurab. Aeragram, Newsletter of the Ancient Egypt Research Associates 15/1–2: 32‒34. WODZIŃSKA, A., 2009. Domestic and Funerary/Sacral Pottery from the Fourth Dynasty Giza [in:] RZEUSKA, T. & WODZIŃSKA, A. (eds.), Studies on Old Kingdom Pottery: Proceedings of the Old Kingdom Pottery Workshop, 20th to 21st of August 2007. Warsaw: 209‒225. VEREECKEN, S.; DE MEYER, M.; DUPRAS, T. & WILLIAMS, L., 2009. An Old Kingdom Funerary Assemblage at Dayr al-Barsha [in:] RZEUSKA, T. & WODZIŃSKA, A. (eds.), Studies on Old Kingdom Pottery, Proceedings of the Old Kingdom Pottery Workshop, 20th to 21st of August 2007. Warsaw: 187‒207. VON DER WAY, T., 1997. Tell el-Fara’in – Buto I. Mainz.

THE SKELETAL BIOLOGY OF THE HELWAN NECROPOLIS, EGYPT: THE PRELIMINARY FINDINGS OF AN ARCHAIC PERIOD CEMETERY CHRISTINE MARSHALL Independent Contractor

This article presents the preliminary results of the cemetery population recovered from the Helwan necropolis. Focusing on taphonomic, demographic, and palaeopathological data, the findings of the skeletal remains are non-normative. Although limited in scope at this time, this paper suggests a possible association between the anomalous patterns and urbanisation of the Memphite region. The article concludes, that it is only through intersite comparisons, that the population’s unique characteristics, and its causation and implications can be tested.

Introduction Dating to the 1st to 4th Dynasty, the necropolis of Helwan is thought to be one of the largest ancient cemeteries in the world (for further information regarding the chronology, see Köhler, this volume). Representing the lower to upper middle classes, the cemetery population provides a unique opportunity to compare the demography and health status during the state formation period of Egypt. Beginning in 1998, excavations were undertaken of 218 tombs by E.C. Köhler as part of the fourth phase of cemetery exploration. The remains of 229 individuals from 206 tombs have been identified during analysis. This article presents the preliminary findings of the study. Preservation and taphonomy The skeletal remains sustained severe taphonomic modification prior to archaeological exhumation. The two most significant factors influencing the population’s preservation are post-depositional disturbance and soluble salts. Post-depositional disturbance is defined as later activities impacting the burial. Early findings suggest up to 85 % to 88 % of the tombs had been disturbed prior to excavation (Köhler 2017, pers. comm., August 21). The effects of this disturbance include trampling, crushing, disarticulation, and/or the removal of an element or semi-articulated elements (i.e. fully articulated limbs, skull) depending on the state of decomposition at the time of impaction. As noted, the second factor detrimentally affecting the population is salt. Fluctuations in the water table allow ambient salts within the soil to penetrate

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Fig. 1. Salt crystals adhering to the right temporal (Tomb 4/60, Burial 1).

the bony matrix. When these water soluble salts dry, they expand, forming crystals. The white material seen in Figure 1 are salt crystals extending 1 to 2 cm from the ectocranial surface of the right temporal of Burial 1 from Tomb 4/60. The effects of the crystalline expansion within the medullary cavities, trabecular bone, and haversian canals, the microscopic canals within bone, result in pulverisation, erosion, and/or adhering salty matrixes. In the most extreme cases, an entire element is reduced to highly eroded fragments measuring only 20 to 30 mm in length. To measure the importance of preservation, the Completeness Index was calculated for each individual (adapted from Grady et al. 2001: 36). This ratio is generated by dividing the 14 long bones, the skull (cranium and mandible), and pelvis (left and right innominates plus sacrum) by 16. To be included in this count, an element or anatomical region (i.e. skull and pelvis) had to be 75 % complete. For clarity, these ratios were then assigned to a specific category: Excellent 75–100 % complete; Good 50–69 % complete; Fair 25–44 % complete; and Poor 0–19 % complete. Figure 2 presents the Index findings. Nearly 50 % of the population is classified as ‘Poor’, with ‘Excellent’ being the second highest percentage value representing just over 25 %. The cause of this disparity is likely associated with instances of intact verses disturbed tombs, and variations in topography and tomb depths in relation to ground water inundation.

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Fig. 2. Completeness Index.

Demography Demography is the study of a population’s age and sex. Although the exact chronological age of an individual skeleton cannot be determined, a relative age based on physiological changes assigned to specific chronological ages can be established by osteological examination (Skinner & Lazenby 1983: 37). Employing the standards established by the University of Bradford, individuals were placed in broad age ranges (Table 1) (Boylston & Roberts 1996: 6).

Fetal

in utero

Young/Middle Adult

26 to 35 years

Infant

birth to 3 years

Middle Adult

36 to 45 years

Child

4 to 12 years

Mature Adult

46 years and older

Adolescent

13 to 17 years

Adult

>25 years (all epiphyses fused)

Young Adult

18 to 25 years Table 1. Age categories.

Adult

Subadult

Pubic Symphysis (Todd 1921a & 1921b; Brooks & Suchey 1990)

Dental Development (Moorees et al. 1963)

Auricular Surface (Lovejoy et al. 1985)

Dental Eruption (Ubelaker 1989)

Basilar Synchondrosis Fusion (Schwartz 1995) Epiphyseal Fusion (Schwartz 1995) Medial Clavicle Fusion (Schwartz 1995)

Diaphyseal Length (Scheuer & Black 2000)

Dental Eruption (Ubelaker 1989) Dental Wear (Miles 1962) Table 2. Ageing methods.

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Table 2 outlines the adult and subadult aging methods used in this study. For those methods utilised to determine adult age, the pubic symphysis was given the greatest weight followed by auricular surface changes. Dental development is considered the most accurate nondestructive method of aging subadults. Therefore, conclusions based on Moorees et al. (1963) were of primary consideration followed by dental eruption and epiphyseal fusion. Adult individuals were classified as male (M), probable male (M?), ambiguous (A), female (F), probable female (F?), and indeterminate (I). A designation of ‘probable’ was given to those males or females exhibiting a range of both robust and gracile characteristics or limited sexually dimorphic features. ‘Indeterminate’ was assigned to those individuals who lacked sexually dimorphic features due to poor preservation. The methods employed for the assessments were as follows: Phenice (1969) and Ferembach et al. 1980. The unique characteristics of the adult (i.e. post-pubescent) pelvis are considered to be the most sexually dimorphic. Therefore, findings based on these features were given greater weight than those of the cranium and postcranial elements. In regards to the issue of sexual dimorphism and age, a determination of sex was only undertaken if the iliac crest was fused or actively fusing at time of

M

M?

A

F

F?

Fetal

–

–

–

–

–

0

0

–

Infant

–

–

–

–

–

17

17

–

Child

–

–

–

–

–

24

24

–

Adolescent

–

–

–

–

–

11

11

–

Young Adult

7

3

0

5

1

3

19

1.17

Young Middle Adult

10

2

0

1

0

0

13

12.0

Middle Adult

18

4

3

8

1

0

34

2.44

Mature Adult

14

7

1

21

3

1

47

0.87

Adult

2

12

3

0

1

44

62

–

Not Available2

0

0

0

0

0

2

2

–

51

28

7

35

6

102

229

Total

I

Total

Male:Female Ratio1

1.62

Table 3. Helwan demographic profile.

1

Ratio totals calculated for M/M? and F/F?. ‘Adult’ category excluded. Bone identified as human, but due to its fragmentary condition, a determination of age could not be ascertained. 2

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Fig. 3. Adult demographic profile.

death. A determination of sex was not undertaken for the child and adolescent populations due to the absence of diagnostic criteria. Sex assessment of the infant population could not be carried out due to the poor preservation of the pelvis. The largest demographic group is represented by the Indeterminate Adult category (Table 3). This finding is to be expected based on the population’s preservation. When evaluating the subadult population, children represent the highest percentage value. This does not follow the expected demographic norms. Archaeological populations should reflect demographic curves found in modern developing nations. Therefore, there should be a higher number of deceased infants followed by a gradual decline in mortality with increasing age (Lewis 2007: 22). Although this may represent the true demographic profile of the subadult population, this finding is more likely related to the preservation of the site. Infant bones are small and delicate, and are, therefore, more intrinsically and extrinsically susceptible to damage and destruction. When looking at the adult population of just males and females within their respective age categories, an anomalous demographic pattern is seen (Fig. 3). The male population shows a rise in mortality as the subset ages. However, for the female population, the values remain relatively even until the Mature Adult category. What is particularly striking are the findings within the Young Adult and Young/Middle Adult categories. Individuals within these categories range in age from 18 to 35 years, or the prime years for female reproduction. These are also the years in which women die from complications from pregnancy and

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childbirth (Roberts & Manchester 1999: 27). Oddly, the age of death for the female population is similar to demographic patterns seen in modern developed nations with the advent of pre- and post-natal care, and older women living longer than their male counterparts. Various explanations for this unusual patterning can be postulated. With the advent of urbanisation, Memphis may have had a greater number of men, particularly younger men, who were drawn to the area by favourable opportunities for employment and/or social status. It is also possible that younger females were more frequently buried with valuable grave goods thus making them more susceptible to post-depositional disturbance. If this were so, then this subset would be affected by unfavourable taphonomic factors, thus rendering them ‘invisible’ and inclusion within the ‘Indeterminate Adult’ category. A final argument could be made that a number of the adolescent skeletons are females whose premature deaths were related to gestation and/or childbirth. As previously noted, an assessment of sex was not undertaken unless the iliac crest was fused or actively fusing at time of death which typically occurs at or around 18 to 20 years. Although this author is unaware of any literature in regards to ancient Egypt, it is not unlikely that the age of marriage and childbirth for females would have been significantly younger than 18 years of age, and may, in fact, have corresponded to the onset of menstruation. The absence of sexual dimorphic features for adolescents is a methodological problem that can only be solved with DNA testing at this time. Palaeopathology Palaeopathology is the ‘… study of suffering …’ within past populations (Roberts & Manchester 1999: 1). Unlike modern pathological analysis, studies of archaeological populations are limited due to the absence of soft tissue. Living bone is only capable of responding to a pathogen in two distinct manners: osteoclastic or the removal or reduction of bone, or osteoblastic, the production of new bone. An additional hindrance to the study of diseases and their effects on past populations is that pathogens could kill the individual before bone changes occurred. As the skeleton is typically the last physiological system to be affected by a disease, pathological involvement of bone reflects a chronic or long term response due to the extended time period necessary to produce osseous changes (Wood et al. 1992: 349). Seventy percent of the individuals recovered from Helwan exhibited pathological changes. The pathological anomalies affecting the population are categorised into the following classifications: metabolic disorders, neoplasms, congenital malformations, infectious disease, joint disease, and trauma. For the purposes of this paper, only the lesions most frequently affecting the population will be discussed.

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Metabolic disorder Metabolic disorders develop from dietary deficiencies or excesses in vitamins, trace minerals, and iron. Examples that can severely affect the skeleton include conditions such as scurvy and rickets which are associated with deficiencies in Vitamin C and D, respectively (Aufderheide & Rodriguez-Martin 1998: 305–310). Less dramatic effects likely resulting from iron-based anaemia are manifested as porous lesions to the ectocranial vault surface, porotic hyperostosis, and/or to the orbital plates, cribra orbitalia (Figs. 4 and 5). These lesions result

Fig. 4. Porotic hyperostosis of the right parietal of Tomb 4/44, Burial 1 (Infant).

Fig. 5. Bilateral cribra orbitalia to the frontal orbital plates of Tomb 4/68, Burial 1 (Adolescent).

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from an increase in the manufacturing of red blood cells to compensate for the lack of iron. Typically associated with deficiencies of dietary iron due to poor nutrition, additional factors such as heredity, excessive blood loss, menstruation, and infectious disease can contribute to the poor absorption of the mineral into the blood stream (Roberts & Manchester 1999: 166). Porotic hyperostosis was common in Helwan with nearly 50 % of the population exhibiting cranial vault lesions. As would be expected, the subadult population was more severely affected, as were females with the male to female ratio calculated at 1:5 in favor of females (Fig. 6). Cribra orbitalia affected 17 individuals recovered from Helwan (Fig. 7). As with the findings for porotic hyperostosis, the subadult and female populations

Fig. 6. Porotic hyperostosis.

Fig. 7. Cribra orbitalia.

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were most readily affected. In both instances, these findings may suggest variations in dietary patterns. Neoplasm A neoplasm is a mass of tissue whose growth exceeds that of normal tissue. There are over forty different tumors that can affect fibrous and bone tissue. Neoplasms, be they composed of either soft or hard tissue, are classified as primary or at the initial site of involvement, or secondary or that which has spread from the primary tumor (metastasis). In addition, a neoplastic growth can be further delineated as benign (dormant and non-clinical) or malignant (active and destructive). Benign neoplasms do not invade the surrounding tissues nor metastasise. In most instances, they are slow growing and rarely kill. Malignant osseous neoplasms are fast growing and invade and destroy surrounding tissue. They can metastasise and are almost invariably fatal (Ortner 2003: 503). Often, soft tissue tumors spread from the primary site of origin to other areas of the body via the bloodstream, or more commonly, the lymphatic system (Resnick 1995: 3992). The skeleton is a common area affected by metastatic cancer. Eleven individuals recovered from Helwan were identified as exhibiting neoplastic growths. Button osteomas were the most common form of neoplasms affecting seven skeletons (Fig. 8). Isolated to the cranial vault, these

Fig. 8. Button osteoma to the right frontal of Tomb 4/125, Burial 1 (Young/Middle Adult Male).

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Fig. 9. Probable metastatic carcinoma to the left frontal and parietal of Tomb 4/188, Burial 1 (Mature Adult Probable Male).

slow growing lesions favoured the male population by a ratio of 5:1. The subadult population is unaffected. Two cases of malignant neoplasms have been identified. Focusing at this time on Burial 1 from Tomb 4/188, the individual is classified as a Middle Adult Probable Male. Although the cranium had sustained postmortem fracturing, antemortem destruction is evident along the fracture margins and sclerotic bone formation emanates from the endocranial vault surface (Fig. 9). This lesion is suggestive of metastatic carcinoma. Although metastatic carcinomas typically result in purely destructive lesions, metastasise cancer of the prostate, breast, and lung can produce mixed reactions (Resnick 1995: 4002). Based on the demographic findings, it is possible that this individual had either prostate or lung cancer which spread or metastasised to the cranial vault. Congenital malformation Congenital malformations are classified as those resulting from heretical and/ or environmental factors. These anomalies develop in utero and become apparent at or soon after birth (Turkel 1989: 109). In most instances, genetic defects affect the soft tissue and are therefore, unobservable within the archaeological

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Fig. 10. Congenital malformations by anatomical region.

record. As manifested within skeletal populations, these osseous malformations may either be severe (e.g. anencephaly), typically resulting in premature mortality, or discreet, those having little to no effects during the individual’s lifetime (Ortner 2003: 453). Thirty-nine burials from Helwan exhibit characteristic anomalies suggestive of developmental defects. As is the norm, the majority of these malformations were isolated to the vertebrae and ribs with the sacrum being the most commonly affected (Fig. 10). An example of axial skeletal congenital malformation is spina bifida occulta, or the developmental retardation of the neural arches (Fig. 11). Both this and additional vertebral anomalies are associated with deficiencies in folic acid during pregnancy (Barnes 2012: 76). Burial 1 from Tomb 4/51b is a unique example of a skeletal malformation. The skull exhibits hypertrophic or pronounced development to the right side of the facial skeleton (Fig. 12). Additional changes include anterior rotation of the mastoid processes, hard palate malformation, and unilateral changes to the cervical spine and sternum. The probable cause of these malformations is torticollis. Classified in the literature as a congenital condition, torticollis likely results from birthing trauma. During birth, damage may occur to one of the sternocleidomastoid muscles. As it heals, the muscle fibers contract and shorten resulting in a twisting of the neck. With time, the biomechanical tension placed on the bone will result in the over-development or hypertrophic development of one side of the facial skeleton and morphological changes to the cranial vault, neck, and sternum (Douglas 1991: 266).

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Fig. 11. Spina bifida occulta of the sacrum (Tomb 4/80, Burial 1: Young Adult Male).

Fig. 12. Probable torticollis (Tomb 4/51b, Burial 1: Middle Adult Male).

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Infectious disease Infectious lesions can result from specific diseases, such as tuberculosis, leprosy, or syphilis, but more commonly occur from non-specific and localised infections. A non-specific infectious response results from the introduction of an unidentified pathogen (most commonly staphylococcus, streptococcus, or pneumococcus) by either localised trauma, a penetrating wound, or secondarily from a soft tissue infection (Roberts & Manchester 1995: 125). The infectious response most commonly affecting the Helwan population is sinusitis (Fig. 13). Sinusitis or periostitis of the cranial sinuses may be caused by upper respiratory infections, dental abscesses, allergies, and/or environmental pollution. Most commonly seen within the maxillary sinuses, the condition manifests itself as porosity and/or the formation of irregular patches of new or remodelled bone on the walls of the chamber (Boocock et al. 1995: 486).

Fig. 13. Maxillary sinusitis of the right atrium of Tomb 4/134, Burial 1 (Middle Adult Male).

Fifteen individuals exhibit lesions diagnosed as maxillary sinusitis. A disproportionate number of males as opposed to females were affected (Fig. 14). This finding is unusual.

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Fig. 14. Maxillary sinusitis.

Research suggests females are more likely to suffer from chronic nasal infections due to reduced immune responses related to dietary variables, anaemia, and/or possible occupational causations such as cooking (Roberts 2007: 792). As noted earlier, evidence of anaemia appears to affect the female population more readily than the males, so dietary differences seem an unlikely causation. At this time, environmental factors, possibly related to occupations, may be indicated. Joint disease Degenerative changes to the joints are the most common pathological condition affecting archaeological populations. Joint disease can result from an inflammatory response (e.g. rheumatoid arthritis), genetic factors (e.g. gout), or more commonly, age and/or environmental causalities (e.g. osteoarthritis) (Rogers & Waldron 1995: 7). For the purposes of this paper, osteoarthritis to the large appendicular joints will be the focus. Osteoarthritis involves the deterioration of the cartilage without inflammation likely resulting from impact stress. Typically, individuals begin to suffer from some deterioration of the joint surfaces during the fourth decade of life. These degenerative changes include eburnation (i.e. joint surface polishing resulting from bone-on-bone contact), porosity, boney lipping, sclerosis (i.e. the thickening of the joint surface), contour surface changes, and subchondral cyst formation (Rogers & Waldron 1995: 45). The tibial plateau from the left knee of Burial 1 from Tomb 4/134 exhibits classic changes associated with osteoarthritis including eburnation, contour surface changes, and bone formation on the joint surface and margins (Fig. 15).

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Fig. 15. Proximal left tibial epiphysis of Tomb 4/134, Burial 1 (Middle Adult Male).

Fifty individuals or 29 % of the population were diagnosed with joint disease of the appendicular skeleton. An examination of the joints reveals that the right and left knees, at 36 % and 31 % respectively, and the left elbow at 28 % were most readily affected. No discernable pattern of antimeres involvement, or differences between the left and right sides, could be ascertained with the prevalence ratios calculated at 20 % and 17 %, respectively. When evaluating the demographic findings of individuals of known sex, females exhibit the highest rates of osteoarthritis with the exception of the right sternoclavicular joint (Table 4). As older females outnumber older males, totals were then calculated for the Mature Adult population (Table 5). These findings were found to be even more pronounced. Again, with the exception of the sternoclavicular joints (i.e. bilateral involvement for the Mature Adult males), the prevalence ratios favour females to an even greater extent. The variations range from a low of 8 % to a high of 57 %. In general, females are affected by osteoarthritis more than males (Ortner 2003: 547). However, the degree of demographic variation appears extreme at this time. Although the cause is unknown, factors contributing to these findings may be associated to genetics, or again, variations in biomechanical loading related to occupational usage.

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Joint

Sex

Tempomandibular

Sternoclavicular

Acromioclavicular

Shoulder

Elbow

Hip

Knee

Total F/F? M/M? Total F/F? M/M? Total F/F? M/M? Total F/F? M/M? Total F/F? M/M? Total F/F? M/M? Total F/F? M/M?

Left

Right

N

n

%

N

n

%

58 17 37 39 12 25 46 14 29 68 21 41 72 19 49 62 21 36 47 15 29

5 2 1 8 3 2 11 5 5 9 4 4 20 6 11 10 5 3 14 5 7

8.6 11.8 2.7 20.5 25.0 20.0 23.9 35.7 17.2 13.2 19.0 9.8 27.8 31.6 22.4 16.1 23.8 8.3 29.8 33.3 24.1

57 16 36 47 13 30 37 11 19 53 18 34 73 20 50 60 20 39 46 14 30

3 1 2 6 1 4 10 3 3 9 5 4 14 4 9 6 3 3 16 5 9

5.3 6.2 5.5 12.8 7.7 13.3 27.0 27.3 15.8 17.0 27.8 11.8 19.2 20.0 18.0 60.0 15.0 7.7 34.8 35.7 30.0

Table 4. Joint disease prevalence of males and females.

Joint

Sex

Tempomandibular Sternoclavicular Acromioclavicular Shoulder Elbow Hip Knee

F/F? M/M? F/F? M/M? F/F? M/M? F/F? M/M? F/F? M/M? F/F? M/M? F/F? M/M?

Left

Right

N

n

%

N

n

%

17 15 10 4 10 7 13 12 12 13 13 9 10 8

2 0 3 2 4 2 4 1 6 4 5 1 5 3

11.8 0 30.0 50.0 40.0 28.6 30.8 8.3 50.0 30.8 38.5 11.1 50.0 37.5

12 13 9 7 7 7 12 8 10 17 11 12 11 7

1 0 1 2 4 0 4 2 4 2 3 1 5 2

8.3 0 11.1 28.6 57.1 0 33.3 25.0 40.0 11.8 27.3 8.3 45.4 28.6

Table 5. Joint disease prevalence of Mature Adult population.

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Trauma Trauma is a broad based classification of pathological anomalies resulting from either acute or repetitive stress. In general, studies have isolated traumatic modification into four categories: fractures, dislocations, trauma resulting from sharp edged instruments (e.g. surgical intervention, weapons trauma, etc.), and artificially induced shape and contour abnormalities (e.g. cranial deformation) (Merbs 1989: 161; Ortner 2003: 119). Unlike other pathological conditions, studies of trauma can potentially provide the strongest evidence regarding the cultural, environmental, and social influences placed upon the population be they occupational, economic, interpersonal violence, or medical status (Roberts & Manchester 1999: 66). Antemortem fractures are the most common form of trauma affecting the population. An evaluation of the anatomical regions indicates the arms, in particular the forearms, and hands are the most readily affected (Figs. 16 and 17).

Fig. 16. Antemortem fractures to the right ulna and radius of Tomb 4/80, Burial 1 (Young Adult Male).

Fig. 17. Antemortem fracturing by anatomical region.

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Fig. 18. Demographic frequency of forearm and wrist fractures.

The demographic findings suggest a probable anomalous pattern (Fig. 18). Males represent the greatest number of individuals affected. This result is suggestive of trauma possibly related to heavy labor, and the fractures to the distal ulna, Parry fractures, could indicate interpersonal violence. However, there is a near complete absence of forearm and wrist fractures to the female population. Only two females had sustained these types of fractures. Fractures to the wrists, particularly the distal radius, are associated with osteoporosis, which is related to estrogen decline in post-menopausal women (Galloway 1999: 139). Based on the large number of mature adult females, this finding is unusual. Possible causality may be suggested by comparing the trauma data with that of degenerative joint disease. The incidence of osteoarthritis indicates the females were as physically active as their male counterparts. Biomechanical loading strengthens bone which leads to less frequent fractures in the event of falls. Discussion and further work Although limited in scope, this article begins the process of bringing the Helwan population to life. This preliminary work would suggest that the population falls outside the expected norms of palaeodemography and palaeopathology. These findings may be related to the growing urbanisation of the Memphite region during the Protodynastic Period. Once the chronological phasing of the tombs is completed, intrasite analyses will be conducted for the purposes of comparing possible population variations

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through time. Furthermore, by conducting intersite comparisons of temporally relevant populations from within the larger region, the conclusions regarding the non-normative nature of the Helwan population can be tested. Although not presented at this time, additional anthropological data has been collected focusing on the population’s metric and non-metric morphological variations and dentition. The comparison of this article’s findings and these supplementary data sets within a broader geographic and/or cultural (e.g. urban vs. rural) framework will provide clarification of the early foundations of ancient Egypt. Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Christiana Köhler, the Institute for Bioarchaeology, in particular Roxie Walker, the University of Vienna, Macquary University, Jane Smythe, Sharan Bradley, Maha Abdel Twab, and Ronika Power. Bibliography AUFDERHEIDE, A.C. & RODRIQUEZ-MARTIN, C., 1998. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Human Paleopathology. Cambridge. BARNES, E., 2012. Atlas of Developmental Field Anomalies of the Human Skeleton: A Paleopathology Perspective. Hoboken. BOOCOCK, P.; ROBERTS, C.A., & MANCHESTER, K., 1995. Maxillary Sinusitis in Medieval Chichester, England. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 98: 483‒495. BOYLSTON, A. & ROBERTS, C., 1996. The Romano-British Cemetery at Kempston, Bedfordshire: Report on the Human Skeletal Remains. Bradford. BROOKS, S. & SUCHEY, J., 1990. Skeletal Age Determination Base on the Os Pubis: A Comparison of the Acsádi-Nemeskéri and Suchy-Brooks Methods. Human Evolution 5: 227‒238. DOUGLAS, M.T., 1991. Wryneck in the Ancient Hawaiians. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 84: 261‒271. FEREMBACH, D.; SCHWIDETSKY, I. & STLOUKAL, M., 1980. Recommendations of Age and Sex Determination of Skeletons. Journal of Evolution 9: 517‒549. GALLOWAY, A., 1999. Broken Bones: Anthropological Analysis of Blunt Force Trauma. Springfield. GRADY, D.L.; LATHAM, K.A. & ANDRUSHKO, V.A., 2001. Archaeological Investigations at CA-SCL-674, the Rubino Site, San Jose, Santa Clara County, California. Volume II: Human Skeletal Biology of CA-SCL-674. Salinas. LEWIS, M.E., 2007. The Bioarchaeology of Children: Perspectives from Biological and Forensic Anthropology. Cambridge. LOVEJOY, C.O.; MEINDL, R.S.; PRYZBECK, T.R. & MENSFORTH, R.P., 1985. Chronological Metamorphosis of the Auricular Surface of the Ilium: A New Method for the Determination of Adult Skeletal Age at Death. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68: 15‒28. MERBS, C.F., 1989. Trauma [in:] ISCAN, M.Y. & KENNEDY, K.A.R. (eds.), Reconstruction of Life from the Skeleton. New York: 161‒189. MILES, A.E.W., 1962. Assessment of Ages of a Population of Anglo-Saxons from their Dentition. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 55: 881‒886.

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MOOREES, C.F.A.; FANNING, E.A. & HUNT, E.E., 1963. Age Variation of Formation Stages for Ten Permanent Teeth. Journal of Dental Research 42: 1490‒1502. ORTNER, D.J., 2003. Identification of Pathological Condition in Human Skeletal Remains. New York. PHENICE, T.W., 1969. A Newly Developed Visual Method of Sexing the Os Pubis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 30: 297–302. RESNICK, D., 1995. Diagnosis of Bone and Joint Disorders Volume 6. Philadelphia. ROBERTS, C.A., 2007. A Bioarchaeological Study of Maxillary Sinusitis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 133: 792–807. ROBERTS, C. & MANCHESTER, K., 1999. The Archaeology of Disease. Ithaca. ROGERS, J. & WALDRON, T. 1995. A Field Guide to Joint Disease in Archaeology. Chichester. SCHEUER, L. & BLACK, S., 2000. Developmental Juvenile Osteology. New York. SCHWARTZ, J.H., 1995. Skeleton Keys: An Introduction to Human Skeletal Morphology, Development, and Analysis. New York. SKINNER, M. & LAZENBY, R., 1983. Found! Human Remains: A Field Manual for the Recovery of the Recent Human Skeleton. Burnaby. TODD, T.W., 1921a. Age Changes in the Pubic Bone I: The Male White Pubis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 3: 285‒334. TODD, T.W., 1921b. Age Changes in the Pubic Bone III: The Pubis of the White Female IV: The Pubis of the Female White-Negro Hybrid. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 4: 1‒70. TURKEL, S.J., 1989. Congenital Abnormalities in Skeletal Populations [in:] ISCAN, M.Y. & KENNEDY, K.A.R. (eds.), Reconstruction of Life from the Skeleton. New York: 109‒127. UBELAKER, D.H., 1989. Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis, Interpretation. Washington DC. WOOD, J.W.; MILNER, G.R.; HARPENDING, H.C. & WEISS, K.M., 1992. The Osteological Paradox: Problems of Inferring Prehistoric Health from Skeletal Samples. Current Anthropology 31: 343‒370.

MOST FASCINATING: NEW INSIGHTS ON THE CEMETERY OF TURAH NICOLA CH. MATH OREA – Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, Austria

The well-known cemetery of Turah was excavated in 1910 by Hermann Junker and still constitutes one of the most important sites representing the transition between the late Predynastic and Early Dynastic Period (c. 3100–2600 BCE). Most of the finds were shipped to Europe and stored in various museums. After the publication in 1912 the cemetery was re-evaluated at various times, but these studies were limited more or less to chronological indicators. The actual structure, for example the arrangement of the individual graves as well as the social character, was largely neglected. The project: “Centre or Periphery? The Cemetery of Turah in the Creative Tension of State Formation at the end of the 4th and the Beginning of the 3rd Millennium BCE in Egypt” is not only to re-investigate the finds according to modern standards, but also the structure, development and organisation of the cemetery itself. This article presents the first considerations and results; comparisons with other cemeteries would go beyond the scope given here.

Introduction Turah is located on the eastern bank of the Nile between Maadi in the north and Helwan in the south. Today the whole area is a suburb of Cairo and lost to archaeological investigations. The excavation area itself was bordered by a modern irrigation canal and the Cairo-Helwan railway line in the west, and a railway line leading to the stone quarries in the east. Here, the estate of the Lüthy Family, who used the whole area for agriculture, was situated. In 1903 the first finds were discovered during the digging of well shafts. In 1909 after heavy rains and flooding more finds appeared and Hermann Junker resolved to undertake a systematic excavation in this area in 1910 (Fig. 1) (Junker 1912: III, 1, Abb. 19). The excavation lasted 80 days and in that time 8900 m2 of earth was uncovered and a total of 584 tombs were cleared. As a result two separate cemeteries were located: a western one (areas SS, S and N) with 556 graves and an eastern one (area O) with 30 graves. A 100 m wide strip without any finds separates both cemeteries, which also represent separate chronological units: the western part dates from the late Predynastic to the end of the 1st Dynasty (Naqada IIIB–IIIC2), while the eastern area dates to the 3rd Dynasty. The entire documentation is based on a purely photographic recording of the graves. The position of most graves was registered in an overall plan and tomb

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Fig. 1. The site of Turah.

list, where all tombs were noted. Neither an overall plan nor a tomb register seemed to be standard for this time, for example Petrie just listed tombs he could date (Petrie 1913: 3). In addition, Junker kept a diary, in which he wrote partial short descriptions and drew small sketches of individual graves or special finds, but he used the diary above all to note details of the daily routine and the excavation organisation. A total of 407 graves were photographed,1 only tombs that were badly preserved or empty were omitted. In the ensuing publication Junker dealt primarily with the chronological structure and development of the cemetery, for which he established three parts: a southern Predynastic area; a northern area that he dated to the 1st Dynasty; and a transition zone in between (Junker 1912: 2, 9). Later analyses of these cemeteries (Kaiser 1964: 108–109; Hendrickx 1996; 2011; Wilkinson 1996) were based on Junker’s monograph, which is limited in its information, because it represents only a selection of the photos and the publication of only broad forms of types. Almost immediately Petrie criticised the lack of object drawings, which makes comparisons with finds from other excavations quite difficult (Petrie 1913: 4). S. Hendrickx noted that the pottery typology of Junker includes a number of broad forms that allow many variations.2 Preliminary research on the original material in the Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien by the author could not only 1 All photos made during the excavation are stored in the Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien and are an important part of the current research project. 2 Junker developed his own typological apparatus when publishing this cemetery (Junker 1912: 31–43). As a matter of fact, his typology consists only of a number of broad types that allow much variation within each of the types (Hendrickx 1996: 67, fn. 30).

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confirm Hendrickx’ observation, but revealed the subjective division into types made by Junker leading to the oversight of a number of pottery shapes. Therefore, it seemed important to make a complete revision of the material. Fortunately the majority of the objects are stored at the Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien; while smaller samples went to the University of Vienna, the Universalmuseum Johanneum Graz, the Roemer- und Pelizaeus Museum Hildesheim, the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung in Berlin, the Georg-SteindorffMuseum at Leipzig and the Krakow Museum. In 2017 a project was started to reinvestigate this material according to modern standards under the direction of Vera Müller from the OREA Institute of the Austrian Academy in collaboration with Regina Hölzl, the curator of the Egyptian department of the Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien. The western cemetery The western graveyard extends about 200 m from south to north and about 100 m from west to east. The southern, eastern and northern borders could be cleared. The western extent of the cemetery remains unclear as a large north to south running irrigation canal was situated here. The excavated part of the cemetery is divided into three sections (SS, S and N) by two smaller canals (Fig. 2). The graves Junker divided the 556 graves into pit graves, brick tombs, mud tombs and shaft tombs. For nine tombs the tomb type is missing (see Junker 1912: 62–85) and could not be assigned. The 448 pit graves (Fig. 3A) vary in their layout from round, round-oval to rectangular types (Junker 1912: 11). The variation in their size and depth as well as the quality of the pit itself is quite large. Junker himself makes little account of the appearance of the graves, but the photos show the majority to be round-oval structures. In a few pits, individual bricks were found, but the underlying intention is not apparent in all these cases.3 In Tomb 518 a ½ brick wide north-south oriented brick lining divided the grave into two areas: a smaller one with the burial in the east and a larger one with the grave goods in the west. In Tomb 43, the remnants of a brick wall, probably ½ brick wide, found on the eastern side of the burial seems to be the tomb wall (Junker 1912: 16). The 74 brick tombs (Fig. 3B/C) are the second most common type, although they represent only 13 % of all graves. The actual brick construction was placed in a pit, which was mostly larger than the actual tomb. The space 3

E.g. Tombs 2 and 240 (Junker 1912: 16).

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Fig. 2. Plan of the western cemetery.

between the edge of the pit and the brick walls were filled with debris. Both the grave pits and the walls vary in size and depth, in most cases the wall is ½ a brick wide. The tomb walls had no foundations, but sat directly on the gravel. On their inside, some were plastered with mud or clay to obtain a more or less smooth surface (Junker 1912: 16). The tombs can be divided into

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Fig. 3A. Pit-grave Tomb 159 (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien). Fig. 3B. Brick-tomb: single-chamber tomb: Tomb 64 (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien). Fig. 3C. Brick-tomb: multi-chamber tomb: Tomb 372 (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien).

single-chamber (Fig. 3B) and multi-chamber tombs4 (Fig. 3C). The outline of the brick tombs is rectangular and the walls were erected perpendicularly, in 4 Two-chamber tomb, Junker Type I: burial-chamber/magazine, e.g. Tomb 474. Three-chamber tomb, Junker Type III: e.g. Tomb 372. Four-chamber tomb, Junker Type IV: e.g. Tomb 344 (Junker 1912: 18–19).

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some cases obliquely, tapering towards the gravel.5 Only in one example can an oval outline be observed (Junker 1912: 16–17). In the case of tombs with several chambers, the entire grave-pit seems to have been walled out, so that for the time being a single chamber was built, which was subsequently subdivided by means of one or more brick walls; in a few cases, subdivisions were simply made out of mud or clay. Chambers were always attached north or south of the original chamber, never west or east. The side chamber was not always brick-built, but could also consist of a simple pit.6 The 16 mud tombs (Fig. 4A) represent a special form of the brick tomb. It seems as if this was a simplified variant of the brick tomb. The pit has a rectangular outline with straight sidewalls covered with a layer of mud; however, its thickness is not known. Due to a comparison with the cemetery of Tell el-Murra it can be assumed that this mud layer can vary largely in its thickness; in Tell el-Murra it is between 40 cm and 70 cm (Jucha et al. 2016: 98–99). The graves give the impression that these were brick-graves, since the distinction between a mud wall and a brick wall is somewhat difficult to ascertain. All of these graves consisted of a single chamber (Junker 1912: 16). The shaft tombs (Fig. 4B) are the least common type in this cemetery, with only seven known examples. The simple form7 shows a pit grave with a lateral subterranean chamber, which is located to the south. Two tombs of this kind are found here and are described by Junker as a preliminary stage of shaft tombs because the shaft is not very deep (Junker 1912: 23–24). The remaining tombs either show only a shaft that did not have to be walled or a shaft with a side chamber to the north or south. The side chambers did not seem to be separated from the shaft and appear very roughly shaped (Junker 1912: 24). Within the cemetery multiple burials were also found that can be divided into two categories. On the one hand, three double graves8, with two burials either in separate chambers or coffins. Junker mentioned three more burials, which would fit in this category, but they were recently identified as intersecting tombs. On the other hand, six graves contained two or more bodies, whose bones were mixed. These graves contain two or more individuals whose skeletons appeared to be complete although the bones were piled together. Three of these tombs: Tombs 113, 186 and 302 appear to be of special interest because they were not looted. Junker suspects a reburial after a possible robbery of graves in the vicinity (Junker 1912: 28). Unlike these tombs, three others are indicated as being robbed. Interestingly, however, it appears that all of these graves are found in heavily deprived areas of the cemetery. 5 No example is given by Junker (Junker 1912: 17, Fig. 17). On the available photos, this is not detectable due to the perspective. 6 See Tomb 500. 7 Junker named them ‘Sandhöhlung’ (e.g. Tomb 203, Junker 1912: 70). 8 Tombs 19/20, 179 and 226/227.

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Fig. 4A. Mud-tomb: Tomb 228 (© Kunsthistorischen Museum Wien). Fig. 4B. Shaft-tomb: Tomb 443 (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien).

All tombs were most likely roofed: Junker mentions that at least 19 graves had a wooden roof (Junker 1912: 13–14), one of which had a roof made of wood and mud, another a stone cover and finally one tomb was vaulted (Junker 1912: 13–14, 21, 23, 62–85). In one case the roof was stabilised by means of a construction of three pillars.9 Another aspect of the graves in general, which should be briefly noted here, is the possibility of superstructures. None was visible at the time of excavation in 1910, and no evidence of such was mentioned by the excavator. The sizes of the graves The size of most tombs appears to be small with the majority represented by 321 tombs (58 %), measuring under 1 m2; while 207 tombs (37 %), measuring between 1 m2 and 7.5 m2. The measurements of the remaining 28 graves are not known. In connection with the type and the size of the graves, it can be seen that most of the 248 pit graves (almost 56 %) have a size of less than 1 m2. The distribution between 0.3 m2 and 1 m2, with a small peak between 0.6 m2 and 0.7 m2 9

Tomb 53.

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appears to be quite balanced. Brick tombs tend to be larger. Here, more tombs can be found between 1 m2 and 2 m2 (43 % = 32 tombs) than over 2 m2 (27 % = 20 tombs); whereas 29 % = 22 tombs are less than 1 m2 in area. In the case of the shaft tombs, the size could only be determined for four graves out of seven. Two of them show a size under 1 m2 and the other two between 3 m2 and 3.5 m2. In the case of the multiple burials, one might assume that these are mainly larger graves. But this applies only to a limited extent as they show sizes ranging between 0.5 m2 and 2 m2. The double graves are, for example, between 1.5 m2 and 2 m2. The graves with discarded bones show a preference for smaller sizes between 0.5 m2 and 1 m2. The tombs of children tend to be small, but they do not necessarily represent the smallest graves within the cemetery. Most graves are under 1 m2, while only four graves are larger than 1 m2, but smaller than 2 m2. The overwhelming majority of the children’s graves are pit-graves; children were found in only two brick tombs and in one shaft tomb. The orientation of the graves and the dead The orientation of the graves within the cemetery appears relatively uniform. Junker noted that the graves were principally orientated north-south, with deviations to the west and east respectively. In nine tombs he recognised a westeast orientation (Junker 1912: 2, 27). In 97 % of the graves (528 tombs), this principle north-south orientation could be confirmed: 44 % (232 tombs) are oriented north-south;10 37 % (200 tombs) are rotated between 2° and 44°11 to the west; and 18 % (96 tombs) between 2° and 37° to the east. Only 3 % (16 tombs) show a west-east orientation with deviations to the north 5° to 43°, or south 10° to 24°. A difference in orientation for the different tomb types could not be observed. Due to these deviations in relation to magnetic north, the overview plan of the cemetery published by Junker (compare Figs. 2 and 5 with Junker 1912, folding map) now appears less uniform in the orientation of the tombs. Unfortunately, no plausible explanation can be offered as to why individual graves, even if they were arranged near to one another like grave 34 and grave 36, show a different orientation. Tomb 34 shows a deviation of 10° to the east and tomb 36 a deviation of 10° to west measured at the magnetic north. The orientation of the bodies directly depends on the orientation of the tombs. Their orientation could only be ascertained in 209 graves, either this is 10 These tombs are either really north-south orientated or no further information about a rotation to the west or east could be acquired. 11 The individual deviations indicated were measured from the principal orientation of the graves (north-south or west-east) on the basis of the north arrows, which can be seen in the photographs by Junker.

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indicated by Junker (1912: 62–85) or can be verified by means of photos. The dead were exclusively buried in a contracted position. According to Junker, 85 % of the individuals are lying on their left side, 76 with the head to the north and the face to the east, 76 with the head to the south and the face to the west, and three with the head to the west and the face to the north. Only 15 % of the dead lie on their right side, 23 with the head to the north and the face to the west, three with the head to the east (Junker 1912: 27–28). These observations can be confirmed by the unpublished photographic evidence, although the exact orientation varies according to the orientation of the tomb itself to the west or east. Another six individuals were lying on their backs. The reason for the different orientations seems to be unclear at present and needs further investigation, especially in the comparison with other cemeteries. As already stated, most of the individuals were buried in a lateral contracted position. Independently, the majority of heads are pointing south. Likewise, the view of the majority of the individuals is directed to the west. It has to be briefly noted that the view of the dead bears some problems. In nearly all cases it could be observed that the neck is quite bent and so the view is more or less directed towards the feet. It is unclear which part of the head is the indicator for the measurement; forehead, orbital cavity or the head itself. Among 147 individuals where the view could be stated 134 show a variation between 6° and 90° from the expected direction. Gender-related aspects and children’s graves The bones are described as being in bad condition and only 20 investigative results were published (Derry 1912: 90–93), two of which relate to children. A division into male and female graves thus cannot be undertaken. In so far as any conclusions can be drawn from the few sex determinations available, it seems that there were no gender specific areas within the cemetery. Beside the two burials of children noted by Derry another 27 were mentioned by Junker (1912: 62–85) and 13 could be identified within the unpublished photographs. This corresponds to about 7 % of all individuals.12 No specific age is given with all children’s graves, except two oriented north-south with a slight deviation to the west in most of them. Both west-east oriented graves show a turn to the north. The left-sided position is clearly dominating as the right-sided position appears an exception with only three individuals being so buried. It seems somehow remarkable, however, that among the children’s graves especially in the southern part of the cemetery, the head predominantly 12 This number can also be observed at the cemetery of Tarkhan (Petrie 1914: XXXII–XLIII); but it should be considered with some reserve, as only a selection of the tombs found were listed in the Tarkhan tomb list.

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points northwards, but in the north, southwards and accordingly, in the south, the view is mostly towards the east, and in the north, to the west. The grave sizes and the number of grave goods A further aspect with regard to tomb types and sizes can be given here only briefly: the relationship between size and the number of the grave goods. In contrast to the size of the tombs, it is difficult to estimate the number of the grave goods. In about 50 % of the tombs the number of funerary items placed with the deceased cannot be clearly determined since they were evidently disturbed by tomb robbers. Considering the 131 intact graves, it can be seen that they contain between none and 21 grave goods. These tombs are almost exclusively pit tombs with only two brick tombs and two mud tombs being specified as undisturbed. Based on the assumption that the different tomb types were dependant on the economic wealth of the owner, one might presume that pit tombs were created for the poorer members of society, and that said pits were dug to the minimum size required for the corpse and any accompanying grave goods. However, if that were the case, it is astonishing that there are 10 graves in this group covering an area larger than 1 m2 without any funerary goods. It should be noted that three of these graves are child burials and the largest grave in this group is Grave 489, a child’s grave with a size of 1.87 m2, which still features the original matting over the dead body. By contrast, graves with sizes between 0.8 and 0.9 m2 contain 11, 13 or 17 items. These are two pit graves and a grave with mud lining, in which three individuals13 were laid to rest. Although it is not possible to determine clearly the number of grave goods in robbed tombs and those whose condition is unclear, it can be observed that comparatively small tombs can contain a relatively high number of items: for example grave 491, a pit grave with the size of 0.3 m2 had at least nine items; grave 193, a brick grave with the size of 0.52 m2 contained at least ten items; and grave 58, a pit grave with the size of 0.88 m2 included at least 13 items. All in all of course, there is a certain tendency towards ‘bigger tombs contain more items’, but this is not as clear as one would expect. The intact graves alone, which consist primarily of pit tombs, could provide a certain proportion. However, here arises the question as to whether the grave size itself is a major factor and whether the pits were dug larger than necessary, or whether the pit edges have collapsed during the construction of the tomb, so that the pit was ultimately larger than intended. The relationship between grave size and number of grave goods in brick tombs would therefore probably be more meaningful. But since all the graves except two were robbed, it can only be said that here 13

According to Junker this could be a reburial (Junker 1912: 28).

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even smaller graves could have a relative large number of grave goods: examples are Tomb 95 with a size of 0.85 m2 with at least eight items; or Tomb 193 with a size of 0.52 m2 and at least ten additions. Towards the structure At first glance the occupancy of the cemetery seems to be quite homogeneous, but on closer inspection some interesting observations can be made. Unfortunately, no detailed topographical studies can be carried out, since the original surface of the cemetery is not known, because the whole area was used for agricultural purposes. It was either no longer present at the time of the excavation or was not recognised. Although the analysis of the cemetery has not yet been completed, some observations should be mentioned here. The known southern part of the cemetery displays a rather loose arrangement of graves with a relatively large amount of space between them (Fig. 2). In the middle section the occupancy becomes denser and graves are placed relatively close together. The northern part appears less densely occupied14 and relatively dense areas can be observed as well as loosely arranged areas. Neither the types of the tombs, their size, nor their orientation could be used as a basis for specific patterns. However, a few remarks can be made: Brick tombs appear to be shorter and more compact in the north and tombs with more chambers are located mainly in the north (Junker 1912: 16–17). Shaft tombs seem to be on the periphery or on the edges of free areas. Clustering and unoccupied areas Tombs appear to be arranged in groups, which consist of a different number. In these groups tomb type, size or orientation plays no recognisable role. Alternatively, graves can also be arranged in rows that can be formed by three or more graves. Here too, the type of the tomb and the size cannot be determined as important factors; however, the orientation seems to play a role. In most cases the tombs show more or less the same orientation, but the orientation of the bodies seems to be inconsistent; within a row the head of a corpse can show to the south and that of a neighbouring body to the north (Fig. 5). It is not evident on which factors the orientation of the dead was dependent. Overall, the grouping of graves does not seem to have happened by chance. The clustering of tombs within cemeteries can be observed already during the whole Predynastic Period starting with the Badarian or earlier (Anderson 1992: 62; Friedman 1981; Campagno 2003; Stevenson 2009). The occupancy 14 Here 20 graves were not recorded in the plan, compare tomb list (Junker 1912, 62–85) and the overall plan. So this northern part can, in reality, be more dense than it at first appears.

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Fig. 5. Orientation of individuals within single tomb-groups.

by clan or clientele relationships could be suspected here (see among others Savage 1997; Campagno 2000; 2003; Hölzl & Müller 2017). Family affiliations cannot be proved since all except one skeleton are lost. It is also evident that there are a number of rather isolated graves within the cemetery. These are four large brick tombs with sizes between 2.5 m2 and 7.35 m2, as well as at least six small pit graves with an average size below 1 m2. Another observation can only be made in the north where Junker mentions a servant burial for Tomb 373 (Junker 1912: 19). This tomb consists of three chambers with a second body buried in a small separate brick chamber to the south. The entire complex was placed in a common pit. Nearby there are two isolated brick tombs (Tomb 344 and Tomb 474) each with a small pit grave in their immediate vicinity: Tomb 345 beside Tomb 344, and Tomb 476 beside Tomb 474. Both brick tombs are multi-chambered and larger than 3 m2, while the pit graves are less than 1 m2. The tombs show the same orientation and at least in one case, the pit grave bears no grave goods possibly representing another servant burial. Children’s graves can be found all over the cemetery. Nevertheless, some features can be observed: they seem to form groups of two, especially in the middle and northern areas of the cemetery and in one case, five child graves

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Fig. 6. Children’s graves (Tombs 129/133/135/139/142) arranged around a larger tomb (Tomb 138) in Square h.16.

are grouped around a larger tomb probably belonging to an adult (Fig. 6). It could be supposed that the other tombs of children might also have had a connection to a tomb of an adult, but this cannot be verified because either the tombs are placed so close together that no clear affiliation can be made or the body in the nearby tomb is missing.15 Smaller and larger sparsely occupied and empty areas within the cemetery can be identified on closer inspection (Fig. 7). It can be assumed that these spaces have not been created by chance, but the intention behind these areas is not known. Placed within these areas single isolated tombs and tombs with suspected servant burials can be found. It seems that the borders of these areas are of particular interest. For example most shaft tombs and intersecting graves can be found in these locations, but 15 For graves of children around a larger tomb see amongst others: Hendrickx, Huyge & Warmenbol 2002.

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Fig. 7. Empty and nearly empty areas (grey) within the cemetery.

also most of the tombs containing wine jars16 (Fig. 8), or stone vessels (Fig. 9). Beside the ‘normal’ wine jars the distribution of wine jars bearing a serekh appears to be very interesting. Only five serekh marks are known within this 16 Following the data from Junker a total of 72 wine jars were found in 33 graves. Only one tomb containing a wine jar was placed in the middle of a tomb group; furthermore, they were found in isolated tombs and tombs with suspected servant burials.

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Fig. 8. Distribution of wine jars within the cemetery.

cemetery. Four have been located in different tombs, while the serekh with the double falcon was already found several years before the start of excavations. All of these tombs were robbed. At least three of these tombs17 can be located on the edge of open spaces. 17

The fourth grave is not shown in the plan.

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Fig. 9. Distribution of stone vessels within the cemetery.

These free and relatively free areas are currently not comprehensible in their meaning. A possible interpretation could be that the single tomb groups reflect families or associated groups and the unused areas between them should separate the single clans. Another possibility would be a ritual or cultic use of these spared areas.

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Disturbances within the cemetery As already mentioned above, some graves within the cemetery cut into others. Although never recognised by Junker, at least seven graves that disturb older ones could be identified. All are small pit graves under or slightly over 1 m2 in size. In four cases the pit of the older tomb is quite shallow and the younger one cuts deeper into the gravel (Fig. 10A/B): Tomb 54/55 (Fig. 10A): Tomb 55 comprises a burial in a coffin without further items, and is cut at its southern end by Tomb 54. The latter consists of a much deeper grave-pit and contains at least five items (1 vessel of type I/II and 1 vessel of type II with a serekh) (see Junker 1912: 6, 31, 32, 46, 63), but no remains of a burial (Junker 1912: 63). Tomb 240/241: the shallow pit of Tomb 240 is cut by the deeper pit of Tomb 241 in its northern part. Both graves contained a burial and grave goods, although ceramic vessels were found only in Tomb 241 (Junker 1912: 72). Although both tombs show a north-south orientation with an equal deviation to the west, the two burials are differently orientated: in Tomb 240, the head points north and the view east, and in Tomb 241 the head is in the south and faces west. Tomb 375 (Fig. 10B) was designated by Junker as a multiple burial since it consists of one grave-pit containing a burial with no associated grave goods (Tomb 375A), which is cut by a deeper grave-pit with grave goods but no burial (Tomb 375B). It must be noted, however, that Junker qualifies this statement in the text: “Ungeklärt ist die Anlage des Grabes 10.n.3, das eine Doppelsohle hat; die tiefere trägt die Beigaben, die erhöhte das Skelett; es handelt sich hierbei nicht etwa um ein Doppelgrab, da in der Vertiefung gar keine Spuren von Knochen gefunden wurden” (Junker 1912: 11). Tomb 445/519: the deeper pit of Tomb 445 cuts into the shallower pit of Tomb 519. Both graves contained a burial, but no grave goods. Tomb 519 seems to be severely disturbed and the position of the corpse is no longer identifiable, but it appears as if it shows a different orientation to that of Tomb 445. The other examples show just slightly different levels or none (Fig. 10C). Tomb 189/190: Tomb 190 is located north of Tomb 189 and is only slightly deeper. Both tombs contain a burial, which was oriented differently: one corpse (189) has the head in the north and the face to the east and the other (190) the head in the south and the face to the west. Tomb 189 contains only pottery fragments and Tomb 190 a whole pottery vessel. The allocation of the vessel Junker type XXX appears only to a limited extent. Junker attributed it to Tomb 189, but on the photo it seems to belong to Tomb 190. Tomb 275: designated by Junker as a multiple burial, in which both bodies (Tomb 275A and Tomb 275B) appear to be on the same level. Because of the pit margins it can be assumed that Tomb 275A cuts into Tomb 275B. Both

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Fig. 10A. Tomb 54 and Tomb 55 (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien). Fig. 10B. Tomb 375A and Tomb 375B (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien). Fig. 10C. Tomb 288A and Tomb 288B (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien).

graves contain a corpse, but only Tomb 275A has a pot as a grave good. Both grave axes are turned to the west, the axis of Tomb 275B pointing much farther west than that of Tomb 275A. The burials have different orientations: in Tomb 275A the head points to the south and the face to the west, in Tomb 275B the head is in the north and the face to the east. Similarly Tomb 288 (Fig. 10C) is designated by Junker as multiple burials, in which both burials (Tombs 288A/288B) appear to be on the same level; but it can be seen that Tomb 288A cuts into Tomb 288B. The graves do not show the same orientation: Tomb 288A is oriented west-east with a slight deviation

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to the south and Tomb 288B north-south with a slight deviation to the west. Likewise, the two burials are differently oriented: Tomb 288A with the head in the west and the view to the north and Tomb 288B with the head in the north and the view to the west. The affiliation of the pottery inventory cannot be clarified, but the whole vessel most probably belongs to Tomb 288B. Not all graves contain a burial or grave goods. In most cases, but not in all, the orientation of the grave pit differs, in one case (Tombs 240/241) the older pit is orientated north-south and the younger one west-east. As far as it can be observed the bodies are placed differently: the head of the older corpse is mostly in the north facing the east and the younger with the head to the south and the face to the west (Tombs 189/190, 240/241 and 275A/275B.). But this cannot be taken as a rule as in one case the older body is placed with the head to the west and the face to the north and the younger with the head to the north and the face to the east. Not only is the different orientation of the bodies of interest, but also the location within the cemetery. They are not, as it would actually to be expected, in densely occupied areas, but on the edge of the open spaces. So far only two of these tombs, which have no connection to each other, could be dated.18 And in no case could a timespan between the original and the later burial be established. It has to be mentioned, that another, somewhat different example can be seen in the relation between Tombs 59 and 60. Tomb 59 is a brick tomb and Tomb 60 a pit grave. The quite shallow pit of Tomb 60 is located directly next to the eastern brick wall of Tomb 59 and therefore cuts into the grave pit. Tomb 59 contained a clay coffin and at least five grave goods, but because of the robbery no human remains were found. Tomb 60 does not contain any grave goods (Junker 1912: 64). Towards the chronology In 1912 Junker noted that the character of the cemetery changed from the south to the north. He believed the southern part to be Predynastic and that the northern part dated to the 1st Dynasty (Junker 1912: 9). The line k–m was given as the transition (Junker 1912: 2). Junker justified this development on a number of different criteria, one of which was the changing pottery style. As typical pottery types for the south, he mentions wine jars (type I–II, partly IV and type VII–VIII); L-bottles (type XII); ovoid vessels (type XIII– XVI and type XVII–XVIII); grain storage jars (type LIV–LVIII); cylindrical jars (type LXI–LXII); small vessels (type LXXXIV); and high bowls (type CVI). Typical forms for the north are wine jars (type IX–X); and ellipsoidal vessels 18 Tomb 54: IIIB/type LXV (after Hendrickx 1996; 2011); Tomb 375B: IIIC1–IIIC2/type XXIX (after Hendrickx 2006).

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(type XXVII–XXIX) (Junker 1912: 2–4). Another important criterion that was considered was the clay and how the quality seemed to change. In the south more marl vessels seem to occur, as well as finer vessels (Junker 1912: 3). Furthermore, he attempted to use pot marks as an argument for the chronological development. For the north he does not only mention the ink inscription of Djer (Tomb 235), but also other marks, which could be “compared with marks from tombs of the first kings” (Junker 1912: 9). In the southern part these marks could not be found and they end at his transition line k–m. The serekhs (marks 1–5) specifically, could only be found in the south (Junker 1912: 9). In addition, he states that there are only palettes, clay coffins in the south and brick tombs with only one chamber in the southern part. Brick tombs with more chambers can be found only in the northern part (Junker 1912: 2–6). Shortly after Junker published his excavation at Turah, Petrie compared and incorporated the pottery and the tombs of Turah into the seriation he developed for Tarkhan into his sequence dating (Petrie 1913: 4–7, LXII, LXV, LXVIII). Petrie quickly recognised that this comparison was limited by the lack of ceramic drawings of the Turah finds (Petrie 1913: 4). In total, he allocates 117 tombs (21 %) Sequence Dates (SD) between SD 78 and SD 81 (Petrie 1913: LXII, LXV, LXVII). In 1964 Kaiser confirmed the dating of the cemetery and incorporated it into his ‘Stufen’-chronology. He also divided the graveyard into three areas: a southernmost section to the approximate line 15.i/k to 20.g/h, dating the material to Stufe IIIb2 and the period prior to Ka/Narmer; a middle section that extends to line 17.l/m to 19.k/l, corresponding to Stufe IIIc1 and the period between Ka/Djer; and a northern section, which was occupied by Stufe IIIc2 and the time after Djer. This temporal classification was primarily due to the ceramic finds, especially the cylinder jars that include the Junker types LXI to LXIX being the main markers. In the period before Ka/Narmer the cylindrical jar exhibits an ornamental ring, but not afterwards, and there is a degeneration in the form from Djer onwards. In this period, small ellipsoid vessels are also found.19 Kaiser himself does not mention any tombs in particular, but it can be assumed that only about 30 % of the tombs, the tombs in which cylindrical and small spherical vessels were found, were used for dating (Kaiser 1964: 108–109; see also Hendrickx 2011: 71). Hendrickx undertook one of the latest studies concerning the chronology of the cemetery. In general he also confirmed the principal dating already made by Junker and he recognised three clear zones, which he characterised by 19 Kaiser quotes Petrie Type 65 = Petrie 1953, XV–65 (Kaiser 1964: 109). The concordance given by Petrie (Petrie 1913: LXVIII): Junker type XXVII = Petrie type 65; Junker type XXVIII = Petrie type 65p; Junker type XXIX = Petrie type 65t.

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cylindrical jars (Junker types LXI–LXIX). The early phase of the cemetery is located in the southern area and is dated to Naqada IIIB (Junker types LXI– LXV); the central section into Naqada IIIC1 (Junker type LXVI); and the northern area to Naqada IIIC2 (Junker types LXVII–LXIX) (Hendrickx 1996: 59, Fig. 2; Hendrickx 2011: 74, Fig. 7). It has to be mentioned that some 220 cylindrical jars and about 20 fragments of cylindrical jars were found within 138 graves. These allow for the dating of about 25 % of all tombs within this cemetery. The beginning of this graveyard, which is dated to SD 78 by Petrie, Naqada IIIb2 by Kaiser and Naqada IIIB by Hendrickx, could also be earlier. In this context a cylindrical jar (Junker type LXI/Petrie W62) located in the Georg-SteindorffMuseum at Leipzig (Leipzig Inv. Nr. 2709; Steinmann 1998: 45–46, Taf. 43) seems to be very interesting. The shape of this jar points to a Naqada IIIa2/ IIIA2 date, but unfortunately there is no tomb reference for the jar. Furthermore, Steinmann dates two ellipsoidal vessels, also from the Georg-SteindorffMuseum into the transition of Naqada IIIA2 to Naqada IIIB.20 In addition, the two graves Tomb 54 and Tomb 55 should be mentioned at this point. The interesting thing about these two tombs is that Tomb 54 cuts into Tomb 55. Although Tomb 55 bears no grave goods and therefore cannot be dated, Tomb 54 belongs to Naqada IIIB (Junker type LXV; see Hendrickx 1996; 2011). This could point to an earlier beginning of the cemetery. In general it can be said that the principal dating of the cemetery was never in question, furthermore it was confirmed by later re-investigations. With regard to the chronology of the cemetery, no new refinement can be proposed at present, as this project, including the recording and analysis of the finds, has just started. However, it should be noted that based on the Hendrickx dating, the southernmost Naqada IIIC1 graves are located near the line f/g and are surrounded by Naqada IIIB graves. The northernmost Naqada IIIC1 tomb can currently be located in the area of o.10 and is surrounded by Naqada IIIC2 tombs. The general dating and development of the cemetery from south to north is by no means questioned, but the demarcations of the individual temporal zones are no longer so clearly outlined as Junker or Kaiser had suggested. Another observation is that there is a certain possibility that the cemetery came into use earlier than Naqada IIIB. An analysis of the graves and the development of the cemetery due to chronological aspects cannot be offered currently because as already stated, the evaluation of the findings is still on-going. An intended method could be an arithmetic average analysis, but this method still requires a precise evaluation.

20 “ähnliche Typen sind im Naqada IIIa2–IIIb belegt (Kaiser, Chronologie, Tf. 24)” (Steinmann 1998: 35, Taf. 25).

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Discussion and prospects In summing up, the cemetery in question consists predominantly of pit tombs with sizes below 1m2. The majority, but not all of the tombs contained grave goods. Of the 131 definitely intact graves, at least 54 graves are without any items, representing 10 % of all graves distributed all over the cemetery. Why these tombs remained without grave goods and how to interpret this seems unclear for the moment. It turns out, however, that these graves without goods are not to be regarded as individual cases and as such have a definite influence on the interpretation and evaluation of funerary objects in general. On the other hand it can be ascertained on the basis of the intact tombs with grave goods that there were no standardised grave goods, neither the same objects nor groups of objects were found. A distinct link between the size of the tombs and the number of grave goods seems to be given, but there is no strict rule. But it can be said that even smaller tombs show a relatively high number of grave goods.21 Based on the research so far, it can be stated that the arrangement of the individual graves within the cemetery was by no means arbitrary. Graves seem to be laid out in groups or rows; some were also rather isolated. Between these groups larger and smaller free areas can be noted, but the intention behind these areas remains unclear. A possible interpretation, which cannot be proved at this stage of research, could be that the single tomb groups reflect families, clans or associated groups and the unused areas between them should separate these. Another possibility would be a ritual or cultic use of these spared areas. Apart from the unclear nature of the relationship between the individual tombs to each other, the matter of the social status of the individual graves should be briefly mentioned. One can assume with some certainty that by comparison with other predynastic cemeteries (see among others Ellis 1992; 1996; Campagno 2003), tombs of different social standing can also be expected within the Turah cemetery. The question of how social status within cemeteries, which apparently do not host elites, is characterised or can be determined, is the subject of a broad discourse (for general literature and criticism see Stevenson 2009). Currently, the main factors mentioned include the expenditure involved in preparing a burial. The provision of goods or materials designated as ‘exotic’22, the more effort expended on the individual funeral (see among others Tainter 1978; Seidlmayer 1988; Savage 1997) or the more materials that are imported or pass through a complicated manufacturing process are found in a grave (see among others Richards 1997), the higher the reputation 21 As examples Tomb 58 (0.88 m2 with at least 13 grave goods and robbed); Tomb 131 (0.45 m2 with 16 grave goods and intact); and Tomb 455 (0.89 m2 with 13 grave goods and intact) can be mentioned. 22 ‘Exotic’ is used here to refer to materials that can either not be found in Egypt such as lapis lazuli or that are considered difficult to own or acquire.

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and status of the deceased appears. Another aspect could also be the contents of the vessel, as certain goods such as exclusive oils were certainly harder to acquire than others. Likewise, the basic character of the burial ensemble, but also individual additions should be considered (Stevenson 2007; 2009). The possibility that some grave goods could be gifts from the bereaved to the deceased (see among others Hertz [1907] 1960; Mauss 1966; Connerton 1989; Stevenson 2009), as well as the entire burial ensemble could be intended as a picture for the bereaved (Stevenson 2007) seems to be an interesting idea. Directly dependent on the social status of the single tombs is the status of the cemetery itself. It seems to be a fact that the elites were not buried here;23 this is certainly to some extent reflected in the type of graves and their size. However, a more specific definition is currently pending. Finally a refinement of the structure of this cemetery may be expected to result from the re-investigation of the finds. Another important aim will be comparisons with other cemeteries of this period, but these are, of course, limited to the different publications. The analogies with other graveyards of this period could not only bring closer information about the structure of cemeteries individually, but also about their comparability (see among others Köhler 2014) in general. Acknowledgements My thanks go to Vera Müller and Regina Hölzl for their support and discussion. I also want to thank Christian Knoblauch and David Aston for editing my English. Bibliography ANDERSON, W., 1992. Badarian Burials: Evidence of Social Inequality in Middle Egypt during the Early Predynastic Era. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 29: 51–66. CONNERTON, P., 1989. How Societies Remember. Cambridge. CAMPAGNO, M., 2000. Kinship and Emergence of the State in Egypt. Bulletin of the Australian Center for Egyptology 11: 35–47. CAMPAGNO, M., 2003. Space and Shape – Notes on Pre- and Proto-State Funerary Practices in Ancient Egypt [in:] BICKEL, S. & LOPRIENO, A. (eds.), Basel Egyptology Prize 1. Aegyptiaca Helvetica 17. Basel: 13–26. DERRY, E.D., 1912. Report on the Human Remains Found by Professor Junker in a Cemetery at Turah, Egypt [in:] JUNKER, H., Bericht über die Grabungen der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf dem Friedhof in Turah. Winter 1909–1910. Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 56. Wien: 86–95. 23 This conclusion is based on the layout of the tombs in this cemetery and their comparison to the mastabas of Saqqara, Abu Rawash or Tarkhan.

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ELLIS, C., 1992. A Statistical Analysis of Protodynastic Burials in the “Valley” Cemetery of Kafr Tarkhan [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition: 4th–3rd Millennium B.C. Tel Aviv: 241–258. ELLIS, C., 1996. Expressions of Social Status: A Statistical Approach to the Late Predynastic/Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Kafr Tarkhan [in:] KRZYZANIAK, L.; KROEPER, K. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Interregional Contacts in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. Poznan: 151–164. FRIEDMAN, R., 1981. Spatial Distribution in a Predynastic Cemetery: Naga ed-Der. MA-Thesis. University of California, Berkley. HENDRICKX, S., 1996. The Relative Chronology of the Naqada Culture, Problems and Possibilities [in:] SPENCER, J. (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt. London: 36–69. HENDRICKX, S., 2006. Predynastic – Early Dynastic Chronology [in:] HORNUNG, E.; KRAUSS, R. & WARBURTON, D.A. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Chronology. Handbuch der Orientalistik 83. Leiden/Boston: 56–93. HENDRICKX, S., 2011. Naqada IIIA–B: A Crucial Phase in the Relative Chronology of the Naqada Culture. Archéo-Nil 21: 65–80. HENDRICKX, S.; HUYGE, D. & WARMENBOL, E., 2002. Un cimetière particulier de la deuxième dynastie à Elkab. Archéo-Nil 12: 47–54. HERTZ, R., [1907] 1960. A Contribution to the Study of the Collective Representation of Death [in:] NEEDHAM, R. & NEEDHAM, C. (eds.), Death and the Right Hand. New York. HÖLZL, R. & MÜLLER, V., 2017. Der Fiedhof von Turah – Neubearbeitung eines Gräberfeldes des späten 4. und frühen 3. Jahrtausends v. Chr. in Ägypten. Sokar 35: 6–13. JUCHA, M.A.; BĄK-PRYC, G.; MAŁECKA-DROZD, N.; KAZIMIERCZAK, M.; OWNBY, M.F.; MĄDRZYK, K.; PANKOWSKA, A.; WOŹNIAK, B. & ABŁAMOWICZ, R., 2016. Polish Excavations at Tell el-Murra in the Nile Delta – Preliminary Report 2013–2015. Archeologia 65: 85–146. JUNKER, H., 1912. Bericht über die Grabungen der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf dem Friedhof in Turah. Winter 1909–1910. Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 56. Wien. JUNKER, H., 1963. Leben und Werk in Selbstdarstellung. Österreichische Akadamie der Wissenschaften phil.-hist. Klasse – Sitzungsberichte, 242. Band, 5. Abhandlung. Wien. KAISER, W., 1957. Zur inneren Chronologie der Naqadakultur. Acta Geographica 6: 69–77. KAISER, W., 1964. Einige Bemerkungen zur ägyptischen Frühzeit III – Die Reichseinigung. Zeitschrift für Ägyptischen Sprache und Altertumskunde 91: 86–125. KÖHLER, E.C., 2014. Of Pots and Myths – Attempting a Comparative Study of Funerary Pottery Assemblages in the Egyptian Nile Valley during the Late 4th Millennium BC [in:] MACZYNSKA, A. (ed.), The Nile Delta as a Centre of Cultural Interactions between Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant in the 4th Millennium BC. Poznan: 155–180. MAUSS, M., 1966. The Gift – Form and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1913. Tarkhan I and Memphis V. British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account 23. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1914. Tarkhan II. British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account 26. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1953. Ceremonial Slate Palettes – Corpus of Proto-Dynastic Pottery. London.

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RICHARDS, J., 1997. Ancient Egyptian Mortuary Practice and Study of Socioeconomic Differentiation [in:] LUSTIG, J. (ed.), Anthropology and Egyptology: A Developing Dialogue. Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 8. Sheffield: 33–42. SAVAGE, S.H., 1997. Descent Group Competition and Economic Strategies in Predynastic Egypt. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 16: 226–268. SEIDLMAYER, S.J., 1988. Funerärer Aufwand und soziale Ungleichheit: Eine methodische Anmerkung zum Problem der Rekonstruktion der gesellschaftlichen Gliederung aus Friedhofsfunden. Göttinger Miszellen 104: 25–51. STEINMANN, F., 1998. Katalog ägyptischer Sammlungen in Leipzig 2: Tongefäße von der vordynastischen Zeit bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches. Mainz. STEVENSON, A., 2007. The Aesthetics of Predynastic Egyptian Burial: Funerary Performances in the Fourth Millennium B.C. Archaeological Review from Cambridge 22/1: 76–92. STEVENSON, A., 2009. Social Relations in Predynastic Burials. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 95: 175–192. TAINTER, J.A., 1978. Mortuary Practices and the Study of Prehistoric Social Systems [in:] SCHIFFER, M.B. (ed.), Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 1. New York: 105–141. WILKINSON, T., 1996. State Formation in Egypt – Chronology and Society. Cambridge Monographs in African Archaeology 40. British Archaeological Reports International Series 651. Oxford.

FIRST INSIGHTS INTO THE LOWER EGYPTIAN CULTURE STONE TOOLS: A TRACEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TELL EL-ISWID LITHIC ASSEMBLAGE NICCOLÒ MAZZUCCO Université Paris Lumières, Université Paris Nanterre, France

This paper presents the results of the traceological analysis of the flaked stone assemblage from Tell el-Iswid site, Lower Egyptian Culture (LEC) layers. The aim of this study is to collect information about the socio-economic status of the lithic production, analysing the tasks in which the tools were used. To date, such questions have been scarcely investigated for Egyptian proto-historical cultures, and stone tools materials have been mainly classified on the basis of typological criteria. To this purpose, a sample of artefacts from Tell el-Iswid 2013–2016 excavation campaigns has been studied by means of microscopic observation (stereoscopy and reflected-light microscopy) in order to detect micro-wears, fractures and other vestiges left by ancient uses. The study has succeeded to provide a first interpretation of the main tool types from the Lower Egyptian Culture layers, such as twisted bladelets, Hemamieh knives, and flake/blade scrapers. Patterns of tool use responding to both a ‘long management’, with multiple uses and/or retooling practices, and a ‘short management strategy’, generally single-task oriented and briefly used, have been recognised. Hypotheses about the type of activities carried out at the site (i.e. food production and craft processes) and their economic significance have been advanced as well.

Introduction, aims, and methods During the last thirty years lithic assemblages have been increasingly taken into account in order to explore Predynastic Egypt’s cultural and political organisation (Rizkana & Seeher 1988; Holmes 1988; 1989; 1996; Schmidt 1992; 1993). These studies succeeded in defining the main typological and technological features of the flaked stone assemblages. The main tool-types of the period are sickle blades, blade knives, truncation knives, twisted bladelets, end-scrapers and arrowheads, even if several subclasses have been defined depending on the criteria adopted by the authors and the geographical area analysed. Basing on the typological composition of the assemblages, a regional variability and diachronic evolution of the Predynastic lithic industries have been suggested, highlighting the existence of different but interconnected traditions between Upper and Lower Egypt (Holmes 1996; Schmidt 1996). More recently, thanks to ongoing and recent projects, new insights into Predynastic lithic technological organisation are being gained. Data from

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recently excavated sites, characterised by more detailed recovery procedures, are exploring aspects such as technical savoir-faires, raw-material exploitation and management, craft specialisation (Briois & Landier 2003; Briois et al. 2004; Briois & Midant-Reynes 2008; Mączyńska 2013; Midant-Reynes & Briois 2014). Within this framework, use-wear analysis has been integrated to assess the functional status of the production (Winiarska-Kabacińska & Kabaciński 2014; Torchy 2014), an aspect that so far has remained little explored. To date, functional inferences on Predynastic stone tools have been mainly made through form-function analogies. Hypotheses based on the observation of wear patters are only occasionally cited in literature (i.e. sickle gloss or rounded/abraded edges, see for example Rizkana & Seeher 1988), but they are not always supported with evidence or experimental data. From here, there is the necessity of responding to some existing gaps in the study of the Lower Egyptian lithic assemblages with a more detailed traceological analysis. Following this research line, this article presents the first results of the traceological analysis of the flaked stone assemblage from Tell el-Iswid site, Maadi-Buto or Lower Egyptian Culture (LEC) layers. The aim of the study is to collect information about the socio-economic status of the Lower Egyptian lithic production, investigating the patterns of tools use and management. The Tell el-Iswid lithic assemblage represents an ideal case-study, all the different types of finds being conserved from the excavation (both waste materials and finished tools), and all of them recovered from well-defined stratigraphic contexts. The flaked stone assemblage from the Lower Egyptian layers can be separated in two main productions. On the one hand, a bladelet-oriented production on heat-treated gravel cherts gathered from the Nile that was mainly realised on site, as testified by the numerous flaking by-products and core trimming elements recovered. On the other hand, there is a sample of artefacts, among which several thick blades made of a fine-grained chert of beige colour and reddish shades that probably were produced elsewhere and were brought to the site as finished tools (Midant-Reynes & Briois 2016). The analysed sample consists of a selection of lithic artefacts (n=156) from Tell el-Iswid 2013–2016 excavation campaigns (Midant-Reynes et al. 2014). Lithic artefacts have been studied by means of microscopic observation, using both stereoscopy (5–50× magnification) and reflected-light microscopy (50– 500×) in order to detect edge-damages, polish, and other vestiges left by ancient use. To obtain a general picture of the assemblage, blades, bladelets, flakes and core-trimming elements have been included into the sample. Despite being a partial sample, the analysis of such an assemblage allowed for the gathering of fresh data, providing new insights into the economic dimension of the Lower Egyptian stone tools.

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Results and discussion As a result of the microscopic analysis, 76 items revealed traces of use, 64 showed no clear traces of use, while 16 were too altered to be interpreted. Some of the analysed tools show several active zones, so the total number of used edges amount to 95. Results are summarised in Table 1 and described in the paragraphs that follow with regard to both locally produced and imported tools. Twisted bladelets Twisted bladelets are one of the most typical elements of the Lower Egyptian assemblages. Bladelets are common in the lithic assemblages of Buto and Maadi sites (Zampetti & Drudi 2017), and some of them were also recovered from the Wadi Digla cemetery (Mączyńska 2013). Similarly, bladelets have been found among the Middle Egyptian lithic assemblages of the Badari district (Holmes 1989) and from the Mostagedda cemetery in Northern Upper Egypt (Schmidt 1996). Those bladelets are commonly retouched into micro-end scrapers and, to a lesser extent, into perforators and backed tools (Holmes 1999). Micro end-scrapers are considered a tool typical of the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age in Sinai and Palestine (Gilead 1984) and so twisted bladelets have been occasionally regarded as a proof of contact of these regions. Nevertheless, I. Rizkana and J. Seeher (1988) questioned the entity of the distal retouch: is it is actually a retouch for shaping a scraper or is it a mere continuation of the lateral retouch made in order to blunt the edge? The lateral micro-retouch is one of the most typical characteristics of this tool type, but still little is known about its technological and functional value. In the sample from Tell el-Iswid, 80 bladelets were included. All of them were realised from gravel chert pebbles through tangential direct percussion or pressure techniques. Cores were systematically heated before flaking, allowing the production of thin bladelets with very sharp edges (average measurements 4–3 × 1.1–0.9 × 0.3–0.2 cm). Among the analysed specimens, 29 are unretouched, while 52 show a marginal, micro-retouching. In 39 cases the retouch affects only the lateral edge, on 6 other cases it covers also the distal portion, shaping a pseudo-end scraper, while on 7 other cases the retouch affects both edges, distally converging to form a borer. Retouch is ‘micro’: the measurement of a single scar ranges from a minimum of 0.2 mm in width × 0.2–0.3 mm in length, up to larger scars of 1.5 × 2 mm. Typically, scars measure between 0.3–0.4 × 0.3–0.4 mm (Fig. 1, a2, c2). They resemble the so-called ‘scalar’ edge-removals, with a balloon-like shape and a clear transversal directionality. Scars are generally continuously distributed on the edge, one adjacent to the other, forming an unbroken series. However, the

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lateral edge is often retouched through several retouch series, not continuously, leaving unretouched parts. The sizes of the scars tend to vary as well, from a very marginal retouch to a more invasive one. Retouch is mostly unifacial, dorsal, even if an alternating scarring also occurs. Rizkana and Seeher (1988) identified 15 subtypes of bladelets on the basis of the retouch patterns, but it is not clear whether such differences are related to a voluntary behaviour. A microretouch of this type can be produced by abrasion, drawing a blade across a hard material. The differences in the retouch patterns are, therefore, a result of variations in the movement, in the angle and in the extent of the reciprocal contact between the lithic edge and the hard material used as anvil. At a microscopic view, heat-treatment results in bright and smooth surfaces. Such an appearance is likely due to a transformation in the chert’s internal structure, with changes on the nanocrystalline grain boundaries, resulting in a reduction in the size and volume of the raw-material porosity (Roqué-Rosell et al. 2011). It is often very difficult to recognise use-related micropolish on this type of surfaces because of their smoothness and brightness. No clear signs of wear, such as polishes, abrasions, or striations, have been observed on the retouched side. The retouch generally abruptly interrupts the smooth surface and no use-wear is visible. Occasionally, some roundings are observed, but they are determined by the retouch itself and not by a voluntary use of the edge as active portion. In our view, the function of the micro-retouch is to blunt the edge in order to favour the handling of the blade. Such an edge-blunting would not make any sense if the tools were hafted into a wood or bone handle as proposed by Rizkana and Seeher (1988); the other way around, bladelets were more likely hand-used. Small tool size is not itself a valid argument for assuming hafting. Despite their reduced dimensions they can represent efficient cutting tools, especially for carrying out low labour intensive tasks, of brief duration. Use duration is an important factor to be considered in this regard; there is an important difference between a short-occasional use and a systematic-prolonged use of small-sized tools (Rots 2015). Nevertheless, further experimental tests are needed to prove such observations and to identify the exact micro-retouching technique (drawing or pressuring them onto bone, stone or wood). In addition, the effect of hafting practices on such bladelets should be tested to definitively exclude this hypothesis. If we exclude a few borers, the used edge is always the unretouched side. Use-wears are generally scarcely developed, suggesting a very brief use of the edges. Traces are often hard to recognise given the shiny appearance of the surface. Of the 80 bladelets, only 36 show signs of being used. The remaining blanks do not seem to have been used, or at least no clear use-wear traces have been identified. Among the used bladelets the majority has been used for cutting soft substances, probably involved in butchering activities (meat cutting?

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fish processing?). Microscopic traces are extremely rare and the interpretation has been largely based on the edge-scarring pattern. Macro traces vary from a very marginal scarring to a more invasive one, probably depending on the occasional contact with hard materials (animal or fish bones?). The directionality of the scars is always longitudinal with series of overlapping fractures alternated between the two faces or bifacially distributed (Fig. 1, a1, b1–2, c1). Occasionally, spots with use-wear resulting from the contact with hard materials (the skeletal parts of the animals?) have been noticed (Fig. 1, a3–4), confirming the hypothesis of the use of the bladelets for butchering tasks. Some tools were possibly used for cutting or scraping siliceous plants. However, use-wear is barely distinguishable at 100 × magnification (Fig. 1, c3), but more clearly observable only at 400 × (Fig. 1, c4), probably as a result of very brief tasks. Such marginal uses are related to a non-intensive plant gathering

Fig. 1. Twisted bladelets from Tell el-Iswid: a1) edge-damage; a2) edge-retouch. Note how retouch scars appear more regularly and homogenously distributed, while use scars show a more varied pattern in their distribution and width; a3–4) edge used for butchering, spots of contact with hard material; b1–2) edge-damage, ventral and dorsal face; c1) edge damage; c2) edge-retouch; c3-4) edge used for cutting some soft vegetal substance. Spots of smooth polish.

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and processing. In addition, the smoothness of the wear suggests the recollection of green plants and not cereals. Finally, a few bladelets have been used as borers; most of them show very dull edges, characterised by several striations, suggesting that they have been used to drill some abrasive resistant substance. Reddish residues, possibly belonging to some kind of additive used to favour the tip penetration into the worked material, have been occasionally observed as well. Given the small size of the tip, those tools might have been used for stone or bone bead production. Hemamieh knives and other blade tools Hemamieh knives and, more often, fragments of Hemamieh blade knives are another typical tool type of Predynastic Egypt lithic assemblages (Holmes 1989; Schmidt 1996). Knives on nodular flint are regarded as specialised productions crafted in professional workshops (Mączyńska 2015). Those tools are generally made on regular and thick blades; they show a straight backed edge, often shaped through both direct and inverse retouch, while the opposite side is unretouched. A proximal inverse retouch is often visible. Complete specimens are very rare, and usually come from burial contexts because in the villages fragments and strongly re-sharpened tools prevail. Until now, no hypothesis about the functionality of Hemamieh blades has been advanced. Baumgartel’s (1960) typology classifies them as ‘knives’, basically relying on morphological analogies with modern tools and hypothesising that the functional edge is represented by the unretouched, curved edge. The sample of Tell el-Iswid includes several specimens (n=19 of which 16 show traces of use) that can be attributed to this category. Nevertheless, all of them have been strongly retouched and their original shape is lost. One good example is given by a Hemamieh knife, which is retooled as a strike-a-light. The curved edge has been reshaped through a direct abrupt retouch, and the mesial-distal portion shows a pronounced edge-rounding associated to striations (Fig. 2, a3–4). Residual use-wear traces, produced by the cutting of herbaceous plants, are observable on the inner ventral surface; such micro-polishes correspond to a first use of the tool (Fig. 2, a1–2). A similar superposition of traces is also visible on one specimen that shows a first use for cutting vegetal/plants (Fig. 2, b1–2) and a later use as a strike-a-light (Fig. 2, b3–4). On other specimens, the distal end of the tool is not used as a strike-a-light, but as a borer, probably to drill hard mineral substances (i.e. stone? pottery?). The fracturing of the tools appears to be voluntarily sought, in order to obtain different types of supports from the original blank. While the distal ends are mainly retooled as a borer or as a strike-a-light, mesial fragments are often shaped into rectangular flakes by an inverse abrupt retouch and then used for other activities. At least three tools were used for scraping dry or semi-dry

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Fig. 2. Hemamieh knife: a1–2) edge originally used for cutting vegetal substances; a3–4) tip and edge probably retooled as strike-a-light. Distal fragment of a Hemamieh knife: b1–2) edge originally used for cutting plants; b3–4) tip and edge possibly retooled as strike-a-light.

pottery, probably to carry out tasks related to vessel manufacturing or finishing (Fig. 3, a3–4). Moreover, it should be remarked that most of the analysed tools show a previous use for cutting vegetal substances, suggesting that the primary mode of employment of the ‘blade knives’ was for plant harvesting (wild plants or cereals) (Fig. 3, a1–2). Even if more analyses are needed, one can hypothesise that the different typologies identified in Baumgartel’s typology (1960), such

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Fig. 3. Mesial fragment of a Hemamieh knife: a1–2) traces of a previous contact with vegetal substances; a3–4) edge successively used for scraping pottery. See the reddish residues associated to longitudinal striations. Blade used for scraping some hard substance, probably a mineral material; b1) flat bevel-polishes with several transversal striations. Retouch flake: c1) flake showing traces of a previous utilisation for plant harvesting.

as truncation knives, perforators and backed pieces, actually correspond to different stages of use of Hemamieh knives. This type of behaviour – with tools responding to a long management strategy – has been observed also in European contexts, in relation to the Grand-Pressigny knives, with an overlapping of uses, re-sharpening and retooling phases (among which strike-a-light is one of the most common) (Linton 2012). Among the remaining blanks, one can highlight the presence of several endscrapers and laterally retouched blades. They appear to have been mainly used to work resistant materials, in particular mineral materials (Fig. 3, b1). In addition, there are several blades that, despite the greater dimensions, show a functional

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management similar to the twisted bladelets: one edge is micro-retouched, while the opposite is briefly used to cut soft animal substances or herbaceous plants. Flakes A sample of flakes, both unretouched and retouched ones, has been analysed (n=39 of which 11 show traces of use). Of them, three are end-scrapers, made both on gravel and nodular flint. Traces of contact with soft animal substances have been detected on the retouched edges, but it is remarkable that traces are very feeble, suggesting a non-intensive usage, probably only for cleaning operations. Among the other used flakes, there is a borer, probably used to drill a pottery vessel or a bone artefact, and three unretouched flakes used, respectively, for working soft animal substances, cutting vegetal/plants, and scraping some mineral substance, probably pottery. In addition, some retouch scars produced by the re-sharpening of Hemamieh knives have been analysed as well (n=11 of which 4 show traces of use). Two of them showed the presence of cereal/plant polishes confirming such primary use of the knife (Fig 3, c1). Conclusions The analysis of a sample of artefacts from the Tell el-Iswid flaked stone assemblage has provided a first interpretation of the main tool types from the Lower Egyptian Culture, such as twisted bladelets, Hemamieh knives, and flake/blade scrapers. This data is not only relevant for the reconstruction of the Predynastic toolkit, but also for the identification of specific tool classes that might have some cultural or identity value. Being a part of a broader subsistence system, stone tools can give us insights into the socio-economic organisation of Tell el-Iswid site. For example, we can wonder how much the Tell el-Iswid settlers were selfsufficient in food and craft production. How much were they dependant on external craftsman or goods to carry out the annual economic cycle? The analysis of the lithic assemblage gives us some point of reflection in that sense. A part of the lithic production was satisfied by a local production of disposal, domestic, tools with a short life span and single-task oriented. Twisted bladelets, which represent the most characteristic and recurrent tool-type, appear to have been used mainly for brief tasks, related to butchering, food preparation and, occasionally, to craft activities. Therefore, they are not used within a specialised manufacturing system as hypothesised by Rosen (2015), except maybe for the microdrills that, however, are not abundant at Tell el-Iswid, but for a reduced range of domestic tasks. On the other hand, a considerable part of craft and food-production related tasks were carried out with exogenous, imported tools, possibly realised in external specialised workshops. These tools show

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a much longer use-life, responding to a long management strategy. They are used, re-sharpened, reused and re-tooled to carry out multiple tasks related to different production processes. Some of those tasks might be considered marginal (i.e. finishing or repairing tasks), but some other represented economically strategic tasks such as crop-harvesting. Moreover, a high diversity of tasks is carried out with imported tools, suggesting that those artefacts covered an important role within the local production system. Overall, the main activities represented are the processing and butchering of animal carcasses, the gathering of plants (probably for both alimentary and non-alimentary reasons), and some craft tasks, especially related to pottery production, but also to bead manufacturing. Other activities traditionally associated with stone tools, such as wood-working and hide-processing are not wellrepresented; they might be carried out with other tools (macrolithic or massive tools?) or they were not represented at the site. There are still several questions to be solved. It would be interesting to deepen our knowledge about the primary use of the Hemamieh knives, which is difficult to assess given their long-management and, thus, their fragmentary state. In conclusion, this preliminary analysis has allowed us to gain insights into the Lower Egyptian toolkit, advancing initial hypotheses about the functionality of some of the main tool classes. A dichotomy between ‘short management’ and ‘long management’ strategies can be hypothesised on the basis of the obtained results. Despite this, future analyses, enlarging the analysed sample and eventually including assemblages from other sites, should be carried out to further prove it.

Bibliography BAUMGARTEL, E.J., 1960. The Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt II. London. BRIOIS, F. & LANDIER, G., 2003. Adaïma. L’industrie lithique [in:] MATHIEU, B. (ed.), Travaux de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale en 2002–2003. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 103: 505–509. BRIOIS, F., LANDIER, G. & DELANGE, J.-P., 2004. Adaïma: L’industrie lithique [in:] MATHIEU, B. (ed.), Travaux de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale en 2003– 2004. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 104: 604–607. BRIOIS, F. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2008. Lithic Industries from Adaïma: Between Farmers and Craftsmen [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Loveniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/ Paris/Dudley, MA: 21–31. GILEAD, I., 1984. The Micro-Endscraper: A New Tool Type of the Chalcolithic Period. Tel Aviv 11: 3–10. HOLMES, L.D., 1988. The Predynastic Lithic Industries of Badari, Middle Egypt: New Perspectives and Inter-Regional Relations. World Archaeology 20: 70–86.

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HOLMES, L.D., 1989. The Predynastic Lithic Industries of Upper Egypt: A Comparative Study of the Lithic Traditions of Badari, Nagada and Hierakonopolis. African Archaeology 33. British Archaeological Reports International Series 469(i). Oxford. HOLMES, L.D., 1996. Lithic Assemblages from Hierakonpolis and Interregional Relations in Predynastic Egypt [in:] KRZYZANIAK, L.; KROEPER, K. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Interregional Contacts in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. Studies in African Archaeology 5. Poznań: 194–202. HOLMES, L.D., 1999. Neolithic and Predynastic Stone Tools [in:] BARD, K. (ed.), Encyclopaedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt. London/New York: 564–568. LINTON, J., 2012. Analyse technique et fonctionnelle de l’outillage en silex du GrandPressigny au Néolithique récent et final de la Touraine au plateau suisse. PhD Dissertation, UFR Sciences Humaines, UMR 6298 Artehis, Université de Bourgogne. MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2013. Lower Egyptian Communities and Their Interactions with Southern Levant in the 4th Millennium BC. Studies in African Archaeology 12. Poznán. MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2015. Lower and Upper Egypt in the 4th Millennium BC: The Development of Craft Specialization and Social Organization of the Lower Egyptian and Naqada Cultures [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; KABACINSKI, J. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Hunter-Gatherers and Early Food Producing Societies in Northeastern Africa. Studies in African Archaeology 14. Poznán: 65–101. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BRIOIS, F., 2014. Les industries de pierre taillée [in:] MIDANTREYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid 2006–2009. Le Caire: 195–213. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BRIOIS, F., 2016. L’industrie lithique: le silex taillé [in:] BUCHEZ, N. & MIDANT–REYNES, B. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid. Rapport de la mission 2016. Ministère des affaires étrangères et du développement international, IFAO, INRAP. Le Caire: 39–46. MIDANT-REYNES, B.; BUCHEZ, N.; BRÉAND, G.; BRIOIS, F.; CAVERO, J.; COUPEY, A.-S.; DE DAPPER, M.; DELHOPITAL, N.; EMERY-BARBIER, A.; EL-HAJAOUI, R.; GUÉRIN, S.; GUYOT, F.; HOCHSTRASSER-PETIT, C.; LESUR, J.; MINOTTI, M.; REGULSKI, I.; ROBITAILLE, J.; TORCHY, L. & TRISTANT Y., 2014. Tell el-Iswid 2006–2010: The Archaeology of The Eastern Nile Delta in the 4th Millennium BC [in:] JUCHA, M.A.; DEBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J. & KOLODZIEJCZYK, P. (eds.), Aegyptus est imago caeli. Studies Presented to Krzysztof M. Ciałowicz on His 60th Birthday. Kraków: 20–37. ROQUÉ-ROSELL, J.; TORCHY, L.; ROUCAU, C.; LEA, V.; COLOMBAN, P.; REGERT, M.; BINDER, D.; PELEGRIN, J. & SCIAU, P., 2011. Influence of Heat Treatment on the Physical Transformations of Flint Used by Neolithic Societies in the Western Mediterranean. MRS Proceedings, 1319. doi: 10.1557/opl.2011.926. ROSEN, S., 2015. Lithic Systems of the 4th Millennium BC: A Brief Comparison between the Industries of Egypt and the Southern Levant [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; KABACINSKI, J.; KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Hunter-Gatherers and Early Food Producing Societies in Northeastern Africa. Studies in African Archaeology 14. Poznán: 253–268. ROTS, V., 2015. Toward a More Behavioral Approach: The Contribution of Wear Studies [in:] MICHAEL, S. (ed.), Works in Stone: Contemporary Perspectives on Lithic Analysis. Salt Lake City: 95–115. RIZKANA, I. & SEEHER, J., 1988. Maadi II: The Lithic Industries of the Predynastic Settlement. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 65. Mainz. SCHMIDT, K., 1992. Tell El-Fara’in/Buto and Tell el-Iswid (South): The Lithic Industries from the Chalcolithic to the Early Old Kingdom [in:] VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M. (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition: 4th–3rd Millennia BC. Jerusalem: 31–41.

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SCHMIDT, K., 1993. Comments on the Lithic Industry of the Buto-Maadi Culture in Lower Egypt [in:] KRZYZANIAK, L.; KOBUSIEWICZ, M. & ALEXANDER, J. (eds.), Environmental Change and Human Culture in the Nile Basin and Northern Africa until the 2nd Millennium BC. Poznan: 267–278. SCHMIDT, K., 1996. Lower and Upper Egypt in the Chalcolithic Period: Evidence of the Lithic Industries. A View from Buto [in:] KRZYZANIAK, L.; KROEPER, K. & KOBUSIEWICZ, M. (eds.), Interregional Contacts in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. Studies in African Archaeology 5. Poznań: 279–289. TORCHY, L., 2014. Analyse tracéologique d’un échantillon de l’industrie lithique de Tell el-Iswid sud [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N. (eds.). Tell el-Iswid 2006– 2009. Le Caire: 219–223. WINIARSKA-KABACIŃSKA, M. & KABACIŃSKI, J., 2014. Between Typology and Function: Remarks on the Utilization of Flint Tools from the Predynastic and Early Dynastic Site of Tell el-Farkha [in:] MARIUSZ, J.A.; DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J. & KOŁODZIEJCZYK, P. (eds.), Aegyptus est imago caeli: Studies Presented to Krzysztof M. Ciałowicz on His 60th Birthday. Kraków: 203–209. ZAMPETTI, D. & DRUDI S., 2017. Lithic Industry, Chipped Stones [in:] BAJEOT, J. (ed.), Predynastic Maadi in Context: The Research of the Italian Expedition Revisited (1977–1986). Studi di Preistoria Orientale 4. Roma: 115–129.

THE BULL OF NEKHEN. INVESTIGATING THE ORIGINS OF THE APIS CULT PIERRE MEYRAT Université de Genève, Switzerland

In the scholarly literature, the Apis bull is usually described as being of Memphite origin despite the lack of early evidence for such a location. A closer look at the available data, including ancient and more recent finds from different sites, notably Hierakonpolis, Umm el-Qa‘ab and Saqqara, as well as Spell 254 of the Pyramid Texts (hereafter: PT 254), yields a very different picture. At least as early as the reign of Aha, a royal ritual was performed at Nekhen to trigger or stimulate the Nile inundation, including the lassoing and killing of a wild bull bearing specific skin patterns. The animal’s severed head was then displayed as a trophy representing the king’s power and fixed to the prow of a boat. First closely related to the bovine goddess Bat, the bull of Nekhen became known as Ḥp (Apis) soon after its move from Hierakonpolis to Memphis, a new name that resulted from a reading mistake during the copying of ancient records.

Introduction In the scholarly literature, the Apis bull is repeatedly described as a sacred bull closely related to the city of Memphis and its main god Ptah. However, if this communis opinio is certainly true for the New Kingdom onward, we must keep in mind that virtually everything we know about this bull relies on evidence dating to these periods and found in the Memphite area. This evidence comes from the following locations: the Serapeum and the Mother of Apis catacombs at Saqqara; the Wabet with its large calcite embalming tables at Mit Rahinet; the late hieratic-demotic ‘Apis Embalming Ritual’ inscribed on a papyrus preserved at the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, the first column of which is kept at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb (Meyrat 2014). The early stages of the bull cult, however, are rather obscure. In the Pre- and Protodynastic periods a significant amount of evidence shows the early religious importance of wild bulls (Wengrow 2001; Hendrickx 2002; Brass 2003). Predynastic jars in the shape of cattle horns or bull testicles1 are also attested (Wilkinson 2003: 98–99), as well as stone models of cattle (Kemp 1991). In rock drawings, the bull can be associated with a boat (Hardtke 2017: 854–856), or captured by lasso (Darnell 2009: 95–96). Bucrania 1 See for instance Ayrton & Loat 1911: Pl. XXVI.7 = Ashmolean Museum AN1909.1023 (Payne 1993: Cat. No. 576); Brunton 1937: Pl. XXXII.6 (Tomb 1697); XXXIV (16) = British Museum EA 62414; XXXVII (23) = British Museum EA 62391.

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were also very important (van Dijk 2013; Darnell 2017: 55). In later Egyptian sources, traces of a very ancient hunting ritual implying the capture and slaughter of a bull have also been identified (Otto 1950; Baqué 2002). A running ritual at Nekhen under Narmer So far, the Narmer mace-head represents the earliest evidence for a running ritual implying wild animals, as it shows the running of three hartebeests within an enclosure located next to a structure with a wading bird on top (Fig. 1)2, an association also found on the later label of Aha (Fig. 3). That the whole scene on the mace-head is taking place in Hierakonpolis, where the object was found and not in Buto,3 has already been convincingly suggested by several authors, notably Jiménez Serrano (2002: 35, 54–57; 2006) and McNamara (2008).

Fig. 1. The scene on the Narmer mace-head (AN1896-1908 E.3631) (© Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford).

The main argument of scholars considering the ‘bird-on-structure’ depiction as referring to Buto is that the wading bird must be identified as a heron (Schott 1951: 1730, followed by many authors since4) and therefore represents the writing for Djebaut (Ḏb῾wt), a place related to Buto (Zibelius 1978: 266–267). As attractive as it may seem, this view is in fact very flimsy and should be 2 I am grateful to Liam McNamara and the Ashmolean Museum for allowing me to reproduce this drawing. 3 The schematic potmark in the shape of a bovid observed in Buto (von der Way et al. 1990: 285, 298–299) is not sufficient enough to infer the local presence of a bull cult, as more detailed depictions of the animal appear on pottery elsewhere in Egypt, see Hendrickx 2002: 277. The fact that Buto later pertained to a nome with a bull standard, as underlined by Helck (1954: 985; see also von der Way 1997: 128), should not be given excessive importance, as several other Lower Egyptian nomes also had a standard including a bull, whereas the nomes where the main sacred bulls were located did not include a bull in their standard, as pointed out by Otto (1938: 6). 4 The bird was included as sign g14 in Kahl’s classification (1994: 537), see lastly Regulski (2010: 128 and 457), where all U-j examples in the chart are in fact quite similar to those identified as G29 (Regulski 2010: 124, 446), although more squashed due to the restricted space.

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abandoned for several reasons: the toponym Ḏb῾wt sometimes written with a bird does not appear before the Old Kingdom, first under Sneferu in Dahshur (Fakhry 1954: pl. XVI–B; 1961: 60, figs. 35, 63, figs. 37–38) and even later in the Userkaf section of the Palermo Stone (Wilkinson 2000: 153, fig. 2). In both of these cases, the bird’s head is damaged, but the remains of the crest (after Fakhry 1961: 63, Fig. 38), as well as visible on the Sneferu block: the bird’s flexed legs, suggest that we are not dealing with a heron, but more likely with a northern bald ibis (Geronticus eremita, see notably Janák 2010: 27, Fig. 22; Darnell 2017: 56–58). If the heron was indeed, centuries later, used in connection to Djebaut (see e.g. Petrie 1909: pl. II.2), this is rather due to a (G32). Moreover, the toponym Ḏb῾wt is confusion with the hieroglyph never written with a bird only, the latter is rather used as an optional determinative. Furthermore, several labels of Djer and Den depicting the sacred chapels with palm trees in Buto later associated with Djebaut never show any wading bird on top of or in connection to these structures (see the figures in Begon 2015). But if the wading bird on the Narmer mace-head is certainly not a heron, it can be more securely identified as a saddle-billed stork (Ephippiorhynchus senegalensis) or ‘ba-bird’ (Janák 2014; Darnell 2017: 56), an impressive winged creature closely associated with the bovine goddess Bat in Hierakonpolis (Friedman 2009: 96–97). This bird appears notably on the rim of a stone vessel, along with the symbol of the goddess (Burgess & Arkell 1958; Hendrickx 2002: 310, Appendix H: 7), as a small faience model from the Main Deposit mistakenly described as a pelican (Quibell 1900: 8, Pl. XXI.15, XXII.16 = Ashmolean Museum AN1896-1908 E.7), or behind a young bull on a decorated ivory rod (Quibell 1900: 7 and Pl. XII.1). The ba-bird sign (G29) was also used to write the name of the goddess, as in PT 506 (§1096b). According to the archaeological record, the running of the hartebeests depicted on the mace-head could have taken place at the ceremonial centre HK29A, where evidence of rituals apparently related to the Nile inundation and implying the sacrifice of specific animals was discovered (Friedman 2009; Linseele et al. 2009). Aha So far, the earliest occurrence of the pḥrr ḥp ritual, or ‘running of ḥp’ – whatever that word means – appears on a stone vessel of Horus Aha inscribed with the serekh of the king and the words sp tpy pḥrr ḥp, ‘first time of the running of ḥp’,5 where the word ḥp is only determined by a duck (Fig. 2). 5 It remains uncertain whether the ritual already existed under Narmer, but it should be made clear that we are dealing here with the first occurrence of the ritual performed during the reign of Aha, and there is no reason to consider the authenticity of this inscription as doubtful, contra Godron 1990: 146, n. 393; see also our Addendum below.

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Fig. 2. Inscription on bowl (after Simpson 1957: 140).

Also dating back to Aha is the depiction of a running bull on the second register of an ebony label found in Umm el-Qa‘ab by Petrie6 and preserved today at the Penn Museum (E9396), where the animal is a long-horned wild bull7 (Fig. 3). If the identification of the first register as a temple of Neith is certainly correct (Helck 1987: 147–148), the scenes below certainly took place in other places, as the boats depicted in the third register also suggest a journey (Logan 1990: 64–65). The second register of this ebony label brings much information, first of all the round sign to the left8, which is certainly to be understood as the hiero(O48) used for the toponym Nḫn, a reading first correctly proposed glyph by Jiménez Serrano (2002: 59–60).9 Therefore, the whole second register must be regarded as taking place in Hierakonpolis, most probably at the ceremonial centre HK29A, where fragments of horncore pertaining to wild cattle have been recently identified.10 6 First published in Petrie 1901: 21 and Pl. X.2 (drawing) and IIIA.5 (photo) and often mentioned since. Several fragments of a very similar label were also found, but its second register is missing (Petrie 1901: Pl. XI.2 and IIIA.6 = British Museum EA 35518). 7 The same beast is depicted on a label of Den found by the German mission in Umm elQa‘ab, which was used for a pair of sandals (Ab K 2512, see Dreyer et al. 1998: 163 & Taf. 12e). On both labels, the rear legs are bent in a similar way as in much earlier aurochs depictions, perhaps to suggest that the animal was exhausted and about to be captured, see Huyge & Ikram 2009: 161; Huyge et al. 2011. For the complex question of the domestication of the aurochs (Bos primigenius) in Africa, see lastly Lesur 2017: 65–79 and Brass 2017. 8 The reading sp 4 ‘four times’ proposed by Helck (1987: 147) is rather unlikely: although the sp sign (O50) can sometimes look very similar to O48 (see Regulski 2010: 564, 566, col. Qaa: Nos. 4459 & 4461), it is usually arranged harmoniously with the number given, not isolated like the round sign here. The four small strokes could represent water, if we consider the similar strokes under the boat on Ab K 1441 (see Fig. 6b), but other interpretations are also possible (Jiménez Serrano 2002: 60). 9 The sign published under O50 in Regulski 2010: 566, col. Aha (Wood), should therefore be shifted to the preceding O48 table and considered as the earliest version of this hieroglyph. 10 I thank Renée Friedman and Wim Van Neer for this information (pers. comm., 17 February 2018).

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Fig. 3. Ebony label of Aha from Umm el-Qa‘ab (E9396) (Image Courtesy of University of Pennsylvania Museum).

The so-called sem-priest, also seen on the Narmer palette and mace-head, apparently brings a large ḥb-vessel (W3) above which two small signs are shown, a harpoon to the left and what must be a duck to the right, these offerings being related to the Nile and to the role of the king as provider of fish and fowl (Altenmüller 2008). Directly behind him is a sandy surface where the bull is shown running towards a crescent-shaped boundary marker, probably a net stretched between two poles and viewed from above,11 similar to those on the scene of the handcuffed (?) men running (Lauer 1994: 184; see also Spencer 1978; and McNamara 2008: 924, n. 33) on the Narmer mace-head (Fig. 1, middle register). Although only one net is represented here, the entire area was certainly enclosed with nets, as the scene on the Narmer mace-head suggests. 11 As Petrie underlines (1901: 21), the decoration of the much later ‘violent’ gold cup from Vapheio also shows a crescent-shaped net used in the capture of a wild bull, see Davis 1974: 475 Fig. 6.

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The bull is depicted with two distinct colour zones on its back, and what is striking is that the shape of the upper zone is pretty much reminiscent of an Early Dynastic flint knife (see e.g. Needler 1956), certainly a clue that the animal was to be butchered after its ritual running. But this mark is also reminiscent of a bird of prey, shown in the act of magically decapitating the bull with its relentless beak. This was either a falcon, like the local god Horus, or more probably a vulture; a bird closely associated with the goddess Nekhbet of the nearby Elkab, who also appears on the Narmer mace-head where she is facing an enclosure with an adult bovine and a calf. Writing in the 5th century BCE, Herodotus tells us that the Apis bull had to have ‘on its back, the picture of an eagle’,12 perhaps as a reminder of the long-forgotten bird-shaped mark of the bull of Nekhen. This arena was placed next to a sacred building with a saddlebilled stork on top, as in the scene with the running hartebeests on the Narmer mace-head. Between the bull and the bird is a small sign (X1) for t (a reading already proposed in Logan 1990: 64), complementing the bird so as to write the name of the goddess ‘Bat’. The existence of a bull closely related to Bat is suggested by a beaten gold necklace pendant in the shape of the animal, with the emblem of the goddess (Volokhine 2000: 58–60) hanging from its neck (Fig. 4). It was found in tomb N 1532 at Naga el-Deir, along with a similar piece in the shape of an oryx with the ankh-knot (Reisner 1908: 30–31, pl. 6, 9 (reverse); Vernier 1927: 510, Nos. 53824–53825). The very large ‘eye’ of the bull probably represents a black spot, also seen on the ostracon from the tomb of Hemaka (see below). Djer Although no textual mention of a ritual related to the bull of Nekhen is known for the time of Horus Djer, an ebony label of this king found in the tomb of Hemaka at Saqqara (Emery 1938: 35–39, Pl. 17–18, Cat. No. 411 = Cairo JE 70114) shows a bearded man carrying a standard surmounted by the figure of a wild bull advancing towards an unidentified vertical element. This could be a first appearance of Tjasepef, ‘The male one of his threshing floor’ (?), a seldom attested epithet for a bull that apparently received a cult in the Old Kingdom (Helck 1987: 154; Borghouts 1971: 159–163), but this is rather uncertain. 12 ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ νώτου αἰετὸν εἰκασμένον (Histories III, 28). The new-born calf which was to become Apis was chosen among the black and white dappled cattle of the ng(Ꜣw)-species (Montet 1954; Meyrat 2014: 273, No. 60), and originally the bird-shaped mark probably had to be natural and not just a piece of adornment, contra Le Berre 2002: 138, No. 1. However, a few stelae from the Serapeum show the bull with a falcon-shaped adornment over its neck, see e.g. stelae Nos. 150, 163, 192–194 & 202 in Malinine et al. 1968. Although Herodotus mentions an ‘eagle’, the mark probably had to evoke the wings of any large bird of prey, with some room for interpretation and variations over time.

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Fig. 4. Bull-shaped amulet (Cairo CG 53824). Dimensions: 4 cm long by 2.1 cm high (© Egyptian Museum, Cairo).

The bull of Nekhen should not be excluded here, as the juggling man depicted on the same register of this label could be related to the ‘striking of balls’ (Helck 1987: 154), a ritual mentioned in PT 254, where it must be performed ‘at the mouth of the canal of Apis’ (§279d). Den For the reign of Horus Den, we have already mentioned a label depicting the capture of a wild bull (Ab K 2512, see above, No. 7). The beast is shown on sandy hills with four summits, and the lasso held by the king is stretched above the animal’s shoulder hump. As if kneeling in submission, the bull is captured alive, and one can surmise that before playing his part in rituals, the bull of Nekhen had experienced the same fate, but this kind of bull-hunting scene could simply pertain to the king’s propaganda rather than a specific ritual. The mastaba of Hemaka in Saqqara yielded several objects apparently related to a hunting and butchering ritual, notably a round disc decorated with dogs hunting, or another one with the image of a bird-trap (Emery 1938: 29, pl. 12 b–c, Cat. Nos. 307 & 310; Henein 2001), as well as arrows and a leather bag containing, among other objects, a set of six large flint knives and a considerable collection of scrapers (Emery 1938: 14). This bag was closed by a sealing bearing the impression of a royal seal showing King Den twice, first wearing the red crown and running behind a bull, then wearing the white crown and running towards a monkey sitting on a throne (Fig. 5). Often mentioned in the scholarly literature (see notably Kees 1938; and Müller 2017: 792), this seal impression (also referred to as IÄF 211, after

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Fig. 5. Seal impression IÄF 211 (after Emery 1938: 64).

Kaplony 1963) does not only occur in the tomb of Hemaka, but also on several sealing fragments found by the German mission in the area of the tomb of Den in Umm el-Qa‘ab.13 A painted ostracon from the tomb of Hemaka shows the same two animals, the bull being mainly white, with several black spots on the back and around the eye (Emery 1938: 14, Pl. 19, Cat. 421). The latter depiction could result from an unction (Helck 1987: 14), a fact also suggested by PT 254, where the king as a bull is addressed to as ‘eye-painted pillar’ (§283a). In the tomb of Hemaka were also found several jars inscribed with a variant of (Emery 1938: Pl. 39, Nos. 90–105), consisting of two basic the potmark (from right to left: D28 and O48), which can undoubtedly14 hieroglyphs: be read kꜢ Nḫn and translated as ‘Bull of Nekhen’, suggesting that the related goods were meant as rewards for the important part played by the tomb owner during the ritual performed at Hierakonpolis. This specific potmark also appears at Tarkhan and in several royal tombs of the 1st Dynasty at Umm el-Qa‘ab, notably those of Den and Qa‘a (Helck 1990: 44–45, Nos. 56 A & B), this time as reminders of the ritual performed at Nekhen by these kings. For the reign of Den, the year x+12 of the Palermo Stone mentions the ‘first time of the running’ (pḥrr) of the bull, which is depicted with a mark on its back (Wilkinson 2000: 117 and Fig. 1), and as observed by Helck (1987: 129), the corresponding year witnessed a very low flood. Qa‘a Two ivory labels (Fig. 6) discovered by the German mission in the funerary complex of Horus Qa‘a at Umm el-Qa‘ab (Engel 2017: 336–337, Taf. 35d, 13 I am very grateful to Vera Müller for sharing with me all of her information on this yet unpublished material (pers. comm., 14 November 2017). 14 This speaks very much in favour of a reading kꜢ for the sign of the arms, whether oriented upward or downward, see discussion and bibliography in Regulski 2010: 98–99.

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Fig. 6a–b. Labels of Qa‘a Ab K 1440 and Ab K 1441 (Photos DAI Kairo – Abydos).

36a) provide a crucial hint for the present investigation.15 They were registered as Ab K 1440 (Cairo JE 99160) and Ab K 1441, the latter being smaller and more crudely inscribed. The first column of K 1440 starts with sp 2 ‘second time’, followed by the word ḥp determined by a duck, and then by a bull, a vertical stroke and a round sign. The signs after that can be read ῾š ḫtyw, ‘conifer-wood from the terraced hillsides’, and the column ends with what could be either the name of a royal domain or of a boat, as the final sign suggests (Dreyer 1996: 75; Engel 2017: 337 b), in which case the wood mentioned on the labels was perhaps used to build it. The same name, also determined by a boat, appears on a stone vessel fragment of Qa‘a published by Petrie (1901: pl. VIII.6 = New York MMA 01.4.20). The usually accepted reading for the beginning of this column translates as ‘second time of Apis, first time of conifer-wood, etc.’, but the reading sp tpy for the vertical stroke and the following round sign is in fact very unlikely: as other early occurrences of the words sp tpy show, the word sp usually precedes the ordinal number.16 Moreover, the vertical stroke placed directly below the bull is rather a hint that both signs go together. Although it may accidentally look somewhat flattened at the top, the stroke is certainly not the tpy-dagger (T8), but simply the (Z1) stroke, indicating that the bull ideogram stands for 15 I am grateful to Günter Dreyer for these two photographs and for allowing me to reproduce them here. 16 See e.g. the already mentioned stone vessel of Aha (Simpson 1957), the MacGregor tablet of Den (British Museum EA 55586, see Spencer 1980: 65, No. 460), or the examples found on the Palermo Stone, which also provides the only exception I could find, i.e. Den, year x+12, which may also result from a mistake made while copying the original (for other copying mistakes in the royal annals, see Altenmüller 2008).

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the animal it depicts, without any phonetic signs (Sethe 1908: 44–45)17, and must be read kꜢ ‘bull’. The Z1 stroke is also confirmed by K 1441, where the sign is not flattened at the top, as is usually the case for T8 (see Regulski 2010: 638– 639). Lastly, the round sign on K 1440 is drawn with great care, and as a stand(O48) for Nḫn, so the new reading alone sign, can only be the round sign proposed here for the first words of these labels is: sp 2 ḥp kꜢ Nḫn, and translates as follows: ‘second time of ḥp of the bull of Nekhen’. Discussion As we have just seen, in the 1st Dynasty, the future Apis bull was called ‘bull of Nekhen’ and not ḥp, so how should we translate this puzzling word? In all likelihood, it must be an early writing of the word ḥ῾py, ‘Nile; Nile inundation’, ḥp (without the ‘ayn’) before the Middle Kingdom which was written (Gardiner 1908: 141). The determinative of the word ḥp has been identified as (G39), and if ḥp is indeed an early writing for the word a pintail duck ‘inundation’, the presence of the palmiped could be explained by the proliferation of birds witnessed during this specific period of the year, when the whole Nile Valley would look like a huge ‘duck pond’ (Vernus & Yoyotte 2005: 358). The occurrence of the same word just above the depiction of a royal boat, with a crowned falcon as figurehead (Fig. 7), on an Early Dynastic stone vessel found at Abydos (Petrie 1903: 29 (279), 38, Pl. XII.279 & XLII.1; present location unknown), clearly suggests a link with the Nile. Moreover, the Apis bull is well-known for its close connection with fertility and the Nile inundation (see notably Barta 1975: 112–115; Goyon 1988: 40; Vos 1993: 164), so it would not be surprising to see the animal originally involved in a magical ritual aimed at triggering or enhancing this natural event.18 Although the detailed sequence of the actions performed during the pḥrr ḥp or ‘running of the inundation’ is hard to ascertain, the following can be proposed with some confidence: after the running of the wild bull at the ceremonial centre HK29A, the king would capture it with a lasso19 and then kill it, decapitating it with a flint knife. A passage of PT 254 (§286c-e) gives some hint as to the fate of the head: ṯs.n=f tp=f ḥr wsrt=f ỉw wsrt Wnỉs ḥr mkt=f m rn=f pw n ṯs-tp ṯs=f tp n Ḥp ỉm=f hrw pw n spḥ ng “He has attached his head to his 17 A similar early use of the Z1 stroke appears on a label of Den found by Petrie (1900: Pl. X.11 & XVI.20 = Penn Museum E6843), where it is inscribed under a sign representing a garment, see Hendrickx 1998: 212–215. 18 An early link between bulls and the Nile inundation might help to explain the composite bull-tilapia creature: see the palette Chicago OIM E11470 (Hendrickx et al. 2016: 520–523). 19 Later kings will also claim to have captured wild bulls with a lasso, see notably Vandier 1964: 9–11 and Mathieu & Romion 2008; Baqué 2002.

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Fig. 7. Inscription on bowl from Abydos (after Petrie 1903: Pl. XII).

neck. The neck of Unas is in its place in his name of ‘He-with-attached-head’, as he attached the head of Apis with it on the day of lassoing the long-horned bull”. Apparently, the king would somehow place it on (or in front of) his own head, perhaps as a kind of mask, allowing him to be himself recognised as the true ‘Bull of Nekhen’, as he is addressed at the beginning of the spell (§276a). The very rough sketch incised on a sherd found at Hierakonpolis (Friedman 2009: 96–97) might in fact show the king holding this awe-inspiring symbol of power in front of his face. The bull’s head was then considered as a trophy20, as was probably already the case in the Late Predynastic (Hendrickx & Friedman 2003; Darnell 2017), and its tail was incorporated into the king’s attire, to be worn on special occasions (LeBlanc 2015: 239–243) as a reminder of his achievement at Nekhen. The bull’s head was possibly attached to the prow of a specific royal boat21, as suggested by the one depicted on the Naqada label of Aha (Cairo CG 14142, see Helck 1987: 146–147), the design of which later inspired the Henu-barque of Sokar. This boat was apparently involved in ‘an agricultural rite’ (Wilkinson 1999: 301–302), probably related to the navigation of the king mentioned in PT 254. Indeed, along with an impressive description of the Nile inundation and its effects22 (278c–279c), this spell mentions the pulling of a boat’s rope 20 According to Herodotus (Histories II: 39), the head of sacrificed bulls was cut off and cursed, perhaps as a reminder of the archaic ritual performed at Nekhen. 21 For other ancient depictions of a boat with a bull’s head at the prow, see notably Lacau & Lauer 1961: 51 §106 and Spencer 1980: 13 (3rd Dynasty statue of Ankhwa, British Museum EA 171). 22 “The earth is completely dammed up, for the mountain ranges on either side of the river have been joined and the two banks have been united, the roads have been made inaccessible to those who would pass, and the terraces have been destroyed for those who would go up.” (after Allen 2005: 43).

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(§279d), and the king is ordered to row (§284b) and to ‘quicken the pace’ (§284c, see Postel 2003: 382). As we have seen above, the labels of Qa‘a also mention a boat. Moreover, in the ‘Corridor of the Bull’ at Abydos, the lassoing scene discussed by Baqué (2002) is directly followed by the sacrifice of a now-lost animal, probably the bull (Mariette 1869: 27, §99), and by a depiction of the bark of Sokar decorated with the head of an oryx and that of a bull. Therefore, the connection between these scenes is the capture and sacrifice of wild beasts, which clearly suggests that the bull’s head was originally used as a trophy (see also Hendrickx et al. 2016: 519). Furthermore, the gold oryx pendant found with the bull at Naga el-Deir could also be related to the earliest form of the Henu-barque (see also Derchain 1962: 11). Presumably early in the 2nd Dynasty, as suggested by Manetho (see Kessler 1989: 70–71), the bull of Nekhen was moved to Memphis, so the toponym in his name was no longer relevant and disappeared. The pḥrr ḥp or inundation-related running of this bull also lost its original meaning. Ancient records mentioning the pḥrr ḥp kꜢ (Nḫn) or ‘running of the inundation of the bull (of Nekhen)’ were no longer understood, and the bull sign soon lost its original reading kꜢ ‘bull’ to become a mere determinative, so that the words ḥp and kꜢ were merged, giving rise to the new proper noun Ḥp for the bull, which kept its original duck determinative and later became known as ‘Apis’. Since the animal had become sacred,23 a new cult appeared, along with titles related to its care (see e.g. Jones 2000, Vol. 1: 454, No. 1699; and Vol. 2: 588, No. 2153). However, the animal could still be depicted running, along with the king, in pḥrr-rituals involving boundary markers (see e.g. Petrie et al. 1910: 39, § 68 & Pl. XXX.3). In accordance with its new name, which incidentally was a duplicate of the word designating the Nile inundation, the Apis bull remained closely associated with this natural phenomenon and with the fertility of Egypt, which is why it was held in the highest regard in both life and death during the entire pharaonic period: like the king providing fish and fowl, Apis was responsible for the enduring continuation of the country’s very existence. Acknowledgements Along with the scholars already mentioned in the course of this paper, I would like to thank the editorial reviewers for pointing out some elements which required clarification. Any and all remaining mistakes are my own. 23

The transition from a simple bull to a sacred animal might have taken some time: in the text of PT 674 (§1998b) inscribed in the pyramid of Pepy I (6th Dynasty), the name of Apis was first determined by a bull which was later replaced by the falcon on standard, see Leclant (dir.) 2001: 117, 289 Fig. 15 and Pl. VI (P/F-A/N, Col. 9). This spell must have been of significant importance to the bull, as it was inscribed centuries later on the stone sarcophagus made for the Apis buried in the year 23 of Amasis (26th Dynasty), see Allen 1950: 12–13 (Apis) and 98 (674).

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Addendum The present paper was already in its final editorial phase when the following article appeared: DEVAUCHELLE, D., 2020. Quel taureau pour Apis ? [in:] AUFRÈRE, S.H. (ed.), Les taureaux de l’Égypte ancienne. Publication éditée à l’occasion de la 14e rencontre d’égyptologie de Nîmes. Nîmes: 165–196, where the author (p. 169 and n. 10), following Godron 1990, questions the authenticity of the inscription published in Simpson 1957 (our Fig. 2). Along with the fact that the form of the signs corresponds perfectly to the 1st Dynasty, in the case of a modern forgery, a counterfeiter would certainly have engraved a bull sign (E1) as final determinative. All in all, this inscription should therefore be considered as genuine until proven otherwise. Bibliography ALLEN, J.P., 2005. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Society of Biblical Literature: Writings from the Ancient World 23. Atlanta. ALLEN, T.G., 1950. Occurrences of Pyramid Texts with Cross Indexes of These and Other Egyptian Mortuary Texts. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 27. Chicago. ALTENMÜLLER, H., 2008. Der König als Vogelfänger und Fischer (nbty wḥ῾) – Zu frühen Belegen eines traditionellen Motivs [in:] ENGEL, E.-M.; MÜLLER, V. & HARTUNG, U. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer. Menes 5. Wiesbaden: 1–18. AYRTON, E.R. & LOAT, W.L.S., 1911. Pre-Dynastic Cemetery at El Mahasna. London. BAQUÉ, L., 2002. „On that Day when the Long-Horned Bull was Lassoed…“ (PT [254] 286). A Scene in the „Corridor of the Bull“ of the Cenotaph of Sethos I in Abydos: An Iconologic Approach. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 30: 43–51. BARTA, W., 1975. Untersuchungen zur Göttlichkeit des regierenden Königs: Ritus und Sakralkönigtum in Altägypten nach Zeugnissen der Frühzeit und des Alten Reiches. Münchener Ägyptologische Studien 32. Munich/Berlin. BEGON, M., 2015. La ville de Bouto (Pé) sous la Ire dynastie: Étude d’une mention inédite inscrite sur une étiquette méconnue découverte à Abou Rawach (Louvre Inv. AF 11872). Archéo-Nil 25: 11–18. BORGHOUTS, J.F., 1971. The Magical Texts of Papyrus Leiden I 348. Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden 51. Leiden. BRASS, M., 2003. Tracing the Origins of the Ancient Egyptian Cattle Cult [in:] EYMA, A.K. & BENNETT, C.J. (eds.), A Delta-Man in Yebu: Occasional Volume of the Egyptologists’ Electronic Forum No. 1. Parkland, FL: 101–110. BRASS, M., 2017. Early North African Cattle Domestication and Its Ecological Setting: A Reassessment. Journal of World Prehistory. doi: 10.1007/s10963-017-9112-9. BRUNTON, G., 1937. Mostagedda and the Tasian Culture: British Museum Expedition to Middle Egypt, First and Second Years: 1928, 1929. London. BURGESS, E.M. & ARKELL, A.J., 1958. The Reconstruction of the Ḥatḥōr Bowl. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 44: 6–11.

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HENDRICKX, S. & FRIEDMAN, R., 2003. Gebel Tjauti Rock Inscription 1 and the Relationship between Abydos and Hierakonpolis during the Early Naqada III Period. Göttinger Miszellen 196: 95–109. HENDRICKX, S.; SIMOENS, P. & EYCKERMAN, M., 2016. “The Facial Veins” of the Bull in Predynastic Egypt [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANT-REYNES, B.; RYAN, E.M. & TRISTANT, Y. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th–30th July 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 505–533. HENEIN, N., 2001. Du disque de Hemaka au filet hexagonal du lac Manzala: Un exemple de pérennité des techniques de chasse antiques. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 101: 237–248. HUYGE, D. & IKRAM, S., 2009. Animal Representations in the Late Palaeolithic Rock Art of Qurta (Upper Egypt) [in:] RIEMER, H.; FÖRSTER, F.; HERB, M. & PÖLLATH, M. (eds.), Desert Animals in the Eastern Sahara: Status, Economic Significance, and Cultural Reflection in Antiquity. Colloquium Africanum 4. Cologne, 157–174. HUYGE, D.; VANDENBERGHE, D.A.G.; DE DAPPER, M.; MEES, F.; CLAES, W. & DARNELL, J.C., 2011. First Evidence of Pleistocene Rock Art in North Africa: Securing the Age of the Qurta Petroglyphs (Egypt) through OSL Dating. Antiquity 85: 1184–1193. JANÁK, J., 2010. Spotting the Akh: The Presence of the Northern Bald Ibis in Ancient Egypt and Its Early Decline. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 46: 17–31. JANÁK, J., 2014. Saddle-Billed Stork (ba-Bird) [in:] WENDRICH, W. (ed.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. Los Angeles. JIMÉNEZ SERRANO, A., 2002. Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1076. Oxford. JIMÉNEZ SERRANO, A., 2006. ¿El templo de Dyebaut o de Nekhen? Estudio comparativo de cuatro etiquetas procedentes de Umm el-Qaab [in:] CERVELLÓ AUTUORI, J.; DÍAZ DE CERIO JUAN, M. & RULL RIBÓ, D. (eds.), Actas del Segundo Congreso Ibérico de Egiptología. Aula Ægyptiaca Studia 5. Barcelona: 143–150. JONES, D., 2000. An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom (2 vol.). British Archaeological Reports International Series 866. Oxford. KAHL, J., 1994. Das System der ägyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0.–3. Dynastie. Göttinger Orientforschungen, IV. Reihe: Ägypten 29. Wiesbaden. KAPLONY, P., 1963. Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit (3 vol.). Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 8. Wiesbaden. KEES, H., 1938. Die Opfertanzdarstellung auf einem Siegel des Königs Usaphais. Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Fachgruppe I: Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Folge III/2. Göttingen: 21–30. KEMP, B.J., 1991. An Archaic Bovid Statuette in Cambridge. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 47: 205–208. KESSLER, D., 1989. Die heiligen Tiere und der König I: Beiträge zu Organisation, Kult und Theologie der spätzeitlichen Tierfriedhöfe. Ägypten und Altes Testament 16. Wiesbaden. LACAU, P. & LAUER, J.-P., 1961. La Pyramide à degrés IV: Inscriptions gravées sur les vases. 2e fascicule. Texte. Fouilles à Saqqarah. Cairo. LAUER, J.-P., 1994. Les édicules en forme de D du complexe monumental de la pyramide à degrés [in:] BERGER, C.; CLERC, G. & GRIMAL, N. (eds.), Hommages à Jean Leclant. Bibliothèque d’Étude 106/4. Cairo: 183–198.

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LE BERRE, É., 2002. Le taureau Apis: Un animal-dieu dans l’enquête d’Hérodote [in:] LABRIQUE, F. (ed.), Religions méditerranéennes et orientales de l’Antiquité. Bibliothèque d’Étude 135. Cairo: 137–147. LEBLANC, M.J., 2015. The Zoomorphic Transformation of the King in Early Egyptian Royal Military Victory Rituals and Its Relationship to the Sed Festival [in:] MASSIERA, M., MATHIEU, B. & ROUFFET, F. (eds.), Apprivoiser le sauvage / Taming the Wild. Cahiers Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne 11. Montpellier: 229–243. LECLANT, J. (dir.), 2001. Les textes de la pyramide de Pépy Ier. Mémoires de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 118 (2 vol.). Cairo. LESUR, J., 2017. Et la gazelle devint chèvre: Pré-histoires africaines d’hommes et d’animaux. Toulouse/Paris. LINSEELE, V.; VAN NEER, W. & FRIEDMAN R., 2009. Special Animals from a Special Place? The Fauna from HK29A at Predynastic Hierakonpolis. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 45: 105–136. LOGAN, T.J., 1990. The Origins of the Jmy-wt Fetish. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 27: 61–69. MALININE, M.; POSENER, G. & VERCOUTTER, J., 1968. Catalogue des stèles du Sérapéum de Memphis (2 vol.). Paris. MARIETTE, A., 1869. Abydos: Description des fouilles. Tome premier. Paris. MATHIEU, B. & ROMION, J., 2008. Le lasso d’Hathor: Relecture de la stèle Turin Suppl. 1310. Göttinger Miszellen 219, 65–70. MCNAMARA, L., 2008. The Revetted Mound at Hierakonpolis and Early Kingship: A Re-Interpretation [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th– 8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/ Dudley, MA: 901–936. MEYRAT, P., 2014. The First Column of the Apis Embalming Ritual: Papyrus Zagreb 597-2 [in:] QUACK, J.F. (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit. Orientalische Religionen in der Antike 6. Tübingen: 263–337, and hieroglyphic transcription available on: . MONTET, P., 1954. Les bœufs égyptiens. Kêmi 13: 43–58. MÜLLER, V., 2017. Seal Impressions from Den’s Tomb at Abydos: New Evidence and New Interpretations [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 791–804. NEEDLER, W., 1956. A Flint Knife of King Djer. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 42: 41–44. PAYNE, J.C., 1993. Catalogue of the Predynastic Egyptian Collection in the Ashmolean Museum. Oxford. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1901. The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties: Part II. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1903. Abydos: Part II. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1909. The Palace of Apries (Memphis II). Egyptian Research Account 15. London. PETRIE, W.M.F.; MACKAY, E. & WAINWRIGHT, G., 1910. Meydum and Memphis (III). Egyptian Research Account 16. London. OTTO, E., 1938. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stierkulte in Ägypten. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ägyptens 13. Leipzig.

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FROM THE DIVERSITY OF PRACTICES TO THE FUNCTION OF FINERIES IN THE FUNERARY CONTEXT OF ADAÏMA MATHILDE MINOTTI TRACES – Université Toulouse Le Mirail, France

In a prosaic way, we can affirm that the main function of ornaments is to be worn and seen. However, in the funerary domain, they acquire varied symbolic functions. At Adaïma, diverse funerary practices have been observed and the ornamental composition accompanying the deceased is always unique. It is generally accepted that variability between graves in the same funerary complex is a marker of socio-economic differentiation. However, it seems difficult to transpose this model to the small village community of Adaïma where each grave is different. A multiscale analysis enables us to attribute new meaning to these observations. On the one hand, archaeothanatology reconstructs the different acts leading to the burial of the deceased and his/her grave goods. On the other hand, the functional study of the ornamental objects enables us to determine whether the objects were used ante mortem or not. The exegesis of the uses of these objects enables us to perceive the intentions behind the acts and to enhance our understanding of the functions of funerary goods.

Introduction During analyses of Predynastic necropolises, ornaments are often used as a criterion for evaluating the wealth of the buried. They are therefore cited for their raw materials. A reserve of materials is supposed to represent the capacity of the buried individual to convene, or even control, an exchange network to procure exotic, and therefore ‘prestigious’ materials (e.g. Bard 1988; Helms 1988; Anderson 1992; Savage 1995; Castillos 2000). Too often, issues related to the ornaments themselves are relegated to a secondary position in relation to what researchers wish to demonstrate, i.e., a ‘complexification of society’, induced or translated by the monopolisation of riches. Yet the ornamentation of bodies, whether they are alive or dead, is a form of corporal representation. This representation involves discourse between individuals and cannot be limited to a simple technical or material investment. Evidence of ornamentation in archaeology is often limited to what M. Mauss (1936) defined as ‘fineries’1. Indeed, clothing and fineries are the two main elements of corporal ornamentation. Clothing is often made of perishable materials and is rarely preserved in archaeological contexts. In order to understand the meaning of what we can see of past societies, we only have elements 1

‘Ornemantique’ in French.

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in non-perishable materials. In addition to this partial view of appearances, there is the difficulty of interpreting meaning without the discourse of the actors. We wish to attempt to overcome these shortcomings through a bimodal analysis of the ornaments discovered in funerary contexts at Adaïma. On the one hand, archaeothanatology2 (Duday 2005) enables us to decipher the acts carried out during funerary rituals. On the other, use-wear analysis informs us of the funerary or familiar nature of the deposited ornaments. The interpretation of the functions of ornamentation can be approached using ethnographic data. At this site, the quality of the material allows for a holistic overview of the ornamentation in a funerary context. Adaïma Multidisciplinary studies (e.g. Crubézy et al. 2002; 2008; Hochstrasser-Petit 2004; Baduel 2005; Buchez 2008; Briois & Midant-Reynes 2008; MidantReynes et al. 2007; 2011; Crubézy 2017) have shown that Adaïma can be defined as a small village of sedentary farmers. It is part of a network of villages of different dimensions spread over the territory in a relatively dense pattern. The region appears to be situated in the realm of the site of Hierakonpolis, a probable place of power and exchanges. The demographic study (Crubézy et al. 2008) showed that the eastern necropolis could be divided into two coherent complexes. The southern cemetery corresponds to phases 2 and 3, dating from Nagada IID to Nagada IIIC. The northern cemetery corresponds to the 4th occupation phase, Nagada IIID– 3rd Dynasty. For each of these two complexes, this distinction ensures the representativeness of a mortality rate of a natural pre-Jennerian population. Each cemetery appears to have been in use for three to four centuries and is made up of the burials of the youngest children from the small village community. Several adults were also buried in the northern cemetery. In the eastern necropolis, four-hundred and ninety graves have been excavated. Ornaments were discovered in a third of these graves. Predynastic funerals It is always surprising to observe the diversity of funeral practices during the Predynastic period. Individuals were buried in caskets, shrouds, urns or directly into the ground with different types and varying quantities of objects. 2 Archaeothanatology is the word in French (Duday 2005) to design the studies around the treatment of death and body in archaeological research. The term thus refers to funerary archaeology, associated with the biological study of human remains and their preservation according to contexts of discovery (taphonomy).

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Table 1. Modelling of Predynastic funerals and position of ornaments.

Thus, a descriptive and qualitative approach always represents a long-term labour. However, it is possible to gauge the intentions of the deceased by decrypting these acts. Funerals are defined as the period beginning with the appearance of a corpse and can end much later, when all the rituals necessary for the material and spiritual management of the deceased have been completed. In the same way as a technical chaîne opératoire, funerals can be divided into different stages (Tab. 1): preliminary practices, sepulchral practices, and post-sepulchral practices. The identification of these three funeral stages is based on ethnographic observations (Thomas 1980; 1982; Duday 2005; Baray 2007). During preliminary practices, two types of objects are used. Firstly, grooming or preparatory objects that provide evidence of liturgical aspects; and secondly, the objects chosen to dress the corpse, such as clothes and jewels. The latter are in direct contact with the corpse. They are a symbol of intimacy between the dead and the living, and the way the entourage perceives the individuality of the deceased. Furthermore, the choice and the quality of the ornaments can indicate the material wealth of the deceased’s environment. Sepulchral practices begin with the preparation of the place where the remains are laid to rest. This can be a simple pit, a prepared pit or a construction. At Adaïma, only pits or prepared pits have been found. The second archaeologically traceable sequence is the deposition of the corpse and the objects in the structure. The corpse is generally in the foetal position, with the body lying on its side with its hands in front of its face. A shroud or ties

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keep the body in a contracted position. Transport of the corpse to the necropolis seems to follow two patterns: corpses were either transported in a leather shroud or pottery before being deposited in simple pits; or the position of certain skeletons seems to indicate an in situ arrangement of the corpse. The corpse can be placed directly on the ground, or on or in a receptacle. In some cases, objects were deposited beside the corpse before the container was closed. These can include pottery, ornaments, malachites and palettes, and sometimes tools. These graves were on public display, giving the impression of representation, which suggests that the deposited objects were intended to be exhibited. In a second stage, other objects are placed in the tomb and are separated from the corpse by containers. These are varied types of objects, but the most widespread are items of pottery. They are empty in the tomb and seem to symbolise what they should have contained (Buchez 1998). Their purpose appears to have fulfilled mainly a viaticum role. The ornaments deposited in the same way may have the same type of significance, i.e., deposited to support the deceased in the afterlife, and to prove a sense of belonging to the community. Before the definitive filling of the pit, some people were probably present around the grave for indeterminate rituals, which could have necessitated specific objects. The latter are sometimes buried when the grave is closed, placed high up in the grave fill. The last stage of sepulchral practices is the possible signalling of the tomb, i.e., marking its position in the ground. At Adaïma, the fact that the tombs do not overlap and the discovery of mounds indicate that this practice was widespread. Looting is a widespread post-sepulchral practice occurring sometime shortly after burial. The authors of these violations seem to have been searching for rare materials, such as copper, or ornaments. In some cases, looters must have been there for the burial as precisely focused looting indicates that they knew the position of the grave goods (Crubézy et al. 2002). Two different burial modes can be identified at Adaïma. The first consists of bringing the corpse of the deceased to the place of burial in a container. The grave is often simple and no particular preparations are carried out. This type of grave generally contains few objects and corresponds to ‘fast burials’, probably interred shortly after death. The second arranges the corpse in the necropolis with the accompanying grave goods. The corpse is often exposed with directly associated objects. Those participating in the ritual can interact with the deceased by making donations. This is a public demonstration of privileged relationships with the deceased and also conveys a message to the other participants. The two funerary policies, deposition and distribution, highlighted by A. Testart (2001), these two types of ceremony can point to differences in status or can be linked to diverse beliefs due to the cohabitation of communities practising different funerary policies.

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Funerary ornaments vs. familiar ornaments The objects discovered in a funerary context can bear traces of use such as carbonised residues at the bottom of pottery vessels and traces of pigments on palettes. They are extracted from the world of the living to accompany the deceased. When the objects do not present traces of use, they can be interpreted as objects with a funerary vocation. In this way, the stucco objects (sandals, weapons and shields) deposited in grave S24 of the western necropolis (Crubézy et al. 2002: 468) are purely funerary in nature. They were placed in the container with the corpses and represent the warlike or even commanding status of the two buried corpses. The real weapons cannot leave the world of the living, as they are transmitted to future generations as a symbol of status legacy. The two individuals are accompanied by substitutes of these symbolic objects in the world of the dead. However, apart from several particular cases, the objects found in Predynastic graves seem to be extracted from the world of the living, and generally bear traces of ante mortem use. The aim of the usewear study carried out on the ornaments from Adaïma is to define whether or not they were used ante mortem. A macro and microscopic observation of the beads resulted in the description of the use marks. Several experiments involving wearing ornaments were carried out, leading to the creation of a small comparative reference set (Minotti 2015). Pioneering work in this domain (Sidera 1993; Sidera & Legrand 2006; Bonnardin 2008) brought to light the notion of the ‘use-wear chain’. The degree of use can be more or less invasive and enables us to define whether the adornments were worn during the individual’s life or whether they were created for the funerary rites (Tab. 2). In this way, use-wear level 0 and level 1 indicate that the beads were not finished and that they can be interpreted as being unused or only slightly used. Use-wear levels 2 to 4 indicate a more or less intensive use of the adornments. Level 5 seems to result from preservation problems and taphonomic reworking. Level 6 appears to be linked to reuse and repairs and thus to an intensive use of the beads. However, it is important to remain cautious about the application of this scale of use-wear. During the fabrication of certain ornamental objects, intensive polishing can be carried out, obliterating technical shaping marks at the end of the chaîne opératoire. This is probably the case for the studied ring bangles where few use-wear marks were visible. For these ornaments, it is impossible to confirm whether the polish is due to technical operations or to the usual level 1 to 2 type polish of the use-wear chain. It is also very difficult to estimate the duration of wear as the resilience of technical traces varies depending on the raw material. The creation of specifically mortuary equipment, or what we refer to as ‘funerary items’, requires a short-term investment and can be ostentatious.

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Table 2. Modelling of scale of wear to define domestic or funerary ornaments.

‘Familiar objects’, which are taken from the world of the living, evoke the deceased or his/her link with the individual who deposited it. Ornamental deposit modes in graves Most of the ornaments (85 %) were deposited during the preliminary phase. Funerary preparations involve embellishment with make-up and adornments. However, most of the time, the corpses are wrapped in a flexible receptacle that hides this preparation. In two cases (S633 and S638), ornaments were used to maintain the shrouds on the corpses. In this way, the adornments deposited during the preparatory stages are visible. When no receptacle is used, the corpses are laid out for all to see in the funerary area. In a minority of cases, the ornaments are deposited in the tombs during sepulchral practices (Fig. 1). These offerings are made in a public place and the aim is not to embellish the corpse, but to make an offering to the deceased. This tradition continues during the whole occupation of the site, but always for a limited number of individuals. The main function of ornaments is to be worn, but they are also intended to be seen. However, the ornaments would only have been visible during the ceremony in 35 % of the studied cases. Therefore, their significance appears to change during the funerary ceremony. In the southern cemetery, these ornaments are mainly funerary in nature and can take on an ostentatious role. In the northern cemetery, most of the ornaments are familiar objects and are often more discreet; they are a visible part of the arrangement and are often associated with casket burials. These minority funerary practices tend to be concentrated in specific sectors of the necropolis. The north-south dichotomy in the eastern necropolis brought to light by demographic and chronological analyses seems to be confirmed by the analysis

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Fig. 1. Map of gathering of the graves with ornaments deposited during sepulchral practices (in black).

of the use of ornaments. In the south, only children were buried during the period ranging from Nagada IID to Nagada IIIA2 (B–C). In the tombs with ornaments, children’s corpses were generally decorated during funerary preparation. Most of the ornamental objects used in the rituals are slightly worn objects and were thus probably not used, or only slightly used. Variations can occur, and sometimes several deposit modes can be found in the same structure: some ornaments were worn and others were deposited, some were exposed or hidden, familiar or funerary. In the north, children and several adults were buried between Nagada IIID and the 3rd Dynasty, where standard practices are identical. Unlike in the southern cemetery, the ornaments used for funerary rites mainly come from the world of the living.

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Fig. 2. Grave S552: 1) necklace with 1500 beads in terracotta; 2) necklace with beads in faience and agate; 3) three ring-bangles in bone. Grave S626: 4) necklace with scorpion pendant in chalcedony and three geometrical beads in turquoise.

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Interpretation of the functions of ornaments in a funerary context The funerary use of ornaments seems to have had a much wider aim than mere corporal embellishment. The loss of primary functions (wearing ornaments and visibility) suggests that an object in the tomb becomes a marker of symbolic vocabulary and implies that the meaning behind the action can be approached by attempting to understand the underlying intentions. Deciphering funerary gestures and adornments in association with techno-economic and typochromatic aspects enables us to propose interpretations regarding the symbolic value of ornamental objects. Ornaments as material wealth Materials from long-distance exchanges, technical investments and the accumulation of objects are markers of wealth. In this way, the small necklace in grave S626 appears to present several characteristics of an object symbolising material wealth and/or social prestige (Fig. 2). It consists of a scorpion in red agate that required considerable knapping work, and three beads in turquoise, which is an exotic and unprecedented material at the site. The ornaments required specific expertise and work and were obtained outside the domestic unit sphere. Therefore, the object has considerable market value. However, the other grave goods are not particularly impressive and consist of three pottery items in addition to the earthen recipient. However, grave S552 (Fig. 2) contains eleven ornaments, four pottery items, a basket, jujube fruit and a greywacke palette. These ornaments include the largest necklace found at the site, made up of more than 1500 terracotta beads. Nine white bone ring bangles and a necklace of finger beads in chalcedony and faience are associated with this necklace. The accumulation of goods is unquestionable; however, the ornaments are all in local materials such as bone, faience and terracotta. In both cases, the ornaments made for the funeral were deposited during public sepulchral practices in an ostentatious way. Predynastic society is characterised by a domestic economy where the household ensures the production of daily commodities. The energy required for making a lot of goods in a limited space of time leaves less time for daily activities, even in a domestic context. Therefore, in addition to ordering an exceptional object from a specialist, the presence of these objects denotes a certain wealth and control over the local production system. These two forms thus represent the economic power of the donors. The mythic value of ornaments The age, the type or the origin of some ornaments gives them additional prestige (Sahlins 1965). In this way, during Kula in Polynesia, ornaments circulate

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in a complex system of gifts and counter gifts where the prestige of the object and the donor are more important than their economic value (Malinowski 1989). In such cases, we refer to ‘mythic prestige’ (Baray 2008), deriving from the genealogy of the object and its former owners. At Adaïma, ornaments made up of perforated shells show significant use-wear (a higher use-wear rate than 2), pointing to long periods of use that are at times incompatible with the young age of those wearing them. In such cases, the use and the distant origin imply that these objects held mythical prestige. However, their exclusive use in funerary preparations and the fact that they were invisible during ceremonies shows none of the ostentation that can accompany such symbolic objects. Therefore, other interpretations can be envisaged. This highly used ornament may be a type of legacy in that the systematic position in contact with the corpse may also signify an apotropaic value. Apotropaic3 ornaments Pendants depicting animals, natural elements or pots were discovered in a dozen graves. In eight cases, these elements are part of ornaments positioned on corpses during the preparatory funerary phase. These figurative elements are positioned in contact with the corpse in the same way as amulets during pharaonic periods. In four graves (S636, S683, S610, S626), the ornaments were deposited in the tombs during public sepulchral practices, but the figurative elements were deliberately placed under the corpse in three of these rituals. This specific gesture can be interpreted in two different ways. Firstly, it may signify the will to place the amulet as near the corpse as possible so that its magic role operates effectively. As looting was widespread, it is also possible to interpret this as the will to hide these objects from greedy eyes. Secondly, all of these ornamental elements seem to have been made for the funeral as their rate of use-wear is close to 0. In this way, figurative elements appear to have a protective role in the world of the dead, unlike perforated shells, which were also used in the world of the living. Ornaments as viaticum4 The viaticum consists first and foremost of travelling provisions. Pottery, and metaphors of their contents, such as food and drink, is typical of this category of funerary objects. Here, we adopt the definition of L. Baray (2007), for whom the viaticum is synonymous with offerings, as opposed to the personal goods 3

Object to push away the evil. The viaticum is a provision for a trip. In ancient Greece, the classic viaticum offering is the money introduced into the dead’s mouth to pay his right of passage to Charon. 4

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that follow the deceased to his/her last resting place. These offerings are the corollary of the belief in a form of life after death. All of the ornaments deposited outside the corpse receptacle can be described as viaticum. The most significant cases of viaticum ornaments are necklaces made for funerals, deposited in tombs during sepulchral practices with no contact with the dead. These same necklaces sometimes seem to be too big for the young children with whom they are associated. In such cases, these ornaments are a gift from a person or a community and are placed in the tomb to decorate the individual during their life in the other world. Collective identity The recognition and integration of the deceased in the group underlies all the publicly deposited grave goods. Depositing ornaments publicly shows the spectators that the deceased are assimilated into society, or a specific part of society. In this respect, ring-bangles are particularly interesting as they are only attributed to children under four years of age during Nagada IIIA1, and to children under nine years during Nagada IIIA2 (Fig. 3). Thus, they appear to have a collective intrinsic value. However, they only concern 26 % of the individuals from one to four years of age for these two periods. Therefore, their acquisition is not systematic and may indicate another characteristic (apart

Fig. 3. Seriation of ornament’s class.

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from age), such as sex, ethnic or family group, rite of passage, etc. Most of these ring-bangles were worn by children and hidden by a container before being deposited in the tombs. However, at times bracelets were worn by the deceased and exhibited when the corpse was displayed in the necropolis. Ring-bangles used during sepulchral practices are deposited near the corpses, often beside the upper limbs. Unworn bangles, made for the funeral, would enable the child to join his/her peers in the afterlife. Therefore, the young deceased must have been in a near-liminaly state (van Gennep 1909) at the time of death. Liminality is a period of life when the individual is in a ritual transition phase, when he/she no longer holds his/her pre-ritual status, but has not yet reached his/her new post-ritual status. These bangles are thus placed in the grave as a status marker for some children and as viaticum and a marker of identity for others. The graves containing these bracelets seem to be installed in specific areas of the necropolis. This sectorisation of bangles may be related to group aggregations, in reserved funerary sectors, but for now, we are not in a position to define the exact nature of these gatherings. Individuation5 In contemporary societies, one of the purposes of ornaments is to stand out from others and highlight personal traits. This function is marked by the diversity of objects, “as the same ornament for all would not adorn the individual” (Simmel 1998: 80). At Adaïma, simple and composite ornaments are all unique, as are the different ways of assembling them in graves. Most of the ornaments are invisible during the funerary ceremony and are thus not an overt assertion during the ritual. The trend of accumulation and ostentation noted by B. Midant-Reynes (2003) in Predynastic graves seems to be associated with a strong tendency towards individuation in this 4th Millennium society. This triple trend is related to the paradox raised by E. Durkheim; “How come the individual becomes increasingly autonomous yet depends closely on society” (Durkheim 1967: 46). This dependency is visible in Egypt, at the end of this period, through the setting up of State institutions closely regulating activities and behaviours. Adornments as an expression of a bond Mourning is also a phase of social regulation and enables the group to manage the emotional and material disorders engendered by death. Some of the objects 5 Fist used in psychology, the individuation is a dynamic process of personal evolution. For the philosopher V. Descombes (2013), it is a particularisation of individual facing general.

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Fig. 4. Grave S907, woman buried with fragment of ring-bangles in her hand.

deposited in the grave seem to indicate the affliction of grieving individuals, as shown by the adorned, protected, shrouded corpses exhibited in the necropolis. Ornaments sometimes display significant traces of use due to them having been worn by the children. These used familiar objects were laid out during the intimate funerary preparation of the corpse. Ornaments belonging to adults closely related to the children may be a sort of legacy and could represent the links uniting two generations. Conversely, in grave S907, a woman was buried with a fragment of a ring bangle in her hand, which was deposited publicly during the ceremony (Fig. 4). We know that these bracelets are ornaments reserved for children less than nine years of age. The fact that this object was placed in the woman’s hand could be in commemoration of a lost child. This commemoration and the expression of this link seem to be expressed by ‘inversions’, where children were buried with their parents’ ornaments and the parents were buried with their children’s ornaments. Conclusion: the polysemy of funerary adornments In archaeology, primary graves are ideal confined spaces portraying a snapshot resulting from a series of actions guided by the codes of a society. Funerary objects are images of an ideal world and symbols of their function. Visible worn ornaments embellish individuals in the world of the living and symbolic aspects underpin their multiple uses in the world of the dead. Ethnographic data show that ornaments often have a polysemic semiotic role. One of the representations can take precedence over the others (Vanhaeren 2002; 2010). The example of grave S626 (cf. above) is particularly pertinent (Fig. 2). The necklace is made up of a scorpion and three square turquoise beads deposited

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in front of the child’s face. Considering the funerary investment and the raw materials involved, this ornamentation seems to correspond to the demonstration of material wealth. In addition, the specific shape of the scorpion pendant may portray an apotropaic value. The image of the scorpion may also be associated with a symbol of power such as the local kingship of Hierakonpolis (Hendrickx et al. 1997–1998). Furthermore, the ornament was deposited in the grave during sepulchral practices and was not worn by the child and thus seems to be a viaticum offering. Lastly, this unique ornament is very different to the other contemporaneous objects found in the eastern necropolis. Therefore, it portrays marked individuation. This analysis of the funerary practices at Adaïma enabled us to observe diverse practices. This apparent heterogeneity could indicate a society where the individual takes precedence over the collective. In this Predynastic period of emulation and invention, this diversity may also indicate a dynamic social re-composition drive towards standardisation. Bibliography ANDERSON, W., 1992. Badarian Burials: Evidence of Social Inequality in Middle Egypt during the Early Predynastic Area. Journal American Research Center in Egypt 29: 51–66. BADUEL, N., 2005. Mobilier funéraire et mobilier de prestige: La question des palettes et du fard. Les Dossiers d’Archéologie 307: 44–51. BARAY, L., 2007. Dépôts funéraires et hiérarchies sociales aux âges du fer en Europe occidentale: aspect idéologiques et socio-économique [in:] BARAY, L.; BRUN, P. & TESTART, A. (eds.), Pratiques funéraires et sociétés: Nouvelles approches en archéologie et en anthropologie sociale. Dijon: 169–205. BARAY, L., 2008. Dimension socio-économique et symbolique des dépôts funéraires aristocratiques d’Europe occidentale (VIIIe s. avant J.-C.) [in:] BAILLY, M. & PLISSON, H. (eds.), La valeur fonctionnelle des objets sépulcraux. Actes de la table ronde d’Aix-en-Provence 25–27 Octobre 2006. Aix-en-Provence: 183–208. BARD, K., 1988. A Quantitative Analysis of the Predynastic Burials in Armant Cemetery 1400-1500. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74: 39–55. BONNARDIN, S., 2008. From Traces to the Function of Ornaments: Some Neolithic Examples [in:] LONGO, L. & SAKUN, N. (eds.), Prehistoric Technology 40 Years Later: Functional Studies and Russian Legacy. Proceedings of the International Congress Verona (Italy), 20–23 April 2005. Oxford: 297–308. BRIOIS, F. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2008. Lithic Industries from Adaïma, between Farmers and Craftsman [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 22–31. BUCHEZ, N., 1998. Le mobilier céramique et les offrandes à caractère alimentaire au sein des dépôts funéraires prédynastique: éléments de réflexions à partir de l’exemple d’Adaïma. Archéo-Nil 8: 83–103.

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BUCHEZ, N., 2008. Chronologie et transformation structurelles de l’habitat au cours du Prédynastique: Apport des mobiliers céramique funéraires et domestique du site d’Adaïma (Haute-Égypte). Toulouse. BUCHEZ, N., 2011. Chalcolithique final (ou Moyen?), Nagada IIC-DIIIA. Archéo-Nil 21: 51–64. CASTILLOS, J.J., 2000. The Predynastic Cemeteries at Badari. Revue d’Égytologie 51: 253–256. CRUBÉZY, E., 2017. Adaïma III – Demographic and Epidemiological Transition before Pharaohs. Le Caire. CRUBEZY, E.; DUCHESNE, S. & MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2008. The Predynastic Cemetery at Adaïma (Upper Egypt). General Presentation and Application for the Population of Predynastic Egypt [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 287–308. CRUBÉZY, E.; MIDANT-REYNES, B. & JANIN, T., 2002. Adaïma 2: La nécropole prédynastique. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 47. Le Caire. DESCOMBES, V., 2003. Les embarras de l’identité. Paris. DUDAY, H., 2005. L’archéothanatologie ou l’archéologie de la mort [in:] DUTOUR, O.; HUBLIN, J.J. & VANDERMEERSCH, B. (eds.), Objets et méthodes en paléoanthropologie. Paris: 153–206. DURKHEIM, E., 1967. De la division du travail social. Paris. HELMS, M.W., 1988. Ulysses’ Sail: An ethnographic Odyssey of Power. Knowledge, and Geographical Distance. Princeton. HENDRICKX, S.; HUYGE, D. & ADAMS, B., 1997–1998. Le scorpion en silex du Musée royal de Mariemont. Cahier de Mariemont 28–29: 7–33. HOCHSTRASSER-PETIT, C., 2004. La vannerie pré- et protodynastique: L’exemple d’Adaïma. DEA sous la direction de F. Briois, EHESS-Toulouse. MALINOWSKI, B., 1989. Les argonautes du Pacifiques. Paris. MAUSS, M., 1926. Manuel d’ethnographie. Paris. MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2003. Aux Origines de l’Égypte, du Néolithique à l’émergence de l’État. Paris. MIDANT-REYNES, B.; DUCHESNE, S. & CRUBEZY, E., 2007. La nécropole prédynastique d’Adaïma (Haute Égypte): Les pratiques funéraires [in:] BARAY, L.; BRUN, P. & TESTART, A. (eds.), Pratiques funéraires et sociétés: Nouvelles approches en archéologie et en anthropologie sociale. Dijon: 247–255. MINOTTI, M., 2015. La parure prédynastique en contexte funéraire: Technique et usage, le cas d’Adaïma. Thèse de doctorat de l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 3 volumes. SAHLINS, M., 1965. On the Sociology of Primitive Exchange [in:] BANTON, M. (ed.), The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London: 138–236. SAVAGE, S., 1995. Power and Competition in Predynastic Egypt: Mortuary Evidence from Cemetery N7000 at Naga-ed-Dêr. Arizona State University. SIDERA, I., 1993. Les assemblages osseux en Bassin parisien et rhénan au VIé millénaire BC: Histoire, techno-économie et culture. Thèse de doctorat de l’université de Paris I. SIDERA, I. & LEGRAND, A., 2006. Tracéologie fonctionnelle des matières osseuses: une méthode. Bulletin de la société préhistorique française 103/2: 291–304. SIMMEL, G., 1998. La parure et autres essaies. Paris.

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TESTART, A., 2001. Deux politiques funéraires. Sociedade portuguesa de antropologia etinologia 41: 45–66. THOMAS, L.-V., 1980. Le cadavre: De la biologie à l’anthropologie. Bruxelles. THOMAS, L.-V., 1982. La mort africaine: Idéologie funéraire en Afrique noire. Paris. VAN GENNEP, A., 1909. Les rites de passage: Étude systématique des rites de la pote et du seuil, de l’hospitalité, de l’adoption, de la grossesse et de l’accouchement, de la naissance, de l’enfance, de la puberté, de l’initiation, de l’ordination, du couronnement, des fiançailles et du mariage, des funérailles, des saisons etc. Paris. VANHAEREN, M., 2002. Les fonctions de la parure au Paléolithique supérieur, de l’individu à l’unité culturelle. Thèse de doctorat Université Bordeaux I. VANHAEREN, M., 2011. Les fonctions de la parure au Paléolithique Supérieur: De l’individus à l’unité culturelle. Riga.

ARCHAEOBOTANICAL INVESTIGATION AT THE EARLY DYNASTIC CEMETERY IN HELWAN (3100–2600 BCE), EGYPT: A REPORT ADEL MOUSTAFA University of Vienna, Austria

Analysis of the botanical materials found inside tightly sealed pots discovered in 39 tombs at the Early Dynastic cemetery in Helwan has yielded a total of 70,449 fragments of charred and desiccated plant macro remains. These remains were classified into two major groups: crop plants, including cereals, oil/fibre plants, legumes and fruit crops; and wild/weedy plants comprising wild edible fruits, field weeds, plants of moist habitats, plants of dry habitats and other wild taxa. This study revealed that the two major cereals cultivated at Early Dynastic Memphis were hulled barley and emmer wheat. In addition, analysis of charcoal and wood from a variety of contexts within 106 tombs indicated that acacia species dominate the charcoal and wood assemblage representing 82.04 % of the total charcoal volume and 51.02 % of the total wood volume. This research also confirms that fuel used in Early Dynastic Memphis was wood together with cereal by-products.

Introduction This work represents part of the project ‘Helwan – A Necropolis of Ancient Memphis’, funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF; Project No. P27123– G21), under the direction of E.C. Köhler, Institute for Egyptology, University of Vienna. In addition, the results mentioned here represent a part of the PhD thesis that the author is undertaking at the University of Vienna. Archaeological excavations at the cemetery of Helwan revealed the presence of sealed pots within many of the tombs. These pots were retrieved from various contexts including stairwells, fillings, burial chambers, side chambers, and pottery deposits next to coffins. They contained ash and soil that included botanical material (seeds, fruits, and charcoal). In addition, a variety of plant remains from other contexts such as wood associated with burials, coffin wood and organic material within stone vessels were recovered. Most plant materials were preserved by charring; only one vessel contained a small number of desiccated macro remains. Wood is present in both charred and desiccated form. The Helwan cemetery is a remarkable archaeological site because it has not only produced seeds and grains of both cultivated and wild plants, but also considerable quantities of other charred and desiccated material such as charcoal, desiccated wood and objects made of organic materials. Furthermore, considerable quantities of animal bones have been retrieved from the cemetery belonging to a

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variety of contexts other than from sealed vessels. The Helwan cemetery covers a long time span of several hundreds of years, where the majority of tombs primarily date to the Early Dynastic Period and some tombs to early Old Kingdom. This research will concentrate on materials from Early Dynastic tombs and also include materials from Old Kingdom tombs, so this material provides an opportunity for diachronic comparisons to investigate changes in the plants used by the ancient occupants (e.g. choice of food plants, choice of fuel wood and utilisation of wood). The aim is to conduct a comprehensive study on the botanical materials from the area designated as Operation 4 at the cemetery of Helwan, where in total 218 tombs were excavated between 1998 and 2012 (Köhler 2014). This paper will focus on the analysis of plant macro remains (seeds, fruits, vegetative parts and charcoal) retrieved from sealed pots from 39 tombs excavated in Operation 4 to shed light on human-plant relationships. In addition, this study will present the results that were obtained from the analysis of charcoal and wood from 106 tombs excavated in Operation 4. The purpose of the present study is to determine the main sources of plant foods and to shed light on Early Dynastic agricultural practices and crop processing activities. Furthermore, investigation of the wood and charcoal will be helpful in understanding the choice and use of wood at Early Dynastic Memphis. The archaeobotanical raw data from Operation 4 at Helwan will be published at a future date in a separate bio-archaeological volume. The Helwan cemetery The material reported in this study was retrieved from the archaeological site of Helwan/Ezbet el-Walda, about 30 km south of Cairo, on the east bank of the river Nile between the modern villages of Ezbet Kamel Sedqi el-Qebleyah in the north and Ezbet el-Walda in the south (Fig. 1). This site is the largest

Fig. 1. Map showing sites mentioned in the text.

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necropolis of the Early Dynastic Period in Egypt (Köhler 2008; 2014) and stretches over a distance of c. 1.5 km from north to south along the riverbank, resting on the Pleistocene palaeofan of Wadi Hof (Köhler 2008). The non-elite inhabitants of early Memphis were buried in this cemetery. The period of occupation of the site probably began during Naqada IIIA (c. 3300 BCE), continued well beyond Naqada IIIC and IIID (3100–2700 BCE), and into the Old Kingdom (after 2700 BCE) (Köhler 2015). Since 1998 the Helwan project has excavated 218 tombs in Operation 4 where the material reported here was collected. These tombs date primarily from Late Naqada IIIC into the early Old Kingdom (Historical phase: 1st–4th Dynasties) (Köhler 2015). The dating process of all tombs is still in progress and has not yet concluded, and as such, the dates provided here are considered preliminary (see Köhler, this volume). Therefore, as a matter of convenience, dating groups have been established to help in comparing the botanical assemblage within the above mentioned historical periods. These dating groups include IIICD, early IIID, IIID2–3, late IIID and IV. The groups IIICD, early IIID, IIID2–3 and late IIID represent the Early Dynastic period (Dynasties 1–2). The group IV represents the early Old Kingdom period (3rd–4th Dynasties). Materials and methods Botanical samples were collected from many archaeological contexts (pots, coffins, burials, fill, deposits, stone vessels and hearths) by the archaeological team from Macquarie University (Sydney, Australia). These samples were kept in sealed plastic bags inside the magazine, the Facility for Archaeological Research at Helwan (FARAH) awaiting archaeobotanical analysis. Due to time constraints it was impossible to analyse all samples. Instead, at least one sample from each good context and at least one sample from each tomb were chosen for analysis and thus a total of 118 sediment samples were collected from sealed pots from inside 39 tombs. These pots include beer jars (Fig. 2), wine jars, ovoid jars and cylindrical jars. The sample volume ranges between 0.3 to 7 l of soil. All samples were processed by flotation on site, using a 0.5 mm mesh to separate botanical macro remains from archaeological sediment. Samples with large volumes of plant remains were subsampled using riffle box; 12.5 or 25 % of their total volume were analysed. Thus, the reported numbers are calculated figures. Additionally, 339 charcoal and wood samples were collected from different context types (coffins, burials, fill, deposits, stone vessels and hearths). The identification of seeds, grains and vegetative parts was carried out directly in the field by using a Russian binocular microscope (magnification 20×–50×), with reference to the morphological description and illustration in the Flora of Egypt (Boulos 1999–2005), and Cappers et al. (2006) for wild

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Fig. 2. Sealed beer jars and other vessels in tomb 4/83.

species. Identification of cereal remains was based on S. Jacomet (2006) and D. Zohary et al. (2012). Charcoal and wood identification was carried out following standard procedures by observation under a high reflected power light microscope (magnification 200×–500×) of the three anatomical sections of the wood and the use of wood anatomy atlases (Fahn et al. 1986; Gale & Cutler 2000; Neumann et al. 2001); as well as comparison with a reference collection of modern Egyptian wood at the Institut Francais d’Archéologie Orientale (IFAO) in Cairo. The nomenclature of the wild taxa is according to Boulos (2009), while that of cultivated plants follows Zohary et al. (2012). Results

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were registered on the archaeobotanical data base, ArboDat 2016, provided by Angela Kreuz. Results The material was recovered in an exceptional state of preservation and all material retrieved from pots is preserved by charring with the exception of a sample from tomb 4/190, which includes some desiccated material mixed with charred material. Charcoal was generally found well preserved; however, wood preservation was bad. The archaeobotanical analysis of sediment samples retrieved from sealed pots resulted in the identification of 70,321 charred plant macro remains, and 128 desiccated remains as shown in Table 1. These plant macro remains include both previously published results (Moustafa et al. 2018), as well as some additional species (Table 1). A total 70,437 items (99.98 %) were recorded in 117 samples from 38 tombs dating to Early Dynastic period (groups IIICD, early IIID, IIID2–3 and late IIID), and 12 items (0.02 %) were recorded in one sample from tomb 4/156 dating to early Old Kingdom (group IV). Although, the number of plant macro remains from group IV is small, the general characteristic of the botanical assemblage of group IV will be mentioned in the text. Fig. 3 summarises the plant macro remains that were retrieved from the Early Dynastic Period and classified into three major groups: crop plants including 26,558 remains of cereals (37.70 %); 15 remains of flax (0.02 %);

Fig. 3. Numbers and percentages of plant macro remains from the Early Dynastic Period.

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Table 1. Numbers of plant macro remains separated from pots retrieved from the Operation 4 tombs in Helwan cemetery.

163 remains of pulses (0.23 %); and 9 remains of fruit crops (0.01 %). Wild/ weedy plants including 7 remains of wild edible fruits (0.01 %); 39,886 remains of field weeds (56.63 %); 1142 remains of plants of moist habitats (1.62 %); 12 remains of plants of dry habitats (0.02 %); and 1563 remains of other wild taxa (2.22 %). An indeterminate group makes up only 1.35 % of the total number of plant macro remains and includes 954 plant items that have not sufficient morphological characters to be identified. Desiccated remains represent 0.18 % of the total number of plant macro remains of the Early Dynastic Period (Fig. 3). Cereals and field weeds together represent most of the plant remains with a combined percentage of 94.33 %. The remains have been attributed to 42 species and 54 genera. As shown in Fig. 4, the plant macro remains retrieved from the early Old Kingdom include 5 remains of cereals (41.67 %); 6 items of field weeds (50 %); and 1 item of plants from moist habitats (8.33 %). The cereal chaff and field weeds together were recorded with a combined percentage ranging

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Fig. 4. Percentage of cereal grains, chaff and field weeds by period.

97.23–75 % of the total number of botanical remains within each dating group of the mentioned period (Fig. 4). Crop plants Cereals Cereal remains appeared in all samples retrieved from pots including 2434 grains (3.46 %), and 24124 chaff remains (34.25 %), of the total number of the botanical assemblage of the Early Dynastic Period (Fig. 3). The two major cereals that have been identified: Hordeum vulgare L. ssp. vulgare (six–row barley, hulled form) and Triticum turgidum ssp. dicoccon (Schrank) Thell (emmer wheat) represent 77.7 % of the total number of cereal remains. The remains of hulled barley including 1644 grains (6.2 %) and 16325 chaff fragments (61.5 %), dominate the botanical assemblage followed by emmer wheat including 205 grains (0.8 %) and 2465 chaff fragments (9.3 %) of the total number of cereals remains (Fig. 5). In addition, there is a higher percentage of barley remains, including grains and chaff elements, than emmer remains in every phase during the Early Dynastic Period (Fig. 6), which would suggest a very significant role of barley in Early Dynastic Memphis. On the other hand, Hordeum vulgare L. ssp. distichum (two-row barley), Hordeum vulgare L. ssp. vulgare (six-row barley, naked form) and Triticum aestivum/durum (free threshing bread/macaroni wheat) together represent 0.77 % of the total number of cereal remains, which may reflect the minor role of these cereals in the Early Dynastic agricultural economy at Memphis and probably represent a contaminate of

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Fig. 5. Numbers and percentages of hulled barley and emmer wheat remains separated from the Early Dynastic Period.

Fig. 6. Percentages of hulled barley and emmer wheat remains by period.

barley/emmer fields. Although it can be difficult to distinguish between two and six-row barley, based on grain morphology and the presence of associated rachis internodes. It is concluded that the remains of barley form Helwan materials are the two and six-row form (Moustafa et al. 2018). The botanical assemblage of group IV shows also that hulled barley remains dominant in the botanical assemblage of this group, however, the remains of emmer wheat chaff show high percentage (Fig. 6).

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Oil/fiber plants This category is represented by Linum usitatissimum L. seeds and capsules, representing 0.02 % of the total number of plant macro remains (Fig. 3). Pulses Pulses include seeds of Lens culinaris Medik and Vicia ervilia (L.) Willd, which represent 0.23 % of the total number of botanical assemblage retrieved from the Early Dynastic Period (Fig. 3). Fruit crops (garden plants) One seed of the common fig has been recorded from tomb 4/172 and a small number of Ficus sp. fruits were recorded from tomb 4/190. Ficus remains have been recorded repeatedly from the Predynastic Period onwards (de Vartavan et al. 2010). Ficus carica L. remains have been found in Predynastic Maadi (van Zeist et al. 2003) and Predynastic and Early Dynastic Buto (Thanheiser 1996). Wild/weedy plants A total 35 species of wild/weedy plants were identified from samples retrieved from the Helwan Operation 4 tombs. Wild edible fruits A small number of Ziziphus spina-christi (L.) Desf. (sidder) fruit remains are recorded from the Helwan cemetery and represent 0.01 % of the total number of plant macro remains (Fig. 3). Field weeds Field weeds represent 56.63 % of the total number of plant macro remains retrieved from the Early Dynastic Period (Fig. 3) and include the remains of 23 species. Some of these species have not been recorded in the previously published data and include remains of Ambrosia maritima L. Anthemis pseudocotula Boiss., cf. Crypsis sp. and Schoenoplectus triqueter/litoralis. The weed flora consist of twelve winter weeds, two summer weeds and nine all year weeds. In addition, among the 23 species are Ambrosia maritima, Malva parviflora L., Medicago polymorpha L., Solanum nigrum L., Chenopodium murale L., Rumex dentatus L., Senecio aegyptius L., Polygonum equisetiform Sm., Phalaris minor Retz. and Vicia sativa L., which are still found as field weed assemblages associated with wheat and clover cultivation in modern

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Egypt (El Hadidi et al. 1999: Table 1). Phalaris minor and Vicia sativa are common species in modern wheat fields while Ambrosia maritima, Rumex dentatus and Medicago polymorpha are an indicator species of clover (Trifolium alexandrinum L.) (El Hadidi et al. 1999). Field weeds species including Lolium temulentum L., Medicago polymorpha, and Phalaris minor were recorded from group IV. Egyptian clover Large numbers of Trifolium alexandrinum seeds and fruits were recorded, which represent 11.87 % of the total number of plant remains of the Early Dynastic Period (Fig. 3). Also, clover remains represent 16.67 % of the total number of plant macro remains of group IV. Clover remains appeared in most examined samples and are in an excellent state of preservation. Plants of moist habitats This group represents 1.62 % of the total number of the plant macro remains (Fig. 3) and includes remains of 9 species. The moist conditions near irrigation canals and water bodies are a suitable habitat for the growth of Ceruana pratensis Forssk., and Juncus rigidus Desf., which are important materials in the manufacture of baskets and mats (El Hadidi et al. 1996). Plants of dry habitats This category includes remains of the species that are adapted to dry conditions. The taxa of this group have been attributed to desert vegetation: Zilla spinose (L.) Prantl, Nauplius graveolens (Forssk.). Other wild taxa The category of other wild taxa represents 2.22 % of the total number of plant macro remains (Fig. 3) and includes plant macro remains that have been identified only to the family level. Therefore, it was not possible to recognise specific information about the significance of these items. Charcoal and wood Anatomical examination of 339 samples from 106 tombs resulted in the identification of 495.76 grams of charcoal and 574.34 grams of desiccated wood (Table 2 and 3), and the results indicate the presence of woody species such as Acacia nilotica type, Acacia sp., Tamarix sp., Ficus sp., Olea sp. and Faidherbia

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Table 2. Weight and percentages of charcoal remains from Operation 4 tombs at the Early Dynastic cemetery of Helwan.

Table 3. Weight and percentages of wood remains from Operation 4 tombs at the Early Dynastic cemetery of Helwan.

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albida (Del.) A. Chev. The results show a predominance of Acacia species (82.04 % of the total weight of charcoal), followed by Tamarix species (5.24 % of the total weight of charcoal), and an unidentified Monocotlydonae twig-fragment representing 1.57 %. The remains of coniferous wood represented by Cedrus sp. and Pinus sp. are of particular interest as these species are not native to Egypt and must have come from the Levant. The remains of coniferous wood appeared only in three samples from tombs 4/1, 4/86 and 4/137. Anatomical examination of the desiccated wood revealed that 51.02 % of its total weight also belongs to an Acacia species, and 6.98 are of Tamarix species, while 40.14 are designated as indeterminate wood. Discussion The plant macro remains from group IV were recorded from only one sample. Therefore, the discussion focuses mainly on the materials from the Early Dynastic Period. However, the results of group IV will be discussed with caution. There is no considerable difference in the botanical composition between the dating groups concerned. However, it was noticed that there is a decrease in the percentages of cereal grains from the dating group IIIC–D to late IIID (Fig. 4). This could be an indication that a more cautious way of crop processing was applied by ancient inhabitants of the Early Dynastic Period to avoid greater loss of the end product. The remains of oil/fibre plants, pulses and edible fruits were recorded only from dating groups IIIC–D and early IIID, with the exception of the seeds of Vicia ervilia in the late IIID group (Table 1). There is an increase in the percentages of plants of the moist habitats through time, which is probably due to the dominance of humid conditions. The nature, origins and pathway of the botanical assemblage The suggestion presented here is that the botanical assemblage retrieved from the Helwan cemetery is composed of cereal processing by-products (cereal chaff with associated field weeds), which were transported from an area where crop processing activities took place. These cereal by-products are subsequently used as fuel, possibly during ritual ceremonies. Correspondingly, the absence of dung remains coupled with an abundance of well-preserved charcoal suggests that the botanical assemblage resulted from a field-to-fire pathway, with legumes and weeds derived from using cereal processing by-products directly as fuel and tinder. This assemblage did not arise from a fodder-dung-fuel pathway, and given the exceptional preservation, it is unlikely to have undergone mastication and digestion by livestock (Malleson 2016). In addition, the results obtained from comparisons of botanical assemblages from dating groups within the mentioned period support the suggestion that the botanical assemblage comes from cereal processing waste (Fig. 4).

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In addition, the analysis suggests that the samples also represent accumulations of debris during food preparation. This debris was transferred from ovens used for cooking into pots that were later sealed by mud stoppers and placed beside the dead as a part of ritual ceremonies. However, it is not clear if this debris was put into jars at the settlement and then transferred to the cemetery and deposited into tombs, or if it was placed into pots at the cemetery. The issue of funerary practices, deposition of this material and their significance will be the subject of future research on the Helwan tomb samples (cf. Junge 2021). What was the main source of plant food? The two major cereals retrieved from the Helwan botanical assemblage are hulled barley and emmer wheat. The remains of hulled barley dominate the botanical assemblage in total as well as in each period, which suggests a significant role of barley during the Early Dynastic Period in Memphis as well as the early Old Kingdom. This significant role of barley may be attributed to the use of barley for making bread. Barley is an important element of the human diet and considered as a poor person’s bread (Zohary et al. 2012). Pulses including lentil and bitter vetch may have been used as food. In addition, some of the edible fruits, including fig and sidder may also have been used as food. The common fig could have been cultivated at ancient Memphis for its fresh fruit. Sidder fruit was probably part of the diet on a regular basis: the fleshy mesocarp is slightly acidic, and may be consumed fresh, dried, as a drink or as a sweet cake. Their importance in the diet is also evidenced by their presence in tombs as food offerings as they could be interpreted as a bread-like food ingredient (Newton 2007). The presence of sidder fruit in the plant macro remains within ashy deposits at Helwan may be attributed to food preparation or bread making. What weed plants can inform us about agriculture practices? What information do the cereal remains provide regarding crop treatment procedures? Ethnographic models of ancient agriculture systems provide information for the composition of each step in the process of crop processing such as threshing, winnowing and sieving. In addition, the analysis and interpretation of the height and seasonality of weed species sheds light on the agriculture practices such as irrigation, weeding and harvesting. Therefore, based on the consultation of the ethnographic models and auto-ecological studies of weed plants, it can be possible to assign specific steps in the operation of agriculture and crop processing. For further reading on these models and studies see (Kosinová 1975; Hillman 1981; Murray 2000; Cappers 2005). The large number of weeds recorded from the Helwan botanical assemblage may indicate that the weeding process had not been applied by the Early Dynastic

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farmers at Memphis. Moreover, this may indicate that ancient farmers applied the informal intercropping of legumes with cereal crops, where they allowed clover and other weeds to grow amongst the cereals because they would increase the value of the harvest by improving the quality and quantity of valuable byproducts (Malleson 2016). The large number of recorded winter weeds retrieved from the Helwan sample could be the result of the classic basin irrigation system that was applied in ancient Egypt. This practice involved the complete inundation of fields during the summer, and consequently crop rotation was simple and confined to the winter season (Fahmy 1997). The presence of both high and low growing weeds in the botanical assemblage retrieved from Helwan suggests that cereal crops were harvested by cutting the cereal culms just above the soil in order to include these weeds. Later the harvest was subjected to several processing steps to obtain the pure grains and cereal by-products. The rachis segments of hulled barley that remain attached to each other provide evidence for a threshing process (Hilman 1981). In addition, the high percentage of cereal chaff remains may indicate that the ancient inhabitants applied a pounding process to remove chaff from cereals; emmer wheat chaff including spikelet fork, glume base, and rachis segments further indicate that a pounding process has been used by Early Dynastic farmers. The remains of small weeds such as Anthemis retusa Delile, indicate a sieving process (Hilman 1981). What wood taxa were used as fuel as well as for construction? What was the main fuel type used by the ancient inhabitants of Memphis? Analysis of charcoal remains retrieved from ash materials found inside pots as well as charcoal remains found in a hearth-like feature from tomb 4/1 (Köhler 2014: 98) indicates that wood and cereal by-products were the main fuel used during the Early Dynastic Period at Memphis. It is generally accepted that cereal by-products were brought in for specific purposes such as fodder, bedding, fuel, or as building materials (van der Veen 2007). It seems likely that kindling the fire with chaff placed between branches of acacia and tamarisk wood may have been applied by the ancient inhabitants of Memphis, possibly during burial ceremonies. Results from the analysis of wood remains demonstrate that acacia wood was the main wood used in coffin construction. Wood remains retrieved from the base of a coffin from tomb 4/190 are an example of such usage. Coniferous remains in the Helwan botanical assemblage are still non-diagnostic. Aspects of ‘plant-human entanglement’ In his discussion of ‘human-thing entanglement’, Ian Hodder, while trying to explain five points on human-thing dependence, gave a simple definition of so-called ‘human entanglement’, in that “humans get caught in a double-bind,

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depending on things that depend on humans” (Hodder 2011: 154). Other authors clarify the human-plant relationship as ways of providing a source of materials to make things and diffusion of plants worldwide (Ingold 2007; Hahn 2013; Hurcombe 2014). Likewise, the author is attempting to benefit from the archaeological theory of ‘human-thing entanglement’ (Hodder 2011), by extending this interpretation of results to answer questions about how ancient people at Memphis depended on plants for subsistence; how plants depend on them to get their needs; how both of them interact together and how they are trapped in a long term relationship. Cereal cultivation is one of the best examples of plant-human relationship that can be achieved from analysis of botanical materials from the Helwan cemetery. While the population seek to secure food, they fall into a day to day entanglement and routine labour in order to care for cereal crops in the form of agriculture practices including irrigation, sowing and harvesting as well as crop processing procedures that include threshing, pounding and sieving. Conversely, these human activities improve the growing conditions in the field and enable plants ‘cereals’ to survive, thrive and reproduce (van der Veen 2014). As a result, humans get pure grains for food preparation and cereal by-products ‘chaff and weed plants’ to start fires. Also, the appearance of cereal remains in all studied samples collected from sealed pots inside tombs, covering an extensive time span of several hundreds of years at the cemetery of Helwan indicates that the ancient inhabitants of Memphis were indeed entangled in a long term relationship with cereals. Plants provide people with raw materials for creating things that are necessary for human subsistence. As an example, the ancient inhabitants at Early Dynastic Memphis exploited the wood provided by acacia trees for coffin construction. This example shows the role of humans in the transformation of a plant’s raw materials into objects. Plants also provide humans with wood to make fire in a hearth. This example illustrates how culture acts, such as making a fire involves the natural object ‘wood’, which is provided by plants. Further research will present other examples to shed more light on the plant-human relationship in the early Memphite region. These examples will be presented in detail in the PhD thesis of the author. Conclusion Results from the cemetery at Helwan provide a valuable contribution to the archaeobotanical record of the Early Dynastic Period, and to our understanding of plant-human relationships during this time. The purpose of this study was to assess food consumed by inhabitants; to determine agriculture practices and crop processing steps that prevailed during Early Dynastic times; and to demonstrate the main fuel used by ancient inhabitants of Memphis.

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The results indicate that the main sources of food were cereals including hulled barley and emmer wheat as well as legumes and edible fruits. It is clear that the inhabitants applied different agriculture practices such as informal intercropping of legumes with cereal crops, basin irrigation, and specific harvesting techniques. In addition, they applied crop processing steps including threshing, pounding and fine sieving. This research also shows that the plant materials taken from pots resulted from cereal processing steps and had been used together with wood as the main fuel used at this time. Coffin construction was based on exploiting the wood of acacia. This study highlights the importance of plants for human life and strengthens the idea that plants provide humans with food for feeding, wood for building, chaff and wood as fuel. Also, there is no significant difference in composition of the botanical assemblage neither for the dating groups neither of the Early Dynastic Period nor for the two main periods concerned. Additional research will focus on the type, significance and importance of archaeological contexts as well as funerary practices to consider why these plant remains were sealed within jars and placed in tombs, and the significance of these activities (cf. Junge 2021). More attention will also be concentrated on the different types of archaeological contexts where charcoal and wood were found, as well as comparing the charcoal and wood results from Helwan with those from other sites to determine any similarities or differences in the wood choice. Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude and appreciation to E. Christiana Köhler, Institute for Egyptology, University of Vienna, for giving me the opportunity to work with her excavation team at Helwan and for using this material. I would like to thank Jane Smythe for proofreading the text. I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers of this paper for valuable comments and feedback. Bibliography BOULOS, L., 1999–2005. Flora of Egypt I–IV. Cairo. BOULOS, L., 2009. Flora of Egypt checklist. Cairo. CAPPERS, R.T.J., 2005. The Reconstruction of Agricultural Practices in Ancient Egypt: An Ethnoarchaeobotanical Approach. Palaeohistoria 47/48: 429–446. CAPPERS, R.T.J.; BEKKER, R.M. & JANS, J.E.A., 2006. Digital Seed Atlas of the Netherlands. Groningen Archaeological Studies 4. Eelde. DE VARTAVAN, C.; ARAKELYAN, A. & ASENSI-AMOROS, V., 2010. Codex of Ancient Egyptian Plant Remains. London. EL HADIDI, M.N.; HASAN, L.M. & MOUSTAFA, M.F., 1999. The Phytosociological Relationship between the Weed Flora and Cultivated Crops in Qena Governorate. Bulletin of the faculty of science Assiut University 28/2: 261–278.

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EL HADIDI, M.N.; FAHMY, A.G. & WILLERDING, W., 1996. The Palaeoethnobotany of Locality 11C, Hierakonpolis (3800–3500 cal. BC): Egypt. Taeckholmia 16: 45–60. FAHMY, A.G., 1997. Evaluation of the Weed Flora of Egypt from the Predynastic to Graeco-Roman Times. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 6/4: 242–247. FAHN, A.; WERKER, E. & BAAS, P., 1986. Wood Anatomy and Identification of Trees and Shrubs from Israel and Adjacent Regions. The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Jerusalem. GALE, R. & CUTLER, D., 2000. Plants in Archaeology: Identification Manual of Vegetative Plant Materials Used in Europe and the Southern Mediterranean to c. 1500. West Yorkshire. HAHN, H.P. & WEISS, H., 2013. Introduction: Biographies, Travels and Itineraries of Things [in:] HAHN, H.P. & WEISS, H. (eds.), Mobility, Meaning & Transformations of Things, Shifting Contexts of Material Culture through Time and Space. Oxford: 1–14. HILLMAN, G., 1981. Reconstructing Crop Husbandry Practices from Charred Remains of crops [in:] MERCER, R. (ed.), Farming Practice in British Prehistory. Edinburgh: 123–166. HODDER, I., 2011. Human-Thing Entanglement: Towards an Integrated Archaeological Perspective. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 17: 154–177. HURCOMBE, L.M., 2014. Perishable Material Culture in Prehistory: Investigating the Missing Majority. London/New York. INGOLD, T., 2007. Materials against Materiality. Archaeological Dialogues 14/1: 1–16. JACOMET, S., 2006. Identification of Cereal Remains from Archaeological Sites. Basel. JUNGE, F., 2021. Geschirr und Gesellschaft. Keramikgefäße als Konstrukte und Konstituenten sozialer Praxis im Nekropolenareal Operation 4, Helwan. PhD thesis. University of Vienna. KOSINOVÁ, J., 1975. Weed Communities of Winter Crops in Egypt. Preslia 47: 58–74. KÖHLER, E.C., 2014. Helwan Ш – Excavation in Operation 4: Tombs 1–50. With contributions by MARSHALL, C. & ABD EL KAREM, M. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 26. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C., 2015. Helwan – A Necropolis of Ancient Memphis. http://egyptology.univie.ac.at/fileadmin/user_upload/i_egyptology/forschung/helwan/ ProjHelwanen.pdf (accessed 5 November 2018). KÖHLER, E.C., 2008. The Helwan cemetery. Archéo-Nil 18: 113–130. MALLESON, C., 2016. Informal Intercropping of Legumes with Cereals? A Re-Assessment of Clover Abundance in Ancient Egyptian Cereal Processing By-Product Assemblages: Archaeobotanical Investigation at Khentkawes Town, Giza (2300–2100 BC). Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 25/5: 431–442. MOUSTAFA, A.; FAHMY, A.G. & HAMDY, R.S. 2018. Archaeobotanical Study at the Early Dynastic Cemetery in Helwan (3100–2600 BC), Egypt: Plant Diversity at Early Dynastic Memphis [in:] MERCURI, A.M.; D’ANDREA, A.C.; FORNACIARI, R. & HÖHN, A. (eds.), Plants and People in the African Past: Progress in African Archaeobotany. Cham: 13–39. MURRAY, M., 2000. Cereal Production and Processing [in:] NICHOLSON, P. & SHAW, I. (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology. Cambridge: 505–536. NEUMANN, K.; SCHOCH. W.; DÉTIENNE, P.; SCHWEINGRUBER, F.H. & RICHTER, H.G., 2001. Woods of the Sahara and the Sahel. Bern. NEWTON, C., 2007. Growing, Gathering and Offering: Predynastic Plant Economy at Adaïma (Upper Egypt) [in:] CAPPERS, R.T.J. (ed.), Fields of Change: Progress in African Archaeobotany. Groningen: 139–155.

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THANHEISER, U., 1996. Local Crop Production versus Import of Cereals during the Predynastic Period in the Nile Delta [in:] KOBUSIEWICZ, M.; KROEPER, K. & KRZYŻANIAK, L. (eds.), Interregional Contacts in the Later Prehistory of Northeastern Africa. Poznán: 291–302. VAN ZEIST, W., ROLLER, G. & FAHMY, A.G., 2003. Anarchaeobotanical Study of Maadi, a Predynastic Site in Lower Egypt [in:] VAN ZEIST, W. (ed.), Reports on Archaeobotanical Studies in the Old World. Groningen: 167–207. VAN DER VEEN, M., 2014. The Materiality of Plants: Plant-People Entanglements. World Archaeology 46/5: 799–812. VAN DER VEEN, M., 2007. Formation Processes of Desiccated and Carbonized Plant Remains: The Identification of Routine Practice. Journal Archaeological Science 34: 968–990. ZOHARY, D.; HOPF, M. & WEISS, E., 2012. Domestication of Plants in the Old World. Oxford/New York.

REVISITING THE ARCHAIC NECROPOLIS AT SAQQARA MARINUS ORMELING Amsterdam, Netherlands

The Archaic Necropolis at Saqqara is still one of the main sources to study Early Dynastic elite tombs. Most excavations were performed in the early part of the 20th century. W.B. Emery excavated and published his work on the large mastabas of the 1st Dynasty. Cursory remarks in these publications indicated the existence of more structures. Using the excavator’s field notes from his work in the 1950s, it is possible to reconstruct the situation at the end of the Early Dynastic Period prior to excavations. This study contains a reconstruction for the southern part of the cemetery, the area between the tombs S3500 and S3507.

Introduction The aim of this study is a re-evaluation of the early history of the Archaic Necropolis at Saqqara North; based on a careful re-evaluation of W. Emery’s publications (Emery 1949; 1954; 1958; 1961) and his field notes of the excavations of the tombs S3500 to S3507 (1946–1956).1 The first part of this study contains a reconstruction of the situation around the six tombs in the southern part of the cemetery: mastabas S3500, S3503, S3504, S3505, S3506 and S3507, prior to the excavations by Emery. The second part is a historical narrative of the elite cemetery during the 1st Dynasty, from the perspective of construction practices. Part 1 A short evaluation of Emery’s field notes An extensive re-evaluation of these notes has been described earlier (Ormeling 2017a: 2–15); only the highlights will be presented here. The field notes of the excavations at Saqqara (1946–1956) are quite cursory and were probably intended as support for the publications (Emery 1954, Preface; Ormeling 2017a: 18). The most important observations regarding Emery’s work, especially for understanding his conclusions, can be summarised as follows: Emery focused on the large tombs of the 1st Dynasty, which in his mind belonged to the kings of that dynasty. This idea, clearly described in his publications 1 The field notes, including sketches and photographs, are currently in the archives of the Egypt Exploration Society in London. I would like to express my appreciation for the possibility to study and use these documents.

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(Emery 1949: iii–iv), is reflected in the notes. The numerous intrusive burials were quickly exposed, superficially noted in the field diary, often not even photographed and then ‘cleared’ (completely removed). Stratigraphic relations between deposits were not recorded; the excavated soil (redime in the excavator’s words) was hardly studied and was disposed of quickly, without sieving. Post-depositional processes were not recognised; the effect from the many disturbances over time (robberies and intrusive burials) was never considered in the notes and/or the publications. Dating of the intrusive burials and structures was often ‘off hand’, and tombs of the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties were dated without any clarification of criteria. Mapping the cemetery One of the main issues with the archaic cemetery at Saqqara is the lack of a correct map (Bresciani 2003: 61). A close inspection of the maps produced of this site over the years shows the many discrepancies between them (Smith 1936 in Reisner 1938; Helck 1984: 387–388, Abb. 1; Spencer 1974; Emery 1949: pl. 1; 1954: 5, Fig. 1; 1958: pl. 12; and, recently, Lacher-Raschdorff 2014: plan 1).3

Fig. 1. Overview of the publications and field notes by W.B. Emery for tombs S3500–S3507.

Emery’s field notes do not contain the information to map the intrusive tombs and structures from later periods with any degree of precision; he had no intention to study or map the cemetery landscape (Ormeling 2017a: 8–9). 2

Basically the same map that was adjusted in line with the excavation of the tombs. For parts of the cemetery, large scale maps were drawn of a limited number of tombs (a.o. Quibell 1923: pl. 1; Emery 1970: pl. XVIII) and these are correct for those areas. 3

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Basic sketch maps (Figs. 2–4, 6) show the situation during the 2nd and 3 Dynasties for each of the six tombs excavated between 1946 and 1956. The maps are a combination of Emery’s tomb drawings and symbols for structures of the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties that can be inferred by a thorough evaluation of the field notes and (un)published excavation photographs. Only the additional features are described below, for the essential aspects of each tomb see Emery’s publications. A legend for the sketch maps is provided in Fig. 7. rd

Re-mapping the landscape around S3500 Tomb S3500 was the first tomb that Emery excavated after World War II (Figs. 1 & 2). The field notes are as brief as the publication in that they share a focus on the burial chamber, the subsidiary burials and the (few) finds. The situation prior to excavation conformed more to Quibell’s presentation (Quibell 1923: Pl. I) than the clean drawing Emery provided (Emery 1958: Pl. 114); many small tombs and graves pitted the surface around the large mastaba (Fig. 2). Two things stand out most in comparing the notes with the publication. While clearing the south side of S3500 a large 2nd Dynasty tomb was found (S3501, Fig. 2) together with an unspecified number of smaller 3rd Dynasty tombs. These were situated above the boat grave of S3503 and this was already noticed during the excavation of S3500.

Fig. 2. Reconstruction area S2185–S3500–S3503 (after Emery 1954: pl. XXXVIII; 1958, pl. 114; Quibell 1923: pl. V).

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In his publication Emery emphasised the location of the entrance in the enclosure wall on the north-west corner (Emery 1958: 99). Yet, his field notes contain several sketches that show an opening in the south-east corner, including dimensions and distance to the south wall. It is a strange slip and could be related to the length of time between excavation and publishing. However, why was that statement explicitly made about the sole entry in the north-west? North of S3500 lays tomb S2185, excavated earlier by J. Quibell (1923: 15). According to Quibell three more 1st Dynasty tombs were found in the area around S2185 (Quibell 1923: 15–17). It is quite possible that S2188 and S2190 were in fact subsidiary graves to S2185; there are similarities with the lay-out of similar tombs around S3503 (Fig. 2). The tomb S2171H, discovered by Quibell under the 2nd Dynasty tomb S2171 (Quibell 1923: 16) dated by a tablet with the name of Djer, remains enigmatic. If it is a tomb from the early 1st Dynasty, it seems to be a small one in an unexpected location. Its location is (much) farther away from S2185 than those of S2188 and S2190. In the case that it was a small 1st Dynasty tomb, it would be a unique exception, especially for such an early reign. Re-mapping the landscape around S3503 Tomb S3503 was excavated during the late autumn of 1946 (Figs. 1 & 2). The most interesting point is the extensive notation of all the intrusive burials, ranging from the 2nd Dynasty to the Ptolemaic Period. Multiple stone sarcophagi were found on or just under the surface in the 1950s (notes from 21st, 24th & 30th of October). Two medium size tombs from later periods were found to the west of S3503 (and S3500), they were assigned numbers S3501 and S3502 (Fig. 2). It was the only occasion during 1950s that Emery assigned numbers to tombs that were not from the 1st Dynasty. Tomb S3501 was found while clearing the surroundings of S3500 (notes from 1st of June) and was assigned a 2nd Dynasty date at first, but while ‘clearing’ the structure (notes from 2nd–5th of December) a 3rd Dynasty date was mentioned. This tomb was partly constructed over the boat grave of S3503 and was cleared (removed) to expose the boat grave. Tomb S3502 was first recorded on the 21st of October and was cleared between the 6th and 9th of December. Emery’s dating criteria for these tombs are not explained in the notes. The shaft of S3501 was dug through the most north-westerly subsidiary grave; this explains the apparent asymmetry in the graves as presented in plate XXXVIII (Emery 1954). Multiple other 2nd and 3rd Dynasty tombs were found and were just mentioned in the notes (see Fig. 2 for date references). Shafts of the later tombs cut through elements of S3503, but no further description of these smaller tombs was provided. Apparently, one or two small 3rd Dynasty tombs that were

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Fig. 3. Reconstruction area S3504 (after Emery 1954: pl. II & IV).

constructed over the boat grave had shafts; see plate XLVa & b (Emery 1954). However, no records or unpublished photographs of these intrusive tombs have survived, not even of the two numbered tombs S3501 and S3502. At the east side a part of a second wall was found, referred to as enclosure wall (notes from 22nd–24th of November, with a sketch on the 24th). This second enclosure wall (Fig. 2) was located over some subsidiary graves and was apparently added later (notes from 16th December). However, the question remains as to whether this wall was part of the complex of S3503, which means that it was added after the interments in the subsidiary burials, or a later addition. Unfortunately, Emery did not record any similarities or differences between the two enclosure walls (e.g. brick size, colour or plaster). Re-mapping the landscape around S3504 Walter Emery resumed his work at the cemetery in January 1953. About 40 m south of S3503 he found the very large tomb that he labelled S3504. This tomb not only stands out by its size and richness, but also the remarkable fact that it was restored during the reign of King Qa’a. Tomb S3504 was the fifth tomb built on the plateau and can be seen as the beginning of the innovative character of this elite cemetery of the new state. Names of two kings were found in the tomb (Djer and Den; Emery 1954:

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122–127), on jar sealings, labels and other items. It can be argued that the construction started in the later reign (contra Hendrickx 2008: 62, Table 1). The matter of the restoration has received little attention thus far, although the evidence is convincing (Emery 1954: 6, 9–13, pls. II, IV & V). The question is whether it was a case of re-use of the tomb for an official from the time of Qa’a, or a restoration in reverence for the original owner (see part 2 below). The field notes contained no further information on the east side of the tomb, nor do they clarify the situation about an opening in the enclosure wall. Several robbers’ tunnels were noted; interestingly the older tunnels were re-used after the restoration. The multiple tunnels suggest that the tomb was robbed frequently and by different groups. Re-mapping the landscape around S3505 In December 1954 Emery returned to the plateau and excavated S3505, again a large tomb with unexpected and remarkable features. Based on jar sealings the tomb is ascribed to the reign of Qa’a. The tomb’s lay-out accommodated a chapel within its outer enclosure wall. The chapel was probably intended for the funeral services for the deceased, the remnants of two wooden statues were found in what was assumed to be the sanctuary (Emery 1958: 10). In the eastern corridor a single subsidiary burial was discovered, partly build with dressed stone. Nearby, a large stone stele with the name and titles of Merka was found (Emery 1958: 10). Emery concluded that the subsidiary grave belonged therefore to the noble Merka; a topic that received much attention and discussion (O’Connor 2005; 2015; Morris 2007a; Köhler 2008: 385–388; Martin 2008). A study of the field notes for the excavation of S3505 showed the occurrence of several intrusive tombs (Ormeling 2017a: 12–18, Figs. 1.7–1.9). Tomb S3505 itself was built on top of a brick pavement belonging to the earlier S3506 and was surrounded by smaller mastabas from the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties (Fig. 4). The circular structure that was built against the north outer wall of the tomb complex is remarkable (Jeffrey & Tavares 1994: 148, note 32; Ormeling 2017a: Fig. 1.8). Two unpublished excavation photographs show details of this feature (Fig. 5a–b), after the ‘clearing’ of the upper part of the mastabas. One photo (3505–93, Fig. 5a) seems to show a connection between the structure and the tomb. Emery concluded it was probably from the 2nd Dynasty (notes from 16th–19th of March), but didn’t investigate the structure any further. The photos show that the structure could have been a tower-like structure; its function remains unclear (granary, workshop). With regard to the subsidiary burial in the eastern corridor, Emery’s sketches (notes from 28th February and 1st–2nd March) show that this grave only extended

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Fig. 4. Reconstruction area S3505–S3506 (after Emery 1958: pl. 2 & 40; Note books 1954–1955).

a few centimetres under the enclosure wall (inset Fig. 4), as seen in Emery’s plate 2 (Emery 1958); therefore confirming that the situation presented in plate 5 (Emery 1958) is not correct. The notes have no additional information on the location of the so-called Merka stele. The eastern corridor was heavily disturbed; including a 4th Dynasty basket burial just north of the start of the entrance stairway (notes from 18th and 27th February). Therefore, it cannot be excluded that the human remains that Emery found in this area belonged to later intrusive burials (contra Emery 1958: 12–13). Re-mapping the landscape around S3506 The tomb is dated to the reign of Den and includes interesting features, again unique in form and design. The main burial chamber was dug as an open pit and the external stairway was clearly part of the original design. The small stair in the south-east corner (Emery 1958: pl. 42) was a temporary feature to facilitate work at the gallery; as was the third stair in the north-east corner of the burial room. The burial chamber showed a phased construction (Emery 1958: 39–40),

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Fig. 5. Excavation photographs of circular structure near S3505 (courtesy of Egyptian Exploration Society). 5a. Circular structure from North-East, S3505 in background (photo 3505/93). 5b. Circular structure looking west, note the interior of the 3rd Dynasty mastabas (photo 3505/94).

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which was only repeated in tomb S3038. This structure provides a good example of Early Dynastic construction practices. An interesting question to ask would be at what moment were the upper storerooms stocked. The mastaba could only be closed after the funeral, which is the most likely moment that these magazines were filled. Apparently, the external stairway was exclusively meant for the funeral; post-burial construction activities were still accepted. There is no description of the surface prior to the excavation, probably due to the collapse of the surface in 1946 (Emery 1958: 43). Numerous medium sized tombs were constructed in the area, including a 3rd Dynasty shrine on top of the boat grave (Fig. 4). The neighbouring tomb had no direct connection with the shrine, which raises the question as to what the true function of the shrine may have been? The large remnant of the pavement (Fig. 4; Ormeling 2017a: 18) may suggest that this was a normal feature during the 1st Dynasty. Re-mapping the landscape around S3507 In late 1955 Emery returned to excavate tomb S3507. The excavation was executed rather quickly, with a focus, as before, on the architectural peculiarity of the tomb and the finds (Figs. 1 & 6). The tumulus over the burial chamber was extraordinary and quite unique (Emery 1958: 74, 77, pl. 86).

Fig. 6. Reconstruction area S3507 (after Emery 1958: pl. 85).

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Fig. 7. Legend for sketch maps (Figs. 2–4 & 6).

The area around the tomb was heavily disturbed by other tombs (Fig. 6) and on the top of the main body were many New Kingdom and Roman Period burials. One feature does stand out, the shaft of a small mastaba on top of magazine L that Emery dated to the 3rd Dynasty (Emery 1958: 78). If this date is to be accepted, it presents an enigmatic situation in that 3rd Dynasty tombs would then be constructed simultaneously on top of an already eroded tomb and at the bottom level of the same 1st Dynasty structure. As this situation is only reported for this tomb, it may be wise to treat this date with caution. Part 2 Towards a history of the 1st Dynasty necropolis at Saqqara The Archaic Necropolis at Saqqara was a new development, which started with the construction of S3357 in the reign of Hor-Aha, the first king of the 1st Dynasty. This sets this cemetery apart from other royal or elite cemeteries such as Abydos, Naqada, Tarkhan, Helwan or Abu Rawash. The clearest descriptions of the Saqqara cemetery during the 1st Dynasty are exclusivity, desolation and, after a slow start, variety in design. Over a period of some 180 years only twenty tombs were constructed on the edge of the escarpment, and these construction activities happened on average only once in a generation (Fig. 8a–f). A strict control of the cemetery was maintained, access being reserved for a select group of officials. This all changed during the 2nd Dynasty, when its exclusive character disappeared and access became possible for members of the lower levels of the

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Fig. 8. Development of the Archaic Necropolis at Saqqara North during the 1st Dynasty (after Helck 1984: 387–388, Abb. 1).

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bureaucracy. The background of this change is yet unknown, a relation to the construction of the royal tombs can be assumed. This study will focus on the exceptional character of the cemetery during the 1st Dynasty. The exclusivity of the cemetery is best presented in Fig. 8a. During the reign of the first four rulers; a time span of some 90 years (von Beckerath 1997: 178), only four tombs were erected. They were regularly spaced along the escarpment, more or less of the same size and each only slightly different from its predecessor. The regular spacing of the tombs suggests that each tomb had an extensive set of ramifications including enclosure walls, gardens, boat graves and/or ‘model estates’ (Emery 1954: 171–173, pls. LVII–LXVI) and were surrounded by large brick pavements. The main architectural development was in the number of subterranean chambers (from five to seven) of the so-called ‘Modellhaus’ (Lacher-Raschdorff 2014, 210). This exclusive character of the cemetery can only be compared with the royal cemetery at Abydos. Who were the officials that were eligible for a tomb at Saqqara, instead of a tomb at the cemeteries on the opposite side of the valley; today known as Helwan? The ownership of most tombs is still matter of debate (see below). The reign of Den stands out for multiple reasons, but with regard to tomb construction two aspects have received scholarly attention: a significant increase in size and numbers in combination with a freedom of design and choice of location. The most interesting aspect was the so-called construction spree at multiple locations in the wider area around the capital: besides Saqqara also sites like Tarkhan, Giza, Helwan, Abu Ghorab, Zawiyet el-Aryan and Abu Rawash (Cervello-Autuori 2017: table 1, 220); although this had probably been initiated during the preceding reign. Not only were many more tombs constructed, but there was an increase in tomb size and richness in grave goods of the elite tombs in this reign. At Saqqara the average rate of construction almost doubled: in the preceding reigns a large tomb was constructed once every 20–25 years, during the reign of Den, it increased to one in every ten years. Control over access to Saqqara was still strict, but a certain freedom in design choice and/or location became possible as the archaeological records show. The use of the external stairway, already known from locations like Helwan, facilitated the completion of the large tombs prior to the burial. The background for the sudden increase in the number of tombs is matter of scholarly debate (Hendrickx 2008: 62–72). A look at Fig. 8b shows that lack of space at Saqqara during the reign of Den was probably not the issue (Wilkinson 1999: 76). The debate focusses on two main lines of explanation: Firstly, the political support for a large construction programme to express power and ideology of the new state in the Memphite area (Morris 2007a: 186–188; Cervello-Autuori 2017: 225) or a later founding of the capital proper (Kaiser

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1985: 54; Köhler 2008a: 385–390; van Wetering 2018: 425–428). Secondly, it may relate to a reorganisation of the state’s administration under Djet and Den, and a growth in the number of officials that resulted in the need for more tomb complexes for the extending elite (Engel 2013: 31). The issue of ownership of the tombs has a pivotal role in this discussion, as the latter explanation supports the idea that the tombs had individual owners, while the first favours a more direct control by the state. The variety in design seems to point to a less strict control at Saqqara. This is further supported by the apparent freedom in choice of the location of the tombs. The design of S3504 was clearly made with the proximity to S3503 in mind, suggesting a personal relationship between the two owners. The position of tombs S3506, S3507, S3035 and S3036 may also be seen as mutually related. Apparently, the owners were free to make a deliberate choice in the positioning of their tombs at either the northern or southern side of the escarpment (Fig. 8b). The spread of elite tombs at other locations around the capital may also be seen as an expression of (emerging) individuality. State control of elite tombs was apparently still present, as shown by the limited number of tombs at Saqqara, but in a different form. Control on the availability of resources was probably used as measure on size and elaboration. Freedom of design was not limited to the highest levels of society. The elite tombs at cemetery M at Abu Rawash may serve as an example to support this premise. The superstructure of the large tombs M01, M02 and M07 share many features with the mastabas at Saqqara (Montet 1938: pl. II & V; Baud 2005: 13, Fig. 6; Tristant 2016: 156), but the lay-out of their substructure, a deep shaft with a burial room and magazines at the bottom (Montet 1938: pl. II & V), seem to fit within a local tradition. The large number of earlier and contemporary burials at the so-called ‘Lower Cemeteries’ had a similar design. They were excavated by A. Klasens in the late 1950s and were assigned to his class 6 (Klasens 1957: 66, pl. XI–2). These types of burials were found at all four cemeteries (i.e. cemetery 0 (Klasens 1957), 300, 400 & 800) in larger numbers (c. 30 % of all burials) and seem to present some local tradition. The owners of M01, M02 and M07, amongst others, followed this tradition. Owners of other tombs, including M08, M19 to M25 (Klasens 1961: Fig. 2), chose the tradition of a brick lined pit, which was also present at Abu Rawash (also c. 30 %): Klasens’ classes 9–12 (Klasens 1957: 66–67, pls. XIV–XV). Apparently, even at a remote location such as Abu Rawash owners of large and medium sized mastabas were to a certain aspect free in the design of their tombs. The long reign of Den was followed by the shorter reigns of Adjib and Semerkhet. Variety in design became even more significant; almost every tomb owner chose a new and often unique design. The tombs during Den’s reign were mainly large, the four tombs from the reign of Adjib; S3038, S3111,

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S3338 and possibly S–X4, stand out for their individual and creative design and shape (Lacher-Raschdorff 2014: 213). They share a location close to the edge of the escarpment (Fig. 8c), but every tomb has a different lay-out, both for the interior and the exterior (Tavares 1999: 700). The variety of design in tombs built at this cemetery during the 1st Dynasty was very different from other cemeteries. The succession of royal tombs at Abydos showed much more consistency and continuation, as did tombs from this era at places like Helwan, Tarkhan or Abu Rawash. Tombs from the era of Semerkhet at Saqqara are not undisputed (LacherRaschdorff 2014: 214–215; contra Hendrickx 2008: 62, table 1). Two tombs are attributed to this reign (S3060 and S3041), both barely published; yet, their location stands out (Fig. 8d). For S3041 it can be argued that the vicinity of S3038 and S3111 was sought. However, S3060, attested by a seal impression with the name of the king, was erected in isolation at the north-western edge of the escarpment. It was the first 1st Dynasty tomb that showed a link with the wadi Abusir in favour of a position on the eastern edge. The chain of events during the reign of Qa’a is another point of interest, especially in the centre of the plateau. Four (or five5) new tombs were erected during this reign, which heralded the end of the 1st Dynasty. All tombs of this reign were apparently designed and constructed in their own right. Apparently, the owners of these tombs; S3120, S3121, S3500, S3505 and (likely) S2105, had the status and means to design and build the tombs they saw fit. In addition to the construction of five new tombs unique in design, one of the existing tombs constructed in the reign of Den (S3504), was repaired and re-used for a new burial (Emery 1954: 6, 9–13). Re-use of tombs became rather common in later times in pharaonic Egypt, but for the Early Dynastic Period the concept of re-use was exceptional. Tombs S3120 and S3121 (Emery 1949: 116–124) were clearly designed and constructed for their location against a ledge and on the edge of the plateau because the ledge was integrated in the design itself. Their lay-out was basically similar and they were probably designed and built in conjunction, which was also new for the time. Their design is quite unique and makes them stand out against other tombs from the 1st Dynasty and their location suggests a relation between the owners. 4 Hendrickx (2008: Table 1, 62) positions this tomb tentatively to the reign of Den; LacherRaschdorff (2014: 213) dates the tomb to the later part of his reign based on architectural grounds despite the find of a seal impression of Den. 5 There is a general consensus on tombs S3120, S3121, S3500 and S3505 (Hendrickx 2008: table 2); Lacher-Raschdorff (2014: 215, note 806) includes S2105 in the reign of Qa’a on architectural grounds, as did Emery (1958: 1). Excavator J. Quibell (1923: 19) dated this tomb to the 2nd Dynasty. Note: If S2105 was constructed during the reign of Qa’a, its location would “fit” in with the general idea of the 1st Dynasty tombs; much like S3500 it would have been visible from the valley floor (Lacher-Raschdorff 2014: plan 1).

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Tombs S2105 and S3500 share form and size and both have a smooth sided superstructure with two niches at the eastern façade and an external stairway. Tomb S3505 is by far the most exceptional tomb of the latter part of the 1st Dynasty. Its funeral chapel at the north side of the mastaba, enclosed within the outer enclosure, is unique. The concept of a chapel may go back to the royal tomb of Den at Abydos (Lacher-Raschdorff 2014: 215), and its size mirrored the large tombs from the middle of the dynasty. One scenario could have been that tomb S35006 was constructed first, followed by S3505 and that the combination of these newly constructed tombs during the reign of Qa’a was an important factor to the repair and re-use of S3504. One could imagine that there had been an unexpected death and there were no means and/or time to construct a new tomb. An existing tomb such as the imposing S3504 was quickly prepared for re-use. This may have coincided with the end of that reign, as the find of the serekh of Seneferka near S3504 could tentatively be interpreted that this tomb was renovated at the very end of the reign of Qa’a. Based on the available information, re-use may be more likely than restoration; in case of restoration one could expect that more tombs would have been affected; whereas re-use is a personal and singular act, aimed at one tomb. Restoration, after such a long time, in reverence of an ancestor (Morris 2007a: 177), is more difficult to explain. The situation remains extraordinary and not in line with the known funeral practices of that era. Developments after the first Dynasties at Saqqara There was probably a (short) transition period after the reign of Qa’a (Wilkinson 1999: 82; Gould 2003). Three small tombs were assigned to this transitional period between the 1st and 2nd Dynasties (Lacher-Raschdorff 2014: 216–217); however, there is not enough information to come to any firm conclusions (Fig. 8f). The nature of the cemetery changed dramatically during the 2nd Dynasty. Exclusivity and control were apparently no longer maintained at the Archaic Necropolis, although some patterns of distribution may be recognised. Large tombs of the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties were constructed in ‘lines’ westward of the 1st Dynasty tombs (Helck 1984: 388, Abb. 1; Tavares 1999: 701–703, Fig. 97). But, based on the results from this limited study, the actual development may have been very different. A thorough study of the development of this cemetery in the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties is hampered by the lack of a solid chronology. 6 With the discussion on the date of S2105 in mind: this tomb could have been constructed either before or after S3500 when seen from the perspective of design. A point of interest is how this design – smooth walls with two offering niches on the east side – became the standard for the 2nd Dynasty. Note: This concept was also used in tombs S3120 and S3121.

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The tombs were primarily excavated in the early 20th century when dating criteria were not yet construed and most attention was given to the large tombs. The 1950s field notes from Emery show clear examples of the problems faced. One issue is clear from Emery’s notes; the small and medium sized tombs from the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties were for the most part constructed directly on top of the escarpment. They were not built on top of or into the main structures of the 1st Dynasty tombs, suggesting that the tomb edifices were probably (well) preserved at least until the end of the 3rd Dynasty. Most of the (poorer) New Kingdom burials were found in the magazines of these tombs and only on some occasions do they cut into the original walls. This may suggest that even in this much later period, the tomb constructions were still recognisable and the location of graves were chosen in the softer fill of the structure instead of the sturdier mud-brick walls. Discussion Emery’s objective was to search for the history of the 1st Dynasty at Saqqara (Emery 1949: iii–iv); and in this he succeeded. He never finished the intended follow-up, which was the history of the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties. A comprehensive description of that part of the development of the site is greatly needed. However, Emery’s work makes one thing clear; during the 1st Dynasty the Archaic Necropolis was as exclusive as the royal cemetery in Abydos. Its character changed around the reign of Den, but access was only granted to a selected few. That changed dramatically in the following dynasties; and as a cemetery the necropolis became livelier. The reduction in size and richness in the latter part of the 1st Dynasty is not easy to explain, it may have been a socio-economic reaction such as costs, availability of resources, efficiency as a result of the building spree witnessed during the earlier part of Den’s reign. An alternative interpretation may be that the variations in design were a response to changes in the funeral practices. Both interpretations do not exclude each other. Several tombs show features incorporated into the structure that had a ritual function, like the tumulus over the burial chamber in S3507, the chapel of S3505 and the statue niches in S3120 and S3121. Also tombs S3038 and S3111 show features that may combine ritual practices with construction. Tomb S3038 is mostly known for its so-called stepped core (Emery 1938: 455–459; 1949: 82–91, pl. 21–26; 1961: 146, Fig. 85; Lehner 1997: 78–81; Stadelmann 2005: 366–367). Little attention was paid to the later phases B & C, with the large platforms at both sides of the burial chamber. The platforms, accessible through openings with elaborate stairs, provided a place where funeral practices could be performed, within the boundaries of the tomb itself. This feature may suggest that construction had become an integral part of the

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funeral practices.7 A similar function may tentatively be assigned to the stone platform inside the outer walls of S3111 (Emery 1949: pl. 36). This apparent freedom of choice in mortuary architecture, the individual reaction to funeral practices and the creative handling of status is difficult to associate with a state driven ‘royal programme’. A more fitting explanation may be that the owners of these tombs may have been found in the ranks of the higher state officials (Hendrickx 2008: 62–72; Köhler 2008a: 385–390; contra: Morris 2007a: 186–188). This group of officials were not only entitled to build their mortuary complexes at the elite cemetery at Saqqara; but more tellingly, they could also create and realise their own design that was very different from the royal tombs at Abydos. The concept of individuality seems to stand in contrast with the following dynasties, where design, size and embellishment of tombs were more closely related to the official position of the owner and were therefore less variable. However, more securely dated research on the 2nd Dynasty may bring to light different conclusions. In the direct vicinity of Saqqara North several cemeteries have been found from the same period at Abusir, Abu Ghorab and in the wadi Abusir (Jeffrey & Tavares 1994: 149–150, Fig. 9). The so-called Macramallah cemetery (Macramallah 1940) in the wadi Abusir, dated to the 1st Dynasty, starting in the reign of Den, is often seen as part of the ritual landscape of the Saqqara Archaic Necropolis. The role of the wadi Abusir in the 1st Dynasty funeral landscape is still enigmatic. Solid evidence for a ceremonial or ritual relationship between the wadi and the cemeteries on the plateau dates from the 2nd Dynasty or later (Reader 2017: 74–80). The significance of the position of tomb S3060, the only 1st Dynasty structure at the plateau in the vicinity of the entrance of the wadi, is difficult to determine (Fig. 8d). The function of the Macramallah cemetery is under debate by scholars (see summary with references in van Wetering 2018: 419–420). Based on Kaiser’s (1985) re-evaluation, other scholars argue for a ritual function and see the burials as subsidiary tombs for royal mortuary structures (Kaiser 1985: 52–53; Morris 2007b: 22, 28) or to the elite buried at Saqqara North (van Wetering 2018: 423). The organisation of the tombs in the Macramallah cemetery shows similarities with cemeteries of the ‘general population’ of that time, for instance cemeteries 300 and 400 at Abu Rawash (Klasens 1958: Fig. 12; 1959, Fig. 2), or Helwan Operation 4 (Köhler 2008a: 392–397; 2008b: 125, Table 1). A relationship with the careful arrangements of the subsidiary tombs (retainer tombs) from the royal and elite funeral complexes of the 1st Dynasty seems less obvious. From the perspective of construction another explanation is possible. The construction of the large tombs at the plateau would have brought hundreds of labourers to the site for longer periods (La Loggia 2012: 236–272; Ormeling 7

This idea is currently under study by the author (see Ormeling 2019).

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2017b: 415–417, Fig. 3 & 4). The burials may have been for people who died during the construction of these tombs and were buried at a location away from the exclusive elite cemetery. This hypothesis explains the simple nature of the majority of the tombs that belonged to Marcramallah’s classes A–K, the clustering in groups and the shift in dates (Macramallah 1940: 5–10). There is still a cache of unpublished information comprising of notes left by C.M. Firth and W.B. Emery that concentrate on smaller and medium sized tombs from the northern part of the cemetery (Martin 2007: 121–126). The publication of these tombs would benefit our understanding of the Archaic Necropolis. Although it should be remembered that records of these excavations reflect the standards and methodology of that time. To the south-west of the Archaic Necropolis a large area has not yet been explored (see plan 1 in Lacher-Raschdorff 2014, marked ‘nicht ausgegraben’). Further exploration of this area, with modern methodology, may provide the much needed information on the history of the cemetery in the later part of the Early Dynastic Period. It would be very interesting to establish the manner in which this cemetery lost its exclusivity. Bibliography BAUD, M., 2005. La nécropole d’élite de la 1re dynastie à Abou Rawach: Essai cartographique. Archeo-Nil 15: 11–16. BRESCIANI, E., 2003. Memphis and Saqqara Necropolis [in:] AGO, F.; BRESCIANI, E. & GLAMMARUSTI, A. (eds.), The North Saqqara Archaeological Site: Handbook for the Environmental Risk Analysis. Pisa: 61–73. CERVELLO-AUTUORI, J., 2017. Monumental Funerary Architecture and Ritual Landscape in First Dynasty Egypt [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT Y. & RYAN, E. M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 211–230. EMERY, W.B., 1949. Great Tombs of the First Dynasty: Part I. Cairo. EMERY, W.B., 1954. Great Tombs of the First Dynasty: Part II. London. EMERY, W.B., 1958. Great Tombs of the First Dynasty: Part III. London. EMERY, W.B., 1961. Archaic Egypt. Harmondsworth. EMERY, W.B., 1970. Preliminary Report on the Excavations at North Saqqara 1968–9. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 56: 5–11. EMERY, W.B., Unpublished fieldnotes 1946 & 1952–1956. Notebooks on tombs s3500, s3503, s3504, s3505, s3506 and s3507. Daybooks on tombs s3504, s3505, s3506 and s3507. Photographs from tombs s3500, s3503, s3504, s3505, s3506 and s3507. ENGEL, E.-M., 2013. The Organization of a Nascent State: Egypt until the Beginning of the 4th Dynasty [in:] MORENO GARCIA, J.C. (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Administration. Leiden: 19–40. GOULD, D., 2003. A Study of the Relationship between the Different Dynastic Factions of the Early Dynastic Period and of the Evidence for Internal Political Disruption [in:] BICKEL, S. & LOPRIENO, A. (eds.), Basel Egyptology Prize 1: Junior Research

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in Egyptian History, Archaeology, and Philology. Aegyptiaca Helvetica 17. Basel: 29–53. HELCK, W., 1984. Saqqara, Nekropole der 1.–3. Dynastie [in:] HELCK, W. & WESTENDORF, W. (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie: Band V. Wiesbaden: 387–400. HENDRICKX, S., 2008. Les grands mastabas de la 1re dynastie à Saqqara. Archeo-Nil 18: 60–89. JEFFREYS, D. & TAVARES, A., 1994. The Historic Landscape of Early Dynastic Memphis. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 50: 143–169. KAISER, W, A., 1985. Ein Kultbezirk des Königs Den in Sakkara. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 41: 47–60. KLASENS, A., 1957. The Excavations of the Leiden Museum of Antiquities at Abu-Roash: Report of the First Season 1957. Part I. Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden 38: 58–68. KLASENS, A., 1958, The Excavations of the Leiden Museum of Antiquities at AbuRoash: Report of the Second Season 1958. Part I. Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden 39: 32–55. KLASENS, A., 1959 The Excavations of the Leiden Museum of Antiquities at Abu-Roash: Report of the Second Season 1958. Part II: Cemetery 400. Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden 40: 41–61. KLASENS, A., 1961, The Excavations of the Leiden Museum of Antiquities at Abu-Roash: Report of the Third Season 1959. Part II: Cemetery M. Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden 42: 108–128. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008a. Early Dynastic Society at Memphis [in:] ENGEL, E.-M.; MÜLLER, V. & HARTUNG, U. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günther Dreyer. Wiesbaden: 381–399. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008b. The Helwan Cemetery. Archeo-Nil 18: 113–130. LACHER-RASCHDORFF, C.M., 2014. Das Grab des Königs Ninetjer in Saqqara. Architektonische Entwicklung frühzeitlicher Grabanlagen in Ägypten. Wiesbaden. LA LOGGIA, A., 2012. Engineering and Construction in Egypt’s Early Dynastic Period: A Review of Mortuary Structures. PhD Thesis, MacQuarie University, Australia. http:// www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:28149;jsessi onid=37BD8BB8821CF2D9226E4572F23E598A?f0=sm_subject%3A%22engineering %22 (download: 31-08-2014). LEHNER, M., 1997. The Complete Pyramids. London. MACRAMALLAH, R., 1940. Un cimetière archaïque de la classe moyenne du peuple à Saqqarah. Cairo. MARTIN, G., 2007. The Early Dynastic Necropolis at North Saqqara: The Unpublished Excavations of W.B. Emery and C.M. Firth [in:] HAWASS, Z. & RICHARDS, J. (eds.), Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David O’Connor. Cairo: 121–126. MARTIN, G., 2008. The Stela and Grave of Merka in Saqqara North [in:] Engel, E.-M.; MÜLLER, V. & HARTUNG, U. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günther Dreyer. Wiesbaden: 463–476. MONTET, P., 1938. Tombeaux de la Ire et de la IVe dynasties à Abou-Roach. Kemi 7: 11–69. MORRIS, E.F., 2007a. On the Ownership of the Saqqara Mastabas and the Allotment of Political and Ideological Power at the Dawn of the State [in:] HAWASS, Z. & RICHARDS, J. (eds.), Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David O’Connor. Cairo: 171–190. MORRIS, E.F., 2007b. Sacrifice for the State: First Dynasty Royal Funerals and the Rite at Macramallah’s Rectangle [in:] LANERI, N. (ed.), Performing Death: Social

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Analysis of Funerary Traditions in Ancient Near East and Mediterranean. Chicago: 15–37. O’CONNOR, D., 2005. On the Ownership of Elite Tombs in the First Dynasty [in:] DAOUD, K.; BEDIER, S. & ABD EL-FATAH, S. (eds.), Studies in Honor of Ali Radwan. Cahiers Supplément aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 34/2. Cairo: 223–231. O’CONNOR, D., 2015. Who was Merika? A Continuing Debate [in:] OPPENHEIM, A. & GOELET, O. (eds.), The Art and Culture of Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honor of Dorothea Arnold. Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 19. New York: 477–490. ORMELING, M., 2017a. Revisiting Walter B. Emery at Saqqara: Exploring Emery’s Excavations, a Re-Evaluation of his Field Notes (1946–1956) [in:] CHYLA, J.; ROSIŃSKA-BALIK, K.; DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J. & WALSH, C. (eds.), Current Research in Egyptology 2016: Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual Symposium Jagiellonian University Krakow 2016. Oxford: 1–21. ORMELING, M., 2017b. Planning the Construction of First Dynasty Mastabas at Saqqara. Modelling the Development of the Pre-Stairway Mastabas [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th–18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 401–432. ORMELING, M., 2019. Mastaba s3038 at Saqqara: A New Perspective on Old Data. Prague Egyptological Studies 23: 106–124. QUIBELL, J.E., 1923. Excavations at Saqqara (1912–1914) Archaic Mastabas. Cairo. READER, C., 2017. An Early Dynastic Ritual Landscape at North Saqqara: An Inheritance from Abydos? Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 103: 71–87. REISNER, G., 1938. The Development of the Egyptian Tomb down to the Accession of Cheops. Cambridge, MA. SMITH, H.S., 1971. Walter Bryan Emery. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 57: 190–201. SPENCER, A.J., 1974. Researches on the Topography of North Saqqara. Orientalia 43: 1–11. STADELMANN, R., 2005. A New Look at the Tombs of the First and Second Dynasties at Abydos and Saqqara and the Evolution of the Pyramid Complex [in:] DAOUD, K.; BEDIER, S. & ABD EL-FATAH, S. (eds.) Studies in Honor of Ali Radwan. Cahiers Supplément aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 34/2. Cairo: 361–375. TAVARES, A., 1999. Saqqara, North, Early Dynastic Tombs [in:] BARD, K. (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt. New York: 700–704. TRISTANT, Y., 2016. Abu Rawash 2009–2010: Preliminary Results from the Re-Excavation of 1st Dynasty Elite Mastabas at the Cemetery M [in:] ADAMS, M.D.; MIDANTREYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, New York, 26th–30th July 2011. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 252. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT: 155–178. VON BECKERATH, J., 1997. Chronologie des pharaonischen Ägypten: Die Zeitbestimmung der ägyptischen Geschichte von der Vorzeit bis 332 v. Chr. Mainz. VAN WETERING, J., 2018. The Macramallah Burials, Wadi Abusir, Saqqara [in:] BÁRTA, M.; COPPENS, F. & KREJČÍ, J. (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2015. Prague: 419–434. WILKINSON, T.A.H., 1999. Early Dynastic Egypt. London.

EARLY EGYPTIAN CERAMIC FABRICS: PETROGRAPHIC IDENTIFICATION OF THE CHRONOLOGICAL USE OF PASTE RECIPES FOR SPECIFIC VESSEL FORMS MARY F. OWNBY1, E. CHRISTIANA KÖHLER2 1  2 

University of Arizona, USA University of Vienna, Austria

Petrographic analysis of Egyptian ceramic fabrics has mostly focused on the clarification of raw materials selection and technology. Due to the limited analysis of pottery samples, identifying chronological connections between specific fabrics has been challenging. Recent analysis of samples from Tell el-Farkha, Tell el-Iswid, Tell el-Murra, Abydos, Helwan, and Giza has enabled some tracking of the use of particular pastes from the Predynastic into the Old Kingdom. Unlike Nile clay whose ubiquitous employment for producing ceramics limits its ability to inform on specific potting practices, some of the fabrics that mix Nile clay with other materials do appear as particular paste recipes. These have been shown to occur over several centuries used for a number of vessel forms, although more research may highlight their employment for a wider range of shapes. Nevertheless, the identification of a few specific paste recipes used over time has highlighted a unique opportunity to explore early potting practices, their chronological development, and their significance for our understanding of early Egyptian ceramic industries.

Introduction For the past several decades the analysis of pottery in thin section, or ceramic petrography, has been conducted on a wide range of material in Egypt. This covers both a chronological aspect with Predynastic to Medieval samples, and a spatial aspect with material from the Delta to that at Elephantine (Riederer 1985; Ballet & Picon 1987; Bourriau & Nicholson 1992; Redmount & Morgenstein 1996; Bourriau et al. 2000; Cremonte 2006; Ownby 2013; 2017; Peloschek 2015; Pyke & Ownby 2016). However, the petrographic analysis of Egyptian pottery has not been executed as a single, comprehensive programme, but rather on a project by project basis. Thus, its principal goal has been in clarifying the fabric classification systems for ceramics from certain sites. The characteristics of each fabric group are specified such as the clay utilised, the presence of temper and kinds of inclusions, types of slips and glazes, and firing temperatures. How each fabric group relates to another is explained and assists the ceramicists in making connections between fabrics and the function and form of vessels. Technological and raw material choices are also better understood through ceramic petrography.

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This focus on fabric and technology is due in part to the inability of petrographic data to provide exact production locations. The geological homogeneity of Egypt is the cause, as Nile clay is readily available throughout the region (Said 2017). Calcareous marl clays are present on both sides of the Nile River, around the Delta, and in the Western Desert oases resulting in a ubiquity of raw material resources. Clays produced from the weathering of shale, or lithified claystone, are another potential raw material that is found commonly south of the Qena bend area and in the oases.1 An area with a more restricted specific clay source is around Aswan where the kaolinitic clays weathering from granite are present and easily delineated (Peloschek 2015). Recent work by L. Peloschek may identify the precise clay deposits that were utilised for ceramic production, but at the moment, even for these fabrics the general Aswan area is recognised as their provenance. Therefore, due to the limits of the cumulative petrographic studies of Egyptian pottery (also a result of budget restrictions and access), and the widespread availably of similar clay resources, the documentation of the use of particular paste recipes, chronologically and spatially, has not occurred. This situation hinders our ability to better understand how ceramics are produced and distributed in Egypt. Information such as the level of specialisation, the continuity of workshop output, and the movement of pottery across social and physical borders is unknown. This impacts our general perception of the value of pottery, its diversity, and social significance to the ancient Egyptians. However, recent petrographic studies of material from several sites in the Nile Delta and Valley dated to the late Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods may go some way towards clarifying ceramic manufacture and circulation for this time. The ability to examine the use of specific paste recipes (i.e. fabrics) both spatially and chronologically is due to the cumulative collection of petrographic data on material at a number of locations by the same analyst. Of particular importance was to document the use of the same fabric for different vessels and varying fabrics for the same vessel type across time and space. Because of the date of the material, special attention was given to the well-known, so-called Wavy Handled Ware due to its ubiquity, well-defined chronological development, and typology. We will present the results here, highlighting the use of particular raw materials, their employment for certain vessel types, and their presence at multiple sites. Sites and samples The data from six petrographic projects were examined to identify specific fabrics and their use for particular vessel forms (Ownby 2009; 2012; 2014; 1 Fabrics produced from shale clays are often calcareous as shale formations are typically in association with limestone deposits. Therefore, such fabrics are typically classified as “marl clay”.

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2015a; 2015b; and 2016). The principal data derives from two projects examining Predynastic, Protodynastic, and Early Dynastic/early Old Kingdom material from Abydos and Helwan. The Helwan project was unique for the high number of samples and diversity of vessel forms (Table 1) (Ownby 2016a; 2016b). A total of 83 Egyptian pottery samples were petrographically examined with 11 cylindrical vessels of six different types and six different fabrics. Some of these fabrics were also identified for use in other vessel forms including twelve wine jars, twenty-one beer jars, eight other jars, twenty various bowl types, two cooking bowls, four open dishes, and two bread moulds. Additionally, there were three carinated bowls (Meydum bowls) dated to the 3rd/4th Dynasty of two distinct fabrics. This material is mortuary with samples from over forty different tombs (Köhler 2014; 2017). These vessels date principally to the Early Dynastic Period but range from Naqada IIIA (Protodynastic) to the 4th Dynasty. Vessel Type

Number of Samples

Wavy Handled Ware Types

11

Wine Jar

12

Beer Jar

21

Other jars Bowls

8 20

Carinated/Meydum Bowls

3

Cooking Bowls/Open Vessels

6

Bread Moulds

2

Total

83

Table 1. List of samples analyzed from Helwan by vessel type.

Thirty-three samples were selected from ceramic material at Abydos / Umm el-Qaab, (Table 2) (Ownby 2014a; 2016c). As the focus was also on cylindrical vessels, nineteen samples were examined belonging to thirteen distinct types and seventeen different fabrics, which have been differentiated with 10× magnification. Also included were two Late Ware vessels, four wine jars, one beer jar, four marl clay jars, and three bowls with calcite temper. The material derived from the excavations of Cemeteries U, B and many different tombs (Köhler 1996; Köhler & Knoblauch 2017; Dreyer, Köhler, Knoblauch & Kohse: forthcoming; Dreyer & Köhler: forthcoming). The material dates from Naqada IID/IIIA to IIIC1 or the late Predynastic to the early 1st Dynasty (3400 to 3050 BCE).

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Vessel Type Wavy Handled Ware Types

Number of Samples 19

Late Ware Type

2

Wine Jar

4

Beer Jar

1

Other Jar

4

Bowl (with calcite temper)

3

Total

33

Table 2. List of samples analysed from Abydos by vessel type.

Comparative material to this core set of 116 samples derives mostly from two sites in the Eastern Nile Delta, Tell el-Farkha and Tell el-Iswid. Thirtynine Egyptian samples of Predynastic date were analysed from Koms C, Ea, Eb, and W at Tell el-Farkha (Chłodnicki & Ciałowicz 1999–2007; Ownby 2014). A smaller set of twenty Predynastic sherds was examined from Tell el-Iswid sectors 1a, 1b, and 2 (Ownby 2012; Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2014). Unfortunately, for both projects information on vessel forms is not available. For the Early Dynastic and early Old Kingdom, which provides some chronological depth, comparative samples are from Tell el-Murra, Giza, and Abu Rawash. From Tell el-Murra, an Early Dynastic tray/platter and jar were analysed along with ten Meydum bowls, four bowls, two jars, one beer vat, and two unknown vessels of Old Kingdom date (Ownby 2015b). The samples are mostly from a few burials (Early Dynastic) and a settlement area (Old Kingdom) at the site (Jucha 2016). Ten Old Kingdom sherds were examined from Giza, including four white-slipped carinated bowls, one Meydum bowl, two bowls with straight rim and slightly carinated walls, one ledgerim bowl, and two hand-made plates of slightly different form (Ownby 2009). The samples came from the Workman’s Village on the plateau (Wetterstrom & Lehner 2007; Wodzińska 2007). A large set of thin section samples from the mortuary area at Abu Rawash are available for analysis, but only a preliminary examination has taken place (Tristant & Smythe 2011; Tristant 2016; 2017). Nevertheless, this allowed for a comparison between the Abydos and Helwan material as most samples are dated to the 1st Dynasty. Petrographic analysis Petrographic analysis was chosen as the best technique to characterise raw materials, describe additions by the potters (i.e. temper), and compare paste recipes. This method is ideal for recognising the use of similar clay pastes for

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various vessel types and clarifying the fabric identifications. Within Egypt, petrographic analysis can either be conducted on-site or at the Pôle d’archéométrie de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale – Laboratoire d’étude des matériaux (AL-IFAO). For the projects discussed, material from Helwan, Abydos, Tell el-Farkha, Tell el-Iswid, and Abu Rawash was analysed at AL-IFAO. On-site analysis was performed for some of the Helwan samples and those from Tell el-Murra. The petrographic study of ceramic thin sections followed standard procedures (see Bourriau & Nicholson 1992; Whitbread 1995; Ownby 2010). For each section, its colour in plane (PPL) and cross polarised (XPL) light was noted, an estimate was made for the frequency of inclusions relative to clay matrix, and the sorting of the inclusions was specified. The minerals identified in the thin section were listed by those that represent the main inclusions, and those that are less common. For the inclusions, both their general shape and size range were noted. Finally, comments were made on the relationship between samples, technology of production, and potential provenance of the raw material. All of the provenance assignments are postulated as the thin sections were not compared to clay raw materials or kiln material from known sites. Geological maps and some soil maps were consulted to arrive at the postulated provenance (El Shazly 1977; Geologic Map of Egypt 1981; Said 2017). Results The results of the petrographic analysis of the core group of 116 samples are discussed by petrofabric group, which includes samples with the same paste recipe (Table 3). Thus, all samples made of Nile clay with plant remains would be in a single petrofabric group relating to the fabric of the vessel (i.e. fired clay and inclusions) and the shared petrographic features (Fig. 1). Comparative material is highlighted for each petrofabric group. Nile clay with or without plant remains petrofabrics Nile clay is a readily available raw material that was used throughout Egyptian history and into the modern day. The petrographic features are an iron-rich silty clay with common inclusions of quartz, plagioclase, potassium feldspar, muscovite, biotite, amphibole and pyroxene. Due to the sampling approach, which focused on all fabric groups, especially unusual ones, only two samples had a Nile clay without temper paste.2 This included a cylinder vessel of a 2 The combined research presented here very much depends on the samples selected for petrographic analysis. Thus, for all petrofabric groups, the vessel forms and paste variability is not comprehensive.

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Fig. 1. Photomicrographs of thin sections showing the different fabrics. All images are cross polarized light and taken at 10× magnification.

4

30

Total

2

1 16

3 22

1 12

2

6

2

1

1

22

3

5

1

9

4

Other Bowls Jars

4

3

1

Carinated/ Meydum Bowls

3

1

1

1

Cooking pot

Table 3. List of samples analysed from Helwan and Abydos by petrofabric.

5

7

1

9

1

3

Beer jars

11

Marl clays

Mixed clay with calcite

Mixed clays

Mix clay with shale

Nile clay with calcite

2

7

Wine Jars

1

2

Nile clay with lime (includes nummulites)

Late Ware

8

3

Nile clay with plant remains

Nile clay with lime and plant remains

1

WavyHandled and Cylinder jars

Nile clay

Petrofabric

3

2

1

Open vessels

2

2

Bread moulds

116

12

3

34

15

1

22

5

22

2

Total

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Naqada IIIC1 date from Abydos and a single 4th Dynasty carinated/Meydum bowl from Helwan. Similarly, the only comparative sample is a 4th Dynasty bowl from Tell el-Murra of a Nile clay with a white slip. More common for the Predynastic and Early Dynastic period was the use of a Nile clay with plant remains temper. While such fabrics were not sampled for Abydos, at Helwan the Nile clay with organic temper petrofabric was noted for three cylindrical vessels (Petrie Type 503) dated to the Naqada IIIC period. It was further employed for seven wine jars, three beer jars, one other jar, four bowls, one cooking bowl, one open vessel, and two bread moulds. Such a fabric was identified for thirteen vessels at Tell el-Farkha and three pots at Tell el-Iswid of Predynastic date. At Tell el-Murra, both the 3rd to 4th Dynasty and 5th to 6th Dynasty Meydum bowls had this fabric, though the plant remains were fine. Two bowls (one of 3rd/4th Dynasty date, the other of 5th/6th Dynasty date), and a beer vat also had this fabric. From Giza, a straight-rimmed, slightly carinated bowl and a hand-made plate were made of Nile clay with plant remains. The use of this paste for such a wide variety of vessel types is unsurprising as it truly was the standard raw material for Egyptian pottery.4 Nile clay with calcareous material petrofabrics Many of the analysed samples with a Nile clay paste also contained fragments of calcareous material (here called “lime”), typically identified as micritic limestone or chalk. In many cases, the amounts were low, but notable and for some fabrics plant remains were also present. None of the Abydos samples were of either petrofabric, but at Helwan, a Nile clay with lime was utilised for two cylindrical vessels (Type W90, Naqada IIIC1 period) and one Early Dynastic beer jar. Two Predynastic pots from Tell el-Farkha also had this petrofabric. None of the Tell el-Murra or Giza samples had only a Nile and lime paste. The addition of some lime and plant remains to Nile clay was a common petrofabric. Once again, samples are lacking from Abydos. At Helwan, this paste was used for two wine jars, nine beer jars, one globular jar, nine bowls, and one cooking pot all of Early Dynastic date. Of Predynastic date is a single vessel from Tell el-Farkha and five pots from Tell el-Iswid. The employment of this petrofabric continues into the 4th Dynasty, being used for two whiteslipped carinated bowls, one straight-rimmed, slightly carinated bowl, one ledgerim bowl, one Meydum bowl, and one-hand-made plate. For most of these vessels the amount of lime and plant remains is low. Overall, the Nile clay with plant remains and/or lime appears to represent a base clay paste for making a wide variety of vessels from the Predynastic onwards. 3

All references to Petrie types derive from Petrie 1921 & 1953. Köhler refers to this fabric and the next group (Nile and lime) as the ‘standard fabric’ or ‘Standard-Grundmasse’ throughout her work cf. Köhler 1998; 2005; 2014; 2017. 4

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Within the larger group of Nile clay with calcareous materials is a petrofabric that is unique with large and common limestone inclusions some of which contain nummulites (a type of foraminifera). While not noted in the limited samples from Abydos, two open vessels (probably trays) of Early Dynastic date from Helwan had this unique paste. It has also been noted for the Predynastic period with three vessels from Tell el-Iswid and an Early Dynastic tray from Tell el-Murra. Its use later in time requires a project focused on petrographic analysis of open vessels in the Old Kingdom. Mixed clays petrofabrics During the Predynastic and Early Dynastic, the principal non-Nile clay fabrics are mixes of calcareous, Nile, and/or shale clay pastes. One distinct recipe in this group was noted. The fabric comprises a calcareous clay with some shale clay, including intact shale fragments, and a minor amount of Nile clay. Notable are the microfossils in the paste from the original limestone deposit. Microfossils are rare in most Egyptian ceramic fabrics. The clay for this paste could be from a natural deposit where shale and limestone deposits are eroding near an area of Nile clay. This unique fabric (called ‘mixed clay with shale’ or ‘mix (shale)’ for short) was used at Abydos for seven Wavy Handled and cylinder jars dating from Naqada IID/IIIA to IIIB (Petrie Types W23/3, W47/49, W43/19, W55, W62/63). It was also used at Abydos for a jar of Naqada IIIC1 date. At Helwan, a cylinder jar dated to Naqada IIIA2 (Petrie Type W63/63), two jars and one bowl of Early Dynastic date also had this mixed clay with shale paste. Additionally, it was utilised for three carinated/Meydum bowls from the 3rd/4th Dynasty at Helwan. This trend later in time for carinated bowls to be made of this specific paste was noted at Giza for a white slipped carinated bowl. At Abu Rawash, the same fabric was noted for two ovoid jars, and it may have been used for one jar of Old Kingdom date at Tell el-Murra. Investigation into its earlier use, indicated that three vessels from Tell el-Farkha had this paste, one black-topped ‘ḥs jar’ of Proto- to Early Dynastic date, one painted body sherd dated from the end of the Early Dynastic to the early Old Kingdom, and a third sherd with little information (Mączyńska 2006: Fig. 8:3; Jucha 2010: 65, Fig. 77). It was not seen in the samples from Tell el-Iswid, but a Predynastic to Old Kingdom pot from Douch in the Kharga Oasis could be another example (Ownby 2013).5 5

The so-called ‘shale-tempered’ pottery from Hierakonpolis might be similar. Petrographic data by Baba and Freestone (2008: 6) indicated the fabric has common shale material. Microfossils were not noted. The description of a calcareous fabric, however, mentions common ‘shale-like particles’, but microfossils are not listed (Baba & Freestone 2008: 7, 9). Shale deposits are near the site, but the calcareous fabric is suggested to be non-local and possibly related to the production of black-topped ḥs vases (see Sowada 1999, ‘hard orange’ fabric) (Baba & Freestone 2008: 30–31).

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Other mixed clays fabrics were also noted, but these were dominantly calcareous clay with some Nile clay, which could also represent clays from natural deposits. Unlike the previous fabric, there is great variability in these mixed clays fabrics and they lack distinct characteristics (such as shale fragments and microfossils) that enable them to be tracked to specific vessels at several sites. At Abydos, these fabrics were used for eight cylinder jars dating from Naqada IIIA to IIIC (Petrie Types W31–37, W55, W71, W71b, W80, W85, W90, 47r/49d) and for a Late Ware vessel (Petrie Type L40), four wine jars, and three other jar types. One cylinder jar of Naqada IIIA/B date (Petrie Type 47r/49d), two cylinder jars dated to Naqada IIIB (Petrie Type W80), three jars, seven beer jars, and five bowls at Helwan had mixed clays pastes. A few of these fabrics had added sand and/or lime. Nine Predynastic vessels at Tell el-Farkha were made of mixed clays fabrics with seven having the addition of plant remains and two with sand temper. At Tell el-Iswid, two vessels had a mixed clays and plant remains fabric, two had mixed clays with lime pastes, and one had just a mixed clays fabric. A calcareous paste with some Nile clay and the addition of crushed calcite is a unique petrofabric amongst mixed clays pastes. It has been identified for three Protodynastic / 1st Dynasty (3200–3000 BCE) bowls from Abydos (cf. Köhler & Knoblauch 2017: Abb. 13.12–16), one Early Dynastic cooking pot from Helwan (more of a Nile clay only paste), two 1st Dynasty cooking pots from Abu Rawash, and two Predynastic vessels from Tell el-Iswid. Thus, there seems to be evidence for the use of a specific paste of mixed clays and crushed calcite for cooking vessels from the Predynastic into the Early Dynastic period. Documenting later use of this paste requires a focused research project. Marl clay petrofabrics Also showing high variability were vessels made with “marl” clays. This category encompasses pastes comprised of predominantly calcareous material, but many can also have notable shale clay with a calcareous component (i.e. Marl C). Macroscopically, they are often grouped together, but petrographic analysis has suggested a range from highly calcareous to more shale-rich fabrics. Unfortunately, at this stage of research, characteristics of these fabrics that could be used to trace their employment for specific vessels at different sites have not been identified. Three Wavy Handled and cylinder jars from Abydos, ranging in date from Naqada IID/IIIA to IIIB were made of marl clay pastes (Petrie Types W23/3, W47/49, W56) along with a Late Ware (Petrie Type L36) and a small globular jar. Marl clay fabrics at Helwan were used for two cylinder jars of Naqada IIIB (Petrie Type W80) date, three wine jars, one polished jar, and one beer jar. Three vessels at Tell el-Farkha had marl clay pastes, two others were more shale-rich (one also had plant remains), three vessels had

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marl clay and plant remains fabrics, and a single one had a marl clay and sand paste. Likewise, at Tell el-Iswid, four vessels were of marl clay fabrics, one also contained plant remains and another one sand tempered. An Early Dynastic jar at Tell el-Murra was made with a marl clay paste, along with one Old Kingdom jar and two other Old Kingdom sherds from unknown vessel types. At Giza, of the examined samples, there was one white-slipped carinated bowl of a ‘Marl C’ fabric that was calcareous with notable shale inclusions. Discussion The results presented above highlight the scope of this study in its ability to document the use of particular fabrics over time and across space. This is a unique situation born from the petrographic analysis of samples from a number of sites for vessels dating to the same periods. Such cumulative data has allowed a glimpse into the use of these fabrics for particular vessels and how the associated workshops continued production from the Predynastic into the Old Kingdom. Furthermore, for some fabrics, areas of possible manufacture can be suggested, which enables a better understanding of how pottery moved along the Nile Valley during these periods. The core of this study examined 116 samples from Abydos and Helwan dating from Naqada IID/IIIA until the early Old Kingdom period. The results, not surprisingly, indicated the use of a range of fabrics and raw materials. Additionally, vessels of the same type could be made of varying pastes (see Table 2). This is best illustrated with the cylinder jars, whose specific type and fabrics were carefully documented. At Abydos, these vessels could be produced from Nile clay, mixed clays fabrics, the specific mix (shale) paste, and marl clay fabrics (Fig. 2). Chronologically, the mix (shale) and marl fabrics are in the earliest samples, while those from Naqada IIIB to IIIC tend to be mixed clays and Nile clay fabrics. Such a trend is dependent on the samples analysed, but the Helwan cylinder jars show a similar pattern. The cylinder from Naqada IIIA has the mix (shale) paste, but by Naqada IIIB mixed clays and marl clay fabrics are used, while Nile clay pastes (some with plant remains) become prevalent in Naqada IIIC. This could suggest that while initially production of cylinder jars was limited to a few sites, later in time more areas were making their own vessels. Typologically, vessels of the same type could be made with several different fabrics. For example, Type W47/49 is of marl or mix (shale) pastes, and the later Type W80 is of mixed clays and marl clay fabrics. This may indicate direct copying of a form initially developed in one area and multiple workshops making the same vessel shape with different raw materials. However, the same fabric could also be employed for different vessel forms. This is clearest with the unique mix (shale) paste, which uses are easiest to track. It was

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employed for Types W19/43, W47/49, W55, and W62/63. While some of this reflects the chronological development of cylinder jar forms, some of these types were likely made at the same time and suggest several workshops in the same area producing different cylinder jar shapes. The documentation of cylinder jars of identical form and fabric at Abydos and Helwan confirms that these vessels were moving along the Nile to various locations from their production centres. The geological homogeneity of Egypt makes identifying the provenance of these vessels challenging. However, the mix (shale) fabric has some unique characteristics that assist in identifying its use, but may also indicate a possible area of production. Although shale outcrops are common, they mostly crop out south of the Qena Bend where Paleocene formations are found (El Shazly 1977). Microfossils, rarely seen in Egyptian pottery raw materials, are common in limestone deposits dated to the Eocene and Pliocene (Said & Sabry 1964). The area where both Paleocene shale and Eocene to Pliocene limestone can be found is in the Qena Bend area. Abydos is north of this area, but it is only through the exploration of local clay resources that production here be clarified. The well-known production site of Deir el-Ballas is also in this area and petrographic examination of Ballas pottery indicates microfossils are present (Matson 1974: 129–139)6. Significantly, pottery made of the mix (shale) fabric has now been identified at Abydos, Helwan, Giza, Abu Rawash, Tell el-Farkha, and possibly Kharga. These examples date from the Predynastic to the Old Kingdom suggesting a long history of production with this raw material (which likely continues), and the distribution of vessels from these workshops throughout the Nile Valley. While cylinder jars provide the opportunity to examine the use of specific fabrics, connections to vessel shapes, and distribution along the Nile River, other types of pots also support these patterns. The petrographic analysis of wine jars indicated their production with mixed clays pastes in the Naqada IIIB/ C1 period at Abydos, but a preference for Nile clay (with plant remains or plant remains and lime) and marl clay fabrics in the Early Dynastic Period at Helwan. Again, this could be due to the sampling procedure, but indicates further study of such vessels from several, chronologically diverse sites would be worth pursuing. Moreover, other jars of varying types, including Late Ware, show a similar emphasis on mixed clays and marl clay pastes in the Predynastic samples from Abydos; while the Early Dynastic samples at Helwan have these fabrics as well, plus one jar of Nile clay and plant remains and a globular jar of Nile clay, plant remains, and lime. The use of jars as containers may 6 Petrographic analysis by M. Ownby of a possible Ballas jar (JL14–41) from the John the Little Monastery in Wadi Natrun (late 9th century AD) identified a shale clay paste with microfossils and a few shale fragments. Nile clay was absent.

Fig. 2. Chronological progression of cylinder jars from Abydos and Helwan indicating their fabrics.

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have lead potters to seek harder fabrics made with calcareous clays and mixes, including the mix (shale) paste. The use of marl clays for jars continued into the Old Kingdom at least for two examples from Tell el-Murra. Bowls, on the other hand, were more commonly produced with Nile clay pastes. Fourteen Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom bowls of various shapes from Helwan were made of Nile clay (including one carinated/Meydum bowl), Nile clay with plant remains, and Nile clay with plant remains and lime. Five bowls from this site were made of mixed clays fabrics, while four (including two carinated/Meydum bowls) were made of the mix (shale) paste (Fig. 3). Such variety of raw materials used for making bowls likely relates to their function as either utilitarian for preparing food or in serving food where finer vessels may have been preferred. However, the analysis of Meydum bowls of the 3rd to 6th Dynasties from Tell el-Murra indicated consistent production with Nile clay and fine plant remains. A 4th Dynasty Meydum bowl from Giza also had this paste, but with rare lime inclusions. Other Old Kingdom bowls from Tell el-Murra and Giza were made with Nile clay and plant remains, Nile clay with plant remains and lime, marl clay, and the mix (shale) fabrics. Thus, the use of a range of raw materials for bowls, and their likely movement along the Nile River from various workshops, continued into the Old Kingdom. The presence of bowls made of the mix (shale) fabric in the Memphite region, but of likely Upper Egyptian origin, is most intriguing as it would indicate the pottery itself was a commodity traded and exchanged along the Nile Valley.7 Firstly, because carinated or Meydum bowls were made of at least three different fabrics, i.e. mix (shale), untempered Nile, and Nile with plant remains, which means that there may have been different workshops producing them along the Nile Valley.8 Secondly, visual identification of this fabric in Meydum bowls at the Wadi el-Sheikh (Köhler, Hart & Klaunzer 2017; see Köhler & Hart, this volume), where local pottery production is highly unlikely given the arid climate and lack of resources necessary for pottery manufacture, would suggest that finished Meydum bowls were indeed transported over long distances.9 This is further supported by the discovery of a Nile

7 It would be highly unlikely that the clay itself was transported rather than the vessels during this preindustrial period. Documented movement of clay is only known for modern times (e.g. van As et al. 2009). Furthermore, a large sample of ethnographic data show that distance to resources is key to understanding how pottery industries work; clay sources at over a day’s trip distance are usually not exploited (Arnold 1985: Table 2.1). The distance between Memphis and southern Upper Egypt by boat is about 10 days. 8 The possibility of several different workshops producing Meydum bowls has recently also been raised on the basis of morphology; cf. Warden 2014: 69, citing Sterling 2004. 9 On the other hand, the Wadi el-Sheikh material, like other evidence for distant mining and quarrying sites, could represent one of the rare occurrences where pots were indeed brought by individuals to a different region for their own use as there was no permanent settlement in the Wadi el-Sheikh.

Fig. 3. Vessels from Abydos and Helwan made of the mix (shale) fabric showing chronological progression.

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clay early Old Kingdom Meydum bowl at Douch in the Kharga Oasis (Ownby in press). The question is if these bowls were manufactured and transported for their own sake or as containers. In most other cases, where ceramic imports have been observed, the vessels were restricted shapes and thus most likely transport containers for substances, such as oil and wine, which were the actual trade good. In the latter case, the pottery was probably manufactured in workshop industries that were attached to an institution that also supervised the production of the contents. Although it is not impossible that the bowls were produced and used as transport containers, it is very unlikely because whatever contents there may have been, transporting it in a fine, shallow, open vessel would be most impractical, especially when better-suited alternatives are available. Producing pottery solely for direct export, and not in an attached industry where the contents are also made, normally reflects a very high level of specialisation and industrialisation (Köhler 1997; 1998: 64; Rice 2006). These potters seem to have developed their industry to such an extent that a demand for their products beyond their own region was developed and their industry was economically profitable. The pottery workshops in the area of Upper Egypt, where the mix (shale) fabric probably originates, were in existence over a long period of time, at least from the late Predynastic period onwards (Fig. 3). As far as our data currently suggest, this fabric was initially used for vessels of the Wavy Handled Ware (e.g. Petrie Type W19/43), and especially the net-painted cylinders (Petrie Type W62/63), which is a pottery class that was probably traded and exchanged widely all over the Nile Valley as containers for a fatty substance (Hood et al. 2017), probably oil. It is quite possible that in the Predynastic and Protodynastic Periods, the potters’ workshops successfully operated in conjunction with production of the contents. We have noted above that in Naqada IIIB and IIIC, cylindrical jars were also made of other fabrics, which probably indicates that production conditions and locations, for contents and pots, were changing (see also Köhler & Knoblauch 2017). Although more data are necessary to substantiate this point, it currently seems that cylindrical vessels ceased to be made of this fabric during early Naqada III. By Naqada IIIB and IIIC cylindrical vessels were made of different fabrics before they entirely disappeared just after Naqada IIIC3. At this time and until the end of Naqada IIID, Egyptian cylindrical oil containers were primarily made of stone (see for example Köhler, this volume). The lack of demand and eventual demise of the ceramic containers made from the mix (shale) fabric probably caused these particular potters to shift their production to other vessel shapes in order to safeguard the continuation of their industry. The Helwan samples suggest that this mix (shale) fabric continued to be used for other restricted vessel shapes until the early Old Kingdom (cf. Köhler

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2014: Fig. 34:17, 133:1). Interestingly, among these new shapes were also very fine polished bowls, which may represent the functional predecessors of Meydum bowls, although a direct typological connection has not been made yet (but see Op de Beeck 2000). The earliest bowl of this fabric that we can currently identify with certainty is a fine polished bowl with direct rim of early Naqada IIID date at Helwan (Fig. 3; cf. Köhler 2017: Fig. 118:1). This certainly requires further investigation, but at this time, the evidence seems to point to an Upper Egyptian origin for this variant of a distinct index fossil of Old Kingdom material culture. The twenty-one early Dynastic beer jars from Helwan were mostly made from Nile clay with plant remains, Nile clay with lime, and Nile clay with plant remains and lime. Mixed clays and marl clay fabrics were also employed for these vessels. The analysis of two bread moulds confirmed the use of Nile clay with plant remains for their production at Early Dynastic Helwan. Possibly associated are the low vessels and coarse trays/platters that may have been used for bread production. Five Early Dynastic samples from Tell el-Murra, Tell el-Farkha, Tell el-Iswid, and Helwan were all made with a Nile clay containing nummulitic limestone. This is a distinct fabric especially as nummulitic limestone is only found in the Mokattam Formation of Middle Eocene date (El Shazly 1974: 412–413). Such deposits are present from Esna to Cairo, although the use of this fabric at Delta sites is interesting. The site of Helwan is the furthest south it has been attested. However, the fabric is probably the same as that described by Riederer (1992: 36–37) at Minshat Abu Omar and for a vessel found in the Sinai (Porat 1989: 77). Kroeper (1992: 24, 30) related the fabric to platters and the influence of Levantine people in the Nile Delta. However, it is a common Early Dynastic fabric that is distinctly Egyptian (Köhler 1998: 9–10). More likely of Levantine inspiration and also a specific fabric is the mixed clay with crushed calcite paste noted for at least three possible cooking pots from Protodynastic/1st Dynasty Abydos and one of Early Dynastic date from Helwan (of Nile clay). Other examples of possible cooking bowls with this fabric were noted at Tell el-Iswid, Minshat Abu Omar, and Abu Rawash (Riederer 1992: 36–37; Ownby 2012). However, true imports have also been documented and may have provided the inspiration for using this fabric for cooking vessels (Levy et al. 1997: 29). Predynastic imported vessels with crushed calcite are known from Tell el-Iswid, Minshat Abu Omar, and Maadi (Porat & Seeher 1988: 224–225; Riederer 1992: 36–37; Ownby 2012). Crushed calcite pottery is documented in the southern Levant as early as the Neolithic period (Gopher et al. 1992: 13–14; Levy et al. 1997: 29). From the Early Bronze Age I through to the Iron Age it was commonly used for cooking vessels and holemouth pots. Its use for cooking vessels is not surprising given that this temper provides greater thermal shock resistance.

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It should also be noted, that both fabrics, i.e. Nile with crushed (nummulitic) limestone and mixed clay with crushed calcite, can be found being used for specific, often oval Early Dynastic dishes and bowls (e.g. Köhler 1998; 2014: Forms 392–393), and thus appear to be interchangeable. It is therefore possible that the potters regarded crushed limestone and calcite as of comparable properties for the intended vessels to fulfil their function. Conclusions This petrographic study encompassed 116 samples from two cemetery sites and included a wide range of vessel types dating from 3400 BCE to 2500 BCE. Such a unique opportunity to compare the use of particular fabrics from two sites over such a date range resulted in a more comprehensive understanding of Predynastic and Early Dynastic pottery production. The results indicate long-term production with similar raw materials and a variety of raw materials employed for pottery during these periods. Vessels of the same type could be made with a range of raw materials, while the same fabric could be used to make a number of vessel shapes. This shows flexibility in production and a lack of specialisation for some vessel types and fabrics. However, for the first time specific fabrics could be identified and tracked, showing a broad distribution of ceramic vessels from individual workshops. By analysing additional samples from other sites, it seems likely this distribution would become even more pronounced. Such fabrics would undoubtedly also be found in settlement contexts. Moreover, there is every reason to suppose that the pottery workshops established in the Predynastic continued their craft over the centuries producing a variety of vessels whose types changed over time. The presence of vessels in burials that derived from a number of workshops appears to indicate that there may have been markets where local and non-local Egyptian pottery could be acquired for likely domestic and funerary purposes (Köhler 1997; 1998; Warden 2014). Acknowledgements This project was possible through the support of the Ministry of Antiquities, University of Vienna, and the Austrian Science Fund. It was conducted at the Pôle d’archéométrie de l’Institut Francais d’Archéologie Orientale – Laboratoire d’étude des matériaux with assistance provided by Nadine Mounir and Anita Quiles. Permission to compare the Helwan material to samples from Abu Rawash was kindly given by Yann Tristant of Macquarie University. This material has not been subjected to full analysis. The samples were selected by Jane Smythe. We are grateful for the opportunity to include the petrographic results from research on pottery from Tell el-Iswid, Tell el-Farkha, and Tell

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el-Murra. Mariusz Jucha and Agnieska Mączyńska provided important information on the vessel forms for some of the Tell el-Farkha samples. Masahiro Baba kindly supplied the results of the petrographic analysis of pottery from Hierakonpolis. References BABA, M. & FREESTONE, I., 2008. Report on the Technological Analysis of Predynastic Sherds from Hierakonpolis. Unpublished. BALLET, P. & PICON, M., 1987. Recherches préliminaries sur les origines de la céramique de Kellia (Égypte): Importations et productions égyptiennes. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 1: 17–48. BOURRIAU, J. & NICHOLSON, P., 1992. Marl Clay Pottery Fabrics of the New Kingdom from Memphis, Saqqara and Amarna. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 78: 29–91. BOURRIAU, J.; SMITH, L.M.V. & NICHOLSON, P., 2000. New Kingdom Pottery Fabrics: Nile Clay and Mixed Nile/Marl Clay Fabrics from Memphis and Amarna. London. CHŁODNICKI, M. & CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 1999–2007. Tell el-Farkha explorations 1998– 2006. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean: Reports X-XVII. Poznań. CREMONTE, M.B., 2006. Non-local Pottery Fabrics from Tell el-Ghaba: A Preliminary Classification [in:] FUSCALDO, P. (ed.), Tell el-Ghaba II: A Saite Settlement in North Sinai, Egypt (Argentine Archaeological Mission, 1995–2004). Colección Estudios 5. Buenos Aires: 18–53. DREYER, G. & KÖHLER, E.C. forthc. Umm el-Qaab V: Die Gräber mit Ziegelausmauerung, Kleinfunde und Keramik der späteren Naqadazeit. DREYER, G.; KÖHLER, E.C.; KNOBLAUCH, C. & KOHSE, A., forthc. Umm el-Qaab VIII: Die Gräber und Funde des Friedhofs B in Abydos: Gräber, Funde und Keramik. EL SHAZLY, E.M., 1977. The Geology of the Egyptian Region [in:] NAIRN, A.E.M.; KANES, W.H. & STEHLI, F.G. (eds.), The Ocean Basins and Margins. 4A: The Eastern Mediterranean. New York: 379–444. Geological Map of Egypt 1:2,000,000. 1981. The Egyptian Geological Survey and Mining Authority. Ministry of Industry and Mineral Resources, Cairo. HOOD, A.G.E.; WOODWORTH, M.; DEE, M.W.; SCHWENNINGER, J.-L.; BRONK RAMSEY, C. & DITCHFIELD, P.W., 2017. A Tale of Six Vessels: A Multidisciplinary Approach to the Analysis if Six Predynastic and Early Dynastic Vessels from Abydos, Ballas and Naqada – Preliminary Remarks [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y. & RYAN, E.M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Cairo, 13th‒18th April 2014. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 260. Leuven/ Paris/Bristol, CT: 645–656. JUCHA, M.A., 2013. Pottery from the Graves [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M. & CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. (eds.), Polish Excavations at Tell el-Farkha (Ghazala) in the Nile Delta: Preliminary Report 2008–2010. Archeologia 61: 157–167. JUCHA, M.A., 2016. Polish Excavations at Tell el-Murra in the Nile Delta: Preliminary Report 2013–2015. Archeologia 65: 85–146. KÖHLER, E.C., 1996. Vorbericht zur Keramikbearbeitung der spätvorgeschichtlichen und frühzeitlichen Friedhöfe U und B [in:] DREYER, G.; ENGEL, E.-M.; HARTUNG, U.; HIKADE, T.; KÖHLER, E.C. & PUMPENMEIER, F., Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof: 7./8. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 52: 49–56.

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KÖHLER, E.C., 1997. Socio-Economic Aspects of Early Pottery Production in the Nile Delta. Bulletin of the Australian Center for Egyptology 8: 81–90. KÖHLER, E.C., 1998. Tell el-Fara’in – Buto III: Die Keramik von der späten Vorgeschichte bis zum frühen Alten Reich (Schicht III bis VI). Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 94. Mainz. KÖHLER, E.C., 2014. Helwan III: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 1–50, with contributions by C. MARSHALL and M. ABD EL-KAREM. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 26. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C., 2017. Helwan IV: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 51–100, with contributions by C. MARSHALL, A.M.A. ALI, H. BÖHM, and M. ABD EL-KAREM. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 28. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C. & KNOBLAUCH, C., 2017. Keramik vom B–Friedhof [in:] DREYER, G.; ENGEL, E.-M.; HARTMANN, R.; KNOBLAUCH, C.; KÖHLER, E.C.; KÖPP-JUNK, H.; KUHN, R.; MAHN, M.; MEYRAT, P.; MÜLLER, V.; REGULSKI, I. & SÄHLHOF, M., Umm el-Qaab: Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof: 25./26./27. Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 73: 23–35. KROEPER, K., 1992. Shape+Matrix=Workshop? Ceramic from Minshat Abu Omar. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 3: 23–31. LEHNER, M. & WETTERSTROM, W. (eds.), 2007. Giza Reports: Giza Plateau Mapping Project. Volume 1. Project History, Survey, Ceramics and Main Street and Gallery III.4 Operations. Boston. LEVY, T.E.; ALON, D.; ROWAN, Y.; VAN DEN BRINK, E.C.M.; GRIGSON, C.; HOLL, A.; SMITH, P.; GOLDBERG, P.; WITTEN, A.J.; KANSA, E.; MORENO, J.; YEKUTIELI, Y.; PORAT, N.; GOLDEN, J.; DAWSON, L. & KERSEL, M., 1997. Egyptian-Canaanite Interaction at Nahal Tillah, Israel (ca. 4500–3000 B.C.E.): An Interim Report on the 1994–1995 Excavations. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 307: 1–51. MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2006. Egyptian–Southern Levantine Interaction in the 4th and 3rd Millennium BC – A View from Tell el-Farkha. Studies in African Archaeology 9: 945–957. MATSON, F.R., 1974. Technological Studies of Egyptian Pottery – Modern and Ancient [in:] BISHAY, A. (ed.), Recent Advances in Science and Technology of Materials (Vol. 3). New York/London: 129–139. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N., 2014. Tell el-Iswid. 2006–2009. Le Caire. NORDSTRÖM, H.Å. & BOURRIAU, J., 1993. Ceramic Technology: Clays and Fabrics, Fascicle 2 [in:] ARNOLD, D. & BOURRIAU, J. (eds.), An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery. Mainz am Rhein: 147–190. OWNBY, M.F., 2009. Petrographic and Chemical Analyses of Select 4th Dynasty Pottery Fabrics from the Giza Plateau [in:] RZEUSKA, T. & WODZINSKA, A. (eds.), Studies on Old Kingdom Pottery. Warsaw: 113–137. OWNBY, M.F., 2010. Canaanite Jars from Memphis as Evidence for Trade and Political Relationships in the Middle Bronze Age. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Cambridge. OWNBY, M.F., 2012. Petrographic Report on Tell el-Iswid Predynastic Samples. Unpublished report submitted to Gaëlle Bréand. OWNBY, M.F., 2013. Nummulites and Shale: Petrographic Analysis of Neolithic, Predynastic, and Old Kingdom Pottery from Kharga Oasis. Unpublished petrographic report submitted to Sylvie Marchand. OWNBY, M.F., 2014a. Petrographic Analysis of Early Dynastic Pottery from Abydos. Unpublished report submitted to E. Christiana Köhler, Ulrich Hartung, and Vera Müller.

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NEW PERSPECTIVES ON ACTIVITY AREAS WITHIN THE VILLAGE AND WIDER LANDSCAPE AT MERIMDE BENI SALAMA JOANNE M. ROWLAND School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom

The Neolithic village of Merimde Beni Salama remains unique across Northeast Africa as the first place in which men and women settled with domesticated species of plants and animals. Although the spatial extent of this settlement is often taken as known (from Butzer 1960 onwards), new research suggests that a re-assessment is necessary. The settlement was founded on the fan of a wadi (referred to as the Wadi el-Gamal), and excavations have shown that different areas were preferred for settlement at different periods of time. Extant zooarchaeological and archaeobotanical research makes it clear that wild species as well as domesticates were exploited, but little research has focused on the wider landscape. This paper considers three key questions: 1) were human groups in the local area linked to a single community; 2) which activity areas can be identified within a) the settlement, and b) the broader landscape; and 3) a) how permanent or transitory were the activities outside of the ‘main’ settlement, and indeed b) whether the idea of a ‘main’ settlement area is still tenable. These questions are approached through data from the author’s recent fieldwork (Rowland 2015; 2020; Rowland & Bertini 2016; Rowland & Tassie 2014) and from the results of fieldwork directed by Junker (1928; 1930; 1931; 1932a; 1932b; 1933; 1934; 1940) and Eiwanger (1984; 1988; 1992). Examining this data as a whole, starts to give a new perspective as to which areas people chose for certain activities over time, and across the landscape, as well as the types of resources that were being exploited and processed.

Introduction In 1928 when H. Junker discovered the site of Merimde Beni Salama (hereafter ‘Merimde’), he and the team of the Austrian West Delta Expedition did so within the context of a regional survey. Their survey moved from the Cairo environs, the concession beginning west of Kom Usim at Birket Mellah (Junker 1928, map shown after the entries from the Tagebuch; here Fig. 1), heading north, following the line directly west of the modern Rosetta branch of the Nile. The findings of this two month survey have had a profound impact on our knowledge of the prehistory of the western Delta, given the wide-ranging discoveries along the western fringes of the Delta, from the Middle Palaeolithic onwards, in areas including el-Qatta, Merimde, and el-Khatatbah, the latter also visited by K.S. Sandford and W.J. Arkell (1939), and also the Epipalaeolithic in the area around Merimde (Beni Salama) and Merimde Abu Ghalib (Junker 1928: 37–39; Menghin 1932). With the exception of brief surveys by F.A. Hassan (1979) in the el-Khatatbah region, and K. Schmidt (1980) on the

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Fig. 1. Junker’s 1927–8 West Delta Survey. Plan from Junker 1928.

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high ground west of Merimde hereafter referred to as the Wadi el-Gamal,1 the focus of excavation has been in the settlement area, stretching from the Late Pleistocene dune sands at the fan of the Wadi el-Gamal, overlooking the floodplain, where it seems the first settlers made their camps; at first constructing ephemeral dwellings and later more durable structures of packed mud, constructed in slabs (e.g. Junker 1932a: Fig. 1 and reconstruction Fig. 2). In 2013 the author instigated a new fieldwork project at Merimde,2 which was able to benefit from methods not commonly used at the time of the last major excavations in the 1970s–80s, notably geomagnetic survey (Rowland 2015; 2020). The project was designed within the framework of a wider regional survey extending south of Merimde to el-Qatta and northwards to el-Khatatbah. This fieldwork has clarified the location of previously unknown parts of the settlement indicated in Fig. 2 by the two red areas at either side of the cross roads, possibly including some evidence of the Predynastic settlement, as well as areas up on the Pleistocene terraces southwest of the settlement that were used perhaps more sporadically during the Neolithic as well as the Middle Palaeolithic. The work conducted to date by the author has largely been in the context of rescue, with growing pressure on land use which is affecting many areas of the Delta, as well as other parts of the country.3 In terms of what is considered to be known about the settlement until now, change over time has been suggested as exhibiting marked differences in the character of finds in the phases at the site, which include visible external influences being observed within the artefactual record (Eiwanger 1980: 69; 1984; 1988; 1992; Midant-Reynes 2000: 113–114; Tristant 2006: 32–37). A more in-depth consideration of the location of activity areas across the settlement (or settlement clusters) has not been published that takes into account the excavations of Junker, Eiwanger, and the most recent fieldwork, neither has a close examination of daily activities been prominent amongst discussions, particularly as to the changing use of space over time at Merimde.4 This contribution, therefore, begins to address these issues by focusing upon the Neolithic of Merimde from the perspective of three key questions, and serves to open up a 1 Schmidt made two sondages near that area where he collected Middle Palaeolithic artefacts; however, there were no signs of in-situ artefacts beneath the surface (J. Eiwanger, pers. comm.). 2 The current fieldwork project runs under the auspices of the Egypt Exploration Society’s Delta Survey. 3 Due to the rescue nature of the work, analysis of finds has only been very preliminary due to the restricted periods of post-excavation research that have been possible since the excavations that occurred in 2014, 2015 and 2016. 4 This is now being made possible here through the re-examination of archives and artefacts from Junker’s excavations and through a new collaboration with Dr. Josef Eiwanger (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut/Kommission für Archäologie Außereuropäischer Kulturen, Bonn). The former was carried out and funded as part of the Topoi Excellence Cluster 264 in Berlin within the A-2-4 Research Group ‘The Neolithic of the Nile Delta’; the database of artefacts and ecofacts is online at: http://repository.edition-topoi.org/collection/MRMD/

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discussion to re-engage with the finer spatial distribution of finds – and hence activity areas at Merimde – in what will ultimately become a broader re-assessment of the development of the settlement throughout the Neolithic.5 Once the analysis of the recently excavated material has been completed, then the spatiotemporal growth of the site can be re-considered, and the sporadic or seasonal use of specific areas commented upon. The questions under scrutiny here are: 1) were human groups in the local area linked to a single community; 2) which activity areas can be identified within a) the settlement, and b) the broader landscape; 3) a) how permanent or transitory were the activities outside of the ‘main’ settlement, and indeed, b) whether the idea of a ‘main’ settlement area is tenable. The methods of excavation and recording have changed significantly since 1929, resulting in limitations as to the resolution that can be obtained from some of Junker’s fieldwork contexts; this is amplified by the loss of excavation records during the Second World War (Midant-Reynes 2000: 108).6 The records from the work directed by Eiwanger in the 1970s–80s are in the process of being digitised, and this together with the already published site monographs (Eiwanger 1984; 1988; 1992; Badawi et al. 2016) will enable contextual re-integration, together with the recent excavations (2014–16) which use single context excavation methodology (Westman 1994). What follows comprises some initial considerations and very preliminary results on the types of spatial analysis that could prove useful for the different periods during which the site has been excavated. A re-assessment of the absolute chronology is important, with the benefit of AMS measurements, and this has been facilitated by a new series of dates.7 Although this initial test case of 12 measurements from charred plant remains originate from the Junker excavations, they have produced sound results and can mainly be tied back to specific contexts (see Rowland 2020). Forthcoming AMS measurements on the plant remains and wood charcoal from specific contexts during the excavations of the DAI, will bring new precision to the phasing of the site, allowing for a better distribution of dates over the five phases. 5 This re-assessment is ongoing in collaboration with J. Eiwanger, as well as ongoing research on-site, and will be subject to forthcoming publications. 6 Some of the Junker contexts, notably relating to the plant remains in Stockholm, are specific to certain features, whilst in other cases finds are labelled with the grid square and depth below surface. Smaller-scale, targeted excavations have been carried out also in the 1960s by Badawi (a rescue excavation – Badawi 1978; Midant-Reynes 2000: 108), and Hawass, Hassan and Gautier in 1976 (1988). 7 The first AMS measurements for Merimde Beni Salama are being published in the proceedings of the ‘Revolutions’ workshop in Berlin (October 2015), Rowland 2020. Further AMS dates from the DAI excavations are forthcoming following archaeobotanical analysis of the wood charcoal by Alan Clapham.

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Spatial considerations at Merimde Beni Salama An important element that would benefit from examination is the changing spatial distribution of food-related activities over time, not yet seriously considered for Merimde. Even beyond the main settled area(s) subject to past excavations this can extend to the areas used for planting crops, and keeping sheep/goat, pigs and cattle, as well as areas for the storage and processing of food, and its preparation and eating. It can be hypothesized that the first groups of settlers may have formed a number of small clusters of ephemeral dwellings; there is sparse direct evidence for those in the region before, although as mentioned above there is sufficient documentation that there were groups in the wider area in the Epipalaeolithic and Eiwanger (1980: 69–70) notes Epipaleolithic traits within the Urschicht of Merimde. Equally areas of technological production are important, particularly when attempting to chart change over time, and the extent to which the community – as could be hypothesised – worked increasingly as a unit. This contribution incorporates the recent data from the Wadi el-Gamal Pleistocene terraces adjacent to the main settlement area at Merimde, as well as new findings on the wadi fan that suggest an overall much wider use of the land, from the earliest periods of settlement. Already, as a result of the first season of the new fieldwork campaign at Merimde, the area settled during the Neolithic is recognized as significantly larger than originally thought (see extent indicated on the plan by Eiwanger 1988, Fig. 18). By 2015 the results and interpretation of the magnetic survey9 and subsequent test excavations confirmed that the settlement’s minimum new dimensions are as shown in the larger shaded area in the top right of the image in Fig. 2 (Rowland 2015: 37–39; Rowland & Bertini 2016: 165–167). Recent excavations on the Wadi el-Gamal,10 have impacted on this estimate even further, as discussed in more detail below, with significant evidence for Neolithic activity in this area now apparent. The local environment is crucial within the discussion of the site, and this is relevant for changes over the past 90 years as well as in the formative years of settlement. During the 1930s, the site of Merimde was surrounded by desert, with no urban or cultivated areas close to the site. The second part of the site’s name, Beni Salama, comes from what was then the closest village to the site, c. 2 km to the northeast of the modern Beheiry and Nasiry canals (Junker 1928: 41–42). Even in the 1970s–80s, Merimde was still largely surrounded 8

Midant-Reynes (2000: 108–109) notes a total considered area of occupation at 200,000 m2, of which Junker had excavated 6,400 m2. The new investigations since 2013 suggest an extra minimum of ca. 120,000 m2, from the areas excavated in the 2015–16 seasons. 9 This was carried out by Eastern Atlas, Berlin. 10 The test trenches were excavated in autumn 2015 with subsequent rescue excavations in spring 2016. This focal area on the Wadi el-Gamal is indicated by the rectangle in the middle of Fig. 1, and indicated on the key as the Survey Area 2013–2015.

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Fig. 2. Areas of investigation at Merimde Beni Salama 1929–2016 (Image by S. Schmidt & G. Cyrus).

by desert on all but its northeastern side, where cultivated fields had already sprung up. In 2013, however, when new fieldwork began11 the situation had visibly changed and the land now registered as antiquities’ land (much smaller than the entirety of the Neolithic settlement) is covered on all sides by cultivated fields/other developments. As has been seen from the excavations within the registered area in between 2015–16 during the construction of a new guardians’ hut and a low enclosure wall to protect the site, as well as on the opposite side of the asphalt that bounds the southwest of the site, the rising water table associated with increased cultivation is having an impact on the preservation of organic remains in particular. In this respect, ongoing archival research and analysis of artefacts and animal and plant remains from earlier excavations (notably those held outside of Egypt), are crucial for supporting new hypotheses and providing results in the current millennium. 1929–1939 excavations Looking to Fig. 2, Junker excavated in two areas within the larger grid drawn up for his fieldwork campaigns from 1929–1939.12 The area marked on the 11 The investigations at Merimde Beni Salama and on the Wadi el-Gamal have been running since 2013 under the auspices of the Egypt Exploration Society’s Delta Survey. They have been funded/supported by the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, Topoi, the Freie Universität Berlin, the National Geographic Society (GEFNE165–16), the American Research Center in Egypt, the Society for Libyan Studies, and the Egypt Exploration Society (including the Delta Survey Fund). 12 The then Egyptian Museum in Stockholm (today Medelhavsmuseet) conducted fieldwork at Merimde; this began under the directorship of Per Lugn, with the Swedish mission holding its

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plan indicates those areas actually excavated. In numerous publications, as well as in the archives in Stockholm,13 information relates to the grid squares excavated, with plans for a number of areas available that detail specific features, e.g. burials, storage pits, mud-packed structures, etc. The finds that are stored within museum contexts, however, are rather less detailed and include, for example on ÄM27263 (Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung Berlin) a denticulated, pointed, bifacial sickle segment, the pencil-written R2 for the grid square and -80 for the cm below the surface. In some contexts, notably with regards plant remains, there are more specific contextual details given on the boxes and jars in which they are stored (at the Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm), e.g. hearth or basket-lined pit, a numbered burial, and in cases an encircled number and a grid reference. 1970s–80s excavations The finds from Eiwanger’s excavations for the DAI have been published (Eiwanger 1984; 1988; 1992), and the plans are now subject to renewed research by the author and the original excavator. The location of the trenches under consideration are highlighted within Fig. 2 and shown in detail in the publications, relating each to the season of work (Eiwanger 1988: Fig. 3; 1984: Fig. 2; 1992: Fig. 1). Using the original excavation plans, notebooks and the ‘Kurzbeschreibung der im Katalogteil vorkommenden Sonderbefunde’ (Eiwanger 1984: 121–122; 1988: 108–109; 1992: 139–140), the objects, contexts and assigned Merimde phases are combined to make some preliminary comments as to the changing use of space for certain activities, as a basis for future analysis as the plans are digitised and imported into a GIS for refined spatial analysis. 2013–16 excavations The results of the excavations of the new Egypt Exploration Society project have so far been published in preliminary form, with research ongoing from the rescue excavations (Rowland 2015; 2020; Rowland & Bertini 2016; Rowland & Tassie 2014). With the exception of a single trench on the main site (Trench 7), the other trenches have been located on the opposite site of the asphalt road, on the modern football pitch, as well as on what were the northwest terraces of the high ground – the Wadi el-Gamal. In addition, a series of small trenches were investigated by the MoA during their excavation of a gas pipeline trench running north-south adjacent to the archaeological area visible own concession. Thanks are due to the Medelhavsmuseet, to Dr Sofia Häggman, and for translation by Carolin Johansson. Midant-Reynes 2000: 108. 13 Paper archives appear to replicate the Tagebuch of Junker.

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in Fig. 2 as the line of small dots south of the asphalt road. For these latter trenches, the finds observed were clearly Neolithic, although only seen out of context, following excavation. The location of the EES trenches was very much determined by the results of the geophysical survey (see e.g. Rowland 2015), areas not formerly excavated having been identified in 2013. Trench 2, located in the football pitch area prior to the laying of the gas pipeline trench, revealed a series of pits with ashy-sandy fill, contained ceramic sherds, fragmentary animal bones – including burnt bones – (for details see Rowland & Bertini 2016), and lithics. What has been interpreted as potentially being a communal eating, or even food preparation area (37) contained high density of animal bone fragments which displayed signs of butchery. Although badly damaged, the traces of a circular hut were visible as well, with a compact mud floor. A high density of ceramic sherds, including highly polished examples, were found associated with these features, and also grinding stones, animal bones and lithics. A hearth outside the circular structure included further bone fragments, pottery sherds and amongst the lithics, the tip of a pressure-flaked flint knife. What had been noted, further, taking into account general differences in distribution between the football pitch and the area to the west was that the density declined sharply the further away (north and south) from the lower slopes of the Wadi el-Gamal one moves. A major area of new investigation has been the area of the Pleistocene terraces, southwest of Merimde. This area had been briefly examined by Schmidt (1980) in the late 1970s, although time had restricted this to a brief survey which resulted nonetheless in substantial new information regarding the Palaeolithic (pers. comm. G.J. Tassie). From 2013–2015 a systematic surface survey revealed distributions of prehistoric lithics, ceramics and even an intact red quartzite grinding stone (Rowland 2015). The first shallow trenches, including Sq. 41 (Fig. 3, the findspot of the grinding stone), located areas with small pits containing dense débitage, and in Sq. 51–56 an area with burning and rough ceramic sherds, suggesting collectively an area of tool manufacture, food preparation, and consumption. In late 2015 and early 2016, sondage locations based on densities of distribution and a magnetic survey14 revealed dense sub-surface deposits of Neolithic (as well as deeper Middle Palaeolithic) finds, notably lithics, ceramics, hearths and substantial postholes. The less elevated ground (within the yellow rectangle on Fig. 2) contained the highest proportion of finds, especially postholes, with the lowest area, Area B, (directly east of the yellow rectangle on Fig. 2) being of very low density, other than microliths. Notably there have been a few findings of material associated with a Maadi-Buto phase, including crescent drills on the Wadi el-Gamal and within Trench 7, as well as stone vessel rims from the latter. 14

The geophysical survey on the Wadi el-Gamal was carried out by K. Strutt, University of Southampton.

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Community/communities at Merimde Beni Salama 1) Were human groups in the local area linked to a single community? This question can be considered at different times during the period of occupation at Merimde, and in no way suggests that we should think about the community either being/or not being an entity for the whole period of occupation. The settlement area changed considerably throughout its use during the 5th millennium BCE, and the analysis of the animal bones, for example, at a cursory glance even highlights the potential for different preferences over time, or perhaps necessary changes due to environmental conditions (von den Driesch & Boessneck 1985: Table 1). One example noted in Rowland & Bertini (2016: 168–169) is the reduction in the percentage of molluscs between Phase I/II and IV/V, whereas species of fish remain steady or increase in proportion depending on the overall growth in population over time (von den Driesch & Boessneck 1985: Table 1). Wild animal remains are present within the settlement throughout the phases, with a slight increase for hartebeest, a definite increase for gazelle and for hippopotami (von den Driesch & Boessneck 1985: Table 1). Von den Driesch & Boessneck (1985: 106–115) examine trends in terms of the density of occurrence of certain species over time, and consideration of spatial distribution will ultimately elucidate preferences in certain areas vertically as well as horizontally (also see analysis presented in Yokell 2004: 64–7). Past analysis of the plant macro remains has also shown changes between the early and middle Neolithic, with absence of free-threshing wheat in the latest contexts (Wetterstrom 1993: 212–213; Zohary et al. 2012: 175). Re-examination, however, of the macro remains from Junker’s work held in Stockholm has detected additional plant species held with other dominant types of plant remains, including field weeds.15 Below, specific activities are examined in a series of preliminary spatial analyses focussed on relevant artefact distributions, aimed at establishing broad patterns. In order to address these research issues for the long term, and make sense of the changing use of space, it is also essential to consider how the wider community changed, and the degree to which it became more interconnected and homogeneous over time, or otherwise. From the publications of past work, observations within settlement shift have been established (e.g. Midant-Reynes 2000: 115–117), as have peculiarities as to the types of dwellings that groups used, with the oval and round mud structures relating to the later phases of settlement use, with post-holes and windbreaks/fences in use more consistently over time. Prior to the settlement at Merimde, there is at least a minimum of evidence for transitory presence of human groups in the area, mostly notably that from Merimde

15

The results of this analysis carried out by Mennat-Allah Ed Dorry will be forthcoming.

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Abu Ghalib where Junker’s expedition found evidence for the Epipalaeolithic (Junker 1928: 37–39), although the microliths have since been published as micro drills dating to the Middle Kingdom, or possibly Predynastic–Protodynastic (Bagh 2002: 30, 41–42). Considering pre-existing groups in the area, Wendrich et al. (2010: 999) suggest that in the Epipalaeolithic (10th–6th millennium BCE) wild cereals have a notably more important ‘role’ within food procurement, which would suggest changing subsistence strategies. In the Fayum, the Epipalaeolithic and Neolithic sites are in relatively close proximity to each other, with the fluctuating lake levels being one indicator of the changing local environment over time. The Epipalaeolithic evidence recorded and collected from Merimde Abu Ghalib is c. 10 km to the southeast of Merimde, but there is a notable dearth of Epipalaeolithic evidence closer to Merimde itself. Local environmental data is only recently becoming available,16 however, a global cooling and arid climatic event at 8.2 ka is known, with a shift of human groups thereafter into regions with constant water sources; this movement can be seen from regions including Farafra Oasis in the Western Desert (Barich & Lucarini 2014: 483). The location of Merimde on the fan of a wadi, in a sheltered location; has been selected as suitable given the environment at the time.17 Further research on the evidence from the recent excavations will confirm whether some of the earliest Neolithic remains are furthest to the southwest, which was also at a higher elevation and therefore potentially safer, being more distant from the local river branch. Judging by the research into the characteristics of certain phases at Merimde (these being I–V, with I, or Urschicht, the earliest), associations with regions both external and internal to the Nile Valley can be drawn. Eiwanger (1980: 69) notes the Levantine similarities within the Urschicht, then for Phase II similarities with Sudanese and Saharan sites and in the latest phases with the Fayum and also the Levant. Within any one phase, spatial diversity should be considered, to establish the extent of the use of the site within phases, and whether these spatial distributions might suggest any degree of spatial segregation between groups, or show distinct assemblages in certain locations. These same considerations will be applied throughout the duration of the site, eventually. Considerable work as to the variability and similarity of artefacts within and between phases has been carried out, as has recent work on regional comparisons by those including Mączyńska (2017), but previously, nothing addressing the detail of the horizontal diversity at Merimde, or at least, highlighting the issues that need to be addressed, and will be as a priority within the ongoing research at the site. Now, to turn to look to the results of the preliminary spatial analysis at the site, and the issues of social cohesion will be returned to in the closing discussion. 16 Including the results of an environmental coring survey conducted by M. Hamdan as part of the author’s fieldwork in the region. 17 Climatic change is also discussed by Mączyńska 2017: 282.

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Examining activity areas at Merimde Beni Salama 2) Which activity areas can be identified within a) the settlement, and b) the broader landscape? From the evidence from the Junker excavations provided in the reports (1928; 1930; 1931; 1932a; 1932b; 1933; 1934; 1940) and also through museum visits, accessing aspects of change over time is a challenging proposition given the frequent difficulties of assigning objects directly to their contexts. Finds and features are associated with depths, but the later realisation as to the stratigraphy of Merimde led Junker to assign Phases I–III. The latter, III, corresponds roughly with Eiwanger’s III–V. In comparison, the material from the Eiwanger excavations has considerably more potential due to the level of publication and access to the original documentation. A number of simple distributions are presented below which include the spatial distribution of equipment relating to food preparation, and the distribution of types of living features, including storage facilities and hearths. Areas related to food preparation: presence of lower grinders and rubbing stones The first step is assigning the range of artefacts to be associated with food preparation activities, and one distribution is presented here (Table 1), that of lower grinding stones and rubbing stones. The objects identified from the Junker excavations that could be assigned to grid squares are detailed in Table 1, and include grid squares in the northernmost and southernmost excavation areas (see Fig. 3). Within each of the two areas, these groups are in fairly close proximity, however, only two – those in the adjoining squares Q3 and R1 have a potential association with a Merimde Phase (II), both at 1.0 m below the surface. A find within T5, in a similar area, at 1.4 m below surface, may relate to an early phase, but there is insufficient evidence for any degree of certainty. The shallower location of the finds in F19 and S5 at 0.40 m and 0.50 m

Grid Square/Trench No.

Depth below surface / MBS Phase

D19

0.8–1.5 m

F19

0.4 m

Q3

1.0 m

R1

1.0 m

S5

0.5 m

T5

1.4 m

Table 1. Spatial distribution of lower grinders and rubbing stones from the Junker excavations.

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Trench No.

I

II

III

IV

V

MB78 SV MB79 SI MB79 SII MB80 SI MB80 SII MB80 SIII MB80 SIV MB80 SV MB81 SI MB81 SII MB81 SIII MB81 SIV MB82 SI MB82 SII MB82 SIII MB82 SIV Table 2. Spatial distribution of lower grinders and rubbing stones from the Eiwanger excavations.

below the surface respectively may suggest association with later phases, but surface disturbance and local topography have to be taken into account. Further analysis on the associated finds within museum contexts could yet lend further weight to this argument. The second distribution relates to artefacts and contexts excavated by Eiwanger, still focussing on the distribution of the lower grinders and rubbing stones. For these distributions, only the broad grid squares are taken into account at present,18 however, it is possible to make divisions based upon Merimde phases. For Phase I, the Urschicht, the relevant finds are mainly focussed in the centre of the site, as detailed in Table 2.19 For Phase II the distribution is largely different (see Fig. 3) within the easternmost areas of excavation (Table 2). The next objects are associated with Phase IV, and are much more widely distributed across the site, as seen in Table I and related back to Fig. 4. 18 Finer-tuned analysis will be forthcoming on completion of ongoing analysis of the 1970s– 80s archival material. 19 The plan showing the location of the DAI excavation trenches is given in Eiwanger 1988: Fig. 3, and presented here as Fig. 4.

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Fig. 3. Junker’s excavation grid. After Larsen 1958: fig. 1.

Fig. 4. Eiwanger’s trench locations. After Eiwanger 1988: Fig. 3.

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Structures: Post-holes, hearths, living floors The results from the Eiwanger excavations were considered, looking at the spread of each of these living features across the site, and by phase. For Phase I the range of features are distributed right across the different areas of excavation as detailed in Table 3. Looking at the distribution possibilities for Phase II, there are indications of post-holes, mud structures and also remains of matting. Each of these are found in the far east of the excavated area, with post-holes in: MB80 SI, MB80 SII, MB80 SIII, and MB80 SIV, mud structure evidence only in MB80 SII, and traces of matting only in MB80 SIII. Notably also, there were dense amounts of post-holes found within MB80 SIII and MB80 SV. It would seem unlikely that their location here is related to environmental considerations given the relatively similar topography, and it may rather represent an expansion of the site. This accords well with the findings for Phase II from the food preparation artefacts in the previous analysis, which were all focused

Trench No. MB78 SI

I

II

III-V

ALL

H

H, BP

MB78 SII MB78 SIII

PH ALL

BP

MB78 SIV MB78 SV

BP

MB79 SI

ALL

MB79 SII

ALL

H

PH, H, BP

MB80 SI

ALL

PH, H

BP

MB80 SII

ALL

PH, MS

MS, BP

MB80 SIII

ALL

PH, M

BP

MB80 SIV

ALL

PH

PH

MB80 SV

BP

MB81 SI

BP

MB81 SII

ALL

MB81 SIII MB81 SIV

BP ALL

MB81 SV MB82 SIV

PH, MS, BP PH, MS, BP PH, MS, H

ALL

Table 3. Spatial distribution of living features from the DAI excavations. H = hearth, PH = post-hole, MS = mud structure, M = matting, BP = basket-lined storage pit.

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on the easternmost area of the excavation. For Phases III–V, post-holes and mud structures were identified across the site. The post-holes are located in MB81 SV, MB81 SIV, MB81 SII and then in MB79 SII, MB78 SII and MB80 SIV; the mud structures are in the west in MB81 SV, MB81 IV, MB81 SII and to the east in MB80 SII. In MB81 SIV there were three mud structures, this is in the western part of the excavated area. Indications of hearths from Phase II are within the easternmost part of the excavated areas within MB79 SII, MB78 SI, and MB80 SI. In Phases III–V they are in the west as well as the eastern areas in MB81 SV, MB79 SII and MB78 SI. In Phases III–V basket-lined storage pits are found across the excavated areas in MB81 SIV, MB81 SIII, MB81 SII, MB81 SI, MB79 SII, MB78 SI, MB78 SV, MB78 SIII, MB80 SI, MB80 SII, MB80 SIII, and MB80 SV. Peripheral areas outside of the ‘main’ settlement Question 2b) remains relevant in the latter part of this section, 2) which activity areas can be identified within b) the broader landscape. This will be discussed notably with reference to the Wadi el-Gamal, and bringing aspects of the evidence together, the following question is also addressed here: 3) How permanent or transitory were the activities outside of the ‘main’ settlement, and is the idea of a ‘main’ settlement area tenable. The magnetic survey and subsequent excavations indicated a much larger area of use during the Neolithic than had previously been considered, and ongoing finds’ analysis will bring chronological refinement over the coming seasons. As to whether the far southwestern extent of the settled area was in use earlier in the Neolithic, or later, or whether this depended upon annual flood levels, is not yet clear. However the evidence for crescent drills from Trench 7 on the main site, and seven rim fragments of stone vessels of materials including diorite and Egyptian alabaster, may indicate proximity to an area of Predynastic settlement.20 The examination of the faunal remains from one of the newly investigated areas, Trench 2, suggested a very low proportion of hunting and fowling (each only 0.4% of the total finds from the excavation area), whereas stock keeping accounted for 50.5% of the animal remains, followed by fishing at 29.5% and molluscs at 19.3% (Rowland & Bertini 2016: 168–169). Albeit on very limited sample sizes, this shows broad similarities to the profile of Merimde I–II moreso than that of later phases (von den Driesch & Boessneck 1985; Rowland & Bertini 2016: 168–169). New areas that have been under investigation since 2013, have included a series of test trenches excavated by the Ministry of 20 The excavations in the settlement are presented briefly in Rowland & Bertini 2016 and Rowland 2020.

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Fig. 5. Survey and excavation grid on the Wadi el-Gamal terraces (Images by G.J. Tassie).

Antiquities prior to the laying of a gas pipeline through the area. Although the results will not be discussed in detail here, they do confirm Neolithic presence farther north and south than realized, adding to the overall estimations of the extent of land used by the groups living in the area. The trench is indicated by a series of small circular dots running across Fig. 2 below the northwestsoutheast straight line, which indicates the modern asphalt road. On the substantially higher elevations of the Pleistocene terraces of the Wadi el-Gamal, excavations during a rescue campaign in 2016 demand new considerations as to the intensity of use of this area throughout the Neolithic, as well as seasonally.21 Up until this point, surface indications produced weathered chipped stone artefacts and ceramic sherds of Neolithic date (as well as chipped stone artefacts dating to the Middle Palaeolithic) and it had been hypothesised that groups most probably living at lower elevations within the previously considered 21 This campaign was funded by the National Geographic Society GEFNE165-16, and the American Research Center in Egypt’s Antiquities’ Endowment Fund.

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Fig. 6. Arrowhead from the Wadi el-Gamal Area A, Sq. 12 (Photo by S. Falk; copyright J. Rowland/Egypt Exploration Society).

boundaries of the settlement area at Merimde had temporarily used the Wadi el-Gamal area at specific times for a range of different activities. One possibility is that it was a good vantage point for hunting, away from the busy settlement on the lower ground, and fresh environmental research supports this further, suggesting a landscape with tree cover and streams running across the area.22 The results of the excavations across the northwest terraces of the Wadi elGamal begin to give weight to the argument that human groups could have been spending extended periods of time in this area, through the presence of substantial post-holes, dense distributions of hearths, and ceramic sherds of a range of types – not all coarsewares. There are scarce traces of macro plant remains, although evidence of sheep/goat pellets have been found in one of the densest occupation areas on the Wadi, associated with sizeable hearths, and postholes. It is possible that sheep and goat were being grazed at higher elevations at certain points in the year, and there is some evidence of domesticated sheep/ goat, cattle and pig remains. Unfortunately, until now, very little material has emerged from investigations on the Wadi that could be independently dated by radiocarbon measurements in Egypt, although one context (1018) on the registered site presents a possibility, with dense deposits of plant remains. In terms of the lithic artefacts on the Wadi el-Gamal, types associated with various activities have been located in squares largely on the lower areas of the Wadi (see Fig. 5 for location of grid squares). From Area A Sq. 17 and 29 and Area C (lower slopes), microblades (including S.837) have been found, similar to those assigned typologically to Merimde Phase I, and bladelets (S.823-836). A piercer from Area C, Sq 7 (S.516) is similar to Phase IV findings, and the single arrowhead found on the Wadi in Area A, Sq 12 (S.765) is of the concavebased type, similar to Phase IV (Fig. 6). 22

M. Hamdan, pers. comm.

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Further finds of bone, stone and shell are detailed in Table 4. Square

Object type

Phase indications

17

Microblades

I

29

Microblades

I

7

Piercer

IV

12

Arrowhead

13 D6

Bone awls (2)

13 E5-6/F5-6

Bone awl

35

Bone awl

5 G2-3/H2-3

Bone awl

1 G8

Bone awl

3 GI-HI

Bone piercer

36 D10

Bone piercer

2

Bone bead

26 B-D 9-10

Stone bead

34 D4-5/E4-5

Aspatharia shell pendant

Table 4. Selected small finds and locations on the Wadi el-Gamal (subject to ongoing analysis).

Fig. 7. Aspatharia shell pendants a) SF0002 and b) SF0003 (Photo by S. Falk; copyright J. Rowland/Egypt Exploration Society).

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Ground stone objects, including those used as hammerstones and retouchers, anvils, grinders and querns, and palettes (some discussed already in relation to earlier excavations) have been found in some quantity on the Wadi elGamal, from the higher elevations, down into Trench 2 just southwest of the asphalt road. Complete objects, and fragments, have been found also in the surrounding areas including the test trenches dug before the laying of the gas pipeline, as well as in Trench 7 in the southwestern corner of the registered antiquities’ land (Fig. 2); in addition, a number of surface finds on the main site. 95 ground stone objects, or fragments thereof have been located,23 made from a range of material types, including chert mostly for hammerstones, a material freely available on the Wadi el-Gamal itself, and quartzitic sandstone and quartzite for abraders and both upper and lower grinders. Basalt is also in use for lower grinders and abraders. The highest proportion of ground stone objects comes from Trench 2 and from the Wadi el-Gamal. Trench 2 and the nearby test pits of the gas pipeline have yielded 23 objects identified with certainty, and the Wadi el-Gamal, 51. It should be noted that not all of the material from the excavations on the Wadi has been analysed until now and it represents a much greater overall area of investigation than Trench 2. For the meantime, the highest proportion of worked stone objects have been found in the northwestern area of excavation on the Wadi el-Gamal in Sqs. 2, 3, 4, 6, 12, 13, and 15, all on the lower (but not lowest) elevations of the Wadi (Fig. 5). The six finds identified thus far in Sqs. 7–10 were associated with a living area, including large hearths and two stone-lined post-holes. The area around Sqs. 1–6 appears, from initial results, to have been an area of comparatively dense activity, with four post-holes located in Sq. 2, and a number of hearths, and some animal remains found within Sqs. 2–3. There are also dense ceramic sherds and chipped stone artefact scatters in Sqs. 1–2, within a dark, ashy context, and in Sq. 5. Further ashy deposits, possibly from burning for cooking spread into Sqs. 12, 13 and 14, with distributions of ceramic sherds especially dense in Sq. 13. Sqs. 16, 25, and 30–31 were covered also with a number of hearths and areas dense with ceramic sherds, including pits with sherds in the fill. There was a post-hole as well as a number of pits in Sq. 30. Sqs. 26–27 contained also a number of hearths and ceramic sherds. As can be seen in Fig. 5, a number of squares were also excavated in higher areas on the Wadi el-Gamal, however, in general there were fewer finds, and it seems that there was less settlement activity and/or fewer encampments in this area.

23 Identification and analysis on all worked stone objects has been carried out by Giulio Lucarini. For his methodology, see Lucarini et al. 2016. The objects will be presented in detail in a forthcoming publication.

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Fig. 8. G. 1002, B. 1004 on the Wadi el-Gamal (Photo by J. Rowland; copyright J. Rowland/Egypt Exploration Society).

Burials within ‘living’ areas Completely unanticipated were the findings of four burials on the Wadi el-Gamal. Two adult burials and two child burials were uncovered, the adults in Sqs. 83–84 (G. 1001, B. 1002) and in Sq. 28 (G. 1002, B. 1003), the infants in Sqs. 7–10 (G. 1003, B. 1004 aged 2–3 years), and in Sq. 109 (G. 1004, B. 1005 aged 3–4 years24). All of these burials were in a crouched position, and placed within oval pits in common with others known from Merimde for the Neolithic, in the Late Predynastic-Early Dynastic (in so far as the dates are assigned and published in Badawi et al. 2016), and throughout Egypt in the Predynastic. In the case of B. 1002, the colour of the sediment in which the burial was lain strongly suggests that the individual had been laid on a mat, or possibly animal hide, and samples were taken for analysis. The orientation of each burial varies; B. 1002 with the head to the north and face west, B. 1003 the head northwest 24 Analysis and excavation of B. 1002 and B. 1003 was carried out by Zeinab Hashesh. Sara El Said Mohamed El Said Ibrahim carried out the excavation and analysis of B. 1004, and B. 1005 was excavated by Yasseen Hassan Abdaluhy Omar.

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and face southwest, both lain on the right side; B. 1004 with the head east and face north, on the right side, and B. 1005 with the head northeast and face southeast, lain on the left side. Two of these burials had associated objects: B. 1002 had an aspatharia shell between the right humerus and radius and there was also a flint object that was found on the stomach (whether displaced or not is uncertain), and with B. 1005 a small green pendant. Given that the burials are found within an area of Neolithic activity, and given their type and similarity to other known examples, there is no evidence to suggest that their date should be different, and ongoing analysis will start to present a clearer picture of the date ranges during which the Wadi might have been used during the Neolithic, as well as before and after. The recent publication by Badawi et al. (2016) suggests that the burials can be assigned to the early, middle and later Merimde Neolithic, and from those illustrated in the recent volume, and those where it is clear from the published data, the majority of the earliest group appear to be buried on the right hand side, with the exception of two burials shown in Fig. 52; burial A/6 has an aspatharia shell, albeit a pierced one (Badawi et al. 2016: Fig. 9, 10, 47). Discussion Preliminary conclusions based on new archaeological finds In the first part of this contribution, the question of ‘Were human groups in the local area linked to a single community?’ was posed, and completion of the analysis of finds and contexts from the rescue excavations at Merimde will bring us closer to the answer, as the results will be viewed in comparison with those from the former excavations. It can be hypothesised at present that the earliest settlers to the area may have comprised both those mobile groups already in the area, as well as those gradually moving into this favourable environment from various locations, and introducing new species into the Delta. Further environmental survey work along the western Delta fringes stands to contribute new knowledge regarding the Epipalaeolithic, as does renewed survey in the area of Merimde Abu Ghalib. A more cohesive community working together at Merimde may have emerged over time, however, given the varied influences discussed by colleagues over the decades, the extent to which the arrival of new peoples and/or transfer of knowledge changed the dynamics of the community remains to be determined. What must remain unclear also for the present is whether the excavated evidence from the Wadi el-Gamal suggests seasonal or a more sustained use of the area during occupation of the settlement. Were groups only active on the wadi during the inundation, or when wild animals, notably herds, were passing through the area? The sections of the deep trenches excavated in 2015 and 2016 have allowed the environmental conditions on the wadi to take shape, but the

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degree to which the local streams were seasonal, or whether tied more closely to cycles of climatic (abrupt or otherwise) change, is not yet possible to determine. Whether all of the new evidence will fit neatly within the Merimde phases, or suggest that the Wadi el-Gamal may have been used by other peoples, over varying timescales will be revealed in forthcoming publications. Acknowledgements Thanks are due to Josef Eiwanger for access to the archives of the DAI excavations, and for ongoing collaboration; the support of the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Bonn is also gratefully acknowledged. The Topoi Excellence Cluster of the Freie Universität Berlin provided financial support for the Neolithic in the Nile Delta project (see http://repository.edition-topoi.org/collection/ MRMD). The Imbaba Governorate Prehistoric Survey is part of the Egypt Exploration Society’s Delta Survey, and was funded as a pilot project by The Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, the Center for International Cooperation of the Freie Universität Berlin, and the Egypt Exploration Society. The Wadi el-Gamal Rescue Project was funded by the National Geographic Society (GEFNE165-16) and the American Research Center in Egypt’s Antiquities’ Endowment Fund. The Egypt Exploration Society and the associated Delta Fund supported the geophysical survey on the Wadi el-Gamal and M. El-Dorry’s archaeobotanical research on site. Thanks to all team members 2013-17, notably the late and much missed G.J. Tassie, L. Bertini, S. Boonstra, L. Carvalho, M. El-Dorry, S. Falk, M. Hamdan, G. Lucarini, N. Moloney, L. Owens and J. van Wetering, Rais Omer Farouk el-Quftawi and his team from Quft, including Yasseen Hassan Abdaluhy Omar, Mandour Mohammed, Ramadan Abd al-Rady Bashir and Shaban abu-Zaid. Thanks to our colleagues at the Ministry of Antiquities’ office at Abu Roash. The team for the Wadi el-Gamal Rescue Project were: Mohammed Gamal El Sayed Mohammed Fadaly, Nabil Abd El Moniem Osman El Daleil, Hanaa Hagag Said Fayed, Aleya Salah Eldeen Ali Alwakeel, Nehad Abd Elmonieum Abd Elreheem, Shahinda Abd Al Kader Saad and Mr Karam Mahmoud Radwan Karim. Thanks to the Department of Foreign Missions, Cairo, and to their Department of Research and Conservation. Finally thanks to the Institut français d’archéologie orientale for making available facilities for macrobotanical analysis and analysis on the grinding stones. Bibliography BADAWI, A.; KUCKERTZ, J.; RÖSING, F.W.; BERGANDER, S. & KLUG, S., 2016. MerimdeBenisalâme IV: Die Bestattungen. Wiesbaden. BADAWI, A., 1978. Die Grabung der ägyptischen Altertümerverwaltung in MerimdeBenisalâme im Oktober/November 1976. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 36: 70‒76.

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BAGH, T., 2002. Abu Ghâlib, an Early Middle Kingdom Town in the Western Nile Delta: Renewed Work on Material Excavated in the 1930s. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 58: 29‒61. BARICH, B.E. & LUCARINI, G., 2014. Social Dynamics in Northern Farafra from the Middle to Late Holocene: Changing Life under Uncertainty [in:] BARICH, B.E.; LUCARINI, G.; HAMDAN, M.A & HASSAN, F.A. (eds.), From Lake to Sand: The Archaeology of Farafra Oasis, Western Desert, Egypt. Florence: 467‒484. BUTZER, K.W., 1960. Archaeology and Geology in Ancient Egypt. Science 132/3440: 1617‒1624. EIWANGER, J., 1980. Dritter Vorbericht über die Wiederaufnahme der Grabungen in der neolithischen Siedlung Merimde-Benisalama. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 36: 61‒76. EIWANGER, J., 1984. Merimde-Benisalâme I: Die Funde der Urschicht. Mainz am Rhein. EIWANGER, J., 1988. Merimde-Benisalâme II: Die Funde der mittleren Merimdekultur. Mainz am Rhein. EIWANGER, J., 1992. Merimde-Benisalâme III: Die Funde der jüngeren Merimdekultur. Mainz am Rhein. HASSAN, F.A., 1979. Archaeological Explorations at Bahariya Oasis and West Delta, Egypt. Current Anthropology 20/4: 806. HAWASS, Z.; HASSAN, F.A. & GAUTIER, A., 1988. Chronology, Sediments, and Subsistence at Merimda Beni Salama. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74: 31‒38. JUNKER, H., 1928. Bericht über die von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien nach dem Westdelta entsendete Expedition (20. Dezember 1927 bis 25. Februar 1928). Denkschriften der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 68/3. Vienna. JUNKER, H., 1930. Vorläufiger Bericht über die zweite Grabung der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf der vorgeschichtlichen Siedlung von MerimdeBenisalâme vom 7. Februar bis 8. April 1930. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 67: 21–83. JUNKER, H., 1931. Die Grabung der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme (Westdelta, Aegypten). Forschungen und Fortschritte 7/1: 1‒2. JUNKER, H., 1932a. Vorbericht über die von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien in Verbindung mit dem Egyptiska Museet in Stockholm unternommenen Grabungen auf der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme vom 6. November 1931 bis 20. Jänner 1932. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 69: 36‒97. JUNKER, H., 1932b. Die Grabungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf der vorgeschichtlichen Siedlung Merimde-Benisalâme. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 3: 168‒169. JUNKER, H., 1933. Vorläufiger Bericht über die von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien in Verbindung mit dem Egyptiska Museet in Stockholm unternommenen Grabung auf der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme vom 2. Jänner bis 20. Februar 1933. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 70: 54‒97. JUNKER, H., 1934. Vorläufiger Bericht über die fünfte von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien und dem Egyptiska Museet in Stockholm unternommene Grabung auf der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme vom 13. Februar bis 26. März 1934. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 71: 118‒132.

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JUNKER, H., 1940. Vorbericht über die siebente Grabung der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf der vorgeschichtlichen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme vom 25. Januar bis 4. April 1939. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 77: 3‒25. LARSEN, H., 1958. Verzierte Tongefäßscherben aus Merimde Benisalame in der ägyptischen Abteilung des Mittelmeermuseums in Stockholm. Orientalia Suecana 7: 3‒53. LUCARINI, G.; RADINI, A.; BARTON, H. & BARKER, G., 2016. The Exploitation of Wild Plants in Neolithic North Africa: Use-Wear and Residue Analysis on Non-Knapped Stone Tools from the Haua Fteah Cave, Cyrenaica, Libya. Quaternary International 410, Part A: 77‒92. MĄCZYŃSKA, A., 2017. The Neolithic Period in Lower Egypt – Research Problems and Priorities [in:] TOMORAD, M. & POPIELSKA-GRZYBOWSKA, J. (eds.), Egypt 2015: Perspectives of Research. Proceedings of the Seventh European Conference of Egyptologists, 2nd-7th June 2015, Zagreb, Croatia. Oxford: 279‒288. MENGHIN, O., 1932. Die Primitivtypen des Neolithikums von Merimde-Benisalâme [in:] JUNKER, H. (ed.), Vorbericht über die dritte, von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien in Verbindung mit dem Egyptiska Museet in Stockholm, unternommene Grabung auf der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalâme vom 6. November 1931 bis 20. Januar 1932. Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 69: 83–88. MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2000. The Prehistory of Egypt. Oxford. ROWLAND, J.M., 2015. Prehistoric Groups along the Western Nile Delta. Egyptian Archaeology 47: 37‒39. ROWLAND, J.M., 2020. New Perspectives and Methods Applied to the “Known” Settlement of Merimde Beni Salama, Western Nile Delta [in:] ROWLAND, J.M.; LUCARINI, G. & TASSIE, G.J. (eds.), Revolutions: The Neolithisation of the Mediterranean Basin. The Transition to Food Producing Economies in North Africa and Southern Europe. Topoi: Berlin Studies of the Ancient World 68. Berlin: 169– 183. ROWLAND, J.M. & BERTINI, L.C., 2016. The Neolithic within the Context of Northern Egypt: New Results and Perspectives from Merimde Beni Salama. Quaternary International 410A: 160‒172. ROWLAND, J.M. & TASSIE, G.J., 2014. Prehistoric Sites Along the Edge of the Western Nile Delta: Report on the Results of the Imbaba Prehistoric Survey 2013-14. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 100: 56‒71. ROWLAND, J.M. & TASSIE, G.J., 2017. The Neolithic in the Nile Delta. Edition Topoi, DOI: 10.17171/1-9-1719 http://repository.edition-topoi.org/collection/MRMD/ (accessed 28.04.2018). SANDFORD, K.S. & ARKELL, W.J. 1939. Paleolithic Man and the Nile Valley in Lower Egypt. With Some Notes upon a Part of the Red Sea Littoral: A Study of the Regions during Pliocene and Pleistocene times. Chicago. SCHMIDT, K., 1980. Paläolithische Funde aus Merimde-Benisalâme. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 36: 411‒435. TRISTANT, Y., 2006. L’occupation humaine dans le delta du Nil aux 5e et 4e millénaires. Toulouse. VON DEN DRIESCH, A. & BOESSNECK, J., 1985. Die Tierknochenfunde aus der neolithischen Siedlung von Merimde-Benisalame im westlichen Nildelta. Munich. WENDRICH, W.; TAYLOR, R.E. & SOUTHON, J., 2010. Dating Stratified Settlement Sites at Kom K and Kom W: Fifth Millennium BCE Radiocarbon Ages for the Fayum

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Neolithic. Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 268: 999‒ 1002. WESTMAN, C., (ed.) 1994. Archaeological Site Manual: Museum of London Archaeological Service. Hampshire. WETTERSTROM, W., 1993. Foraging and Farming in Egypt: The Transition from Hunting and Gathering to Horticulture in the Nile Valley [in:] SHAW, T.; SINCLAIR, P.; ANDAH, B. & OKPOKO, A. (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns. London: 165–226. YOKELL, C., 2004. Modelling Socioeconomic Evolution and Continuity in Ancient Egypt: The Value and Limitations of Zooarchaeological Analyses. Oxford. ZOHARY, D.; HOPF, M. & WEISS, E., 2012. Domestication of Plants in the Old World: The Origin and Spread of Cultivated Plants in South-West Asia, Europe, and the Mediterranean Basin. Oxford.

TOMB AND BURIAL ORIENTATION: AN EVALUATION OF STUDIES ON EARLY EGYPTIAN CEMETERIES ELKE SCHUSTER-KRAFT Institute of Egyptology, University of Vienna

The archaeology of burial and death provides a source of insight into any society and their specific patterns of mortuary practices. This paper deals with the research1 on tomb and burial orientation spanning the period from the Predynastic to the Early Old Kingdom Period. Of importance for this research is a critical analysis of data provided from cemeteries of the lower and middle classes, mainly from provincial sites of Upper, Middle and Lower Egypt. Of course, hitherto there are different studies about burial orientation of individual sites, but from a modern scientific point of view different problems occur. Therefore, the current data collection of selected cemeteries is used to highlight various problems in old statistics and its evaluation, which can no longer stand up to the advances of modern research. Finally, based on this selection, it should be possible to explore the relationship of orientation to social stratification, topographic background, economic factors, local differences or distinctions as well as considering ideal norms for positioning of the tombs and burials. This study is an initial attempt to analyse relationships as well as differences between Upper, Middle and Lower Egyptian mortuary practices and a glimpse into an intricate and complex society.

Introduction The study of the mortuary culture from the Predynastic to the Early Old Kingdom Period investigates archaeological evidence and statistical analysis in order to observe how and if regional and interregional differences or developments occurred. In the following paper I will introduce three case studies that outline changes in mortuary practices and will provide hypotheses for further research. One of the key questions emerging is whether there are certain rules concerning the orientation followed in the mortuary cult. Along with existing studies from individual sites, for instance J.J. Castillos’ studies on Abydos, Naga ed-Der, Naqada (Castillos 1978; 1979; 1981) etc., the research issue is strongly connected with the statistical evaluation of individual cemeteries. Therefore, this paper only provides a brief extract of selected cemeteries, distributed over Upper and Lower Egypt that will include, Minshat Abu Omar in the Delta, Helwan located just south of modern Cairo, and Armant at the west bank of Upper Egypt. 1

This paper is the basis for the author’s Master’s thesis.

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Helwan – An extraordinary necropolis in the Memphite region To shed light on occurring questions, we begin by taking a closer look at the Early Dynastic necropolis at Helwan. It was first investigated by Larsen (Larsen 1940a; 1940b) in 1937, when he excavated a total of six graves at a site called Maasara. Following this, the Egyptian archaeologist Zaki Saad began excavations in 1942 a little further south and called the area Helwan (Köhler 2008: 113). Over 10,000 graves were excavated and partially published as monographs and in a series of preliminary reports (Saad 1942–1969). Two more excavation campaigns by the Egyptian Antiquities Organization in 1966 and 1975 (El-Banna 1990; Adeeb 1991) led to a still unsatisfying research situation. Finally excavations between 1997–2011, were conducted by the Australian Centre for Egyptology at Macquarie University Sydney under the direction of E.C. Köhler (Köhler 2005; 2014; 2017; see also Köhler, this volume). The team has discovered 218 archaeologically intact tombs in the so-called Operation 4 (Op 4), which spans the period from Naqada IIIC3 to the Early Old Kingdom. For this study tombs 4/1–100 were analysed and 114 data sets were collected for the current study (Table 1). For further statistical analysis it is important to emphasise that only single burials are used.

Table 1. Helwan: Analysis of 114 data sets.

The mortuary analyses show that the majority of Helwan’s deceased are buried with the head towards the north, and only ~15 % in the south (Fig. 1). If we take a closer look at the position of the body associated with the head pointing either north or south (Fig. 2), the figures reveal the following: If the

Fig. 1. Burial orientation of single burials at Helwan.

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Fig. 2. Comparison of the orientation of the head at Helwan.

head is pointing towards the north, most of the bodies are in a contracted position on the left side and consequently with the face to the east. Only one is contracted on the right side with the face placed to the west. If the head is pointing towards the south, it seems to be that the most frequent position is on the left, looking west. Although other positions are common at Helwan, due to the poor state of preservation, important data, such as what side the body was lying on, is no longer available. Köhler (2016: 31) suggests that the different positioning of the body could be an indicator for family traditions or various beliefs in the afterlife. In later pharaonic Egypt the ‘Beautiful West’ was strongly connected to the afterlife, but this concept is not recognisable throughout the Early Dynastic Period. It is only by the 2nd Dynasty and later that one could assume an orientation to the west referring to the royal tombs at Saqqara and the emerging religious belief associated with the solar cult (Köhler 2016: 31). The archaeological data of the graves at Helwan would seem to suggest that there was a great degree of consistency because all burials had a relatively standardised orientation, which is a tightly contracted position on the left side, no matter if the head is in the north or south. Regarding gender distribution, no significant conclusion can be drawn due to lack of data. Considering appropriate age groups, tombs of infants and children appear to be localised at the southwestern area of the cemetery, whereas adolescents and mature inhabitants are buried all over the necropolis. Looking at the distribution of the tombs and burials (Fig. 3), it is interesting to speculate whether there is a kind of topographical pattern, and it appears that there could be a certain formation visible. Nine out of eleven graves with head to the south are quite closely concentrated in the southwestern part of the cemetery, whereas seventeen burials placed with the head to the north are more or less scattered within the necropolis. The central question then becomes: What is this variation? Are some clusters and decisions made on a local basis? At this moment it seems to be unclear, but hopefully upcoming data will shed light on this issue.

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Fig. 3. Tomb distribution at Helwan Op 4 (© E.C. Köhler).

Minshat Abu Omar – A view from the Nile Delta Due to the quality of the Minshat Abu Omar publications (Kroeper & Wildung 1994; 2000) this data provides an excellent case-study for the Nile Delta. Excavations took place between 1978–1990 (Kroeper & Wildung 1985; 1989; 1993; 1994a; 1994b; 2000). This site, located on the eastern slope of a gezira (Tassie & van Wetering 2000: 501), has yielded burials dating from the Predynastic to Early Dynastic Periods. The cemetery is subdivided into a local relative chronology MAO I–IV (Kroeper & Wildung 1994b: XIV). Of the maximum total of 204 burials, only 173 single burials of the whole period are used for this case study. Excluded are incomplete data sets, e.g. because of the lack of skeletal remains or pot burials. In fact, it seems that the favoured position of the head during the MAO I–IV phases is towards the north/northeast (Table 2) and contracted on the right side

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Table 2. Preferred position of the head at Minshat Abu Omar.

Table 3. Preferred side the body was placed at Minshat Abu Omar.

Table 4. Change of body position over time at Minshat Abu Omar.

(Table 3). All in all, it clearly demonstrates that, as mentioned before, a contracted position lying on the right side, head to north/northeast, with the face to the west appears to be frequent. However, a shift from this predominant position occurs after MAO I–II, the opposite positioning with the body lying

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on the left side in MAO III–IV, but still with the head in the north/northeast and the face to the east/south (Table 4). According to Kroeper (2004: 866) this fundamental change between the two groups, concerning position and orientation of the bodies, could have various reasons, e.g. the connection between the later necropolis and its southeast located settlement. If that is the case, this leads to a presumption that there should have been an associated settlement during the time span MAO I–II, which was located in the western part of the site. Armant – A unique necropolis in Upper Egypt Already existing studies are important to include in a statistical analysis such as Castillos’ statistical data on the Armant cemeteries 1300 and 1400–1500 (Castillos 1970: 4–23), which were first excavated by Mond and Myers (Mond & Myers 1937) in the early 1930s. At cemetery 1300 there are some Predynastic tombs (Griswold 1992: 193; Bard 1994: 55), whereas cemetery 1400–1500 is dated to the Naqada IC–IIIA2 Period (Bard 1988: 42–43). After Castillos only 144 out of 203 Prehistoric and Archaic tombs could be dated with certainty to the Predynastic and Early Dynastic Period (Castillos 1970: 4). While preparing 144 cards for statistics, a dilemma had to be solved as to whether they should or should not make use of disturbed tombs for the study. Castillos decided to use evidence supplied by the present condition of the tombs (Castillos 1970: 4). For the ‘binary data’,2 it appears that Castillos used 134 tombs instead of the 144, because he could not determine the shape of the remaining 10 (Castillos 1970: 11). Despite this fact, it is difficult to follow the author’s ‘binary data’ because no background information is given, nor if any datable or non-datable/ uncertain burials are included in his published statistics. Despite the previously mentioned evaluation issue, the cemetery of Armant, located on the west bank of the Nile, stands out as a uniquely distinctive situation because of a sharp turn of the Nile to the east for several kilometres. This situation results in the fact that the people here had to choose whether to align burials towards true north to south or parallel to the river (Mond & Myers 1937: 10; Castillos 1970: 22; Bard 1988: 40). Using Castillos’ datasets, the analysis shows (Table 5) that most of the bodies at Armant, for which an orientation could be established, were aligned parallel to the local course of the river (Castillos 1970: 6–10). Broadly speaking, one could agree with Castillos’ hypothesis and his results are convincing, but he fails to take into account that he was mixing up cemeteries with different dating in one statistical analysis. Therefore, a more recent study has examined 2 This term is difficult to understand, but it could mean on which side the body was laying and if the head pointed toward a specific direction.

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Table 5. Orientation of the head at Armant after Castillos.

only cemetery 1400–1500 and the outcome was a key approach reflecting the analysis of burial and tomb orientation (Bard 1988). The earlier graves3 of cemetery 1400–1500 were roughly ovoid, while later ones were of a rectangular shape (Bard 1988: 40). The local spatial distribution of the necropolis seems to have an identifiable pattern concerning small oval clustered Naqada IC and IIA graves (Bard 1994: 52, Fig. 2). Though there was a change in Naqada IIB, when larger rectangular tombs shifted in less density northwards, while the smaller ovoid simultaneous tombs tend to stay closer among those of Naqada IC and IIA (Bard 1988: 42). The later and larger the graves get, the further they move towards the north in increasingly clustered patterns (Bard 1988: 42; 1994: 52, Fig. 2). An extract from the comprehensive study If we compare the Predynastic burials of Armant to Minshat Abu Omar, a clear distinction or perhaps a further development can be observed: first and foremost, the common aspect of both cemeteries is the orientation along the Nile. Apart from this similarity, the burials at Armant show that the preferred body position was contracted on the left side, with the head to the local south (Fig. 4). In contrast to this orientation pattern, typical Minshat Abu Omar I burials were placed on the right side with head to the north (Kroeper 2004: 860, Table 1). It remains unclear, how far the Minshat Abu Omar data may be representative since the site is the only cemetery at the Nile Delta dated to the early phase. Consequently, burial customs in the Lower Egyptian culture appear to be comparably simple, a contracted position on the right side with the head mostly oriented to the north (Dębowska-Ludwin 2003: 28). This leads inevitably to an emerging issue: Does the south mirror the north or conversely? Is it only a characteristic of the Delta? Based on these questions further research is needed in order to see if perhaps the emergence of the state has successive effects on burial and tomb orientation (see Köhler 1995; 2008; 2012). Even Stevenson (2009: 177) has emphasised that one should not understate the 3

Belonging to the Naqada IC and IIA periods.

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Fig. 4. Comparison between the body position of Armant (left) and Minshat Abu Omar (right).

starkly different practices that had evolved between the Upper and Lower Egyptian sites. Taking a closer look at the Dynastic burials at Minshat Abu Omar, it is possible to see similarities with Helwan. The preferred position of both cemeteries is that the body was laid on the left side and the head (nearly) to the north (Fig. 5). Another noteworthy similarity about these two cemeteries is that both are aligned along the Nile. At Helwan the Nile flows from south to north and at Minshat Abu Omar from south-west to the north-east, so this could probably be one main reason of the orientation of the tombs and the bodies. Nevertheless, it is important to bear the chronological difference in mind because unfortunately there is no clear evidence of what was going on at Helwan before the Naqada III Period. Consequently, the data sets of Minshat Abu Omar look different to Helwan’s because of the broader chronology of the cemetery, so it would have been of great interest if there was a greater variability before the Naqada III Period. However, the cemetery of Maadi, located at the east bank of the Nile and dated to the Naqada IB/C–IIC/D Period, could be stated as a preceding example for Helwan due to its close proximity. The orientation of 46 skeletons out of 49 burials is documented and 23 bodies were found lying

Fig. 5. Comparison between the body position of Helwan (left) and Minshat Abu Omar (right).

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on the left and 23 on their right side (Rizkana & Seeher 1990: 25). According to the statistics (Rizkana & Seeher 1990: 25, Fig. 7) a preferred position is identifiable, no matter if the deceased is buried at his left or right side, a slight preponderance with the head to the south is given. Hence this result implies either the face to the west or, for the right sided burials, to the east (Rizkana & Seeher 1990: 25). Conclusion The preceding discussion has attempted to show how diverse and unexplored connections between different cemeteries seem to be. Each cemetery for itself was statistically evaluated, but regional and interregional statistics are still missing or only few are available. Deep-seated issues partly occur with existing statistical evaluations due to the lack of not only missing important definitions, but clear and uniform data presentation. Therefore, it would be useful to correlate the Sequence Dates (SD) with subsequent Naqada sub-phases according to Hendrickx’s chronology (Hendrickx 1996: 36–69). This is a major problem, because it is difficult to draw and achieve constructive conclusions based on missing relevant data. According to these statistics it would be necessary for future discussions to revise this data anew. In general, graves of the Predynastic, Early Dynastic and Early Old Kingdom Periods, as well as the foetal positioning of the deceased, seem to be a powerful symbol in the mortuary culture. Scholars have argued that in the earlier Predynastic cultures the head was usually directed to the south, with the face to the west. However, from the later Predynastic Period onwards the opposite positioning with the head towards the north, with the face to the east, i.e. without any relation to the west, became increasingly common, and this usual position remained throughout the Old Kingdom, the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom (Reisner 1936: 12; Murray 1956: 86–96; Castillos 1982: 174; Seidlmayer 1990: 412–413; Raven 2005: 39). One is very much inclined to agree with Köhler’s statement “No matter how established and well documented the concept [of the West] may be, however, it is also not reflected across all of Egypt or throughout all Egyptian history” (Köhler 2012: 279). This leads directly to the most important issue, concerning the tomb and burial orientation: are there reference points or certain local/not regional patterns? In the ancient Egyptian ritual, the exact orientation of the deceased was usually given by the specific religious context. Consequently, the deceased could be placed with the face looking east or to the ‘Beautiful West’, possibly depending on whether the intention was adoring the sun god at his rising or setting (Raven 2005: 38). According to Raven (2005: 38) any east-west axis has clear solar association; however, as seen at Armant, this phenomenon is clearly related to the Nile because of the natural course of its flow. All of this

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points to the fact that in spite of a different axis of the Nile course, meaning not from south to north, there must have been kind of a ‘cultic’ or regional south and north (Raven 2005: 39). In addition to the course of the Nile, a strong relationship between the necropolis and the floodplain/settlement is given, which has an enormous influence on placing the body of the deceased and orientation of their tombs (Köhler 2012: 297). In relation to social reference points concerning the orientation of the dead, Minshat Abu Omar could be cited as an example due to the possible connection to the location of the settlement. The north-south axis can also have a stellar association with the polar-star or the sun. Apart from these orientations the use of specific symbols to orient a building or object in a different direction from its physical one is often used. Another thesis, formulated by H. Kees (1926: 60–61), argued that the west is related to the positioning of the body on the right side, which means a positive or auspicious direction because the connection of the sinking sun with the west is classified as harmless to the dead. However, the east, and consequently the left side, seems to be the negative side connected with darkness, demons and the punishment of enemies through the sun god. Furthermore, one should keep in mind that there could be more simple motives for how the deceased was placed, for instance regarding earlier graves or family traditions. In the case of referring to visual reference points, they are accessible for everybody without using any other special equipment. Every cemetery has its exceptions from the general concept, in particular when the local geology of topographical conditions did not seem to be suitable for a burial. For instance, areas where the Nile followed in a westerly course instead of the usual northerly direction4 produce more burials with the head towards the west, as seen at Armant. Broadly speaking one could agree, as seen in the case studies, that the most important point of reference is the River Nile. In case of the tomb and burial orientation one cannot assume an ‘ideal’ orientation in the ‘ideal’ context. This would consequently mean that there is a spatial situation in which the Nile de facto flows from the south to the north and all cemeteries are actually located in the ‘Beautiful West’. However, Minshat Abu Omar and Helwan located on the east bank, as well as the unique situation of the Nile at Armant, do not fit in this previously mentioned ‘ideal’ system. According to ethnographic studies, M.P. Pearson (1999: 124–125) stated existing cases5 where, as part of the rites of passage, the dead had to be physically separated, e.g. by being buried across a stream from the living community. His case can also be adapted to the Egyptian culture, however, in a different way. Dealing with burial orientation starts by taking into account the necropolis 4 In the case of Minshat Abu Omar, a clear north-western course of the Nile causes the slight deviation from the north-south axis. 5 E.g. burials of the Pintupi Aborigines of Australia.

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as a whole in the landscape and only afterwards looking at the detailed aspects of individual tombs and burials and how they could be elaborated. This then, may be a significant contribution for understanding how the deceased were buried. From our archaeological evidence, we can deduce that the most persistent aspect transcending all layers of society, all groups in all the cemeteries is that their dead received a burial and that the way this burial was executed followed certain formal standards, shared across the entire community. It is a fact, however, that there are common customs that are shared by everybody and performed with an individual implementation. A wide-ranging analysis and further research is unquestionably needed on this topic. Bibliography ADEEB, H., 1991. Excavations of the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation at Ezbet Kamel Sedqi in Helwan. Ancient Middle Eastern Society 2/8: 10‒18. EL-BANNA, E., 1990. Une nécropole inédite d’époque archaïque découverte près d’Helouan, au Sud du Caire. Göttinger Miszellen 117/118: 7‒54. BARD, K., 1988. A Quantitative Analysis of the Predynastic Burials in Armant Cemetery 1400-1500. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74: 39‒55. BARD, K., 1994. From Farmers to Pharaohs: Mortuary Evidence for the Rise of Complex Society in Egypt. Sheffield. CASTILLOS, J.J., 1970. An Analysis of the Tombs in Cemeteries 1300 and 1400-1500 at Armant. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 7/1: 4‒23. CASTILLOS, J.J., 1978. An Analysis of the Predynastic Cemeteries E and U and the First Dynasty Cemetery S at Abydos. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 8/3: 86‒98. CASTILLOS, J.J., 1979. An Analysis of the Tomb in the Predynastic Cemetery N 7000 at Naga-Ed-Dêr. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 10/1: 21‒38. CASTILLOS, J.J., 1981. An Analysis of the Tombs in the Predynastic Cemeteries at Naqada. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 11/2: 97‒106. CASTILLOS, J.J., 1982. A Reappraisal of the Published Evidence on Egyptian Predynastic and Early Dynastic Cemeteries. Toronto. DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2013. Early Burial Customs in Northern Egypt. Oxford. GRISWOLD, W.A., 1992. Measuring Social Inequality at Armant [in:] FRIEDMAN, R. & ADAMS, B. (eds.), The Followers of Horus. Studies dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman. Egyptian Studies Association Publication No. 2 = Oxbow Monograph 20. Oxford: 193‒198. HENDRICKX, S., 1996. The Relative Chronology of the Naqada Culture: Problems and Possibilities [in:] SPENCER, J. (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt. London: 36‒69. KEES, H., 1956. Totenglauben und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten Ägypter: Grundlagen und Entwicklung bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches. Leipzig. KÖHLER, E.C., 1995. The State of Research on Late Predynastic Egypt: New Evidence for the Development of the Pharaonic State? Göttinger Miszellen 147: 79‒92. KÖHLER, E.C., 2005. Helwan I: Excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery. Season 1997/98. With contributions by BIRELL, M., CASEY, I., HIKADE, T., SMYTHE, J. &

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ST. CLAIR, B., Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 24. Heidelberg. KÖHLER, E.C., 2008. The Helwan Cemetery. Archéo-Nil 18: 113‒130. KÖHLER, E.C., 2012. The Orientation of Cult Niches and Burial Chambers in Early Dynastic Tombs at Helwan [in:] EVANS, L. (ed.), Ancient Memphis: ‘Enduring is the Perfection’. Proceedings of the International Conference held at Macquarie University, Sydney on August 14–15, 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 214. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 279–297. KÖHLER, E.C., 2014. Helwan III: Operation 4, Tombs 1–50. With contributions by MARSHALL, C. & ABD EL-KAREM, M. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 26. Rahden. KÖHLER, E.C., 2016. Helwan: Einblicke in eine Nekropole der Stadt Memphis. Antike Welt 2016/1: 27‒34. KÖHLER, E.C., 2017. Helwan IV: Excavations in Operation 4, Tombs 51–100. With contributions by MARSHALL, D., ALI, A.M.A., BÖHM, H. & ABD EL-KAREM, M. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 28. Rahden. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 1985. Minshat Abu Omar: Münchner Ostdelta-Expedition. Vorbericht 1978–1984. Schriften aus der Ägyptischen Sammlung 3. München. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 1989. Minshat Abu Omar: Vor- und Frühgeschichte im Nildelta. Archäologie in Deutschland 4: 10‒17. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 1993. Historische Rückschlüsse aus der Jeinseitsausstattung: Forschung. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft 2/93: 2‒23. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 1994a. Historical Deductions through Mortuary Practices – Archaeology in the Nile Delta Revises Established Views. German Research. Reports of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft 1/94: 13‒15. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 1994b. Minshat Abu Omar I: Ein vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Friedhof im Nildelta. Gräber 1–114. Mainz. KROEPER, K. & WILDUNG, D., 2000. Minshat Abu Omar II: Ein vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Friedhof im Nildelta. Gräber 115–204. Mainz. KROEPER, K., 2004. Minshat Abu Omar: Aspects of the Analysis of a Cemetery [in:] HENDRICKX, S.; FRIEDMAN, R.F.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & CHŁODNICKI, M. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins: Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Kraków, 28th August ‒ 1st September 2002. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 138. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 859‒880. LARSEN, H., 1940a. Tomb Six at Maasara, an Egyptian Second Dynasty Tomb. Acta Archaeologica 11: 103‒124. LARSEN, H., 1940b. Three Shaft Tombs at Maasara, Egypt. Acta Archaeologica 11: 161‒206. MOND, R. & MYERS, H., 1937. Cemeteries of Armant I. London. MURRAY, M.A., 1956. Burial Customs and Beliefs in the Hereafter in Predynastic Egypt. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 42: 86‒96. PEARSON, M.P., 1999. The Archaeology of Death and Burial. Gloucestershire. RAVEN, M.J., 2005. Egyptian Concepts on the Orientation of the Human Body. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 91: 37‒53. REISNER, G.A., 1936. The Development of the Egyptian Tomb down to the Accession of Cheops. Cambridge, MA. RIZKANA, I. & SEEHER, J., 1990. Maadi IV: The Predynastic Cemeteries of Maadi and Wadi Digla. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 81. Mainz.

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SAAD, Z.Y., 1942. Preliminary Report on the Royal Excavations at Helwan (1942). Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 41: 405‒409. SAAD, Z.Y., 1943. Preliminary Report on the Royal Excavations at Helwan (1942). Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 42: 351. SAAD, Z.Y., 1946. Hélouan: Fouilles Royales. Chronique d’Égypte 21: 197‒198. SAAD, Z.Y., 1947. Royal Excavations at Saqqara and Helwan (1941-45). Cahiers. Suppl. aux Annales du Sevice des Antiquités de l’Égypte 3. Cairo. SAAD, Z.Y., 1948. Recent Excavations which Throw New Light on the Egyptian Architecture of Five Thousand Years Ago: Aspects of Art and Live Revealed in the First Dynasty Necropolis of Helwan. The Illustrated London News 212, No. 5694, June 5: 644‒645. SAAD, Z.Y., 1949a. Hélouan: Fouilles Royales. Chronique d’Égypte 24: 48. SAAD, Z.Y., 1949b. Les fouilles royales de Hélouan [in:] Actes du XXXIe congrès des orientalistes. Paris: 60‒61. SAAD, Z.Y., 1951a. The Royal Excavations at Helwan (1945-47). Cahiers. Suppl. aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 14. Cairo. SAAD, Z.Y., 1951b. The Royal Excavations at Helwan. Bulletin de l’Institut Fouad Ier du Désert 1: 151‒156. SAAD, Z.Y., 1955. Nouvelles découvertes dans les fouilles de Hélouan [in]: Les grandes découvertes archéologiques de 1954. Cairo: 5‒11. SAAD, Z.Y., 1957. Ceiling Stelae in Second Dynasty Tombs. Cahiers. Suppl. aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 21. Cairo. SAAD, Z.Y., 1969. The Excavations at Helwan: Art and Civilization in the First and Second Egyptian Dynasties. Edited and with a foreword by J.F. AUTRY. Oklahoma. SEIDLMAYER, S.J., 1990. Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich: Studien zur Archäologie der Ersten Zwischenzeit. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 1. Heidelberg. STEVENSON, A., 2009. Social Relationships in Predynastic Burials. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 95: 175‒192. TASSIE G.J. & VAN WETERING, J., 2000. Early Cemeteries of the East Delta: Kafr Hassan Dawood, Minshat Abu Omar, and Tell Ibrahim Awad [in:] HAWASS, Z. (ed.), Egyptology at he Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, 2000. Volume 1: Archaeology. Cairo: 499‒507.

A SEAL FOR THE DECEASED? EARLY DYNASTIC CYLINDER SEALS BEARING THE OFFERING SCENE RE-EXAMINED SONJA SPECK Graduiertenkolleg 1876 “Frühe Konzepte von Mensch und Natur”, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, Germany

This study is based on a corpus of 154 provenanced and un-provenanced cylinder seals and five sealings, which bear the sign of the offering scene. Until now, Early Dynastic cylinder seals with the offering scene have been ascribed a purely cultic and funerary function in accordance with the pharaonic version of the motif associated with tomb chapels. A re-examination of these seals focuses on sources of information that have often been disregarded by previous studies, namely, the archaeological context of provenanced specimens and sealings; their shape and material properties; and a comparison of the inscriptions with other contemporary cylinder seals, incorporating their economic background. The results of the re-examination actually suggest that cylinder seals bearing the offering scene must be placed in a local administrative context and interpreted as commodities in constant use for economic activities. In funerary contexts, the seals take on the function of personal items of the deceased. It is proposed that the offering scene denotes the possessor of the seal as a functionary of a facility in some way related to the funerary cult.

The Early Dynastic offering scene A man or a woman sitting upright on a stool with legs fashioned like those of cattle or lions, extending one hand towards a table with bread and other foodstuffs: this is what constitutes the ancient Egyptian offering scene. As a visualisation for the provisioning of the deceased, and therefore as a symbol of the cult of the dead, it is the most important motif occurring in private funerary iconography throughout the history of ancient Egypt. The offering scene is predominantly associated with tomb chapels and thus marks the place where the cult of the dead was performed; the contact point between this world and the afterlife. Since the 4th Dynasty, the offering scene is known as having this function as an element of the false door. However, the motif predates the classic false door by more than 400 years, with the earliest specimen – already bearing all the aforementioned characteristics – documented from the 1st Dynasty. This makes the offering scene one of the oldest motifs of Pharaonic Egyptian culture. In the Early Dynastic Period, representations of the offering scene in relief and painting are known from 63 limestone relief slabs,1 the so-called Bankfield 1 The collection of the Early Dynastic relief slabs was started by P. Kaplony in Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit and extended in subsequent publications (Kaplony 1963; 1966; 1984)

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Fig. 1. Early Dynastic relief slab with the offering scene from Helwan (Helwan-Project no. EM99–14; Kaplony’s Sp 49; Köhler & Jones 2009: pl. 16).

stela, which was fashioned after the tomb stelae from Abydos (Gardiner 1917; Hassan 1944: 87, Fig. 13; Kaplony 1963: 233); and one of the wooden panels from the tomb of Hesire in Saqqara (CG 1426 Kairo; Borchardt 1937: 108, pl. 25, Fig. 1426; Kahl et al. 1995: 110–111; Quibell 1913: pl. 31–32). All examples with known provenience come from the Memphite necropoleis, although none of them, except the wooden panel, were found in situ. Thus, the connection between the tomb and the offering scene known from the Pharaonic Period was probably already present in a similar way by the Early Dynastic Period. The relief slabs usually bear the offering scene paired with inscriptions of the name and titles of the depicted person and a list of offerings (Fig. 1). They are roughly rectangular limestone slabs with a picture zone on the front. The areas directly flanking the picture zone were usually carefully smoothed; whereas the reverse side and outer areas of the front remained roughly worked. Residues of plaster on the unsmoothed parts of the slabs suggest that those areas were originally embedded into a mud-brick wall and finished with plaster. The external shape of the relief slabs and their find-spots in the Memphite cemeteries indicate that only the mud-brick superstructures of the tombs are possible places for the original installation. They might even have been embedded into the back wall of a niche, thereby forming a protofalse door (Haeny 1971: 154; Köhler & Jones 2009: 88). This can also give insight into the original function of the slabs, which might have been similar to the Old Kingdom function, as the place where the cult of the dead was performed. The accessible location as part of the tomb superstructure makes with the designation Sp + consecutive numbering, which was continued by El-Banna (1990), Kahl et al. (1995), and Köhler & Jones (2009).

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ritual performance by family members or priests in front of the relief slabs possible, and also probable. Contemporaneously, miniature offering scenes were also inscribed on squat cylinder seals that usually did not exceed 2 cm in height. On 154 known cylinder seals2 the offering scene was combined with a personal name and in rare cases with other elements like epithets. Interestingly, they disappear at the beginning of the Old Kingdom (Kaplony 1963: 35–40). Establishing the chronological and archaeological background of the individual cylinder seals with the offering scene is in many cases problematic, as the majority is without known provenance. Cylinder seals, like pearls, scarabs and other small objects, are classic collector’s items. Due to their small size they are not traded as high-priced commodities. Also, they can easily be smuggled and sold despite protective regulations against the export of antiquities. The representation of the miniature offering scene on cylinder seals shows some differences from the version on the relief slabs, which is on a larger scale. Due to the small size of the cylinder seals, the offering scene had to be represented in an abbreviated fashion (Fig. 2). Details like the face and clothing had to be sacrificed and the body was represented through variably thick incised lines and a round depression for the head. Especially striking is the rendering of the wig as a large triangle between the head and the stool, which is subdivided by lines or boxes. Since clothing was not represented, the wig, which functioned as a status indicator, was enlarged to nevertheless convey this message.

Fig. 2. Offering scene in the inscription of a cylinder seal (Kaplony’s no. 680; tracing of Kaplony 1963: pl. 117, fig. 680).

Previous studies and interpretations of the cylinder seals with the offering scene Most studies on cylinder seals with the offering scene predominantly focus on the inscription. The properties of the object itself, as well as the archaeological 2 Most of the cylinder seals were collected by Kaplony in the volumes of his Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit and can be identified by the consecutive numbering of the figures (Kaplony 1963; 1964; 1966). Additional seals were published by James (1974: 3, no. 8, pl. 14, 8, no. 25, pl. 16); Wildung (1976: 209); and Köhler (2004: 12, 38, Fig. 5:4). One seal is unpublished in the Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim.

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context, are often only used as secondary arguments, sometimes even dismissed if they do not fit the original interpretation. In this way, a ‘funerarybias’ has developed in the interpretation of cylinder seals with the offering scene. When the first specimens were excavated and started to appear in collections by the second half of the 19th century, researchers were barely able to read Early Dynastic hieroglyphic inscriptions. Published readings were guesses rather than actual translations. Nevertheless, P.E. Newberry, W.M.F. Petrie, and G.A. Reisner assumed correctly that the inscriptions were personal names, as on other cylinder seals from the Pharaonic Period (Newberry 1906: 51; Reisner 1908: 120; Petrie 1917: 10). It was Petrie who first thought that cylinder seals bearing the offering scene were not common administrative tools, but religious objects related to ritual or personal piety (Petrie 1917: 10). Additionally, Reisner’s discovery of five specimens in tombs of the elite Cemetery 1500 in Naga ed-Deir was most influential for the interpretation that cylinder seals with the offering scene acted as ritual funerary objects located in the tomb chamber. Today, the interpretation of the miniature offering scene on cylinder seals is still strongly influenced by the mid-20th century works of two scholars: F.W. von Bissing and P. Kaplony (von Bissing 1952; Kaplony 1963). Following prior interpretations, both assumed that the cylinder seals’ original function was related to the sphere of the tomb chamber. In his 1952 article ‘Der Tote vor dem Opfertisch’ published in the meeting reports of the Bavarian Academy of Science, von Bissing interpreted the cylinder seals as forerunners of the Early Dynastic relief slabs, which were placed inside the tomb chamber. This interpretation was based on the supposed parallels between the inscriptions on the cylinder seals and the relief slabs. Von Bissing understood the offering scene on the cylinder seals as a stand-alone image, like on the relief slabs, rather than part of the inscription. The remaining seal inscriptions were translated by von Bissing as offering lists or prayers and pleas to deities for offerings. Consequently, von Bissing stated that the cylinder seals with the offering scene occurred only in the 1st Dynasty and were substituted by the first relief slabs at the beginning of the 2nd Dynasty. According to von Bissing both groups of objects therefore had the same function; namely that of securing offerings for the deceased (von Bissing 1952: 4–5, 12, 16–17, 49, 52–53). At the same time, von Bissing located the Early Dynastic cult of the dead inside the tomb chamber, as the cylinder seals with the offering scene, according to his research, were invariably placed there. Another claim made by von Bissing is the localisation of the origin of the offering scene in Upper Egypt, where all relevant cylinder seals supposedly came from (von Bissing 1952: 54–55, 57). Through Kaplony’s systematic study on the inscriptions of the Early Dynastic Period, it was possible to produce reliable translations of many cylinder seals for the first time (Kaplony 1963). Thus, von Bissing’s translations of the

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Fig. 3. The Early Dynastic jꜢḫ-bird.

inscriptions as prayers and offering lists could be proven wrong, as the hieroglyphic signs next to the sign of the offering scene, in most cases, are personal names. As the offering scene always takes a special position in the seal inscription pattern that is behind the other signs, and fills the full height of the inscription band Kaplony (1963: 28–33) interpreted it as a title. Moreover, he assumed that the offering scene has the same meaning as another sign with the same properties, the sign of the so-called jꜢḫ-bird, which is characterised by the head turned back with two long feathers (Fig. 3). During the Old Kingdom, the jꜢḫ occurred as a term for the deceased as a spirit (Verklärter). Consequently, in the Early Dynastic Period, jꜢḫ, and therefore the offering scene, were titles of the deceased according to Kaplony (1963: 37, 43). The arguments supporting this interpretation were that both the jꜢḫ-sign and the offering scene only occurred on cylinder seals, and that no known sealings of them exist. They must have been seals of the deceased, especially made for burial, enhanced with the fitting titles and never used except perhaps for sealing one’s own grave goods (Kaplony 1963: 39). Due to their simple and unordered seal patterns, Kaplony also thought the cylinder seals with the offering scene belonged to private persons who were not officials and were rather unaccustomed to writing in their daily lives. Therefore, the cylinder seals were, in his opinion, imitations of seals used in administration, placed into the funerary context of non-elite persons (Kaplony 1963: 39, 969). According to his chronological ranking of the seal patterns, Kaplony assigned dates to the cylinder seals with the offering scene from the first half of the 1st Dynasty to the 3rd Dynasty, with the main distribution period being the 2nd and 3rd Dynasties (Kaplony 1963: 28–34). Although Kaplony’s and von Bissing’s assessments of the cylinder seals with the offering scene exclude each other, in subsequent publications they are often cited together on the matter of chronological placement and translation of the inscriptions (e.g. Martin 1984: 1128–1129; El-Metwally 1992: 10). Until today, von Bissing’s interpretation of the function of the seals with the offering scene is frequently adopted, which is surely also due to its assumption in Barta’s prominent 1963 monograph about the ancient Egyptian offering list (Barta 1963: 6). The latest theory about the function of the cylinder seals with the offering scene has been formulated by I. Regulski; who, like Kaplony, has suggested a purely funerary function that she also extended to all cylinder seals with

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personal names. Accordingly, the seals served the deceased as funerary amulets, ornaments with funerary meaning, and were placed in the tomb chamber among the grave goods. They would be status symbols and a legal and administrative basis for the burial, as well as a means to reactivate the performance of the cult of the dead. Arguments for this interpretation are also the lack of sealings, and that the seals are found in private tombs. Additionally, the offering scene often occurs in combination with the Neith-standard, another sign without apparent reading, in the seal inscriptions. Regulski stated that this combination indicates complex content that cannot be related to a practice-oriented administration (Regulski 2010: 39–40). In accordance with her paleographic approach, Regulski dated the occurrence of the offering scene sign on cylinder seals to the 1st Dynasty only (Regulski 2010: 92, 338). Until now, there has only been one hypothesis that contrasts the above-mentioned interpretations of the function of the cylinder seals with the offering scene as being funerary as well as religious, cultic, or magic; by setting the seals in an administrative context. According to E.C. Köhler, there might be particular production sites, the so-called funerary estates, which made the products intended as grave goods to equip the tomb. The assumption for the existence of such funerary estates was actually born out of the attempt to explain the function of the cylinder seals with the offering scene (Köhler 2003: 22–23; 2004: 11). The ‘funerary estate seals’, so-named by Köhler (2004: 34), are to be used to seal future grave goods. That way, products could be identified as part of the tomb equipment through the offering scene and its apparent link to the funerary sphere. Köhler assumed that funerary estates were not operated by the state, but by private persons who had the necessary economic means. Thus, the cylinder seals with the offering scene are also viewed as belonging to a private environment (Köhler 2004: 11). As there are no sealings with the offering scene known from necropoleis, Köhler assumed that those sealings might be found in domestic contexts where the products were stored and the owners of the cylinder seals lived.3 Re-examination In contrast to the aforementioned interpretations of the cylinder seals and the offering scene, with their strong focus on the seal inscriptions and the pharaonic offering scene’s funerary meaning, the re-examination of the cylinder seals bearing the offering scene was made to stand on a much broader foundation. By analysing the seals themselves as archaeological objects, their archaeological context, and the structure of their inscriptions; the present study will highlight the cylinder seals’ environment of use, social status context, regional distribution, 3

Köhler, pers. comm., 22 January 2014.

A SEAL FOR THE DECEASED?

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and their relationship to the Early Dynastic relief slabs and the cult of the dead. The aim of this strategy is to gain new information about the function of the seals and the general meaning of the offering scene in the Early Dynastic Period. Cylinder seals are extraordinary objects in their capacity to be both a picture and/or writing media. The main function of the cylinder seals, for which they were mostly used, is the reproduction of their inscriptions, rather than their display. Egyptian cylinder seals are small; the inscriptions were incised as negative images and the material was not chosen to emphasise the inscriptions.4 In addition, it is impossible to see the inscription in one view due to the cylindrical shape of the seals. Only the sealing makes that possible. This alone disqualifies von Bissing’s notion that cylinder seals with the offering scene could have had the same function in the cult of the dead as the Early Dynastic relief slabs, which were especially made to display the offering scene, inscription and offering list. In this light, re-examining the function of cylinder seals with the offering scene is worth the effort; as their archaeological context, object properties and contemporary economic background have widely been neglected in past studies. Material and usage of cylinder seals with the offering scene Early Dynastic cylinder seals are often small and squat with narrow perforations along the axis. Hieroglyphic signs as well as the upper and lower limits of the inscription band were incised in a linear style using simple narrow and thicker lines and sometimes also small round incisions (Dubiel 2008: 99). Materials preferred for the manufacture of cylinder seals in Egypt were usually soft materials that include wood, bone, ivory, soft stones or faience and ceramic. The Early Dynastic cylinder seals including the specimens with the offering scene are no exception to this preference. However, a predilection for black or very dark soft stones, in many cases identified as steatite (soapstone), also seems to have existed. Only seven of the cylinder seals with the offering scene have reportedly been manufactured out of organic materials (wood, bone, ivory).5 In previous studies, cylinder seals with the offering scene have often been interpreted as cultic funerary objects, which were not meant to be used for sealing. As most of these seals were made out of black steatite, which is so soft 4

E.g. dark-colored or banded stones. Kaplony’s no. 393, 1933.86 Ashmolean Museum; Kaplony’s no. 469, 10.130.1600 Metropolitan Museum; Kaplony’s no. 517, 15337 Egyptian Museum Berlin; Kaplony’s no. 558bis, 29-66-789 University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Field no. Dendera D2626, Table 1, 8; Kaplony’s no. 678; Kaplony’s no. 907, JdE 72589 Egyptian Museum Cairo; Kaplony’s no. 1012. 5

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that it can be worked with the same tools used for wood,6 extensive use in sealing would most likely have left characteristic traces on the surface. Despite being soft, steatite is also a yielding material, a property it shares with clay. It can therefore be deduced that both materials would show an elastic response to mechanical stress,7 which means that wear from sealing clay would show as a light ablation and smoothing of the surface of the cylinder seals, similar to polishing. This effect would only become visible to a greater extent through frequent use. Edges would become rounded and inscribed signs would not be as deep as before, eventually becoming somewhat illegible or even vanishing altogether.8 It is important that use abrasions occur relatively consistently around the whole surface of the seal. This way it can be ascribed to rolling the seal’s whole inscription band over the clay stoppers, whereas separate damages and scattered scratches could stem from accidents and weathering. Finding the characteristic traces of wear would be proof for the frequent use of cylinder seals with the offering scene in administration. Therefore, a representative group of nineteen cylinder seals with the offering scene from the British Museum and Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology9 were examined to identify traces of wear from frequently sealing on clay stoppers.10 In fact, all studied cylinder seals showed these traces of wear in varying degrees. Sealing affects the edges of the cylinder seal first, so that in these areas the greatest loss of surface material could be observed. Often the lines limiting the inscription band were only very shallowly preserved or even erased in parts. Likewise, the overall shape of the cylinder seal changed with the severity of wear traces from the original cylindrical shape (see e.g. Fig. 7), to a cylinder with slightly rounded edges, to a barrel-like shape, and finally to an oval pearllike shape (Fig. 4). Wear could also be identified in photos of cylinder seals (Fig. 5). When wear is severe even detailed drawings can reveal its traces (Fig. 6).

6

For material properties of steatite see Wiese 1996: 96, and Sax 2001: 25. Comp. experiments made with picrolite (a variety of serpentine), which has similar properties as steatite (Astruc et al. 2003: 345). 8 Köhler noticed these kinds of traces of extensive use (the lines limiting the inscription band and the inscription have partially vanished) on a Naqada IIIA2/IIIB steatite seal from the tomb 160.H.3 in Helwan cemetery and described them as such (Köhler 1999: 50). 9 Cylinder seals in the Petrie Museum: Kaplony’s No. 500, UC11707; Kaplony’s No. 653, UC11708; Kaplony’s No. 502, UC11709; Kaplony’s No. 596, UC11710; UC11711; Kaplony’s No. 660, UC11713; Kaplony’s No. 662, UC11714; Kaplony’s No. 599, UC11715; Kaplony’s No. 506, UC11716; Kaplony’s No. 554, UC11717. Cylinder seals in the British Museum: Kaplony’s No. 680, EA17944; Kaplony’s No. 411, EA32627; Kaplony’s No. 558, EA56796; Kaplony’s No. 617, EA65853; Kaplony’s No. 381, EA65861; Kaplony’s No. 681, EA65863; Kaplony’s No. 448, EA65872; Kaplony’s No. 618, EA65887; Kaplony’s No. 674, EA66812. 10 The study was conducted for the author’s master thesis (Speck 2015). The thesis dedicates one chapter to the traces of wear on steatite cylinder seals with the offering scene, which is supposed to be published as a separate article. 7

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Fig. 4. Changes in the shape of cylinder seals through sealing activities.

Fig. 5. Cylinder seals with the name Snṯj-pr-ḥr-kꜢ-nt from Tomb 1605, Cemetery 1500, Naga ed-Deir (A: Kaplony’s No. 507; Reisner 1908, Pl. 43 p; B: Kaplony’s No. 523; Reisner 1908, Pl. 43 o; C: Kaplony’s No. 508; Reisner 1908, Pl. 43 m; D: Kaplony’s No. 600; Reisner 1908, Pl. 43 n).

Fig. 6. Cylinder seal with the offering scene from Helwan and its seal impression (Köhler 2004: 12, Fig. 5.4).

Traces of wear from sealing have been observed and mentioned by Reisner on the cylinder seals found in Cemetry 1500 at Naga ed-Deir (Reisner 1908: 122), which also include five specimens with the offering scene (Fig. 5). As Reisner’s publication was generally well known, it is surprising that the traces of use he identified did not influence the later discussion about the function and meaning of the cylinder seals with the offering scene. Referencing

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Reisner’s observation in an article about Early Dynastic cylinder seals in 1943, von Bissing actually stated that he also observed wear on cylinder seals from his own collection and concluded that those seals must have been used for sealing and not just worn as amulets (von Bissing 1943: 484). By 1952, in his far more influential article about the offering scene, von Bissing omitted this finding. Kaplony also noticed that the edges of stone cylinder seals were often rounded and the limiting lines of the inscription band were in some cases gone or only partially preserved. However, Kaplony (1963: 4, 680) interpreted these traces of wear as effects of weathering. Although wear was ignored in previous studies, it must be taken into account as proof for the extensive use of cylinder seals with the offering scene in sealing clay stoppers, probably in an administrative context. The archaeological context The material that is used as a basis for the analysis of the seal’s archaeological context is relatively small in contrast to the whole corpus of cylinder seals with the offering scene (154 objects). Only fifteen specimens could be included in this analysis (Table 1) because they come from documented find-spots. Added to these are five sealings with the offering scene (Table 2), all of which have been found in scientific excavations. Thus, evidence from the analysis of the archaeological context in this case cannot be used to surmise the general setting and use-locations of the cylinder seals with the offering scene, but it is possible to establish a spectrum of settings they could possibly occur in. In general, it is expected that cylinder seals with the offering scene are placed in tomb chambers because of the ascribed funerary meaning of the inscription with the offering scene. In fact, a majority of eleven seals (out of fifteen seals with documented find-spots; see Table 1, 1–11) have been found in tombs from six different sites. In Reisner’s excavations in the Early Dynastic Cemetery 1500 at Naga ed-Deir, five cylinder seals with the offering scene (Kaplony’s Nos. 603, 658, 507, 508, 600; Reisner 1908: 151, Pl. 43/44 i, k, m, n, p; see Table 1, 1–5), were found distributed over three large and badly disturbed tombs (Tombs 1501, 1562, 1605). Due to size and architecture of the tombs, Cemetery 1500 can be designated as an elite cemetery. Tomb 1605 actually contained three cylinder seals with the offering scene, paired with three cylinder seals bearing the jꜢḫ-bird, and three seals with personal names only (Reisner 1908: 54–55, 119). An interesting fact is that these seals with the offering scene and one of the seals with a personal name show the same reading of the inscription according to Kaplony; the name Snṯj-pr-ḥr-kꜢ-nt, even though the spelling is different (Fig. 5).11 Furthermore, two of the cylinder 11 In accordance with Kaplony, different spellings (e.g. doubled signs) of the same name are possible in the dissolved patterns (6A-H) of seal inscriptions (Kaplony 1963: 6–34).

09.889.115 Brooklyn Museum

Kaplony’s no. 509

Kaplony’s no. 682

Kaplony’s no. 411; EA32627 British Museum

Kaplony’s no. 514

11

12

13

14

15

Elkab

Elkab

Adaima

Kom es-Sultan – Abydos North

Nag el-Mamariya

Elkab

Helwan

Dendera

Abu Simbel

El-Amra

Naga ed-Deir

Naga ed-Deir

Naga ed-Deir

Naga ed-Deir

Naga ed-Deir

Find spot

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Lower Egypt

Upper Egypt

Nubia

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Region

Southwestern part of the Old City

Southwestern part of the Old City

Adaima settlement, found while sieving material

Settlement area west of the OK temple, level 187

Nag el-Mamariya Cemetery, exact location unknown

Cemetery north of the Great Wall, shaft of Mastaba 301

Helwan Cemetery, exact location unknown

Location 7:950, Tomb I

Cemetery 215, Tomb 85

El- Amrah Cemetery, Tomb b 91

Cemetery 1500, Tomb 1605

Cemetery 1500, Tomb 1605

Cemetery 1500, Tomb 1605

Cemetery 1500, Tomb 1562

Cemetery 1500, Tomb 1501

Archaeological context

Table 1. Cylinder seals with the offering scene from documented find spots.

Kaplony’s no. 668

Helwan-Project no. EM00-162

9

10

Kaplony’s no. 938

Kaplony’s no. 558bis; 29-66-789 Penn Museum; Field no. Dendera D2626

Kaplony’s no. 9

6

7

Kaplony’s no. 600

5

8

Kaplony’s no. 507

Kaplony’s no. 508

3

Kaplony’s no. 658

2

4

Kaplony’s no. 603

1

Designation

unclear

unclear

probably non-elite

probably non-elite

unclear

unclear

unclear

non-elite

non-elite

elite

elite

elite

elite

elite

elite

Socio-economic context of the findspot

A SEAL FOR THE DECEASED?

707

Published without object number

Published without object number

Pätznick’s no. 497; Kleinfunde no. 5393–17–

Schulman’s no. 36

2

3

4

5

Northwestern edge of the Negev in Israel

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Upper Egypt

Lower Egypt

Region

Socio-economic context of the findspot

elite

elite

elite

Directly North of Building A, non-elite Locus 101 of Stratum III

East Town of Elephantine, Areal IIIb, Fundkomplex 17304–dd

Hierakonpolis Palace, inside a palace room

Hierakonpolis Palace, near the niched gateway

Sector 1a (living quarters and probably non-elite economic area)

Archaeological context

Table 2. Sealings with the offering scene.

Tell ꜤEn Besor

Elephantine

Hierakonpolis

Hierakonpolis

Excavation no. ISW08-007 Tell el-Iswid South

Find spot

1

Designation

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seals with the name Snṯj-pr-ḥr-kꜢ-nt are heavily worn (Fig. 5 C, D), while the other two only show minor traces of wear (Fig. 5 A, B). As a result of these findings, it is possible that the seals in question belonged to the same person. This person might have been buried in Tomb 1605 with all the cylinder seals that belonged to him in life, the seal in use directly before his death, as well as the ones that were taken out of service because of wear or changing requirements.12 The Cemetery 1500 at Naga ed-Deir shows that in tomb contexts cylinder seals with the offering scene were not treated differently from seals with the jꜢḫ-sign or personal names only. They might even have belonged to the same person, who used them in life and kept them as personal items among the grave goods in death. Also found in a large elite tomb is a fragment of a cylinder seal with the offering scene from El-Amrah (Kaplony’s No. 9; Randall-MacIver & Mace 1902: Pl. 6, 6; Table 1, 6).13 The contrasting extreme can be observed regarding the find-contexts of two cylinder seals with the offering scene.14 One of them (Emery & Kirwan 1935: 450–451, 471, Fig. 443, 4; Table 1, 7; Kaplony’s No. 938) was found in a simple clay-lined pit tomb with only a few other grave goods in a non-elite Pre- and Early Dynastic cemetery near Abu Simbel. An even lower social status seems to be exhibited by a shallow oval pit tomb with no further architectural elements from the Dendera cemetery, which contained only the skeleton, a wooden cylinder seal with the offering scene (Obj. No. 29-66-789 Penn Museum; Kaplony’s No. 558; Fisher 1968: 1–2, Fig. 1; Table 1, 8), and a copper needle.15 The remaining seals come from tomb or cemetery contexts: one cylinder seal from the Helwan necropolis (Helwan-Project No. EM00–162; Köhler 2004: 12, 38, Fig. 5:4; Table 1, 9, Fig. 6); one from the Elkab cemetery beyond the Great Wall (Kaplony’s No. 668; Quibell 1898: 5, 20, Pl. 20, No. 32; Table 1, 10)16; and another seal from Nag el-Mamariya (Acc. No. 09.889.115 12 Other interpretations are possible. Reisner, for example, believed that all cylinder seals from Tomb 1605 belonged to one person, but were used by several followers or family members who returned the seals upon the death of their owner (Reisner 1908: 122). 13 From the disturbed Tomb b 91, which is the largest tomb of el-Amrah cemetery (RandallMacIver & Mace 1902: 30, 39, Pl. 4, No. 8 and Pl. 3, No. 6). 14 It is interesting that both cylinder seals have been ascribed to women (Emery & Kirwan 1935: 471; Fisher 1968: 2; Kaplony 1963: 1164). 15 Unpublished tomb I in location 7:950 (see Dendera excavation plan and Clarence S. Fisher’s diary I, 155, Museum Archive of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology). 16 The seal was found in the shaft of the small Mastaba tomb 301 immediately north of the Great Wall; together with a fragment of a diorite bowl with the inscription of the King’s name, Sneferu; which dates shaft and cylinder seal into the Early 4th Dynasty (Quibell 1898: 5, 20, Pl. 20, No. 32). As an early Old Kingdom date clashes with the dating of the offering scene by Kaplony and von Bissing, it has often been disregarded (Kaplony 1963: 43; von Bissing 1952: 53). Other finds in the cemetery seem to confirm a late Early Dynastic/Early Old Kingdom date (Op de Beeck 2009: 73; Smith 1949: 45).

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Fig. 7. Cylinder seal with the offering scene from Nag el-Mamariya (Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund, Acc. No. 09.889.115) (Photo: Brooklyn Museum, CUR.09.889.115_NegA_print_bw.jpg).

Brooklyn Museum New York; James 1974: 3, No. 8, Pl. 14; Needler 1984: 377– 378, No. 307; Table 1, 11, Fig. 7). Unfortunately, these remaining seals cannot be ascribed to a specific social status environment, because information on the exact location in which they were found is lacking. Especially important is the cylinder seal from Helwan, because it originates from the same place that the majority of relief slabs with the offering scene were found. The idea of an Upper Egyptian offering scene on cylinder seals somehow isolated from a Lower Egyptian offering scene on relief slabs obviously does not apply.17 The offering scene was known at least to people in Memphis from both media at the same time. Yet, four cylinder seals with the offering scene have been found in settlement contexts at three different sites. Even though they are a minority, their number is not negligibly low, particularly as the number of cylinder seals with the offering scene and a documented provenience was low to begin with. Additionally, five sealings with the offering scene were also found in settlement contexts. Particular individuals and personal objects like cylinder seals can be understood much better in association with their burial context, as tomb architecture and grave goods mirror the social status and economic means of the deceased. These types of links are usually less clear in a settlement context. Especially small finds like seals are often made in strata that are interpreted as 17 Upper Egyptian origin for the offering scene proposed by von Bissing (1952: 54–55, 57). Two traditions of offering scenes proposed by Kaplony (1963: 40).

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settlement waste layers. This also applies to the cylinder seals with the offering scene found at Kom es-Sultan/Abydos North (Kaplony’s No. 509; Petrie 1903: 9, 29, Pl. 12, Fig. 275; Table 1, 12); Adaima (de Morgan 1912: 44–45; 1908: 148; Kaplony’s No. 682; Needler 1984: 83, 383–384, Pl. 86, No. 4; Table 1, 13);18 and a sealing with the offering scene from Tell el-Iswid South (excavation no. ISW08-007; Regulski 2014: 236, Fig. 6; Table 2, 1).19 The persons they belonged to and the exact environments they were used in can no longer be reconstructed. However, excavations at these sites made it clear that the cylinder seals with the offering scene were used in regular living and production quarters of settlements. Moreover, no indication of state or elite structures, such as prestigious architecture, has been found at these sites. In that light, it is unlikely that one of the seals or the sealing with the offering scene belonged to an elite context or state administration. Another two cylinder seals with the offering scene have been picked up as surface finds by A.H. Sayce and G.S. Clarke at the southwestern part of the Old City of Elkab (Kaplony’s Nos. 411 and 514; Sayce 1900: 279–280, Pl. 2, Fig. 1–2; Table 1, 14–15).20 Therefore, no other information than the settlement context can be derived from them. In comparison, a different picture is painted by the find-contexts of the fragmented sealings with the offering scene from the palace of Hierakonpolis (Brookner 1986: 24; Table 2, 2–3; Bussmann 2011: 2; 2014: 30–31); and the East Town of Elephantine (Kleinfunde No. 5393–17; Pätznick 2005: 526, catalogue No. 497; Table 2, 4)21 which was an important economic and administrative centre and is interpreted as the governor’s residence (Pätznick 2005: 210–213). In these cases, the sites have to be assigned to an elite context. However, elite structures, especially administrative centres, are places where products from various places are stored, where different levels of administration might merge and where people with different social status backgrounds meet. Both broken sealings with the offering scene from the palace of Hierakonpolis were peg sealings (Fig. 8), which means that they were stationary applied to seal doors inside the palace. One was found in one of the palace rooms, the

18 The seal was found in de Morgan’s excavations in Adaima in 1906–1907 while sieving the excavated material (de Morgan 1912: 44–45; 1908: 148). 19 The unbroken sealing (triangular string sealing type S2 after E.-M. Engel and V. Müller (2013: 41–42, Fig. 4) was found in Sector 1a in the Northwest of the Tell. The area was originally occupied by living quarters and an economic area (Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2014: 23–25). 20 The seals were probably surface finds made in 1899 directly after the removal of the ceramic sherds from the former Tell for the construction of the Luxor-Aswan railway track (Sayce 1900: 279; Clarke 1921: 59; Hendrickx et al. 2010: 162). 21 The fragment of a vessel sealing (put onto the strings around the mouth of a vessel, which has been covered by cloth, Pätznick 2005: 32–37) was found in the filling of a room with settlement and production waste in Area l IIIb of the Elephantine East town (Fundkomplex 17304–dd; Pätznick 2005: 210–213).

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Fig. 8. Fragment of a clay sealing from the palace of Hierakonpolis (drawing: R. Bussmann; see also Bussmann 2014: 30).

other near the niched gateway (Bussmann 2014: 30–31). In this case, we can be sure that the sealings were directly related to administrative activities, which took place in the palace. The fifth sealing with the offering scene comes from the excavation of the Egyptian trading base of Tell ꜤEn Besor at the Northwestern edge of the Negev in Israel (sealing No. 36; Schulman 1980: 29, Pl. 5, No. 36; Table 2, 5).22 The sealing was broken and discarded with other sealings outside the isolated early 1st Dynasty Building A.23 Schulman reported that most of the sealings showed impressions of strings, knots and sometimes textiles on their reverse sides (Schulman 1976: 24). Therefore, they must have been originally applied to some kind of containers such as ceramic vessels and bags or wrapped bundles (Gophna 1976: 8). With this in mind, two scenarios about the making of the sealing with the offering scene are possible: either, the sealing was attached to a product that was brought to the trading post, perhaps from Egypt as supply (Schulman 1980: 33); or the sealing was made in Tell ꜤEn Besor. However, the available data from the excavation in Tell ꜤEn Besor is not conclusive about the administrative background the sealing with the offering scene belonged to; whether it was made in Egypt or in its northern sphere of influence. 22 After being published by A.R. Schulman in 1980 it was only later identified as bearing the offering scene (Quack 1989: 26). 23 Locus 101 of Stratum III, directly North of Building A (Schulman 1980: 17).

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In conclusion, a re-examination of archaeological contexts where cylinder seals and sealings with the offering scene are found has made it possible to identify the use-context of these objects; and as such, administrative contexts located in settlements and perhaps also in unattached facilities should be included. When cylinder seals with the offering scene are found in tombs, they should probably be interpreted as personal items that were used in life and only became grave goods after the death of the original owner. Cylinder seals with the offering scene and their sealings actually occurred in various social status-contexts and could be located all over Egypt as well as in the neighbouring regions to the south and north. Still, a majority could be ascribed to Upper Egypt. Seal inscriptions containing the offering scene in comparison with contemporary sealing material Re-examination of the archaeological contexts cannot provide a conclusive account of the use-life and use circumstances of cylinder seals with the offering scene, but it opens a spectrum of possible settings of use and deposition and of the social milieu. It also illustrates that the cylinder seals and sealings with the offering scene could occur together with other types of cylinder seals and sealings, in most cases seals with personal names, which are also similar in inscription. Interestingly, the seals and sealings with personal names are underrepresented in the largest Early Dynastic seal complexes from the royal necropoleis in Abydos and Saqqara, but are often found in settlement excavations in local administrative contexts. Another Kaplony seal category can in some cases bear inscriptions with the offering scene that he named the so-called ‘collective seals’.24 Kaplony’s interpretation of ‘collective’ indicates that the inscriptions consist of several names of different persons and sometimes also titles. However, Pätznick was able to propose a different interpretation through his analysis of the seal complex from Elephantine: The inscriptions of the collective seals, which he named ‘civil seals’ (Pätznick 2005: 3), should be read as one name with epithets. These seals were used in local administration (Pätznick 2005: 124). The most important epithets are rnw/rnwtj and mjtr. Rnw/rnwtj was interpreted by Pätznick as a status designation for officials of local administration, therefore having both an administrative and a social meaning (Kaiser et al. 1995: 183–184). It is becoming clear that cylinder seals with the offering scene cannot be differentiated from seals with personal names or from collective seals by the nature of their inscriptions and their involvement in local administration. In the seal complex of Elephantine the administrative structure of an Early Dynastic town 24 There are nine cylinder seals with the offering scene (Kaplony’s Nos. 381, 393, 409, 410, 411, 413, 434, 906, 912) in total, which also bear the epithets identified by J.-P. Pätznick.

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becomes clear. The majority of sealings were found in the East Town, where the economic section of the governor’s palace was probably located (Pätznick 2005: 124). The seal practice of Elephantine can be divided into two main sections: the central royal (with office seals); and the local administration (with personal seals of officials and collective seals), which seem to have been used next to each other and were perhaps also linked with each other (see Pätznick 2005: IV). Sealings from seals with personal names were very rare in Elephantine, but the type of the sealings, as well as their find-spots, make it clear that they were somehow integrated into the local administration (Pätznick 2005: 119) and not used in the private context of a house or a tomb, for example. The seal complex of Hierakonpolis, which also contains two sealings with the offering scene, shows a similar spectrum and overall ratio of seal categories. The sealings were found in the temple area of the Early Dynastic and Early Old Kingdom town, as well as in the palace of Hierakonpolis (Bussmann 2011: 1). Sealings by office seals, which contain serekhs holding the royal name, are also present in Hierakonpolis, but they fall far short of the number of sealings that are considered to belong to the local administration. This specifically relates to seals stating the personal name and the profession, collective seals with the mjtr-epithet, and seals with personal names only, which have all been documented in Hierakonpolis (Bussmann 2011: 1–2). Additionally, there is evidence for another seal category in Hierakonpolis that does not use phonetic signs, but figurative patterns (Bussmann 2013: 23–24). Both seal complexes from Hierakonpolis and Elephantine indicate that Early Dynastic administration was not static and controlled by one entity only; in fact there were developments over time and several levels of administration with local and state characteristics next to each other, probably also entangled with one another. Although the local administration was probably responsible for managing individual towns and settlements together with their hinterland, its structure and characteristics were not regionally limited. Everywhere in Egypt, and everywhere were Egyptians lived and traded; the same types of seals were used in accordance with the level of administration.25 Obviously, local administration was not directly sanctioned by the king; nevertheless, it also was not independent, provincial or private in the sense that only private property was managed. Indeed, local administration was an integrated part of Egyptian administration in general, which focused on personal accountability. The responsible persons sealed with their name and sometimes additions such as civil epithets, or the offering scene. Their tasks might have been the same as those of officials; with the difference being that they did not hold any titles or offices, as they did not belong to royal state-administration. At the beginning of the Old Kingdom, conditions within the Egyptian administration must 25

See e.g. the sealings from Tell el-Iswid as a Lower Egyptian example and Tell ꜤEn Besor.

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have changed and royal state administration permeated all other levels of administration. With that, the focus on certain persons taking responsibility by sealing with their name was replaced by the anonymity of official and institutional seals. The seals with the offering scene were obviously also affected by these changes and vanished in the course of the Early Old Kingdom. Discussing function and meaning of the offering scene on cylinder seals after the re-examination Analysis of the archaeological context of cylinder seals with offering scenes does not settle the questions of the exact place they inhabit among the different categories of the local and civil administration (seals with personal names, collective or civil seals, seals with personal names and the jꜢḫ-bird). Problems occur because the seal categories are found side by side in settlement contexts. That way, there is no discernible difference in the nature and site of usage and possibly no difference in ascribable function. Moreover, there is also no separation of the local and civil administration seal categories in tomb contexts, not even inside one single tomb as is the case of Tomb 1605 in Cemetery 1500 at Naga ed-Deir (see above). It seems likely that seal categories were interchangeable. At the same time, cylinder seals with the offering scene were used in different environments and belonged to persons with diverse social and regional backgrounds. This variety indicates that the meaning of the offering scene on cylinder seals was not very specific. Yet, we know the meaning of the pharaonic offering scene in relief or painting within the context of the tomb’s false door. It is a motif that symbolically stands for the continuation of life and the provisioning of the dead in the afterlife. As the Early Dynastic relief slabs with the offering scene demonstrate, this is not a later development of the Old Kingdom. However, how is this meaning transferable to the world of the living, their economy, and their administration? Analysis of the provenience of a few cylinder seals with the offering scene, together with the finding that they were used in everyday activities, have shown that the meaning of the offering scene in the mortuary cult cannot be projected one-to-one onto their function in administration. It remains open to interpretation whether the meaning of the motif was completely different or just extended. As the existing sources are scarce the result cannot be explicit, but there is the possibility to fathom the meaning of the offering scene on cylinder seals and make proposals in a thought experiment. Based on Köhler’s theory, stated above, the following option is most suitable to explain the diversity in the occurrence of cylinder seals and sealings with the offering scene. The offering scene could be a symbol for certain facilities that were responsible for tasks in provisioning the cult of the dead and/or for general supply. On a cylinder seal, the offering scene together with the name would identify the owner of the seal as a member or

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worker of such a facility. If we presume that the function of these facilities was to equip and maintain the non-royal cult of the dead, it is also possible that surpluses were used for other purposes, for example the general supply of the population. Thus, a connection with other administrative institutions and trade might have existed. This could actually have been the facilities’ main activity, even if their original purpose and their identification were connected to the cult of the dead. A cylinder seal in such a facility would primarily be used in collecting and receiving products, as well as transferring them to different containers and internal storage. That way, sealings would be made and also broken inside the facilities’ working areas. Ultimately, they would not necessarily still be attached to the products that were used for the cult of the dead. The sealings with the offering scene from the palace of Hierakonpolis and the East Town of Elephantine, the possible residence of the governor, show that the proposed facilities were not isolated estates, but in some way connected to the local administration. They might even have been a part of a local public institution. Another possibility is that persons who managed such facilities or worked for them, and therefore owned a seal with the offering scene, additionally performed public duties using the same seal. In this case, the offering scene could be some kind of title or professional designation that referred to certain tasks instead of status. In the Early Old Kingdom, great changes are observable in seal use, and also in the associated administration systems. Seals and their inscriptions were standardised and individual persons accountable by their inscribed names recede in administration; while offices, institutions and the king become paramount. That way, those accountable could be substituted and seals were handed down to successors. It seems that the loose and diverse local systems were replaced by a strict state administration at the beginning of the Old Kingdom, which means that the state penetrated all areas of administration. By contrast, the Early Dynastic state was an overlying system supported by local administrative systems that were performing the groundwork. In this political and economic context, it is conceivable that a facility on the level of the local administration, as it has been proposed here, and by extension its symbol, vanishes from seal inscriptions or is absorbed into other offices or institutions, and thus no longer identified in the offering scene. The use of the offering scene as a symbol for these facilities could be understood as a reference to the monumental offering scenes mounted on the superstructures of tombs, and therefore to the place where the cult of the dead was performed. Therefore, a direct connection between the offering scene in seal inscriptions and on relief slabs would be present. A problem that remains is the fact that relief slabs with the offering scene are only known from the region around Memphis, while the relevant seals are documented from everywhere in Egypt. Moreover, the offering scene occurs first in cylinder seals and later on

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relief slabs. Therefore, the offering scene might have been widespread on media other than limestone slabs and seals in the Early Dynastic Period, which can no longer be verified today. It is actually possible that tomb superstructures were decorated with the painted offering scene everywhere in Egypt. That way, the history of the offering scene in connection with tomb superstructures might go back to the time before the archaic relief slabs bearing the offering scene first occurred in Helwan and Saqqara. Facilities that might have contained the offering scene as some kind of signifier or logo have not been found, or remain identified. Therefore, with the data currently available, the function and meaning of the cylinder seals with the offering scene, as well as their connection to the Early Dynastic relief slabs and the cult of the dead cannot be conclusively clarified. Further excavations and surveys, especially in settlement areas, are necessary to ultimately solve the puzzle of the Early Dynastic offering scene.

Bibliography ASTRUC, L.; VARGIOLU, R. & ZAHOUANI, H., 2003. Wear Assessments of Prehistoric Instruments. Wear 255: 341–347. BARTA, W., 1963. Die altägyptische Opferliste von der Frühzeit bis zur griechischrömischen Epoche. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 3. Berlin. BORCHARDT, L., 1937. Denkmäler des alten Reiches (ausser den Statuen) im Museum von Kairo: Text und Tafeln zu Nr. 1295-1541. Catalogue général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Berlin. BROOKNER, J., 1986. The Archaic Period Sealings [in:] FAIRSERVIS, W.A. (ed.), The Hierakonpolis Project II: Occasional Papers in Anthropology. Excavation of the Archaic Remains East of the Niched Gate, Season of 1981. Poughkeepsie, NY: 24‒26. BUSSMANN, R., 2011. Seals and Seal Impressions from Hierakonpolis. Egyptian Archaeology 38: 1‒3. BUSSMANN, R., 2013. Administration Without Writing. Nekhen News 25: 23‒24. BUSSMANN, R., 2014. Sealings from the Palace at Hierakonpolis. Nekhen News 26: 30‒31. CLARKE, G.S., 1921. El-Kab and the Great Wall. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 7: 54‒79. DE MORGAN, H., 1908. Notes sur les stations quaternaires et sur l’âge du cuivre en Égypte. Revue de l’école d’anthropologie de Paris: Recueil mensuel 18: 133‒149. DE MORGAN, H., 1912. Report on Excavations Made in Upper Egypt during the Winter 1907-1908. Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 12: 25‒50. DUBIEL, U., 2008. Amulette, Siegel und Perlen. Studien zu Typologie und Tragesitte im Alten und Mittleren Reich. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 229. Fribourg. EL-METWALLY, E., 1992. Entwicklung der Grabdekoration in den Altägyptischen Privatgräbern. Ikonographische Analyse der Totenkultdarstellungen von der Vorgeschichte bis zum Ende der 4. Dynastie. Göttinger Orientforschungen, IV. Reihe: Ägypten 24. Wiesbaden. EMERY, W.B. & KIRWAN, L.P., 1935. The Excavation and Survey between Wadi esSebua and Adindan 1929-1931, I-II. Cairo. ENGEL, E.-M. & MÜLLER, V., 2000. Verschlüsse der Frühzeit: Erstellung einer Typologie. Göttinger Miszellen 178: 31‒44.

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FISHER, H.G., 1968. Dendera in the Third Millennium B.C. down to the Theban Domination of Upper Egypt. New York. GARDINER, A.H., 1917. An Archaic Funerary Stele. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 4: 256‒260. GOPHNA, R., 1976. Excavations at ꜤEn Besor. ꜤAtiqot. English Series 11: 1‒9. HAENY, G., 1971. Zu den Platten mit Opfertischszene aus Heluan und Giseh [in:] ABUBAKR, A. (ed.), Aufsätze zum siebzigsten Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke. Beiträge zur ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 12. Wiesbaden: 143‒164. HASSAN, S., 1944. Giza V: 1933-1934 with Special Chapters on Methods of Excavation, the False-Door, and Other Archaeological and Religious Subjects. Cairo. HENDRICKX, S.; HUYGE, D. & NEWTON, C., 2010. The Walls of Elkab [in:] BIETAK, M.; CZERNY, E. & FORSTNER-MÜLLER, I. (eds.), Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt: Papers from a Workshop in November 2006 at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie. Wien: 145‒169. JAMES, T.G.H., 1974. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in The Brooklyn Museum I: From Dynasty I to the End of Dynasty XVIII. Wilbour Monographs 6. Brooklyn. KAHL, J.; KLOTH, N. & ZIMMERMANN, U., 1995. Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie: Eine Bestandsaufnahme. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 56. Wiesbaden. KAPLONY, P., 1963. Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit 1-3. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 8. Wiesbaden. KAPLONY, P., 1964. Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit Supplement. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 9. Wiesbaden. KAPLONY, P., 1966. Kleine Beiträge zu den Inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Ägyptologische Abhandlungen 15. Wiesbaden. KAPLONY, P., 1984. Ein „Senior der Jungmannschaft“ der Frühzeit und seine Opferliste (SP 53) [in:] Studien zu Sprache und Religion Ägyptens: Zu Ehren von Wolfhart Westendorf überreicht von seinen Freunden u. Schülern 1, Sprache. Göttingen: 521‒546. KÖHLER, E.C., 1999. Re-Assessment of a Cylinder Seal from Helwan. Göttinger Miszellen 168: 49‒56. KÖHLER, E.C., 2003. Ursprung einer langen Tradition: Grab und Totenkult in der Frühzeit [in:] GUKSCH, H.; HOFMANN, E. & BOMMAS, M. (eds.), Grab und Totenkult im Alten Ägypten. München: 11‒26. KÖHLER, E.C., 2004. The Cairo Museum Collection of Artefacts from Zaki Saad’s Excavations at Helwan. Museum of Antiquities Maurice Kelly Lecture 8. Armidale. KÖHLER, E.C. & JONES, J., 2009. Helwan II: The Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Funerary Relief Slabs. Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens 25. Rahden. MARTIN, K., 1984. Speisetischszene [in:] HELCK, W. & WESTENDORF, W. (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie V. Pyramidenbau – Steingefäße. Wiesbaden: 1128‒1133. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N., 2014. Tell el-Iswid 2006-2009. Cairo. NEEDLER, W., 1984. Predynastic and Archaic Egypt in the Brooklyn Museum. Wilbour Monographs 9. New York. NEWBERRY, P.E., 1906. Scarabs: An Introduction to the Study of Egyptian Seals and Signet Rings. London. OP DE BEECK, L., 2009. Early Old Kingdom Pottery from Excavations to the North of the Great Enclosure Wall at Elkab [in:] CLAES, W.; DE MEULENAERE, H. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Elkab and Beyond: Studies in Honour of Luc Limme. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 191. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 49‒74.

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KAISER, W.; BECKER, P.; BOMMAS, M.; HOFFMANN, F.; KARITZ, H.; MÜNTEL, S.; PÄTZNICK, J.-P. & ZIERMANN, M., 1995. Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine: 21./22. Grabungsbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 51: 99‒187. PÄTZNICK, J.-P., 2005. Die Siegelabrollungen und Rollsiegel der Stadt Elephantine im 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr. – Spurensicherung eines archäologischen Artefaktes. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 1339. Oxford. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1903. Abydos II. London. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1917. Scarabs and Cylinders with Names. Egyptian Research Account and British School of Archaeology in Egypt 29. London. QUACK, J.F., 1989. Die Datierung der Siegelabdrücke von Tel ꜤEn Besor. Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 105: 18‒26. QUIBELL, J.E., 1898. El Kab. Egyptian Research Account 3. London. QUIBELL, J.E., 1913. Excavations at Saqqara 1911/12: The Tomb of Hesy. Cairo. RANDALL-MACIVER, D. & MACE, A.C., 1902. El Amrah and Abydos 1899-1901. London. REGULSKI, I., 2010. A Palaeographic Study of Early Writing in Egypt. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 195. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA. REGULSKI, I., 2014. Seal Impressions from Tell el-Iswid [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N. (eds.), Tell el-Iswid 2006-2009. Cairo: 230‒242. REISNER, G.A., 1908. The Early Dynastic Cemeteries of Naga-ed-Dêr I. University of California Publications in Egyptian Archaeology 2. Leipzig. SAX, M., 2001. I.6. The Seal Materials, their Chronology and Sources [in:] COLLON, D., Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum. Cylinder Seals V. Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian Periods. London: 18‒34. SAYCE, A.H., 1900. (I) Objects from the Tomb of a Prae-Dynastic Egyptian King; (II) Some Early Egyptian Seal-Cylinders. Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 22: 278‒280. SCHULMAN, A.R., 1976. The Egyptian Seal Impressions from ꜤEn Besor. ꜤAtiqot. English Series 11: 16‒26. SCHULMAN, A.R., 1980. More Egyptian Seal Impressions from ꜤEn Besor. ꜤAtiqot. English Series 14: 17‒33. SMITH, W.S., 1949. A History of Egyptian Sculpture and Painting in the Old Kingdom. Oxford. SPECK, S., 2015. Die ersten Zeugnisse der Speisetischszene und ihre Bedeutung in der Entwicklung des Totenkults in frühdynastischer Zeit. Unpublished master thesis. University of Heidelberg. VON BISSING, F.W., 1943. Ägyptische und mesopotamische Siegelzylinder des III. Jahrtausends vor Christus. Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse 12: 481‒516. VON BISSING, F.W., 1952. Der Tote vor dem Opfertisch. Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 1952/2. München. WIESE, A.B., 1996. Die Anfänge der ägyptischen Stempelsiegel-Amulette: Eine typologische und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu den „Knopfsiegeln“ und verwandten Objekten der 6. bis frühen 12. Dynastie. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, Series Archaeologica 12. Göttingen. WILDUNG, D., 1976. Staatliche Sammlung Ägyptischer Kunst München, Residenz Hofgartenstraße. München.

SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION AS REVEALED IN THE MORTUARY REMAINS AT KAFR HASSAN DAWOOD: ELITE FORMATION IN THE SOUTHERN EAST DELTA GEOFFREY J. TASSIE†1, JORIS VAN WETERING2, JOANNE M. ROWLAND3 & FEKRI A. HASSAN4 1 

Department of Archaeology, Winchester University, UK 2  Den Haag, The Netherlands 3  School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh 4  French University in Egypt, Cairo, Egypt

Kafr Hassan Dawood (KHD) is the largest known early cemetery in Lower Egypt outside the Memphite region, containing 769 Late Predynastic, Protodynastic and Early Dynastic graves. Since the original excavations in the 1980s-90s, the analysis of the archival material has been taking place. The earliest tentatively dated graves are those of KHD II (c. 3400– 3300 BCE) and the latest KHD VII (2nd Dynasty, ca. 2800 to 2750 BCE), although the process of dating all graves is still on-going. Several overview articles have been published on the site (Hassan et al. 2000; 2003), along with more detailed studies, such as the geology of the site (Hamdan 2003), bioarchaeology (Tucker 2003), potmarks (Tassie et al. 2008; 2017) and distribution of copper and other objects (Rowland 2014). Indeed, the amount of copper at KHD sets it apart from other (East) Delta cemetery sites (Rowland 2014; Tassie & van Wetering 2003; van Wetering & Tassie 2003). There also seem to be close ties between the Wadi Tumilat and the Sinai as well as the Memphite region in regard to the copper exchange network (Hassan et al. 2015). There are a number of burials, which due to the grave size and architecture and/or their grave good assemblage might be considered as wealthier than the typical burials of the community. By looking at the distribution of the copper objects, make-up palettes, jewellery, imported vessels and other indicators of social differentiation, this study assesses elite formation at KHD and wealth distribution within the funerary landscape of this community. This is then assessed against the general developments in the political landscape at the end of the Protodynastic and the beginning of 1st Dynasty, when Egypt under the Thinite rulers coalesced into a large complex polity, which may be regarded as the first nation state.

Introduction Located in the Wadi Tumilat, in the south-eastern Nile Delta (see Fig. 1), Kafr Hassan Dawood is situated outside the main cluster of (northern) East Delta sites, which include Tell el-Farkha, Tell es-Samara and Kufur Nigm. Its excavation, firstly by the Canal Zone Inspectorate under the directorship of Mohamed elHangouri and then from 1995 to 1999 by a combined team from the SCA and University College London, led by Fekri A. Hassan (Hassan 2000; Hassan et al. 2003) resulted in a significant amount of data (see Fig. 2). The on-going analysis of the site archives has resulted in adjustments in the amount of graves found at the site. This is largely due to the analysis of the

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Fig. 1. Map of the Wadi Tumilat.

Fig. 2. KHD excavation squares.

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Late Period to Late Antique graves (Tassie & Hassan 2017), which has provided greater clarity on not only the amount of graves, but the overall chronological development of the site. The total amount of graves is now 1,121: 769 Predynastic to Early Dynastic and 352 Late Period to Late Antique graves.1 Of the 769 graves, 275 (35.8%) were found with no grave goods, 209 (27.2%) were found with symbolic potsherds or non-diagnostic pottery, and 285 (37%) with datable grave goods.2 The analysis of the pottery corpus has resulted in the site being divided into seven main chronological divisions, ranging from KHD I (3500 to 3400 BCE) to KHD VII (2800 to 2750 BCE). Recent analyses by Rowland (2014) and Hassan et al. (2015) indicate that rather than simply growing chronologically from north to south, there were various zones within the cemetery. Although there are KHD VII graves in the south of the site, and KHD I graves are only suspected in the far north, the spatio-temporal growth of the cemetery was far more complex (see below). After the initial age and sexing of the burials conducted by T.L. Tucker and S. Hillson (Tucker 2003), further analysis has been conducted by L.S. Owens; the results of this will be published in a forthcoming publication, although some of this research is incorporated in this paper. Now that a significant amount of the data has been analysed, it is enabling the team to investigate certain research questions, such as: when does a significant social change become apparent at KHD, meaning a change in the amount, size and wealth of graves, is there a change in location and type of the wealthier burials (grave architecture and/or grave good assemblage)? Do the large mudlined graves 913 and 970 fit into the local evolution pattern or are they outside of it? If outside of local evolution, do the grave owners belong to the KHD community or were they external, transplanted into the KHD community by the Thinite polity? Is there a correlation between Thinite presence in the Sinai, represented by the serekhs of Iry-Hor, Ka, and Narmer at Wadi Ameyra (el-Markha, central western Sinai) (Tallet & Laisney 2012) and the route to Suez via the Wadi Tumilat, meaning did the 1st Dynasty expeditions travel to the Sinai overland via the Wadi Tumilat or did they sail across the Red Sea (Tallet 2010)? Determining social status in a funerary context and identifying elite burials Throughout the Predynastic and Protodynastic increasing social complexity and social hierarchy can be observed. Hereditary lineages developed in local polities, with the Thinite family out of Abydos eventually going on to rule the 1 New excavations in the southern part of the Western Cemetery were undertaken in Spring 2018 by the Ismailia Antiquities Zone Inspectorate (IAZI), directed by Rezq Diab. A new cooperation between the University of Winchester and the IAZI will commence in 2019. 2 In Rowland 2014 only 233 graves had been dated, the on-going analysis has added 52 graves to this total and allowed for further refinements to the chronology.

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first nation state during the reign of Narmer. In the Protodynastic there was an ideology that explained and justified the hierarchical administrative organisation and socio-political inequality (Tassie 2011; Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2012). To examine this process of increasing social differentiation in Egypt there have been many studies (Griswold 1992; Hassan & Kroeper 1992; 2004; Bard 1994; Savage 2000; Smith 2002; Rowland 2004; 2007; Stevenson 2009; Castillos 2011; Ormeling 2017), most of which have been based on mortuary practices. The processual approach, whereby the amount of energy expended (Tainter 1978) on the grave form and content is regarded as reflecting the status or identity of the deceased individual or that simply forms an index for social ranking has been challenged by post-processual archaeologists (Parker Pearson 1999: 75; Stevenson 2009: 180). There is a move to go beyond examining just the socio-economic aspects and look at other social traits, such as the role of mourners in the funerary rites and their relationship to the grave goods and the deceased, to view the funeral performances as part of the creation of social memories and collective histories; occasions to cement relationships (Stevenson 2009; Tassie 2010). As such, the funeral ceremonies and provisioning of the grave can be just as much a reflection of the status of those burying the deceased as that of the individual being buried. The status of an individual is based on a certain style of life, which is maintained and expressed through shared living and eating arrangements, privileged access to power, wealth and prestige goods, kinship ties, and intra-group marriages (Parker Pearson 1999: 83). The direct correlation between the individual and everything placed in the grave cannot be substantiated, despite past attempts to do so. Although the deceased individual may have used certain of the grave goods in life, other items were obviously never used in life, and the symbolism of these objects at this date is not clearly known. One such item was found in Grave 970, an Egyptian alabaster tall cylindrical beaker (KHD2002), which was found inside another Egyptian alabaster tall cylindrical beaker (KHD2000), for it still had powder on the surface from its manufacture, indicating that it had never been used. These two vessels were found in the same cluster as KHD2012, another tall cylindrical beaker of Egyptian alabaster that had its base possibly purposefully cut off in antiquity and stuck back on with gypsum. Purposefully is suggested, given that other objects at KHD and in other cemeteries appear to have been broken and then the pieces laid in the grave next to each other (Savage 2000: 84). Another vessel with signs of use wear is the ceramic cooking pot stand (KHD0050), which was found with soot around is lower parts (Tassie 2010). Within graves, particularly those with a large amount of grave goods, a mixture of items that had never been used, possibly made for the purpose, items that had been used in life, and gifts from the mourners can all be found. Although the individual can be recognised as the basis for the choice of grave goods, not everything found within a grave

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necessarily referenced their individual identity or was the personal property of the deceased during their life time (Stevenson 2009: 181). As Rowland (2004: 998) notes, there may be elements of the funerary ritual that highlighted the status of the individual that are simply not able to be recovered archaeologically. Some of these aspects of the funerary ritual are depicted on later tomb scenes within the chapels of Old Kingdom tombs (Harpur 1987) or are mentioned in the Pyramid Texts (Allen 2015: 4–5). There were broad regional traditions in mortuary practices, but there were certain structuring principals that guided the Lower Egyptian burial ceremonies, and from which local traditions emerged (Stevenson 2009: 178). Within a local community context elite individuals set themselves apart with an atypical status, be it ‘wealthier’ or better provisioned tombs than typical graves (greater access to resources) or through spatial differentiation (separated area within the cemetery) or through architecture. To analyse the elite (internally), the common or typical segment of the community must be understood so that atypical behaviour of specific members of that community can be recognised. The elite at a small village level is not the same as the elite at the large city or capital level (despite using the same terminology). Therefore, an elite status at KHD, presumably a village on the periphery (be it with special access to specific resources) cannot ipso facto be compared with an elite status at Helwan, Naqada (Nubt) or Hierakonpolis (Nekhen), all core places of incipient polities, despite the contemporaneity of the persons in question. As such, the size and style of the largest graves at Minshat Abu Omar (MAO) or KHD reflect not only regional differences but the provincial nature of these two cemeteries when compared to contemporary tombs found at Helwan or Saqqara. The spatio-temporal development of the KHD cemetery Various types of graves have been found at KHD, ranging from simple oval or rectangular pit burials, through larger oval and rectangular pit burials, to mud-lined graves, chambered tombs, and large mud-lined chambered tombs with a tumulus over them and offering shrines (van Wetering & Tassie 2003). The small oval (or rectangular) graves were generally 1.10 × 0.80 × 0.50 m, and these were usually found with few or no grave good (see Fig. 3 left). These small graves make up the majority of those found in the cemetery (Rowland 2014: 274). The burials were all in the flexed position and the most common burial orientation is head north facing east, although several other variations also existed. These small graves had a low tumulus as a superstructure, constructed of sand and gravel, marking their place in the landscape.3 Over time 3 These collapsed tumuli spread out covering a larger area than their original dimensions, and during excavation were recorded as discrete layers of sand and gravel over several of the smaller graves.

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Fig. 3. Left: The simple pit grave Gr. 958; right: Grave 962 with coffin 11.

these tumuli collapsed, although very few of the early graves were truncated by later Predynastic to Early Dynastic graves. This lack of interference with earlier burials indicates that a remnant of the tumulus remained visible as a focus for the community, acting as a mnemonic to remind people of the ancestors, or that the locations were held in the memory of the community. For the first 200 years this cemetery appears to have been small, the next 300 years saw the pinnacle of its development, and the last 100 its decline. The larger the substructure, the larger the superstructure, those for the large mud-lined graves 913 and 970 would have been particularly striking, and would have formed a focal point in the landscape, and the tumulus, or gravel mound above Gr. 970 was easily observed during its excavation (Hassan et al. 2015). There were 18 multiple primary inhumations,4 in the case of Gr. 166 there were 9 inhumations in the same grave. Generally multiple inhumations consisted of two or three bodies in the same grave. These bodies could be of adult individuals of the same sex, such as Gr. 842 that has two females, one with the 4 Gr. 48, Gr. 65, Gr. 93, Gr. 124, Gr. 166, Gr. 296, Gr. 534, Gr. 546, Gr. 562, Gr. 563, Gr. 580, Gr. 581, Gr. 602, Gr. 716, Gr. 719, Gr. 842, Gr. 1001/3, Gr. 1027.

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head north facing west, and the other head south facing up; no clear consistency was observable when all multiple burials were examined. Two graves indicate crowding in the cemetery: Gr. 849 and Gr. 1015. These graves were secondary multiple interments, where the disarticulated bones had been purposefully arranged in what appears to have been a respectful manner. This may have occurred when a large grave from a later period was dug into earlier graves, necessitating the reburial of the skeletal remains and grave goods. Gr. 181, a small oval grave, appears to have been deliberately dug into the edges of the larger better equipped Gr. 184, which suggests a deliberate wish for this smaller grave to be associated with either the individual(s) buried in Gr. 184, or an associated social group. Certain small graves consisting of no to one or two grave goods are so tightly clustered that they cut the edges of one another, such as Gr. 109 and Gr. 149, and Gr. 45, Gr. 71, Gr. 72 and Gr. 74. This may suggest some form of kin association. The only receptacles used to place the body in were oval to round ceramic coffins.5 Five of the 11 coffins were found associated with a few grave goods: C. 3, 4, 5, 6 and C. 13, which has allowed a provisional date of KHD Va–VI for the use of ceramic coffins (see Fig. 3 right). This date correlates well with the rectangular ceramic coffins found at Tell el-Murra, which have been dated to Naq. III (Jucha 2017: 193, fig. 14), although the oval ceramic coffins found at Dayr Abu Hinnis (Vanthuyne 2017) and Nuwayrat (Garstang 1907: 27, fig. 15) have been dated to 3rd Dynasty. This use of oval ceramic coffins is just one of the signs of regionalism, as rectangular ceramic coffins, such as those found at Kufur Nigm, Minshat Abu Omar, Tell el-Farkha, Tell Ibrahim Awad, and Tell el-Murra seem to be quite normal for the northeast Delta, but do not appear at KHD (Rowland 2014: 274). Other burials may have been wrapped in reed matting or skins, but no traces of these organic coverings have survived, certainly the burials have been badly affected by the rising and falling water table. What is apparent, is that some of the burials are so tightly contracted that they may have been bound (Tucker 2003). The treatment of the dead could be an elongated process, rather than a discrete event. Although the processes can only be surmised from the material left behind, it cannot be ruled out that some basic form of mummification was being undertaken.6 To understand the developments that occurred at the local level, the temporal units used are at a small scale. These units were divided based on the spatial distribution of objects within the cemetery, combined with evolution of the pottery classes and types of objects and correlation with other published Lower Egyptian cemetery sites, such as Minshat Abu Omar (Kroeper 1986–7; Kroeper 5 Gr. 163 [C. 13], Gr. 356 [C. 2], Gr. 528 [C. 3], Gr. 562 [C. 4], Gr. 719 [C. 5], Gr. 730 [C. 6], Gr. 816 [C. 7], Gr. 817 [C. 8], Gr. 818 [C. 9], Gr. 962 [C. 11], Gr. 1025 [C. 12]. 6 Jones et al. (2014) suggest a possible earliest date for mummification in the Neolithic.

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& Wildung 1994; 2000) and Tell el-Farkha (Jucha 2012). The seven main chronological divisions at KHD cover the period 3500 BCE to 2750 BCE (see Tab. 1). The amount of graves in each chronological division varies widely, but gives a distinct temporal pattern. As Chapman (2005: 28–38) observes, it is better to tie the relative chronology to an absolute chronology, by either dating the skeletal remains, or associated grave goods. As the organic preservation at KHD did not allow this, or other scientific analyses (e.g. aDNA), the relative chronology has been used so that the material from KHD can be compared with other regional sites. The date for the end of KHD VI and start of KHD VII is fixed by the dating of a tephra rich layer that is stratigraphically higher than the layers from which the 1st Dynasty graves were dug from. This tephra, from the Agnano Monte-Spina eruption in the Campi Flegrei caldera of southern Italy is dated 2878–2576 Cal BCE, and indicates a mid to late 2nd Dynasty date for KHD VII (Hassan et al. 2015: 75). The main phases in which burials seem to be clustered are: KHD IV (Naq. IIIB), Va (IIIC1) Vb (IIIC2) and VI (IIID1). This is the period in which the KHD community, or rather some individuals within it seem to have become wealthier possibly due to interregional exchange; it is the period during which the most well provisioned, largest and most elaborate graves cluster (Rowland 2014; Hassan et al. 2015). It must be noted that the KHD II–III graves are underrepresented in the cemetery, although it is likely more are present in the unexcavated northern part. The KHD VII burials are also underrepresented, but it may be possible to identify more graves from this period as the stratigraphic analysis progresses, due to their being dug from a higher strata. The spatio-temporal analysis does not seem to indicate that the KHD cemetery served a number of communities along the southern edge of the Wadi Tumilat. Instead there seems to be a very coherent development within three areas of the cemetery, which can in all probability be connected to the status differentiation within a single community (that resided within the nearby settlement). The spatio-temporal development is further complicated by in-filling of various areas of the cemetery by later graves. It should be stressed that the cemetery as we know it is part of a much larger cemetery, the known graves occupy an area (north to south, square 106 to square 97) that is as large as the area, presumably filled with graves that we do not know (north to south, square 140 to square 106). The suspected KHD I burials are located in the far north of the site. These burial outlines were found during a test pit survey of this area conducted in 1999, but were not fully excavated. It is possible to hypothesise that several of the burials without grave goods date to the KHD I phase if burial orientation could be taken as a good indicator. Orientations in Lower Egypt during the Naqada II phase generally start to turn from head south to head north facing east, albeit with greater variation, possibly reflecting less ideological cohesion (Debono and Mortenson

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Table 1. Chronology of Upper and Lower Egypt. The chronological divisions follow Hendrickx 1996; 1999; 2006; Köhler 2004; Smythe 2004; 2008. The later phases (IV and V) were suggested by Köhler 2004, as no break in the general cultural sequence could be discerned.

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1988: 46; Dębowska-Ludwin 2014: passim).7 However, this is far from consistent, and cannot be taken as sufficient evidence. During the KHD II phase three status-related areas developed that continued to expand (albeit not in a linear north to south development) throughout KHD III to VI. It would seem likely that initially there were empty zones between these status-related areas of the cemetery, which could be filled in by later graves. This spatially status-differentiated development supports the observation that KHD was a ranked community (Rowland 2003: 372) already during KHD II. Similar to MAO, there are gaps or large empty spaces in the cemetery, most noticeably the area to the northwest of Gr. 913, and around Gr. 371. As Kroeper (2004: 867) suggests, there may have been chapels erected in these locations. As no evidence for these chapels was discovered, they may have been made from organic material, which would not survive well in the Nile Delta, particularly given the high water table at KHD, although a higher than average potsherd count could indicate its presence. The high status tombs at Kafr Hassan Dawood Based on grave architecture, amount and type of grave goods, and location within the cemetery, approximately 10% of the burials have been identified as reflecting a higher socio-economic standing than was average for the KHD mortuary population. These can be sub-divided again into various classes with an ever decreasing amount of graves per ranked division and also into chronological divisions. A short description follows of the most representative graves from each chronological division, which ranges from KHD II to KHD VII. The large graves at KHD probably belonged to leaders of kin groups, possibly those from founding families, which could include those of the local headsman or woman of the village (Rowland 2003: 347–348). The Lower Egyptian cultural traditions still seem to be prevalent in the KHD II phase, less so in KHD III, as such large amounts of objects were not expected to be found in these graves; this changes from KHD IV onwards. Small graves with no or only a few grave goods shows similarity with the development at Minshat Abu Omar during MAO-I and possibly MAO-II. KHD II ~ Naq. IID: Late Predynastic There is only a small sample attributable to this phase (Fig. 4), it would seem that the cemetery consisted of three status-related areas: the western part of the cemetery with small-medium pit graves – low-middle status members of the 7 There are a number of burials in the northern part of the cemetery that have no grave goods and are orientated with the head southward, facing west. These may predate KHD II, which are predominately orientated with head north, facing east.

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Fig. 4. Plan showing the distribution of KHD IIa and IIb graves.

community (graves 228, 211, 209, and 144 – the latter might give the southern extent of this part of the cemetery), the central part of the cemetery with medium-large pit graves – mid to high status members of the community (graves 344 and 556), and the eastern part of the cemetery with medium pit graves – mid status members of the community (graves 723 and 650 – the latter may give the southern extent of this part of the cemetery). It would seem likely

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that a number of the graves without grave goods date to this phase (taking the gap between grave 144 and graves 132, 209, and 211 into consideration). Grave 344: is located in the central part of the cemetery (Sq. 42). It is a semi-rectangular pit grave measuring 2.0 × 1.2 × 0.73 m, with 2 pottery vessels. It stands out against all other graves of this phase due to its sheer size, although the limited sample hampers comprehensive analysis. The difference between Gr. 344 and all other graves is significant, also its location and isolation within the cemetery underlines its status as an elite grave. One of the two vessels present in the grave is large and very fragmented, seemingly placed at a higher level; the position of the body indicates that there was a significant empty space within the grave that may imply a more extensive original grave good assemblage. As Mączyńska (2013: 90) notes ‘the graves differed in terms of size and depth, which correlated to the amount of grave offerings’, meaning for the Maadi-Buto period a clear correlation between size and ‘richness’ is attested; a similar correlation is attested in Upper Egypt. KHD III ~ Naq. IIIA: Early Protodynastic There is continuation during this phase (Fig. 5) of the pattern of the previous phase with small-medium graves in the western part of the cemetery but in all probability filling in the area already in use during KHD II; as all these graves are north of KHD II Gr. 144. The two largest graves of this phase, Gr. 386 and Gr. 303, are situated in the central-western part of the cemetery, to the west of KHD II Gr. 344. At present, a single medium sized grave is attested in the eastern part of the cemetery. The small sample makes it likely that graves of this phase are among the undated graves and also may have been located in the northern part of the cemetery. Grave 116 is located in the western part of the cemetery (Sq. 20). It is an oval pit grave measuring 0.9 × 0.65 × 0.53 m, containing 3 ceramic vessels. Grave 386 is located in the central-western part of the cemetery (Sq. 31). This rectangular pit grave measures 2.2 × 1.55 × 1.2 m with 10 pottery vessels. It might possibly be identified as an elite grave based on its size and rectangular shape. It could belong to a member of the ruling elite8 but its location might also indicate it was a non-ruling member of the community who was able to display a middle-high status. Equally speculative is the interrelation of Gr. 386 with nearby Gr. 303, a medium, rectangular grave with a ‘wealthy’ grave assemblage, which may form a kin/entourage cluster, known later from KHD IV or it may be coincidental that these two smaller graves are situated near a larger grave. The empty space within it may be indicative of it having been robbed. Although ceramic vessels are attested, there were no stone vessels or copper objects. 8 Ruling elite refers to a member of the local headsman or woman’s family or local kin group leaders.

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Fig. 5. Plan showing the distribution of KHD III graves.

KHD IV ~ Naq. IIIB-C1: Late Protodynastic This phase (Fig. 6) is much more extensively represented within the cemetery than previous phases, there seems to be continuation of the pattern of previous phases, but there also seem to be new developments. A total of 12 tombs can be considered as being of higher social ranking in this period. Only one of

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Fig. 6. Plan showing the distribution of KHD IV graves.

these tombs was mud-lined (see Fig. 7 right), the two chambered tomb Gr. 547. The majority of graves of this phase are situated in the western part of the cemetery, with small-medium graves and large graves appearing in this part of the cemetery indicating a wider wealth distribution within the community. Several large graves are situated within the central part of the cemetery, some in the southern area (in all probability new ground, free of earlier graves) and

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Fig. 7. Left: Plan of Gr. 1008; right: Plan of Gr. 547.

within the area already occupied by earlier graves, continuing the pattern seen previously. Three, possibly four of these large graves in the central part of the cemetery seem to have a cluster of smaller contemporary graves around them (as already highlighted by the spatial analysis, Rowland 2003: 347) that may have belonged to kin/family members or to members of an entourage (so-called kin/entourage clusters), which may be a new development of KHD IV. The location of graves 332, 346 (with a cluster of at least 4 smaller graves around it) and 1008 (with a cluster of at least 2 smaller graves, possibly 4 smaller graves around it) within the cemetery in use during previous phases seems to indicate the presence of unoccupied space. Graves 332 and 346 are situated in close proximity to Gr. 344 (KHD IIb), which may be a legitimization activity (see Rowland 2003: 348, 355, 372). A number of medium graves are located in the eastern part of the cemetery, a continuation of the pattern of previous phases. Grave 142, located in the western part of the cemetery, is indicative of the new wealth in this part of the cemetery, its size and grave good assemblage (including at least 23 pottery vessels, 1 stone vessel and at least 4 copper alloy objects, including a chisel, adze and a spearhead) identifies its occupant as elite (exemplified by the status difference between this grave and nearby small Gr. 112). Empty space within the grave may be indicative of robbing. There are 6 large to very large graves located in the central part of the cemetery, which can based on location, size and grave goods be identified as elite

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(order by increased size/volume of the grave, underlined graves have a kin/ entourage cluster): graves 332, 346, 523, 535, 547, and 1008. Grave 1008 is located in the north central part of the cemetery (Sq. 105). This oval grave measures 2.30 × 1.70 × 0.8 m, and contained 17 pottery vessels (including a scalloped jar with a serekh of Sekhem/Ka) (Fig. 7 left). The grave also contained 1 Egyptian alabaster vessel, 1 limonite beaker, 8 faience cones, 1 deliberately broken copper adze, a rectangular siltstone palette, and 3 beads of semi-precious stones. Grave 547 is located in the central part of the cemetery (Sq. 63). This rectangular mud-lined tomb of 3.0 × 2.0 × 1.0 m has two chambers, with the northern most being the burial chamber (Fig. 7 right). The grave goods consist of 17 pottery vessels, 4 Egyptian alabaster vessels, 2 diorite bowls, 1 chert blade, and a deliberately broken copper alloy adze. KHD Va ~ Naq. IIIC1: Early First Dynasty This phase (Fig. 8) shows a continuation of the pattern of previous phases with large/very large/exceptionally large graves (with associated smaller graves: kin/entourage cluster) located in the central part of the cemetery. Some of these are now located in the southern area (new ground not previously in use), with others in filling empty spaces among the occupied area. A general pattern is small/medium/large graves in the western part of the cemetery and medium/ large graves in the eastern part. The total of higher status tombs increases to 25, with five being mud-lined, including three chambered tombs: Gr. 529, Gr. 601, and Gr. 890 (see Fig. 9 right). One large mud-filled grave: 913. Five very large graves, each with a cluster of smaller contemporary graves around them, can be identified as elite: Gr. 371 with smaller graves 716, 719 and possibly 772, 717, 787 (although these might also be seen as medium/large graves of the eastern part of the cemetery). Gr. 379 with smaller graves 357, 376, 1061 and possibly 358, 380, and 381. Gr. 529 with smaller graves 309, 531, and 537. Gr. 913 with 890, 856, 968 and possibly 954, 946, 955 and 969 as a very large and spatially extensive kin/entourage cluster. Gr. 1041 with graves 1021 and 1024 located around it is a small entourage or kin group. Grave 371 is located in the east central part of the cemetery (Sq. 44). This rectangular grave measures 4.40 × 1.90 × 1.2 m and was furnished with 25 pottery vessels (Fig. 9 left). Other grave goods include 8 Egyptian alabaster vessels, 1 siltstone plate, 1 siltstone bowl, 1 copper alloy fishing hook, 9 copper alloy chisels (4 bent probably from use), 1 copper alloy spear tip, 3 copper alloy harpoons, 2 copper alloy awls, and 3 copper alloy adzes, one deliberately broken. Grave 601 is located in the east central part of the cemetery (Sq. 70). This rectangular mud-lined tomb of 3.0 × 1.8 × 1.35 m has four chambers, with the central one being the burial chamber (Fig. 9 right). The grave goods consisted

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Fig. 8. Plan showing the distribution of KHD Va graves.

of 10 pottery vessels, 8 Egyptian alabaster vessels, 2 diorite bowls, 1 siltstone bowl, 1 siltstone make-up palette, and 1 granite siltstone palette. There are a number of graves that present themselves as anomalies: Graves 73, 172 and 277 are all located in the western part of the cemetery, all of a small/medium size but with grave goods that set these graves apart; higher status display, indicative of the increased wealth distribution within the KHD community.

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Fig. 9. Left: Plan of Gr. 371; right: Plan of Gr. 601.

Grave 300, located in the central part of the cemetery, is a small/medium grave that does not seem to be a sub-grave within a cluster around a large grave. It might be the case that the grave-owner specifically situated his/her grave near an ancestral grave; generally no non-associated graves can be recognised in the central part of the cemetery. It is interesting to ask the question if ‘special permission’ was needed by the grave-owner or if specific (non-ruling) members of the community could have the agency to construct their graves in this area of the cemetery. Grave 550 is located in the central part of the cemetery, it is too small to be identified as ruling elite, whereas its location and the presence of a clustering of smaller graves around it would seem to suggest such identification. Could this grave belong to a close relative of a community leader who was accorded the special honour of a separate grave (near Gr. 529) with smaller entourage graves around it (graves 542 and 549)? KHD Vb ~ Naq. IIIC2: Mid-Late 1st Dynasty This phase (Fig. 10) continues the pattern of previous phases with small/ medium/large graves in the western part of the cemetery (including a number of wealthy ones), 3 large/exceptionally large graves in the central part with smaller contemporary graves around them as well as small/medium/large graves that do not seem to be associated with larger graves, and medium/large/

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Fig. 10. Plan showing the distribution of KHD Vb graves.

very large graves in the eastern part of the cemetery. 23 higher status tombs are recorded for this phase, which includes one mud-lined chambered tomb: Gr. 714 (see Fig. 11 right), and one exceptionally large mud-filled grave: 970. Both the western part and the eastern part of the cemetery have graves that are either large and/or have a grave goods assemblage that sets them apart

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Fig. 11. Left: Plan of Gr. 158; right: Plan of Gr. 714.

(making it a ‘rich’ grave or having one or more special objects), further underlining the continued wealth distribution within the KHD community (as already shown in the previous two phases). The non-associated graves in the central part of the cemetery (932, 530 and possibly 555, 568 [although these may belong to the cluster around Gr. 307], 904, and 906 is significantly more than in phases KHD IV–Va) may, like Gr. 300 (KHD Va), be placed specifically near an ancestral grave (see above). The large amount of non-associated graves seems to be indicative of an accepted character of a new tradition (started during KHD Va, see above). At least three very large/exceptionally large graves with smaller graves clustered around them can be recognised: graves 298, 307 and 970. As argued below, graves 913 and 970 represent a special development within the KHD cemetery/community and thus, in all probability, graves 307 and 298 can be seen as a continuation of the pre-Gr. 913 development of elite graves (with kin/ entourage clusters). Grave 158 is located in the west central part of the cemetery (Sq. 22). This rectangular grave measures 2.30 × 1.45 × 1.3 m and was furnished with 27 pottery vessels (Fig. 11 left). Other grave goods include 1 Egyptian alabaster plate, 1 siltstone dish, 1 copper alloy bowl, 2 copper alloy dishes, and 1 rectangular siltstone make-up palette. Grave 714 is located in the east central part of the cemetery (Sq. 77). This rectangular mud-lined tomb of 2.62 × 1.26 × 0.95 m has two chambers, with

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the northern most being the burial chamber (Fig. 11 right). The grave goods consist of 11 pottery vessels, 3 Egyptian alabaster vessels, and 2 siltstone plates. KHD VI ~ Naq. IIID1: Late 1st Dynasty/Early 2nd Dynasty Graves of this phase (Fig. 12) seem again to be underrepresented (at least in the central part of the cemetery). This period sees the number of high status tombs drop to 16, which includes six mud-lined tombs, four of them chambered tombs: Gr. 233, Gr. 538, Gr. 559, and Gr. 834. During this period the only mud-brick tomb found at KHD was built: Gr. 84 (Fig. 13 right). At present only a single very large grave with a smaller grave possibly positioned deliberately in close proximity to it, can be recognised (in the central part of the cemetery): Gr. 888 (situated very close to Gr. 913) with the smaller grave 1004 nearby. The similarity of grave architecture with the nearby graves 823 and the smaller 827 is striking and may indicate that Gr. 888 is not a ruling elite grave or it may indicate that both graves 888 and 823 are ruling elite graves (but in this case the latter is in an atypical location). Suffice to say that if Gr. 1004, and possibly Gr. 827, are part of a kin/entourage cluster, this practice seems to be in decline. Small, medium, large, and very large graves are situated in the western part of the cemetery, including a few very large graves in the older area of the cemetery: 231 and 233, and a very large grave is situated in the southern area of the western part of the cemetery: Gr. 823 (see above). Grave 84 seems to represent the south-western extent of the cemetery as it seems clear that graves are petering out in this area. The medium-sized grave 91 and small grave 86 are located just to the north of Gr. 84. Within the westward expansion of graves (Sqs. 1–10) may be graves dated to this phase but this area of the western part of the cemetery is very poorly understood and must await further confirmation. Medium and large graves are also located in the eastern part of the cemetery; the amount of undated graves in the Sqs. 84, 76, and 75, as well as the eastern edge being the current limit of excavation strongly suggests the cemetery continued eastward (mirroring the westward expansion – Sqs. 1–10). Grave 233 is located in the northwest central part of the cemetery (Sq. 33). This rectangular mud-lined tomb of 3.35 × 1.35 × 0.9 m has three chambers, with the central one being the burial chamber (Fig. 13 left). The grave goods consist of 27 pottery vessels, and 2 Egyptian alabaster vessels. Grave 84 is located in the far south-west of the cemetery (Sq. 16). This mudbrick tomb measures 1.70 × 1.30 × 0.79 m (Fig. 13 right). The grave goods consist of 17 pottery vessels, 2 Egyptian alabaster vessels, 2 diorite bowls, 1 siltstone bowl, 2 siltstone plates, a rectangular siltstone make-up palette with a stepped edge rim, a bifacial flaked knife, 1 agate bead, 1 faience bead and a schist Horus amulet. It is at present the only grave within the KHD cemetery

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Fig. 12. Plan showing the distribution of KHD VI graves.

with mud-brick architecture. Is this a case of emulation of outside practices that did not fit well with the traditions of the community and thus was not adapted by the ruling elite or non-ruling elite (as grave 84 is a medium/large grave)? It is possible that more mud-brick graves are present in the western extent of the cemetery, but this awaits further investigation. Irrespective of the presence of mud-brick graves in this area, the lack of ruling elite graves with mud-brick

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Fig. 13. Left: Plan of Gr. 233; right: Plan of Gr. 84.

architecture (including the two exceptionally large ones: 913 and 970) seems significant. This may be attributed to regional variation as dictated by river branches, meaning mud-brick was not used along the Wadi Tumilat in the southern East Delta. The traditions of the KHD community may have been so persistent that the ruling elite did not emulate a widespread development in the use of mud-brick as can be seen for funerary monuments elsewhere in the East Delta. KHD. VII ~ Naq. IIID2: 2nd Dynasty The seemingly incomplete understanding (4 small-medium graves scattered among older graves, but at a higher elevation) of the cemetery during this phase makes a spatio-temporal analysis insignificant. KHD VII graves are in all probability strongly under-represented in the cemetery as it would seem likely that graves of this phase are: (1) among the undated graves of the western area, Sqs 1–10; (2) possibly situated in the eastward expansion of the cemetery (east of Sqs 80/76/75); and (3) possibly situated in the southeast expansion of cemetery (southeast of Sqs 96, 114, 116, 71, 73, 75). It would seem that the main body of graves of this phase have not yet been located or the community was in pronounced decline during this phase. The few remaining members of the community (others having moved away to distant locations making it impossible to continue use of the ancestral cemetery) being buried

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within the older areas of the cemetery and there being no ruling elite graves anymore (as none can at present be recognised for this phase). Grave 913 (KHD Va) and Grave 970 (KHD Vb) are the two largest graves in the cemetery and are described in detail in Hassan et al. (2015). These two 6.0 × 4.0 × 1.0 m mud-lined graves are located in the south central part of the cemetery and the objects had been placed in particular zones and then mud poured over them (see Hassan et al. 2015: figs. 5–8). Grave 913 is in all probability to be placed towards the end of the KHD Va sequence and Gr. 970 at the beginning of the Vb sequence. Gr. 913 had 88 pottery vessels, 28 Egyptian alabaster vessels, 7 siltstone vessels, 1 porphyry bowl, 1 copper alloy bowl, 1 bifacial knife with an integral handle, a chert blade, a siltstone bracelet, 2 necklaces of beads of semi-precious stones, 3 unidentified pieces of copper alloy, and a copper alloy adze. Gr. 970 was furnished with 68 pottery vessels, 7 Egyptian alabaster vessels, 1 diorite bowl, 2 siltstone plates, 1 piece of a red jasper bowl, 1 bifacial knife with an integral handle, 2 shell beads, 1 agate bead, 2 cylindrical siltstone beads, 1 Egyptian alabaster bracelet, 1 chert bracelet, 1 siltstone bracelet, 2 pieces of copper alloy wire, 2 chunks of limestone, and a chert blade. One reason for the discrepancy in the amount of grave goods between the two tombs is that a large robbers’ trench was found over the burial space of Gr. 970, indicating that many of the higher status items were stolen. These two graves had several smaller graves located around them. Both originally had large tumuli over them making them stand out in the mortuary landscape. The micro-climate in the large mud-lined tombs was not conducive to the preservation of skeletal material, with only very badly preserved human remains being retrieved from Gr. 559 (head west, facing north), Gr. 601 (head west, facing north), Gr. 714 (head north, facing east), Gr. 956 (head north, facing east) and Gr. 913 (head pointing west, facing north-east). All these individuals were adult, but the sex could not be discerned. Much better preservation was generally found in the simple pit graves such as Gr. 958 (Fig. 3 left), or the large wellfurnished pit graves such as Gr. 260 (Fig. 14), which is one of the most well provided graves in the cemetery. The larger mud-lined graves were also a target for tomb-robbers, which also had a deleterious effect on the skeletal remains. Graves such as Gr. 1008, with a more diverse range of objects, particularly those obtained outside the local area, such as copper alloy objects, different types of stone, various types of beads and shells indicate links to the interregional exchange network of exotic substances and possibly specialist knowledge. Graves such as 386, which only has 10 ceramic vessels and no other types of objects, points to relationships of production and consumption of locally produced consumables (Stevenson 2009). The cemetery seems to be zoned into status-determined areas: with the western part of the cemetery having the largest amount of small graves besides

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Fig. 14. The large well furnished pit grave Gr. 260.

medium graves (from KHD II onwards), indicating a low-middle status for the grave-owners (over time, when the community flourished and wealth distribution across the community increased, larger wealthier graves appeared in this area). The eastern part of the cemetery having less small graves but consistently medium-large graves (from KHD II onwards) indicates a middle status for the grave-owners. The central part of the cemetery has the largest graves of each phase, as well as the only part of the cemetery where kin/entourage cluster are present, this part of the cemetery can in all probability be assigned to the community’s ruling elite (members of the community with the highest status) (see also Rowland 2003: 372). The earliest such grave is 344 (KHD IIb) and the latest examples are graves 307 and 298, both KHD Vb (unless Gr. 888 (KHD VI) is identified as ruling elite, which is not evident, see above). These status-determined areas of the cemetery seem to have been organised spatially during the early phase (KHD II and earlier) as well as having empty zones between the areas, allowing later graves to be created in between early graves and around these three distinct areas. At the present stage of analysis, although a general north-south temporal development can be detected in some respects, there are graves of each phase being built on unused areas to the south, however, there are also older areas of the cemetery being constantly reused.

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Prestige and symbolic objects Over the course of the Predynastic and into the Early Dynastic Period, many objects that originally only had a utilitarian use took on a symbolic meaning. Some of these became prestige or power items, such as ceremonial maceheads, ceremonial palettes, or large bifacial knives. Apart from the ceremonial objects found at Minshat Ezzat (El-Baghdadi 2003) the temple/ritual deposits of Tell Ibrahim Awad (van Haarlem 2014) and Tell el-Farkha (Ciałowicz 2007; 2012), these items are generally not found at provincial Delta sites. Inscribed funerary stelae are again usually absent from Delta sites, but occur at sites such as Helwan and Saqqara (Köhler & Jones 2009). At these provincial cemeteries the most prestigious objects were bifacial knives of usual size, copper alloy items, gold items, make-up palettes, stone vessels, and beads of semi-precious stones (i.e. Baghdadi 2008; Kroeper 1992; 1996; 2004). Other imported items also appear to have been held, for example objects such as Red Sea shells or wines and oils from the Levant (Guyot 2008). These exchange networks including material but also artistic and cultural exchange, are one of the aspects that contributed to the vibrant and dynamic character of the Nile Delta and one which differentiated it from other regions.

Fig. 15. Plan showing the distribution of bifacial knives.

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Fig. 16. Bifacial knives: 1) KHD3001 from Gr. 970, and 2) KHD3150 from Gr. 585.

At KHD bifacial chert knives have been found in the following graves: 78, 84, 529, 585, 913, 956, and 970 (Fig. 15, 16). The earliest bifacial knife is KHD3200, found in the KHD IV grave 78. Four bifacial knives occur in the KHD Va phase, one in KHD Vb, and KHD3147 from Gr. 84, which dates to KHD VI (see Fig. 13 right). The majority of the knives found at KHD fit comfortably within Kobusiewicz (2015: 14) type 3 and 4 bifacial knives, which span 1st and 2nd Dynasty. This dating is also confirmed by those found in the settlement at Tell el-Farkha (Kabaciński 2012: Figs. 6.1, 8.1, 12.1, 13). The bifacial knives are restricted to the larger, wealthier graves in the cemetery. However, not all the largest and most well provisioned graves contained a bifacial knife, sometimes, such as in the case of Gr. 260, a chert blade was placed in the grave, although Gr. 371 was not furnished with any chert items. In both Gr. 913 and Gr. 970, the bifacial knives were found associated with five shallow ceramic oval breadmoulds and five ceramic plates, along with animal bones. In one of the large tombs at MAO, Gr. 1590, large bovine bones were found in the main chamber together with ceramics and a chert knife (Kroeper 1988: 17). In the large tomb B200/160/1 at Tell Ibrahim Awad, remains of ‘meat offerings’ were found associated with a chert blade and a bluntedged copper alloy adze (van den Brink 1988: 78–83). These items may be the remains of a feast that was part of the funerary ceremonies. As M. Kobusiewicz (2015: 14–15) notes, as well as being used in settlements where they would have been used for butchery, they would have used these knives in rituals relating to offering sacrifices. S.H. Savage (2000: 84–85) suggests that there may have been ‘Predynastic antecedents’ for the Opening of the Mouth Ceremony, in which Old Kingdom tomb-scenes show the sacrifice of an oxen with a bifacial

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knife. The amount of animal bones found in Gr. 913 and 970 indicate that it was probably only a leg of the animal that was placed in the tomb. So it is possible that those participating in funerary ceremonies ate the rest of the animal. The lack of animal bones being found in the other graves at KHD where bifacial knives have been recorded could be due to poor preservation, or that no actual bones were placed in the graves. Rowland’s (2014: 280–281) analysis of the make-up palettes found at KHD revealed that 22 out of 23 examples were made from siltstone, the remaining example being made of granite (Fig. 17). The most frequent shape was rectangular and three incised lines around the edge of the palettes representing the most common form of decoration. The chronological development of the palettes at KHD corresponds well with that proposed by R. Kuhn (2017: 392). A particularly unusual palette is KHD3084, which takes the form of a trapezium. This large siltstone palette from Gr. 158 (KHD Va), measuring 395 × 161 × 8 mm has use wear signs that suggest its extensive use for grinding pigments. Palettes were not found in the largest tombs – 913 and 970, the latter of which had certainly been robbed – and generally appear to have been restricted to medium to large sized pit graves, although palettes were found in the mudlined chambered graves 529 and 601 (see Fig. 18 left). Although a third of the graves with palettes had skeletal material, it was not sufficient for demographic analysis. Therefore, associations based on sex and age are not possible and are always to be approached with utmost caution.

Fig. 17. Plan showing the distribution of siltstone make-up palette.

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Fig. 18. Left: Siltstone make-up palettes: 1) KHD3100 from Gr. 145, and 2) KHD3109 from Gr. 84; right: Gold covers from Gr. 73 1) KHD3093, 2) KHD3092

Gold objects are rare at KHD, although grave robbers would have targeted these objects as with other types of metal. Gold has been found in Gr. 3, Gr. 592, and Gr. 873, in the form of beads in the latter two instances. The two gold objects found in Gr. 73 appear to be coverings of a handle of a staff that was made of wood or other organic material long since perished (Fig. 18 right). This object may have been a staff of office, a marker of social distinction, although the size of the grave (1.2 × 0.70 × 0.50 m) would not indicate they had the position of local leader, who in the KHD Va phase were placed in large mud-lined graves. This however, is not necessarily an indicator, given that quite simple burials can feature quite unusual, if limited number of, grave offerings which were placed with the burial for a whole range of meanings and by different members of the community. The amount and variety of copper alloy objects (Fig. 19, Fig. 20) found within the graves at KHD is noteworthy, with more frequent occurrence than at other Delta sites, providing a tantalising insight into the amount of copper material that must have passed through KHD and the Wadi Tumilat, especially given that no settlement evidence is available at present (see Rowland 2003; 2014). Copper alloy adzes, chisels, fishing hooks, harpoons, needles, spearheads, arrowheads, knives and mirrors have all been recovered at KHD. However, no copper alloy objects are at present known from grave good assemblages prior to KHD IV. KHD IV correlates with the appearance of serekhs belonging to Thinite rulers in the Sinai, associated with copper mining expeditions, which may imply that during the Late Naqada IIIB, reigns of Iry-Hor and Ka or Naqada IIIC1, reign of Narmer the Wadi Tumilat was incorporated into the Thinite polity or became a staging area (Hamilton 2016: 192–194) allowing the

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Fig. 19. Plan showing the distribution of copper alloy objects.

KHD community to benefit from the outfitting of these expeditions and working the copper these expeditions brought back. The Wadi Tumilat may have been an area where expeditions changed from river-borne transportation to overland transportation with donkeys as pack animals. The Tumilatic branch would have provided direct communication with the Memphite region, passing by sites such as Awalad Dawood (Tassie 2014: 407) and Heliopolis before joining the main river branch just south of Memphis. The KHD community seems to have diminished and the site abandoned during the 2nd Dynasty, possibly due to climatic events, silting of local river branches (Kroeper 1989: 420), instigation of new exchange mechanisms directed through the capital at Memphis or because of sustained disruptions to the copper exchange network. It is also possible that larger sites on the Wadi Tumilat, such as Tell el-Retabah, attracted or absorbed the community at this time, although currently there is no solid evidence to substantiate this. The presence of imported pottery vessels at KHD is low in comparison with other Delta sites, such as MAO and Tell el-Farkha (Kroeper 1989; Czarnowicz 2012). Only 13 imported vessels have been identified, ca. 1.4% of the vessels analysed. These vessels vary from bowls, to piriform jars to Abydos ware jars (Fig. 21), with 5 identified from KHD IV, 7 from KHD V, and 1 from KHD VI. This low ratio of foreign vessels indicates limited, but steady contact with the

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Fig. 20. Copper alloy objects: 1) KHD3241, points from Gr. 529, 2) KHD3132, chisel from Gr. 371.

Fig. 21. Abydos ware jar, KHD Va (EB II) in Grave 716.

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Levant9 during the peak prosperity of the KHD community. The large amount of copper objects and limited amount of Levantine imports is in accord with the vast majority of the interregional exchange being conducted with the southern Sinai rather than Canaan itself. In the copper mining areas of the southern Sinai only a comparatively small amount of pottery vessels occur (Rosen 2010), as opposed to the core area of the Levant. The other sites mentioned above were on the northern route into the Levant, and probably had greater contact with the core area of the Levant. The growth of the Memphite elite The founding of the capital of the new nation state at the apex of the Delta c. 3060 BCE was instigated for many reasons, not least to break the kinship ties with the region of Abydos and also to gain greater control of the Delta and interregional exchange routes with the Levant (Jeffreys & Tavares 1994; Campagno 2003; Love 2006). At this period Memphis was located near the mouth of the Wadi Abusir and was known as Ineb-hedj (White Walls or White Fortress), with the head of the Delta located several kilometres farther south. As sea levels continued to rise, the degree of slope of the Delta became gentler, causing the Delta head to move north (Bunbury et al. 2017). The main river also moved eastward, causing the city to move as well (Jeffreys 2008). This is evident from the city’s changing location from the Old Kingdom onward. This location of Memphis represents the doorway into the Delta (and the Wadi Tumilat), and better access to its richness of resources and exchange networks. How the Thinite kings came to rule over Lower Egypt is still a matter of debate, the crucial phase is represented by the reigns of the Thinite rulers: IryHor and Ka, Late Protodynastic Period (Naq. IIIB) and Narmer, First Dynasty (Naq. IIIC). Direct evidence for Thinite control before the reign of Narmer in the Helwan area is non-existent. Narmer is the king whom Herodotus (II: 99) states dammed or diverted the Nile to allow for the building of this new city, Memphis. However, Manetho records that it was not until the reign of Aha that a royal palace was built at Ineb-hedj (Love 2003), which is the same time as the earliest tombs appeared at North Saqqara (Emery 1961; van Wetering 2017). To help distinguish themselves from the rest of the population, the new rulers and growing class of administrative nobles living in the capital region required a large amount of prestigious goods. This conspicuous consumption of wealth included supplies of gold, copper, wine, exotic oils, semi-precious stones and perfumes. Many of these items came from the Levant, and as such had to pass through the East Delta. Further analysis on specific materials would enable more 9 The Abydos ware jars and piriform jars most likely come from the Northern Levant (Hartung et al. 2015).

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detailed comment on the diversity of their origin. Controlling or keeping these arteries of communication open would have been one of the economic priorities. Whether this meant through direct control of these interregional exchange networks or by rewarding those traders and merchants in the middle, and who kept the goods flowing, is debatable. The presence of Thinite serekhs in the East Delta besides the presence of serekhs with names that cannot easily be attributed to specific polities is difficult to assess (see van Wetering & Tassie 2003; Tassie et al. 2008). At Tell elFarkha the name of Iry-Hor is now attested twice and this has led Jucha (2009; 2014: 30–31, 2016: 71) to state that already during the time of Iry-Hor there was Thinite authority or at least Thinite influence over the north-eastern part of the Delta. At KHD, Iry-Hor is absent and the earliest Thinite ruler attested is Ka, his serekh being found in Gr. 1008 (see Tassie et al. 2017). It is possible to correlate the increase in wealth distribution and the occurrence of the names of Thinite rulers, meaning that the establishment of Thinite authority within the Wadi Tumilat led to the demise of old centres (that may have resisted that authority) and the rise of previously unimportant places as new centres under Thinite authority. There is no evidence to suggest that the individuals or groups associated with the construction and burials within Gr. 913 and Gr. 970 are not individuals from Lower Egypt, but ultimately the fact that the site goes out of use may well be as a direct result of increased control from the Memphite region. KHD and its role in the copper exchange network may have been one of these previously unimportant sites that benefitted from royal or state patronage. The growth in wealth at KHD coincided with the establishment of statecontrolled expeditions to the Sinai (Hassan et al. 2015), which in all probability used the Wadi Tumilat as a staging area, node where the change-over from river-borne transportation to overland transportation occurred. Alternatively, it could also be assumed that the vessel with the serekh of Ka ended up in the KHD cemetery as the result of exchange activities (without any Thinite authority or territorial connotations). Elite formation at KHD At present, hardly anything is known about the occupation of the Wadi Tumilat from the 5th to the 3rd millennium cal BCE. There are some faint indications of Neolithic and Early-Middle Predynastic (Maadi-Buto) occupation at Tell Nishabe and Tell Niwieri and there are faint indications for Late Predynastic – Protodynastic – Early Dynastic occupation (contemporary to KHD) at Tell er-Rataba, Tell Samud, Shaqafiya East and Tell Shaqafiya West (Schott et al. 1932; Redmount 1989) but none of these sites have been extensively excavated (the on-going excavations at Tell er-Rataba have not yet uncovered early remains). So besides the generic observation that the sites

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of the (western) Wadi Tumilat were in a strategic location to benefit from the interregional exchange networks that traversed Lower Egypt, the Sinai and the Southern Levant, nothing can be said about the local arena in which KHD operated. As such, it is unclear if specific features of the KHD cemetery are confined to that cemetery or are shared among other early cemeteries of the Wadi Tumilat, for example the late adoption of mud-brick architecture and burial in oval ceramic coffins. This mortuary analysis of Kafr Hassan Dawood suggests that prior to the KHD IV phase the site was a small village with its inhabitants primarily engaged with relationships of production and consumption of locally produced consumables. This was followed by a phase when there were more above average graves and the disparity between the number of goods in rich and poor graves steadily increased. This intermediate phase (KHD IV) came about as the result of contact between emerging powerful families at KHD with the emerging centralised government, due to their engagement in the interregional exchange network in copper coming from the Sinai. During the KHD V period many more large well provisioned tombs occurred, coinciding with an increase in the social distance between poor and rich, and an increase in the number of poor graves. There was an increase in the use of large mud-lined graves to portray a person’s status in the funerary landscape, with some of the prestige items placed in these tombs displaying their links to the interregional exchange network of exotic substances and possibly displaying specialist knowledge. These tombs, such as Gr. 601 or Gr. 714 correspond to the expected local pattern of tomb development. The two largest and best provisioned tombs at KHD: Gr. 913 and Gr. 970 represent a developmental jump in not only size and architecture, but possibly the ceremonies performed at the funeral. These two tombs located in the southern part of the cemetery would have been the focal point of the later mortuary landscape at KHD, forming a mortuary complex. The offering shrine on the eastern side of the superstructure of Gr. 970 and packed mud ramp at the south have not been observed in any other tombs in the cemetery. In keeping with other large Naqada IIIC graves, these two graves contained a greater number of objects but with a restricted number of forms, a practice that has been related to the increasing importance of storage of offerings and vestiges of complex burial rites (Wengrow 2006: 72–98). The question is were the owners of these two tombs local headsmen or women that gained access to such personal power and resources due to their role in the exchange network, or could they have been people brought in by the centralised government to help in the smooth running of the exchange network, and to ensure that economic benefit moved to Memphis? The centralised government at Memphis would have been keen to control the flow of goods, as such they may well have inserted their own people on the main arteries along which various goods traversed, thus they

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would have wished to exploit KHD’s access to resources and control the exchange and communications coming and going along the Wadi Tumilat.10 However, although these two tombs show new innovations in their architecture, and are far larger than other tombs in the cemetery, like other elite tombs at KHD they were mud-lined rather than built from mud-brick, also they shared the feature of a kin/entourage cluster with older and later elite graves at KHD. These people were buried in this impressive manner in order to emphasise their status not only to the people that lived at KHD but to other communities from the wider region, making it obvious which was the local ruling lineage. The KHD VI phase sees the amount of higher than average tombs decrease, although the amount of mud-lined and chambered tombs increased. The tombowners of the mud-lined graves 834 (2.3 × 1.8 × 1.0 m), 888 (2.9 × 1.65 × 0.8 m) of KHD VI, and 890 (3.05 × 1.55 × 1.0 m) of KHD Va appear to have tried to emulate Gr. 913 and 970, placing their tombs as near as reasonable. It appears that the period of prosperity was on the wane, and immediately at the end of this phase it may be hypothesised that a period of decline and social disintegration took place, possibly due to the increasing involvement of the centralised administration in what had been one of the key socio-economic functions of the settlement in KHD VII. This can be seen in the decrease in the amount of copper alloy objects found in the graves, where none are found in KHD VII graves (Rowland 2014: 283). Although more graves will probably be identified as belonging to this underrepresented period, large well provisioned graves are unlikely to be found. There is generally increasing cohesion in burial practices through time, and an increase in the amount and type of goods and an increase in size of tombs (Rowland 2014). The influx of objects, such as copper from the Sinai and possibly the Levant, various stone types from Upper Egypt, the Eastern Desert and the Faiyum indicate that KHD was engaged in the interregional exchange network, communicating either directly or indirectly with sites in the Memphite region, Upper Egypt, Delta, the Levant and Sinai (Rowland 2014; Hassan et al. 2015). Several of the objects or materials that passed through the site as part of the exchange network seem to have been retained by the growing higher social classes. Conclusions Without a fuller understanding of the elite formation and general politicaleconomic development within the Wadi Tumilat and southern East Delta to 10 That is if KHD was the primary centre in the Wadi Tumilat for working and transporting copper. Very little information is available on other contemporary sites in the wadi and more information, particularly on the Shaqafiya sites, is required.

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contextualise the developments at KHD, and because the development at KHD cannot be easily compared to the known sites in the northern East Delta, understanding elite formation at KHD rests solely on the intra-site development, which can stimulate tunnel vision and emphasise minor or atypical features over more generic features leading to a subjective perspective. However, it would seem that during KHD II–III (Naq. IID–IIIA), there was a transition in the KHD community. Only a single (ruling) elite grave can be recognised (Gr. 344) for these phases, and too few graves are known to be conclusive about the nature of the KHD community during this time (the lack of information from the northern part of the cemetery impacts this assessment significantly). It would seem that something changed during KHD IV or possible already during the latter part of KHD III. This change is probably related to greater control of Lower Egypt (and the Wadi Tumilat) by the emerging centralised polity, but this is still a subject of debate. A better understanding of KHD IV and what changed during KHD V might shed light on this issue. Suffice to say that the increase in wealth throughout the community may be connected with copper working (and more or less with Egyptian expeditions sent out by Thinite rulers to the Sinai). This resulted in an increase in copper alloy objects, stone vessels and other prestige items within the grave good assemblages (Rowland 2014) and the appearance of (large and wealthy) non-ruling elite graves in the western and eastern parts of the known cemetery. Bibliography ALLEN, J.P., 2015. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Atlanta. EL-BAGHDADI, S.G., 2003. Proto and Early Dynastic Necropolis of Minshat Ezzat, Dakahlia Province, Northeast Delta. Archéo-Nil 13: 143‒152. EL-BAGHDADI, S.G., 2008. The Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Necropolis of Tell el-Daba’a (El-Qanan) and Tell El-Samara (El-Dakahlia Province, Northeast Delta) [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B.; TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J.M. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 1151‒1156. BARD, K., 1994. From Farmers to Pharaohs: Mortuary Evidence for the Rise of Complex Society in Egypt. Sheffield. BUNBURY, J.M.; TAVARES, A.; PENNINGTON, B.T. & GONÇALVES, P., 2017. Development of the Memphite Floodplain and Landscape and Settlement Symbiosis in the Egyptian Capital Zone [in:] WILLEMS, H. & DAHMS, J.M. (eds.), The Nile: Natural and Cultural Landscape in Egypt. Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at the Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz, 22 and 23 February 2013. Bielefeld: 71‒96. CAMPAGNO, M., 2003. Another Reason for the Foundation of Memphis [in:] HAWASS, Z. & PINCH BROOK, L. (eds.), Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the 8th International Congress of Egyptologists, Cairo 2000, Vol. 2. History/religion. Cairo: 154‒159.

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CASTILLOS, J.J., 2011. The Development and Nature of Inequality in Early Egypt [in:] FRIEDMAN R.F. & FISKE, P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London, 27th July – 1st August 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 1243‒1254. CHAPMAN, R.W., 2005. Mortuary analysis: A Matter of Time [in:] RAKITA, G.F.M.; BUIKSTRA, J.E.; BECK, L.A. & WILLIAMS, S.R. (eds.), Interacting with the Dead: Perspectives on Mortuary Archaeology for the New Millennium. Gainsville: 25‒40. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2007. Ivory and Gold, Beginnings of Egyptian Art: Excavations of the Institute of Archaeology of the Jagiellonian University and Poznan Archaeological Museum. Cracow. CIAŁOWICZ, K.M., 2012. Early Egyptian Objects of Art [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYNSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations. 1998-2011. Poznań/Krakow: 201‒243. CZARNOWICZ, M., 2012. Southern Levantine Imports and Imitations [in:] CHŁODNICKI, M.; CIAŁOWICZ, K.M. & MĄCZYNSKA, A. (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I: Excavations. 1998-2011. Poznań/Krakow: 245‒265. DEBONO, F. & MORTENSEN, B., 1988. The Predynastic Cemetery of Heliopolis. Archäologische Veröfferntlichungen 63. Mainz am Rhein. DĘBOWSKA-LUDWIN, J., 2014. The Picture of Naqadan-Lower Egyptian Transition Reconstructed on the Basis of Sepulchral Data [in:] MĄCZYŃSKA, A. (ed.), The Nile Delta as a Centre of Cultural Interactions between Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant in the 4th Millennium BC. Studies in African Archaeology 13. Poznań: 105‒ 117. EMERY, W.B., 1961. Archaic Egypt: Culture and Civilisation in Egypt Five Thousand Years Ago. London. GARSTANG, J., 1907. Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt: A Report of the Excavations made at the Necropolis of Beni Hassan during 1902-3-4. London. GRISWOLD, W.A., 1992. Measuring Inequality at Armant [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & ADAMS, B. (eds.), The Followers of Horus: Studies Dedicated to Michael Allan Hoffman 1944– 1990. Oxford: 193–198. GUYOT, F., 2008. The Origins of the “Naqadan Expansion” and the Interregional Exchange Mechanisms between Lower Nubia, Upper and Lower Egypt, the South Levant and North Syria during the first half of the 4th millennium B.C. [in:] MIDANT-REYNES, B., TRISTANT, Y.; ROWLAND, J.M. & HENDRICKX, S. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2: Proceedings of the International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, Toulouse (France), 5th–8th September 2005. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 172. Leuven/Paris/Dudley, MA: 707‒740. HAMDAN, M.A., 2003. Late Quaternary Geology and Geoarchaeology of Kafr Hassan Dawood, East Delta [in:] HAWASS, Z. & PINCH BROOK, L. (eds.), Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings of the 8th International Congress of Egyptologists, Cairo 2000. Volume 1: Archaeology. Cairo: 221‒228. HAMILTON, C., 2016. Enlightening the Enduring Engravings: The Expeditions of Raneb. Archéo-Nil 26: 185‒204. HARPUR, Y., 1987. Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content. London. HARTUNG, U.; KÖHLER, E.C.; MÜLLER, V. & OWNBY, M.F., 2015. Imported Pottery from Abydos: A New Petrographic Perspective. Ägypten und Levante 25: 293‒333. HASSAN, F.A., 2000. Kafr Hassan Dawood: A Late Predynastic to Early Dynastic Site in the East Delta, Egypt. Egyptian Archaeology 16: 37‒39.

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L’IMAGE COMME VECTEUR DE DISCOURS IDÉOLOGIQUE: ANALYSE DIACHRONIQUE DES REPRÉSENTATIONS DE BATEAU DANS L’ART PRÉ- ET PROTODYNASTIQUE DORIAN VANHULLE CReA-Patrimoine, Université libre de Bruxelles, Belgium

Le bateau occupe une place privilégiée dans la documentation nagadienne, celui-ci apparaissant sur l’ensemble des médias qui nous sont parvenus. Les domaines auxquels ces sources font référence sont multiples: elles informent tant sur les pratiques religieuses et funéraires que sur les sphères sociale, politique et économique des périodes prépharaoniques. Les représentations de bateaux surprennent par leur forte variabilité sémantique. Le bateau est en effet rapidement investi de diverses notions symboliques parmi les plus fondamentales de l’idéologie nagadienne: marque de prestige et de pouvoir, il a également incarné l’Ordre dominant le Chaos et l’institution royale. Durant le Nagada II, le thème iconographique de la procession navale laisse transparaître une forme de syncrétisme politico-religieux. Il apparaît en outre que ces œuvres évoluaient surtout dans un contexte cérémoniel et n’étaient pas strictement funéraires. Durant le Nagada III, l’iconographie témoigne d’une volonté de standardisation. Certains concepts sont alors employés au sein de ce qui constitue les prémices de l’institution pharaonique tandis que d’autres sont définitivement abandonnés. Dès les premières personnifications iconographiques du roi, le bateau perd progressivement de ses prérogatives allégoriques pour se voir cantonné aux fonctions funéraires et religieuses que nous lui connaissons aux époques historiques. Boats are ubiquitous in Naqadian iconography. They appear on every known media, where they seem to embody various ideological concepts. A holistic approach of all the data available in which the boat is involved, coupled with a structuralist approach of Naqadian imagery, allowed the author to analyse the evolution of boat images throughout the 4th millennium BCE and measure the increasingly complex nature of their meaning. During Naqada I, the boat played an active role in symbolic hunting scenes where it embodied the fundamental notion of ‘Order over Chaos’. These scenes show the opposition between a human group (Order) and Nature (Chaos). The progressive stratification of Naqadian society during Naqada II led to the development of a new iconographic theme in the centre of which is the leader. Boats are notably depicted in processions surrounded by hunting, dancing and military activities. This suggests that this iconography refers to ceremonial activities linked to the elite. The meaning of this imagery would thus be political and religious rather than strictly funerary. This paper also discusses the possible ceremonial nature of the boats depicted on D-Ware ceramics and their functions on this specific production. Once the king himself is personified, his image naturally embodied most of the notions that the boat had previously expressed. If the boat still embodies the State in some official rock engravings during the first half of the 1st Dynasty, it soon definitively loses all its symbolic functions to become a mere vehicle, sacred or not, in iconography and an ideogram in the hieroglyphic system.

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Introduction Le bateau a occupé une place importante dans l’iconographie égyptienne, et cela dès l’époque prédynastique. Révolution technologique majeure, il était un formidable outil de pression sociale et politique, mais également économique et miliaire. Il était, plus prosaïquement, un outil indispensable au quotidien des habitants de la vallée du Nil. C’est donc sans surprise qu’il s’impose progressivement dans toutes les formes de productions artistiques et artisanales pré-pharaoniques: qu’il s’agisse de véritables embarcations ou de modèles, de représentations peintes, incisées, sculptées ou encore gravées dans la roche. Une étude approfondie de l’iconographie nous informe quant au développement par les Nagadiens de concepts complexes dont beaucoup serviront de fondements à l’idéologie pharaonique. Ces concepts, véhiculés grâce à des référents visuels, connaissent une évolution parallèle durant l’ensemble du 4e millénaire et leur développement peut être analysé par l’intermédiaire des productions artistiques pré- et protodynastiques. Ils étaient exprimés différemment en fonction des médias employés et de leur contexte d’utilisation, ce qui suppose une forme de « polysémie contextuelle » dont il est nécessaire de tenir compte. Le bateau se positionne d’emblée comme le plus important de ces référents visuels. Un intérêt superficiel suffit en effet à déceler le fort potentiel symbolique de ces représentations de bateaux, la documentation prédynastique témoignant du « prominent use of the boat as a symbol that was to have a long history in Egypt » (Kemp 2006: 93). La sémantique des images de bateaux au 4e millénaire met en évidence le lien étroit qui unissait ces dernières au concept idéologique de la primauté de l’Ordre sur le Chaos (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2010). À l’instar de ce que sera Pharaon, le bateau prédynastique peut être désigné comme un « charismatic amalgam of sacral authority, ideological values, economic and military power » (Anđelković 2014: 715). Ces quelques pages proposent d’analyser les fonctions remplies par le motif du bateau dans l’iconographie nagadienne et d’en détailler l’évolution au cours du 4e millénaire. La lecture funéraire souvent appliquée aux représentations de bateaux est également discutée. Cette étude, qui ne présente que les cas les plus représentatifs, résume certains résultats de notre recherche doctorale (Vanhulle 2016). Quelques considérations méthodologiques L’attention que nous avons portée au bateau s’explique par sa faculté à s’imposer comme un représentant majeur dans chaque catégorie de sources à nous être parvenues, et cela au travers de l’ensemble du 4e millénaire. Les diverses fonctions qu’il accomplissait à l’époque, tout autant concrètes que symboliques,

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nous ont permis de nous pencher sur le contexte culturel, social, politique et religieux de ces âges de formation en Égypte. Le bateau pré-pharaonique est souvent dépeint dans une posture statique, figé au sein de scènes à la sémantique difficilement déchiffrable. Ces représentations proviennent pour l’essentiel de contextes funéraires et la tentation est grande d’y voir un parallèle avec l’iconographie des tombes pharaoniques. Le bateau serait dès lors l’équivalent de la barque funéraire et sacrée (Morgan 1920; Daressy 1922: 24, n°1; Petrie 1933: 5). Plusieurs travaux mettent cependant en lumière la véritable complexité de l’image nagadienne (Davis 1992; Gautier 1993; Graff 2009a; Hendrickx & Förster 2010; Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2012), qui ne peut s’expliquer par la simple application de concepts pharaoniques à une époque où ceux-ci sont encore en gestation. Beaucoup de ces travaux sont les héritiers de ceux menés par l’« école de Bruxelles », caractérisée par une approche structuraliste de l’image égyptienne et mise en œuvre pour la première fois par R. Tefnin (1979; 1984; 1993). Notre analyse repose sur cette grille de lecture structuraliste et accepte le postulat qu’à l’instar de l’essentiel des sociétés préhistoriques, les Nagadiens ont puisé dans leur environnement immédiat pour élaborer des référents visuels exploitables à des fins de communication. Faune, flore, éléments du paysage ou encore objets du quotidien: leur représentation et leur association au sein des productions artistiques transformaient l’œuvre d’art en un support de discours. L’objectif premier de ce travail était d’analyser l’ensemble des productions artistiques, artisanales et architecturales pré- et protodynastiques en lien avec le bateau afin de mettre en lumière le processus global qui l’a conduit à incarner les notions les plus fondamentales de l’idéologie nagadienne. Il est en effet rapidement apparu évident que seule une approche holistique du matériel à notre disposition pouvait nous fournir des résultats probants. À cette fin, des catalogues renfermant 252 modèles de bateaux, une sélection de 123 représentations peintes1 ou inscrites via diverses techniques sur du matériel archéologique et 1861 gravures rupestres réparties dans la vallée, les déserts et la Basse-Nubie ont été réalisés. Les informations obtenues grâce à l’étude de chacune de ces catégories de sources sont d’ordre divers, mais, une fois combinées, elles témoignent toutes d’un même processus global à l’œuvre en Égypte au 4e millénaire. Ainsi, les modèles (Vanhulle 2018a–b; Vanhulle & Lorre 2018), au même titre d’ailleurs que les inhumations de barques de la 1re dynastie (Vanhulle, à paraître), nous informent quant au développement des pratiques cérémonielles et cultuelles. L’iconographie, pour sa part, illustre la progressive élaboration d’un système idéologique politico-religieux sur lequel reposera, in fine, l’institution royale. 1 Le cas des vases de la Classe D est particulier, un catalogue récent existant déjà (Graff 2009a). Les bateaux caractéristiques de cette production céramique brillant par leur manque de variété, les référencer tous n’aurait apporté aucune plus-value à ce travail.

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Cette contribution s’attache à ce dernier aspect de notre recherche et l’aborde dans la diachronie. Afin d’étayer notre argumentaire, il nous sera ponctuellement nécessaire d’avoir recours à d’autres sources que l’iconographie. Le symbolisme du « bateau chasseur » au Nagada I Le bateau surprend par sa capacité à exprimer des concepts idéologiques importants dès le Nagada I. S’il apparaît parfois incisé sur le flanc de certaines poteries à cette époque (Petrie & Quibell 1896: 43–44, Pl. LI.27, LII.70–71; Petrie 1901: 29, Pl. XXI.52; Williams 1989), ce sont principalement les céramiques de la Classe C qui nous livrent des données exploitables2. La céramique décorée de la fin du Nagada I offre en effet plusieurs scènes de chasse composites où le bateau occupe régulièrement une part active3. L’une d’entre elles attire particulièrement l’attention (CG2076, cf. n°2) (Fig. 1). Le décor, complexe, comporte notamment une scène de chasse à l’hippopotame tandis que la surface extérieure de l’objet présente une chasse au bovidé (Hartmann 2008: Fig. 5; Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2010: 128, Fig. 7). Nous ne nous attarderons pas sur l’identification des animaux, moins évidente qu’il n’y paraît (Navajas 2012: 172–175). Reconnaissons cependant que le monde aquatique se mélange à l’univers terrestre, puisque des poissons, une tortue et des crocodiles apparaissent aux côtés d’un serpent, d’un scorpion ou encore d’autruches (Hendrickx 2000). Trois harpons relient l’hippopotame à deux barques et à un bateau. Ces barques sont petites et peu détaillées. Le trait se limite à former un croissant fermé par une ligne horizontale. L’une possède une rame-gouvernail à pelle ovale, l’autre non. Le bateau domine quant à lui la composition et répond aux critères de représentation des bateaux peints sur les vases de la Classe D. Plusieurs rames sont représentées à hauteur de chaque extrémité. Aucune 2 Petrie Museum (University College London): UC15319 (Graff 2009a: 211, n°54) et, avec beaucoup de réserve, UC15281 (Petrie 1920: Pl. XXIII, WC 70E; Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2010: 127); British Museum: EA53881 (l’authenticité de son décor est contestée: Scharff 1928: 263– 265, Pl. XXVI; Vandier 1952: 331, Fig. 227; Asselberghs 1961: Pl. V; Pittman 1996, Fig. 2); Ashmolean Museum d’Oxford: inv. 1930.478 (Graff 2009a: 391, n°592); Metropolitan Museum of Art: inv. 35.10 (Graff 2009a: 232, n°117; Patch 2011: 37, Cat. 24); Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire de Bruxelles: E.2988 (Graff 2009a: 226, n°99; Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2010: 128, fig.6); Musée égyptien du Caire: CG2076 (von Bissing 1898: Pl. 3.2; Capart 1904: 106, Fig. 76; Morgan 1920: Fig. 17; Kantor 1944: fig. 3; Asselberghs 1961: Pl. VI.11; El-Yakhy 1985: Fig. 5; Behrmann 1989: Doc. 25b; Wolterman 2001-2002; Graff 2009a: 218, n°74; Hartmann 2010), JE 52835 (Graff 2009a: 207, n°40), JE 58677 (Graff 2009a: 198, n°14) et JE 52835 (Graff 2009a: 207, n°40). 3 Une scène de chasse à l’hippopotame, incisée et au style similaire à celui des céramiques de la Classe C, apparaît également sur une palette rhomboïdale: Medelhavsmuseet de Stockholm, inv. MM 16000 (Asselberghs 1961: Pl. XLVI; Gransard-Desmond 2002: 51–74, Fig. 3; Hendrickx 2006: 74–79; Hendrickx 2010: 113, Fig. 11; Hendrickx 2013: 243, Fig. 6; Regner 1996: Fig. 33; Säve-Söderberg 1953: 17–19; Seglins 2014: 97, Fig. 3).

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Fig. 1. Céramique de la Classe C décorée d’une scène de chasse à l’hippopotame impliquant plusieurs bateaux (Musée égyptien du Caire, CG2076 ; Hartmann 2008: Fig. 5).

rame n’est peinte au centre de la coque, probablement pour permettre le dessin des autres motifs décoratifs, en l’occurrence un crocodile. C. Wolterman estime, par extrapolation, que le bateau était propulsé par quatorze rames dont seules quelques-unes auraient été reproduites (Wolterman 2001–2002: 6). Certains éléments structurels, tels la frondaison visible à la proue et l’élément difficilement identifiable fixé à cette même étrave4, confirment que le bateau 4 Cet élément paraît être composé d’une masse solide d’où émanent des matériaux légers et filandreux, peut-être du tissu ou des végétaux. Il est peu probable qu’il s’agisse d’une ancre, aucune représentation indubitable de ce type d’objet n’étant connue au Prédynastique. Plusieurs auteurs penchent toutefois pour cette solution, en dépit d’une autre possibilité (Boreux 1925: 25;

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évolue dans le sens des aiguilles d’une montre. Il s’agit sans aucun doute d’une embarcation en bois identique à celles qui recouvrent les flancs des vases de la Classe D (Hartmann 2008: 173). La structure au sommet courbé située à l’avant des cabines pourrait être un équivalent des « tapis » parfois représentés sur ces mêmes bateaux, dits « faucilles », du Nagada II. Cela atteste l’existence de telles embarcations au Nagada I, soit plus tôt que généralement supposé. Dans le cadre de son étude du plat susmentionné, C. Wolterman identifie les prémices d’une idéologie solaire au Nagada I. Plusieurs animaux, tels la tortue et l’âne (Huyge 2009: 299–301; Hendrickx 2013: 249), sont en effet connus par les textes pour être des ennemis du dieu solaire (Wolterman 2001–2002: 15–16). Les ânes sont décrits comme de « malicious creatures, epitomes of evil, and even explicitly as animals that hamper the safe crossing of the solar barque » (Huyge 2009: 301). En ce qui concerne les poissons, ils sont connus (en particulier le tilapia) pour être les alliés de Rê et l’accompagner dans son périple quotidien (Wolterman 2001–2002: 17–18). L’auteur déduit de ces parallèles que le bateau le plus massif est un équivalent de la barque solaire sur laquelle naviguerait une divinité invisible, car non figurée. Celle-ci, à l’image de ce que fera Rê dès l’Ancien Empire, subjuguerait les forces négatives incarnées par la tortue, l’âne et l’hippopotame. Il est vrai que, la barque circulant dans le sens des aiguilles d’une montre, soit de l’est vers l’ouest, il est possible qu’elle reproduise la course quotidienne du soleil. L’hypothèse repose sur le constat qu’aucun chasseur n’est rencontré. Or, selon nous, il n’est point besoin d’en imaginer. Le chasseur est bel et bien, dans ce cas, le bateau. C’est lui qui incarne les notions que l’on s’attendrait à voir exprimées par le chasseur. Les considérations solaires de l’auteur, bien qu’argumentées, résultent de l’apposition de certains pans de la littérature pharaonique sur une production artistique qui lui est très antérieure. Les Textes des Pyramides nous apportent des éléments d’informations supplémentaires. Ils sont particulièrement intéressants pour leurs archaïsmes et références aux temps originels que constituent les périodes pré- et protodynastiques. Divers détails trouvent en effet des parallèles, et donc une possible origine, dans les âges pré-pharaoniques. Ces textes précisent que les barques grâce auxquelles Rê pratiquait la chasse rituelle répondaient au nom des « deux barques de Maât » (PT 1785; Wolterman 2001–2002: 14). La possibilité que de Morgan 1920: 280). H.A. Winkler y voit plutôt un amortisseur permettant d’encaisser les éventuels chocs (Winkler 1938: 37). A. Göttlicher reproduit plusieurs exemples de tels amortisseurs issus des modèles en bois pharaoniques (Göttlicher & Werner 1971: Pl. XLI). S. Vinson s’est exprimé en défaveur de l’identification d’ancres dans l’iconographie prédynastique (Vinson 1987: 115–116). R. Hartmann propose d’identifier l’objet à un outil employé dans le cadre des activités de pêche (Hartmann 2008: 170). C. Wolterman estime qu’il s’agit plutôt d’un cordage noué (Wolterman 2001–2002: 6).

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le bateau soit l’incarnation d’une forme d’ordre cosmique dès le Nagada I nous semble dès lors plausible. D’autres éléments soutiennent cette lecture symbolique de l’image nagadienne et semblent confirmer l’importance du concept de primauté de l’Ordre sur le Chaos5. Le décor de cette céramique mêle deux catégories de chasse distinctes: l’une se déroulant dans le désert et spécifiquement adaptée à sa faune, l’autre correspondant à un environnement nilotique et reposant surtout sur la pêche (Hendrickx 2010: 109–110; Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2015: 198). L’association est donc double: à l’opposition d’un milieu désertique à un milieu fluvial s’ajoute celle d’un contexte terrestre à un contexte aquatique. Les artistes ont tenté d’unifier ces deux univers en une seule partie de chasse symbolique afin de signifier que l’ensemble du monde connu était placé sous le contrôle de leurs dirigeants. De telles scènes cynégétiques, menées par des personnages coiffés de plumes et dont le prestige est attesté, entre autres, par la hiérarchisation des tailles, s’observent également dans l’art rupestre. Il est vraisemblable qu’elles exprimaient notamment le contrôle de territoires délimités, tant dans les déserts que dans la vallée (Navajas Jimenez 2011: 38; Hendrickx 2013: 255). L’abandon effectif de la chasse comme moyen de subsistance dès le début du 4e millénaire plaide pour une conception essentiellement symbolique de cette activité6. Notons également que les animaux ne sont jamais représentés abattus ou en passe de l’être durant le Prédynastique: c’est bien le processus de capture qui est décrit (Hendrickx 2013: 249). Seuls l’hippopotame et le crocodile sont régulièrement dépeints harponnés par des dards fixés à des cordes. Il est généralement accepté que ces animaux incarnaient les forces négatives de la nature, soit un équivalent métaphorique du chaos primordial. Les chiens, les chasseurs et le bateau seraient quant à eux l’incarnation de l’Ordre dont la fonction est d’ordonnancer ce chaos ambiant. Enfin, la chasse au harpon de l’hippopotame demeurera très présente et étroitement associée à la fonction royale durant les périodes dynastiques (Säve-Söderbergh 1953) :7 « Hunting in many farming societies is linked to the dialectics of power and authority as well as to perceptions of space and time » (Hamilakis 2003: 242). La représentation d’activités cynégétiques se perpétue jusque dans la mythologie: Horus (l’Ordre) tue en effet son oncle Seth (le Chaos), alors matérialisé

5

Pour une récente réévaluation de ce concept, consulter Brémont 2018. Il est maintenant assuré qu’en dehors des contextes cultuels, le gibier ne constituait plus la base de l’alimentation dès le Nagada I (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2012: 31; Hendrickx 2013: 238). L’agriculture et l’élevage constituaient alors les principaux moyens de subsistance, moins de 1% du matériel faunique découvert sur les sites prédynastiques pouvant être le fruit d’activités cynégétiques (Linseele et al. 2009). 7 Elle est attestée pour la première fois sous le règne de Den (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2015: 198, Fig. 3; Hendrickx 2013: 249, Fig. 11; Roche 2014b: Fig. 4; Müller 2008: 480–482, Fig. 3). 6

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en hippopotame, à l’aide d’une lance. Les textes vont jusqu’à le nommer Ḥrwmsnw, soit « Horus le Harponneur » (Roche 2014b: 78). La complémentarité qui unit les scènes de chasse aux scènes de prestige, parfois considérées être des victoires militaires, a déjà été démontrée (Hendrickx 2010: 113–115, Fig. 13–14). Les plus célèbres représentants de cette seconde catégorie sont trois céramiques provenant du cimetière U d’Abydos (Dreyer et al. 1998: 113–114, Fig. 12.1, 13; 2003: 81, 83, Fig. 5–6; Midant-Reynes 2003: 326–330; Hartung 2010: 118, Fig. 4c). Elles sont caractérisées par la présence de personnages coiffés de plumes aux bras courbés par-dessus la tête (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2010: 122–127, Fig. 1, 3–4; 2012: 25–35, Fig. 1a–e, 3; Hendrickx 2013: Fig. 3–4)8. Ces personnages renvoient à des représentations similaires, tant dans l’art rupestre que dans la statuaire. Ils sont jouxtés par ce qui semble être, sans certitude toutefois, des prisonniers. Qu’il s’agisse de la subjugation d’un groupe par un autre ou de la représentation des membres d’une même caste, les notions de contrôle et de prestige exprimées sont explicites. Deux de ces vases, issus de la tombe U-415, présentent la particularité de mêler scènes de chasse et de victoire dans un même programme décoratif. La lecture est certainement plus complexe encore, puisque les hippopotames semblent véhiculer un double sens: deux d’entre eux sont en effet enceints. Il faudrait alors y voir un lien avec le concept de fertilité, voire de renaissance: « contrairement au crocodile qui représente l’agent d’anéantissement, l’hippopotame, lui, est agent de résurrection » (Vernus 1991; Roche 2014b: 84). L’animal, au même titre que le crocodile, existe sous la forme d’amulettes ou de petites sculptures et il ne serait pas étonnant qu’il ait également rempli, dans certains contextes, une fonction apotropaïque (Hendrickx & Depraetere 2004: 815). Cette stratification sémantique de l’image nagadienne permet de véhiculer divers discours au sein d’une seule composition. En cela, elle préfigure ce que sera, dans son fonctionnement premier, l’image égyptienne durant toute l’histoire pharaonique. L’ensemble de ces informations témoigne de l’importante charge symbolique de l’image nagadienne, et cela dès le Nagada I: « the victory and hunting scenes on White Cross-lined pottery already present a religious and social structured view of life, in which the maintenance of order and the dominating role of an elite are fundamental » (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2012: 63). Ainsi, la notion de prévalence de l’Ordre sur le Chaos, exprimée par des scènes de chasse au déroulement improbable ou par la puissance d’une caste de chefs exprimée dans des scènes de victoire, existait déjà en Haute-Égypte dans le premier tiers du 4e millénaire. Le bateau en est, dès cette époque, l’un des représentants les plus charismatiques. 8 Deux d’entre eux sont sans provenance: l’un est exposé aux Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire de Bruxelles (E.3002), l’autre au Petrie Museum de Londres (UC15339).

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Discussion à propos des bateaux peints sur les vases de la classe D Durant le Nagada II, le bateau est employé au sein de compositions où le concept de primauté de l’Ordre sur le Chaos n’est qu’un aspect d’un discours politico-religieux plus global. Les scènes de chasse et de victoire sont cette fois insérées en tant que vignettes dans des tableaux complexes et foisonnants. Elles continuent cependant à être gravées dans la roche des déserts et, sans nul doute, sur d’autres supports n’ayant pas survécu. Notre analyse du matériel appartenant à cette période témoigne de la forte composante cérémonielle conférée au bateau, une nouvelle strate sémantique s’additionnant à celles déjà présentes durant le Nagada I. Nous nous attacherons à justifier la nature cérémonielle, selon nous préférable à une lecture funéraire, des barques peintes sur les vases de la Classe D. Les céramiques de la Classe D, datées du Nagada IIC–D, sont bien documentées (Graff 2009a: 254–385, n°182–576). Leur décor est également très standardisé, les bateaux qui apparaissent sur leurs panses répondant à un même modèle9. L’ensemble du programme iconographique apparaît structuré et codifié. Les travaux de G. Graff ont profondément modifié notre lecture de ces œuvres en mettant en évidence la non-linéarité de ces scènes : « L’image peinte n’est pas une bande linéaire que l’on lit en la déroulant ou en tournant le vase entre les mains. La lecture doit être simultanée en partant de zones d’intensité grande vers des zones d’intensité réduite » (Graff 2009a: 108). Le bateau marque sans conteste l’une de ces zones de forte intensité, puisqu’il domine la composition en étant presque systématiquement peint au centre de la panse, entre les anses. Pourtant, la fonction occupée par le bateau sur ces vases est moins aisément perceptible que sur les productions plus anciennes. Seul un vase de la Classe D, connu par un unique relevé, est porteur d’une scène cynégétique au sein de laquelle le bateau remplit peut-être son rôle « d’harponneur » (Fig. 2) (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2010: 129, Fig. 8). Plusieurs hypothèses se côtoient quant à la sémantique de cette iconographie (Aksamit 1981: 161–162; Graff 2009a: 16–18; 2013a: 22–25), certaines plus communément admises que d’autres10. Au risque de reproduire un compte-rendu déjà fourni ailleurs, nous proposons un bref historique des diverses interprétations 9

Des anomalies structurelles apparaissent parfois, certaines représentations présentant quelques originalités esthétiques. Ces détails n’influant en rien sur notre propos, nous les omettons volontairement. 10 Nous ne reviendrons pas, enfin, sur les théories selon lesquelles il ne s’agirait pas de bateaux, mais bien de la représentation de cités abritées derrière une palissade (Torr 1898; Loret 1906: 175, Fig. 2; Naville 1907: 204; 1917; Read 1917) ou encore de temples sur pilotis (Moneh-Saleh 1969; 1983; 1987), pas plus que sur l’hypothèse de W.A. Fairservis, qui a cru voir la représentation d’une terre irriguée dans ce trait courbe qui n’est autre que la désignation de la coque (Fairservis 1983: Fig. 10a). Mises à mal dès leur parution, elles n’ont plus guère d’intérêt aujourd’hui (Landström 1970: 13; El-Yakhy 1985) et rares sont ceux qui conservent des doutes quant à la nature de ces représentations (Uildrickx 2018).

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Fig. 2. Céramique de la Classe D décorée d’une scène de chasse (Musée égyptien du Caire, CG18805; Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2010: Fig. 8).

existantes. Longtemps, les thématiques exprimées sur les panses des vases étaient réduites à la sphère funéraire ou religieuse. Ainsi, J. de Morgan s’exprimait déjà en 1920 sur la question. Il affirmait voir « dans les figurations que portent les vases peints prédynastiques, les plus anciennes manifestations, parvenues jusqu’à nous, de ce culte des morts qui a joué un si grand rôle durant les quatre ou cinq millénaires de la vie de l’Égypte » (de Morgan 1920: 281). D’autres auteurs partageront cet avis et assimileront les bateaux de la Classe D au véhicule funèbre. J. Capart favorisait l’hypothèse selon laquelle ces représentations étaient destinées à fournir au défunt le support nécessaire à sa vie dans l’au-delà (Capart 1904: 114–116, 210–211). G.D. Hornblower, considérant que des processions navales cérémonielles ne pouvaient exister en ces temps reculés, interprétait pour sa part les enseignes surmontant les poteaux11 comme des équivalents des futurs noms de nomes (Hornblower 1930). Ce faisant, ils 11 Vingt-huit types d’enseignes ont été répertoriés à ce jour, cela sans compter leurs variantes (Graff 2009a: 44). La nature de ces enseignes reste énigmatique, de nombreux arguments en faveur d’une signification religieuse ou politique ayant été fournis depuis le début du XXe siècle (Aksamit 1981: 162–163; 2006). Il est impossible de trancher au bénéfice de l’un ou de l’autre, puisque certaines de ces enseignes sont indéniablement conservées à l’époque pharaonique pour désigner tantôt des nomes (de Morgan 1897: 92–94; Newberry 1913a–b; Anselin 2004; JiménezSerrano 2004), tantôt des divinités (Petrie 1920: 20; Helck 1950: 123–124; Baumgartel 1955: 11–14; 1960: 144–151; Graff 2009a: 44). Qu’il puisse s’agir de nomes a très tôt été critiqué (Aksamit 2006: 557–558), mais sans l’apport d’arguments véritablement décisifs. Probablement sommes-nous confrontés à un mélange de ces deux notions, politique et religieuse, puisqu’elles étaient de toute évidence déjà indissociables. Par souci d’exhaustivité, précisons que V. Loret, il est vrai motivé par des considérations totémiques aujourd’hui dépassées, supposait que l’évolution de ces enseignes, qu’il identifiait comme claniques, a mené à la création du signe hiéroglyphique nṯr désignant la divinité (Loret 1904: 76–81). A.M. Roth propose d’y voir des versions primitives des futures phylés (Roth 1991: 208–209).

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renverraient à la région d’origine du propriétaire qui, à la fin de sa vie, s’en retournait sur sa terre natale pour y être enterré. L’hypothèse d’une signification religieuse avait pour défenseurs A.J. Arkell12, H.J. Kantor13, E.J. Baumgartel (1960: 144–151) ou encore Ch. Boreux14. Au-delà de la complexe association de motifs qui composent le décor et leur vraisemblable valeur syntaxique, il est largement accepté aujourd’hui que l’iconographie de ces vases aurait trait aux notions de fertilité et de renaissance. Le vase et son décor fonctionneraient de concert pour exprimer un discours axé sur la vie, la mort et la renaissance. Les représentations de femmes et de végétation renverraient au concept de maternité et de fertilité. De la même manière, la navigation est une allégorie du mouvement, en opposition à une inertie morbide, et un clin d’œil évident au fleuve nourricier. Le mouvement courbe des bras redressés par-dessus la tête des figures féminines, tant dans l’art que dans le chef des statuettes, a d’ailleurs été rapproché du hiéroglyphe k3 désignant la force vitale (Relke 2011: 403–421, Fig. 2) ou encore d’une forme particulière de danse rituelle en l’honneur d’une divinité bovine. La pose des bras représenterait les cornes (Baumgartel 1955: 81). Le vase, tout comme la tombe, représenterait quant à lui le réceptacle au cœur duquel le défunt végète dans l’attente de sa renaissance (Graff 2009b: 50). Le lien entre le bateau et la notion de renaissance n’est pas hors de propos et a d’ailleurs déjà été mis en évidence pour l’art rupestre d’Elkab (Huyge 2002: 203). L’archéologie a offert des exemples renforçant cette hypothèse, à l’image de deux céramiques plastiques conservées à l’Ägyptisches Museum de Berlin (inv. ÄM 13832/3, Grimm & Schoske 2000: 30, n°31) et à l’Ashmolean Museum d’Oxford (AN1895.1220; Crowfoot-Payne 1993: Fig. 22.105; Patch 2012: 108, Fig. 32, Cat. 87). Le premier consiste en un bol imitant la forme d’un œuf duquel émerge un personnage féminin. Le second, un vase de la Classe B daté du Nagada IIa, est très particulier puisqu’il est possible d’apercevoir, modelé sur sa panse, un visage relié à un corps minimaliste consistant en un simple trait. Deux bras plus imposants sont repliés sur une poitrine invisible. Il s’agirait d’un bébé reposant sur la poitrine de sa mère, celle-ci n’étant autre que le vase lui-même. Il est difficile de mettre en doute cette lecture de l’iconographie des vases de la Classe D. Nous voudrions simplement ajouter que cette dernière devait également revêtir une signification moins connotée et exclusive. L’hypothèse 12 Selon l’auteur, les cabines sont en réalité des chapelles à l’intérieur desquelles un culte était adressé à la divinité représentée par l’enseigne (Arkell 1959). 13 L’auteure établit un parallèle entre le format des cabines des bateaux faucilles du manche de couteau du Gebel el-Arak ou des vases Decorated avec celui du hiéroglyphe de la chapelle de Haute Égypte (Kantor 1944: 124–125). 14 L’auteur évalue la possibilité que ces cabines désignent le pylône marquant l’entrée des temples, voire d’une chapelle (Boreux 1925: 20–21).

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que le bateau agisse comme un contenant allégorique du défunt, à l’instar de la tombe, ne nous convainc guère. Selon nous, ces bateaux seraient plutôt les témoins d’activités cérémonielles dont certaines d’entre elles impliquaient l’utilisation de cette production céramique particulière et, rappelons-le, à l’existence relativement brève. Leur dépôt dans la tombe aux côtés du défunt ne serait que la dernière étape de leur parcours. Cette hypothèse repose sur plusieurs éléments que nous nous proposons de résumer. S’il est vrai que la majorité des céramiques de la Classe D provient de contextes funéraires, les fouilles portant sur des zones d’habitat ont démontré qu’elles n’y étaient pas rares (Brunton & Caton-Thompson 1928: 100–103, 105; Vinson 1987: 119; Buchez 1998: 86, 89–90)15. Cette catégorie de récipient n’est donc pas exclusivement destinée à la tombe: « the fact that they ended up as gravegoods or in temples caches doesn’t rule out further (possibly even more significant) uses » (Raffaele 2010: 248). Par ailleurs, des analyses menées sur des vases découverts à Adaïma ont montré qu’ils pouvaient contenir des aliments, des huiles ou des onguents (Buchez 1998: 86; Graff 2009b: 50). Dans le sillage de l’expansion nagadienne16, cette production s’étend jusque dans le nord-est du Delta. Elle est également attestée au Levant ainsi qu’en Basse-Nubie (Gilbert 1999: 31). Un argument supplémentaire est l’existence au sein de cette production de rares exemples de bateaux caractérisés par une typologie particulière (Musée du Louvre, inv. AF6851 (Fig. 3); Ashmolean Museum E.2878; British Museum, inv. BM 36326; Graff 2009a: 333, 350, 383, n°420, 471, 569) et dont l’exemple le plus emblématique figure sur un coffret datant du Nagada IIA (Ashmolean Museum d’Oxford, E.2816; Graff 2009a: 250, n°171). Ils trouvent de nombreux parallèles dans l’art rupestre (Berger 1992: 336–337; Hardtke 2012: 336–337, Fig. 3, 6 ; Lankester 2013: 74–79, 82), mais également sur un fragment de vaisselle décorée en pierre (Fig. 4; Ägyptisches Museum de Berlin, inv. 15693; Scharff 1929: Pl. 22.109, V.109; Grimm & Schoske 2000: 37, n°47). Ces barques correspondent à ce que la littérature anglo-saxonne nomme incurved sickle-shaped boat. Dans le cadre de notre recherche, il nous a été possible de suivre l’évolution typologique de cette barque entre le Nagada IC et le Nagada IID. La cabine voûtée, identifiable à une chapelle (Hendrickx et al. 2012a: 300), mais également le format en «S» de la poupe couplé à une proue incurvée, suggèrent que l’embarcation remplissait une fonction particulière. Cette barque, dont la proue est décorée de guirlandes et de nattes, peut être rapprochée de la barque cérémonielle employée comme déterminatif des

15 Cela a surtout été mis en évidence à Adaïma, où de nombreux tessons de céramiques de la Classe D ont été mis au jour en contexte domestique (Midant-Reynes & Buchez 2002: 454, n°37, Pl. 2.26–2.28). 16 Selon un processus aujourd’hui discuté (Buchez & Midant-Reynes 2007; Köhler 2008; 2014).

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Fig. 3. Céramique de la Classe D portant la représentation d’un bateau à probable vocation cérémonielle (Musée du Louvre-Lens, inv. AF 6851, © S. Guérin).

Fig. 4. Fragment de vase en calcaire portant la représentation d’embarcations (Ägyptisches Museum, inv. 15693; Grimm & Schoske 2000, 37, n°47).

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festivals royaux sur les étiquettes en ivoires d’Abydos ou sur la Pierre de Palerme. Selon nous, il s’agirait d’une barque à vocation politico-religieuse employée dans le cadre de cérémonies officielles (Vanhulle 2018b: 266–275). Elle figure parmi chacune de nos catégories de sources et est répandue dans l’ensemble de la Haute-Égypte. Le motif du «bâton court », selon la nomenclature de G. Graff, est intéressant pour notre propos. L’hypothèse la plus récente est qu’il s’agirait de cornes (Graff 2011: 56–61; 2013a: 125–126). La torsion et le format circulaire de ces cornes serait à mettre en relation avec la notion de cycle éternel et, par extension, de régénération de la vie. Ce « bâton court » serait alors une offrande en contexte funéraire (Graff 2009a: 49; 2011: 56–61; 2013: 125–126). Un relief du temple solaire de Niouserrê illustrant une procession royale vraisemblablement liée à la fête Sed donne à voir un personnage tendant un objet ressemblant au « bâton court » dans la direction de l’enseigne surmontée de la divinité Oupouaout (Fig. 5; von Bissing & Kees 1923: 5, Fig. 27). Ce dieu apparaît comme enseigne d’étendard dans le cadre de processions dès la 1re dynastie (par ex.: Amélineau 1899: 221-222, Pl. XXXIII; Newberry 1912: Pl. XXXI; Vandier 1952: 859, Fig. 573; Kaplony 1964: 983, n°1551). La scène illustre le caractère processionnel de ces étendards et des accessoires qui les accompagnent et donc, peut-être déjà, de celui des barques représentées sur les vases de la Classe D. Il ne s’agit pas ici d’emprunter opportunément un trait iconographique de l’Ancien Empire pour l’appliquer aux périodes plus anciennes, puisque ces mêmes étendards apparaissent en contexte processionnel dès le Protodynastique. Les croyances funéraires n’étant qu’une extension des activités cultuelles et rituelles, l’iconographie de ces vases pouvait fonctionner dans les deux contextes. Cela peut être confirmé par la découverte de tessons de la Classe C et D en association avec un bâtiment communautaire à el-Mahasna. À ces tessons étaient associées des figurines anthropomorphiques et de bovidés en terre cuite (Anderson 2011: 14–19). Les statuettes de « danseuses », considérées être des divinités dans la première moitié du XXe siècle (Hassan 1992)17, peuvent être rapprochées des modèles de bateaux: si elles ont surtout été découvertes en contexte funéraire, quelques exemplaires proviennent indiscutablement de contextes domestiques18. Les similitudes ne s’arrêtent pas là, puisque 244 figurines nous sont parvenues et qu’il apparaît qu’elles ne figuraient pas forcément au sein d’inhumations appartenant à l’élite (Relke 2011: 399). Il n’aurait dès lors rien de surprenant à ce que les conditions de confection, mais également d’utilisation, de certains modèles et des statuettes convergent. 17 Toute notion sacrée et rituelle leur a été retirée depuis l’importante étude de P. Ucko (Ucko 1968; Hornung 1983). 18 Une récente étude offre un compte-rendu de nos connaissances sur cette catégorie d’objets et considère qu’il s’agit bel et bien d’œuvres à valeur d’ex-voto (Relke 2011: 397). Nous avons fait le même constat à propos des modèles de bateaux.

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Fig. 5. Relevé d’un relief du temple solaire de Niouserrê à Abou Ghorab (von Bissing & Kees 1923: 5, Fig. 27).

Notre étude des modèles de bateaux montre en effet que ces objets étaient vraisemblablement employés lors de cérémonies communautaires durant le Nagada II avant de devenir, sans le moindre doute, des ex-voto de valeur durant le Nagada III19. Ces quelques éléments étayent notre opinion selon laquelle ces bateaux n’ont rien de funéraire, mais renvoient aux processions politico-religieuses de l’époque. Il est par contre tout à fait envisageable qu’elles assurent de façon performative la pérennité de ces événements dans l’au-delà, et ce à l’avantage évident du défunt. Par ailleurs, la circularité imposée par la forme des vases et la position des bateaux entre les anses dégagent une impression de mouvement cyclique perpétuel. La barque processionnelle du Nagada II et le développement d’un syncrétisme politico-religieux Il existe deux décors peints sur des objets autres que la céramique: les fragments de lin de Gebelein (Williams et al. 1987; Donadoni-Roveri & Tiradritti 1998: 168–169, Fig. 77; Patch 2012: 38, 64, 114, 130, Cat. 25, 64, 94) et la paroi ornementée de Hierakonpolis (Quibell & Green, 1902: 20–21, Pl. LXXIV–LXXIX; 19 Les modèles du Nagada III à nous être parvenus sont en pierre ou en ivoire et de très grande qualité. Ils proviennent pour la plupart de l’ensemble des dépôts cultuels et temples connus pour cette période (Quibell 1900: 6, Pl. V, XXXI.1; Quibell & Green 1902: 31–32, 36, 43, 49, 50, Pl. LXIII; Petrie 1903: 24, Pl. III.20; Dreyer 1986: 37–50, 80; Kopp 2006: 75, 142, Pl. 31.491; Ciałowicz 2009: 95, Fig. 36; van Haarlem 2009: 156, Pl. XI.284; Bussmann 2010: 108–110, 243, 291, 337, 342, Pl. 93/Fig. 5.51-57, Pl. 192/5.681; Chłodnicki et al. 2012: 201–231). Les autres ont été découverts parmi le matériel des mastabas de Saqqara (Macramallah 1940: 15, 55, Pl. XLIX.1; Emery 1954: 147–148, Pl. LII), d’Hélouân (Saad 1947: 27, Pl. XIV.a; 1969: 70, 182, Pl. 103) et d’Abou Rawash (Montet 1946: 173–175, Pl. III; Tristant & Smythe 2011: 322).

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Williams et al. 1987; Gautier 1993; Wengrow 2006: 109–111, 114–115; Huyge 2014). Respectivement attribués au Nagada II et au Nagada IIC, ces décors comptent parmi les œuvres majeures de la période prédynastique. Ces deux productions artistiques constituent les plus anciens exemples d’un thème iconographique très connoté idéologiquement durant le Nagada II–IIIA: celui de la procession de barques. Ce thème associe des scènes de chasse, de danse, d’exécution d’ennemis vaincus et de combats rituels au sein d’une même composition dominée par une procession navale. Il n’y a rien de surprenant dans le choix de ces événements. Nous avons vu l’importance symbolique que revêtait la chasse. Quant à la danse, le rapprochement avec la pose des personnages aux bras dressés par-dessus leur tête est inévitable. Ainsi, l’ensemble de ces concepts remonte au Nagada I et constitue l’aboutissement d’un processus déjà ancien. Certains auteurs y ont vu l’expression d’un festival royal s’apparentant à une forme préformative du Heb Sed (Williams et al. 1987; Ciałowicz 1997). S’il n’y a que peu de doutes quant au fait que nombre de pratiques institutionnelles pharaoniques soient dans une large mesure les héritières de celles établies durant ces âges de formation, il convient de rappeler que nous ne pourrons probablement jamais appréhender totalement la véritable complexité et originalité de ces dernières. Le décor des fragments de lin peint de Gebelein est le premier exemple de procession navale cérémonielle à notre disposition. Nous y trouvons une scène de chasse et une danse très vraisemblablement rituelle (Roche 2014a). L’un des bateaux abrite un personnage agenouillé entre deux structures de pont. B.B. Williams et T.J. Logan estiment que l’objet suspendu au-dessus de sa tête est une massue (Williams et al. 1987: 256). Il s’agirait dès lors d’un prisonnier. L’inspiration de cette hypothèse provient sans doute de l’encensoir de Qustul, qui expose une scène similaire: le prisonnier, assis sur le pont d’un bateau, a les mains attachées dans le dos et est gardé par un personnage armé d’une massue (Williams 1986: 108–112, 138–147, 360, Fig. 171, Pl. 34; Williams et al. 1987: 249, 252–253, 257; Williams 2011: 87–88, 90). Le fait que l’animal chassé soit un pachyderme et que de nombreux motifs soient abstraits rappelle les productions artistiques du Nagada I. Le rendu des personnages, la thématique et la figuration globale laissent toutefois peu de doutes quant à son appartenance à la mouvance du Nagada II. À la différence de la céramique, mais de façon similaire aux tissus peints de Gebelein, l’ensemble de la composition de la peinture de Hierakonpolis tire parti d’une large surface plane pour occuper l’espace sur toute son extension. En cela, elle trouve quelques similarités avec l’art rupestre, qui lui aussi bénéficie de larges panneaux comme surface d’expression (Gautier 1993: 37). De façon plus marquée encore que sur l’ouvrage de Gebelein, les scènes rayonnent autour d’une procession navale très imposante. La participation de plus d’un peintre est également envisageable (Wengrow 2006: 115; Huyge

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2014: 98), mais en l’état improuvable. Quatre des bateaux sont blancs et répondent en tout point au modèle des bateaux peints sur les vases de la Classe D. Les vestiges de plâtre blanc découvert sur les bateaux d’Abydos offrent ici un parallèle très intéressant (Ward 2006). À propos de l’orientation de ces bateaux, un détail majeur nous aide: la branche de palmier qui agrémente systématiquement l’étrave des bateaux faucilles du Nagada IIC–D. Sur tous les bateaux représentés, à l’exception de celui situé le plus à droite, cette branche se situe à hauteur de l’extrémité gauche. Il ne fait dès lors plus aucun doute que l’ensemble de la flotte se dirige de concert vers une même destination (Huyge 2014: 98). Deux d’entre elles sont jouxtées par un pilier à étendard, dont un seul est suffisamment conservé pour nous transmettre son enseigne. Le bateau du registre supérieur gauche supporte un dais abritant un personnage. Tout comme celui représenté assis sur une des grandes barques de Gebelein, il paraît détenir des regalia (Midant-Reynes 2003: 334). La barque noire a fait couler beaucoup d’encre (Midant-Reynes 2003: 334). Il ne fait plus aucun doute aujourd’hui qu’il s’agit, au même titre que les autres bateaux, d’une structure au format faucille typiquement égyptien. La poupe illustre très clairement ce fait, puisqu’elle est identique à celle des bateaux faucilles classiques. Seule l’étrave a été modifiée. Sur base du constat que quelques bateaux gravés non loin du site d’Elkab au Nagada IIC–D ont été retouchés au début du Nagada III, D. Huyge propose un schéma similaire pour la tombe peinte de Hierakonpolis (Huyge 2014). Il s’agit d’un bateau « papyriforme », c’est-à-dire imitant les possibilités d’élongation des extrémités offertes par un matériau végétal, mais confectionné en bois. La cabine voûtée est identifiable à une chapelle (Hendrickx et al. 2012a: 300). Elle a également été interprétée comme une tente funéraire, à l’intérieur de laquelle se trouverait un corps recouvert d’un linceul (Ciałowicz 1998: 276, Fig. 2e). Cependant, il est difficile d’expliquer la présence d’une barque transportant le défunt au sein d’une iconographie dont le discours n’est pas à proprement parler funéraire, mais renvoie plutôt à un ensemble d’activité en lien avec les notions de contrôle et de prestige. Mise en valeur par une typologie et une couleur particulières, il s’agirait plutôt d’une barque à vocation politico-religieuse. Nous n’attribuons pas de rôle strictement funéraire aux barques peintes sur la tapisserie de Gebelein ou sur la paroi peinte de Hierakonpolis. Il s’agit selon nous des mêmes barques cérémonielles que celles visibles sur la céramique de la Classe D. Le point commun aux vases décorés, aux modèles réduits du Nagada II et III et à ces représentations de processions sur des objets de prestige est la célébration de cérémonies. Le contexte funéraire s’explique plus probablement par la volonté de pérenniser les pouvoirs et prérogatives du propriétaire, en l’occurrence un dirigeant, dans l’au-delà. De toute évidence, l’iconographie des manches de poignard dits « du Gebel el-Arak » (Delange 2009) et « du Metropolitan Museum » (Williams et al.

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1987), datés respectivement du Nagada IID20 et IIIA, exprime les mêmes thématiques que celles des peintures de Gebelein et de Hierakonpolis. Le premier est encore très proche des productions du Nagada II, les vignettes paraissant indépendantes les unes des autres tout en participant à une même thématique globale (Czichon & Sievertsen 1993). Le second présente la particularité de contrebalancer, sur l’autre face du manche, la procession navale par une procession pédestre dirigée vers un bâtiment officiel. Si les thématiques exprimées sur le manche du Gebel el-Arak sont encore très proches de celles véhiculées par la tombe peinte de Hierakonpolis et le linceul de Gebelein, où scènes de chasse et de victoire se mêlent à une procession navale, elles atteignent cependant un nouveau degré de complexité. C’est probablement ce qui a encouragé B. Midant-Reynes à préciser que le poignard du Louvre constitue un « point charnière » et qu’il « recueille la plus grande partie d’un héritage iconographique – bateaux, personnages, animaux, armes – qu’il retranscrit dans une langue nouvelle, dont les emprunts étrangers ne font que relever la fraîcheur » (Midant-Reynes 2003: 325). Cela témoigne du fait que la structuration du discours idéologique officiel atteint un nouveau stade de complétion au tournant du Nagada III. La découverte d’un manche de couteau intact et de fragments d’un second parmi le matériel issu du « Main Deposit » de Hierakonpolis démontre que ces objets ne se limitaient pas à la tombe21. Par extension, il en va de même en ce qui concerne leur iconographie. Puisque celle-ci marque la continuité et le développement des thématiques véhiculées par la peinture au Nagada II, cela renforce notre hypothèse selon laquelle l’ensemble de ces productions de prestige et leur décor étaient cérémoniels22 avant d’être funéraires. Le développement de la composante royale entraîne la complexification des fêtes, cérémonies et autres rites déjà existants afin de les adapter à un pouvoir politique et religieux de plus en plus centralisé et structuré. Ainsi, si cette thématique iconographique trouve facilement sa place en contexte funéraire, sa sémantique renvoie principalement aux domaines rituel et cérémoniel. C’est à ce moment qu’apparaissent parmi les thèmes exposés les porteurs d’offrandes, mais également les premières représentations concrètes d’architectures officielles, qu’il s’agisse d’un palais ou d’un temple. Les motifs exogènes observables durant ce Nagada IID–IIIA, en particulier sur le manche du Gebel el-Arak, restent sujets à controverse. Les embarcations 20 Un manche de poignard, daté du Nagada IID et au décor rappelant, dans le style, celui du Gebel el-Arak, a récemment été découvert parmi le matériel funéraire de la tombe U-503 à Abydos (Dreyer et al. 1998: 99, Fig. 7; Hartung 2010: 111, Fig. 5.a; Raffaele 2010: Fig. 2.2). 21 Ashmolean Museum d’Oxford, E 4975 et E 4808: Dreyer 1999: 200; Whitehouse 1997: 13; 2002: 425, n°3, Fig. 1, Pl. 46a–b. 22 H. Whitehouse va jusqu’à émettre l’hypothèse que certains poignards étaient utilisés lors de sacrifices rituels (Whitehouse 2002: 440).

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à fond plat et extrémités incurvées, souvent rapprochées de l’imagerie orientale contemporaine, se retrouvent pratiquement à l’identique sur le manche du Gebel el-Arak et du Metropolitan Museum et s’opposent, sur les deux œuvres, aux bateaux faucilles classiques. La découverte d’un fragment de manche portant un décor stylistiquement identique à celui du Gebel el-Arak porte un coup supplémentaire à l’opinion voulant que cet objet soit d’origine orientale. La rareté, mais également la brièveté, de cette barque au sein des productions nagadiennes doit quoi qu’il en soit être relevée. Serait-il envisageable de postuler une « mode », éphémère, portée sur l’esthétique orientale ? Ceci expliquerait le fait que ces emprunts ne se pérennisent pas, à l’exception notable de la rosette, durant le Nagada III. Les Nagadiens y étaient peut-être confrontés par l’intermédiaire de leur présence, de plus en plus invasive, au Levant à cette époque (de Miroschedji 2002). Les motifs empruntés sont toutefois adaptés afin de participer à l’expression d’un discours proprement égyptien (Smith 1992). Ils disparaîtront définitivement dans le courant de la 1re dynastie. Cette iconographie, qu’elle soit peinte ou sculptée dans l’ivoire, est l’œuvre d’artistes spécialisés travaillant au sein d’ateliers placés au service de l’élite dirigeante. Toutes ces œuvres participent d’un même mouvement et témoignent d’un processus cognitif et social complexe à l’œuvre dans la vallée au 4e millénaire. La progressive hiérarchisation de la société entraîne une structuration de plus en plus forte du système de pensée et, par extension, des formats d’expressions officiels. En parallèle, les dirigeants s’approprient les ressources, tentent de contrôler les voies de communication et de développer les réseaux d’échanges afin d’obtenir des matériaux précieux et exotiques (Bavay 2000). Ils s’entourent très vraisemblablement de ce que nous pourrions qualifier d’« intellectuels », qui travaillent à l’établissement d’une idéologie dont l’objectif est de légitimer le pouvoir des dirigeants. En faisant d’eux les garants de l’Ordre sur le Chaos, donc essentiels à la bonne marche du monde, ils préfigureraient le système pharaonique. Puisque la peinture de Hierakonpolis témoigne de leur existence au Nagada IIC, nous n’avons d’autre choix que de supposer que les scènes de chasse et de victoire ont continué à être représentées sur d’autres supports après le Nagada I (Hendrickx & Eyckerman 2012: 34). L’explication la plus plausible reste qu’elles étaient alors disposées sur des surfaces planes, tels des pans de tissus ou des murs de bâtiments, qui pouvaient être exposées. De toute évidence, l’art rupestre, malheureusement toujours aussi difficile à dater (Huyge 1995: 33–35; Judd 2009: 78–81; Lankester 2012), est important puisque de telles scènes sont courantes dans le désert Oriental (Winkler 1938; Rohl 2000; Morrow et al. 2010; Lankester 2013). Il n’existe aucune rupture entre le Nagada I et le Nagada II. Les thématiques élaborées dès le début du 4e millénaire se développent et aboutissent à la création d’une iconographie composée de référents visuels combinables. Ainsi, ce qui

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semble être des thèmes distincts au Nagada I s’entremêle dans une seule et même composition durant la phase suivante. Le discours élaboré par les autorités remploie les traditions anciennes au sein d’une véritable construction idéologique au centre de laquelle figure la personne du dirigeant. Dans le cadre des processions, le bateau n’accomplit plus la fonction symbolique du chasseur. Il n’en perd pas pour autant sa fonction de garant de l’Ordre cosmique. En effet, ces processions sont dominantes au sein d’une figuration composée de nombreuses petites scènes agitées et parfois violentes. Derrière cette procession, c’est bien évidemment le dirigeant qui est suggéré. C’est lui qui assure le maintien de l’Ordre sur le Chaos. Pourtant, c’est le bateau qui est mis en avant et qui, par une certaine extension allégorique, remplit cette fonction. Le Nagada III: une période de transition entre continuité, adaptation et innovation Le Nagada III A–B conserve les mêmes thèmes iconographiques, mais les insère dans un contexte indubitablement royal. Le développement de la composante royale entraîne une complexification des fêtes, cérémonies et autres rites déjà existants afin de les adapter à un pouvoir politique et religieux de plus en plus centralisé. Une dernière représentation de la procession navale est gravée à Nag el-Hamdulab, vraisemblablement au Nagada IIIA (Hendrickx & Gatto 2009; Hendrickx et al. 2009; 2012a–b; Darnell 2015). Il est important de préciser que chacun des panneaux gravés constitutifs du site est dévolu à un thème iconographique particulier. Leur combinaison permet d’aboutir à un schème global. Le site 1 comporte des prisonniers, le site 2 un personnage couronné, le site 3 un sacrifice animal, le site 4 une scène de brasserie et de consommation de bière, le site 5 une danseuse et un bucrane, le site 6 une scène de pastoralisme, le site 7a une procession navale et 7d une scène cynégétique. Cela peut désigner plusieurs étapes d’un festival royal, figé pour l’éternité dans la roche. Une première tentative de lecture de l’inscription contemporaine jouxtant la flottille du site 7a confirmerait d’ailleurs qu’il s’agit d’une représentation des « Suivants nautiques d’Horus » accompagnant le roi dans le cadre de la perception bisannuelle des taxes (Hendrickx et al. 2012a: 308– 310; 2012b: 1080; Darnell 2015)23. Le panneau n°7a reproduit une scénographie très proche de celle de la paroi peinte de Hierakonpolis. Il modernise cependant la thématique en additionnant à la procession navale une procession royale. Le roi, coiffé de la couronne blanche et détenant ce qui s’apparente au sceptre héqa, est précédé d’un chien et suivi par deux porteurs d’étendard d’une part, d’un porteur d’éventail 23 Une autre théorie (Begon 2016), bien différente et déjà mise à mal (Darnell et al. 2017), voudrait que cette annotation fasse référence à la confection de vase en pierre.

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d’autre part. Bien que rares, les couronnes blanche et rouge apparaissent dans l’art rupestre (Hendrickx et al. 2009: 173–174, Fig. 4): au Ouadi Gash (Winkler 1938: Pl. XIII–XIV; Midant-Reynes 1993: Fig. 1; Wilkinson 2003: 80, Fig. 23–24), au Ouadi Mahamid à Elkab (Huyge 1995: 177, Pl. 152) et au Ouadi Abbad (Ward 2006: Fig. 2a). Le roi est accompagné de porteurs d’enseignes, rappelant cette relation intime entre politique et religion et le contexte cérémoniel de l’événement. Lors de ses apparitions dans l’art rupestre protodynastique, le bateau assure essentiellement la fonction de marqueur de territoire. La composition gravée au Ouadi Sheikh Suleiman (Tallet & Somaglino 2014) et les gravures récemment découvertes au Ouadi ‘Ameyra (Tallet 2015), dans le sud de la péninsule du Sinaï, en témoignent. Toutes les embarcations représentées sont des bateaux d’apparat royal. Aucun ne semble pouvoir remplir une fonction sacrée ou processionnelle, leur typologie ne renvoyant en rien aux barques cérémonielles connues sur les étiquettes d’ivoire de la même période. La nature de ces gravures est donc exclusivement politique, d’autant que leur haute qualité artistique confirme qu’il s’agit d’œuvres commanditées par le jeune État. Le bateau y apparaît accompagné du serekh du roi, qui est cette fois le seul garant de l’action. Il est toutefois plus qu’un faire-valoir puisqu’il domine toujours la composition et est celui qui accomplit l’action au nom du chef suprême. Il est l’emblème d’une institution et de ce qu’elle inspire. Il témoigne du fait que l’ordre et le contrôle assurés par le roi s’étendent jusqu’aux zones où il se trouve inscrit. Le bateau perd progressivement sa place en tant que symbole idéologique dès l’avènement de la 1re dynastie. Le Nagada IIIC marque un tournant, tant artistique que conceptuel. Le roi devenant le garant de l’Ordre sur le Chaos, le bateau ne pouvait plus conserver cette fonction maîtresse dans l’iconographie. L’allégorie n’a plus lieu d’être, puisque le roi est alors figuré sous sa forme humaine agissante. La tête de massue du roi Scorpion ou encore la Palette de Narmer sont les témoins les plus emblématiques de ce changement de paradigme dans l’iconographie. Cette ultime évolution est confirmée par la représentation d’un serekh armé incarnant le roi conquérant: seuls sa personne ou son nom peuvent désormais maintenir l’Ordre cosmique. Le bateau fait alors son entrée dans le système hiéroglyphique et s’installe dans son rôle historique de véhicule privilégié des rois et des dieux. Plus jamais par la suite le bateau ne chassera l’hippopotame, il se contentera de soutenir Pharaon afin que ce dernier puisse lui-même harponner l’animal, prouver sa valeur et régénérer son pouvoir. Il est raisonnable de considérer que la manière dont l’iconographie nagadienne était employée, usant abondamment de l’image-symbole, a influé sur la mise au point du système hiéroglyphique. L’emploi de l’allégorie pour diffuser un message, s’il ne disparaît jamais véritablement, s’efface au profit de signes investis d’une valeur phonétique combinés selon des règles syntaxiques. Il n’y

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a ainsi rien de surprenant à constater que les hiéroglyphes du bateau sont, tous, des idéogrammes. Conclusions L’art prédynastique donne à voir la perception qu’avaient les Nagadiens de leur place dans l’univers. La structuration de la société, le développement de la composante royale et l’expansion territoriale caractéristiques de la seconde moitié du 4e millénaire conduisent à la construction d’un système politicoreligieux et idéologique dont les bases reposent sur des traditions anciennes. Si les clés de lecture nous sont perdues, une analyse de l’image menée dans la diachronie et isolée de toute considération issue des âges pharaoniques permet de dégager un processus social, politique et intellectuel dont la résultante majeure est l’éclosion de la civilisation pharaonique. Grâce à sa fonction de symbole véhiculant des concepts idéologiques fondateurs de la pensée nagadienne puis pharaonique, le bateau nous permet d’assister au développement progressif de ce processus. Chassant l’hippopotame, environné d’une faune et d’une flore relevant tout à la fois du désert et de la vallée, le bateau paraît dominer l’ensemble de l’univers connu dans l’iconographie du Nagada I. Ces scènes de chasse, couplées à celles de victoire, confirment que le message sous-jacent a trait au concept de la domination de l’Ordre sur le Chaos. Le fait que le bateau soit celui qui harponne au 4e millénaire témoigne selon nous de son statut de garant de l’ordre cosmique du monde. Cette notion primordiale en Égypte unit les univers politique et religieux pour constituer un archétype dont l’expression sensible est le maintien de l’équilibre du monde. Le bateau prédynastique nous paraît être est le seul motif à remplir cette fonction dans l’iconographie. Durant le Nagada II, le bateau domine la composition, dont il est le motif central. Sur les vases de la Classe D, il renverrait selon nous au contexte cérémoniel dans lequel ces céramiques devaient être utilisées avant d’aboutir dans une tombe. Rien ne permet en tout cas de l’identifier à une barque funéraire, par ailleurs jamais attestée au 4e millénaire. Sa fonction serait de signifier un cycle éternel et, donc, de contribuer à un discours portant sur la notion de renaissance. Le thème de la procession de barque du Nagada IIC–IIIA serait une évolution de l’iconographie du Nagada I, le bateau étant cette fois inséré dans des tableaux complexes résumant un ensemble d’activités cérémonielles organisées autour d’un dirigeant. La procession de bateaux est l’expression de son statut social et, par extension, de sa capacité à maintenir l’ordre. L’avènement de la 1re dynastie et la première figuration du roi dans l’art mettent un terme à cette fonction centrale du bateau dans l’iconographie. L’image du roi se voit logiquement investie de la charge symbolique jusqu’alors portée par le motif du bateau. Ce dernier incarne encore le jeune État dans les

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LORET, V., 1904. Quelques idées sur la forme primitive de certaines religions égyptiennes: À propos de l’identification de l’hiéroglyphe servant à écrire le mot dieu. Revue Égyptologique 11: 69–100. LORET, V., 1906. L’Égypte au temps du totémisme: Conférence faite au Musée Guimet le 9 avril 1905. Paris. MACRAMALLAH, R., 1940. Un cimetière archaïque de la classe moyenne du peuple à Saqqarah. Le Caire. MIDANT-REYNES, B., 1993. Égypte prédynastique et art rupestre [in:] BERGER, C.; CLERC, G. & GRIMAL, N. (eds.), Hommages à Jean Leclant. Vol. 4. Bibliothèque d’Étude 106/4. Le Caire: 229–235. MIDANT-REYNES, B., 2003. Aux origines de l’Égypte: Du Néolithique à l’émergence de l’État. Paris. MIDANT-REYNES, B. & BUCHEZ, N., 2002. Adaïma 1: Économie et habitat. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 45. Le Caire. MONNET-SALEH, J., 1969. Forteresses, ou villes-protégées thinites? Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 67: 263–296. MONNET-SALEH, J., 1983. Les représentations de temples sur plates-formes à pieux, de la poterie gerzéenne d’Égypte. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 83: 263–296. MONNET-SALEH, J., 1987. Remarques sur les représentations de la peinture d’Hierakonpolis (Tombe No 100). Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73: 81–87. MONTET, P., 1946. Tombeaux de la Ière et de la IVe dynasties à Abou-Roach. Kêmi 8: 157–227. MORROW, M. et al., 2010. Desert RATS: Rock Art Topographical Survey. Londres. MÜLLER, V., 2008. Nilpferdjagd und geköpfte Feinde – zu zwei Ikonen des Feindvernichtungsrituals [in:] ENGEL, E.-M.; MÜLLER, V. & HARTUNG, U. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer. Wiesbaden: 477–493. NAVAJAS JIMÉNES, A.I., 2011. The Predynastic Bos primigenius as a Royal Image of Territory: Boundaries and Power in an African Context [in:] EXELL, K. (ed.), Egypt in its African Context: Proceedings of the Conference held at The Manchester Museum, University of Manchester (2nd-4th October 2009). British Archaeological Reports International Series 2204. Oxford: 30–42. NAVAJAS, A.I., 2012. Some New Hunting Scenes in Pre-Dynastic C-Wares: London Petrie Museum UC15331 and Oxford Ashmolean Museum 1946.297 “Revisited”. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 139: 171–182. NAVILLE, E., 1907. The Origin of Egyptian Civilisation. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 37: 201–214. NAVILLE, E., 1917. Les dessins des vases préhistoriques égyptiens. Archives suisses d’Anthropologie générale 2/1-2: 197‒206. NEWBERRY, P.E., 1912. The Wooden and Ivory Labels of the First Dynasty. Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 34: 279–289. NEWBERRY, P.E., 1913a. Some Cults of Prehistoric Egypt. Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 5: 132–136. NEWBERRY, P.E., 1913b. List of Vases with Cult-signs. Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 5: 137–142. PATCH, D. (éd.), 2012. Dawn of Egyptian Art: New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art (10th April-5th August 2012). New York. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1901. Diospolis Parva: The Cemeteries of Abadiyeh and Hu. 1898-1899. Londres. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1903. Abydos. Part II. Londres.

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PETRIE, W.M.F., 1920. Prehistoric Egypt. British School in Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account 31. Londres. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1921. Corpus of Prehistoric Pottery and Palettes. British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account 32. Londres. PETRIE, W.M.F., 1933. Egyptian Shipping. Ancient Egypt and the East: Part I-II: 1–14. PETRIE, W.M.F. & QUIBELL, J.E., 1896. Naqada and Ballas. 1895. Londres. QUIBELL, J.E., 1900. Hierakonpolis. Egyptian Research Account 1. Londres. QUIBELL, J.E., & GREEN, F.W., 1902. Hierakonpolis: Part II. Egyptian Research Account 5. Londres. RAFFAELE, F., 2010. Animal Rows and Ceremonial Processions in Late Predynastic Egypt [in:] RAFFAELE, F.; NUZZOLO, M. & INCORDINO, I. (eds.), Recent Discoveries and Latest Researches in Egyptology: Proceedings of the First Neapolitan Congress of Egyptology (Naples, 18th-20th June 2008). Wiesbaden: 245–285. READ, F.W., 1917. Boats or fortified village? Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 13: 145–151. REGNER, C., 1996. Schminkpaletten. Bonner Sammlung von Aegyptiaca 2. Wiesbaden. RELKE, J., 2011. The Predynastic Dancing Egyptian Figurine. Journal of Religion in Africa 41/4: 396–426. ROCHE, A., 2014a. Des scènes de danse dans l’iconographie prédynastique? Essai d’identification et d’interprétation à la lumière de la documentation pharaonique. Archéo-Nil 24: 161–189. ROCHE, A., 2014b. Et le roi tua l’hippopotame: Enquête sur les origines d’un rite égyptien. Archimède: Archéologie et histoire ancienne 1: 71–87. ROHL, D., 2000. The Followers of Horus: Eastern Desert Survey Report. Abingdon. ROTH, A.M., 1991. Egyptian Phyles in the Old Kingdom: The Evolution of a System of Social Organisation. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 48. Chicago. SAAD, Z.Y., 1947. Royal Excavations at Saqqara and Helwan (1941-1945). Supplément aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 3. Le Caire. SAAD, Z.Y., 1969. The Excavations at Helwan: Art and Civilization in the First and Second Egyptian Dynasties. Norman. SÄVE-SÖDERBERGH, T., 1953. On Egyptian Representations of Hippopotamus Hunting as a Religious Motive. Lund. SCHARFF, A., 1928. Some Prehistoric Vases in the British Museum and Remarks on Egyptian Prehistory. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 14/3-4: 261‒276. SCHARFF, A., 1929. Die Altertümer der Vor- und Frühzeit Ägyptens: Zweiter Teil. Mitteilungen aus der Ägyptischen Sammlung/Staatliche Museen zu Berlin 5. Berlin. SEGLINS, V., 2014. Unknown Signs and Symbols on Egyptian Prehistoric Naqada Stone Palettes. Journal of Earth Science and Engineering 4: 94‒100. SMITH, H.S., 1992. The Making of Egypt: A Review of the Influence of Susa and Sumer on Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia in the 4th Millenium B.C. [in:] FRIEDMAN, R. & ADAMS, B. (eds.), The Followers of Horus: Studies Dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman. Egyptian Studies Association Publication 2/Oxbow Monographs 20. Oxford: 235–246. TALLET, P. & SOMAGLINO, C., 2014. Une campagne en Nubie sous la Ière dynastie: La scène nagadienne du Gebel Sheikh Suleiman comme prototype et modèle. NeHeT 1: 1–46. TALLET, P. 2015. La zone minière du Sud-Sinaï II: Les inscriptions pré- et protodynastiques du Ouadi ‘Ameyra. Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 132. Le Caire. TEFNIN, R., 1979. Image et histoire: Réflexions sur l’usage documentaire de l’image égyptienne. Chronique d’Égypte 54/108: 218–244. TEFNIN, R., 1984. Discours et iconicité dans l’art égyptien. Göttinger Miszellen 79: 55–69.

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TEFNIN, R., 1993. L’image et son cadre: Réflexion sur la structure du champ figuratif en Égypte prédynastique. Archéo-Nil 3: 7–22. TORR, C., 1898. Sur quelques prétendus navires égyptiens. L’Anthropologie 9: 32–35. TRISTANT, Y. & SMYTHE, J., 2011. New Excavations for an Old Cemetery: Preliminary Results of the Abu Rawach Project on the M Cemetery (1st Dynasty) [in:] FRIEDMAN, R.F. & FISKE, P.N. (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference “Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt”, London, 27th July–1st August 2008. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA: 313–322. UCKO, P., 1968. Anthropomorphic Figurines of Predynastic Egypt and Neolithic Crete with Comparative Material from the Prehistoric Near East and Mainland Greece. Londres. UILDRICKX, M., 2018. Building a Predynastic: The Construction of Predynastic Galleys. Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 17: 156‒172. VANDIER, J., 1952. Manuel d’archéologie égyptienne: Les époques de formation. Les trois premières dynasties. Paris. VANHULLE, D., 2016. Le bateau pré- et protodynastique dans l’iconographie et l’archéologie égyptiennes: Pour une étude analytique et sémiologique de la navigation au 4e millénaire avant J.-C. Bruxelles. Thèse non publiée. VANHULLE, D., 2018a. Faux et usage de faux: Discussion autour d’un modèle de bateau des Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire de Bruxelles [in:] DOYEN, F.; PREYS, R. & QUERTINMONT, A. (eds.), Sur le chemin du Mouseion d’Alexandrie: Études offertes à Marie-Cécile Bruwier. Cahiers Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne 19. Montpellier: 301‒326. VANHULLE, D., 2018b. Preliminary Observations on Some Naqadian Boat Models. A Glimpse of a Discrete Ideological Process in Pre-Pharaonic Arts [in:] KABACIŃSKI, J.; CHŁODNICKI, M.; KOBUSIEWICZ, M. & WINIARSKA-KABACIŃSKA, M. (eds.), Desert and the Nile: Prehistory of the Nile Basin and the Sahara. Papers in honour of Fred Wendorf. Studies in African Archaeology 15. Poznań: 265–288. VANHULLE, D., à paraître. Abu Rawash’s Boats in the Context of Early Egypt [in:] TRISTANT, Y. & GEHAD, B. (eds.), Le cimetière d’élite M de la Ire dynastie à Abou Rawach 2. Barques funéraires. Le Caire. VANHULLE, D. & LORRE, C., 2018. Un modèle de bateau protodynastique égyptien récemment acquis par le Musée d’archéologie nationale (Saint-Germain-en-Laye). Revue des musées de France 2018/4: 28‒39. VAN HAARLEM, W.M., 2009. Temple Deposits at Tell Ibrahim Awad. Amsterdam. VERNUS, P., 1991. Ménès, Achtoès, l’hippopotame et le crocodile: Lecture structurale de l’historiographie égyptienne [in:] VERHOEVEN, U. & GRAEFE, E. (eds.), Religion und Philosophie im Alten Ägypten: Festgabe für Philippe Derchain zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Juli 1991. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 39. Louvain: 331–339. VINSON, S.M., 1987. Boats of Egypt before the Old Kingdom. Austin. VON BISSING, F.W., 1898. Les origines de l’Égypte. L’anthropologie 9: 241‒258; 408‒417. VON BISSING, F.W. & KEES, H., 1923. Das Re-Heiligtum: König Ne-Woser-Re (Rathures). Vol. 2. Die Kleine Festdarstellung. Leipzig. WARD, C.A, 2006. Boat-Building and its Social Context in Early Egypt: Interpretations from the First Dynasty Boat-Grave Cemetery at Abydos. Antiquity 80: 118–129. WENGROW, D., 2006. The Archaeology of Early Egypt: Social Transformations in NorthEast Africa, 10 000 to 2650 BC. New York. WHITEHOUSE, H., 1997. New Discoveries at the Ashmolean. Nekhen News 9: 13.

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WHITEHOUSE, H., 2002. A Decorated Knife-Handle from the “Main Deposit” at Hierakonpolis. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 58: 425–446. WILKINSON, T.A.H., 2003. Genesis of the Pharaohs: Dramatic New Discoveries Rewrite the Origins of Ancient Egypt. Londres. WILLIAMS, B.B., 1986. Excavations between Abu Simbel and the Sudan Frontier. Vol. 1: The A-Group Royal Cemetery at Qustul: Cemetery L. Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition 3. Chicago. WILLIAMS, B.B., 1989. An Early Pottery Jar with Incised Decoration from Egypt [in:] LEONARD, A. Jr. & WILLIAMS, B.B. (eds.), Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to Helene J. Kantor. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 47. Chicago: 305–320. WILLIAMS, B.B., 2011. Relations between Egypt and Nubia during the Naqada Period [in:] TEETER, E. (ed.), Egypt Before the Pyramids. Oriental Institute Museum Publications 33. Chicago: 81–93. WILLIAMS, B.B.; LOGAN, T.J. & MURNANE, W.J., 1987. The Metropolitan Museum Knife Handle and Aspects of Pharaonic Imagery before Narmer. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 46/4: 245–285. WINKLER, H.A., 1938. Rock-Drawings of Southern Upper Egypt I: Sir Robert Mond Desert Expedition. Season 1936-1937. Londres. WOLTERMAN, C., 2001–2002. C-Ware Cairo Dish CG 2076 and D-Ware Flamingos. Prehistoric Theriomorphic Allusions to Solar Myth. Jaarbericht van het VooraziatischEgyptisch Genootschap Ex Oriente Lux 37: 5–30.

KING, COURT AND THE PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION, EARLY OLD KINGDOM (FIRST TO THIRD DYNASTIES) JORIS VAN WETERING Den Haag, The Netherlands

In recent publications, Bussmann (2010; 2014a; 2015) has outlined his perspective on the interrelationship of king and court (in its capacity as the decision-making hub of the central administration) and provincial temples of the Old Kingdom (1st to 8th Dynasties). His research suggests the ‘absence’ of court-temple interaction during the first three Dynasties, and the commencement of court-temple interaction in the form of royal objects and architectural elements sent to provincial temples only started in the 4th Dynasty and intensifying during the Late Old Kingdom; thus arguing that a comprehensive administrative integration of the realm was only achieved towards the end of Old Kingdom. Here, a different model is proposed, one that sees the biennial royal tour of the first three Dynasties as defining the initial interaction between the king and his court, and the provincial temples as well as local and regional authorities. This royal tour resulted in a highly mobile court and consequently a very visible ruler for those he ruled, be it at places the king visited or during this travels up and down the Nile. During the royal tour, the king and his extensive entourage travelled from one provincial centre to another, staying to conduct royal affairs. These provincial palace compounds, like the one found at Buto, provided temporary residence during the royal tour, but also functioned year-round as regional administrative centres on behalf of the central administration, controlling its hinterland to extract tribute and oversee/prepare the biennial census. This network of provincial palace compounds formed the backbone of the palace economy of the Early Old Kingdom. Provincial temples did not play a significant administrative-economic role within the palace economy during this period. Although by the presence of the divine king at the temple (as part of the biennial royal tour) and his participation in religious events, the provincial temples (and their priesthood, their local gods and local religious activities) were tied to the king, and so to the polity during the Early Old Kingdom (Smith 2011). From the 4th Dynasty onwards, when the king no longer periodically visited the provincial centres and their temples in person, royal gifts began to appear at local temples. The 3rd Dynasty represents a crucial period when interaction between court and provinces changed significantly. It is within this perspective that Later Old Kingdom developments, including the manifestation of the nomarchy, can be best understood.

Introduction The relationship between provincial temples and the provincial administration, and how king and court, in their capacity as the decision-making hub of the central administration, feature into this, has recently been addressed by Bussmann (2010; 2014a; 2015). He has outlined his perspective on this relationship by analysing the current body of evidence related to all known temples of the Old

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Kingdom (1st to 8th Dynasties, c. 3000–2150 BCE), and how this relates to the integration of the provinces into the central administration. Generally, the Old Kingdom is identified as the period covering the rd th 3 /4 Dynasty to the 6th Dynasty (Malek 2000); whereas the period from the 1st Dynasty to the 2nd/3rd Dynasty is identified as the Early Dynastic Period (Bard 2000; Wilkinson 2001). This artificial division is often agreed on due to the monumentality of the royal tomb complex and the possibility of political unrest during the mid-late 2nd Dynasty. Both arguments are problematic in that the former fits very un-comfortably with the ancient Egyptian king lists that seem to focus on territorial unity (van Wetering 2018). It has long been argued from a political perspective that the Old Kingdom starts with the 1st Dynasty and ends with, or shortly after, the 8th Dynasty (Janssen 1978: 213; Müller-Wollermann 1986; 2014: 1); a period when a single king ruled over the entire realm of Upper and Lower Egypt, irrespective of the fact if that king and his administration is strong or weak, so long as the king is recognised as sole supreme ruler throughout the realm. Here, the term Old Kingdom is used for the period from the beginning of the 1st Dynasty to the end of the 8th Dynasty, c. 3060 to 2150/2120 BCE.1 That the Old Kingdom and much of the Protodynastic/Predynastic Periods before it, is characterised by Dynasticism (Duindam 2011: 16–17) seems clear from the archaeological record. Control within this kind of system over key nodes of decision-making within the court as the upper echelon of the central administration, is in the hands of members of the same family/kin group. Power is shared within a (small) group of people who are closely related to each other, with succession to the top position (the king) limited to specific male members of that family (van Wetering, in press). Court is here used to delineate high-status courtiers (primarily members of the royal family) around the king (wherever he might be) who have for different reasons, a large degree of access to the king and participate/influence the decision-making process emanating from the king. The Old Kingdom is characterised by a palace economy with a nascent temple economy forming within it during the late Old Kingdom, which becomes the dominant system of post-Old Kingdom Egypt (Papazian 2005). The nascent temple economy and a process of decentralisation that creates a provincial political hierarchy with a growing local power and control over regional resources are important features in the decline of the Old Kingdom. Weakening of the centralised structure of the polity and its palace economy (Papazian 2005: 59–60, 65–66, 74–80, 112, 293, fn. 2; Bárta 2014), the cause(s) of the developments can be traced to court decisions taken during the middle of the Old Kingdom (see below). 1 The Old Kingdom is here divided into: Early Old Kingdom: 1st–2nd Dynasties; mid-Old Kingdom: 3rd–4th Dynasties; and late Old Kingdom: 5th/6th–8th Dynasties.

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Bussmann’s perspective is firmly fixed on the role of temples as delineated by the post-Old Kingdom development with a dominant temple economy. But a different perspective, proposed here, focusses on the palace economy and looks at how the biennial royal tour, the so-called ‘Following of Horus’ of the first three Dynasties defines the initial interaction between king and court on the one hand, and the provincial administration (local and regional authorities) on the other, and how provincial temples fit into this interaction. The relation between temples and the provincial administration In his Ph.D. study (2010), Bussmann has extensively analysed the evidence related to known temples and has shown convincingly that temples (outside the capital and excluding royal ancestral centres in the provinces) did not play the same political role as during the Middle Kingdom and onwards. His research indicates the absence during the first three Dynasties of a court/ temple interaction as attested by objects or architectural elements that mention/ show the king interacting with the gods, and portraying the king as supreme high priest that mediates between the gods and the people (Bussmann 2010: 508–509).2 It indicates the commencement of court-temple interaction in the form of royal objects and architectural elements sent to provincial temples from the 4th–early 5th Dynasties onwards (Bussmann 2010: 467), and that this interaction intensifies during the Late Old Kingdom (Bussmann 2010: 509–510). His research shows that almost all known temples of the Old Kingdom were embedded within their local community, serving the needs of the people and were not tied to a royal (administrative) structure albeit a royal presence is attested at some of these temples (Bussmann 2010: 509). The archaeological record of the temples at Nekhen [Hierakonpolis], This [Abydos] and Iunu [Heliopolis] during the Protodynastic-early Old Kingdom underlines that these temples should not be sees provincial per se,3 as the first two are important royal ancestral centres for the early kings and this is reflected 2 The ‘presence’ of Horus Seth Khasekhemwy, Early 3rd Dynasty (van Wetering 2018: 372– 373; in press) within the temple of Gebelein (Bussmann 2010: 461) seems to be the exception to the rule as Gebelein can in all probability be identified as a provincial temple (unlike Nekhen [Hierakonpolis] where the same king is also attested). The reliefs from Gebelein can in all probability be seen as positioning the king as intermediary between the gods and the people. Either this development starts earlier than Bussmann (2010) assumes or this particular situation can be related to the position of Horus Seth Khasekhemwy and his ‘need’ for prominent legitimising display (van Wetering, in press). 3 In all probability serving their local community was the main purpose of almost all known temples, the difference lies in the royal presence. The temple at Tell Ibrahim Awad can be seen as a provincial temple per se (without a royal presence) focused entirely on the needs of its community whereas, Nekhen and This at the other end of the spectrum (with a significant royal presence) are not only serving the local community but also part of royal activities (like the funerals of the 1st Dynasty kings).

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in the royal presence at these temple whereas, the third can in all probability be identified as a royal shrine. Bussmann argues that the temple at Nekhen held a special role during the late Protodynastic - 1st Dynasty based on its monumentality and the quality of the objects found there, as a kind of ‘national shrine’ (Bussmann 2010: 461–463, 466, 507). He makes a direct comparison between the objects found within the temple area of Nekhen and that of This and states that votive objects given by king and court to the former are more numerous and precious than those given to the latter (Bussmann 2010: 507). The temple of This does not, according to Bussmann (2010: 498) seem to have benefitted from the presence of the royal tombs of the 1st Dynasty kings. And while objects found at Nekhen are certainly of a different nature than those found at This, one has to ask if this is not an archaeological circumstance. These temple areas have not been fully excavated nor does the dating of votive deposits from both sites seem to match up as more early deposits were found at Nekhen than at This. The earliest temple layers investigated at the latter seem to date to the Late Old Kingdom (Kemp 1968: 150; 1973: 25) whereas at the former earlier temple layers may have been found, but the debate about that is still on-going (McNamara 2008). Therefore, a one-on-one comparison may not result in meaningful results. The presence of objects at This with the names of Horus Aha, Horus Djet and Horus Qa’a as well as a statue of an unidentified 1st Dynasty king in Heb-Sed gear (Petrie 1903: pls. IV–V, XIII–XIV, XVI) does indicate the presence of 1st Dynasty kings within the temple. A rather intriguing archaeological feature of the temple of This is the presence of cemetery M, which is situated near the temple within the town site. It is built on top of Protodynastic town layers (cutting into these layers) and with mid-late Old Kingdom town layers over it (Petrie 1902: 14–22, Pls. XLIX). The cemetery consists of at least twelve graves that vary in size from large and well-endowed/high status to small pits, some including a ceramic coffin while others had a wooden inner burial chamber, dated to Naqada IIIC1/early 1st Dynasty (Hendrickx & van den Brink 2003: 358). The location, in close proximity to the temple and the unique circumstance of a cemetery built within a town site (upon recently abandoned settlement layers), seems to point to a close relation between the temple and the tomb-owners who may have been priests. The wealth display of these tombs may therefore be a reflection of the status of this temple at the beginning of the 1st Dynasty when this was still the capital of the newly established Old Kingdom polity (van Wetering 2017b: 425– 430). The (small) shrine at Iunu dated to the reign of Horus Netjerykhet is the earliest attestation of an explicit interaction between the king and the gods (Bussman 2010: 467); its location ties the temple area of this site closely to the capital at Inebu-Hedj [Memphis]. The prominence of Re, the Sun god (Kahl

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2007) means this shrine should be identified as a royal shrine, closely tied to a royal ideological structure instead of a local community unlike most other known temples. Bussmann (2015: 7) has argued, based on the aforementioned observations, that most of the early temples were not yet interfaces between the capital and the provinces, as they became later-on. He also sees the political role of these provincial temples increasing when they became involved with the administration of royal domains, which were situated throughout the realm to supply the royal mortuary cult. This in turn made king and court take an interest in the provincial temples (Bussmann 2014a: 85, 87) whereas, king and court during the early-mid Old Kingdom did not recognise the role of towns and temples in provincial affairs (Bussmann 2015: 7), these entities were off the radar of central administration (Bussmann 2014a: 88). Bussmann (2015: 8) states that a comprehensive administrative integration of the realm was only achieved by the end of Old Kingdom as the local temples gradually emerged as the administrative node of larger villages and towns, a process unnoticed by the central government (Bussmann 2014a: 87). He sees the provincial affairs during the early Old Kingdom being conducted within towns and temples whereas, the central administration was organised in nomes and domains and these two levels were ‘at variance’ with each other (Bussmann 2014a: 85). This focus on temples may have obscured other indications in the archaeological record of the Old Kingdom that indicate court-temple interaction and the measure of control by king and court over the provincial administration during the first three Dynasties. The royal tour during the first three dynasties Iconographical evidence combined with the information from the royal annals4 for the first three Dynasties indicates that the king travelled through the realm during a two-year cycle, staying at provincial centres during the so-called ‘Following of Horus’ or royal tour. This tour allowed king and court to personally oversee, and participate in, administrative activities (biennial census), judiciary activities (with the king sitting in judgment as supreme judge of the polity), and religious activities (with the king performing in temple festivals and processions) at the provincial centres the tour visited (see also Engel 2008: 27, 34). 4 The royal annals relating to the first four Dynasties consist of short entries that according to Baines (2008: 31, 34) portrayed activities closely associated with the king and should be seen as invoking a ‘sense of history’, meaning they are historical but not necessarily historical in our modern sense of the word. The years listed on the royal annals reference an activity the king in all probability had undertaken the year before or during that year (Baines 2008: 22).

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The royal tour would have seen the king perform at local temples, communal feasting and during administrative ceremonies and thus the royal tour is the primary mechanism to structure encounters between the ruler and the people he ruled (Duindam 2014a: 5). These performances would have been imbued with sovereign authority (regalia, dress, attributes, ritualistic movements, incantations, entourage, etc.), showing the king as the highest administrative authority (during the census and supervising provincial affairs), as chief judge (during petitions and possible judiciary hearings) and as high priest, intermediary between the people and the gods (temple activities). While at the same time, these performances underlined the position of the people vis-à-vis the ruler (setting the stage for subjectification, see below), defining who were included (being placed close to the king, recipients of royal gifts, audience privileges and royal ‘favours’) and who were excluded (Duindam 2014a: 5–6; Smith 2011: 421). All activities undertaken during the royal tour (in all probability even the travelling itself) would have been steeped in tradition and surrounded by elaborate ritualistic movements to create an atmosphere of ‘pomp and circumstance’, but the core function was to legitimise the rule of the king, and get the people to acquiesce to that rule. This process of subjectification entails that the people of the polity recognise the sovereign authority of that polity (and its rulers) and recognise themselves as subjects of that polity (de Carvalho 2016: 58–60; Kosiba 2015: 1). It relates to how policies, be they consciously applied or unintentionally enacted, fundamentally shape the internal make-up of a polity: accommodation, assimilation, and exclusion of the different groups within the realm (Mylonas 2013: 19–23). 5 Festivals, processions, performances are all highly aestheticized practices, be they frequent or periodic in the seasonal-religious-political agenda, which provide the stage for the ruler to interact with his (selected) subjects, to display his sovereign authority and command the people’s subjection to it (Smith 2011: 420–421). Rulership needs to be displayed and represented to a wider, differentiated audience and this is usually done within a highly ritualised setting and revolves around highly traditional practices, including ceremonies, processions and tours (Duindam 2014b: 226). Within a ritual setting, the ruler showed himself and displayed his power, usually by his participation in, or his attendance at, religious

5 At the beginning of the 1st Dynasty, the people of the newly-established Old Kingdom polity had in all probability diverse socio-political identities (related to the pre-Old Kingdom polities of the Predynastic-Protodynastic they had belonged to), meaning different religious systems, different laws and rights, possible different languages or divergent variants of a broadly similar language, etc. By establishing an Upper Egyptian identity and a Lower Egyptian identify, king and court were able to harmonise the different socio-political backgrounds of their people under the new (Thinite) rule. Gradually the people became the subjects of a unified Old Kingdom polity (van Wetering in press).

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events and festive occasions while at the same time, meeting with local and provincial authorities that represented his rulership on a local/provincial level (Duindam 2014a: 5–6). By being itinerant, travelling from centre to centre and from province to province, instead of remaining inside the palace within the capital, the ruler created the opportunities to interact with his people, listen to their wishes and problems and in the process re-affirm their loyalty to his rule (Duindam 2014a: 6). The royal tour allowed king and court to display its sovereign (political-economic-religious) authority to a wider audience (than that of the capital) within a highly ritualised setting. It also allowed for interaction with the people of Upper and Lower Egypt, be it at the important provincial towns the tour visited or while travelling with people on the banks of the Nile watching the royal fleet come by. The royal tour would have made the king highly visible to most of his people as he sailed up-stream and down-stream along the Nile on board the majestic royal barge and accompanied by a fleet of ships, as most of the population would have lived along the banks of the river. This slow progress of the royal fleet would have been a grand spectacle and played into the process of subjectification (Smith 2011). Thus, the royal tour initially secured the acquiescence of the people to the new rule (early 1st Dynasty), and in the long term (from the mid-1st Dynasty to the early 3rd Dynasty), periodically re-enforced these ties between ruler and ruled, including most importantly, maintain the close ties with, and impose strict control over, provincial officials. Initially during the early 1st Dynasty, the royal tour also allowed king and court to get to know their newly-formed territory and build-up first-hand knowledge (de Carvalho 2016: 64), especially for the noncore lands such as those lands not under Thinite control before the 1st Dynasty; and so to create the necessary institutions to govern the realm, meaning the nome system (see below). The royal tour is not merely an economic-administrative undertaking by king and court to carry out the biennial census and manage provincial affairs, it represents the most important strategy created for the display of sovereign authority and has significant political connotations for understanding how the kings of the Early Old Kingdom operated. This tour consolidated and maintained a strongly centralised polity that was extraordinary resilient (the Old Kingdom polity lasted for almost 1000 years), attesting to the political expediency and flexibility of king and court (Burbank & Cooper 2010: 16; Smith 2011: 417–418). The royal tour is first attested in the reign of Horus Aha (early 1st Dynasty) when it appears already as an established royal activity (Wilkinson 2000: 90), if it had antecedents within the Thinite Kingdom during the Protodynastic Period, these are at present unknown.6 It is attested in nearly every reign that 6 There seems to have been a precursor of the royal tour in existence: ‘the Nautical Following (of the King)’ if the rock tableau found at Nag el-Hamdulab (Aswan area) is correctly interpreted,

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is recognisable on the royal annals, up to the early 3rd Dynasty, except the reign of Horus Den (mid-1st Dynasty), although it is unclear if the royal tour was discontinued or if the records for that reign focussed on other events instead (Wilkinson 2000: 103, 196). The last attestation of the royal tour is during the reign of Horus Netjerykhet (early 3rd Dynasty); it does not appear again during the next attested reign on the royal annals: Horus Nebma‘at [Sneferu] (early 4th Dynasty), where only the occurrence of the census is recorded (Wilkinson 2000: 139–44). It would seem likely that the royal tour took up a substantial amount of time during the two year cycle and thus indicating that early Egyptian kingship, and by extension parts of the court, were peripatetic (Wilkinson 2001: 135; van Wetering 2004: 1057), or it may have been entirely/predominantly itinerant (Engel 2008: 26). In all probability the royal tour should not be seen as something static/unchanging, it probably evolved/adapted between the beginning of the 1st Dynasty and the mid-3rd Dynasty to fit the needs of king and court. The royal tour presumably had a fixed schedule so that the king was present during the important socio-religious festivals in the major cities and towns, most likely including This and Nekhen in Upper Egypt, and Sais and Buto in Lower Egypt (Wilkinson 2001: 37–41, 357). The provincial centres and other important places that were visited probably served as temporary royal residences where the king, members of the court7 and the royal entourage/household resided for a few days during the royal tour. In between this biennial visitation by the king, these residences in all probability functioned as provincial administrative centres from which the local/provincial agricultural activities were supervised (see below). The royal tour allowed the king and members of the court to interact with local and provincial authorities to re-enforce the king’s authority on local and provincial levels of the polity. This periodic visitation also kept provincial authorities in check and allowed direct supervision of the court in the provincial affairs of kingdom; possibly also allowing the people to petition the king about misdeeds in provincial administration. it is dated to the end of Protodynastic Period, just before the reign of Horus Narmer (Hendrickx et al. 2012: 1073, 1080–1081). Hendrickx, Darnell & Gatto (2012: 1080–1081) reconstruct the signs as the ‘Nautical Following (of Horus)’, but as it is not clear if this scene is to be associated with a Thinite ruler, the location seems to indicate a connection with the pre-1st Dynasty polity centred on Nekhen as evidenced by the White Crown (Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie 2017; van Wetering 2012; 2017a). Thus, to avoid prejudging the evidence, here it is interpreted as the ‘Nautical Following (of the King)’, an Upper Egyptian precursor to the ‘Following of Horus’ of the Old Kingdom. 7 It is unclear if the entire court went on the royal tour (Engel 2008: 26) or if part of it remained at Inebu-Hedj (Memphis), communicating with the king and directing his commands to the different departments of the central administration. However, it would be very laborious to ‘move’ the administrative seat (meaning the different departments of the central administration and their documentation) each time the king went on tour, in all probability the latter possibility with part of the central administration remaining at the city Inebu-Hedj (Memphis) seems most likely.

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The provincial administration during the first three dynasties The information to understand the provincial administration between the 1st Dynasty and the 3rd Dynasty (or even the 4th Dynasty) is very incomplete and fragmentary (Wilkinson 2001: 109–149; Engel 2008). M. Bárta states that it is very difficult, if not impossible, to make a precise distinction between the administration of the royal court and that of the state (Bárta 2013: 162). Thus to understand the palace economy of the early Old Kingdom is to understand how king and court operated, specifically how tribute/taxes, in the form of resources, be it foodstuff or people to work on royal projects, are extracted from the rural territory of the realm. The presence of royal names on portable objects or on architectural features, found at provincial sites, is ambiguous and open to a multitude of interpretations. Royal domains seem to have been an important part of the provincial administration (Wilkinson 2001: 117–124, 139; Papazian 2005; Bárta 2013: 160; Martinet 2017: 220), but see below. As such, most studies of the provincial administration focus on the late Old Kingdom (5th and 6th Dynasties) to reconstruct the structure of a provincial administration (Bárta 2013; Martinet 2017). However, transferring late Old Kingdom information back to the early/mid-Old Kingdom is problematic due to the significant changes (including title devaluation) that occurred during the Late Old Kingdom. From the Naqada region in central Upper Egypt where precious resources (including gold) from the Eastern Desert entered the Nile Valley via the Wadi Qena and Wadi Hammamat, evidence is available that indicates that members of the royal family were stationed at strategic places to supervise local activities on behalf of king and court: Prince Rekhit, early 1st Dynasty and Prince Kahotep, early 2nd Dynasty (Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie, this volume; van Wetering 2012). Prince Neferaperef who was in charge of the Coptite Nome (that included the Naqada region) during the early 4th Dynasty was no longer stationed in the province, but seems to have governed his nome from the capital (Fisher 1964: 1; Hassan, van Wetering & Tassie, this volume). These three princes then point at a practice of king and court to use members of the royal family within provincial affairs during the early/mid-Old Kingdom. As argued above, it is likely to infer a network of palace compounds at strategically located towns along the Nile and its delta branches between, which the king travelled during the royal tour. These locations would have evolved into provincial centres during the 1st Dynasty if the palace compounds were not already situated within towns with a specific pre-Old Kingdom importance, e.g. where several riverine and overland trade routes converged. The density of this network in all probability depended on the way the king travelled; did the king sleep on-board the royal barge, which could mean that palace compounds were spaced further apart; possibly a single palace compound per territory that

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eventually became a nome territory. Or were royal compounds situated much closer to each other so that the king could travel from one to the other during a single day. We can only infer here so either a densely spaced network of palace compounds existed (several in the territory that eventually became a nome territory), or a much less densely spaced network (with a singly palace compound in the territory that eventually became a nome territory, and the town with that palace compound becoming the nome capital). Presumably the (economic) hinterland of a specific provincial palace-compound consisted of numerous rural villages and hamlets/farmsteads (on both banks of the Nile). Each of these provided their biennial tribute/tax (in the form of resources)8 to the palace-compound at arranged dates throughout the two-year cycle. This tribute was stored, possibly worked/processed and then presented to the royal officials during the biennial census (conducted at the provincial palace-compound during the royal tour) in the presence of the king. The network of provincial palace compounds thus established the infrastructure for the extraction of tribute/taxes (in the form of resources), but in all probability also for the enlisting of people to work for royal projects (Malek 2000: 102; Wilkinson 2001: 141–142). Through this network of provincial palace compounds that formed the backbone of the palace economy of the early Old Kingdom, king and court enforced their economic control over much of the Nile Valley and Delta. The success of it can easily be gleaned during the early 3rd Dynasty with the construction of huge royal mortuary complexes, including the Step Pyramid complex of Horus Netjerykhet with its Census Court magazines that were stocked with breath-taking amounts of foodstuffs extracted from the realm for use by the dead king in the afterlife (van Wetering 2018: 385–387). The provincial centres with a palace compound along the Nile and its Delta branches, in all probability, formed the blue-print of the nomes-system, with the hinterland of one or more provincial palace-compounds forming the nome territory (and the provincial centre with the palace-compound its nome capital or one of the provincial centres in case the hinterlands of several palace-compounds were fused to form a nome) as it was established during the early Old Kingdom (see below). The archaeological record of the early Old Kingdom provides information on two such provincial palace-compounds: one at Nekhen and one at Buto. Both sites, however, have strong ties to king and court with the former being an important ancestral centre, with its Temple of Horus, and the latter being mentioned often in royal inscriptions (van Wetering 2012; Begon 2015). 8

The census that was taken during the biennial royal tour (Engel 2008: 27, 34), estimated the produce of a specific territory and calculated the tribute/tax (in the form of resources), each rural territory (later each nome) had to supply to the central administration (Wilkinson 2001: 114). After the discontinuation of the royal tour, the census continued as a distinct activity mentioned in the royal annals (Baines 2008: 23), but seemingly without direct royal oversight on a provincial level (with provincial administrators now fully in charge with court oversight from the capital).

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The royal residence at Nekhen, the Kom el-Gemuwia palace compound area also known as Nekhen Mound, is a large, partially excavated compound of interconnecting rooms, corridors and courtyards within an enclosure/compound wall, of considerable scale (Fairservis 1986: 9, 14, 22, Fig. 1, 32, fold-out map). A monumental gateway with an internal staircase points at an upper level and a number of large postholes for tall flagstaffs, gave access to the compound; it consisted of an elaborate niche-façade architecture that is closely associated with kingship (Weeks 1972; Fairservis 1986: 9–10). This gateway readily qualifies as an example of architectural aesthetics of awe that were designed to impress sovereign authority on all who viewed it (Smith 2011: 424–425). The compound is situated right next to the temple area of Nekhen in an area where occupation dates back to the early Predynastic Period (Adams 1995: 26); its location seems to indicate that a significant re-construction took place to build it, including the removal of older structures. The monumental niched gateway gave access to a small court, with three access points into the rest of the complex, all of them restricting direct-line access via angled corridors. The compound itself has at least three separate functional areas: A-complex with a small shrine, M-complex, and R-complex with store rooms, silos and administrative/ working spaces (Fairservis 1986: 9–10, 12, 21, Fig. 32, fold-out map). A special feature associated with R-complex is a niched clay platform (with postholes for flagstaffs) within an internal courtyard (Fairservis 1986: 8, figs. 7c, 32, fold-out map). The palace compound shows signs of re-building, there seem to be at least four occupation levels dated to the early Old Kingdom, a sealing with the name of Horus Qa’a (end of the 1st Dynasty) belongs to the penultimate occupation level, thus indicating that the palace compound already existed during the 1st Dynasty and continued into the 2nd Dynasty (Fairservis 1986: 21–22). The evidence of storage and administrative activities (R-complex and the platform courtyard) accord well with the functioning of a provincial palace during the royal tour when the census was taken whereas, other parts may have served as temporary residence for king and court during their biennial visit.9 The royal residence at Buto (West Delta), is possibly identical to the ‘Palace of the Harpooning Horus’ known from inscriptions; consisting of a very large palace compound (at least 50 m wide) with an enclosure wall and a number of separate functional areas: residential, cultic (small shrine structure); storage, workshops, all grouped around a central reception hall (Hartung 2015: 61–62; 2017: 70–75, figs. 5–6); as well as a possible small harbour nearby (Hartung 9 Nekhen was not only a provincial/nome capital, it also was an important royal ancestral centre and the location of the Temple of Horus (where important kingship festivities/ceremonies for the god Horus as protector of the king would have taken place) so it is conceivable that Nekhen was more often visited by king and court (outside the schedule of the royal tour or multiple times during the Upper Egyptian leg of the royal tour).

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2017: 76). Although not as monumental as the one at Nekhen,10 from the entrance a long corridor provided an angled approach to the central hall/reception area with other high status rooms around it (Hartung 2015: 62; 2017: 72), emphasising the restricted access. The floor of the central hall/reception area seems to slope upwards to a dais, forcing the visitors to look upwards (Hartung 2017: 75). The compound also has two areas with cultic rooms, one near the entrance and one near a series of rooms that have the appearance of ‘private apartments’ (Hartung 2015: 62; 2017: 72–73, fig. 6), which may have served as a temporary royal residence for the king during the royal tour (Hartung 2017: 74). This palace-compound seems to have been in use from the mid-late 1st Dynasty to the mid-2nd Dynasty (Hartung 2017: 70, 75). These provincial palace-compounds11 spaced evenly along the Nile and its delta branches would have been important markers of sovereign authority (socalled ‘sites of representation’) throughout the realm (visualising the territorial control of the polity), and displaying the power and endurance of the king, kingship and the kingdom (Spawforth 2007: 8; Smith 2011: 424–425). The known examples show that architecture was used to underline modes of access (to the king) and enforce sovereign authority. The gateway of the palace compound at Nekhen with its specific architecture, its heights and adorned with flags would have been an awe-inspiring feature of the urban landscape at this site. The provincial centres with a palace compound probably formed the blueprint of the nome system and its nome capitals, with the nome territories centred on a nome capital being constructed of one or more provincial palacecompounds and their hinterlands. The nome system seems to be in place by the early 3rd Dynasty12, but may have been established as early as the mid-1st Dynasty (Wilkinson 2001: 141–142; Engel 2006: 151–160; 2008: 31). However, it is possible that the court adapted older names to provide newly-created entities with a veneer of tradition, meaning older established names for the newly created nomes (provinces). Therefore, one needs to be cautious in putting too much weight on the appearance of isolated names with or without standards prior to the mid-2nd Dynasty) that correspond to the names of nomes. 10 It is possible the known entrance was not the main entrance to the palace compound but an internal entrance connecting the palace with an internal courtyard (where gatherings, feasting, audiences took place). Hartung (2017: 74) considers it possible that a larger enclosure wall and a more impressive entrance surrounded the known palace-structure. 11 Mendes in the East Delta may also have been one of these places based on the 1st Dynasty structures found there (Martinet 2017: 220). 12 Several inscriptions from the Step Pyramid complex of Horus Netjerykhet (van Wetering 2018: 394–399) and from the early 3rd Dynasty royal cemetery at Beit Khallaf (van Wetering in press) refer to nomes (Firth & Quibell 1935: 137, nos. 5–6, pl. 106–5+6; Kahl et al. 1995; Martinet 2017: 222) including Ne/Be/06+15+18+42 that were all found at Beit Khallaf and in all probability indicate that the tombs there were provisioned from the Memphite nome, probably meaning the capital whereas Ne/Ab/01 mentioning a nome, was found in the funeral shrine of Horus Seth Khasekhemwy at This (Kahl et al. 1995; Bárta 2013: 160).

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The division of both Upper and Lower Egypt into nomes formalised the infrastructure for the extraction of taxes (in the form of resources) and for the enlisting of people to work for royal projects (Malek 2000: 102; Wilkinson 2001: 141–142), a role the provincial palace-compounds may have performed from the early 1st Dynasty. From the early 4th Dynasty, it is clear that members of the royal family were placed at the top of one or more nomes. Prince Netjeraperef, a son (or, more likely, a grandson) of Horus Nebma‘at [Sneferu] seems to have been in charge of at least three provinces/nomes in Upper Egypt: the 5th (Coptite) Nome, the 6th (Denderite) Nome, and the 7th (Diospolis Parva) Nome at the beginning of the 4th Dynasty (Fisher 1964: 1). It would seem likely that this situation goes back to the beginning of the nome system, with sons and (half)-brothers of the king being placed at the head of a nome or a grouping of provinces/nomes. In case these princes were stationed at the provincial capital of their nome, they would have received the king and members of the court during the royal tour. If, on the other hand, they governed their provinces from the capital, they would have accompanied the king on the royal tour so to inspect their nome. The organisation of the nomes should not be seen as a systemic and uniform (management) system (Martinet 2017: 227), as it would seem very likely that the nomes nearest to the capital (those directly upstream and downstream of Memphis) were administrated differently than nomes that were further away; whereas, more peripheral nomes had an even less-direct, more supervisory form of administration. As such, a systemic and uniform management system of nomes may never have existed during the Old Kingdom, but this does not mean an efficient system of management did not exist. The success of the nome system and its longevity suggests that a management system existed that was supervised from the capital and was dependent on local administrative units. This system may have been staffed by locals, but in all probability was led initially by a member of the royal family. Later this role may have passed into the hands of locals that could have differentiated its approach according to the different kind of nomes; extracting what each nome could provide, cattle in one, wheat in another, etc. as tribute/tax without overburdening the people of that nome. Royal domains seem to be present in both Upper and Lower Egypt and these entities are very dominant in the written records that have been preserved in the archaeological record at our disposal, meaning the royal records. The question is, if these records objectively represent the full spectrum of the provincial administration during the early Old Kingdom or if the royal domains, as a court-directed activity, are over-represented in our archaeological record. If the latter is the case, an objective evaluation of the nature of evidence needs to balance this dominant representation with more faint traces of provincial developments in the archaeological record to understand what represents

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the fabric of provincial administration during the early Old Kingdom. For example, the functioning of members of the royal family as king’s representatives within the provincial administration as indicated by the two princes that were seemingly permanently stationed within the Naqada region (where they were also buried), may point at a very direct way king and court controlled parts of the provincial administration. Concluding remarks Absence of evidence should never be taken as evidence of absence; thus researchers need to engage with the gaps in our knowledge. Engel (2008) has stated that information about the early administrative structure and activities is very incomplete and there are still many (wide) gaps in our knowledge. Thus, inference about its working is necessary to fill in these gaps. As argued above, the royal tour in my opinion played a significant political-economic-religious role in the Old Kingdom polity; however, until more evidence is uncovered, we can only make educated inferences about it. Bussmann has taken the absence of evidence during the first three Dynasties of the king within most of the known temples, in the form of objects and/or architectural features with a king’s name depicting the king as intercessor between the gods and his people, as an indication that king and court had no interest in engaging with provincial towns and the temples of these towns; nor did he notice important political development related to the temples (Bussmann 2010; 2014a: 85, 87–88; 2015: 7–8). He sees a central administration (led by the king and his court) that is only interested in royal domains and the nome system (Bussmann 2014a: 85), and only became interested in early temples when these temples got involved with royal domains (Bussmann 2014a: 85). Bussmann’s perspective is grounded in the observation that the narrative about political development during the early Old Kingdom was biased towards the top (king and court) resulting in an overly narrow focus on royal agency in the state formation period, which is in need of being redressed, meaning that it downscales the active role pharaohs played (Bussmann 2014b: 334). That the king is absent from most of the known early temples has been convincingly attested by Bussmann (2010), but when research is specialised or hyper-specialised in a way that discourages comparative research of the many material cultural and socio-economic features and trends that overlap and interconnect (Knapp & van Dommelen 2010: 3), the researcher needs to be aware what the small part of a much larger archaeological record can inform us about and what it cannot! Cemetery M at This and the royal tour are pieces of the archaeological record that fall outside a narrow perspective on temple architecture and votive objects, but do provide valuable information about the status of specific temples (e.g. This) and the court’s interaction with temples.

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Can the temples of the Protodynastic and early Old Kingdom inform us about the political-administrative developments taking place during this period? In other words, if the post-Old Kingdom situation is not applicable does this imply that the political-administrative role these post-Old Kingdom temples played is non-existent? Or was that role carried out by other institutions during the early Old Kingdom? Provincial temples do not seem to play a significant administrative-economic role within the palace economy of the Old Kingdom (as convincingly argued by Bussmann). However, the absence of this specific role does not necessarily mean that these provincial towns and their temples were ignored by the king and court. Nor does it indicate that the provinces of the realm (and the administration of provincial resources) were not, or very loosely, under the control of king and court. The religious role of the provincial temple in the everyday life of people made the temple a central part of that community. The temple played a significant political-societal role during the early Old Kingdom because it connected its religious role periodically to the king and thus to the polity. In his guise as intermediate between the gods and the people, the king has become the supreme high priest of the polity. This role evolved during the Old Kingdom, but from the beginning of the 1st Dynasty the provincial temples were an integral part of the court’s subjectification policy. Based on what we known about the royal tour during the early 1st Dynasty, it would seem likely to infer a (dense or wide-spaced) network of provincial palace compounds was established as part of the royal tour, which evolved during the early Old Kingdom into the nome system; the backbone of the provincial administration of the Old Kingdom polity. In all probability, the palace-compounds were supervised by members of the (extended) royal family with formal and informal ties to the court. Periodic visitation by king and court during the early/mid-Old Kingdom (early 1st Dynasty to mid-3rd Dynasty) as part of the royal tour kept these provincial administrative institutions under control and prevented provincial officials (in charge of the palace compounds/later nome capital) gaining too much autonomous authority. During the mid/late 3rd Dynasty, the royal tour was discontinued and the supervision of provincial administration was henceforth done from the capital. This may have resulted in a more autonomous management of the nome at a regional level. Although it would seem likely that Memphite court officials (be they members of the royal or non-royals) visited the nome capitals occasionally, and the king may even have visited infrequently. The discontinuation of the royal tour may also have resulted in a more stationary king and court and the disappearance of the king’s personal participation in provincial affairs. From the mid- to late 3rd Dynasty onwards, the nome system flourished, but lack of direct oversight may have set in motion a (long-term) process of increased provincial authority (at the expense of the central administration), with roles in the provincial administration starting to become hereditary and

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being concentrated in the hands of local families. By the mid-5th Dynasty, it is clear that the nome system had issues that king and court needed to address (Bárta 2013; 2014). From the 4th Dynasty onwards, when the king no longer personally visited the provincial centres and their temples, royal gifts to local temples begin to appear. The royal gifts in the form of architectural elements (of precious material to be used in the temple) and/or decorated objects (to be displayed in the temple) are used by king and court to maintain ties with provincial temples, and through them with the people of the realm. The provincial administration continued and expanded as part of the nome system supervised from the capital, but managed on a regional level (nome capital and officials). By the mid-5th Dynasty, the central administration had to counter a growing provincial decentralisation process (Bárta 2014) and this, for whatever reasons, was done by promoting local temple as administrative units. Thus from the 5th Dynasty onwards, local temples become nodes of economic activities in the provinces, increasingly taking over the role of the provincial (nome) administrators and so the template of post-Old Kingdom Egypt begins to crystallise with the temple as focal point of religious-economic life outside the capital, the so-called temple economy. This transition, which can only have been instigated and pushed forward by king and court, may have been stimulated by the retreat of the royal family from administrative positions and consolidation of its power base in religious positions (including positions connected with provincial temples) as is noticeable during the Late Old Kingdom (van Wetering in press). The mid to late 3rd Dynasty therefore represents a crucial period when interaction between court and provinces changed significantly. The reasons behind the discontinuation of the royal tour and ceasing of direct oversight by king and court of provincial affairs are unknown, but take place when there are many other changes occurring. It is within this perspective that the most significant late Old Kingdom development: the manifestation of the nomarchy, can be best understood. During the first three Dynasties, king and court enacted many policies that resulted in the people of the realm becoming subjects of a unified Old Kingdom polity. The particulars of how this process was undertaken and when it was concluded are still difficult to grasp. By the late Old Kingdom, the results of this process were gradually undone when the people became less tied to the overall polity and instead more closely tied to their provincial identity. This is part of the ‘nomarch problem’ that becomes apparent during the late Old Kingdom and is one of the drivers of the disintegration of the Old Kingdom polity (Bárta 2014), nearly a thousand years after the kings of the early First Dynasty established it. An Old Kingdom ‘state apparatus’ hovering clueless above the autonomous provinces, detached and ignorant of what is going on within the temples and the towns and villages within its realm, is a perspective that is disconnected from the very extensive and complicated archaeological record of early Egypt

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with its references to strong royal authority and significant indications of successful extraction of resources to carry out the royal projects. The longevity and political stability of the Old Kingdom polity attests to its efficient and vibrant political-economic structure. During the biennial royal tour, the presence of the divine king at these temples and his participation in religious events would have tied the provincial temples, their local gods and the priesthood, to the king, and integrated them into the Old Kingdom polity. The royal tour and the associated provincial palace compounds allowed king and court to establish a tight control over its provincial territory and the economic hinterland of the polity (Wilkinson 2000: 120). The network of provincial palace compounds at strategic towns throughout the realm formed the backbone of the palace economy of the early Old Kingdom. It is this palace economy on which the kings were able to construct and furnish their royal tomb complex. Acknowledgements The author would like to thank G. Tassie for correcting the English, and he would like to thank the reviewers for their constructive feedback. All errors however are the responsibility of the author. Bibliography ADAMS, B., 1995. Ancient Nekhen: Garstang in the City of Hierakonpolis. New Malden. BAINES, J., 2008. On the Evolution, Purpose, and Forms of Egyptian Annals [in:] ENGEL, E.-M.; MÜLLER, V. & HARTUNG, U. (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer. MENES Studien zur Kultur und Sprache der ägyptischen Frühzeit und des Alten Reich 5. Wiesbaden: 19‒40. BARD, K.A., 2000. The Emergence of the Egyptian State (c. 3200–2686 BC) [in:] SHAW, I. (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt. Oxford: 61‒88. BÁRTA, M., 2014. Collapse Hidden in Success: Rise and Fall of the Old Kingdom. KMT 25/1: 18‒28. BÁRTA, M., 2013. Kings, Viziers and Courtiers: Executive Power in the Third Millennium BC [in:] MORENO GARCÍA, J.C. (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Administration. Leiden/ Boston: 153‒175. BEGON, M., 2015. La ville de Bouto (Pe) sous la 1re dynasty. Archéo-Nil 23: 11‒18. BURBANK, J. & COOPER, F., 2010. Imperial Trajectories [in:] BURBANK, J. & COOPER, F. (eds.), Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference. Princeton/ Oxford: 1‒22. BUSSMANN, R., 2010. Die Provinztempel Ägyptens von der 0. bis zur 11. Dynastie: Geschichte und Archäologie einer gesellschaftlichen Institution zwischen Residenz und Provinz. Leiden/Boston. BUSSMANN, R., 2014a. Scaling the State: Egypt in the Third Millennium BC. Archaeology International 17: 79‒93. BUSSMANN, R., 2014b. Urbanism and Temple Religion in Egypt: A Comment on Hierakonpolis. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 100: 311‒337.

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146. M. CACOUROS, M.-H. CONGOURDEAU (eds.), Philosophie et sciences à Byzance de 1204 à 1453. Les textes, les doctrines et leur transmission. 147. K. CIGGAAR, M. METCALF (eds.), East and West in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean I. 148. B. MICHALAK-PIKULSKA, A. PIKULSKI (eds.), Authority, Privacy and Public Order in Islam. 149. E. CZERNY, I. HEIN, H. HUNGER, D. MELMAN, A. SCHWAB (eds.), Timelines. Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak. 150. J.-Cl. GOYON, C. CARDIN (eds.), Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists. Actes du neuvième congrès international des Égyptologues. Grenoble, 6-12 septembre 2004. 151. S. SANDRI, Har-pa-chered (Harpokrates). Die Genese eines ägyptischen Götterkindes. 152. J.E. MONTGOMERY (ed.), Arabic Theology, Arabic Philosophy. From the Many to the One: Essays in Celebration of Richard M. Frank. 153. E. LIPIŃSKI, On the Skirts of Canaan in the Iron Age. Historical and Topographical Researches. 154. M. MINAS-NERPEL, Der Gott Chepri. Untersuchungen zu Schriftzeugnissen und ikonographischen Quellen vom Alten Reich bis in griechisch-römische Zeit. 155. H. WILLEMS, Dayr al-Barsha Volume I. The Rock Tombs of Djehutinakht (No. 17K74/1), Khnumnakht (No. 17K74/2), and Iha (No. 17K74/3). With an Essay on the History and Nature of Nomarchal Rule in the Early Middle Kingdom. 156. J. BRETSCHNEIDER, J. DRIESSEN, K. VAN LERBERGHE (eds.), Power and Architecture. Monumental Public Architecture in the Bronze Age Near East and Aegean. 157. A. CAMPLANI, G. FILORAMO (eds.), Foundations of Power and Conflicts of Authority in Late Antique Monasticism. 158. J. TAVERNIER, Iranica in the Achaemenid Period (ca. 550-330 B.C.). Lexicon of Old Iranian Proper Names and Loanwords, Attested in Non-Iranian Texts. 159. P. KOUSOULIS, K. MAGLIVERAS (eds.), Moving Across Borders. Foreign Relations, Religion and Cultural Interactions in the Ancient Mediterranean. 160. A. SHISHA-HALEVY, Topics in Coptic Syntax: Structural Studies in the Bohairic Dialect. 161. B. LURSON, Osiris, Ramsès, Thot et le Nil. Les chapelles secondaires des temples de Derr et Ouadi es-Seboua. 162. G. DEL OLMO LETE (ed.), Mythologie et Religion des Sémites occidentaux. 163. N. BOSSON, A. BOUD’HORS (eds.), Actes du huitième congrès international d’études coptes. Paris, 28 juin - 3 juillet 2004. 164. A. BERLEJUNG, P. VAN HECKE (eds.), The Language of Qohelet in Its Context. Essays in Honour of Prof. A. Schoors on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday. 165. A.G.C. SAVVIDES, Byzantino-Normannica. The Norman Capture of Italy and the First Two Invasions in Byzantium. 166. H.T. DAVIES, Yusuf al-irbīnī’s Brains Confounded by the Ode of Abu aduf Expounded (Kitab Hazz al-Quhuf bi-arh Qasīd Abī aduf). Volume II: English translation, introduction and notes. 167. S. ARGUILLÈRE, Profusion de la vaste sphère. Klong-chen rab-’byams (Tibet, 1308-1364). Sa vie, son œuvre, sa doctrine. 168. D. DE SMET, Les Épîtres sacrées des Druzes. Rasa᾿il al-Hikma. Volumes 1 et 2. 169. U. VERMEULEN, K. D’HULSTER (eds.), Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras V. 170. W.J. VAN BEKKUM, J.W. DRIJVERS, A.C. KLUGKIST (eds.), Syriac Polemics. Studies in Honour of Gerrit Jan Reinink. 171. K. D’HULSTER, J. VAN STEENBERGEN (eds.), Continuity and Change in the Realms of Islam. Studies in Honour of Professor Urbain Vermeulen. 172. B. MIDANT-REYNES, Y. TRISTANT, J. ROWLAND, S. HENDRICKX (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2.

173. J.H.F. DIJKSTRA, Philae and the End of Ancient Egyptian Religion. A Regional Study of Religious Transformation (298-642 CE). 174. I. UYTTERHOEVEN, Hawara in the Graeco-Roman Period. Life and Death in a Fayum Village. 175. P. KOUSOULIS (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Demonology. Studies on the Boundaries between the Demonic and the Divine in Egyptian Magic. 176. A. KARAHAN, Byzantine Holy Images – Transcendence and Immanence. The Theological Background of the Iconography and Aesthetics of the Chora Church. 177. J. NAWAS (ed.), ‘Abbasid Studies II. Occasional Papers of the School of ‘Abbasid Studies, Leuven, 28 June - 1 July 2004. 178. S. CAUVILLE, Dendara. Le temple d’Isis. Volume I: Traduction. 179. S. CAUVILLE, Dendara. Le temple d’Isis. Volume II: Analyse à la lumière du temple d’Hathor. 180. M. ZITMAN, The Necropolis of Assiut. 181. E. LIPIŃSKI, Resheph. A Syro-Canaanite Deity. 182. C. KARLSHAUSEN, L’iconographie de la barque processionnelle en Égypte au Nouvel Empire. 183. U. VERMEULEN, K. D’HULSTER (eds.), Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras VI. 184. M. IMMERZEEL, Identity Puzzles. Medieval Christian Art in Syria and Lebanon. 185. D. MAGEE, J. BOURRIAU, S. QUIRKE (eds.), Sitting Beside Lepsius. Studies in Honour of Jaromir Malek at the Griffith Institute. 186. A. STEVENSON, The Predynastic Egyptian Cemetery of el-Gerzeh. 187. D. BUMAZHNOV, E. GRYPEOU, T.B. SAILORS, A. TOEPEL (eds.), Bibel, Byzanz und Christlicher Orient. Festschrift für Stephen Gerö zum 65. Geburtstag. 188. J. ELAYI, A.G. ELAYI, The Coinage of the Phoenician City of Tyre in the Persian Period (5th-4th Century BCE). 189. F. HAGEN, J. JOHNSTON, W. MONKHOUSE, K. PIQUETTE, J. TAIT, M. WORTHINGTON (eds.), Narratives of Egypt and the Ancient Near East. Literary and Linguistic Approaches. 190. V. VAN DER STEDE, Les pratiques de stockage au Proche-Orient ancien du Natoufien à la première moitié du troisième millénaire avant notre ère. 191. W. CLAES, H. DE MEULENAERE, S. HENDRICKX (eds.), Elkab and Beyond. Studies in Honour of Luc Limme. 192. M. MARÉE (ed.), The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth-Seventeenth Dynasties). Current Research, Future Prospects. 193. I. JACOBS, Aesthetic Maintenance of Civic Space. The ‘Classical’ City from the 4th to the 7th c. AD. 194. H. KNUF, C. LEITZ, D. VON RECKLINGHAUSEN (eds.), Honi soit qui mal y pense. Studien zum pharaonischen, griechisch-römischen und spätantiken Ägypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen. 195. I. REGULSKI, A Palaeographic Study of Early Writing in Egypt. 196. S. CAUVILLE, Dendara XIII. Traduction. Le pronaos du temple d’Hathor: Façade et colonnes. 197. M. KUHN, Koptische liturgische Melodien. Die Relation zwischen Text und Musik in der koptischen Psalmodia. 198. B. SNELDERS, Identity and Christian-Muslim Interaction. Medieval Art of the Syrian Orthodox from the Mosul Area. 199. K. CIGGAAR, V. VAN AALST (eds.), East and West in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean II. 200. E. LIPIŃSKI, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions and Onomastics III. 201. S. CAUVILLE, Dendara XIV. Traduction. Le pronaos du temple d’Hathor: Parois intérieures. 202. K. DUISTERMAAT, I. REGULSKI (eds.), Intercultural Contacts in the Ancient Mediterranean. 203. F.S. JONES, Pseudoclementina Elchasaiticaque inter Judaeochristiana. Collected Studies.

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