Edward I and Wales, 1254-1307 1526776413, 9781526776419

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Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307

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Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 David Pilling

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First published in Great Britain in 2021 by Pen & Sword History An imprint of Pen & Sword Books Ltd Yorkshire – Philadelphia Copyright © David Pilling 2021 ISBN 978 1 52677 641 9 The right of David Pilling to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Publisher in writing. Typeset by Mac Style Printed and bound in the UK by TJ Books Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall.

Pen & Sword Books Limited incorporates the imprints of Atlas, Archaeology, Aviation, Discovery, Family History, Fiction, History, Maritime, Military, Military Classics, Politics, Select, Transport, True Crime, Air World, Frontline Publishing, Leo Cooper, Remember When, Seaforth Publishing, The Praetorian Press, Wharncliffe Local History, Wharncliffe Transport, Wharncliffe True Crime and White Owl. For a complete list of Pen & Sword titles please contact PEN & SWORD BOOKS LIMITED 47 Church Street, Barnsley, South Yorkshire, S70 2AS, England E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.pen-and-sword.co.uk Or PEN AND SWORD BOOKS 1950 Lawrence Rd, Havertown, PA 19083, USA E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.penandswordbooks.com

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Contents

Forewordvi Backdropvii Chapter 1

By This Great Victory

1

Chapter 2

Civil War

16

Chapter 3

The Ford at Rhyd Chwima

25

Chapter 4

Money Matters

32

Chapter 5

The Road to Aberconwy

45

Chapter 6

Terms of Submission

61

Chapter 7

Seeking Justice

70

Chapter 8

As Judas Betrayed the Lord

77

Chapter 9

At the Death

103

Chapter 10

The Wretched Death of a Traitor

120

Chapter 11

A Kingdom in Itself

133

Chapter 12

Badges of Subjection

142

Chapter 13

The Brightness of a Little Star

158

Chapter 14

For the Good of Peace

167

Chapter 15

Raging in his Fury

176

Chapter 16

The King’s Welshmen

197

Conclusion210 Appendix214 Notes222 Bibliography233

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Foreword

A

n explanation is necessary for medieval Welsh terms of divisions and subdivisions of land. The largest division of territory was the cantref, which literally meant one hundred townships (‘cant’ – a hundred; ‘tref ’ – a township). This is thought to be the original unit of size within Wales. The cantrefi were later divided into commotes or cwmwd in Welsh. The Welsh lawbooks identify two commotes as forming one cantref, though in reality this neat definition often did not apply. Y Cantref Mawr (The Great Cantref) in the south western territory of Ystrad Tywi, for instance, consisted of seven commotes. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to various translators for providing interpretations of Latin and Welsh documents, principally Professor Jonathan Mackman, Richard Price and Dr Adrian Price. I also wish to credit Paul Martin Remfry, whose recent works on the downfall of Llywelyn and this era of Welsh history have been invaluable. A complete bibliography is supplied at the end. Readers are welcome to contact me with any queries or comments at: [email protected]

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Backdrop

H

e advanced into Wales on foot, at the head of his lightly clad infantry, lived off the country, and marched up and down and round and about the whole of Wales with such energy that he ‘left not one that pisseth against a wall’.1 Thus Gerald of Wales, writing at the end of the twelfth century, described Harold Godwinsson’s devastating invasion of Wales in 1063. Harold’s campaign resulted in the death of Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, the only high king of Wales, whose head was sent to Harold after being separated from its body by fellow Welshmen. Three years later Harold himself was killed, hacked to death by Norman knights at the Battle of Hastings. His death spelled the end for Anglo-Saxon England, and his exploits in Wales were quickly forgotten. The Normans might have done better to study them, since no aspiring conqueror of the Welsh would enjoy the same success until the reign of Edward I (1272–1307). Wales was a land of war, where the nobles and the common people were brought up in a martial culture. Turning to Gerald again: ‘This people is light and active, hardy rather than strong, and entirely bred up to the use of arms; for not only the nobles, but all the people are trained to war, and when the trumpet sounds the alarm, the husbandman rushes as eagerly from his plough as the courtier from his court …’. The Norman conquerors of England, with the insatiable land-greed inherited from their Viking forebears, soon turned their eyes west. From about 1070 onwards a stream of Norman adventurers carved out new territories in Wales, hacking their way through the forests to throw up quick motte-and-bailey castles. The Welsh, far more persistent in the defence of their country than the Anglo-Saxons, rose in arms during the reign of William Rufus (1087–1100) and drove out most of the invaders. However, they were unable to dislodge the enemy from Pembroke in the southwest, which left the Normans a vital foothold.

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viii  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 With the accession of Henry I (1100–1135), an uneasy peace returned to Wales. By now the March had been formed, a string of lordships stretching along the border from Glamorgan to Chester. The lords of the March ruled over a semi-autonomous realm sandwiched between England and Pura Wallia, governed by its own set of laws and where the king’s writ barely ran, if at all. Over time they would intermarry with the native dynasties of Wales, until the originally Norman Marchers had the blood of Welsh princes flowing in their veins. Technically subservient to the English Crown, the Marchers often allied with the Welsh against the king, while at the same time offering the first line of defence and attack for royal invasions of Wales. Henry himself, known as Beauclerc or Fine-Scholar because he could read, left his mark on Wales. He transported hundreds of Flemings to Pembroke, establishing a permanent alien colony on Welsh soil. On several occasions he found it necessary to roll his power into Wales, though he had no conquest in mind. Henry was chiefly concerned with protecting Normandy from the French, and unwilling to commit too many resources to Wales. He did find the time to enjoy a dalliance with Princess Nest, the ‘Helen of Wales’, a lady much in demand. Their grandson, Meilyr, was part of the first wave of Cambro-Norman invaders of Ireland. The death of Henry, described by Welsh chroniclers as ‘the man with whom none may strive, except God himself ’, resulted in chaos in England. His competing successors, King Stephen and Henry’s daughter Matilda, fought each other for nineteen years, a dismal period in English history known as the Anarchy. This provided the Welsh with a golden opportunity to drive out the invaders for good. In 1136 the Normans and their Flemish allies suffered a terrible defeat at Crug Mawr, near Cardigan, virtually wiping out the Norman presence in central Wales. Their last outpost was Cardigan Castle, an isolated bastion in hostile country. Once the Normans were defeated, the rulers of Wales turned on each other. Owain and Cadwalader, sons of the King Gruffudd ap Cynan of Gwynedd in North Wales, conquered Ceredigion and then divided it between them. In 1143 the alliance between Gwynedd and Deheubarth was severed when Anarawd, eldest son of Gruffudd ap Rhys – ‘the hope and stay and glory of the men of South Wales’ – was killed by the followers of Cadwalader. No explanation is given in the Welsh annals for

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Backdrop ix this crime, though it seems to have triggered a civil war in Ceredigion between Cadwalader and Owain. This rivalry between the various dynasties of Wales endured for centuries and undermined any hopes of a truly ‘national’ unity. In 1153 the wars in England ended with the accession of Henry II (r. 1154–1188), son of Matilda and known as Henry Fitz-Empress. He was the first of the Angevin rulers of England, called the Devil’s Brood after their appalling tempers and alleged descent from Melusine, a legendary witch or enchantress. Henry was also the first of the Plantagenets, socalled after the sprig of yellow bloom, planta genista, that his father Geoffrey of Anjou wore as a jaunty decoration on his hat. Henry was possessed of demonic energy, and set about stamping his authority on England and Wales. In 1157 he led an army into North Wales to subdue Prince Owain of Gwynedd. The campaign that followed was messy, with two major engagements fought at Tal y Foel on the Menai Strait and Hawarden Wood west of the borders of Cheshire. Henry’s fleet was destroyed by the Welsh at Tal y Foel, and the battle at Hawarden Wood was a strange, bloody encounter in which both sides claimed to have won; an argument that still occasionally finds an echo today. The campaign ended with Owain forced out of the eastern Perfeddwlad; this was the territory in the north between the rivers Conwy and Dee. Owain was made to pay homage to Henry, as his ancestors had paid homage to Henry’s grandfather Beauclerc. The Perfeddwlad was also known as the Four Cantrefs, since it was divided into the four cantrefi of Rhos, Rhufoniog, Dyffryn Clwyd and Tegeingl cantref. Eight years later Henry organised a far more determined expedition against the Welsh. He gathered a great army, allegedly ‘to annihilate all Welshmen’, 2 and mustered soldiers from all over his vast empire: ‘a mighty host of the picked warriors of England, Normandy, Flanders, Anjou, Gascony and all Scotland.’3 Henry’s grand expedition collapsed in the Berwyn mountains amid heavy rains, botched logistics and ferocious Welsh guerrilla attacks. In a rage, he blinded a number of Welsh hostages and trudged back over the border. This was the king’s last military effort to impose his authority on the Welsh, but there was more than one way to establish a client state. When Prince Owain died in 1170, the unity he had imposed on Gwynedd fell apart as his many sons fought over their inheritance. In

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x  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 1173 there was fighting in North Wales when Dafydd attacked his halfbrother Maelgwn and drove him from Môn (Anglesey). He apparently did this on King Henry’s behalf, and in 1174 was rewarded for his services by being permitted to marry the king’s sister, Emma Plantagenet. Dafydd went on to extend his power over the whole of Gwynedd and styled himself David Rex Norwallie – David, King of North Wales. Since he was a committed royalist, this meant Henry had achieved hegemony over North Wales after all. It didn’t last long. In 1175 Dafydd was expelled by Rhodri, another of his brothers, who drove him east of the River Conwy. This left Rhodri supreme in an independent Gwynedd and Môn, while Dafydd ruled as ‘king’ of the Perfeddwlad from his castles of Rhuddlan, Denbigh, and Ellesmere. The latter was an English manor on the March given as a royal gift by marriage to Dafydd and his wife, Emma of Anjou. Elsewhere King Henry succeeded in winning the loyalty of most of the Welsh princes. In 1177 the lords of Gwynedd, South Wales and Powys, among other nobles, came to Henry’s court at Oxford and swore faithfulness to him. Among them was Prince Rhys ap Gruffudd, a ruler of Deheubarth who would be remembered as the Lord Rhys. Rhys was the latest head of the House of Dinefwr and harboured his own ambitions to unite Wales under a single banner. As well as Prince of South Wales, he also styled himself Prince of the Welsh and Prince of Wales. In real terms he was ruler of Deheubarth and Henry’s justiciar of South Wales after the king appointed him to that post in 1171. He, too, had fought battles against the king, though after 1171 he maintained good relations with Henry until the latter’s death in 1189. In the reign of Richard I (r. 1189–1199) the Lord Rhys took advantage of the new king’s preoccupation with France and the Holy Land, and attacked Norman lordships in the south. Richard sent his brother, Count John, with an army to deal with the revolt, and a temporary peace was made. When Richard was captured on his return from crusade in 1192, brother John tried to usurp the Crown by attacking royalists in England. This was at the same time civil war exploded in Gwynedd, again between the descendants of Prince Owain. King Richard’s chief ally, King Dafydd, was fatally undermined by a lack of support: the English king had stripped the Welsh Marches of troops for his foreign campaigns, which left Dafydd with too few soldiers to resist the assault

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Backdrop xi of his kinsmen. In 1194 he was defeated and forced to flee into England: ‘Llywelyn ab Iorwerth and the two sons of Cynan ab Owain and Rhodri ab Owain united together against Dafydd ab Owain and they drove him to flight and took from him all his territory except for three castles.’4 This was the first appearance of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, known to future generations (though not in his lifetime) as Llywelyn the Great. A grandson of Owain Gwynedd, he was destined to extend his power over much of Wales. First he had to deal with his uncle, Dafydd. In 1197 Llywelyn captured Dafydd, but was persuaded to release him by Hubert Walter, archbishop of Canterbury. The defeated old man retired to England and died there in 1203, still clinging to his empty title of King of North Wales. In the south, the advance of Rhys ap Gruffudd was checked by infighting among his sons (the old story!) and his own death in 1197. The ‘annihilator of the English, shield of the Welsh’ had won many victories, but failed to expel the Normans from Cardigan. The unity he imposed on Deheubarth was already falling apart, and the next year witnessed a resurgence of royal power in southwest Wales. At Painscastle, on 22 July 1198, the Welsh suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of an English army led by Geoffrey Fitz Peter, King Richard’s justiciar. Though the battle took place in Powys, men of Gwynedd were involved, and a number of Welsh princes butchered in the rout. The rise of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth was opposed by John, now king of England (1199–1216). Their relationship was eased somewhat by Llywelyn’s marriage in 1205 to Joan, the king’s illegitimate daughter. She often acted as an arbitrator between them, and was another example of the willingness of the lords of Gwynedd to marry into the ruling dynasty of England. In 1211 relations broke down between John and Llywelyn, and the king took an army into Gwynedd. After an initial repulse he successfully overran the Perfeddwlad and burnt the town of Bangor. John was assisted by the Welsh lords of South Wales and of Powys, only too happy to attack their ancient enemies of Gwynedd. Llywelyn was forced to sue for peace and pay tribute to John, who returned to England in triumph. This was the most successful royal foray into Wales since the days of Harold, and John wasn’t finished yet. While Llywelyn ab Iorwerth consolidated his power in North Wales, the internal conflict in the south had intensified. John sought to make

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xii  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 the most of these divisions. He gave his support to Rhys Ieuanc and Owain ap Gruffudd, grandsons of the Lord Rhys and William Braose, the Norman lord of Gower. Rhys and Owain opposed their uncle, Rhys Gryg – Rhys ‘the hoarse’ – for control of Deheubarth. At first they had opposed the king, but then switched sides when John offered to help them destroy their uncle. The result was the Battle of Llandeilo in January 1213, where a combined army of Welsh and Norman troops defeated the host of Rhys Gryg. Shortly afterwards the allies took Rhys’s castle at Dinefwr, ancestral seat of his dynasty and key to the Tywi valley. John’s gains in Wales were undone by the defeat of his allies at Bouvines, Flanders, in July 1214. This led to the total collapse of the Angevin Empire in France and a protracted civil war in England. Threatened with a French invasion and the loss of his crown, John was unable to pay any attention to Wales. This wasn’t the first or last time that civil strife in England handed the Welsh an opportunity. In the following years Prince Llywelyn was able to completely recover his position and in 1218 agreed to the Treaty of Worcester with John’s successor, Henry III. This confirmed Llywelyn in all his recent conquests, and he remained the dominant power in Wales until his death in 1240. Not that this was a peaceful time. Llywelyn was obliged to defend his border against further English incursions, and in 1228 threw back a royal army led by King Henry and Hubert de Burgh, Justiciar of England. He made an ally of Richard Marshall, earl of Pembroke and the king’s sworn enemy. Together these two highly capable men inflicted a number of defeats on Henry and destroyed a great many towns and castles. Since he could not beat them head-on, the king split the allies by ordering his men in Ireland to attack Richard’s estates there. This forced Richard to cross the Irish Sea to defend his possessions, where he was attacked and killed under a flag of truce. As an ally of Llywelyn, Richard Marshall was the only English nobleman to receive praise in the Welsh chronicles: ‘He was an honest man and powerful in arms, great and terrible, wise and eloquent, conscientious and handsome of figure.’5 Llywelyn was succeeded by his son by the Lady Joan, Dafydd. The new prince seized and imprisoned his older half-brother Gruffudd, Llywelyn’s son by his first wife, whom he had set aside to marry Joan. This gave King Henry an excuse to invade Gwynedd, and Dafydd was not strong enough to resist. In September 1241 he capitulated and surrendered the homage

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Backdrop xiii of the Welsh nobility to Henry, who also took Gruffudd and his royal consort as hostages. Henry held them as surety for the good behaviour of Dafydd, in the sense they would be released to cause havoc if he acted otherwise. In 1244 Gruffudd broke his neck attempting to escape from the Tower of London. He left four sons: Owain Goch, Llywelyn, Dafydd and Rhodri. Henry made his supreme effort in Wales in 1245. Dafydd had assumed the title Prince of Wales, the first Welsh ruler to do so, and tried to persuade the pope to recognise his title and make Wales a papal fief. This would deprive the English Crown of its overlordship, something Henry would not accept. In August the king took an army into North Wales to strengthen the great royal castle at Deganwy. His efforts were hampered by poor weather and supply problems, as well as the ferocious resistance of the Welsh. On this occasion Henry was determined to get results, and imposed a trade embargo on North Wales that caused famine among the people. He also summoned levies from Ireland to ravage Môn and slaughter the populace. The king himself returned to England in late October, but fighting dragged on. Worn out by his exertions and a mysterious illness that caused his hair and teeth to fall out, Dafydd died in February 1246. The ‘Shield of Wales’ – Tarian Cymru – as he was called, died childless. His nephew, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, seized power and continued the war against the English. Owain Goch, his eldest brother, fled from King Henry’s protection and agreed to share Gwynedd with Llywelyn rather than fight a damaging civil war. In early 1247, with commerce in Wales at a standstill and disease and famine rife, the brothers offered their submission. A truce was followed by the Treaty of Woodstock on 30 April, whereby they agreed to share Gwynedd between themselves and abandon their claims to Llŷn, Meirionydd, the Perfeddwlad and the rest of Wales. Henry now referred to the land between the Dee and the Conwy as ‘the king’s new conquest in Wales.’6 This, more or less, was the situation when the young Edward (born 1239) arrived on the scene.

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Chapter 1

By This Great Victory

O

n 14 February 1254 the Lord Edward, King Henry’s eldest son, was granted a spectacular endowment of lands by his father. It included the duchy of Gascony, most of Ireland, the Ile d’Oléron, the Channel Isles, and great swathes of territory in Wales. These territories were granted to enable Edward to marry Eleanor, daughter of the king of Castile. Eleanor’s father drove a hard bargain and would not allow the English prince to marry his daughter unless he was properly endowed with lands. Born in 1239, Edward was just 15 years old and already a major lord in his own right. The grant of 1254 gave him much territory in North and South Wales. These included the Perfeddwlad, the Honour of the Three Castles, called the Trident (Grosmont, Skenfrith and White Castle), the castles of Carmarthen and Cardigan in the south-west, and Montgomery and Builth in mid-Wales. Edward did not visit his territories in Wales until the summer of 1256, when he journeyed to the Perfeddwlad. Shortly after Edward’s departure the Perfeddwlad exploded in revolt and the Welsh called upon the aid of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, lord of Snowdon. Tensions were already running high in the area before Edward’s visit. The trouble had started in the late 1240s, when the local Welsh sent complaints to King Henry of the oppressive behaviour of John Grey, justice of Chester. Grey was replaced in 1250 by Alan la Zouche, who proved to be even worse. In the next year King Henry tried to find a new borough town at Deganwy in the commote of Creuddyn in Rhos, above the estuary of the Conwy. The king granted privileges to Englishmen and their families that chose to settle there, but the experiment proved a disaster. Within two years the borough was abandoned and the settlers departed in poverty. This was probably due to the interference of Zouche, whom Henry had warned against attacking the privileges of the new town. Zouche was under heavy financial constraints, required to pay twice as much to the Crown for the right to hold his office as his predecessor. In

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2  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 his efforts to screw as much money as possible from the Welsh tenantry, Zouche overplayed his hand. Within a year of his appointment complaints flooded in to King Henry from the men of the cantrefi. They alleged that Zouche had introduced alien customs, in response to which Henry ordered the justiciar not to introduce laws nor levy taxes other than those already established in the time of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth. The justiciar apparently ignored the king’s instruction, for in the autumn of 1252 Henry summoned him to a meeting with members of the Welsh community. Here Zouche was again warned to respect the Welsh liberties and customs under which the inhabitants were used to living under. He was to do nothing against the agreement made between the king and community after the last war in North Wales in 1246. Once more Zouche refused to listen, and by 1253 Henry found it necessary to organise another commission to investigate disturbances in the Perfeddwlad. The king was about to embark upon a campaign in Gascony, and for the sake of peace ordered Zouche not to recruit men from the region. He also told him – for a third time – to respect Welsh laws and customs. The justiciar continued to treat royal commands as interesting suggestions, and seemed to have a high opinion of his own importance. He allegedly went to London and boasted that he had forced the Welsh to humble acceptance of English laws. Despite his arrogance and tyrannical ways, Zouche remained in office until 1255. He was replaced by Geoffrey Langley, who served as justiciar under the new lord of the Perfeddwlad, Edward. Langley was said to be another violent, grasping character, and informed King Henry that he held the Welsh in the palm of his hand. His policy in Wales was to introduce English laws and customs, especially the shire system of land division. At the same time he feathered his own nest and built up a considerable private estate. Langley’s corruption and self-seeking may have been no worse than the majority of royal officials, but it can only have increased resentment among the Welsh. At last, goaded beyond measure, the Welsh sent envoys to Llywelyn: This year the Lord Edward, the son of the illustrious King Henry of the English and then Earl of Chester, about 1 August came to his castles, namely Degannwy and Dyserth, to see them and his lands. When he withdrew from his visitation the nobles of Wales in

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By This Great Victory  3 the fashion of Maccabeus were indignant at his plundering of their liberties and freedoms. This inflamed their ardent love for justice and they chose that it was better to die in battle with honour, to die for their freedom, rather than to be trampled underfoot by foreign and unworthy enemies; so they approached the noble juvenile, that is Llywelyn ap Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, and to him they explained their captivity and tribulations with tears and groans.1 According to this account, Edward was directly responsible for plundering the ‘liberties and freedoms’ of the Welsh. The actual extent of his responsibility is difficult to judge. How much authority he wielded over the officers who ruled the Perfeddwald in his name is unclear; Geoffrey Langley, for example, was not his appointment. Instead he had been installed by the king, queen and royal council. It is also obvious that royal seneschals had been trampling on Welsh customs for much of the past decade. Possibly Edward failed to restrain these officers in his brief visit to the lordship, and this was remembered and added to the resentment of the Welsh community. Wherever responsibility lay, the consequences were disastrous. The Welsh told Llywelyn they would rather die in battle than in slavery, and invited him to come and reconquer the land east of the Conwy. Towards the end of 1256 Llywelyn took his army across the river and swept into the Perfeddwlad. He made astonishingly rapid progress and within weeks had conquered the whole of the region except Edward’s castles at Deganwy and Dyserth. While these were placed under siege, he marched on to invade Meirionydd, Builth and South Wales. The Welsh lord of Meirionydd, Llywelyn ap Maredudd, was driven to seek refuge in England. Prince Llywelyn then stormed into northern Ceredigion, another of Edward’s territories, and gave it to Maredudd ab Owain, one of his supporters. Edward was unable to mount an effective response. Short of money and men, the best he could do was ship over small numbers of troops from his lordship in Ireland. Over the winter counter-operations against Llywelyn were led by the earls of Gloucester and Hereford, who made little progress in the foul weather. Edward got scant support from his father, who donated the paltry sum of 50 marks to the prince’s war-chest. When Edward asked him for help, the king replied ‘What has this to do

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4  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 with me? It is your land by gift.’ Edward received more joy from his rich uncle, Richard of Cornwall, who loaned him 4,000 marks. Cornwall also tried to open peace talks with Llywelyn, but was firmly rebuffed. The prince was badly served by his allies on the March. The Annales Cambriae records a string of victories by pro-Gwynedd forces over royal armies at this time. In January Llywelyn moved on from the Perfeddwlad and carried war into Powys Fadog, where local forces gathered under Edward’s banner to repel his invasion. They were led by Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, lord of Powys Fadog and a Crown loyalist at this time: After 6 January Llywelyn ap Gruffudd invaded the land of Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn and they encamped in the town of Welshpool, and he burned it all. There he summoned to help him two South Welsh barons, Maredudd ap Rhys Gryg and Maredudd ab Owain. On the other side of the (River) Severn near to Montgomery many English barons gathered together, that is John Lestrange, Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, Fitz Alan and many others with the banneret of the Lord Edward and a well-armed army. Truly the English force advanced over the Severn and in a great field between the Severn and Eberriw they stood to in battle order. Truly the English were greatly scorned by the Welsh as unprepared for battle and so with an innumerable number of men they entered the field, and the English saw the Welsh army with exceeding strength gain the battlefield boldly and manfully. Immediately the English were struck by terror and took themselves to flight and they fled all the way to the castle of Montgomery.2 From this it appears that Edward’s allies made an undignified retreat without attempting to engage the more numerous Welsh in battle. As a result of this victory Llywelyn gained most of the lordship, leaving Gruffudd with the castle of Welshpool and some of the adjacent lands. Flushed with success, Llywelyn drove on southward and invaded Gwerthrynion. By doing so, he triggered a conflict that would have enormous long-term consequences for both him and Wales. Gwerthyrnion was held by the Mortimers of Wigmore, a powerful and aggressive March family. The young lord of Wigmore, Roger Mortimer, was a direct descendant of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, whose daughter

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By This Great Victory  5 Gwladus Ddu had married Roger’s father, Ralph. Llywelyn ap Gruffudd was a grandson of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, so he and Roger were cousins. Via their descent from the female line, the Mortimers had their own blood claim to the principality of Wales. In 1241 Llywelyn ap Gruffudd had made a solemn pledge to Ralph Mortimer, quitclaiming his rights in Maelienydd and Gwerthyrnion. The terms of the treaty are worth quoting: Let everyone know that I, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd the son of the Llywelyn who was once Prince of North Wales, quitclaim for myself and my heirs to Ralph Mortimer and Gwladys his wife and their heirs in perpetuity all right and claim which I have ever had or am able to have in their lands of Maelienydd and Gwrtheyrnion [sic[ with purtenances or in anything of theirs, whereas accordingly Ralph and Gwladys and their heirs in Maelienydd and Gwrtherynion may well and peacefully hold and possess without complaint by anyone or me and my heirs… .3 Oddly, in this Llywelyn calls himself the ‘son’ of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth rather than his grandson. This is probably a scribal error. In the winter of 1256 he broke his promise to allow Ralph Mortimer and his heirs to hold Gwerthyrnion in peace, and overran the lordship at the head of an army. Llywelyn’s oath-breaking should come as no surprise: like most other great political leaders of his time (Edward was no exception) he only kept pacts for as long as they were politically useful. At the same time, his decision to break the treaty made a lifelong enemy of the Mortimers, who from this moment on were Llywelyn’s deadly enemies. On 26 December, after waging a triumphant campaign, Llywelyn returned home to Gwynedd. Some months later, in the summer of 1257 a royal army was sent into South Wales on Edward’s behalf. It was led by Stephen Bauzan, a Gascon knight and favourite of the prince’s mother, Eleanor of Provence. Bauzan was joined by several important Marcher lords; Nicholas of Cemais, Patrick of Kidwelly and the lord of Carew. Edward remained at Westminster. King Henry was evidently not prepared to risk the heir to the throne on a dangerous sortie into Wales. Bauzan and his allies behaved with pointless brutality. In early February they marched into Carmarthenshire and sacked the abbey of

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6  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Whitland, beat the monks and robbed the lay brethren as well as taking all the horses and treasure of the abbey. They also chased the servants of the monastery into the cemetery and slaughtered them. This was no isolated incident, and it cannot be said that Llywelyn’s men behaved any better. Shortly before Palm Sunday some noblemen of Llywelyn’s household burnt the town of Montgomery and massacred the garrison and townsfolk, including women and children. There was also fighting in Cardiganshire, where four young Welsh lords were killed by the English garrisons at Carmarthen and Ystlwyf. Llywelyn himself besieged the castle of Bodyddon in Powys, where he allowed the garrison to go free after they surrendered. The castle was then burnt. Finally, on the Wednesday after Pentecost (27 May) the English gathered their main host at Carmarthen. Under the overall command of Stephen Bauzan, they marched east to devastate the lands of Ystrad Tywi, home to one of Llywelyn’s allies, Maredudd ap Rhys Gryg. Their other purpose was to assist Rhys Fychan, a Welsh ally of the Crown, or so he pretended. At first Rhys accompanied the army, but soon afterwards either deserted or was seized by the garrison at Dinefwr Castle. There is a possibility that Rhys deliberately led Bauzan’s army into a trap, which would imply he was in secret communication with his uncle, Maredudd. Be that as it may, Bauzan and his men soon found themselves in difficulty: The next day all the renowned armed men with many horses and coats of mail and other instruments prepared for war, marched to devastate the land of Ystrad Tywi; and not without hindrance they came to Llandeilo Fawr, and there they spent the night without any fear; and the Welsh of Ceredigion and Ystrad Tywi, that is Maredudd ap Rhys and Maredudd ab Owain with all their forces, in the woods and forests and valleys surrounded the English with a great battle roar. And the Welsh all that Friday molested and opposed the troops of the Saxons in that place by throwing spears and arrows.4 These accounts must be used with caution. The B text of the Annales is notably pro-Llywelyn and tends to represent the conflicts of 1257–58 as straightforward clashes between Welsh and English (or even Saxons). Other versions of the chronicle are more nuanced. The C text for the battle of Cymerau states: ‘Many English and many Welsh from the parts

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By This Great Victory  7 favouring the English, were killed at Cymerau in Ystrad Tywi on the day before Trinity (29 May).’5 The D text reads: ‘This year many Welsh were killed at Cymerau in Ystrad Tywi on the day before Trinity (30 May).’6 As well as slight confusion over the date, the differing versions of the Annales present a confused picture of the ‘ethnic’ identity of the forces at Cymerau. The likelihood is that Bauzan’s knights were English, while his infantry were largely Welsh, drawn from Marcher lordships loyal to the Crown. B provides by far the fullest account of the destruction of Bauzan’s host: Truly the English protected by their iron were not afraid to defend themselves. However they were not able to kill those whose arms consisted mainly of linen garments, because they placed more faith in their pride than God. In truth the armed men and knights began to talk of boldly making their way towards Cardigan, fearing nothing of the Welsh who everywhere attacked them manfully from the woods. From dawn until noon they fought against the English from the forests. And at the wood of Llanarthne [Coed Llathen] the English lost all their victuals, all their packhorses which were carrying their arms and necessities as well as their palfreys; and the Welsh on account of this were gladdened. Truly about the hour of midday at Cymerau the hour of battle arrived and the Welsh, with the help of God, erupted into the English. The celebrated Saxons were thrown manfully to the ground from their armoured horses and as infantry were trampled under the horses’ feet, and so the knights in the bushes and the ditches and the valleys were trampled under foot, and more than 3,000 Saxons were killed that day; for truly none or only a very few of the armoured knights escaped from this battle. And the Welsh by this great victory gained spoils and horses and many coats of mail as well as the weapons of their enemies and so they thanked God for his favour, and returned sound and uninjured to their homes.7 B also explicitly names the leaders of the Welsh host as Maredudd ap Rhys and Maredudd ap Owain. The lord of Ystrad Tywi, former ally of the English Crown, had successfully lured a royal army onto ground of his own choosing, in the heart of his ancestral territory, and inflicted a

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8  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 terrible defeat. Exact casualty figures for Bauzan’s army are uncertain, though somewhere between 2–3,000 is likely. Casualties among Maredudd’s army were unrecorded and probably negligible. Cymerau was a serious blow to the power of the English Crown in West Wales. Though he was not present at the battle, it represented a severe humiliation for the Lord Edward and one he never forgot. In 1287, thirty years later, he authorised a payment of 105 shillings for a monument to Stephen Bauzan and Richard Giffard, another casualty of these Welsh wars. The accounts of the constable of Bristol show that two stones were taken to Carmarthen for these monuments. Presumably they were erected on the site of the battle, though their fate is unknown. Further, on 15 May 1290 Edward ordered masses to be sung daily in the church at Carmarthen for the souls of Stephen Bauzan, Richard Giffard and ‘other faithful men slain in those parts in the service of the king and his ancestors.’ Edward had learned an important lesson. Little could be achieved in West Wales without the support of the native lords. Their enmity could be fatal. As we shall see, Edward’s later Welsh campaigns demonstrate he had committed that lesson to heart, no doubt due to the slaughter of his ‘faithful men’ at Cymerau. The destruction of the royal host at Cymerau compelled King Henry to respond. To shore up his crumbling authority in Wales, he had no choice but to raise another army and lead it against Llywelyn in person. Matthew Paris, an acid-tongued chronicler persistently hostile towards Edward, claimed the heir to the throne was reluctant to join his father on the campaign. He even (according to Paris) suggested that Wales should be left to the Welsh – a deeply ironic statement, given Edward’s later history. While Paris cannot be relied on, it may be true that Edward resented his father taking over affairs in Wales, especially after Henry had failed to provide his son with adequate resources. Henry planned to invade Gwynedd, Llywelyn’s heartland. He set the muster date for his army at Chester on 1 August and turned up a week late. This set the tone for the campaign. In late August the king moved slowly out of Chester and headed for the Welsh border. His progress was hampered by defences organised by the Welsh to meet the invasion: Thus the Welsh ploughed the meadows and even the mills, which were in any case made by the English. They broke the bridges up

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By This Great Victory  9 into pieces, they dug holes in the fords and returned to water, they drove off all types of good, or they buried or drowned it, and so the warlike work was furthered by their hands. Even doing this they saw their cause as just against their enemy. And this gave them the greatest strength, and for the love of their ancestor’s laws and their liberty, firmly and the customs of the Trojans from whom they were descended, they fought steadfastly for their race.8 While Henry advanced at a crawl towards North Wales, there were at least four other royal armies active in Wales. Humphrey Bohun, earl of Hereford, was given command of the Marches, assisted by various other Marchers including Roger Mortimer of Wigmore. Mortimer himself held a semi-independent command, while Hamo Lestrange had command of an army based at Montgomery, north of Hereford. The fourth army was under the command of Richard Clare, earl of Gloucester, who was ordered to attack the Welsh in the south on 1 August. Before he could move Prince Llywelyn attacked the earl’s lordships in Glamorgan. In early July Llywelyn advanced to Margam Abbey and then destroyed Clare’s castle at Llangynwyd, where twenty-four of the earl’s men were killed. To meet this threat Clare marched to Llanblethian with his army. A stand-off ensued. Both armies were just fifteen miles apart, but neither cared to risk a pitched battle. The fighting in the south ground to a halt, and efforts by the Marchers to make further headway met with little success. In September the king asked the tenants of Lord Nicholas Fitz Martin of Cemais to raise a ransom for his release, since he had been captured by the Welsh. King Henry’s northern army reached Deganwy by 29 August. He had ordered his men to destroy all the crops along the line of march, which turned out to be a bad decision when supply ships failed to turn up from Ireland. If the Welsh were condemned to starve, so too were the king’s soldiers, and soon the army fell prey to disease and famine. Henry’s heart wasn’t in the campaign, and he decided to turn back and return the next year with a larger navy. He trudged back towards Chester, harried all the way: But Llywelyn himself for a long time followed them, to see if anybody was detached or fell behind from the royal army and then these were

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10  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 taken and killed. And thus the inglorious king, his treasure much squandered, laughed at and mocked by the enemy, returned to his own land. Truly he marched well among his elegant army, with his royal banner briskly unfurled to arouse them, encouraging his men that the Welsh, the dregs of men, might be slaughtered.9 Henry behaved with considerable personal bravery, riding at the head of his army to encourage his men against the Welsh. He had a special banner made for the campaign, wonderfully decorated with eyes made of sapphires and a tongue that flickered in and out as the wind caught the banner. Splendid as it was, the dragon had good cause to droop now, as Henry’s battered, dysentery-struck army struggled back to Chester, harried by Welsh guerrilla fighters. The great campaign of 1257 petered out in October. Henry and his son had achieved little at great expense, and were simply not capable of dealing with the rise of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. The Welsh prince was a man of enormous ambition, energy and ability, and at this point in his career could not be stopped. Yet there was a chink in Llywelyn’s armour. He had previously quarrelled with two of his brothers, Owain Goch and Dafydd, and defeated them in battle at Bryn Derwin in 1256. Owain was now in Llywelyn’s prison at Dolbadarn, but he had decided to give Dafydd another chance. The young man, embittered at losing his share of Gwynedd, was soon hatching fresh plots. In August, before he set out for North Wales, King Henry issued a safe-conduct for Dafydd to come to him at Chester. This implies the Welshman had already made contact with the king, or at any rate Henry was aware of his disaffection with Llywelyn. In the event Dafydd failed to appear, and the safe-conduct was torn up by Henry’s chancellor. Edward was among those who witnessed the document drawn up at Chester. From an early stage he was aware of the disloyalty of Llywelyn’s brothers, and how this might be exploited. On this occasion the ploy had failed, but Edward and Dafydd would have many future dealings together. The English prince did not return to Wales for another six years. He was kept away by affairs in England, as the personal feud between his father and Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, soured into civil war. For

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By This Great Victory  11 five years England was convulsed by domestic conflict. In the meantime Llywelyn made hay and continued to win a string of victories in Wales. The Welsh prince concentrated his efforts on Builth in mid-Wales. This was another of Edward’s lordships and held on his behalf by Llywelyn’s own cousin, Roger Mortimer. Mortimer had succeeded in driving out the Welsh tenants of Maredudd ap Owain, a lord of Ceredigion and one of Llywelyn’s chief allies in the south. On 10 January 1260, taking advantage of the deadlock in English politics, Llywelyn marched into the lordship. He met no resistance and left part of his army to besiege the castle. On 17 July, after months of resistance, the garrison surrendered. It was said that three of the defenders let the Welsh enter by night, out of hatred for a clerk placed in authority over them. As keeper of Builth, Mortimer was directly responsible for its security. Llywelyn had inflicted another humiliation upon him, and one that threatened to bring about his downfall. Not for the last time, rumours swirled about the March that Mortimer was secretly allied with Llywelyn, and that the castle had fallen by his connivance. This is extremely unlikely, given Mortimer’s active service against the Welsh before and after the loss of Builth. Even so it was enough to damage his credibility, not least with Edward. Later in the month Mortimer was formally acquitted by King Henry of any responsibility for the loss of Builth; he was too important a member of the government to be dismissed for incompetence. This was done in the teeth of furious protests from Edward, who placed the blame squarely on Mortimer. The breach between them was only temporary, and in future years Mortimer would do much to regain Edward’s trust. In August, a month after the fall of Builth, Llywelyn and King Henry agreed to a two-year truce. Edward was packed off abroad to work off his excess energy on the French tournament circuit. An uneasy stalemate ensued, punctuated by disturbances on the March and accusations flung by both sides of breaking the peace. In the early winter of 1262 the truce expired and hostilities resumed. Llywelyn again targeted Mortimer lands. At the end of November he stormed into Powys and attacked Mortimer’s castles of Cefnllys, Bleddfa, Knucklas and other strongholds. Hywel ap Meurig, Mortimer’s bailiff and constable of Cefnllys, was taken prisoner along with his wife and children after the Welsh of Maelienydd stormed the gates. Maelienydd was a Mortimer lordship, and it seems the local tenantry had revolted

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12  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 against their lord. They sent word to Llywelyn’s seneschal and constable, who came rushing to burn the castle. Mortimer was not slow to respond. He and Humphrey Bohun junior quickly raised an army and marched to recover Cefnllys. They reoccupied the burned-out shell of the castle, only to be surrounded by a much larger Welsh army led by Llywelyn in person. The size of the Welsh prince’s host was truly impressive by this point, reckoned at 30,000 infantry and 300 cavalry. The Marchers were starved into surrender, and after negotiation Llywelyn permitted Mortimer and his men to withdraw. This again led to charges to treachery and conspiracy against Mortimer. Llywelyn did not spare his cousin’s other lands and castles, and before Christmas had taken Knucklas, Knighton, Norton, and Presteigne. Meanwhile a separate Welsh army under Rhys Fychan devastated the lands of Gwent and Brycheiniog (Brecknock). In early 1263 Llywelyn had the entire March in a state of terror. There were panicked reports of Welsh tenantry deserting their lordships in droves and flocking to join Llywelyn. All ‘the men of the Welsh nation’, it was said, in the lands of Abergavenny had turned to the prince. Unless money and men were sent to the March, King Henry was warned, the whole of the March would be lost. Henry had been informed of the situation when he landed at Dover on 20 December. The news drove him to distraction. Only a few months earlier he had confidently rejected an officer of assistance from the king of Castile, stating that his opponents in England had made peace with him and the Welsh had made a new truce. Now the March was in turmoil and Llywelyn was making fresh conquests, with none apparently capable of stopping him. Henry sent an angry letter to Edward, who had lingered in Gascony despite promising to return home by Christmas. Henry exhorted his son to take charge of his affairs in Wales: These things should cause you great concern. This is no time for laziness or boyish wantonness. It is a disgrace to you that Llywelyn spurns the truce which he promised to maintain with us, for I am growing old, while you are in the flower of early manhood and yet, instigated by some men of my realm, he dares to do it.10 Before Edward could set foot in Wales, Llywelyn met with a rare defeat.

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By This Great Victory  13 A handful of Marchers stood their ground against his relentless advance. They were led by Peter Montfort (no relation to Simon) and John Grey, who took charge of the defence of Abergavenny when the earl of Hereford cried off, excusing himself on the grounds of ill-health. Among them was the ubiquitous Roger Mortimer, smarting from his defeats of the previous year and desperate for revenge. Hereford’s replacement, John Grey, rushed to Brecon to find a massive Welsh army, ‘the pride of Wales’, bearing down on the frontier of Gwent. They were led by Llywelyn’s steward, Goronwy ap Ednyfed, and said to number 10,000 infantry and almost 200 armoured horsemen. These numbers may sound startling, but they are quite feasible: the martial culture of Wales created a huge resource of fighting men. Edward himself, as king, would raise staggering numbers of Welsh footsoldiers for his wars in France and Scotland. On 1 March 1263 the Welsh host came to the borders of Gwent. Ednyfed had with him Llywelyn’s southern allies Maredudd ap Rhys, Rhys Fychan, and Maredudd ap Owain. Their advance was checked at the river Usk by the Marchers led by Peter Montfort, who held off the Welsh over two days of heavy fighting. At dawn on the third day the Marchers executed a daring maneuvure. Peter Montfort, John Grey, Roger Mortimer, Reginald Fitz Peter, and Humphrey Bohun crossed a ford at dawn above the town of Abergavenny and stormed into the flank of the Welsh host. Taken unawares, the Welsh scattered and fled up the slopes of the Blorenge mountain, where the Marchers dared not follow. Others retreated into the valley, where 300 of them were captured or killed. Those who got away, mounted and on foot, took refuge on the moors or in local monasteries. The Marchers had won a much-needed victory, but it was only a respite. Montfort made this clear in another anxious letter to the king, begging for money and reinforcements. If he didn’t get them, Montfort warned, he would have no choice but to desert his post and leave the land ‘to make terms with the Welsh or perish.’ If Llywelyn’s forces were not stopped in their tracks, they would destroy all the lands of the king as far as the Severn and Wye and lay waste to Gwent. Edward finally returned from France in April. He had spent the past few months competing in French tournaments, without much success. The prince and his rowdy, undisciplined followers suffered a series of

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14  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 beatings from the more experienced French knights, who made their living by taking ransoms on the tournament circuit. Despite his bumps and bruises, Edward was addicted to this dangerous blood sport, and acquired enough of a reputation to attract foreign knights to his banner. The prince set about organising an expedition against Llywelyn. This was his second experience of the nature of war in North Wales. Shortly after Easter he entered the March, where he took steps to shore up the defenses. He sent a letter to his father, requesting that the bishop of Hereford and William Devereaux, a Marcher lord, be ordered to supply and fortify their castles against the Welsh. Edward then moved on to Hereford, where he met with John Grey, one of the victors of Abergavenny. He took Grey with him north to Chester, the traditional starting point for English invasions of Gwynedd. So far Edward had been purposeful enough, but now he ran into problems. Some of the Marchers resented the presence of foreign knights in his retinue, and refused to serve alongside them. Others proved more loyal. While Edward marched west from Chester, his bailiff at Montgomery, John Lestrange, led a night raid into the adjacent territories of Ceri and Cydewain. This was possibly an attempt to divert Welsh forces from defending the borders of Gwynedd. It did not end well for Lestrange. On their way back from the raid, loaded down with plunder, his men were ambushed and severely mauled near Abermule. Some weeks later, on 28 April, it was the turn of the Welsh to taste defeat as a hundred of their men were slain in the valley of the Clun. Among the dead was Llywelyn ap Maredudd, ‘the flower of the youth of Wales’, whom Prince Llywelyn had driven from Meirionydd six years earlier. Three days earlier Roger Mortimer was gravely wounded in a skirmish, which put him out of action for some months. While Lestrange and Mortimer toiled, Edward advanced to his hardpressed castles of Deganwy and Dyserth. After resupplying them he drove further into the heartlands of Gwynedd, devastating the land as he went. His aim was to bring the Welsh to battle, but here he encountered the same difficulty as every previous invader of Gwynedd. The Welsh refused to engage in battle except on their terms, and simply melted away into the hills and forests. Edward’s French knights, however skilled they were at fighting in tournaments, were quite unable to deal with this kind of guerilla warfare. After a few weeks of marching in ever decreasing

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By This Great Victory  15 circles Edward was recalled to England by his father, where he was needed to combat the threat of the barons. The campaign had fizzled out without Edward scoring any major success against Llywelyn, though he did at least manage to save his castles (for the time being). He also achieved a diplomatic success. On 26 May, at Westminster, Llywelyn’s brother Dafydd agreed to the terms of a treaty. He, along with any other Welshmen who wished to follow him, was admitted to the king’s peace and granted certain lands in Wales until he recovered his share of Gwynedd. In return Edward promised not to enter into any agreement with Llywelyn without consulting Dafydd. This treaty was ratified by a further agreement at Windsor in July. Dafydd’s reasons for abandoning his brother at this time, when Llywelyn was sweeping all before him, are difficult to understand. Perhaps he was simply unwilling to play second fiddle, and bitterness over the defeat at Bryn Derwin still rankled. He would remain Edward’s faithful ally for the next nineteen years. The outbreak of all-out civil war in England meant Edward was unable to return to Wales. In late summer his beleagured garrisons at Deganwy and Dyserth, after months of siege, were finally obliged to surrender. Six years of fighting had resulted in the total destruction of Edward’s power in North Wales.

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Chapter 2

Civil War

T

he first round of the civil war did not go well for King Henry and his supporters. Desperate for funds, Edward distinguished himself by staging a bank robbery in London, where he and his retainers robbed the New Temple, a precinct of the Knights Templar, of jewels and cash. This only enraged the Londoners, who took up arms and attacked royalist supporters and property. In the midst of the chaos, Edward’s mother, Queen Eleanor, tried to sail up the Thames to join her son at Windsor. She was obliged to turn back when her barge was pelted with stones and rubbish by the citizens, who hated her as a foreigner. When Edward heard of the incident, he vowed bloody revenge. In July, with the royalists on the back foot, Edward turned to the Marchers for support. Even as his castles in North Wales fell, he smoothtalked Roger Clifford, Roger Leyburn, John Vaux, Hamo Lestrange, and Ralph Basset into being ‘his friends in all his affairs.’ In exchange Edward offered them substantial bribes of money and land, which no self-respecting Marcher could refuse. When Edward staged a coup at Windsor in October, the Marchers rushed to join him along with the king and other prominent royalists. Their combined forces very nearly caught Simon de Montfort at Southwark, on the south bank of the Thames, but the citizens helped him to escape. A stand-off followed as both sides appealed to the king of France to arbitrate. He came down, inevitably, on the side of a fellow monarch. Earl Simon and his followers were unwilling to accept this judgement and again took up arms. The tide of war spilled into the March. In February two of Simon’s sons, Henry and Simon junior (hence referred to as Simon the Younger) led a rebel army into the west to ravage the lands of Roger Mortimer. Edward sped west to save Mortimer and entered the lordship of Brecon, which was held by Humphrey Bohun, earl of Hereford. Bohun was a Montfortian, so Edward took his castles of Huntingdon and Hay and

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Civil War  17 gave them to the loyalist Mortimer. He then turned about to attack the baronial army at Gloucester. At this point, with enemies to deal with on several fronts, Edward summoned his ally Prince Dafydd. In early March, while Edward grappled with the barons at Gloucester, Dafydd and the Marchers collected an army in Cheshire and invaded Staffordshire: About the Feast of St Chad [March 2] William de la Zouche, Justiciary of Chester, David [Prince of Wales] and Hamo Lestrange, with many men of Shropshire, took the town of Stafford and castle of Chartley, and on their return they burned the town of Stone, and forcibly entered the church and plundered all that they found there, including even the charters and evidences of the canons.1 Their purpose was to attack the lands of Robert Ferrers, earl of Derby and Edward’s bitter foe at this time. The source of their rivalry probably had its roots in the previous decade, when Ferrers had been a minor in ward to the king. His wardship was granted to Edward, who sold it to his mother and Peter of Savoy for 6,000 marks. Being bought and sold in such a manner was an affront to Ferrers’ dignity, and engendered a fierce hatred for Edward, his kinsman. Dafydd and his comrades ravaged Staffordshire for over ten days. On 12 March they attempted to storm Stafford again, but were thrown back by the determined garrison. On their return journey they stormed Ecceleshall, destroyed the castle and town, took many captives and pillaged many churches. In his first action since signing the agreement with Edward the previous year, Dafydd had served his ally well. Shortly afterwards, on 4 April, King Henry and Edward won a victory at Northampton, where Simon the Younger and over eighty Montfortian knights were captured. Edward followed up this success by plundering Robert Ferrers’ estates in Derbyshire. This was probably meant as a follow-up strike after Dafydd had ravaged the hapless earl’s lands in Staffordshire. Ferrers himself was in London with Simon Montfort, unable to defend his estates as they went up in flames. The tide of royalist success crashed to a halt on the chalk downs of Lewes in Sussex. Here, on 14 May, King Henry and Earl Simon faced each other in open battle. Thirsting for the blood of the Londoners who

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18  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 had insulted his mother, Edward led a headlong charge that swept the rabble of London militia from the field but left his father’s army exposed to a counter-attack. The day ended in miserable defeat, with the king and his remaining followers trapped in the priory at Lewes. He and Edward were forced to submit to honourable captivity. With Edward safely incarcerated, Earl Ferrers was now free to take his revenge. In the spring of 1264 he swept through Edward’s lands in the Midlands, throwing down castles and seizing the town and castle of Nottingham. Next it was the turn of Prince Dafydd to feel the earl’s wrath. In November Ferrers raised a large army of horse and foot and marched to the Welsh border near Chester, where he engaged Dafydd and the Marchers: And there he encountered William le Zouche, David the brother of Llywelyn, James de Audley, and a multitude of others, but they did not dare to come against the earl in battle, and so fled. And when it came to the pursuit, he killed up to a hundred of them, and captured others; and only one of his men was wounded.2 This was the last of Earl Ferrers’ victories. Earl Simon regarded this violent, unstable young nobleman as a threat, and the two had a competing claim to Edward’s lordships of Chester and the Peak in Derbyshire. Since Ferrers had recently conquered these lands by force of arms, Simon lured him into a trap. In December he was summoned to London to answer charges of ‘many trespasses’, seized and thrown into the Tower. The brutal treatment of Ferrers alarmed the other magnates. Simon had already been obliged to beat down the Marchers, who rose in revolt against his regime. In the summer of 1264, while Ferrers razed Edward’s castles in the Midlands, Simon had stormed into the March to attack Mortimer and his allies. He formed an alliance with Llywelyn, who had a shared interest in destroying his cousin Mortimer. Together the allies ravaged Mortimer’s estates and took the castles of Hay, Hereford, and Ludlow. The sullen Marchers were forced to make peace at Montgomery, after which Simon raced back to England to face a threatened invasion of Queen Eleanor and an army of mercenaries. It never materialised, but Simon’s regime was on thin ice.

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Civil War  19 In December 1264 the Marchers refused to attend parliament, forcing Simon to lead another expedition against them. He was again victorious, and this time the three Rogers – Mortimer, Clifford, and Leyburn – had to agree to go into exile in Ireland for a year. First they were permitted to see Edward in prison at Wallingford, who asked them to surrender the castle of Bristol. Edward was clearly acting under duress, for he also agreed to hand over his castles of Chester, the Peak, and Newcastleunder-Lyme to Simon. With both Edward and Ferrers in his custody, Simon made sure he enriched himself at their expense. This couldn’t go on forever. Simon’s authority rested squarely on military strength and the support he enjoyed among the common people. His rule was only legitimised by the fact he had the king and his heir in custody. The ageing King Henry was helplessly dragged about in Simon’s wake, forced to put his seal to all kinds of documents he would never have approved otherwise. In the spring of 1265 things began to unravel for Simon. The powerful Gilbert Clare, earl of Gloucester, deserted his cause and fled west to join the Marchers, who had broken their oath to go into exile. With him went John Giffard of Brimpsfield, another important baron. Clare and Giffard holed up in the forests near Gloucester, and every night lit a beacon fire on the hills to let Simon’s men know their location. In May more bad news reached Simon’s ears. Earl Warenne and William Valence, who had fled abroad after Lewes, landed in Pembroke with a small army and rushed to join the Marchers. Simon’s enemies were now gathering strength by the day. He marched quickly to Hereford to put himself between the invasion force at Pembroke and the Marcher army gathering near Gloucester: ‘Then, shortly after 28 May, he received the worst news of all. Edward had escaped.’ The prince’s escape was well-planned in advance. He had asked permission from his guards to go riding in the countryside near Hereford and put a new horse through its paces. The animal was a gift from one of his friends, or so Edward claimed. He and his escort rode to a convenient spot north of Evesham, called Widmarsh. Here Edward insisted on racing all of his escort’s horses until they were exhausted. Then a horseman appeared on the brow of a nearby hill and waved a white bonnet. This was the signal for Edward to leap aboard his new horse, which was still fresh, and gallop away to freedom.

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20  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Edward rode off accompanied by two loyal knights and four esquires. Fearful of Earl Simon’s wrath, his escort gave chase on their tired horses. As the horsemen neared Wigmore, some twenty miles from Hereford, they met with Roger Mortimer coming the other way at the head of 500 March riders. The Montfortians fled in panic back to Hereford, chased like frightened sheep by the vengeful Mortimer. In a flourish of contempt, he flung his lance against the city gates before turning round and heading back to Wigmore. From Wigmore Edward rode to Ludlow, where he met with Gilbert Clare. The two men were never friends. Clare had refused to swear fealty to Edward in 1262, and they would clash again in the future. At times, however, they put aside their differences to work against a common enemy. This was one of those occasions. In return for the earl’s support Edward swore to observe the ancient laws and customs of England, persuade his father to remove foreigners from the royal council, and govern the land through native-born Englishmen. The humiliation of captivity had wrought a change in Edward. Always able and energetic, in the past his selfishness, treachery, and lack of restraint had proved his undoing. For the present he could not afford to indulge the darker side of his nature. His father was a captive, his country in the grip of an alien regime, and his own position as heir to throne under threat. In the wake of Edward’s escape from Hereford, Simon had forced the king to disinherit his eldest son and brand him a public enemy. This left Edward with a simple choice: destroy Simon or be destroyed himself. If he failed, he would be killed or spend the rest of his life in prison. Edward raised the royal standard at Wigmore, where men came flocking to join him. They included Earl Warenne, William Valence, Hugh Bigod, the garrison of Bristol led by Warin Bassingburne, and Robert Walerand, and hundreds of men from the border counties. The prince moved with lightning speed. On 31 May, just three days after his escape, Beeston Castle in Cheshire was recaptured. One part of his army surrounded Chester, while the towns of Shrewsbury, Bridgenorth, and Ludlow all fell in quick succession. At the same time Edward took care to cut off Simon’s communications with his supporters in the east. The prince’s men smashed down all the bridges over the Severn, drew up boats to guard the eastern bank, deepened the fords and placed strong

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Civil War  21 guards over them. Edward then marched on Gloucester, defended by new fortifications he had constructed the previous year. On 7 June a company of royalist soldiers led by John Giffard burst through a weak section of wall between St Oswald’s Gate and the north gate, beside the abbot’s orchard. In the street fighting that followed, many of the defenders were butchered and the survivors fled back to the castle. Edward’s artillery pounded the walls until the garrison agreed to surrender. Earl Simon ordered his supporters to gather at Worcester on 30 May with all the men they could raise. Edward moved too quickly for him. Worcester had already fallen to his army, forcing Simon to switch the muster to Gloucester. The fall of the town and castle at the end of June spelled the end of Simon’s efforts to raise an army in the west. Edward made use of propaganda and caused rumours to be spread about the March, accusing Simon of intending to form an alliance with Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. He also charged the earl with being at loggerheads with Gilbert Clare and issuing letters in the king’s name without royal authority. Simon was in no position to rebuff these accusations, since they happened to be true. Desperate for support, he marched to Pipton west of Hereford and met with Prince Llywelyn. On 19 June 1265 they formally signed a pact of mutual aid, whereby Llywelyn agreed to provide Simon with money and troops against Edward and the Marchers. Given the weakness of Simon’s position, the Welsh prince could drive as hard a bargain as he liked. His demands were extraordinary: effective recognition of his independence as prince of Wales and confirmation of all the military gains he had made in the March since 1257. King Henry, dragged along as a helpless captive, had no choice but to put his seal to the document. The Treaty of Pipton was an utter humiliation for the old king, who now saw his remaining authority in Wales reduced to tatters. At the same time Llywelyn appreciated that Simon’s days were probably numbered. He did not accompany the earl on his final deathmarch, and it is uncertain how many soldiers he gave him (if any). In the following days Simon attempted to escape by ship to Bristol, but was foiled when his fleet was intercepted and destroyed by privateers in the earl of Gloucester’s service. To add to Simon’s woes, his footsoldiers suffered terribly from the Welsh diet of meat and dairy. The staple diet of commoners in England was bread, and the rich diet of Wales caused dysentery to sweep through the ranks.

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22  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Edward continued to seize every advantage. After Gloucester he stormed westwards and retook Usk and the castles of Hay and Huntingdon, which had fallen back into Montfortian hands after he captured them the previous year. He then invaded Llywelyn’s territory in the lordship of Brecon and threw down one of his castles, either Sennybridge or Camlais, both of which lie west of Brecon. Meanwhile parties of royalist soldiers rode out to break down all the bridges over the Severn and deny Simon’s army supplies or reinforcements. Simon’s last hope was the arrival of his son, Simon the Younger, who was hurrying up from the east with a relief force. Unfortunately the young man turned aside to sack Winchester, which was pillaged by his troops over three days. Afterwards he marched north to Oxford and then to Northampton, where he laid plans to draw off Edward’s army and give his father a chance to reach Hereford. Over-confident, he marched on to Kenilworth and allowed his men to disperse among the taverns and public baths. His footsoldiers were obliged to pitch camp in the fields, since there were far too many to lodge inside the castle. Unknown to the Montfortians, their every move was tracked by Edward’s spies. One of these was an interesting character named Margoth, a woman given to cross-dressing. Another spy, a turncoat Montfortian knight named Ralph Arden, was said to be her lover. Margoth disguised herself as a soldier and moved among Simon’s men in camp at Kenilworth before riding away to report all she heard to Edward, now based at Worcester. Edward realised he had to strike quickly to prevent the baronial armies crushing him between their forces. On the 1 or 2 of August he set out for Kenilworth under cover of darkness, taking a large number of knights and some infantry loaded into wagons so they could keep up with the cavalry. His men tore across the darkened countryside at full speed and arrived outside Kenilworth before sunrise. At Edward’s signal, his troops burst into the town and killed or captured hundreds of Montfortians, who were taken completely unawares. Almost a score of rebel knights and barons were captured in the raid, including the earl of Oxford, and a huge amount of rich treasure and baggage carried back to Worcester. Naked save for his drawers, Simon the Younger was forced to flee for the safety of the castle.

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Civil War  23 Three days later, his father’s army was trapped and obliterated at Evesham. The chroniclers place great emphasis on the fate of his Welsh troops, though it is not certain how many were present. They were either given to Simon by Llywelyn as part of the Treaty of Pipton, or raised from the March lands of Humphrey Bohun. An eyewitness account of the battle describes the Welsh raising a great cry ‘up to the skies’ before they formed, which made ‘the whole ground seem to echo at this frightful noise.’ Bohun was in charge of the Welsh, and did his bit to raise morale by skulking in the rear when they marched out of Evesham to face Edward’s army. The earl was rebuked by Earl Simon, who remarked wearily: ‘Sir Humphrey, Sir Humphrey, that’s no way to conduct a battle, putting the footsoldiers at the rear. I know well how this will turn out.’ The baronial army then marched up the flank of Green Hill, north of the town, where Edward’s men were gathered on the summit. It turned out the prince had concealed much of his army behind the ridge. When these men were ordered forward, dismay cut through the ranks of Simon’s host. While he led his knights in a futile charge, the Welsh broke and fled in all directions. This was Edward’s moment, his chance to get some revenge on the Welsh. Chroniclers wrote fearfully of the massacre that followed. In the midst of a thunderstorm and pouring rains, many Welshmen drowned as they tried to swim across the swollen River Severn. Others were pursued as they tried to hide in cornfields and gardens, or ridden down by Edward’s cavalry. A few survivors managed to reach Tewkesbury, only to be attacked and slaughtered by the townsfolk. Simon’s knights were driven into an enclosure at the foot of Green Hill. Here they were surrounded and butchered; the usual practice was to spare the lives of noblemen in battle and take them for ransom, but Edward and Clare had ordered no quarter. They even picked out a special death-squad of twelve of the strongest and most intrepid soldiers, led by none other than Roger Mortimer, with explicit instructions to hunt down Earl Simon on the field and kill him. There was no precedent for the trial and execution of an earl in England, and to keep him in prison forever was a political impossibility. Therefore Simon had to die. As Mortimer himself allegedly cried in the midst of battle: ‘Old traitor, old traitor! It is impossible for you to live a moment longer!’

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24  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Mortimer drove through the shattered ranks of the baronial army and rammed his lance into the back of Simon’s neck. The old man fell to his knees, choking blood, and was set upon by a band of royalist knights. Out of their minds with hatred and bloodlust, they hacked him to pieces and stuck his head on the end of a spear with the testicles hung either side of his nose. Simon the Younger arrived from Kenilworth just in time to see his father’s severed head go past, paraded before Edward’s cheering soldiers.

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Chapter 3

The Ford at Rhyd Chwima

E

dward had won a crushing victory over his enemies in England, but it made no difference to his position in Wales. Llywelyn remained the dominant force over the border, and wasted little time making that clear. In September 1265 the newly liberated Henry  III ordered parliament to meet at Winchester, where it was decided to disinherit all those who had fought against him. Technically those men who fought for Simon Montfort had fought for Henry as well, since Simon always claimed to be fighting under the king’s banner. This awkwardness was swept aside in the general stampede of Henry’s followers to seize forfeit rebel land. They had risked much in his service, and now aimed to collect their reward at the expense of others. Even while parliament was in session, news arrived that Llywelyn had invaded Cheshire. An army was hurriedly put together and sent north, led by Hamo Lestrange and Maurice FitzGerald, an Irish baron who had come to England to fight for Edward at Evesham. Somewhere near Chester the Welsh defeated them with great slaughter, though the leaders managed to escape. Llywelyn wanted to make a point. His chief ally in England may have been destroyed, but he could hold his own in Wales and launch attacks into English territory. This latest defeat must have angered Edward: Chester was his lordship and Lestrange and FitzGerald were his allies. For the moment there wasn’t much he could do about it. His father’s policy of disinheritance turned out to be a catastrophe, as those men deprived of their lands immediately went back into revolt. War-weary England was plunged into another round of civil war. As the effective commander of the royal armies, Edward had to focus all his energies on suppressing this fresh rebellion before the kingdom slid into total ruin. For the next two years Edward’s attention was fixed on the problems in England. The surviving Montfortians, or the Disinherited as they were called, proved stubborn opponents. He had no time to spare for Wales,

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26  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 where Llywelyn consolidated his power. In 1263 he had struck a treaty with his old foe, Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, lord of Powys Fadog, and their alliance held good for the next decade. Most of the other lords and freemen of Wales were under Llywelyn’s sway, though he still faced stiff opposition from the Marchers. A three-way fight over control of Brecon raged between Llywelyn, Roger Mortimer, and Gilbert Clare. In the spring of 1266, while royal forces closed in on the rebel stronghold of Kenilworth in Warwickshire, Mortimer took an army into Brecon to stamp his authority on the region. His forces were attacked by the Welsh and wiped out almost to a man, with only Mortimer himself escaping the field. He quickly recovered and a fortnight later was placed in command of one of the divisions of the royal army laying siege to Kenilworth. Llywelyn had once again demonstrated his strength on home soil. Edward was not directly concerned with Welsh affairs until 1267. In the summer of that year the war in England finally ended when the two sides made peace at London. King Henry was now free to turn his attention to Wales again. There was no question of launching another expensive invasion: the years of civil war in England had exhausted Henry’s treasury and ruined the kingdom. Instead he wrote to Llywelyn, expressing his earnest desire for peace between them. Henry proposed they should meet at the ford of Montgomery on 2 August. Llywelyn’s response was positive, but there was some delay in arranging the negotiations. They finally took place at Shrewsbury rather than the ford of Montgomery and in late August, several weeks after Henry’s preferred date. The talks lasted day by day until 21 September, when the king entrusted the making of a final treaty to Ottobuono de Fieschi, an Italian clergyman sent to England by the pope to help bring peace to the kingdom. Things continued to go well, and Ottobuono was able to write to his master in Rome, reporting that King Henry and Prince Llywelyn had finally reached an understanding with one another. He announced that an agreement had been made, which would ‘put an end to a conflict between the peoples of England and Wales which had been waged for a long time and caused suffering to each in turn.’1 Edward was present at the talks, along with many other great nobles of the realm. These included his brother Edmund and cousin Henry of Almaine, as well as Marchers such John FitzAlan and Hamo

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The Ford at Rhyd Chwima  27 Lestrange. The negotiations at Shrewsbury ended on 25 September when representatives of both sides swore upon the Holy Gospels that Henry, Edward, and Llywelyn would abide by the terms of the treaty. These three were described as ‘principal lords’, bound to maintain a peace that would (in theory) last forever. Four days later, 29 September, Edward and Llywelyn came face to face for the first time. They met at Rhyd Chwima, the ford by Montgomery and the traditional meeting place of Welsh princes and English kings. Here, in the presence of Ottobuono, Llywelyn knelt before King Henry and swore homage and fealty. He then personally swore upon the Scriptures that he would abide by the treaty. The formal transactions ended when Henry and Edward put their seals to the document, as did Llywelyn and two of his advisers. The Treaty of Montgomery was a stunning success for Llywelyn. He was the only Welsh ruler to be formally acknowledged as prince of Wales by a king of England. Llywelyn and his heirs would hold the principality of Wales by hereditary right as vassals of the English Crown. In addition he was granted the homage and fealty of all the Welsh barons in Wales, with the sole exception of Maredudd ap Rhys Gryg, one of the lords of Ystrad Tywi. Maredudd, a former ally who had fought for Llywelyn at Cymerau, later deserted the prince’s cause and had been convicted of treason in 1259. He was released after a spell of imprisonment at Criccieth Castle, high on a windblown cliff overlooking the sea in North Wales, but remained a bitter foe. His son Rhys was also held hostage at Criccieth for a time. There was a sting in the tail. In return for his title Llywelyn agreed to pay the king the sum of 25,000 marks (about £20,000) in a series of instalments. He was required to make an immediate payment of 1,000 marks with a further 4,000 marks paid over by Christmas, then 3,000 marks annually until the full amount was met. The strain of meeting this heavy financial obligation would cause Llywelyn severe problems in the future. He also bound himself to pay an extra 5,000 marks if he wished to buy the homage of Maredudd ap Rhys Gryg. There was also the issue of what to do with Dafydd, Llywelyn’s permanently disgruntled brother. Via the terms of the treaty Llywelyn was bound to provide for Dafydd, who had defected to Edward back in 1263. During the talks it was ‘specially ordained’ that provision ought

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28  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 to be made for Dafydd, who was also present at Shrewsbury. Llywelyn conceded he would restore the territory Dafydd had held before his defection, with further arrangements to be made if his brother was still not satisfied. Edward was in a cleft stick, since he had promised in 1263 not to come to any agreement with Llywelyn without consulting Dafydd. To avoid breaking that treaty the final decision was placed in Llywelyn’s hands. This probably dismayed Dafydd, who had no choice but to agree. For all his ambition, the best he could hope for was to be granted an estate within the borders of the principality. While the treaty represented victory for Llywelyn, it set the seal on Edward’s failures in Wales. The Four Cantrefs in the north, part of the vast gift of lands settled on him by his father in 1256, were now granted to Llywelyn. It seems Edward had predicted the loss of his estates in the principality. In 1265 he gave the lordships of Carmarthen and Cardigan to his brother, Edmund, along with the Three Castles. Thus Edward had already abandoned most of his Welsh interests two years before the Treaty of Montgomery was struck. If this was an admission of defeat on his part, it was also realistic. His military forces had suffered repeated losses in Wales, and there was virtually no hope of beating Llywelyn with most of the Welsh lords united under his banner. Edward’s attention was being drawn elsewhere. Once England was settled, his next ambition was to go on crusade to the Holy Land, where the Christian kingdoms of the Latin east were threatened with extinction. A new and terrifying power had risen in the east; the Mamluks, former slave-soldiers who had risen up and destroyed their masters in Egypt. The Mamluks found a leader in Baybars, a slave-turned-general and possibly the greatest military commander in the world. He was known as Abu I-Futuhat, the Father of Conquest, after the crushing victories he won against his Christian and Muslim enemies. For Edward to go on crusade, he needed money. He spent the next two years scratching around for cash, as well as quelling fresh outbreaks of trouble in England and the March. Llywelyn’s principal enemy at this time was Gilbert Clare, earl of Gloucester. The two men were in dispute over Glamorgan in southeast Wales, the lordship of which had not been properly addressed in the Treaty of Montgomery. Llywelyn had occupied the uplands of Senghenydd, four miles northwest of Caerphilly, where Clare planned to build a mighty castle. Both men complained against

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The Ford at Rhyd Chwima  29 each other to the king, who advised them to settle their differences by negotiation. If that did not work, he was to send members of his council to the March to arbitrate. In early 1268 Clare ramped up the tension by starting work on his castle at Caerphilly. Llywelyn responded with force, and in April there was hard fighting in the region. A number of English noblemen were captured by Welsh troops, including the son of Gilbert Umfraville, earl of Angus. The violence petered out when Clare and Llywelyn agreed to come to terms and meet at Rhyd Chwima in September. They did so because the king had sent royal officers to the ford at Montgomery, which raised the prospect of both men being forced to seek justice in the king’s court. The law was notoriously slow and expensive, and such a process could drag on for years with no end in sight. After much wrangling, Clare and Llywelyn finally agreed to divide the lordship of Glamorgan between them. This peaceful compromise did not last long, and soon they were at loggerheads again. The king responded by sending Edward to make the final judgement between them. On 24 June the heir to the throne and the prince of Wales met in person for a second time at Rhyd Chwima. It is tempting to speculate what they made of each other. After his victory at Evesham and suppression of the Disinherited, Edward was the dominant power in England. Llywelyn, for his part, reigned supreme in Wales. They got along surprisingly well. In a cheerful letter to the king, Llywelyn reported he was ‘delighted’ with the outcome of his meeting with Edward. Henry in turn expressed his pleasure that their talks had proved rewarding. Llywelyn certainly had cause to be pleased. Edward judged he would concede to Llywelyn’s request for the homage of another Welsh nobleman, Maredudd ap Gruffudd, who held the commote of Machen in the lordship of Gwynllŵg and the commotes of Edeligion and Llebenydd in the lordship of Caerleon. His decision might have been calculated to infuriate Clare, since Gwynllŵg was part of the earl’s inheritance. Clare had recently stamped his authority on Caerleon as well. Edward and Clare had worked together to destroy Simon Montfort at Evesham, but afterwards their relations soured again. In 1268 they fell into a dispute over the ownership of Bristol, and there were even rumours (never substantiated) that Edward was having an affair with Clare’s wife, Alice Lusignan. Clare also had reason to be angry with the king, who in

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30  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 1269 set up a commission to investigate the earl’s alleged abuse of liberties in Kent. At the same time Clare was demanding £20,000 compensation from the Crown for losses incurred during the Evesham campaign. All in all, Clare was not popular with the royal family. It was possibly to spite Clare that Edward found in Llywelyn’s favour. The earl in turn revoked his oath to go to the Holy Land with Edward, and chose instead to stay at home and defend his interests in the March. Edward was still in need of funds for his crusade. On the eve of his departure, he asked his father to permit Llywelyn to buy the homage of Maredudd ap Rhys Gryg, set at 5,000 marks in the Treaty of Montgomery. Henry had refused a previous request from Llywelyn for the homage, which currently belonged to his second son, Prince Edmund. Edward was most insistent on the matter, and frequently asked the king to gratify Llywelyn’s desire. This might indicate that Edward held a genuine personal regard for Llywelyn, beyond any cynical desire to undermine Clare. At last his father relented. Robert Burnell, Edward’s trusted clerk and future chancellor, was sent into Gwynedd to collect the money, though it isn’t clear whether it was ever paid. Eight years later, in 1277, Llywelyn was to offer Edward the sum of 5,000 marks for the homage of Maredudd’s heir, Rhys ap Maredudd. This was probably the sum owed from the earlier arrangement. Maredudd had no desire to go back to Llywellyn’s fealty. He was a direct descendant of the Lord Rhys, lord of all Deheubarth, and the head of the House of Dinefwr. This ancient dynasty could trace its origins all the way back to the days of Hywel Dda in the tenth century. They had their own claims to the principality of Wales, and always resented the hegemony of Gwynedd. Throughout all his dealings with his own kin, the English Crown, and the lords of Gwynedd, Maredudd had remained consistent in one aim: to establish himself and his heirs as the unquestioned lords of Ystrad Tywi centred upon their ancestral stronghold of Dinefwr in the Tywi valley. Sadly for Maredudd, he could never make that ambition a permanent reality. The worst blow was reserved for last. On 20 August 1270 King Henry formally transferred Maredudd’s allegiance from Edmund to Llywelyn. After all his struggles Maredudd had been sold, like an expensive trinket, back to the man he must have loathed above all others. He lingered only

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The Ford at Rhyd Chwima  31 a few months longer. On 25 July 1271 Maredudd died at his castle of Dryslwyn, aged about 51. His son Rhys inherited a bitter legacy. Edward had sailed for the Holy Land in August 1269. He would not return for five years. In his absence the fragile peace of England was again threatened by riots and conspiracies and the shadow of civil war, while the situation in the March was no less volatile. Llywelyn would soon come to regret the departure of a man who at this point in time he regarded as a friend.

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Chapter 4

Money Matters

W

hile Edward was abroad, Llywelyn strove to consolidate his power in the teeth of ferocious opposition from the Marchers. His principal enemies were Clare and Mortimer, who formed an uneasy alliance against the prince of Wales. The two men had been opposed to each other in the past, and at one point Clare accused Mortimer of planning to murder him. Now they buried their differences in order to serve a mutual interest. Trouble was brewing again in the March. In the summer of 1270 Llywelyn wrote to the king, urging him to take action against the men of Montgomery, who had inflicted certain damages on him. Henry’s reply, dated just four days after Edward had sailed for the East, promised to consider Llywelyn’s problems at parliament in October. The Welsh prince was not satisfied with this answer, and warned that he would keep the peace only so long as he was not provoked by others. He had good reason to be anxious. Gilbert Clare had raised a great army to attack the prince’s land of Morgannwg, and in response Henry ordered Clare to attend parliament and explain his actions. Clare welcomed the chance to put his version of events. The cause was Maredudd ap Gruffudd, whose homage Edward had granted to Llywelyn. The red-haired earl now demanded that Edward’s decision be overturned and Maredudd’s fealty be given back to him. He threatened to launch an attack on Maredudd’s castle for, he claimed, it belonged to part of his fee and not to Llywelyn. Clare also claimed that Llywelyn himself was preparing for war, and had a bannered army ready to attack his new castle at Caerphilly. It soon became clear that Clare and Llywelyn would wage war on each other, regardless of the king’s decision. On 13 October, the same day Clare put his case before Henry, Llywelyn marched with banners raised to Caerphilly and burnt the incomplete works there. This may have been in retaliation for Clare’s attack upon Maredudd ap Gruffudd, who was

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Money Matters  33 driven from his lands of Edeglion and Llebenydd in Caerleon by the earl’s troops. The timing of the attack upon Maredudd is unclear, and it may have been Llywelyn who triggered a pre-emptive strike. He was well aware that his chief enemies, Clare and Mortimer, were among the loudest voices on the royal council, and King Henry was an old man in failing health. Once Henry was gone, there would be little to restrain Llywelyn’s enemies from moving against him. The conflict drifted into an endless round of negotiations. Henry sent two bishops to mediate between the opposing parties, and long months slipped past as the envoys went back and forth. The stalemate was far more to Clare’s advantage. In the spring of 1271 he began to rebuild his great castle at Caerphilly, the impressive ruins of which still dominate the landscape today. Llywelyn swore vengeance and in the autumn unfurled his banners before the castle, threatening to destroy it as he had done before. This time he did not deliver on the threat, which was possibly a mistake. After more talks Llywelyn was persuaded to raise the siege of Caerphilly and wage no further war on Clare. Instead the castle would be placed in the bishops’ custody while the dispute was settled at the ford of Montgomery, as per March custom. Clare took no part in this treaty and ploughed on with rebuilding his pet fortress. The two men who put their seals to this agreement on Llywelyn’s behalf were Prince Dafydd and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn. Both had been opposed to Llywelyn in the past, though they were currently in his allegiance. We can only guess at their thoughts as the long, tedious months of futile negotiations trudged past, with the prince’s army encamped on the moors before Caerphilly, staring in vain at Clare’s stronghold as it grew bigger by the day. Dafydd and Gruffudd would only serve Llywelyn for as long as he was successful. His run of victories ground to a halt in Glamorgan, frustrated by the power of the earl of Gloucester. When Llywelyn abandoned the siege of Caerphilly and withdrew his army all the way to Gwynedd, there could be no doubt in anyone’s mind: he had suffered his first real defeat. With the benefit of hindsight, it seems ironic that this was a consequence of Edward’s friendship. His enemies smelled blood. Henry III died in November 1272 and left a regency council to govern England in his son’s name until Edward returned from the Holy Land. Mortimer was a key member of the council,

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34  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 and took advantage of every opportunity to exploit his position. First Llywelyn had to contend with a threat from another quarter. Humphrey Bohun, the young earl of Hereford (his father had died of his wounds in prison after Evesham), now looked to assert himself in Brecon. He and Clare were allies, and the latter possibly encouraged him to divert Llywelyn by attacking him in Brecon. Bohun was assisted by Reginald Fitz Peter, lord of Talgarth, and Hugh de Tuberville, another Marcher baron. Together these men laid waste to Llywelyn’s lands in Brecon until ordered to cease and desist by the council at Westminster. The regents included moderates such as Robert Burnell and Walter Merton, who struggled to keep the peace while the more aggressive elements lobbied for war. Llywelyn had other problems in Brecon. In 1263, as his forces swept through the March, the Welsh communities of Brecon had deserted their lords and rushed to join him. Almost a decade later, and loyalty to Llywelyn was starting to wear thin. He suspected two local freemen, Einion ap Rhys and Meurig ap Llywelyn, and took hostages as sureties for their good behaviour. The hostages were released at the end of 1271, but Llywelyn was soon forced to take similar action against Iorwerth ap Llywelyn, probably a man of Builth, and one Meurig ap Gruffudd of Elfael. Exactly why these men chose to turn against Llywelyn is unclear, though it happened at about the same time as his defeat in Glamorgan. To sustain the loyalty of Welshmen on the borders of the principality, Llywelyn had to keep on winning. The moment he showed signs of weakness, doubts crept in. Mortimer was also working against him, and Llywelyn knew it. In June 1273 Llywelyn received a letter from the council ordering him to stop work on a new castle and market town at Dolforwyn, located in a strategic position above the Severn close to the ford of Montgomery. Llywelyn sent an angry response, stating the king would never have permitted such an order if he was present in his kingdom. The rights of his principality, Llywelyn argued, were entirely separate from those of the king’s realm of England, even if Llywelyn held Wales under the king’s royal power. He and his predecessors had built castles and markets in the past without interference, and he implored the council not to listen to ‘evil suggestions’.

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Money Matters  35 This was a scarcely hidden dig at Mortimer, whom Llywelyn probably suspected of being the author of the royal instruction. A few days later Llywelyn sent another letter to the council, this time protesting that Mortimer was in breach of the Treaty of Montgomery. The treaty had permitted Mortimer to repair his castle at Cefnllys in Maelienydd, which Llywelyn had thrown down back in 1262. Now he insisted that Mortimer was gathering materials to build an entirely new stronghold, under the guise of making repairs to Cefnllys. The problem here, as in Llywelyn’s dispute with Clare over Glamorgan, lay in the vague language of the treaty. The council failed to act against Mortimer, who carried on building his stronghold. From his perspective, Mortimer might have argued that Llywelyn had no rights in Maelienydd, since he had quitclaimed them to Mortimer’s father in 1242. A great deal of water had flowed under the bridge since then, but Llywelyn was in an undeniably weak position. Mortimer pressed his advantage by attempting to intervene in Brecon, the most vulnerable point of Llywelyn’s defences. In the summer of 1273, while Llywelyn fended off Bohun and his allies, Mortimer asked the council for military support in defending Bohun’s lands, which were being ravaged by the Welsh. His colleagues, Burnell and Merton, checked the Treaty of Montgomery and replied that Mortimer could not attack Llywelyn, since that would infringe the treaty. However, he was allowed to help Bohun’s castles in the region, since they had never been in Llywelyn’s possession. This neat bit of duplicity allowed Mortimer to take limited action without actually breaking the treaty. It might be seen as an attempt by Burnell and Merton not to antagonise their aggressive colleague, while at the same time avoiding an outbreak of open war in the March. The state of England at this time must have factored into their decision. Since Edward’s departure the kingdom was sliding back into a state of lawlessness. Robert Ferrers, the earl of Derby and Edward’s old foe, launched destructive raids on his lost manors in Berkshire and Staffordshire. In 1269 the royal family had conspired to swindle him out of his inheritance, and now he sought to claw back his lands by force. He gathered some powerful allies, including Gilbert Clare. Worryingly, the great lords of England started to take sides in the conflict. Elsewhere law and order had broken down completely. There were rumours of riots and

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36  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 conspiracies in almost every county of England and full-scale rebellion in Essex and Leicestershire, former Montfortian heartlands. Unknown bands of rebels tried to seize the Isle of Ely in Cambridgeshire, a haven for English rebels since the days of William the Conqueror. In the absence of Edward, now King Edward I, the council fought in vain to suppress the rising tide of violence as it threatened to engulf the kingdom. The regents themselves were not immune: one of Robert Burnell’s clerks was attacked on the road by thieves near Stamford in Lincolnshire and barely escaped with his life. With England spiralling into chaos, the last thing Burnell and his colleagues wanted was a war against Llywelyn. In any case there was no king and no money to fight one, and the best they could do was restrain the Marchers without angering them. Otherwise the likes of Clare and Mortimer would simply ignore the council and wage war anyway. When Edward returned, assuming he ever did, it would be to find his new kingdom in ruins. Edward very nearly died in the Holy Land. His army was too small to achieve much, though his mere presence in the Crusader states preserved the cities of Acre and Tripoli for a few more years. His refusal to agree to a truce with Baybars angered the Mamluk sultan, who decided to rid himself of this inconvenient English princeling. In June 1272, at Acre, Edward was stabbed by an assassin, possibly hired from the mysterious cult of Hashshashin or Assassins. He managed to kill his attacker, but the knife was poisoned and Edward’s life despaired of. An unusually skilled surgeon managed to cut away the diseased flesh before the poison could spread. Edward had been extremely fortunate. His wounds would linger for years and sometimes crack open, leaving him bedridden for weeks on end. The king left the Holy Land in September. Distracted by affairs on the Continent, it took him almost two years to reach England. In that time his cousin, Henry of Almaine, was murdered in a church in Italy by two of Simon Montfort’s sons, Simon the Younger and Guy. They claimed to have done this as revenge for their father at Evesham, even though Henry had nothing to do with the elder Simon’s fate. The brothers really wanted Edward, but since he was unavailable Henry would do. Edward’s determined efforts to bring the killers to justice came to nothing, and he was obliged to move on to France, where he swore homage in Paris to

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Money Matters  37 Philip III for the duchy of Gascony. This was the last substantial piece of the Angevin Empire, the rest of which had been signed away by Edward’s father via the Treaty of Paris in 1259. The kings of England now held Gascony as vassals of the kings of France, an awkward arrangement that arguably led to the Hundred Years War. Edward’s feudal relationship with King Philip was the same as Llywelyn’s relationship to Edward. Llywelyn owed homage and fealty to a greater power, who in turn owed the same to a greater power still. Edward finally set foot on English soil on Thursday 2 August 1274, at Dover. He arrived to find his kingdom in turmoil, with private wars raging across the land and law and order completely fallen away in many areas. Shortly before his arrival Mortimer had been forced to race north, along with Edward’s brother Edmund, to break up a mysterious band of conspirators who swore a private oath that Edward would never see England again. Then there was the perpetual running sore of the March, where bloodshed was a way of life. From Llywelyn’s perspective, the return of the king must have come as a relief. Edward had proved his friend in the past, and only the king had the power to restrain the Marchers. Yet Edward had not returned to defend Llywelyn’s interests, but assert his power in a realm that had suffered under weak government for far too long. The tone of the new reign was set at Edward’s coronation, which took place at Westminster on 19 August 1274. The newly crowned king was required to promise to work for the peace of church and people, to prevent rapacity and oppression, and to do justice impartially and mercifully. Edward also swore an oath to preserve the rights of the Crown, and then added his own innovation. As soon as Archbishop Kilwardby placed the crown on his head, Edward whipped it off and declared he would not wear it again until he had recovered those lands belonging to the Crown which his father had granted away to the English nobility and to ‘aliens’, i.e. foreigners. This would arguably include the principality of Wales, though at this stage Edward did not have conquest in mind. He wanted Llywelyn’s homage and fealty, as the Welshman had sworn to Edward’s father in 1267, and which was owed via the Treaty of Montgomery. The king also wanted the outstanding payments due for Llywelyn’s title as Prince of Wales, which again he owed as part of the treaty. Edward’s need for cash

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38  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 was pressing. The crusade had done wonders for his reputation, but it also incurred huge debts. These were eventually cleared by the introduction of customs duty on the English wool trade, but Edward needed other sources of income to stabilise his finances. Llywelyn was already under a cloud. In Christmas 1272, a few months after the death of Henry III, he had failed to send the annual payment of 3,000 marks owed to the Crown. The full record of his payments leading up this date are given below: 1,000 marks in October 1267 4,000 marks (due at Christmas 1267) paid on 5 January 1268 3,000 marks (due at Christmas 1268) on 24 January 1269 3,000 marks (due at Christmas 1269) on 22–24 January 1270 500 marks (part of the 3,000 marks due at Christmas 1270) on 10 April 1271 1,500 marks on 17 May 1271; a further payment on account of the 3,000 marks that had been due on Christmas 1270 750 marks on 22 January 1272; paid to Edward in part payment of 1,000 marks made over to him by King Henry from the 3,000 marks due from Llywelyn at Christmas 12711 As these figures show, Llywelyn started to fall in arrears in the spring of 1271, and afterwards struggled to meet the outstanding debt. His methods of raising such large sums were oppressive, and caused much resentment among his subjects in Gwynedd. A list of complaints against Llywelyn’s rule, submitted by the people of Gwynedd Uwch Conwy after his death, accuses him of all kinds of exactions: The prince used to take townships for his own use, or to grant them to others in return for services, but the burden of that township remained upon the community or upon other such townships, and it is a great wrong to place the burden of one township upon another. The prince took great and small lands without the consent of the heirs and placed his cattle-pastures and plough lands there, and took profit from land which was sold, something which no other prince

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Money Matters  39 did except him alone … the prince frequently waged war against you, lord king, without consulting his people and without seeking and obtaining their agreement, and when, in the course of time, peace was made between you and him he made his men pay three pence a year for every great beast, yet he was not willing to pay anything from his treasure deposited at Dolwyddelan and elsewhere … in the time of Llywelyn the measure of wine, corn and beer was increased … the prince made the noblemen of Meirionnydd bear the cost of horses to carry burden and perform his duties, and demanded pasture for other horses, something which had never occurred before his time. In Arfon, where before the time of the prince there were only one courthouse, one bailiff and two servants, now they are doubled. There the prince made villeins out of noblemen … Never in the past have these or similar wrongs been attempted or contemplated by any prince or king except by the said prince Llywelyn. For this reason the people pray God that remedy may be brought against such matters.2 Llywelyn was not just withholding money. In January 1273, a few months after the death of Henry III, he failed to answer a summons to appear at Montgomery and swear fealty (allegiance) to the new king. The physical act of homage, whereby he knelt before the king and swore to be his vassal, could obviously not be performed until Edward was back in the country. This was a dangerous course of action, one which Llywelyn justified by claiming the Treaty of Montgomery had not been properly observed on the English side. In early 1274 he wrote to the council, informing them he had the outstanding money ready to be paid, and would hand it over just as soon as the Marchers got off his land. He referred to Clare, Bohun, and Mortimer, who had formed a tripartite alliance against him in Brecon. The regents tried to settle the affair by sending a joint commission of Englishmen and Welshmen to meet at Rhyd Chwima in May, but nothing came of these talks. This was the situation when Edward returned to his kingdom. His council would have told him that Llywelyn had refused to swear fealty after the death of the old king, and failed to keep up with the treaty payments. Whether or not Llywelyn really did have the money is problematic. There had been a series of failed harvests, resulting in a sharp rise in prices and high mortality rates all over Western Europe.

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40  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Gwynedd would have been as hard-hit as anywhere else, and its economy was less able to bear the strain. The annual customs revenue for England in this era, for example, was £10,000 per annum. In Gwynedd it was just £17.3 Llywelyn is known to have imposed a tax on his subjects in the autumn of 1273, and claimed to have done so in order to meet his financial obligations to the king. In February 1274 he switched to refusing to pay on principle. The money, he said, would not be paid over until the English lived up to their side of the treaty. Edward’s first step was to invite Llywelyn to his coronation in August. He did not attend. On 3 November the king summoned Llywelyn to Shrewsbury on 2 December, to kneel before him and swear homage. The Welsh prince was given short notice, even more so when the original date was brought forward to 25 November. On 22 November, just three days before the meeting was due to take place, Edward cancelled. His wounds, he claimed, had broken out again and caused him to suffer a painful abscess. It is impossible to know if the king was being honest. He certainly suffered an abscess in the following year, when parliament had to be postponed until Edward had recovered. Nevertheless, his movements at this time are intriguing. Between 18–21 November the king went from Northampton to Fotheringhay and then to King’s Cliffe (22 November). Thus Edward was actually moving further away from Shrewsbury. It was still possible for him to make the journey in three days to meet Llywelyn on the 25, but a slight question mark hangs over his intentions. Possibly Edward had been made aware of the conspiracy against Llywelyn’s life. It would be too much to imply that Edward actively helped the conspirators, but in November of 1274 he does seem to have withdrawn to wait on events. After all, there was little point taking the homage of a man who might not be alive for much longer. Edward, whose own body carried the scars of an assassin’s blade, was familiar with this kind of realpolitik. The plot was hatched in late 1273 by Dafydd with the aid of Owain ap Gruffudd, son of the lord of Powys Wenwynwyn. Their plan was for Owain and a group of his men to travel secretly in February 1274 to Llywelyn’s court. The conspirators might have expected the prince’s bodyguard to be absent, engaged on the customary circuit or cylch of the prince’s lands which traditionally took place after Christmas. Once

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Money Matters  41 they reached the court, Dafydd would open the gates and lead them to Llywelyn’s bedchamber, where they would murder him. Dafydd would be proclaimed Prince of Wales in his stead, and as a reward Owain would be granted Cedewain, the land where Llywelyn had built his new castle at Dolforwyn. Owain would also marry one of Dafydd’s daughters, cementing the alliance between the dynasties of Gwynedd and Powys. The plot was foiled by a snowstorm which prevented Owain and his men from reaching the court. A few weeks later someone informed Llywelyn of the conspiracy, and in April he went to Dolforwyn and summoned Gruffudd, Owain’s father, before him. Gruffudd admitted to having offended against the prince, and was forced to surrender his lands of Cyfeiliog north of the Dyfi, the whole of Arwystli, the land between the rivers Rhiw and Helygi, and the land of Gorddwr. He was then allowed to go free, with the greater part of Powys Wenwynwyn still in his possession. That Llywelyn did not punish him further seems odd, and the extent of Gruffudd’s involvement in the plot is not at all clear. On the other hand, perhaps Llywelyn had not yet realised the extent of the conspiracy against him. There is also a considerable body of evidence to suggest the involvement of other Marcher families against Llywelyn at this time. One Hywel ap Meurig, a long-term servant of the Mortimers of Wigmore (among others), was engaged in spying on the prince in March 1274. This was only a few weeks after the abortive plot to slay Llywelyn. His report was sent to Lady Maud de Mortimer at Wigmore and reads as follows: To his own lady, the lady Maud de Mortimer, [from] Hywel ap Meurig, greetings and readiness to serve. Know, madam, that it has been made apparent to us that Llywelyn prince of Wales will now come next Tuesday to Cydewain to see his new castle (it is provisioned for his stay for three weeks at his cost and, moreover, all his bailiffs of Wales will victual him, each for two days at his own cost; and he had fifty loads of wheat and sixteen pounds’ worth of honey prepared for his coming), and that he will be in the forest of Clun to site a new castle. And it is made known to us that a party of the great men of England are coming there to speak to him, for good or ill we know not, my lady. I pray you send to my lord all the news, and that you have Clun readied, and that in every respect we are well warned and served, please God.

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42  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Maud Mortimer was thus a focal point for the receipt and transmission of information on Llywelyn’s movements. This letter may have been sent to Robert Burnell, then archdeacon of York and Edward I’s future chancellor, along with another sent by Maud’s husband, Roger. The latter is badly damaged, but informs Burnell of the news he has received of Llywelyn’s coming to the central Marches, and of certain ‘men of England’ intending to meet the prince at a certain place. This is remarkably similar to Hywel’s warning in the letter to Maud. Thus it appears that at the same time as Llywelyn’s life was threatened by a conspiracy within Wales, the prince himself was in secret contact with certain unknowable ‘great men’ of England.4 Maud was not the only March noblewoman privy to sensitive information, and actively using it against Prince Llywelyn. When the bishop of Bangor wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury in the spring of 1276, informing him of the details of the failed assassination, he included an alleged confession made by Owain. In this Owain implicated his mother, Hawise Lestrange: she is said to have kept the plot documents, sealed by each of the conspirators and kept “in a certain strongbox of hers…at the castle of Welshpool.” The veracity of Owain’s ‘confession’ is questionable, but it is clear that Llywelyn had incurred the hostility of the great Marcher families as well as the native princes. Long before Edward returned from the Holy Land, the major powers within Wales were conspiring to destroy Llywelyn.5 Owain was taken hostage by Llywelyn to ensure his father’s good behaviour. At some point Dafydd’s role in the plot became clear, and he was summoned to the prince’s council at Rhuddlan to answer charges against him. He was given another day to answer more detailed charges at Llanfor in Penllyn, but instead fled across the border and took refuge at Edward’s court. Owain then made a full confession of his role in the plot to the bishop of Bangor, who informed Llywelyn. On 30 November, the Feast of St Andrew the Apostle, Llywelyn sent five envoys to Gruffudd’s castle at Pool (now Welshpool), ordering him to go to Llywelyn’s court to answer charges or admit his guilt. Gruffudd threw the envoys into prison, stocked his castle for a siege, and fled with his family and household into England. Llywelyn marched on Pool with his army and allies, stormed the castle, released his envoys and seized Gruffudd’s lands. Edward’s decision to give shelter to Dafydd and Gruffudd would have far-reaching consequences. He was never going to yield them up

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Money Matters  43 to Llywelyn, at least while the prince refused to pay homage. The king probably viewed them as useful leverage, and they had their own tale to tell. Gruffudd always claimed that Llywelyn had driven him out of Powys merely to steal his lands. After April 1274 his stronghold at Pool was left in a dangerously exposed position, closely set about by the prince’s lands at Cedewain and immediately across the Severn. As for Dafydd, who had been Edward’s ally since 1263, he was too valuable to throw aside. Dafydd left North Wales in uproar. Madog ap Gruffudd, lord of Powys Fadog and Llywelyn’s ally, was waging war against Dafydd’s supporters immediately after he fled into England, and a state of open conflict existed until at least mid-November. The plot continued to thicken. On 27 December Edward ordered the sheriff of Shropshire to allow Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn and his younger sons to live in peace at Shrewsbury. Gruffudd had no intention of living in peace anywhere, and used Shrewsbury as a base to launch attacks on his lost lands. He gathered allies among the Marchers, namely Fulk Lestrange, John Charlton and Peter Corbet. Gruffudd had previously been at war with Corbet over the land of Gorddwr, but such shifting alliances were not unusual on the March. That he had Edward’s support is implied by the presence of Alan de la Zouche, one of the king’s courtiers. In May 1275 Llywelyn wrote to Edward, complaining of damages against him committed by Gruffudd and his men. They were, the prince claimed, raiding his lands in broad daylight, with armoured horses and banners displayed. These were not mere skirmishes, Llywelyn said, but six carefully planned assaults. The plunder had been sold in the markets of Shrewsbury and Montgomery, while some of Llywelyn’s livestock were killed and eaten by Gruffudd’s men. One of the raiding parties had ravaged the Severn valley, which may have been a deliberate gesture of contempt. Llywelyn’s castle of Dolforwyn stood close by, and his garrison was apparently helpless to prevent the attack. In June Edward responded by ordering Bogo Knovill, sheriff of Shropshire, to arrange a time to meet Llywelyn at the ford of Montgomery. There Bogo was to make amends for any trespasses committed by the king’s men on Llywelyn, and Llywelyn would do the same for any injuries he and his men had committed. Edward was clearly anxious for the matter to be dealt with swiftly. He told Bogo to take ‘other discreet and lawful men’ with him and to ‘act with circumspection’, so Llywelyn would have no further cause of complaint.

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44  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The king wanted things settled for good reason. On June 24 he again summoned Llywelyn to do homage. Perhaps he had allowed Gruffudd’s raids in order to exert pressure on Llywelyn, and as a warning of what lay ahead if he continued to defy the king’s summons. This time the prince was to come before Edward at Chester on 22 August. Llywelyn was now faced with a clear choice between fulfilling the feudal obligation to his lord or issuing a second refusal. He summoned his council and all the loyal barons of Wales to discuss the matter. After consultation he decided not to obey the summons because the king harboured his fugitives, namely Dafydd ap Gruffudd and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn. Llywelyn followed up by sending a letter to the pope, in which he claimed to fear for his safety if he went to the king’s court. This was due to the presence of Dafydd and Gruffudd, who might conspire to murder him, regardless of the royal safe-conduct. In October he sent a second letter to the archbishops of Canterbury and York, in which he offered to swear fealty to the king in the presence of royal emissaries. Edward had gone to Chester in August, fully expecting to meet Llywelyn and take his delayed homage and fealty. He waited there until 11 September, when he left in a towering rage on account of the contempt shown to him by the prince. He had, as Edward later put it, gone to the ‘furthermost frontiers of his kingdom’ to meet Llywelyn, who sent envoys with ‘frivolous excuses’ for his non-attendance. For a king with such pronounced views of his royal dignity as Edward, this was an unforgivable insult. On the very day Edward left Chester, Llywelyn was at Treuddyn, just fifteen miles away. Two weeks earlier he had been at Sychdyn, near Ewloe, only twelve miles from the city. Both Llywelyn and the king were engaged in a stand-off. Neither of these proud, stubborn men was willing to put aside their dignity and journey a few miles to meet the other. Edward would not go to Llywelyn, or vice versa. When the king departed from Chester in a cloud of dust and fury, the last realistic chance for a long-term peace between England and Wales was gone. It seems Llywelyn appreciated this, for his next act might have been calculated to provoke Edward’s anger. At the end of 1275 he decided to marry Eleanor Montfort.

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Chapter 5

The Road to Aberconwy

E

leanor was the sister of Simon the Younger and Guy Montfort, who had murdered Edward’s cousin, Henry of Almaine, at a church in Italy in 1271. Since the end of the civil war in England she had lived with her widowed mother, the Countess Eleanor, at the Dominican nunnery at Montargis in France. Despite the history of bloodshed between her family and the Plantagenets, the countess had good cause to hope for a reconciliation. When Edward came to Paris in 1273 he conveyed to her his wish to set aside past animosity, received her into his peace and granted her the income from her English estates. This was a considerable expression of goodwill on Edward’s part, especially since it occurred only six months after his attempts to prosecute Simon and Guy for the murder of Henry. While Edward was willing to be generous towards the elderly countess, he remained deeply suspicious of her sons. Simon and Guy were still on the loose in Italy, where they carved out successful careers as mercenaries. The king was also concerned with the activities of Eleanor’s fourth son, Amaury, a clerk trained at the Schools of Padua. When Simon and Guy were called to answer for their crime in Italy, Amaury had appeared before Pope Gregory and used his rhetorical skills to argue in their defence. Edward wished to make certain that Amaury never set foot in England. When the king was on his way home via Savoy in 1273, news reached him that Amaury had tried to smuggle his way into England in the company of Stephen Bersted, the exiled bishop of Chichester. Bersted had been one of four pro-Montfortian bishops sent to Rome by the papal legate, Ottobuono, to ask the forgiveness of the pope. They obtained it and Edward was at first prepared to allow Bersted to return to England. Amaury was another matter. The king swiftly despatched orders to prevent Amaury and the bishop crossing the Channel. By summer 1273 a royal ship was patrolling the coast, especially to watch for them. Edward also sent one of his agents,

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46  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Richard Spaniel, to Paris to ‘lay a trap’ for Amaury and Bersted and fetch them back to England, presumably for trial. They avoided the trap, but Amaury was a marked man. The king was convinced that Amaury wished to stir up trouble in England. Edward’s actions against the Montforts – and, by extension, Llywelyn and his supporters – were always driven by his fear of another Barons’ War. Given the experiences of his youth, this is hardly surprising. It was in this atmosphere of suspicion and cloak-and-dagger work that Llywelyn chose to marry Eleanor. He had apparently contracted to marry her while her father, Earl Simon, was still alive. If true, this may have been part of Simon’s desperate negotiations with Llywelyn at Pipton in 1265, shortly before his death at Evesham. Another possibility is that the marriage was arranged by Countess Eleanor (or her daughter) shortly before her death in the spring of 1275. This would mean Llywelyn decided to marry Simon Montfort’s daughter very soon after his wouldbe assassins, Dafydd and Gruffudd, took refuge in England. It would also mean that Llywelyn had put the arrangements in hand before he refused Edward’s summons to do homage at Chester in August of that year. The king had his agents in France, and may well have been aware of the negotiations between the Montforts and Llywelyn’s envoys at Montargis. He could hardly fail to be angered, especially after his efforts to bring about a reconciliation with the Montfort clan. In 1271 he had sent Henry of Almaine to make peace with Simon’s sons. Their response was to murder Henry. Two years later Edward tried again and extended an olive branch to Simon’s widow. Her response was to marry off her daughter to the prince of Wales. Llywelyn had waited a very long time to marry. He was in his late fifties, in an age when most people married young and men could expect to have more than one wife, given the dangers of childbirth. His decision to wed Eleanor in 1275, in the midst of a deepening political crisis, was probably a response to what he saw as provocation on Edward’s part. The king had given shelter to his enemies, and tacitly (if not openly) supported Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn’s raids into the prince’s territory. The truth is that both Edward and Llywelyn had much to complain of. Ten years later one Nicholas Waltham, a canon of Lincoln, was accused at Oxford of having worked as a spy – a ‘private and special man’ – at Edward’s court on behalf of Llywelyn, Guy and Amaury. Nicholas

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The Road to Aberconwy  47 had close ties to the Montforts and served as an executor of the will of Countess Eleanor. He fled into exile rather than face charges, which was taken as an admission of guilt.1 The activities of such a man would imply Edward’s fears of a conspiracy were to an extent justified, and that the Montforts had indeed forged a new alliance with Llywelyn in order to undermine the king. At the end of 1275 Eleanor sailed from France to marry Llywelyn in North Wales. She took Amaury with her, along with a few knights and household servants. Edward’s agents and coastguards were still on high alert, and the ship was intercepted in the Bristol Channel, near the island of Sully on the coast of Glamorgan. Eleanor was captured by privateers in Edward’s service, led by a Cornish knight with the interesting name of Thomas the Archdeacon. When Edward wrote to the pope to inform him of the capture, he claimed the deck of the ship had been torn up to discover a secret cache of weapons, wrapped in the Montfort arms. Thomas was well rewarded with a bounty of 220 marks, along with six other named persons and the crews of four ships. Eleanor was imprisoned at first in Bristol and then transferred to Windsor, where she remained in honourable confinement for three years. Edward was less accommodating towards Amaury, who had been expressly forbidden from entering the country. So far as the king was concerned, Amaury was an enemy of the state and must suffer the consequences. He was held in tight custody at Corfe or Windsor , where Edward’s grandfather King John had notoriously starved to death Maud de Braose, wife of the lord of Glamorgan. The knowledge of this dark tale would have brought Amaury little comfort, nor Edward’s refusal to let him answer the charges against him in court. In early 1276 the king expressed his fear and suspicion of the Montforts and their alliance with Llywelyn in a letter to Archbishop Kildwarby: We do not believe that you have forgotten how Simon de Montfort and all his family fought with all their strength against King Henry, our father, and ourselves and our men … Eleanor, his daughter, following the counsel of her relatives and friends, of whom there are many in our kingdom, arranged to marry the prince of Wales, believing, though wrongly, that through a marriage to the prince she could, by his power, spread abroad against us in the fullness of time

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48  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 the old seed of malice which her father had conceived, and which she could not spread about on her own. But divine providence, which is infallible in its disposition, returned her to us unexpectedly, confounded by her own error … we are justly angered against her and her fellow conspirators, and no less against two brothers of the Dominican order, noblemen of Welsh birth, found and held in her company, since the said stratagems and schemes are said to have been due to their planning and ingenuity … since we do not believe that this marriage was contracted without the convenience and consultation of many people, we ask as a particular favour that you in your wisdom carefully question the said brothers about this.2 Edward also despatched two similar letters to the new pope, Adrian, in the summer. The king knew he had to justify his capture of Eleanor, and would have been encouraged by the election of Adrian as pontiff: under his former name of Ottobuono, he had brought about peace in England and Wales in 1267. He and Edward knew each other well, and relations between them were friendly. Llywelyn had his own men at the curia in Rome, who argued the struggle between their master and King Edward was one of two distinct powers and separate peoples. Edward saw it quite differently. To him Llywelyn was nothing more then one of the greatest among the other magnates of the kingdom. He had repeatedly withheld his homage and fealty, as well as the treaty payments he owed for his title, and was now in league with the Montforts. Edward ended his messages to Pope Adrian on an ominous note. The king could not, he said, in all conscience endure Llywelyn’s disobedience any longer. Neither could he ignore the entreaties of his people or the constant bloodshed on the March. The pope, therefore, should not be surprised if Edward were to apply his corrective hand according to justice and the decision of his court. Edward sent three more summons to Llywelyn to do homage. These were to London by October 1275, to Winchester by January 1276, and to London by April 1276. Llywelyn ignored all three, and by the spring of 1276 there was localised fighting in Wales. The king had yet to officially declare war. Before his parliament assembled in May, Llywelyn was attacked in the March and on the borders of Deheubarth by his brother, Dafydd. On 24 June Llywelyn

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The Road to Aberconwy  49 complained that certain Marchers had invaded his lands with a great army of horse and foot and with flags flying. The men of Cheshire and Shropshire had joined with Dafydd and his men and ravaged the lands of Llywelyn’s vassals in Bromfield. This was the second time Dafydd had led an army on Edward’s behalf, after he led a previous coalition of Marchers against Robert Ferrers in 1264. Even now, at the eleventh hour, there was hope of peace. In early 1276 Llywelyn had sent two Dominican envoys to the archbishop of Canterbury, Robert Kilwardby, urging him to speak to the king and persuade him not to declare war. Kilwardby did so, and at the May parliament convinced Edward to postpone his campaign and make one last effort to negotiate. The archbishop’s envoy journeyed into Gwynedd to talk with Llywelyn, but his mission was made virtually impossible by the open state of war raging in so many parts of Wales. Llywelyn himself claimed to have ordered his men not to retaliate, and arranged truces in some areas. He insisted he was committed to peace, but his enemies would not stop attacking his lands in Powys Fadog, Deheubarth and the March. Finally the prince begged Edward to restrain the aggressors. There was certainly much localised fighting in Wales at this time. Llywelyn accused Pain Chaworth of attacking the men of Ystrad Tywi in south Wales, where he met with fierce resistance. One of Pain’s kinsmen, Harvey, was killed there as violence spilled over into the autumn. Llywelyn was also under attack from Mortimer, whose forces overran the land of Dyffryn Tefeidiad. Others who invaded Llywelyn’s lands included Humphrey Bohun and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, again operating from his base at Shrewsbury. The Welsh prince came under pressure across a wide front, stretching from Montgomery across southern Wales into Cardigan. These were probably meant as pre-emptive strikes, intended to soften up Llywelyn’s defences in exposed areas before the main event. As winter came on, Llywelyn summoned his host to war. On 16 November Bogo Knovill, now captain of Montgomery, informed the king the Welsh were gathered in great strength in the region, and daily growing in power. He had set a watch on the River Severn and asked for reinforcements to be sent to Montgomery and Oswestry. If more troops were not sent, and Llywelyn attacked with all his strength, Bogo warned that his men would not be able to repel them.

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50  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The very next day, at Westminster, Edward’s parliament assembled. Here Llywelyn’s final petition was considered. He had offered to do homage at Oswestry or Montgomery if he was assured of a safe-conduct provided by the archbishop of Canterbury and a number of bishops and earls, as well as Mortimer. In return he asked for two things: the king’s confirmation of the Treaty of Montgomery and the release of his wife, Eleanor. These proposals were rejected. Llywelyn, the king thundered, had been summoned too many times to do homage and refused to do so in due manner. He not kept to the terms of the treaty and broken the peace, despoiling the king’s subjects in the Marches of Wales, slaying men, burning, and robbing at will. It was thus agreed by the assembled nobles and clergy of the realm that the king would go against Llywelyn as a rebel and as a disturber of the peace. Even after the formal declaration of war, Archbishop Kilwardby continued to send envoys to Llywelyn. It seems the old clergyman genuinely wanted a peaceful resolution, and to disperse the stormclouds gathering over Wales. Edward himself was in no hurry to apply his corrective hand. In early December certain ‘petitions and offers’ sent by Llywelyn were rejected, but the king was still ready to receive further proposals if they reached him before the end of January 1277. Llywelyn snatched at this lifeline. He sent an offer of submission on 14 January, and then another on 21 February. In the second he protested his loyalty to the king, and that he was more loyal to the kingdom than those who incited Edward against him. Llywelyn added that he could be of far greater service to the king than these men – again, veiled references to Mortimer, Clare, and the like – who, though they waged war on the king’s behalf, really did so for their own profit rather than the king’s honour. The prince also pleaded to be received into Edward’s peace and friendship, and that he be allowed to come and do homage at a suitable place in the March. To sweeten the deal, Llywelyn offered to add another 11,000 marks to his outstanding debts. These were 5,000 marks for the homage of Rhys ap Maredudd (as noted previously, Llywelyn had failed to pay this sum for the homage of Rhys’s father in 1270) and 6,000 marks for the confirmation of peace and the release of his wife. This made a total of 25,000 marks owed, which was the original fee set by the Treaty of Montgomery. In the years since 1267 Llywelyn had managed to pay off

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The Road to Aberconwy  51 over half this amount before he fell into arrears. Now, to have the king’s peace, he offered to add to his mountain of debt. There was more than a hint of desperation to this proposal. Edward wanted none of it. Llywelyn had not paid a penny of his debts for almost seven years, and now he expected the king to believe he had the full amount ready to hand over? His mood can scarcely have been improved by the rest of Llywelyn’s message. The prince demanded another safeconduct and that the king give up three hostages for his security, namely Dafydd, Gruffudd and Mortimer. Llywelyn explained the king had given these men shelter and allowed them to wage war upon him. As a result Llywelyn feared that, unless he took hostages for his safety, he would be imprisoned if he came to the king. At this stage Llywelyn’s pleas and demands were all so much wasted parchment. Even as the messages went back and forth, military operations began in earnest. On 16 November, a day before Edward declared war, the king had appointed his captains in Wales. Mortimer was made the captain of Shropshire, Staffordshire, and Herefordshire against Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. William Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, was appointed captain of Cheshire and Lancashire, while the earl of Gloucester was made captain at Bristol. These would remain the main royal centres of operations for the duration of the war. Llywelyn’s first significant losses occurred in the middle March. At the end of 1276 Peter Corbet, a Marcher baron, invaded Ceri and his former lordship of Gorddwr, which was occupied by Llywelyn’s men. Corbet drove out the prince’s troops from both territories, and in Gorddwr the local Welsh rallied to his banner. Meanwhile Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn marched into southern Powys, his ancestral heartlands, where the men abandoned Llywelyn and rushed to join their lord. By early 1277 Bogo Knovill, the captain of Montgomery, could report to the king that the men of Welshpool had turned and done homage to Gruffudd, as had the men of Y Tair Swydd. As a result the king could hope to raise 700 or more men from these districts. Further up the Severn, in Arwystli, the three most important nobles in southern Powys had also joined Gruffudd. Bogo could also report that 500 men of Gorddwr had done homage to Peter Corbet, who had conquered the greater part of Ceri. Llywelyn’s position in the March continued to fall away. Mortimer had successfully reconquered Elfael and Maelienydd by February, when

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52  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 the king switched his attention to West Wales. The captain of the royal army in the west was Pain Chaworth, lord of Kidwelly. In early 1277 Pain’s instructions were to reduce the lords of West Wales to submission. Edward’s preparations for this campaign were meticulous: Pain was supplied with over 200,000 crossbow bolts and a fleet was despatched to keep his army supplied by sea from ports in the West Country. At first Pain’s efforts were hampered by bad weather, which made moving siege equipment difficult. He got little support from the earl of Gloucester’s men in Glamorgan, who denied the Welsh supplies but refused to attack them directly. Pain soldiered on regardless and ploughed into West Wales, where he ‘laid everything waste with slaughter and fire.’ It seems the lords of West Wales had little stomach for a fight, and at the end of March Pain could inform the king that Rhys ap Maredudd and Gruffudd ap Maredudd, a lord of Ceredigion, had agreed to come into the king’s peace. They had delayed their surrender, apparently because they feared Llywelyn’s vengeance when the royal army departed. Pain ordered the men of the district to meet him at Whitland Abbey at Easter, to plan further operations against the lords of the west. He was building siege engines, and intended to attack Rhys’s castle at Emlyn as soon as the weather was fit for horses. He also asked the king to extend the period of feudal service (the standard term of service was forty days) to allow the royal army to remain for longer in West Wales. This was enough to assure Rhys of the king’s protection, and on 4 April he met Pain at Whitland Abbey to hammer out terms. Pain, acting on the king’s behalf, agreed that if the castle of Dinefwr and the commotes of Maenordeilo, Mallaen, Caeno and Mabelfyw should come into the king’s custody, Rhys’s rights to them would be given due consideration. This triggered a general collapse of resistance. On 7 April his cousin Rhys Wyndod came into Carmarthen and agreed to hand over his castles of Dinefwr and Llandovery in exchange for peace. His younger brother Llywelyn ap Rhys and uncle Hywel ap Rhys Gryg preferred to fight on, and so fled to join the prince of Wales in Gwynedd. Edward took no chances. He had earlier issued secret orders for ‘strong men, well armed’ to be raised in Glamorgan and sent to reinforce Pain’s army in the west. This extra hired muscle was meant to impress Rhys and his comrades with the king’s power. Edward’s reply to Pain, which arrived on 9 April, was blunt and to the point. He was content with the

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The Road to Aberconwy  53 form of peace negotiated between Pain and Rhys, but noted that Rhys and his men initially failed to keep their appointment. For that reason he wished Pain to keep putting pressure on them, so they might realise the consequences of treachery. Edward was wary of the loyalty of these men, and no wonder. After all, they had just deserted Llywelyn to join him. All these measures had the required effect. On 11 April Rhys ap Maredudd came again to Carmarthen to finalise peace terms and push his claims to Dinefwr Castle, Maenor Deilo, Caeo and Mabelfyw if and when they passed into the king’s hands. Rhys’s motives are plain enough. The castle and commotes at stake were in the possession of his kinsman, Rhys Wyndod. By supporting King Edward, the elder Rhys hoped to disinherit his kinsman and make himself lord of a greater Ystrad Tywi centred upon Dinefwr. In other words, Rhys ap Maredudd wished to restore the patrimony enjoyed by his ancestors and become the supreme power in Deheubarth. Llywelyn must have been aware of his crumbling position in the west. In spite of the history of rivalry between his family and the House of Dinefwr, he made an effort to win Rhys’s support. At about this time Bleddyn Fardd, a bard in Llywelyn’s service, composed a poem meant to flatter Rhys and persuade him Llywelyn was the natural heir to that deathless British hero, King Arthur: In praise of Rhys ap Mareduydd ap Rhys I praise a lord, fortifier of kings, A man of royal wealth, a giver of gifts, Let the kingdom which is suitable to him be fortunate, A man of royal people, the man with the very daring and powerful   lance blow! A royal chief of great strength over Ystrad Tywi, Patronising royal heroes with continuous sustenance, A royal hero, a soldier like Eliwlad, On a royal lightning raid and his career like his grandfather’s. A king in iron armour, in beautiful splendid costume, A royal hero in coloured armour around a bordering country, Excellent are his warhorses: Rhys, conqueror of Rhos, Warlike son of Maredudd, bloody his roar.

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54  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Of an expansive intention, aggressive attacker in battle, Hero of Carmarthen, army challenger, And he has Peredur’s blow, and his merciless army with its heavy  strike, The son of brave Efrog, an excellent battle knight, A man who scatters the arms of Britain, who distributes scarlet robes, His shield emitting sparks, a warrior’s friend, Swift his lance, of Rhôn Ofyniad’s make, Ready and powerful his lance, firm killer, I would deem it unimportant to part from every man Compared to this one: Llywelyn, ruler of Perfeddwlad, Fortress of the tribe, defender of Wales, Shattering a shield like Arthur, admonishing killer. A poem of exquisite verse will be coming to you, Rhys, From my well-known tongue with great love; May your end be, skilful champion, (May your right to a journey of light be heavenly) In the region of mercy, in the grace of the Trinity, Free of your sin in the proper manner! Brave hero of Deheubarth, rejecter of disgrace, May the blessing of God’s unblemished sanctuary be around you!3 Llywelyn must have offered Rhys something besides poetry, but the details of any such offer have not survived. After weighing his options, Rhys chose to join King Edward. With Rhys ap Maredudd’s loyalty secured, Pain’s next target was Rhys Wyndod. On 24 April he advanced in force to Dinefwr, where Wyndod submitted to the king’s pleasure. In the presence of Pain and other nobles, he handed over his lands and castles for Edward to garrison as he saw fit. Rhys ap Maredudd was now used as leverage to force the submission of other Welsh lords. In the agreement of 11 April, he was told that he could have certain lands of Gruffudd ap Maredudd, a lord of Ceredigion, if he persuaded Gruffudd to submit. Gruffudd would be compensated elsewhere. The lands in question were the commotes of Gwynionydd and Mabwynion, which Rhys’s father Maredudd had been promised twenty years earlier by Henry III. Some extra pressure was exerted by Pain, who shortly afterwards took his army to Llanbadarn Fawr.

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The Road to Aberconwy  55 Rhys’s persuasions, combined with Pain’s threat of force, induced Gruffudd to submit. Others followed suit, and on 2 May Pain was able to report to the king that all the lords of Ceredigion had come into the peace. These were Gruffudd, his brother Cynan ap Maredudd and their young nephew Llywelyn ab Owain. Rhys Fychan ap Rhys ap Maelgwn (usually called Rhys Maelgwn) also made his submission. The four agreed to submit their bodies and their lands to the king’s will and committed themselves to the custody of Pain until he chose to send them to the king. Gruffudd and Cynan also returned to Edward the lordship of two commotes, Mefeynydd and Anhuniog, and quitclaimed their rights and inheritance to them forever. Rhys Maelgwn was obliged to surrender his commote of Perfedd. This abject surrender marked the total collapse of resistance in West Wales. On 7 May, from Carmarthen, Pain reported triumphantly that he had sent the ‘greatest, strongest and noblest by birth in West Wales, to submit to the king’s will.’ The lords of West Wales were sent, under armed escort, to offer their homage to Edward at Worcester. On 27 June Rhys ap Maredudd, Rhys Wyndod, Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd were brought before the king in council to kneel before him and do homage. Edward showed his distrust and contempt by deferring acceptance. He then split them up. Rhys Maelgwn and Gruffudd ap Maredudd were released, but Edward detained Rhys Wyndod and Cynan at his pleasure. Rhys ap Maredudd was eventually permitted to do homage, and gained formal possession of Rhys Wyndod’s commotes of Maenorderilo and Mabelfyw. He did not, however, gain all that he wished for. When Rhys Wyndod submitted to King Edward’s forces on 24 April, he saved himself from complete disinheritance and was permitted to keep the commotes of Mallaen and Caeo. His castle of Dinefwr, the real prize Rhys ap Maredudd longed for, was retained by the king. Even so, Rhys had some cause for satisfaction. He had expanded his territory and influence in Ystrad Tywi, and might look forward to more rewards if he retained Edward’s favour. Rhys had also achieved his gains at the expense of Llywelyn, another cause for satisfaction. While Pain Chaworth held the lords of West Wales in check, Edward’s troops drove into Brycheiniog to the east. There was no element of negotiation here, just sheer brute force. The first assault was mounted near the end of January, when Henry de Bray,

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56  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 constable of Abergavenny, led a company of horse and foot to help the earl of Hereford and Roger Mortimer attack the king’s ‘Welsh enemies and rebels’ in Brecon. Another assault was launched from Abergavenny on 28  February, again led by Bray, this time ‘to attack the Welsh of Deheubarth our enemies.’ Yet another attack occurred on 17 March. This time Bray was ordered to march in support of Hereford and John Giffard as they advanced from Brecon to Defynnog and hence to Llywel. Edward’s combined forces had taken about two months to penetrate into the hill country of Brycheiniog. Judging from their line of advance, it may be that Welsh resistance was centred on the castle at Rhyd-yBriw close by Sennybridge in the medieval parish of Defynnog. Other than wage accounts for Edward’s soldiers (paraphrased above), no details survive of the fighting in this area. It is clear, however, that resistance in Brycheiniog was overcome by the end of March. Edward’s captains had their task made easier by the lack of resistance of the Welsh lords of the west. This allowed Bray and Giffard to advance further and link up with the forces of Pain Chaworth in Cantref Mawr. The onslaught in the Middle March was led by Roger Mortimer and Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln. Their target was Llywelyn’s castle of Dolforwyn in Cydewain, which lay only a short distance from the border on the Severn. Like their comrades in Brecon, they made slow but steady progress. Llywelyn’s forces were gradually pushed back until the royal army was able to lay siege to Dolforwyn in mid-March. The garrison only held out for two weeks before offering their surrender, when the castle was put in the custody of Gruffudd ap Gwenwynyn. Gruffudd had successfully recovered all the lands adjacent to his castle at Pool, reversing the territorial losses inflicted upon him by Llywelyn in 1274. The king’s strategy is clear. He relied on his captains to dismember the principality of Wales, driving Llywelyn back to his heartlands in Gwynedd. When the prince was penned into his mountains, Edward would himself take the field and advance into North Wales. The men under Edward’s command acted with unity and purpose, testament to his success in reuniting the kingdom after years of civil war. In the spring of 1277 the final barrier to an invasion of Gwynedd was ripped away. Prince Dafydd and the earl of Warwick took an army from Chester into northern Powys and forced Madog ap Gruffudd, lord of Powys Fadog, to surrender to the king. He was obliged to divide the

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The Road to Aberconwy  57 lordship between himself and his brothers, leaving it weak and vulnerable. Resistance continued for some weeks at Castell Dinas Bran, apparently garrisoned by men loyal to Prince Llywelyn. On 10 May the earl of Lincoln prepared an assault on this formidable hilltop stronghold, only to learn the garrison had fired and abandoned it. He was moved to remark that Dinas Bran ought to be repaired, since there was ‘no stronger castle in Wales, nor in England a greater.’ By late summer 1277 Edward’s forces had secured the greater part of Wales outside Gwynedd. One last flicker of defiance occurred in Ceredigion, where in August Rhys Maelgwn broke his fealty to the king and fled to join Llywelyn, taking the men of Genau’r Glyn with him. Edward’s brother, Prince Edmund, advanced from Llanbadarn and occupied the territory, handing custody over to Roger Molis. With that, resistance in the south and west came to an end. Edward now concentrated all his forces on the reduction of Anglesey and Gwynedd. By late August the main army was concentrated at Rhuddlan, where some 15,000 infantry were assembled. Of these, at least 9,000 were Welshmen drawn from the Marches and the south. A division of 2,700 footsoldiers were raised in Gwerthyrnon, Maelienydd, Elfael and Builth, Radnor, and Brecon. They were led by twenty-six constables including Hywel ap Meurig, Ifor ap Gruffudd, and Einion ap Madog. Llywelyn had suspected Hywel of disloyalty several years before, and taken his son as a hostage. The defection of Ifor and Einion would have come as a shock: Llywelyn had once entrusted Ifor with the lordship of Elfael, while Einion had served as his bailiff in Gwerthyrnion. Loyalty to the prince, so hard-won, crumbled in 1277. The list of deserters included Llywelyn ap Gruffudd Fychan, a lord of Powys Fadog known as the Dragon of Chirk, and Madog ap Llywelyn, who would one day proclaim himself Prince of Wales. Serious cracks also started to emerge among his support base in Gwynedd. In April of that year Roger Mortimer sent a letter to the king, informing him of military progress in Wales and the defection of key members of Llywelyn’s administration. These were two brothers, Rhys and Hywel ap Gruffudd, grandsons of Ednyfed Fychan who had been seneschal or distain to Llywelyn ab Iorwerth.4 The defection of the brothers exposed deeper political divisions inside Gwynedd. On 21 July, at Chester, Friar Llywelyn of the Order of

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58  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Preachers of Bangor testified to his mediation between King Edward on the one part, and his uterine brother Rhys ap Gruffudd on the other. Two of their kinsmen, Hywel ap Goronwy and Gruffudd ap Iorwerth, were also party to the agreement. The friar had advised these men to abandon Prince Llywelyn, come to the king’s peace and do homage. In return the king would grant them their lands and rights. In the meantime, pending the recovery of their lands, they would be provided for in the king’s service.5 Friar Llywelyn was almost certainly one of the Welsh Dominicans who had accompanied Eleanor de Montfort on her ill-fated journey to North Wales to 1275. After his capture by English privateers, he appears to have defected to the king and worked on Edward’s behalf to sow dissent among Llywelyn’s supporters in Gwynedd. Rhys ap Gruffudd moved too slowly, and was caught and imprisoned by Llywelyn’s men when he tried to desert. His brother Hywel, however, managed to join the royal army.6 Names such as Cynfrig Sais, Tudur ap Gruffudd, and Tudur Fychan are also found among the defections. Llywelyn’s own court bard, Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Coch, abandoned his master and joined the king’s army for a payment of £20. Gruffudd would one day compose Llywelyn’s magnificent elegy, perhaps driven by guilt as much as grief. Another defector from Llywelyn’s heartlands was Iorwerth Foel, a landholder on Anglesey. In 1278, the year after the war, Iorwerth presented a petition to parliament complaining that when he had come to the king’s peace and then served in the royal army, Prince Llywelyn had punished him by seizing his horses and corn, and the plunder of his men, for which he claimed justice and restitution. He also complained that Llywelyn had burnt all the houses on his land, on account of his defecting to the king. Lastly, he complained that he dared not and could not cultivate his hereditary lands for fear of Llywelyn.7 From this and other cases it is clear that Llywelyn could no longer rely on the support of his own subjects. His defences swiftly crumbled. The royal host marched into the Perfeddwlad, hacking and burning a wide path through the forests, while part of Edward’s navy was sent to capture Anglesey. Edward advanced in cautious stages and halted at Flint, where in August he set about the construction of a new timber fortress. Hundreds of Gascon crossbowmen and archers of Macclesfield guarded the new works, which came under furious attack by the Welsh. Large amounts of ammunition were used

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The Road to Aberconwy  59 up fending them off, while a squadron of knights under Reynold Grey patrolled the dangerous forest roads. Edward returned to Chester to personally supervise the transport of timber and reinforcements to Flint. In the middle of August he was back at Flint, where he met with Dafydd and agreed he should have his share of whatever land was conquered from Llywelyn. Dafydd was being his usual difficult self. His ally, Warwick, had earlier warned the king that Dafydd was unhappy over the share of plunder, and might desert if he wasn’t satisfied. Edward was unconcerned and told Warwick to deal with the matter as he saw fit. Privately the king may have experienced doubts. His original plan was to remove Llywelyn as prince of Wales and replace him with Dafydd, but at some point he changed his mind. Dafydd’s awkward behaviour on campaign may have persuaded the king he was too unreliable to be given the crown of Wales, and might prove even more troublesome than Llywelyn. Otherwise Edward followed essentially the same strategy as his father, Henry III, in previous invasions of Gwynedd. There were two important differences. Unlike his father, he ensured his troops were adequately supplied. In 1245 Henry had summoned levies from Ireland to seize Anglesey, destroy the crops and slaughter the populace. Edward, by contrast, sent hundreds of mowers to harvest the hay or corn on the island and ship it back for the use of the army. This left Llywelyn cut off from his granary and besieged on two sides at once. Edward’s main army was stationed at Deganwy, while his fleet and a division of the army on Anglesey threatened the prince’s rear. Edward also had an understanding of logistics in Wales, and a certain hard-headed common sense lacking in his predecessors. In 1157 Henry II’s invasion of Gwynedd very nearly came unstuck when his army was ambushed as it tried to push through the dense forests of the Perfeddwlad. Instead of blundering through the woods, Edward employed hundreds of workmen to burn and slash a wide lane ahead of his main advance: Between Chester and Llywelyn’s homeland lay a forest of such denseness and size that the royal army could by no means penetrate through it without danger. A large part of the forest being cut down, the king opened out for himself a very broad road for an advance into the prince’s lands, and having occupied it by strong attacks, the king entered through it in triumph.8

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60  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 By the onset of winter 1277, Llywelyn’s position was desperate. Cut off from his grain store, hemmed into the mountains of Snowdonia, surrounded on all sides by the king’s armies and navies. In all his long experience of fighting the English, he had never experienced such a sustained and relentless assault. At the start of November, with winter coming on and his food stocks running low, he had no option but to surrender.

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Chapter 6

Terms of Submission

T

he Treaty of Aberconwy, which followed Llywelyn’s formal surrender on 17 November 1277, was chiefly concerned with the submission and division of Gwynedd. Llywelyn had to submit himself entirely to the king’s mercy. He promised to go to the king at Rhuddlan and (finally) swear homage and fealty. Only then would he be absolved from excommunication and the interdict on his land lifted. He swore to pay the colossal sum of £50,000 to secure the king’s grace and peace, and an annual rent of 1,000 marks for Anglesey. He had to yield up the Four Cantrefs forever, which Edward divided between himself and Dafydd. The king took Rhos and Tegeingil, while Dafydd was granted Dyffrwyn Clwyd and Rhufoniog. The real devil was in the detail. Edward kept every territory conquered in war except Anglesey. With the exception of the Four Cantrefs, Llywelyn was allowed to claim lands which had been taken by anyone save the king. This was to lead to severe headaches later, as the king stated he would give justice to such claims according to the laws and customs of the districts in which the lands lay. This sounded reasonable enough, but in practice it led to confusion and years of bitter litigation over which law applied to which land. Llywelyn was granted all the land which belonged by hereditary right to Dafydd, but only for his lifetime. Dafydd in turn would be compensated with territory elsewhere, again only for as long as he lived. When Llywelyn or Dafydd died, their lands would revert to the king. If Llywelyn left an heir, the child would receive only the part of Gwynedd that remained after Dafydd had taken his share. The prince’s brother was just as determined as the king to extract every advantage from Llywelyn’s defeat. Dafydd was younger than Llywelyn and already had male heirs: these were the children of his marriage to Elizabeth Ferrers, sister of Robert, once Edward’s deadly foe. Robert had been thoroughly tamed since, and now lived in quiet obscurity on the handful of estates

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62  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 that remained to him. Edward now sought to inflict a similar fate on Llywelyn. At this early stage of the reign he did not seek to destroy his enemies, but to render them harmless. Apart from these humiliations, Llywelyn was also forced to release a large number of prisoners. One of these was Owain Goch, his eldest brother, who had been held in comfortable captivity at Dolbadarn since Llywelyn’s victory at Bryn Derwin in 1256. Over twenty years later, this sad figure was released and given a small estate on Llŷn to live out his days in peace. Other captives who were freed included Owain, son of Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, who had confessed to helping Dafydd try to murder Llywelyn in 1274. Another was Rhys ap Gruffudd, Llywelyn’s bailiff, held in prison since he tried to escape to defect to the king. As noted previously, his brother Hywel served in the royal army during the war. Llywelyn also had to find a settlement for his fourth brother, Rhodri. Along with Dafydd, Rhodri had been taken as a hostage by Henry III and spent his childhood and early adulthood at the king’s court. Perhaps as a result of his upbringing in exile, he had little affinity for Wales or Welsh affairs. In 1272 Rhodri accepted the offer of a 1,000 marks from Llywelyn to buy out his hereditary share of Gwynedd. Five years later he complained before the king at Rhuddlan that he had not seen a penny of this amount. Llywelyn, also present, claimed he had paid over 50 marks of the promised amount. After much argument, it was agreed that Rhodri should have the outstanding 950 marks and go quit. He settled in England, married an Englishwoman, and died in 1315, the last of his brothers. Only one clause referred directly to a lord of West Wales, Rhys Maelgwn, who had broken faith with the king and fled to Gwynedd in the autumn of 1276. The treaty confirmed that Rhys had forfeited all his lands, which would remain forever in royal custody. Among the concessions Edward made to his defeated rival was the homage of five Welsh lords, of whom Rhys was one. The homage of a landless exile was of little value and only added to Llywelyn’s humiliation. Stripped of all his territorial gains of the past twenty years, he was left with his title of Prince of Wales and a severely reduced principality, confined to the west of the River Conwy.

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Terms of Submission  63 The king placed further binds on Llywelyn. One of those Welsh lords who had defected to Edward during the war was Madog ap Llywelyn, whose father Llywelyn had been driven from Meirionydd in 1256. Madog wished to reclaim his birthright, and to win his support Edward recognised him as lord of Meirionydd. Instead of granting Madog the lordship outright he permitted him to claim against Llywelyn in court. This put extra pressure on the prince, who refused to appear before the justices. Edward could now play the generous victor. He waived the war indemnity of £50,000 and half the rent for Anglesey, though Llywelyn had to make an immediate payment of £2,000 as part of his outstanding debts. He was also bound to pay 500 marks for Anglesey and the right to hold his brother’s portion of the island until all his old debts were cleared. The members of Llywelyn’s council, along with twenty men of each cantref in his hands, were be chosen annually by the king’s representatives. Every year these men would be obliged to swear to observe the terms of the treaty and ensure that Llywelyn was doing the same. If the prince broke any of the terms and fail to make amends, they were to leave his service and resist him to their greatest ability. The king’s triumph was sealed at Christmas 1277, when Llywelyn swore the act of homage and fealty in London. This was one of the very few occasions he left Wales, and it was scarcely a happy one. His one consolation was Edward’s agreement to release Eleanor from custody and permit her marriage to Llywelyn. She was released under his protection and accompanied him back to Wales. In the new year of 1278, while he was still at court, Edward sent men into Gwynedd to arrange the release of hostages and prisoners, and to pay compensation for injuries inflicted in the war. A more important commission was set up on 10 January, to hear and determine legal affairs in Wales and the March. This was called the Hopton Commission after the chief justice, Walter Hopton, placed in charge of it. Llywelyn was told to appear before the justices with regard to any cases he might wish to bring, and to do and receive justice before them. He was now at the beck and call of the king’s laywers. At first the king was well content. March 1278 found him at Down Ampney in Gloucestershire, his favourite manor, where he liked to relax with his family and courtiers. From there he wrote to his officers in Gascony to congratulate them on their good work in settling the affairs

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64  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 of the duchy. Edward cheerfully informed them all was well in the rest of his kingdom. Even Llywelyn, he said, was behaving with good will and agreed to appear before the king’s justices. So far as the king was concerned, his success in 1277 marked the end of problems in Wales. The embarrassments of his youth had been redeemed, and from now on all would be peace and good order. If Edward thought that Llywelyn was going to swallow his defeat and it seems he did - then he was optimistic to say the least. The prince had already started to try and claw back his position. In February 1277 he initiated an action against Grufudd ap Gwenwynwyn, his old enemy, for the land of Arwystli and part of Cyfeiliog that lay between the rivers Dyfi and Dulas. If the king wanted Llywelyn to fight his battles at law rather than the battlefield, he was only too happy to oblige. In the spring of 1278 Llywelyn went a step further. At his castle of Dolwyddelan, the gateway to Snowdonia, he took the homage and fealty of Madog ap Trahearn ap Madog. By doing so he broke the terms of Aberconwy: Madog was a man of south Wales, and Llywelyn was no longer entitled to the homage of anyone save the five minor lords of Gwynedd named in the treaty. Even more telling is the list of men he invited to Dolwyddelan to stand surety for Madog. These were Rhys Maelgwn (the exiled lord of Genau’r Glyn), Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd, Llywelyn ap Rhys Fychan of Is Cennen (Rhys Wyndod’s younger brother) and Hywel ap Rhys Gryg of Ystrad Tywi (Rhys Wyndod’s uncle). All these lords of the south had gathered at Dolywyddelan, Llywelyn’s fortress in the heartlands of Snowdonia. It is difficult to believe they were there merely to conduct a routine piece of business. The likelihood is that Llywelyn aimed to recover their loyalty. In the same month Llywelyn signed an agreement with Gruffudd ap Gwen, seneschal to Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn. Gruffudd ap Gwen agreed to return to the prince’s unity with all his power whenever required, even if his lord should refuse to do so. There can be little doubt that in the spring of 1278 Llywelyn was making strenuous efforts to rebuild his shattered power base. Edward already had suspicions. At the start of June he ordered Llywelyn to stop persecuting Madog ap Eynon, a Welsh lord whose lands the prince had seized after Madog refused to leave the king’s homage. He also responded to Llywelyn’s complaint that the form of justice he got in

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Terms of Submission  65 the king’s court was not compatible with Welsh law and custom. Edward replied he had personally ordered his justices to investigate Llywelyn’s complaint and find a speedy remedy. The king ended by assuring Llywelyn he did not believe the lies and sinister reports of the prince’s behaviour, ‘assuming any had reached him.’ He would continue to regard Llywelyn as a faithful subject, so long as he behaved in a faithful manner. Llywelyn focused his energies on the Arwystli case against Gruffudd ap Gwenwynyn. He insisted the dispute should be heard on Welsh soil before Welsh justices, otherwise it was not a trial under Welsh law. Edward responded that Arwystli was land held directly of the Crown, and it had always been the rule, even under Welsh custom, that lawsuits as to lands held of the Crown were tried before royal justices. Such cases would be heard at such times and places as the justices decided. Llywelyn refused to plead under such circumstances, and the result was deadlock. In August 1278 Edward’s attitude appeared to soften. He put aside his earlier suspicions of Llywelyn and agreed the trial should go ahead under Welsh forms and judged by the ynaid (Welsh judges). In early September the case was heard before the king on Welsh soil at Rhuddlan. At the critical moment, when the ynaid were in the royal presence, the defendant in court and ready to plead, and the stage known to Welsh law as ‘dydd colli a chaffael ’ (the day to lose or win) had been reached, Edward stood up and adjourned the case. The king had made his point: cases in Wales could proceed under Welsh law, but under his supreme authority as agreed in the treaties of Montgomery and Aberconwy. As part of his carrot and stick policy, later in the month Edward released ten Welsh hostages as a reward for Llywelyn’s ‘good faith’. The hostages were under the same tight restrictions as their master, and had to swear to take up arms against him if he rebelled against the king. A few weeks later Edward gave more solid proof of his desire for a permanent reconciliation with the Prince. In October 1277 he released Eleanor Montfort from custody and allowed her long-delayed wedding to Llywelyn to go ahead. Llywelyn and Eleanor were married in the cathedral church at Worcester on Saint Edward’s day (13 October) 1278. Technically they were married already, since Llywelyn had agreed to the marriage contract before Eleanor made her ill-fated voyage from France. Her capture delayed the nuptials for three years, which now went ahead with the approval of the king.

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66  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The ceremony was months in the planning. When Llywelyn came to London at the end of 1277 one of his followers, Goronwy ap Heilyn, was allowed to visit Eleanor on his behalf, and speak to her privately if he wished. Edward might have released her shortly after that date, but in the spring his relations with Llywelyn briefly soured. His suspicions faded as the summer wore on, and by the autumn he was confident enough to finally release Llywelyn’s bride. Eleanor’s brother Amaury, however, remained in custody. The wedding was a calculated act of magnaminity on Edward’s part. He had torn apart the fledgling principality of Wales and rubbed Llywelyn’s face in the dirt. Now he picked up his fallen enemy and dusted him down. The king paid for the feast and personally gave away Eleanor in marriage. Edward was making the same point he had made at Rhuddlan in September. Llywelyn was the king’s vassal, and all the good things that came his way were a consequence of the king’s generosity. What Edward gave with one hand, he could just as easily take away with the other. It was a suitably magnificent occasion. All the great nobles and prelates of the realm were present, including the king of Scotland. Edward and his queen, Eleanor of Castile, gave small presents to the groom and his bride; a marker for Llywelyn’s prayer-book and a handkerchief for Eleanor. Llywelyn himself had recently sent Edward a gift of four hounds. The exchange of such minor courtesies was common among the royalty of Europe, an outward symbol of good relations as well as tokens of personal esteem. Even at Worcester, with all parties straining to appear friendly, there was a hint of resentment. Llywelyn would later complain to John Peckham, Robert Kildwardby’s successor as archbishop of Canterbury, that Edward had squeezed a concession out of him on the very day of his wedding. The king allegedly demanded that Llywelyn put his seal to an adjustment of the Treaty of Aberconwy. Among other things, he had to agree not to give shelter in his land to any man against the king’s will. Moved by ‘the fear that can overcome a steadfast man’, Llywelyn bowed to the king’s will. It is difficult to know if there is any truth to this tale, or why Edward should have been provoked to make the demand. Llywelyn’s wife Eleanor would later write to the king, thanking him for the honour and kindness he had shown the couple at their wedding.

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Terms of Submission  67 After the public display of friendship at Worcester, the game of politics resumed. Llywelyn pressed his case against Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn for Arwystli and a portion of Cyfeiliog. These lands had been forfeited by Gruffudd and his sons for their treachery in 1274, and then recovered by Gruffudd during the war of 1277. So far as Llywelyn was concerned, their previous conviction held good and the lands were his by right. Yet the real bone of contention was the law. The problem lay in the language of the Treaty of Aberconwy. This provided that actions between Llywelyn and anyone else should be resolved according to the law of Wales if the dispute arose in Wales. If they arose in the March, they should be resolved according to March law. Simple. Except it wasn’t. In 1278 the king had ordered an enquiry at Oswestry, specifically concerned with Gruffudd’s wish to found a market and a fair on his land. Gruffudd claimed his right via Welsh law, and the jury found in favour of his claim. In the same year Gruffudd brought an action against Roger Mortimer and Bogo Knovill over lands between the rivers Rhiw and Helyg. This time Gruffudd insisted the dispute be resolved by English common law. Mortimer and Knovill, appearing for the king, argued the land was in Wales and therefore the case should be heard according to Welsh custom. The justices found in their favour, which meant King Edward had successfully defended the law of Hywel Dda against a Welsh baron pleading for English common law. The law in Wales at this time was in flux. In cases such as the one quoted above, the lords of the March claimed Welsh law to defend their rights. Some of them mixed and matched. John Giffard, for instance, sought judgement by English common law in one action and Welsh law in another. Gruffudd had no compunction in choosing whatever law suited him best. Though he had claimed Welsh law in the case against Mortimer, in the Arwystli dispute he claimed the land as a baron of the March, and thus demanded the trial proceed via common law. Llywelyn countered that the whole case should be determined under Welsh law and the code of Hywel Dda. Gruffudd stooped to low tactics. He arranged for one Adam of Montgomery, a descendent of the old kings of Arwystli, to submit a separate plea for the land against Gruffudd and his sons. The plea failed, as Gruffudd knew it would, which helped to strengthen his case and weaken Llywelyn’s. Not that Llywelyn was being entirely honest either.

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68  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 He claimed Cyfeiliog west of the Dyfi on the basis that a certain Einion ap Seisyll had held this land in the time of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, lord of Gwynedd. Einion quarreled with his lords, Llywelyn Fawr and Llywelyn Fychan, and wrongfully transferred his homage and allegiance to Owain Cyfeiliog of Powys, Gruffudd’s grandfather. This was impossible, since the two Llywelyns did not become lords of the region until 1212 and Owain Cyfeiliog died in 1197. Nor was there any documentary proof of the transfer of allegiance. It seems unlikely that Llywelyn’s lawyers were unaware of these awkward gaps in their evidence, but they pressed on anyway. Edward was in an awkward position. If he found in favour of Llywelyn he risked alienating Gruffudd, and vice versa. There is every sign that Gruffudd was aware of his privileged position as the king’s most important Welsh ally, and sought to exploit it. This gave Edward the difficult task of attempting to restrain Gruffudd whilst also keeping him happy. In 1277 the king ordered Gruffudd and his brother-in-law, Roger Lestrange, to stop interfering in lands belonging to the lords of Mechain, another part of Powys. Gruffudd disobeyed and continued to oppress his neighbours, whose homage he demanded from the king. The lords of Mechain were not strong enough to resist the predatory Gruffudd, and in 1281 he obtained their homage. Edward’s anxiety not to offend Gruffudd was also shown in a case over competing fairs at Welshpool and Montgomery. The men of Montgomery claimed their town had suffered damage and loss of revenue due to Gruffudd’s fair at Welshpool. Montgomery was too valuable a military base to discard, so Edward found in their favour against Gruffudd. However, he amply compensated Gruffudd with the right to hold yearly fairs at other places in Powys. The king did his best to delay the Arwystli case coming to trial, probably in the hope that Llywelyn would eventually get tired of the constant adjourments and give up. In 1280 he ordered the Hopton Commission to hold an enquiry into which laws and customs the king’s ancestors had ruled and done justice in Wales. A number of witnesses were interviewed, English and Welsh. The witnesses generally agreed that the law of Hywel Dda was becoming obsolete in Wales, and often substituted by English common law. A few pleaded total ignorance. One character, Bleddyn ap Ithel of Tegeingil, replied he knew little of the law and much preferred to go hunting instead.

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Terms of Submission  69 The results of the enquiry did little to move the case forward, since Edward was on the horns of more than one dilemna. Apart from not wishing to provoke Gruffudd, he was also faced with the conflict of law. If he allowed Llywelyn to have his desire and let the case proceed under Welsh law, the judgement would pass from his judges to the ynaid. Allowing such an important case to be taken out of the jurisdiction of the Crown threatened his hard-won authority in Wales. If, on the other hand, he let the trial go ahead under common law, he handed Llywelyn a political advantage. The prince could claim he got no justice from King Edward, who sought to destroy Welsh law. At one point Gruffudd blurted out that the king wanted to do just that, only to be hurriedly corrected by the justices. Thus the arguments went back and forth, with no sign of the case ever being brought to court. While the dispute over Arwystli plodded on, trouble started to flare in other parts of Wales.

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Chapter 7

Seeking Justice

I

n October 1282, even as Llywelyn’s final war against Edward was in progress, the lords and communities of Wales submitted a huge dossier of complaints to Archbishop Peckham. Their anger at the tyranny of Edward’s officials in Wales had driven them to rise in arms against the king with far more determination and unity than in 1277. Many of the complaints in North Wales were aimed at the figure of Reynold Grey, appointed justiciar of Chester in November 1281. Grey, an able soldier, was a hard-nosed character who treated the Welsh under his jurisdiction with savage contempt. In this respect he was an unwise appointment, even though Edward may have felt the need for a strong military man to rule the frontier lands of ‘wild Wales’. Soon after he was appointed, Grey purged his administration and introduced new officers, Welsh and English. These men were every bit as thuggish as their master, and there to enforce his severe rule. As justiciar, Grey had authority over the Four Cantrefs as well as the lordship of Chester. The complaints against him should be taken with a pinch of salt, since most petitions tended to exaggerate or outright lie. Nevertheless, the sheer volume of protests against Grey is startling. The men of Rhos and Englefield complained that Grey had forbidden them from seeking justice at the king’s court, and threatened to behead any man who went telling tales to the king. It was said Grey held these communities in ‘fear and dread’ of his power. He treated them contrary to the law and custom of the land, denied them access to Welsh law, and generally behaved like a petty tyrant. Grey was by no means the only royal officer accused of such things. The men of Mold laid similar charges against Roger Clifford, constable of Hawarden. In Penllyn, a land inside Llywelyn’s reduced lordship, the people expressed anger at the oppression of the constable of Oswestry. An interesting situation blew up in Powys Fadog, where the lord, Madog ap Gruffudd, had died and left two young sons who came into the king’s

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Seeking Justice  71 custody. Madog’s widow, Margaret, was Llywelyn’s half-sister. The siblings were not close, and Margaret annoyed Llywelyn by persisting in a case against her brother-in-law, Gruffudd Fychan, over land in Glyndyfrdwy. Llywelyn persuaded Edward to transfer the case from the king’s court to his own, but soon had cause for regret. Margaret spoke in her own defence in court, and stubbornly refused to hand over evidence when her brother demanded it. Her behaviour fuelled Llywelyn’s growing anger at the king, who appeared to favour Margaret. The problems were not confined to the north. One of Edward’s chief concerns in West Wales was to avoid future trouble by clearing the deep forests that had hampered previous invasions. This was also needed to make the land safe for travellers and reduce the lawlessness that continued after the war. In January 1278 Pain Chaworth, now permanently lodged at Dinefwr, and Henry Bray were ordered to begin the process of destroying tree-growth in Ystrad Tywi and Ceredigion. The lords of Ceredigion, having submitted en masse to the king, sought to make the best of the new order. Once the fighting was over, they turned to law to try and recover what was lost. Their efforts were almost completely futile. Much of the problem lay in the unconditional nature of their surrender in 1277, throwing themselves on Edward’s mercy. Having severed all links with Llywelyn, they were now vassals of the English king and depended entirely on his grace (or otherwise). The presence of several of them at Llywelyn’s court at Dolwyddelan, in the spring of 1278, suggests they were already having doubts over their loyalty to the king. They were quite willing to undermine each other. Perhaps the most spectacular example is the plea submitted by Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd. Shortly after Easter 1280 these two appeared before the Hopton Commission and laid claim to the commotes of Genau’r Glyn and Creuddyn. Gruffudd, so they claimed, had previously held the former and Cynan the latter. Llywelyn had driven them out by force of arms and bestowed these territories on Rhys Maelgwn. In autumn 1277 Rhys did homage to King Edward, only to break faith and abandon his lands to seek shelter with Llywelyn in Gwynedd. The Treaty of Aberconwy clearly stated that Rhys was disinherited and would remain so forever. Thus, Gruffudd and Cynan now pressed their former claim to these lands.

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72  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Bogo Knovill, justice of West Wales, answered for the king. He judged the claim to be invalid for two reasons. One, Gruffudd and Cynan had both been present when Rhys Maelgwn did homage and fealty to King Edward, and had raised no objections on that occasion. Two, neither had they made any claim before 9 November 1277 when Rhys was formally disinherited. Faced with these rebuttals, the brothers adopted a desperate strategy. After declaring they had wanted to submit their claim before 9 November (but for some unexplained reason failed to do so) they declared that Rhys never had right to the lands anyway, since he was both illegitimate and the son of a prostitute! No evidence for this accusation seems to have been produced, and Bogo simply ignored it. Llywelyn ab Owain, Gruffudd and Cynan’s young nephew, appeared before the commission on Palm Sunday 1278. Since he was a minor, his case was put by his mother Angharad. She claimed the commote of Anhuniog for her son, given up to the king by Gruffudd and Cynan in 1277. Angharad argued that her late husband, Owain, had given the land to her as dower, and she had remained in possession until driven out by King Edward’s forces. The justices could not agree on the facts of the case, but on 15 February 1279 King Edward ordered that Llywelyn should have all the lands held by his father, provided he remained faithful to the king. This grant ought to have included Anhuniog, though a later entry reveals he was given Caerwedros instead. Another lord of the west with cause for complaint was Rhys Wyndod, Rhys ap Maredudd’s cousin and lord of Dinefwr. In October 1282, as part of the grievances submitted by the Welsh to Archbishop Peckham, Rhys claimed the following: 1) A fter Rhys granted his castle of Dinefwr to the king after the last peace agreement, when Rhys was in the tent of Payn de Chaworth, six of Rhys’s noble men were killed, concerning whom he has never had amends or justice. 2) W hen John Giffard claimed Rhys’s patrimony at Hirfyn [Hirfyn], Rhys sought from the king the law of his country or the law of the county court at Carmarthen, in which court Rhys’s predecessors were accustomed to have law when they were in unity with the English and under their lordship; because Rhys has had no law and totally lost his aforesaid land, they wished to compel him to appear in the county court of Hereford where his predecessors have never answered.

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Seeking Justice  73 3) The English have committed injuries in Rhys’s lands, especially in respect of churchmen: at St David’s church, Llangadog they have made stables and stationed prostitutes and carried away all goods that were kept there and burned all the houses; in the same church, by the alter, they also struck the chaplain on the head with a sword and left him for dead. 4) In the same region they have plundered and burned the churches of Llandingad and Llanwrda, and have plundered other churches in those parts of their chalices, books and all other ornaments.1 It is impossible to know if six of Rhys’s men really were murdered while he was in Pain Chaworth’s tent, or if English soldiers stationed horses and prostitutes at St David’s and assaulted a Welsh chaplain. His other claims can be examined in more detail. After the war of 1282–83 Edward paid compensation to 108 churches in Wales that had suffered damage during the conflict. The churches at Llangadog, Llandingad, and Llanwrda are not listed among these, implying they either failed to apply for compensation or had not suffered significant damage. Rhys’s claim against John Giffard over Hyrfrin, a commote in Carmarthenshire, was the subject of a convoluted battle in court between 1279–82. The case opened on 14 January 1279, when John Giffard and his wife Matilda claimed the castle of Llandovery and the commotes of Hirfryn and Perfedd from Rhys. Over the next three years both parties brought different claims and counter-claims against each other. The fundamental issue at stake (as usual) was whether the case ought to be judged by Welsh law or English common law. After much back and forth, the proceedings ended in stalemate in Easter 1282, when Rhys failed to appear in court at the church of St Michael in Elfael. Since the defendant had not appeared, he and his pledges were amerced (fined) and John and Matilda were unable to proceed. Both parties had effectively been left high and dry. The details of the Hirfyn case are somewhat different to Rhys’s version of events in his complaint to Peckham. He was correct to state the issue had turned upon the issue of Welsh law, but to claim he had been given no law and totally lost his land was an overstatement. On the contrary, he had spent three years in the courts and in August 1280 had accepted, after enquiry, that the case ought to be judged by common law. The case was due to come up again before the King’s Bench after Easter 1282 (and

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74  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 might have rumbled on for years yet) but was prevented by the outbreak of another war. Like so many other Welsh lords, Rhys lost patience with the courts and went into revolt. While tensions boiled over against Edward’s administration in Wales, the Mortimers of Wigmore chose this moment to step into the limelight. Roger Mortimer had always been a loyal Crown servant, and the first line of defence against Llywelyn ap Gruffudd’s efforts to extend his power into the March. Yet he was also a grandson of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth and great-grandson of King John. With the blood of two royal families coursing in his veins, Roger harboured great ambitions. This ambition was passed onto his heirs, who in the next two generations would stage an audacious bid for power in England and Wales. Roger had already tasted power when he served on the regency council in England while Edward was abroad. He was also deeply involved in the government of Wales. In August 1277, when Edward made an agreement with Prince Dafydd over the partition of Snowdonia and adjacent parts of Wales, Roger was the only other party mentioned in the document. He was to help oversee the partition and help make provision for Dafydd’s firstborn son to be sent to the king as a hostage. The king clearly trusted Roger and invested him with great responsibility. In 1279 he put him in charge of the military administration of the reconquered territories in the Perfeddwalad, and granted him the office of principal keeper of Llanbadarn Fawr (Aberystwyth) and the entirety of West Wales. In the same year Roger staged a grand tournament at Kenilworth in Warwickshire, the castle of Prince Edmund, Edward’s brother. This was called a round table, with a hundred knights present and just as many ladies. The Arthurian legend was hugely popular at this time, and ‘round tables’ were an excuse for knights and ladies to dress up as their favourite characters. There would often be some play-acting, with squires disguised in elaborate makeup as the Loathly Damsel or other characters, while knights acted out the parts of Sir Lancelot, Sir Galahad, and so forth. There was also a spiritual or mystical element. At the height of the feast, the knight dressed as King Arthur would announce that all was as it had been in Arthur’s day. The realm of Camelot had been restored, if only for the duration of the tournament. When it ended the spell broke, ‘just as early morning dew vanished’ and the illusion faded. ‘It had changed into nothing that which before was nothing.’

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Seeking Justice  75 The Kenilworth tournament was held for three days in September. It was a magnificent display of wealth and pageantry, partially paid for by wine barrels full of gold pennies supplied by Blanche, queen of Navarre, Edmund’s wife. Roger did not follow the usual Arthurian custom. On the fourth day of the tournament he led his pet lion (an actual lion) to Warwick, where he held a banquet for everyone at his own expense. At Warwick, instead of dressing as one of Arthur’s knights, Roger assumed the guise of Hector, son of King Priam and hero of the ancient legend of Troy. It was said by the Wigmore chronicler that the young daughters of Queen Blanche all instantly fell in love with him. Whether the appearance of a battered, elderly knight (Roger was pushing 50) dressed as a Trojan hero really appealed to young girls may be doubted, but he was making a point. Via his grandfather, Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, he believed himself to be a descendant of Hector. The fact he chose to publicly advertise his descent from Welsh princes and ancient Trojan royalty, at such a time, says much for the aspirations of his family. This should be borne in mind when discussing the fate of Prince Llywelyn and Wales a few years later. The staging of the tournament at Kenilworth, Edmund’s castle, is also of interest. Edmund was a major power in Wales. In 1267 Edward had granted him the lordships of Grosmont, Cardigan, and Carmarthen, and in the war of 1277 he founded a new royal castle at Llanbadarn. Perhaps Roger sought to make an ally of him. If so, he was not the only one. On 9 October 1281, at the castle of Radnor, Roger and Prince Llywelyn made peace with each other. They had been at daggers drawn for the past thirty years; now, in the winter of their lives, they agreed to the following treaty: a peace treaty and unbreakable agreement … to observe perpetual peace, made sacrosanct by evangelical oath, Llywelyn will adhere and faithfully and resolutely will hold to Roger with all his power as much in time of war as in time of peace saving fidelity in all things as is freely owed to the lord king of England … ; and Roger in a similar form to the Lord Llywelyn will adhere to him and will hold against all enemies saving his faith owed to the king of England and his heirs freely and to Lord Edmund the brother of the king of England… .2

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76  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Here Roger and Llywelyn swore to support each other in peace and war, saving only their fidelity to King Edward. The inclusion of Edmund is a recognition of his power and importance in Wales. There are several potential motives for this agreement. Roger was promoting his royal lineage in Wales, while Llywelyn was in need of powerful allies. In particular he might have viewed an alliance with his cousin as a useful counterbalance to the influence of Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, who held the king’s favour. There is also the intriguing possibility that Llywelyn meant to name Roger as his heir. Unlikely as this may seem, it deserves a proper appraisal. Llywelyn was an old man in his sixties, and unlikely to father any sons. His wife Eleanor would give birth to their only child in June the following year, a girl they named Gwenllian. As things stood in 1281, the next heir to the principality was Dafydd. Given his brother’s career to date, Llywelyn would have been fully justified in doubting his fitness to rule. Dafydd had tried to kill him (twice), led armies into Wales on King Edward’s behalf, and was in all things a loyal servant of the English Crown. Such a man was hardly going to preserve the unity and independence of the fledgling principality after Llywelyn was gone. Or so it must have appeared. When the simmering tensions in Wales exploded in full scale revolt in the spring of 1282, the instigator – of all people – was Dafydd.

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Chapter 8

As Judas Betrayed the Lord

T

he revolt of Prince Dafydd, after nineteen years in Edward’s service, sprang from a personal grievance. Along with so many of his countrymen in North Wales, he claimed to have suffered at the hands of Reynold Grey, the hard-driving justiciar of Chester. A few months before the outbreak of hostilities, Dafydd complained to the king that Grey had denied him Welsh law in a dispute at the county court of Chester. William Venables, an Englishman, had claimed lands in Hope and Estyn which Edward granted to Dafydd in 1277. Grey quashed Dafydd’s appeal to have the case proceed under the law of Hywel Dda, and in response the Welsh prince staged a public protest. He marched into court at Chester, shouted that the land under dispute was in Wales, ‘placed the land in the peace of God and the king’, and marched out again. In his later appeal to the king, Dafydd urged that the laws of Wales should be left unchanged, just like the laws of other nations. He had other causes for complaint. Some explanation for his motives is given in the chronicles: The Welsh rebelled a second time against their lord king of England; according them chiefly because the king established in their Marches English laws and customs, and he desired them to have counties and hundreds. Also that the justiciar of Chester hanged some of the men of Dafydd, the brother of the prince of Wales, against Welsh custom. Likewise another reason was because Dafydd’s wood was cut down at the order of the king, to make the road crossing through it safe from attack by brigands. Prince Llywelyn of Wales and Dafydd his brother on the pretext of these annoyances, from many tensions and also by enmities between them, agitated their allies mutually to bring this about; therefore they stood against the king and likewise his laws.1

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78  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Dafydd’s first action was to attack the castle of Hawarden on Palm Sunday, a holy day. Hawarden was overrun at night and the elderly constable, Roger Clifford, taken prisoner. Some of the knights of his household, unarmed as they were, tried to resist but were slaughtered. Clifford was then carried off into Snowdonia to be held for ransom. The capture of Hawarden was allegedly followed by a massacre, in which Dafydd’s followers run amok on the Marches: from here the adjacent lands of the king were roamed through, young men and maidens, old and young were killed and burned, neither pregnant women, the old, nor the infirm were spared; a great part of the Marches was destroyed by fire and the inhabitants killed.2 Dafydd’s uprising was clearly planned well in advance. His forces also laid siege to the castles of Rhuddlan and Flint, where the garrisons managed to hold out. How much Llywelyn knew about the revolt in advance, and the extent of his involvement, is a vexed question. There is some evidence to suggest he was aware of Dafydd’s intentions, and supplied him with materials to make siege engines. After the war court sessions were held at Flint to decide compensation for injuries inflicting during the conflict. There Richard Fitz Emma, once a bailiff in Llywelyn’s service, was accused of taking lead at the prince’s order from local mines. This was done so the lead could be used to construct engines for the attack on Rhuddlan in spring 1282.3 If true, then Llywelyn must have known of Dafydd’s intentions before the war began. This directly contradicts his own statement to Archbishop Peckham in October 1282, when he said that ‘concerning those who began the war at an improper time, we were ignorant of it until it was done.’4 King Edward himself was in no doubt as to Llywelyn’s involvement. On 8 April, just a few days after Dafydd’s uprising, he wrote to his fellow monarch King Alphonse of Castile: as Judas betrayed the Lord, our traitors Llywelyn ap Gruffudd and Dafydd his brother, who were of our household and council, with their Welshmen, who … make betrayal and wars in many forms

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  79 … have risen treasonably against us, they have invaded our lands in the Marches, killed our faithful men, burned villages and towns, besieged and destroyed castles and garrisons, to such a degree that … it is not possible to grant you the subsidy as we had wished.5 Dafydd pressed the advantage of surprise. Just five days after the capture of Hawarden he rushed to join his allies in Deheubarth. Together they immediately set about attacking royal castles in West Wales. The king’s castle at Llanbadarn Fawr was destroyed and the castles of Llandovery and Carreg Cennen were captured. Dafydd was aided by Rhys Fychan ap Rhys ap Maelgwn, Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd ab Owain, and Gruffudd and Llywelyn ap Rhys Fychan. There are some familiar names here. Rhys Maelgwn, Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd, and Llywelyn ap Rhys Fychan had all been present at Dolwyddelan in 1278, when the prince of Wales took the homage of Madog ap Trahearn. It seems no coincidence that in 1282 they joined with the prince’s brother, Dafydd, in a co-ordinated assault upon royal strongholds in the west. Llanbadarn was captured via an ingenious ruse, which shows the blissful ignorance of English officials to unrest in Wales. On the Tuesday after Palm Sunday, just days after the rising, Gruffudd ap Maredudd invited the constable of Llanbadarn to dinner. The constable went, and after the meal was over wished to withdraw. Gruffudd’s men ordered him to surrender, seized him and gave the signal to attack. The king’s men then came running from the local courthouse to slaughter the citizens of the town. This would imply pre-arranged treachery on the part of the royal garrison. Gruffudd’s allies also seized the castle and burnt part of the town. The revolt was both organised and widespread. On Palm Sunday, the same day as Dafydd’s capture of Hawarden, there was a furious attack upon the town of Oswestry. This was led by Llywelyn ap Gruffudd ap Madog, the fearsome Dragon of Chirk, at the head of all the Welsh of the local districts. Also with him was Madog Goch, Prince Llywelyn’s bailiff of Penllyn, leading the men of Penllyn Is Meloch. The presence of one of Llywelyn’s officers in the attack on Oswestry must cast further doubt on his ignorance of the revolt until it started. The Welsh plundered the men of Oswestry to the value of over £450 and then retreated to divide the loot between them.

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80  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The first heady rush of the revolt had gone well for Dafydd and his allies, though not quite as well as they might have wished. They had captured a number of castles, but the key strongholds of Rhuddlan and Flint in the middle march held firm. Now they had to brace themselves for the inevitable reaction.

Edward’s response The king was at Down Ampney, his favourite retreat, when news of the Palm Sunday rising reached him just four days later. His reaction was one of controlled fury. To his mind the matter of Wales and Llywelyn had been settled five years earlier, and he never imagined that the legal disputes over Arwystli and similar would end in full-scale rebellion. Writs exploded in all directions. On the same day he learned of the revolt, Edward appointed Reynold Grey as captain of the army of Chester. Robert Tibetot was made captain of the army of south Wales, supported by the earls of Hereford and Gloucester, and Roger Mortimer put in charge at Montgomery. As in the last war, three main centres of command were created for the advance into Wales. A council of war took place at Devizes on 5 April, where Tibetot was replaced as captain of the southern army by the earl of Gloucester. It seems Gilbert Clare, proud as ever, refused to serve under a social inferior. Arrangements were made to secure loans from various Italian banking firms, while the ships of the Cinque Ports in southeast England were ordered to assemble in June. A stream of orders went out for supplies from every part of Edward’s empire – Ponthieu, Gascony, Ireland, and of course England. Next, Edward imposed an economic blockade on Wales. His father had done the same in his Welsh campaigns, but Edward applied it with much more rigour. The lords and sheriffs who controlled the landward trade routes into West Wales were ordered not to have contact with the Welsh rebels or their allies, and to forbid all those under their power from communicating with them in anyway. Specifically, no corn, wine, honey, salt, iron, armour, or other things was to be sold or taken to the Welsh. The king followed up by ordering that no markets should be held in the March except where his armies were staying. This meant local merchants

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  81 had no choice but to trade with Edward’s soldiers, denying the Welsh goods and supplies and ensuring the army never ran short. Amidst this frenzy of military preparations, Edward also attended to the political aspect. On 21 April he finally released Amaury Montfort, who had been in the king’s custody since his capture at sea in 1275. Amaury was permitted to go abroad on condition he swore a solemn oath never to set foot in the kingdom again. A few days later, 1 May, the king ordered a strong guard to set on the Isle of Ely in Cambridgeshire. These orders reveal Edward’s state of mind. He feared the outbreak of war in Wales might spread to England and restart the Barons’ War, and did his utmost to remove the last traces of Montfortian influence from his kingdom. This was conceivably in Llywelyn’s mind as well. If he could plunge England into another internal conflict, the Welsh could take advantage of the situation as they had in 1267. Counter-operations had already begun in the field. Throughout April a stream of reinforcements were sent to Reynold Grey and Amadeus, Count of Savoy, at Chester. On the 21st, the same day Edward released Amaury, Grey and Amadeus marched out of Chester to break the siege of Rhuddlan. Dafydd and his army were still encamped round the castle after their failed effort to capture it, almost a month earlier. Whatever his flaws as an administrator, Grey never failed his master on the battlefield. His soldiers fell upon the Welsh and put them to flight, securing this vital stronghold for the remainder of the war. Soon afterwards the king issued orders to Roger Mortimer and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn to reconquer any of their lands that had revolted. They were also given permission to take any of their Welshmen back into the peace if they wished to come. This was a deliberate strategy on Edward’s to separate the Welsh lords who had revolted against him from their followers. Without men to serve them, they could do little harm. The king’s armies made steady progress. On 24 May the earl of Gloucester was empowered to bring the rebellious back to their fealty, and by 2 June the reconquest of Mechain, a region of Powys, had been completed. On that day Edward thanked a number of his captains for their service so far in West Wales, and transferred them to his main headquarters at Rhuddlan. Fresh orders went out for the levies of Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall to be at Carmarthen by 2 August, replacing those men sent to Rhuddlan.

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82  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 On 20 May the king had summoned the feudal host to join his forces at Rhuddlan on 2 August, the same day as the army of the West Country was due to arrive at Carmarthen. Edward had carefully planned out his campaign, and meant to hit the Welsh with a series of co-ordinated assaults. He also summoned the feudal host, unpaid troops who did military service as part of their obligation to the king. These men, some 500 lances, also mustered at Rhuddlan. By the end of May, Grey was ready to move again. In early June he advanced from Chester and retook Ellesemere Castle in Shropshire, then swung west and reconquered Maelor and Iâl by the middle of the month. On 16 June the king himself had arrived at Chester, while Grey marched on to retake the castle of Caergwrle near Hope. This was Dafydd’s stronghold, built with the king’s permission, and the last to be built in Wales by a native Welsh prince. Dafydd made no effort to defend it, and instead slighted the castle before withdrawing. Grey’s men found the well destroyed and blocked up, along with other damage. He quickly summoned a team of carpenters and labourers, who started the work of repair. Edward and his captains in North Wales and the March had made effective, if slow, progress over the course of three months. Meanwhile the earl of Gloucester was in charge of the English war effort in the south and west. The ‘red dog’, as Gilbert Clare was called after his shock of red hair and fiery temper, had apparently been placed in command after refusing to serve under Robert Tibetot. He and Edward were never close, but the king chose to give Clare the opportunity to prove himself.

The army of West Wales The majority of Clare’s infantry were Welsh, drawn from the Marches of Gower, Kidwelly, Llanstephan, and elsewhere, as well as his own lordship of Glamorgan. This continued the trend of previous campaigns, notably the high number of Welsh infantry at Cymerau in 1257 and among King Edward’s armies in 1277. Unfortunately we have very little information on weapons or equipment for Clare’s soldiers. A vivid contemporary account of Welsh soldiers on Edward I’s Flanders campaign in 1297 may serve just as well for Gloucester’s infantrymen:

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  83 Edward, king of England, came to Flanders. He brought with him many soldiers from the land of Wales, and also some from England. He came to Ghent … there you saw the peculiar habits of the Welsh. In the very depth of winter, they were running about bare legged. They wore a red robe. They could not have been warm. The money they received from the king was spent on milk and butter. They would eat and drink anywhere. I never saw them wearing armour. I studied them very closely, and walked among them to find out what defensive armour they carried when going into battle. Their weapons were bows, arrows and swords. They also had javelins. They wore linen clothing. They were great drinkers. Their camp was in the village of St Pierre. They endamaged the Flemings very much. Their pay was too small and so it came about that they took what did not belong to them.6 In early June 1282 the earl of Gloucester took this formidable force, over 8,000 horse and foot, deep into the hostile territory of Ystrad Tywi. Royal armies had come to grief in this region before, most notably at Cymerau in 1257. Perhaps some of Gloucester’s veteran Welsh spearmen had fought at that battle, and looked nervously about them as the army penetrated deeper into the wooded hills and valleys. King Edward had laid out a detailed set of instructions for Gloucester to follow. The first, dated 14 April, ordered the earl to deliver the castle of Llandovery to John Giffard as soon as it was retaken, so Giffard could strengthen it. On 24 May Gloucester was given power to receive any Welshmen of West or South Wales who wished to come into the peace. He was also empowered to conduct English settlers to Llanbadarn and to grant them lands. Edward liked his captains to jump to it, but Gloucester showed no great speed or enthusiasm. He most likely mustered his forces at Brecon and then marched westwards into the upper Tywi valley. On June 2 the order for the recapture of Llandovery was reissued, suggesting Edward had grown impatient at Clare’s lack of progress. As for Llanbadarn, the earl made little effort to carry out this task beyond fetching up a few artisans from Bristol and Gloucester. This order was carried out on Edward’s direct instruction, and the payment for lodgings arranged by Gloucester’s deputy, Robert Tibetot. Much of the expense for the royal

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84  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 war effort at this stage fell upon Tibetot, who did all the work of a chief of staff. Edward placed great faith in Tibetot, who along with the bishop of St David’s was appointed to supervise all payments of the king’s wages in West and South Wales. The deputy was also ordered to supervise all works in those parts. Edward may have regretted his decision to replace Tibetot with Gloucester as captain of the army in the west. Yet he had little choice. The earl was too proud to serve under a knight of inferior status, and the number of troops he could muster from his lordship of Glamorgan was vital to the campaign. At last Clare got into gear. Shortly after the renewal of the order regarding Llandovery, he gained possession of the castle. He also succeeded in reoccupying the castle of Carreg Cennen, a dramatic hilltop stronghold near Llandeilo. Llandovery had been held by Rhys Maelgwn and Carreg Cennen by Gruffudd and Llywelyn ap Rhys Fychan. In the days following Dafydd’s attack on Hawarden on Palm Sunday, he and his allies in the west had stormed these castles. Afterwards they most likely fired and abandoned them, leaving just the bare walls for Gloucester’s men to reoccupy. There is no hint that Clare met with any resistance. He placed a garrison of fifty men inside Carreg Cennen, along with a local priest, and made an effort to resupply and repair the castle. Perhaps Clare’s success in retaking these castles made him overconfident. As yet he had neither engaged the Welsh or despatched scouts to look for them. He would soon pay for his lack of caution. The Battle of Llandeilo Fawr, 16 June 1282 On 15 June Gloucester was encamped at Llandeusant, some four miles (as the crow flies) east of Llandeilo. Otherwise the movement of Gloucester’s army, and his intentions, are difficult to fathom. It may be that Clare had marched down the Tywi valley to secure Dinefwr, though again this is conjecture. He does appear to have split his force and sent off one column on a plundering expedition. Gloucester’s movements were being tracked by the Welsh. If he had kept his men together, all might have been well. His army was too large to be attacked in the open, so the Welsh waited patiently for a chance to spring an ambush. Clare duly obliged by dividing his forces. On 16 or 17 June, possibly while the earl himself was still at Llanddeusant,

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  85 the other division was ambushed in a wooded valley somewhere near Llandeilo Fawr. As so often, the chronicle accounts present a confusing picture. Even the date of the engagement is uncertain. The C text of the Annales Cambriae gives the date as 16 June, but Ms D states it was fought on 17.7 Bar the dating, the account of the battle in both texts is very brief: ‘William Valence Junior, the heir to Pembroke, was killed in Ystrad Tywi on 16 [17] June.’ William Valence was the eldest son and heir of his father William, earl of Pembroke. As such his death in battle was bound to be recorded. The English accounts are more comprehensive. Translations are supplied below, along with the names of chroniclers. The Annals of F. Nicholas Trivet (The Welsh defeated by the earl of Gloucester) Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, making great plunders of the Welsh with his army, once an opportunity had been given for fighting in the open next to Llandeilo, fought with the same men in a hard battle, in which many men on the side of the Welsh were killed, and Gilbert, himself, lost five knights; one of these was William de Valence the younger, kinsman of the king of England. After the departure of the Earl of Gloucester, the Prince of Wales invaded the lands of Cardigan and Stradewi, and devastated the lands of Rhys, son of Maredudd, who had stayed with the king against the prince in this war.8 The Annals of Oseney In this conflict there were slain the son of the lord William de Valence, nephew on his uncle’s side of the lord king, and the lord Richard de Argentine, and several others, with hardly any escaping by flight.9 The Chronicle of Thomas Wykes The king, once an army had been gathered, handing out retaliation upon Lewellin, prince of Wales, laid waste to his lands with very cruel pillaging. Indeed, on one of these days, some of the king’s men, coming forth from the army, giving out retaliation upon Lewellin, prince of Wales, and having withdrawn less wisely, were giving attention to taking

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86  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 plunders; and here were the Welsh breaking out from the hiding-places of the woods and the marshes, and they began to attack the English who were very few in comparison to the Welsh, in which conflict there were killed the son of lord William de Valence, uncle of the king, [and] lord Richard de Argentine. Hardly any men escaped by flight, but most were cruelly killed.10 The Chronicle of William of Rishanger During this time, Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester, making great plunders of the Welsh with his army next to Llandeilo, once an opportunity had been given for fighting in the open, fought with the same men in a hard battle, in which many men on the side of the Welsh were killed, and the earl, himself, lost five knights; one of these was William de Valence the younger, kinsman of the king of England. After the departure of the Earl of Gloucester, the Prince of Wales invaded the lands of Cardigan and Stratewy, and devastated the lands of Rhys son of Maredudd, who had stayed loyal to the king against the Prince in this war.’11 Annals of Chester In the same year William de Valence, son of William de Valence [earl of Pembroke], uncle of King Edward, was slain, and many others with him, in a certain narrow pass in South Wales.12 These differing chronicle accounts are hard to tally. Trivet claims the battle was a victory for the English, though admits Gloucester evacuated the region afterwards; odd behaviour for a victorious commander. Wykes implies Gloucester’s men were ambushed while plundering, while Trivet and Rishanger describe a full-scale battle in the open in which both sides suffered serious casualties. Oseney supplies little detail, though agrees with Wykes in naming Richard Argentine as one of the English knights slain in the battle. The Annals of Chester mentions a ‘certain narrow pass’ where Gloucester’s army was attacked, which sounds convincing. All accounts, English and Welsh, agree on the death of William Valence junior. Valence’s tomb was recorded at the Greyfriars church in Carmarthen in 1530.13 Trivet claims three other knights were killed, and Oseney several others, but none are named. Casualties among Gloucester’s Welsh infantry are unknown, save one potential reference. In December 1282 Reginald FitzPeter, lord of Talgarth on the March, was embroiled

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  87 in a dispute with one of his neighbours, Grimbald Pauncefoot. In his letter Fitz Peter refers back to Gloucester’s campaign in the summer and the flight of 300 Welsh infantry in royal service. This may have been a consequence of the battle at Llandeilo Fawr, the only major action known to have been fought at this time. Afterwards Fitz Peter five times attempted to raise the men of Crickhowell, but they refused due to fear of the imminent arrival of Dafydd ap Gruffudd, Rhys Fychan (Maelgwn), and even Prince Llywelyn himself. It seems Gloucester’s defeat had damaged morale among the local Welsh. Little is known of the Welsh army that mauled Gloucester’s host. They might have been led by any of the lords of Deheubarth in arms against the Crown. Given the location of the battle, possibly Rhys Wyndod and his brothers Gruffudd and Llywelyn, lords of Is Cennen adjacent to Llandeilo, were involved. The scale of Gloucester’s defeat at Llandeilo Fawr is difficult to judge. On balance the battle seems to have ended in a victory for Prince Llywelyn’s allies. Yet this wasn’t Cymerau all over again. The chroniclers describe both sides suffering heavy casualties, though this would have been small consolation for the English. To them the loss of five knights, including the heir to the earldom of Pembroke, was of far greater significance than the slaughter of Welsh infantrymen. The immediate consequences of the battle are also difficult to determine. Trivet and Rishanger claim Llywelyn descended upon the lands of Cardigan and Ystrad Tywi to ravage the lands of Rhys ap Maredudd. This would appear to be supported by a footnote to the payroll for the royal army: ‘Item, payment to 4 companions with 4 covered horses and 400 foot-soldiers, to conduct the said money from Neath to Swansea, 13s 4d. And know that they had all the foot-soldiers, and Lewelin was at all times with his army on the other side of the water.’14 Reports of Llywelyn’s presence in the south after the battle are unreliable. None of the Welsh chronicles mention an attack upon Rhys ap Maredudd at this time. The date of Llywelyn’s alleged presence between Neath and Swansea is not stated, and the payroll for the royal army contains no details that may reflect an attack led by the prince of Wales in June. Even Fitz Peter’s letter, dated December 1282, is uncertain if Llywelyn was in command of Welsh forces in the region. Troops were certainly raised after the Feast of St Peter de Vincula (22 July) to resist

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88  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 the prince, though this would seem to have been a false alarm, dated several weeks after Gloucester’s defeat. It may be significant that his wife Eleanor died on 19 June, barely a month previously, and this loss might have affected Llywelyn’s actions. It is evident from the Flint Pleas, however, that Llywelyn was secretly supplying Dafydd with materials for war in the spring of 1282, before the death of Eleanor. Overall, the chronicle accounts of Llywelyn’s raid on the lands of Rhys ap Maredudd are not adequately supported by other evidence. Possibly they were inspired by the false alarms of July. The most tangible result of the Battle of Llandeilo Fawr was the earl of Gloucester’s loss of command. On 6 July, at Flint, King Edward announced the appointment of William Valence the elder, earl of Pembroke, as the new captain of his army of West Wales. Gloucester’s dismissal comes as no surprise. Even before the battle, his performance had been lacking, and the defeat at Llandeilo Fawr was partially the result of his ineptitude. King Edward was not one to tolerate failure, especially from a man he disliked.

William Valence Clare’s replacement had a solid but unspectacular military record. He had served in the Baron’s War against Simon Montfort, and fought at the battles of Lewes and Evesham. In the war of 1277 he did all his military service in South Wales, and afterwards helped to supervise the building of Llanbadarn Castle. After the reverse at Llandeilo Fawr, King Edward may have seen him as a safe choice, a competent soldier and administrator who would not repeat the mistakes of his arrogant predecessor. Valence was a prudent appointment in other respects. He had his eldest son to avenge, and family ties with the native lords of Ystrad Tywi. His wife, Joan, was second cousin to Rhys ap Maredudd via Rhys’s mother, Isabella Marshal. Rhys had played no obvious role in the war so far, but would soon work effectively in tandem with Valence and the latter’s deputy, Robert Tibetot. Between 3 and 7 July a force was gathered at Cardigan for the purpose of attacking the lands of Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd. The timing of this action coincides with the appointment of Valence on 6 July as the new captain of the army of West Wales. He wished to signify his

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  89 attention to take the war to the enemy, and repair morale after the defeat at Llandeilo Fawr. Valence and Tibetot led the raid in person, at the head of over 600 Welsh infantry, and pillaged the lands of Gruffudd and Cynan over the course of five days. King Edward’s captains had little trouble raising Welsh levies in the west. This was largely thanks to Rhys ap Maredudd, who alone of the native lords of the region had remained loyal to the Crown. The men of Emlyn, Mabrudud, and Cethiniog were all drawn from his lands, while others came from the royal town and county of Cardigan and the lands of Roger Mortimer of West Wales. Roger was a kinsman of the powerful Mortimers of Wigmore and had lands at Newhouse, a manor owned by the bishop of St David’s in the west of the lordship of Narberth. In 1277 he had been granted lands in Iscoed in southern Ceredigion. He was one of the most active of Valence’s captains and frequently appears in command of small companies of horse and foot. Edward was perhaps fortunate to retain Rhys’s loyalty. After 1277 Rhys had been increasingly subordinated to royal government, harassed in court by John Giffard over the commote of Hirfryn and obliged to give up his claim to Dinefwr Castle. Perhaps Edward realised he was in danger of alienating Rhys, for in July 1281 he granted him the right to hold an annual fair at Dryslwyn. The Welshman still had plenty of causes for complaint, but by this stage there was no hope of a reconciliation with Prince Llywelyn. His decision to throw in his lot with the English in 1277 marked the final breach between the dynasties of Gwynedd and Deheubarth. Edward’s new strategy in West Wales was driven by the need to appease Rhys and make full use of his military resources. The obvious solution was to grant him the confiscated lands of his neighbours. Rhys was given the confiscated lands of his neighbours Gruffudd and Cynan, lords of much of Ceredigion below the River Aeron, and Rhys Fychan ap Rhys ap Maelgwn, lord of Uwch [upper] Aeron. Apart from the raid on Ceredigion, Crown forces were largely engaged in defensive measures from the end of June through July. Payments were made for soldiers from the parts of West Wales, staying in the defence of the lands of Cardigan from 29 June onward. Such precautions were in stark contrast to the negligence of Valence’s predecessor. There is no sign that Llywelyn’s allies were able to follow up their victory at Llandeilo

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90  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Fawr, and by the end of July the royal commanders were preparing for a new offensive in the west. From his headquarters at Rhuddlan, King Edward was closely involved, and on 27 July ordered the bishop of St David’s to cut passes through the woods of his bishopric. The same order went out to William Valence and Robert Tibetot, implying the passes were to be cut ahead of the army’s line of march.15 In early August, a few days after this order, Valence gathered his army at Carmarthen for an expedition in force. His army was initially small, mostly drawn from the south-western marches and the lands of Rhys ap Maredudd. The largest contingent was 600 footsoldiers drawn from Pain Chaworth’s lordship of Kidwelly and Carnwyllion. These men were under the command of a mixed force of English and Welsh constables. From Carmarthen the army moved northeast up the Tywi valley to Dinefwr, where more troops arrived. From Dinefwr the army continued its northeastly route and by 16 August had reached Llangadog. Along the way Rhys ap Maredudd’s soldiers were presented with a gift: Rees ap Mereduk Item, payment to the foot-soldiers of Rees ap Mereduk, as a gift, by lord W. de Valence, 40s, for their praiseworthy service done that day.16 Also listed is a payment to the Welsh of Iscennen, the commote next to Carreg Cennan, who came to the king’s peace and provided 61 soldiers for Valence’s army: Item, payment to Kediver ap Gogan, with 1 uncovered horse, for himself and 60 foot-soldiers from Is Cennen, who then came to the peace of the lord king, for the said 2 days, 21s.17 Iscennen is close to the location of the battle at Llandeilo Fawr: possibly the men of that commote who joined Valence’s army in August had fought against Gloucester in June. Valence remained at Llangadog until August 22, during which time further payments were made to his soldiers. These included a loan of 100 shillings made out to Rhys ap Maredudd.

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  91 The earl may have remained at Llangadog in the hope that the presence of his army might encourage the nearby Welsh communities of Perfedd and Hirfyn would also come into the peace. On 16 August the king empowered John Giffard of Brimpsfield to receive them. From Llangadog Pembroke swung north and marched to Lampeter, where he remained from 23–26 August.18 That army marched northeast up the Teifi valley to Tregaron, then northwest to Llan-Lledrod. Valence turned west and marched to the coast at Llanrhystud, where the only recorded instance of pillaging took place: in November 1284 a burgess of Llanrhystud was paid £2 compensation for damages to his property done by the earl’s men.19 A separate set of payments to troops at Llanrhystud included wages for the conveyance of £200 from Cardigan, and another £100 carried from Carmarthen. From Llanrhystud the army now marched north to Llanbadarn [Aberystwyth]. Here, some troops were discharged and the men of the commote of Anhuniog, north of Llanbadarn, came into the peace. Valence continued to employ scouts to search for the enemy. The expedition now turned homeward. Valence followed the coast road south to Llanarth, guided along the way by a number of Welshmen who acted as ‘leaders through the land.’ Rhys ap Maredudd received another loan for his soldiers, and the men of the commote of Anhuniog received further payments. Finally, on September 6, the army arrived at Cardigan, where the army was disbanded and several payments were made for men to stay and round up cattle.20 Valence has been criticised for failing to ‘engage the Welsh on any scale’, 21 but this assumes he was actively seeking battle. The key factor is the disappearance of the Welsh army that defeated the earl of Gloucester at Llandeilo Fawr in mid-June. In the immediate aftermath of the battle, Llywelyn’s allies in the district appear to have made no effort to attack royal castles or regain territory. Instead they were on the defensive, and would remain so for the rest of the war. In this context, Valence’s strategy must be seen in a fresh light. The intention of his march was not to bring the Welsh to battle, but pacify hostile districts and bring their inhabitants back to the king’s peace. The men of Is Cennen and Anhuniog not only submitted but then enlisted in Valence’s army. This was part of a wider royal strategy to isolate Welsh

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92  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 lords from the men who dwelled on their lands. This strategy has been condemned as ‘insidious’, 22 but the logic behind it is clear enough. Valence was also a cautious general who made every effort to avoid being snared in an ambush. As noted above, he cut pathways through the forests ahead of his army and only advanced in stages and in force, halting at each strongpoint to gather more troops. A notable feature of his expedition is his use of scouts and spies. Beyond the ‘praiseworthy service’ performed by the men of Rhys ap Maredudd on the march from Llangadog to Lampeter, and some pillaging at Llanrhystud, Valence’s roughly circular march appears to have met with no incident or opposition. Perhaps Llywelyn’s loyalists in the region lacked the strength to meet the earl in open battle. Even so, it is surely too much to say that ‘the power of the princes in Ystrad Tywi had been shattered.’23 Subsequent events showed that resistance to the Crown in West Wales was still very much alive, and had to be dealt with. In late September Valence’s deputy Robert Tibetot wrote to the Chancellor, informing him of a dramatic turn of events in the west: Robert Tibetot to Robert, Bishop of Bath and Wells. Announces that Philip Daubeney and the garrison of Cardigan recently took a great booty in Cardiganshire. And Rhys ap Maredudd found out by spies that Gruffudd ap Maredudd and Cynan his brother were at Trevilan. Therefore Patrick, Rhys and Tibetot took horse and marched thither at night, a distance of 24 leagues, so that when they arrived there, Gruffudd and Cynan escaped with great difficulty and stripped of everything. They then burned down the house and freed 18 prisoners who were taken during the sally which Philip made at Cardigan. They returned in safety, except for the loss of some horses, and took more than 3,000 head of cattle as booty. Requests that the news be reported to the king when the bishop sees him. Requests that the bishop will send him by the bearer of this letter the horse which he has often asked for, and Robert will send the money.24 Trevilan or Trefilan, described as a house by Tibetot, was in fact a wooden castle of the motte and bailey type, roughly midway between Llanrhystud and Lampeter. Described as a ‘strong castle mound that can

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  93 be associated with a princely house’, 25 it was evidently being used as a base by Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd. Surprised by the swift night march of Tibetot and his allies, the brothers were forced to flee. Their stronghold was destroyed. The combined efforts of Pembroke and Tibetot seem to have been effective, at least in the short term. No further action in West Wales is reported until November, whilst all the high drama was occurring in the north.

Advance into Gwynedd King Edward was stationed at Rhuddlan, where he had been preparing his invasion of Llywelyn’s heartlands since early July. For that purpose he summoned hundreds of woodcutters from parts of England, as well as reinforcements for his army from Lancashire. The build-up of troops continued into August. Thousands of infantry poured into Rhuddlan from the northern counties and the Welsh marches, until Edward was finally ready to move at the end of the month. On the 28 he took some 450 cavalry and over 10,000 infantry from Rhuddlan down the River Clwyd to Ruthin, where they were joined by Reynold Grey and his army of Chester. Edward’s aim was to crush resistance in the Perfeddwlad and retake the castles defending the western approaches to Snowdonia. The castle at Ruthin was placed under siege, where Edward left Grey in charge while he led a foray into Llangerniew. The Welsh tried to divert Edward’s advance by launching a second attack on Oswestry. This was led by Dafydd ap Gruffudd ap Owain, lord of Hendwr, at the head of the men of Edeirnion, Hope, Penllyn, Dinmsael, Iâl, Dudleston, and St Martin. Their furious assault totally destroyed the town, which was probably ill-defended, to the value of over £2,500. Edward was not to be distracted. Ruthin fell to his army in midSeptember, and by early October he was back at Rhuddlan. Another army was in operation under Earl Warenne, who marched up the River Dee and took Castell Dinas Bran before 7 October. A few days later, before 16 October, the castle of Denbigh also fell. On that day the king granted the cantrefs of Rhos and Rhufoniog to Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln, who set about converting Denbigh and its surrounds into one vast private estate.

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94  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The king repeated his strategy of the previous war and gathered a fleet to capture Anglesey. In July forty ships were summoned from the Cinque Ports of Hythe, Sandwich, Romney, Hastings, and Dover. These were manned by several hundred marines, crossbowmen, and archers. Romney and Winchelsea also sent two great galleys, a new kind of ship in English warfare. Luke Tany, a former seneschal of Gascony, was put in charge of this operation. Towards the end of August he shipped over a large division of men, some 2,000 infantry and 200 horse, to secure a bridgehead on the island. The raw materials for a great bridge were being assembled at Rhuddlan; timber, iron, nails, boats, etc. These were shipped over to the base at Anglesey, which was defended by the fleet as well as a thousand archers and a dozen crossbowmen. The Welsh could do nothing to dislodge them, and by the end of September the bridge over the Menai Strait was almost complete. It consisted of a series of linked boats with a decking of poles and flat sections wide enough to allow soldiers to cross over in column. When the king gave the order, his men on Anglesey could cross onto the mainland from the east while he attacked from the west. The king’s forces had overrun Anglesey and the Perfeddwlad, just as they did in 1277, but at a heavy price. On 27 October Edward noted the military cemetery at Rhuddlan was full to overflowing, probably as a result of the constant flow of dead and wounded coming back from the front. Methodical as ever, he gave orders for a new cemetery next to the hospital, and prepared for the next stage of his great advance. At the end of the month nine spies were sent into Snowdonia to watch the movements of Llywelyn and Dafydd. At this point, with Edward poised to drive into the heart of Snowdonia, there was a pause in hostilities. John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, persuaded the king to let him travel into the mountains to open talks with Llywelyn, and see if the conflict could be ended by peaceful means.

Peckham’s peace mission Peckham left Rhuddlan and undertook the risky journey into Snowdonia at the start of November. The archbishop was an unattractive character, a brilliant scholar who twice bested Thomas Aquinas in debate at the University of Paris, but also a bigot even by medieval standards. He

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  95 regarded the Welsh as uncivilised and backward and Jews as subhuman: he once described the latter as ‘dogs returning to their vomit.’ Yet Peckham was genuinely concerned with peace in late 1282, and did all he could to stop the war between King Edward and Prince Llywelyn. He met Llywelyn near Aberconwy and the record of their talks was entered into the archbishop’s register, which still survives.26 The notes in the register consist of seventeen ‘articles’, essentially a record of the dialogue between Peckham and Llywelyn. From these it appears that Peckham chose to lecture the prince, threatening him that King Edward’s power grew stronger by the day. Further, Edward was uniting the priesthood and nation of England against the rebels in Wales, and Llywelyn would soon be crushed unless he offered the king his unconditional surrender. Llywelyn responded that he and his men were quite willing, indeed eager, to live in peace under the king of England. This could only happen if the rights and laws of the Welsh were respected. If that happened, then the Welsh were ready to obey him in all things. Based on the king’s past conduct, he was not willing to respect Welsh customs, therefore peace was impossible. The contradiction in Llywelyn’s argument, that he could not be willing to obey the king in all things if some things were exempt, seems to have been lost on both parties. The prince went on to list the atrocities allegedly committed by the English in Wales. This included the destruction of churches, hospitals and other religious buildings, the murder and imprisonment of priests, murders committed in cemeteries, churches and even before high altars. How, Llywelyn remarked, would the pope react when he heard of the doings of Englishmen against the Welsh? The prince added he was ready to place himself under the king’s will, but only under certain conditions: that he ‘may represent and defend his people, saving also what is fitting for his station.’ Peckham went back to Rhuddlan with Llywelyn’s counter proposals for peace and the dossier of complaints against English rule submitted by the other lords of Wales. He approached the king and begged him to consider the grievances of the Welsh and perhaps excuse their transgressions. Edward answered that the Welsh had no excuse for making injuries upon him, since he was always prepared to do justice to anyone who asked for it. He angrily declared that he wished to have no more discussion of

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96  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 peace, unless the prince and his followers agreed to surrender without condition. Peckham pleaded a second time, that he allow the Welsh to explain their grievances and offer remedies, and for them to be freely allowed to come and go from the king. At this Edward relented a little and answered they could freely come to him, but return only following justice if that was deserved. With Edward’s permission, the archbishop drew up a new set of proposals in consultation with the nobles at court. In effect, the king had washed his hands of the matter, but was willing to let Peckham have one more try. Peckham drew up three letters. One was an open letter to Llywelyn’s council, the other two were private letters for Llywelyn and Dafydd. They were entrusted to a Franciscan priest named Brother John Wallace, otherwise called John of Wales, who carried them into Snowdonia. Before the letters could reach the prince’s court, disaster struck Edward’s forces on Anglesey.

The Bridge of Boats On St Leonard’s Day, 6 November 1282, the English cavalry and infantry stationed on Anglesey launched an attack upon the mainland of Gwynedd via the bridge of boats. They did so without without waiting for permission from the king, who was still not ready to order the crossing. The English commanders had several potential motives. On 14 October Luke Tany had been replaced as constable of Anglesey by the earl of Hereford. His replacement is not known to have gone to Anglesey, which meant Tany was still in effective command. Even so, he may have resented the demotion, and wished to prove himself. Alternatively, he may have been aware of the peace talks between Llywelyn and Peckham, and hoped to catch the Welsh off-guard. One of his knights, Roger Clifford junior, was said to have wished to rescue his father from captivity: Clifford senior had been held prisoner in Snowdonia since his capture at Hawarden on Palm Sunday.27 Whatever the reasons, the doomed assault went ahead. Traditionally it has been remembered as the Battle of Moel-y-don, a narrow crossing point on the Menai Strait, where for centuries there was a ferry to the mainland. Agricola, the ancient Roman general, was said to have crossed

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  97 the strait by a bridge of boats at the same spot when he invaded Anglesey. The surviving account rolls refer to ‘the bridge near Bangor’, and the earliest reference to Moel-y-don is in the Historie of Cambria (1584) by David Powel.28 Overall, it is more likely that the assault took place either at Bangor or further north. The fullest account of the battle is supplied by Walter of Guisborough: While the king was still at Conway, and had not yet made arrangements for crossing the bridge of boats, which was not as yet strong enough or quite finished, some of our army, about seven bannerets and 300 men-at-arms, to acquire glory and reputation, crossed at low water. When they [the English] had reached the foot of the mountain and, after a time, came to a place at some distance from the bridge, the tide came in with a great flow, so that they were unable to get back to the bridge for the depth of the water. The Welsh came from the high mountains and attacked them, and in fear and trepidation, for the great number of the enemy, our men preferred to face the sea than the enemy. They went into the sea but, heavily laden with arms, they were instantly drowned.29 It seems the English were ambushed as they crossed the bridge, and driven back when the water was at high tide. The bridge of boats, unable to sustain the weight of stampeding horses and men, collapsed under them. Sixteen knights were drowned, as many esquires and about 300 footsoldiers. Among the knights were Tany himself, Roger Clifford junior and two nephews of Robert Burnell, bishop of Bath and Wells. Another casualty was Hywel ap Gruffudd, who had defected to King Edward back in 1277. According to a Welsh chronicle, Hywel had been placed in charge of the English fleet on Anglesey: And [King Edward of England] sent a fleet of ships to Anglesey, with Hywel ap Gruffudd ab Ednyfed as leader at their head, and they gained possession of Anglesey. And they desired to gain possession of Arfon and then was made the bridge over the Menai; but the bridge broke under an excessive load, and countless numbers of the English were drowned, and others were slain. And then was effected the betrayal of Llywelyn in the belfry of Bangor by his own men.30

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98  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The only good news for King Edward was the survival of his friend, the Savoyard knight Othon Grandson, who managed to swim his horse to shore. Another who did the same was William Latimer, a knight of Yorkshire. This was small comfort. The Bridge of Boats was the gravest disaster for English arms until Stirling Bridge, fifteen years later. Edward would doubtless have avenged himself on Tany, if the man had lived. Nothing is known of the leaders of the Welsh army. Llywelyn and Dafydd were with the prince’s council at Garth Celyn, and the English may have been attacked by Welsh troops patrolling the coast of Gwynedd. Garth Celyn, just 6 miles from Bangor, was traditionally the main court or llys of the princes of Gwynedd. Therefore it is possible that either Llywelyn or Dafydd (or both) headed the ambush on the Menai Strait. Othon took over as acting constable of the Anglesey garrison. Their morale must have been shaken by the defeat, but the English remained in possession of the island. More significantly, the battle completely destroyed any hope of a peaceful end to the war.

Rejection of terms Peckham’s letters to Llywelyn were probably despatched on 7 or 8 October, a day or two after the Welsh victory. Brother John Wallace brought them to the prince and his council at Garth Celyn, where the defeat of Tany’s invasion had lifted spirits. This much is implied in the defiant response to Peckham’s offers. The first letter was to be read to Llywelyn in council and consisted of three points. First, the Perfeddwlad and the Isle of Anglesey had been conquered by the king and many of these lands already granted to his barons. Thus they would never be returned to Llywelyn, and could not be part of any treaty. Second, the tenants of the Perfeddwlad would be treated mercifully if they surrendered. Third, Llywelyn ought to submit himself voluntarily to the king as the nobles of the English court believed he would be mercifully dealt with. Brother Wallace then delivered the private terms, one to Llywelyn and one to Dafydd. In exchange for Llywelyn’s submission, the barons offered to ask the king to provide him with land in England to the value of £1,000 per annum and some ‘honourable earldom’ somewhere in England. Llywelyn would place the king in absolute and perpetual possession of

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  99 Snowdonia, while the king would provide honourably for his daughter. If Llywelyn had a legal male heir the earldom and land worth £1,000 would pass to him. Lastly, the king would provide for Llywelyn’s people, according to their estates and position. It should be remembered that Edward himself played no part in drawing up these offers. As they admitted in the document, the barons could not guarantee that he would agree to any of them. The best they could do was ‘hope to persuade the king’ and trust that he was ‘well enough inclined.’ The offer made to Dafydd was even more extraordinary. It was demanded he should take the cross and go to the Holy Land, never to return unless recalled by the king. While abroad he would be sustained by royal funds and his children provided for. This was followed by a repeat of the threat that the king’s power was growing, followed by an ominous statement from Peckham: although these things may sound grievous, far worse would follow if Dafydd did not submit. Llywelyn and his brother, Peckham warned, would always be in a state of war: ‘the body surviving, but the mind anguished, always maligned in treachery and rancour, and continually living with this and so dying in grievous sin.’ The brothers rejected the terms outright. Llywelyn and his council would have no peace, they declared, unless the king agreed to enter into negotiation over the Perfeddwlad. This land had been held by Llywelyn’s ancestors since the days of Camber ap Brutus, the legendary first king of Cambria (Wales) and a descendant of the ancient Trojans. The prince refused to disinherit himself and deprive his heirs of the right to hold that land. Nor did he trust the offer of land in England. If he was to accept such an offer, in a country where he was ignorant of the law and customs, he would soon find himself trapped and disinherited there as well. Dafydd, for his part, refused to go to the Holy Land since forced service ‘is displeasing to God.’ If he ever did choose to go on crusade, it would be of his own free will. He then repeated his brother’s accusations of the atrocities committed by the English in Wales, and expressed his amazement at being advised to abandon his own land and property. At the end he remarked that many in the English kingdom had offended King Edward in the past, yet none had been disinherited. Therefore the king should extend the same mercy to the Welsh, and let them make amends instead of disinheriting them.

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100  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Brother Wallace carried these responses to Peckham at Rhuddlan. Any hope for peace had evaporated when news of the Bridge of Boats reached the king, and Peckham composed his response amid the bustle of military activity. On 8 November, two days after the battle, Edward issued fresh orders concerning supplies brought to the royal army at Rhuddlan. On the 12th, the day after Llywelyn rejected Peckham’s offers, Edward ordered the barons of the West Country to reinforce William Valence at Carmarthen. This included a warning to the sheriffs of Somerset and Devon not to take bribes to excuse strong and powerful men for service as opposed to the old and weak. As ever, there were those who viewed the war as an opportunity for profit. Peckham’s final response to Llywelyn was again conveyed to the prince by Brother Wallace. In his preamble the archbishop expressed his wish to bring Llywelyn and his allies back into the fold. He would, if they allowed him, ‘make a bridge of our body to lead you back to the shores of health.’ In context this looks like a reference to the battle on the Menai Straits, implying Peckham had a very dark sense of humour. His real intention was to demolish Llywelyn’s arguments. The prince claimed to hold the Perfeddwlad because his ancestor, Brutus, had conquered England from a race of giants. Therefore by what right could the Welsh claim Wales other than by conquest, and who conquers might not themselves be conquered? He also stated that the disregard shown by the Welsh for legitimate marriage, in that the law of Hywel Dda spurned the gospels and gave equal rights to the mistress as well as the wife, promoted illegitimacy, and incest. Therefore the archbishop concluded that the Welsh claim to hold their land, based as it was on adultery, idolatry and usurpation, were invalid. This was strong stuff, and it got worse. Peckham responded directly to Llywelyn’s accusations of English atrocities in Wales and that the king had never kept his pacts with the Welsh. These charges were false and Llywelyn himself had: ‘usurped the law in your own cause, and via every sentence, while attempting to avert evil, you infringe peace, you butcher innocents, you cause fires, and through your men you devastate the king’s garrisons.’ Since the prince and his supporters had committed an offence against the king’s majesty, namely rebellion, they had no choice but to beg for his mercy. As for the law of Hywel Dda, Peckham added with a flourish

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As Judas Betrayed the Lord  101 of contempt, this could be dismissed as the authority for it came straight from the devil! The fuming archbishop only conceded ground on one point. Llywelyn claimed that the English ravaged churches and other religious buildings in Wales. Peckham said he would urge the king to repair the churches at his own cost when the war was over: if he did this earlier they might again be destroyed by brigands. This promise was kept two years later, when Edward authorised repairs to Welsh churches on an extensive scale.31 Finally, Peckham attacked Llywelyn’s refusal to receive an English earldom. The prince said that he feared his lands in England would be snatched away, yet in the same breath admitted that the king had not disinherited those who had been hostile to him in England. Peckham was in error here. It was actually Dafydd, in his response to the demand that he go to the Holy Land, who made the admission that Edward had not disinherited any of his subjects in England. Such niceties counted for little in the highly charged atmosphere of winter 1282. The offer made by the English barons to Llywelyn was really an upgrade of the same offer he had made to his youngest brother Rhodri, when he bought him off with money to buy lands in England. Peckham failed to mention this, though it might have lent greater force to his argument. Peckham ended his diatribe with accusing the Welsh of lethargy and wantonness, and refusing to make best use of the gracious gifts of God. This reflected the archbishop’s personal view of the Welsh, which he expressed on several other occasions. Two years later he wrote to the king and advised him to command the Welsh to live in towns, since this was the only way to reform their ‘savage and malicious’ ways. He also advised Edward to evacuate Welsh children to England, where they could be taught proper learning and manners. Whatever his own opinion of the Welsh, the king was not fool enough to act on these extreme suggestions. For all his condemnation, Peckham did not totally close himself off from Llywelyn. He concluded by saying he would ‘never deny to you our bosom, nor shall we deny suitable help.’ The archbishop was apparently sincere, for he never excommunicated Llywelyn by name. This was in contrast to the previous conflict, when Llywelyn was specifically excommunicated on 10 February 1277. The sentence was only lifted after the treaty of Aberconwy and the raising of the interdict on the prince’s lands. Peckham left a priest, Adam Nannau, at Llywelyn’s court after the

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102  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 peace talks were over. Adam’s possible role in subsequent events shall be discussed later. The same consideration was not extended to Dafydd. His decision to rise against the English on Palm Sunday, a holy day, inevitably drew the censure of the church. Peckham had ordered his excommunication earlier in the year, but for some reason it had been neglected. On 5 December, at Stretton Sugwas in Herefordshire, Peckham performed the rite of excommunication himself. The terms of this ferocious judgement are worth quoting: Wherefore in the name of God the All-powerful, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, of the Blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and of all the saints, in virtue of the power which has been given us of binding and loosing in Heaven and on earth, we deprive him and all his accomplices and all his abettors of the Communion of the Body and Blood of Our Lord, we separate him from the society of all Christians, we exclude him from the bosom of our Holy Mother the Church in Heaven and on earth, we declare him excommunicated and anathematized and we judge him condemned to eternal fire with Satan and his angels and all the reprobate, so long as he will not burst the fetters of the demon, do penance and satisfy the Church; we deliver him to Satan to mortify his body, that his soul may be saved on the day of judgment.32 Dafydd and his followers were thus put outside the protection of Holy Mother Church. They were ‘anathema’, condemned to hellfire until the day of judgement or until the sentence was lifted. As such any Christian could kill them out of hand without fear of punishment. Events now drew to their fatal conclusion. Llywelyn had issued a statement of outright defiance. Edward, no less stubborn in his pride, was set upon a winter war. He would break the Welsh, come what may.

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A roll of payments to Welsh infantry sent to defend the northern counties of England over the winter of 1297/8, after William Wallace’s victory over the English at Stirling Bridge.

A view from the walls of Edward I’s showpiece castle of Caernarfon, looking west towards the mountains of Snowdonia.

An interior view of Caernarfon, looking towards the Eagle Tower.

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Another interior view of Caernarfon, with Snowdonia as the backdrop.

The 11th century Norman keep at Cardiff Castle, attacked by the Welsh during the war of Madog ap Llywelyn in 1294-5.

A view of Carreg Cennen, close to the defeat of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, at Llandeilo Fawr in the summer of 1282.

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The gatehouse of Chirk Castle, one of the chief strongholds of the Mortimers of Wigmore, killers of Prince Llywelyn ap Gruffudd.

A view of the towers and inner ward of Conwy Castle.

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A diorama of the head of Edward I at Conwy.

The Penmachno Document, a charter issued in the winter of 1294 by Madog ap Llywelyn, self-styled Prince of Wales and lord of Snowdon.

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A hilltop view of the Tywi valley from Dryslwyn Castle, stronghold of the ill-fated Rhys ap Maredudd, executed in 1292. (Public domain)

The preamble to the Statute of Wales, issued at Rhuddlan in 1284.

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A petition from the lords and freemen of Gower in south Wales, asking to have the common law of England in place of the native law of Cyfraith Hywel.

The ruins of Emlyn castle in West Wales, briefly captured by Rhys ap Maredudd in 1287.

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The imposing gatehouse of Kidwelly Castle, seat of the Chaworth family.

A letter from Edward I to his cousin, Philip III of France, in 1276. Here the king states that he cannot provide Philip with assistance due to distractions in Wales and Ireland.

A report from Roger Mortimer to Edward I in 1277, informing the king that the brothers Rhys and Hywel ap Gruffudd are ready to desert Prince Llywelyn and join the royal army.

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A letter from John Peckham, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Bishop of Bath and Wells informing him of the death of Prince Llywelyn in December 1282.

A brief note from Count Amadeus of Savoy, referring to the ‘time of the siege of Rhuddlan’ at the onset of the war of 1282–3.

The road to Wigmore Castle in Shropshire, seat of the notorious Mortimers.

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Chapter 9

At the Death

O

n 24 November 1282, at Rhuddlan, Edward issued his clarion call. He proposed, by the advice of his magnates and the entire community of the realm:

to put an end finally to the matter that he has now commenced of putting down the malice of the Welsh, as Llywelyn son of Griffith and other Welshmen, his accomplices, have so many times disturbed the peace of the realm in the king’s time and in the times of his progenitors, and they persist in their resumed rebellion, and the king concieves it to be more convenient and suitable that he and the inhabitants of his realm should be burdened upon this occasion with labours and expenses in order to put down wholly their malice for the common good, though the burden may seem to be hard, rather than that they should be tormented hereafter by such disturbances as the present at the will of the Welsh, as has happened notoriously in his time and in the times of his progenitors.1

Hostilities had already resumed in West Wales. William Valence had stamped upon Llywelyn’s allies there in September, but some of them were still in arms. Between 17–19 November Valence mustered forces from Kidwelly at Cardigan, to overrun the lands of Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd in Ceredigion. Gruffudd and Cynan had been repeatedly attacked in July and August, and they now offered fresh resistance. The smaller scale of the November raid, with just 460 footsoldiers of Kidwelly despatched under four constables, implies the brothers were less of a threat than before. Valence remained cautious, and from late November to early December had twelve Welsh spies in the field, ‘to scout upon the lord king’s enemies in the county of Cardigan.’ From 1 December he sent another nine scouts to perform the same task. The ultra-prudent earl even

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104  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 paid a man to guard the gate at Cardigan, so the Welsh could not take supplies from the town. The main event was in the north. On 6 December Edward summoned reinforcements to wage his winter campaign: hundreds of infantry from counties in England and the March, even troops from Scotland. Richard Bruce, uncle of the future victor of Bannockburn, was in Reynold Grey’s command at Denbigh with thirty crossbowmen and fifteen archers. By now the earl of Hereford had gone to Anglesey to take over command of operations there. He had sixty carpenters at work, repairing the damaged bridge of boats. When the time was right, the English would make a second attempt to cross to the mainland. In early December the king’s elite troops started to arrive. These were professional soldiers raised in his duchy of Gascony in southwest France. They were not mercenaries in the modern sense, but men who owed Edward military service in his capacity as Duke of Gascony, just as his subjects in England owed him service as king of England. The Gascons were the best fighting men Edward could call upon, reflected in their pay and equipment. The infantry, all crossbowmen, were on 3d (pence) a day, while the average daily wage for English and Welsh infantrymen was 1 or 2d. As for the mounted crossbowmen, these were specialist troops paid the extraordinary wage of 18d per day, the same as Gascon nobles and six times that of the infantry. In all, some 210 mounted knights and 1,430 foot crossbowmen were shipped over from Gascony. The task of these medieval special forces was to perform a quick surgical strike; drive into Gwynedd and destroy all effective resistance, while Edward mustered thousands of English and Welsh infantry to march in and sweep up the remains. Llywelyn now faced the grim prospect of Edward’s winter offensive. Peckham’s earlier threat had come to pass. The king’s power was indeed growing by the day, and would crush the prince unless he moved first. There is some evidence he tried to retake Anglesey, perhaps hoping to take advantage of the Welsh victory on 6 November. In December the garrison on the island used up a great deal of ammunition, and fresh quantities were shipped over from Rhuddlan along with other supplies. This suggests military action, though the Welsh were unable to dislodge them.

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At the Death  105 The prince’s situation was bleak. He had lost Anglesey and the Perfeddwlad, and Edward’s fleet controlled the seas. The royal army at Rhuddlan grew ever stronger, as all the resources of Edward’s realm were pumped into the task of defeating Llywelyn. Yet a few of his allies remained defiant elsewhere: Rhys Maelgwn, Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd in Ceredigion, Rhys Wyndod in Deheubarth. These men were outnumbered and could achieve little on their own, but could serve to distract the king’s forces if Llywelyn made a sudden break from Gwynedd. The alternative was to stay in his mountains and wait for the end. Llywelyn was not one to meekly accept his fate. In late November he left Dafydd in charge of the defence of Gwynedd, and set out with the flower of his army to the Middle March.

Cilmeri The prince hoped to take advantage of confusion that had arisen in the March resulting from the death of his cousin, enemy and sometime ally, Roger Mortimer. After a lifetime at war, the old soldier died on 27 October 1282 at Kingsland in Herefordshire, aged about 50. He took a great many secrets with him to the grave. Roger’s behaviour in the months leading up to his death raises all sorts of questions. Once more, as in the previous conflict, the king had appointed him commander of the royal army at Montgomery. On this occasion, however, he did not move against the Welsh ‘with the strong hand’ as he had done before. Instead he seems to have done very little in the early stages of the war. This could be explained by his poor state of health, even though little is known of his cause of death. Roger was laid to rest in Wigmore Abbey, probably before the high altar with his ancestors. The monks of Wigmore composed his epitaph: Here is the tomb, of he who remained in glory Roger of the world, the second of Mortimer He who was beloved and called lord of Wigmore While he lived, all Wales feared him And to him all Wales brought gifts He knew campaigns, and was always ascendant in the tournament 2

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106  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 As we have seen, in 1281 Roger entered into a pact of mutual aid with Prince Llywelyn at Radnor. When war broke out in the spring of 1282, Mortimer was duty-bound to ignore that treaty and serve his king against the Welsh. But did he? On 15 October, just twelve days before Roger died, the king sent out an order forbidding the sale of contraband items to his Welsh enemies. He had done so at the start of the war, and now found it necessary to repeat the instruction. This order went out to the king’s bailiffs of Montgomery, Roger Mortimer and his bailiff of Lamyveyr [Llanfair yn Buelt or Builth], Mortimer’s bailiffs of Knighton, Radnor ,and Clun, Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn and his bailiff of Pole, the keeper of the bishopric of Hereford and his bailiffs at Bishopscastle.3 It seems Roger and Gruffudd, among others, were suspected of trading with the enemy. This suspicion was reinforced in November by Roger Lestrange, who replaced Mortimer as captain of the army of Montgomery. Sometime in November, probably toward the end of the month, he sent a report on the state of the March to King Edward: To his most noble lord Edward, by the grace of god king of England, lord of Ireland and duke of Guyenne, Roger le Estraunge, if it pleases, sends greetings, honour and reverence to his dear lord. Know, Sire, that I have revisited our marches in our parts completely from place to place, and that which I have found, according to my understanding of the counsel of your wise men, I have addressed to the best of my knowledge and actions, from day to day, as God should guide me, as well as I can. Regarding that matter, sire, that you ordered me by your letter that I should ride against your enemies, know, sire, that your enemies in our parts are beyond ‘Berwyn’ and beyond ‘Morugge’, which mountains are so marshy and broken that no army may safely pass without placing your people in great peril, which you have forbidden me [to do]. However, whatever can be done to damage them, I shall take pains to do. Yet know, sire, that the gravest damage that anyone can do to them from this time onwards is to guard the March well, so that neither livestock nor foodstuff may pass to them, the keeping of which I have ordained, to the best I know. But it is necessary, if it please you, that you direct the Earl of Warenne that he take care at Bromfield that no victuals

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At the Death  107 enter the land without anyone knowing, and that you should order Sir Roger de Mortimer the son that he guard well the land which you have given him, so that no victuals shall pass. And you should order the same, if it pleases you, to my lady of Mortimer and to Sir Edmund, her son, and to the bailiff of Builth and Brecon. On the night that this letter was made, news came to me that Llewellyn has descended into the land of Sir Griffin, and for that reason I shall go there. May god give you a long and good life.4 Several things can be gleaned from this. Edward was clearly determined not to repeat the mistakes of his ancestor, Henry II, and had ordered his captains not to enter the Berwyn mountains. In spite of the king’s instruction in October, there was still a problem with supplies getting through to the Welsh. Specifically, they were passing through the lands of Bromfield and those of Roger Mortimer the younger, the late Roger senior’s second son. Llywelyn had marched down from Gwynedd into the lands of ‘Sir Griffin’, which could be either Gruffudd Fychan, a lord of Powys Fadog, or Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn. Either way, Llywelyn’s route to the middle march was through Powys. Lestrange finished his report by stating he would go there to intercept the Welsh prince. On 10 December Llywelyn’s army came to Abbey Cwmhir in midWales, a few miles north of ‘the land of Buellt’ (Builth Wells). Today Llywelyn’s monument, erected in 1956, stands at a place called Cilmeri, two and a half miles west of Builth Wells. Cilmeri was originally the name of a nearby estate, but with the coming of the railway it came to be applied to the train station and the village. The place traditionally linked with Llywelyn’s death was called Cefn-y-bedd (the ridge of the grave) which gave rise to the notion that the prince’s body was buried there. However, the name Cefn-y-Bedd occurs in a document dated 1277.5 Thus the name had nothing to do with Llywelyn’s death. This is all so much detail: Cilmeri is the site of his memorial and established in the broader awareness of the events of December 1282, and likely to remain so. What happened after his arrival in the area can be pieced together from the earliest primary sources. The only definite eyewitness account is that of Roger Lestrange, who sent his master the following note on the day Llywelyn’s army was destroyed:

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108  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 To his very noble Lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine. Roger Lestrange, if it pleases you with greetings, honours and reverences. Know sire that the loyal men which you assigned to me from your attendants have given battle to Llywelyn ap Gruffudd in the land of Buellt on the next Friday after the feast of St Nicholas; Llywelyn ap Gruffudd was killed there and his men discomforted and all the flower of his men killed as the bearer of this letter will tell you. Also give him credence as if you were speaking with me. As noted already, Lestrange was the late Roger Mortimer’s replacement as the captain of the army of Montgomery. Thus the attendants he refers to were probably the men King Edward had assigned to his overall command, including the Mortimer brothers. Otherwise there is not much to be gleaned from Lestrange’s message, beyond the salient facts that Llywelyn was dead and the best of his men killed. This was probably written in haste in the immediate aftermath of the slaughter, as Lestrange wished the king to be informed as soon as possible. The second earliest record of the prince’s death is contained in Archbishop Peckham’s register: However Prince Llywelyn of Wales, having spurned all the offers and forms of peace directed to him, and having hostilely invaded the land of the lord king of England, destroying it by fire and plunder and indeed the men of those lands he drew to himself and alienated them from the good peace of the king. Nevertheless it was the prince who within a month died a disgraceful death, the first of his army killed through the household of the Lord Edmund Mortimer, the son of the Lord Roger Mortimer, and all his army were either killed or swept away in flight, in the parts of Montgomery the Friday nearest before the Feast of St Lucy, that is the third ides of December during the year our Lord 1282, tenth indiction, the Dominical letter  D concurrent.6 Edmund Mortimer was the late Roger’s eldest son. Peckham’s register is arranged in chronological order and the above was probably written on or shortly after 12 December. The date given for Llywelyn’s death and

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At the Death  109 the destruction of his army (the third ides of December) is 11 December. Peckham was in Herefordshire at this time, where he formally excommunicated Prince Dafydd sometime between 5–10 December. On the 10 he was at Hereford, where he ordered at the king’s command a meeting of English bishops at Northampton in mid-January to oppose Llywelyn ap Gruffudd and his accomplices. The next day he wrote to Brother Adam of Nannau, whom he had left behind in Gwynedd after the failure of the peace talks with Llywelyn, ordering him to return as soon as he could. From all this it would seem Peckham was not complicit in the death of Llywelyn. If he was aware of any plot to ambush the prince on 11 December, he would scarcely have summoned the bishops for the meeting in January. The most detailed near-contemporary account of Llywelyn’s death is provided by a chronicle of Peterborough Abbey: On the Friday before 13 December [11 December] in the tenth year of the reign of King Edward, Prince Llywelyn came into the land that had belonged to Roger Mortimer, into that ancestral land called Gwrtherynion, which lay between some abbey of the Cistercian order which is named Cwmhir and some town called Llanfair Ym Muallt [Builth], with 160 cavalry and 7,000 foot soldiers to take the homage of the men who had belonged to the aforementioned Roger Mortimer. And they came up against the garrisons of Montgomery and Oswestry, evidently, Lord Roger Lestrange having been appointed captain by the king, Lord John Giffard, the three sons of Lord Roger Mortimer, the two sons of Lord Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, Lord John Lestrange, Lord Peter Corbet, Lord Reginald Fitz Peter, Lord Ralph Basset of Drayton, Lord Simon Basset of Sapecote, Lord Andrew Astley and all the power of the Marches of Wales. In a pre-arranged place they met with Llywelyn and his confederates about the hour of Vespers, and they despoiled him and all his army, thus he was slain in the same place, and his head was cut off and brought to the king at Rhuddlan, and from there it was sent to London where it was placed on top of the Tower. Furthermore, not one of the prince’s cavalry escaped death, but they were killed with 3,000 of the foot and also the three magnates of

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110  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 his land who died with him; namely ‘Almafan’, who was lord of Llanbadarn Fawr, Rhys ap Gruffudd, who was seneschal of all the land of the prince, and thirdly, it is thought, Llywelyn Fychan, who was lord of Bromfield: of the English, truly it is said, none in that place were killed or wounded. This extraordinary account was probably drawn from first-hand information. Peterborough was required to send money and troops to the war in Wales, and may have got this version of events from men returning from the front. As such it is the closest to an eyewitness account we could reasonably hope for. It is clear that Llywelyn was drawn into a trap, a pre-arranged meeting with the Marchers. He found all the power of the March waiting to greet him, but not as friends. Instead they killed him and his confederates, probably meaning his retinue, and then attacked and routed his army. Three other Welsh noblemen were struck down. Of these, Rhys ap Gruffudd had defected to the English in 1276, only to return to the prince’s allegiance in 1282. His fate was to die alongside his master. Llywelyn Fychan, the Dragon of Chirk, had also fought for the king against Llywelyn in the previous war. The Peterborough account is one of two contemporary sources to claim the English suffered no casualties in this engagement.7 In recent times this has been taken to mean that Llywelyn’s men agreed to a truce with the Marchers and laid down their arms. They were then set upon and butchered and their bodies flung into a pit, which now lies beneath a nearby golf course.8 No evidence has been put forward for this claim, which is based upon a wilful misreading of Peterborough. It may seem impossible the English could have suffered no casualties, but this was a surprise attack launched against a leaderless and unsuspecting Welsh army. Nor was it the first time that a battle in Wales had ended in such a one-sided rout. The Battle of Painscastle in 1198 allegedly ended with just one casualty on the English side, and he was accidentally shot by one of his comrades!9 The notion that Llywelyn’s defenceless army was slaughtered after laying down their weapons is flatly contradicted by the evidence. Peterborough gives specific casualty figures for the Welsh: three nobles, all of the prince’s cavalry (his ‘teulu’ or personal bodyguard/household troops) and

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At the Death  111 3,000 infantry. This leaves 4,000 infantry unaccounted for, and these were the men ‘swept away in flight’ according to Peckham’s register, i.e. they survived and fled the field. If the Marchers had committed a massacre after persuading the Welsh to put down their weapons, not a single man might have escaped. A slightly different estimate of casualties is supplied by the annalist of Dunstable, another near-contemporary annalist. He wrote that Llywelyn was killed along with three of his magnates and up to 2,000 of his infantry, though only a few of the cavalry.10 The fact that Dunstable gave a lower estimate than Peterborough points at confused reports reaching both priories. Dunstable, along with Peterborough, was also involved in funding King Edward’s campaign and may have heard the tale from English soldiers who were in at the death. Neither account supports the notion of a massacre. Medieval chroniclers routinely exaggerated casualty figures, and must be treated with healthy scepticism. The Chronicler of Lanercost in northern England, for example, wrote that as many as 100,000 Scots died at the Battle of Falkirk in 1298.11 Such losses would have wiped out the manpower of the entire British Isles in this era, let alone Scotland. Before moving on, two Welsh sources should be considered. A brief account drawn up at Neath Abbey, probably between 1300–04, states: ‘Llywelyn ap Gruffudd was killed by the English through the duplicity of his own men.’ A better-known account, from the Peniarth version of Brut y Tywysogyon (Chronicle of the Princes) reads: And then was effected the betrayal of Llywelyn in the belfry at Bangor by his own men. And then Llywelyn ap Gruffudd left Dafydd, his brother, guarding Gwynedd, and he himself and his host went to gain possession of Powys and Buellt. And he gained possession of them as far as Llanganten. And thereupon he sent his men and his steward to receive the homage of the men of Brycheiniog, and the prince was left with but a few men with him. And then Roger Mortimer and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, and with them the king’s host, came upon them without warning, and then Llywelyn and his foremost men were slain on 11 December, a fortnight to a day from Christmas Day, and that day was Friday.

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112  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Both of these are quite different from the English versions, and explicitly state that Llywelyn was betrayed by his own men of Gwynedd. The treason in the ‘belfry at Bangor’ excites the imagination, and it is all too easy to imagine men plotting in the shadows to murder their prince. All this must be taken with a dose of salt. The Brut was probably written in about 1320, some forty years after Llywelyn’s death. The placing of Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn at the death is almost certainly a mistake, since Gruffudd was 67 at the time and no other source mentions him being present. All the same, there was something of a tradition among the Welsh that Llywelyn was betrayed by his own men. No names are given, and the sheer ambiguity lends itself to conspiracy theories. It is perfectly possible, of course, that Welsh writers had access to information their English counterparts were unaware of.

The treasonable letter We now return to John Peckham. On 17 December, six days after Llywelyn’s death, he sent this report to the king at Rhuddlan: To the lord king. To his very dear Lord Edward, by grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, Brother John by the sufferance of God, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, greetings in great reverence. Sire, know that those who were at the death of Llywelyn found in the most secret part of his body some small things which we have seen. Among the other things there was a treasonable letter disguised by false names. And that you may be warned, we send a copy of the letter to the bishop of Bath, and the same letter is held by Edmund Mortimer, and the privy seal of Llywelyn and these things you may have at your pleasure, and this we send to warn you, and not that anyone should be troubled for it, and we implore that no one may suffer death or mutilation in consequence of our information, and that we send you may be secret. Besides this, sire, know that the Lady Matilda Longspey begged us through letters to absolve Llywelyn, that he might be buried in consecrated ground, and we sent word to her that we would do nothing if it could not be proved that he showed signs

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At the Death  113 of true repentance before his death. And Edmund Mortimer said to me that he had heard from his valets who were at the death, that he asked for the priest before his death, but without sure certainty he will do nothing. Besides this, know that the same day he was killed, a white monk sang mass to him, and my Lord Roger Mortimer has the vestments. Besides this, sire, we request you to take pity on clerks, that you will suffer no one to kill them nor do them bodily injury. And know sire, God protect you from evil, if you do not prevent it to your power, you fall into the sentence, for to suffer what one can prevent is the same as consent. And therefore, sire, we pray you that it may please you that the clerks who are in Snowdon may go from thence to better places with their property as in France or elsewhere, because we believe that Snowdon will be yours, if it happens that in conquering or afterwards, harm is done to clerks, God will accuse you of it, and your good renown will be blemished, and we shall be considered a coward. And of these things, sire, if it please you, send us your pleasure, for we will give thereto what counsel we can, either by going thither or by some other way. And know, sir if you do not fulfil our prayer, you will put us in sadness, which we shall never leave in this mortal life. Sire, God keep you, and all that belongs to you. This letter was written at Pembridge on the Thursday after 13 December [17 December 1282] This is another extraordinary account, and in the more reliable form of a private letter from Peckham to the king. It provides us with a clear insight into what befell Prince Llywelyn on that fatal winter’s day in 1282. Peckham wrote from Pembridge, which was a Mortimer manor, and had obtained the details of Llywelyn’s death from Edmund Mortimer. Edmund’s younger brother Roger was also most likely present. Llywelyn was not killed in battle, but captured and beheaded by Edmund’s valets. Edmund himself did not witness the deed, since he got the story from his men who killed the prince. Llywelyn asked for a priest before he died, and a white monk (Cistercian) sang Mass to him. Afterwards the monk’s vestments ended up in the possession of Roger Mortimer junior, how and why is not explained, nor the fate of the monk. Most intriguingly, Peckham wrote of certain ‘small things’ found in the secret part of Llywelyn’s body. These included a letter disguised by

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114  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 false names. It would be fascinating, to say the least, to see this letter or the copy that was made and sent to Robert Burnell, bishop of Bath and Wells. Sadly, no such document has survived. Further insight into this mysterious letter, and the role of the Marchers in Llywelyn’s demise, is supplied by a message Pecham wrote on the same day [17 December] to Burnell: Brother John etc to Bishop Robert of Bath and Wells etc. As he desires to protect the king against the plots of enemies, he sends to the bishop, enclosed in this letter, a certain schedule, expressed in obscure words and fictitious names, a copy of which Edmund Mortimer has, that was found in the breeches of Llywelyn, formerly prince of Wales, together with his small seal, which the archbishop is causing to be kept safely to send to the king, if he so wishes. From this schedule the bishop can sufficiently guess that certain magnates, neighbours of the Welsh, either Marchers or others, are not too loyal to the king, wherefore let the king be warned unless he come to some danger. The archbishop is grieved to hear that certain clerks at Rhuddlan, in contempt of the church, are put to death along with robbers and other malefactors: he prays the bishop to use his influence to stop this. He is greatly grieved about the clerks who are homeless in Snowdon, the archbishop would have gladly brought them with him, if the king in his clemency had allowed it. Prays the bishop to let him know if anything can be done to help them. Requests the bishop to write to him concerning the arrest of persons in the diocese of Exeter, whom the archbishop had excommunicated for resisting his visitation. Thanks the bishop for his constant help. If the king wishes to have the copy found in the breeches of Llywelyn, he can have it from Edmund Mortimer, who has custody of it and also of Llywelyn’s privy seal and certain other things found in the same place. From this it is obvious that Peckham was ignorant of the plot to kill Llywelyn, and still not much the wiser at the time of writing. He writes to Burnell to beg him to warn the king of danger, since he suspects the Marchers are disloyal. This would in turn imply that Burnell was unaware of the plot, and by extension the king. It is equally clear that

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At the Death  115 Peckham was baffled by the schedule or letter written in obscure words and false names. One man who could very probably have cracked the code was Edmund Mortimer. Most of the sources name him as the chief instigator of Llywelyn’s death, and it seems odd that Peckham did not demand the truth of the letter from Edmund when they met at Pembridge. Perhaps he did, and Edmund refused or feigned ignorance. Since he was such a pivotal figure in the downfall of Llywelyn and Wales, it is useful to take a closer look at Edmund, his background and motives.

Edmund Mortimer Edmund Mortimer was the second son of Roger Mortimer (died 1282) and originally destined for the church. His eldest brother Ralph was born in 1246 but died in 1274. Edmund was born in 1252, followed by at least five more children, and appears to have been a precocious youth. In 1263, aged just 11, he was described as a clerk seeking a benefice. On 7 August 1265 Henry III made Edmund treasurer of St Peter’s, York, aged 14. At this rate Edmund might have expected to make archbishop before he hit 30, but then his career stalled. His position of treasurer at York was contested by Amaury Montfort, and after Ralph Mortimer’s death their father appears to have made no effort to raise Edmund to his brother’s position. He continued in the church, but in a distinctly half-hearted manner. In 1275 he was deprived of the rectorship of Campden church, near Worcester, because he neglected to take priest’s orders. Edmund received no military command until August 1282, when he was appointed custodian of Oswestry Castle during the minority of Richard Fitz Alan, earl of Arundel. He was no longer a reluctant clerk, but raised to the status of a Marcher baron supported by the power of an earl. Edmund now had the chance to prove himself as a warrior. He may have been desperate to do so. Throughout his career, Edmund struggled to earn respect. His father appears to have had little confidence in him, and King Edward preferred his younger brother, Roger of Chirk. On 31 October 1282, four days after the death of their father, the king wrote to Roger from Denbigh:

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116  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 To Roger the son of Roger Mortimer. Asks that he will so conduct himself against the king’s Welsh enemies in the parts where his father was captain of the king’s garrisons that the king, so far as lies in Roger’s power, may seem to recover to some extent in the son what he has lost in the father, and so that the king may be more strongly bound to him in the future. Roger shall do concerning the premises what Roger Lestrange whom the king has appointed captain of his garrisons in those parts shall tell him on the king’s behalf. As often as the king ponders over the death of Roger’s father he is disturbed and mourns the more his valour and fidelity, and his long and praiseworthy services to the late king and to him recur frequently and spontaneously to his memory. As it is certain that no one can escape death, the king is consoled and Roger ought to be consoled in his part because there is good hope that his father after the trials of this life has now a better state than he had. The king makes the request aforesaid to Roger because, on account of the affairs of the world, which we see so frequently fall out unexpectedly, he holds it necessary that those things shall be fulfilled and done that are incumbent upon him in accordance with the fury of worldly storms as their nature demands.12 This is an unusually personal note from the king, whose correspondence tends to be stiff and formal. No such message was sent to Edmund. Unless this was an oversight, it seems Edward wished to make it clear which of the Mortimer brothers had his confidence. Did this compel Edmund to try and win the king’s favour? There was another, darker motive. In the closing years of his life Edmund’s father went to great lengths to promote his family’s descent from the Trojans via the princes of North Wales. He made peace with Llywelyn in 1281, and in the following year seems to have played off both sides, serving in the king’s army while allowing supplies to pass through his lands to the Welsh. Roger senior’s death in October 1282 put an end to whatever scheme he had in mind, and his sons chose a different course. Unless further information comes to light, it seems obvious the coded letter found on Llywelyn’s body was sent to the prince by Edmund Mortimer

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At the Death  117 and his brother. The ‘obscure names’ in the letter were probably those of the Marchers, hidden under pseudonyms, inviting Llywelyn to come to the Middle March. The Marchers pretended they wished to join him and restart the Baron’s War in England. This offered Llywelyn his best – indeed, his only – chance of defeating King Edward and averting the conquest of Wales. Sadly for him and his people it was all a trick, meant to lure him out of Snowdonia into an ambush. Thus Edmund hoped to win the gratitude of his king. He miscalculated. Neither of the Mortimer brothers was rewarded. This seems extraordinary, given Edmund’s prominent role in the prince’s destruction. Instead the king neglected to knight Edmund until 1285, three years later, even after his younger brothers Roger and William had been knighted. For the lord of Wigmore barony, a major power in the March, to be ignored in this way is puzzling. The rest of Edmund’s career provides further evidence of the king’s disfavour. In 1290 Bogo Knovill, royal bailiff of Montgomery, complained that Edmund had executed a criminal in spite of Bogo’s request that he be handed over. The king was furious and summoned Edmund to parliament, where his lordship of Wigmore was confiscated. This penalty was reduced to a fine of 100 marks and a surreal instruction that Edmund should hand over an effigy to Bogo, so it could be hanged in lieu of the already dead criminal. Neither of these things was done, and so Wigmore was confiscated a second time. It was eventually returned to Edmund, but his problems were far from over. In 1291 Edward attempted to impose a heavy tax on Wales to help meet the costs of paying the ransom of his cousin, Charles of Salerno. The tax met with a great deal of opposition from the Marchers, especially Edmund. The lord of Wigmore refused to allow royal tax collectors to enter his lands, and only bowed to pressure on condition that it was a special one-off. Six years later the king supported the men of Maelienydd in their protests against Edmund’s harsh rule, and ordered him to grant his Welsh tenants a charter of liberties. Finally Edmund revolted, and in Easter 1297 attended a special ‘parliament’ held inside the Wyre Forest, where baronial opponents of the king met to discuss their grievances. There were some powerful Marchers at this assembly, including four earls, and for a time England hovered on the verge of civil war. If war

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118  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 had broken out, Edmund Mortimer would have helped to lead an army against the king. This was Edward’s fear back in the winter of 1282, when Archbishop Pecham wrote to warn him of the disloyalty of the Marchers. Edward’s repressive policy towards the Marcher lords shall be discussed in full in the next volume, but it all goes back to the downfall and death of Prince Llywelyn. It was a Marcher conspiracy that destroyed Llywelyn, headed by Edmund Mortimer, and Edward knew perfectly well the same could happen to him. His coolness towards Edmund is explained by a personal dislike of the man, combined with fear and anger at the way Llywelyn had been disposed of.

The will of the king This leads us onto the murky subject of Edward’s personal responsibility for Llywelyn’s demise. There is no doubt that in late 1282 relations between the two men had soured beyond repair. Peace talks had failed, and the king was bent upon the conquest of Gwynedd. He had already put preparations in hand before Llywelyn was killed, and the final invasion would have gone ahead regardless of the prince’s fate. Edward was capable of setting traps and ambushes for his enemies. He did so in 1273, when he ordered his agents in Paris to literally ‘set a trap’ for Amaury Montfort and the bishop of Chichester. Decades later, in 1297, he would send men to kidnap Count Floris of Holland after Floris accepted a bribe from the king of France to betray the English. Finally, in 1304, Edward told his captains in Scotland to lay a trap for Sir William Wallace and Sir Simon Fraser. Llywelyn was just as much the king’s enemy as any of these men, and it is quite feasible that Edward was heavily involved in the events of December 1282. Equally, there is no evidence to prove he was. A parallel might be drawn between Llywelyn and Sir William Wallace, who was captured in 1305 and handed over to King Edward. Wallace’s trial was no more than a formality, and there was never any doubt he would be convicted and put to death. Nevertheless, there had been a show of legality, and this was important. The formal punishment of a rebel taken in arms against the Crown was a very different matter to a grubby woodland beheading. King Edward wanted everything done under his auspices, and according

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At the Death  119 to his will. Edmund Mortimer’s duty was to capture Llywelyn and hand him over to the king for judgement. Instead he killed him. The matter of the king’s will, and how he enforced it, is another issue. Edward tends to be viewed as an ‘iron king’ whose orders were obeyed without question. This was not the case, and the Marchers in particular often defied his instructions. Several examples can be cited. One of Llywelyn’s complaints to Peckham in 1282 was that Edward had deliberately infringed customs on the March. In fact the king had responded by ordering Bogo Knovill to make amends in accordance with the custom of the area; Knovill was reluctant to comply, and preferred the matter to be resolved before him at Llanbadarn Fawr. In April 1282 Gilbert Clare, earl of Gloucester, had to be ordered twice to retake Builth Castle and hand it over to John Giffard. Four years later Reynold Grey, justiciar of Chester, broke the king’s explicit order not to wage private war in the March, and invaded the lands of Earl Warenne in the newly created lordship of Bromfield and Yale. The most famous case of Marcher defiance occurred in 1297, when the earls of Hereford and Norfolk flatly refused to fight in Gascony except under the king’s personal command. Edward lost his temper and shouted at Norfolk: ‘By God, sir earl, you will go or hang!’ To which the earl calmly replied: ‘By God, sir king, I shall neither go nor hang.’ Such over-mighty subjects, who would defy the king to his very face, were capable of anything. Edward was perfectly aware of the threat posed by the Marchers, and that threat was rammed home on a bleak winter’s day in December 1282.

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Chapter 10

The Wretched Death of a Traitor

W

hatever the truth behind Llywelyn’s death, the hard fact remained that he was dead, and the Welsh had lost a charismatic and unifying figure. For the past forty years Llywelyn had striven to forge a united Welsh principality in the teeth of all that fate could throw at him. Up until 1267 and the Treaty of Montgomery, his greatest achievement, he enjoyed much success. The story of his career after that date is one of slow decline, littered with mistakes and defeats, until the final tragedy of Cilmeri. The impact of Llywelyn’s death on the Welsh is expressed in the elegies composed by two of his bards, Bleddyn Fardd and Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Goch. In 1277 Gruffudd had abandoned Llywelyn and joined King Edward’s army, only to return to his master’s allegiance sometime later. In the aftermath of Llywelyn’s death, perhaps driven by guilt as much as grief, Gruffudd composed a work of mind-bending sorrow. The complete poem is too long to repeat here, but extracts have been translated thus: It is my lot to complain of Saxon treachery, It is mine to complain of the necessity of dying, It is mine to despise myself because God Has left me without him. It is mine to praise him without interruption or silence, It is mine henceforth to mediate on him, It is mine while life lasts for him to mourn, It is mine to grieve, mine to weep. A lord I have lost – well may I mourn – A lord of a royal palace, slain by a human hand, A lord righteous and truthful: listen to me! I soar to complain. Oh that I should have cause! A lord, victorious until the eighteen were slain. A lord who was gentle, whose possession is now the silent earth, A lord who was like a lion, ruling the elements, Edward I and Wales.indd 120

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The Wretched Death of a Traitor  121 A lord whose disfigurement makes us most uneasy, A lord who was praised in songs, as Emrys predicted No Saxon would dare to touch him.1 The eighteen who were slain is thought to refer to eighteen men in Llywelyn’s retinue, killed alongside their prince. This is possible, though the imagery in Welsh poetry is often difficult to interpret. A later section of the poem reaches a crescendo of despair: See you not the rush of wind and rain? See you not the oaks thrashing each other? See you not that the sea is lashing the shore? See you not that the truth is portending? See you not that the sun is hurtling the sky? See you not that the stars have fallen? Do you not believe in God, foolish men? See you not that the world is ending? Ah, God, that the sea would cover the land! What is left to us that we should linger? No place of escape from terror’s prison, No place to live: wretched is living No counsel, no clasp, not a single path Open to be saved from fear’s sad strife. Head cut off, no hate so dreadful Head cut off, thing better not done Head of a soldier, head of praise. Head of a warlord, dragon’s head, Head of fair Llywelyn: harsh fear strikes the world, An iron spike through it. Head of my prince Harsh pain for me Head of my soul rendered speechless. Head that owned honour in nine hundred lands Nine hundred feasts were his. Head of a king, his hand hurled iron Head of a king’s hawk, forcing a gap Head of a kingly wolf out-thrusting, Head of heaven’s kings, be his haven!2

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122  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The loss of Llywelyn was a terrible blow for the Welsh, but the war was not over. It had another six months to run and would continue with the same savage intensity until the final stages. After so many years of scheming and frustration, Prince Dafydd achieved his heart’s desire and assumed the title Prince of Wales. He had hoped to do so in 1274, when he attempted to murder his brother, and again in 1277. On that occasion King Edward preferred to keep Llywelyn in place rather than hand Dafydd the keys to the principality. Now, with Llywelyn dead and his head adorning a spike in London, Dafydd finally got his hands on the prize. It might be called a poisoned chalice. Dafydd took over as prince at Christmas 1283, when he held a Welsh parliament, probably Dolbadarn or Dolwyddelan. Here it was decided to make peace with the king. The new prince sent his wife, Elizabeth Ferrers, and Roger Clifford senior to offer terms to King Edward at Rhuddlan. The king would have none of it: Dafydd had been offered a way out by Archbishop Pecham back in November, and scornfully refused. Very well. There would be no more talk of peace, on any terms. All through December and early January the king had patiently built up his forces. At the start of 1283 he extracted more funds from the English clergy, against their pleas that the demand was made to finance a war in which Christian blood would be shed. The king had a good answer to such protests: he and Peckham turned the struggle against Gwynedd into a holy war. English footsoldiers were sent into battle wearing armbands stitched with the red cross of St George, while Welsh troops were issued with holy banners. Prince Dafydd and his followers had all been excommunicated, and now stood outside the law of man and God. In the first weeks of January royal armies invaded Gwynedd from three directions at once. First, the garrison of Anglesey crossed over the bridge of boats, now repaired, and established a bridgehead at Bangor. From 3 January naval shipments were constantly sent up to Bangor from Rhuddlan and Chester. In the west, the English forced a crossing of the River Conwy and burst into the upper Conwy valley. Their advance was spearheaded by the king’s elite Gascons, knights and crossbowmen on horse and on foot. In the depths of winter in the mountains, Dafydd’s men fought with the fury of despair against these highly paid and wellarmed professional soldiers.

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The Wretched Death of a Traitor  123 The Gascons suffered losses. One nobleman, Arnald-William de Brabazan, is listed among the dead. At least eight Gascon knights were slain, along with nine mounted crossbowmen and twenty-five of the infantry. Other losses are referred to in vague terms, and a handful of sick and wounded men were shipped home to Gascony.3 Casualty figures among the Welsh are unknown, but must have been severe. Chronicle accounts give some idea of the carnage of this winter war: They [the Gascons] remain with the king, receive his gifts, In moors and mountains they clamber like lions. They go with the English, burn down the houses, Throw down the castles, slay the wretches; They have passed the Marches, and entered into Snowdown.4 Apart from the Gascons, Edward had assembled some 5,000 English infantry supported by household knights and the feudal retinues of the earls of Surrey, Warwick, and Gloucester. These combined forces established forward bases at Llanwrst and Bettws before moving on to attack Dolwyddelan, the gateway to Snowdonia. This assault was probably led by Gilbert Clare, given a chance to redeem himself after the debacle at Llandeilo Fawr the previous summer. In the event Clare had little to do. The castle surrendered on 18 January without a fight and there is a suspicion the constable, Gruffudd ap Tewdwr, took a bribe.5 Building works were begun the same day, and winter camouflage gear ordered by Robert the king’s tailor for the English garrison there: some 80 yards of white Irish linen, 57 pairs of white stockings, 100 pairs of shoes and 100 pairs of gloves, along with 10 yards of canvas wrapping to transport these materials from Chester to Dolwyddelan.

War in the west While the king’s forces moved into Gwynedd, his captains were busy in West Wales. William Valence had been planning a new offensive in the west since the early days of November. Reinforcements were sent from Devon, Somerset, Dorset, and Wiltshire to Carmarthen, and Valence spent the Christmas period assembling Welsh infantry at Carmarthen

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124  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 and Cardigan. This implies renewed activity by Llywelyn’s allies in the west, at about the same time as the prince himself set out on his doomed march towards Builth. It is likely that Llywelyn kept in contact with his allies, and persuaded them to make one last effort against the English in West Wales to distract their attention while he advanced into the Marches. As we know, he walked straight into a trap, and his defeat and death left the men in the west exposed to Valence’s onslaught. The language of the muster roll suggests a grim determination on the part of Edward’s men to have the business over and done with: Valence summoned his knights once more to ‘ride afresh upon the enemies of the lord king’.6 On 9 January he and Robert Tibetot set out at the head of some forty heavy cavalry and over 1,600 infantry to face the Welsh gathered in force at Llanbadarn on the coastline of northern Ceredigion. They were led by the diehards Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd and their neighbour Rhys Maelgwn. These men had fought and squabbled with each other in the past, but were now united in a futile last stand. Whatever took place at Llanbadarn – a battle, negotiation, or surrender – the result was clear enough. By 26 January Cynan and Rhys had been captured and were on their way to the king at Rhuddlan, guarded by a strong escort. Gruffudd escaped and made his way to Snowdonia to join Dafydd. Edward must have had some choice words for the prisoners when they were brought before him, but Cynan and Rhys were not killed or imprisoned. Instead they were put on royal wages and sent back west to serve in Valence’s army. They spent the remainder of the war patrolling Llanbadarn at the head of small bands of horse and foot. This marked the end of the campaign in the west. In March, after a break in operations, King Edward was ready to move again.

Endgame In early March the noose tightened further around Prince Dafydd. The king himself led one army to occupy Conwy and begin the construction of the massive new castle between 11 and 13 March. On the 14th he ordered those forces serving under William Valence in West Wales to be ready to set out for Meirionydd by 2 May. Simultaneously the army at Bangor under Othon Grandson and John Vescy began to push southwards, supported by the navy of the Cinque Ports.

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The Wretched Death of a Traitor  125 The Welsh stronghold at Criccieth, where Prince Llywelyn had once imprisoned the lords of Ystrad Tywi, had already fallen by 14 March. It was probably taken by a division of the royal army sent on from Dolwyddelan by the old road through the mountains, and from the 14th one of the king’s officers, Henry Greenford, started to draw wages as constable. There is no evidence of a siege, and it seems the Welsh garrison fired the castle and withdrew. A sum of £200 was spent on repairs at Criccieth in the following months. The castle was also home to a large store of wine, possibly Llywelyn’s private stash, which was sent on to the king. William Valence worked quickly to bring up his army up from the west. By 13 April he had gathered a force of 688 infantry and 9 constables at Aberystwyth, drawn mainly from Kidwelly, Cemais, and Cilgerran. Just two days later Valence arrived before the walls of Castell y Bere, Dafydd’s stronghold in Meirionydd. Valence had been joined by Rhys ap Maredudd, and their combined army swelled to 961 infantry, fifteen constables and some light horse. Castell y Bere lies near Afon Dysinni, south of the massive range of Cader Idris mountains. Today it lies in ruin, but in 1282 the castle presented a formidable obstacle, surrounded by marshes and only approachable via narrow pathways. Prince Dafydd himself refused to be trapped in the castle and was somewhere in the hills nearby at the head of his horsemen. This was standard tactics for the day. There was no point allowing oneself to be bottled up inside a castle, so a commander would usually leave the garrison to defend the stronghold while he remained outside the walls at the head of a flying column of cavalry. Against the numerical might of Edward’s war machine, Prince Dafydd could only retreat further into his mountains. His garrison at Castell y Bere was left isolated, surrounded by the king’s forces. Valence and Rhys were soon joined by another army led by Roger Lestrange, lord of Knockin on the Welsh March, at the head of 2,000 infantry. These were raised from his and John Lestrange’s lands at Knockin and Montgomery, and the lands of Peter Corbet of Caus and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, lord of southern Powys. Their reinforcements brought the army up to over 3,000 strong. Lestrange had been present at the death of Llywelyn in December, and now brought his men north to stamp on the last embers of resistance. Some extracts from the payroll give an idea of the strength and composition of royal forces at the siege of Bere. On 12 April 1283 the

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126  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 following payments were made to soldiers at Llanbadarn before they set off towards Meirionydd: Kidwelly The same Walter accounts for payment to Griffin ap Cadugan, Griffin ap Ithel [and] William de la Mote, with three uncovered horses, for themselves [and] 288 foot-soldiers of Kidwelly, for Monday 12 April, the Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday following, for 4 days, £9 18s, and know that the uncovered horses take 6d per day and each of the foot soldiers 2d. Cilgerran Item, to Res ap Lewelin, with one uncovered horse, for himself and 200 foot-soldiers of Cilgerran, for the days of Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday aforesaid, 101s 6d. Cemaes Item, to Eynon ap Wilim and his five companions, with six uncovered horses, for themselves and 200 foot-soldiers of Cemaes, for the aforesaid three days, 109s. Item, to Adam Hod, foot crossbowman, for the aforesaid three days, 12d. Is Cennen Item, payment to David ap Wilim for the sustenance of the footsoldiers of Is Cennen, as a loan, by order of lord R. Tybetoth, £6 13s 4[d].7 From the above it is clear that King Edward’s captains drew upon the same pool of men from Ystrad Tywi and the Marches of West Wales for this northern campaign. Thus the Welsh garrison at Bere found itself confronted by a royal host largely composed of Welshmen, led by Rhys ap Maredudd alongside William Valence and Robert Tibetot. From Rhys’s perspective, this campaign was part of the centuries-old conflict waged between his dynasty and the lords of Gwynedd. While the siege was in progress, a company of 560 soldiers under Othon Grandson was despatched to take Harlech to the northeast. Again the

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The Wretched Death of a Traitor  127 Welsh garrison appears to have offered no resistance, and Othon probably arrived to find the castle an empty, burnt-out wreck. Work immediately started on converting the existing stronghold into the massive Edwardian castle that still dominates the landscape today. Caernarvon fell shortly afterwards and occupied by an English garrison under Hugh Leominster. There was no dramatic last stand at Bere. On 22 April, after a week’s siege, the garrison agreed to surrender on terms. Valence and Lestrange promised to pay over the sum of £80 in silver, in return for which Kenewreg ap Madog, the constable, and his associates delivered up the castle. It was duly surrendered on 25 April, and Kenewerg and his men allowed to go free. Only two-thirds of their promised bribe was paid over. Bere was given into the custody of Lewis de la Pole, one of the sons of Gruffudd ap Gwenwynyn. Like Rhys ap Maredudd, Gruffudd and his family probably viewed this war as the final chapter in an ancient dynastic struggle against Gwynedd. Now the houses of Dinefwr and Mathrafal had finally triumphed over the House of Aberffraw. The real victor was Edward Plantagenet.

The capture of Dafydd It was only a matter of time before Dafydd was taken. On 2 May he was at Llanberis, deep inside Snowdonia, where he made a last-ditch attempt to summon men to fight for him. Dafydd issued a charter granting the cantref of Penwedding in northern Ceredigion to Rhys Maelgwn if he would raise troops against the king. Penweddig was in the hands of Gruffudd ap Maredudd, who graciously yielded possession. Apart from Gruffudd, Dafydd’s council at Llanberis consisted of Hywel ap Rhys Gryg, Rhys Wyndod, Llywelyn ap Rhys, Morgan ap Maredudd and the prince’s steward, Goronwy ap Heilyn. None of these men were aware that Rhys Maelgwn had joined the king’s army. There is something tragic and farcical about Dafydd’s last days as prince of Wales, sat in his half-empty stronghold in the mountains, surrounded by a handful of diehard councillors issuing futile charters to men who had already deserted him. On 14 May the king was at Dolwyddelan, which meant the royal army was just ten miles (as the crow flies) from Dafydd’s last redoubt at Dolbadarn.

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128  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The war now turned into a man-hunt. Bands of soldiers were sent out in all directions to hunt down Dafydd and his followers, who led them a merry chase for several weeks. A number of Welshmen laid down their arms and joined in the hunt; the prince was sought not only in Gwynedd but much further afield, in Powys and the Marches, the lands of Gruffudd ap Maredudd in Ceredigion and Rhys Wyndod in Ystrad Tywi. The search was gradually narrowed down to the lands of North Wales, Ardudwy, and Penllyn and the mountains of Snowdonia. Finally, on about 22 June, Dafydd was brought to bay at Llanberis, at the very foot of Snowdon. He was captured by ‘men of his own tongue’ and there is talk of two clerics of Llanfaes, Gregory and Gervaise, who allegedly betrayed the prince.8 Dafydd was severely wounded in the struggle and the younger of his sons, Owain, captured with him. They were sent to the king at Rhuddlan on the same night. On 28 June King Edward publicly announced the capture of Dafydd, ‘the last survivor of the family of traitors’, and summoned his magnates to Shrewsbury. There they would debate with the king in parliament on what should be done with Dafydd, ‘whom the king received as an exile, nourished as an orphan, and endowed with lands and cherished with clothing under his protection, placing him among the greater ones of the palace.’9 Three days earlier the king had been presented at Rhuddlan with a holy relic, Y Groes Naid or The Cross of Neath. This was believed to contain a fragment of the True Cross, kept at Aberconwy by the kings and princes of Gwynedd. Now, with the principality falling to bits and the last prince a fugitive in his own land, a band of Welsh clerics chose to give up their most sacred possession to King Edward. He carried the cross about with him for the rest of his life, and it was listed on an inventory of his personal possessions after the king’s death in 1307. Dafydd was not quite the last of his family to be taken. His eldest son, Llywelyn, was still at large at the head of a band of outlaws in the forests of Cedewain and Powys. On the same day as Edward summoned his nobles to Shrewsbury, he ordered Edmund Mortimer and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn to clear paths in these woods, a crossbow shot in breadth, and pursue and take the thieves. Llywelyn was eventually captured by Dafydd Fychan, a squire of Emlyn in West Wales, who delivered him up to the king.

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The Wretched Death of a Traitor  129 With the capture of Dafydd and his family, the war was effectively over. There were still a few mopping-up operations, as resistance continued for a time in some parts of Gwynedd. The final action in the north occurred in July, when a squire of the king’s household was sent into the uplands of Penllyn to hunt down bands of ‘wrongdoers’. The squire’s name, ironically enough, was Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. The very last fighting was in Deheubarth, where Rhys Wyndod held out for some time after the capture of Dafydd: Rhys Wyndod, the most powerful of the Welsh chieftains who had opposed the king during the whole war, and who, moving from province to province, had committed great slaughter and ferociously devastated the king’s lands, being discouraged in spirit when he heard of the death of Llywelyn and the capture of Dafydd, and being himself closely pursued by the king’s forces, at length repaired with his accomplices to Earl Humphrey Bohun of Hereford, and surrendered to him. The earl sent him forthwith to the king, who sent him to London with orders to bind him with fetters and to keep him carefully guarded in the Tower.10 Rhys Wyndod and his brother Llywelyn spent the rest of their days in the Tower. The same fate befell their fellow lords of Deheubarth, Gruffudd and Llywelyn ap Rhys Fychan, and Rhys Wyndod’s uncle, Hywel ap Rhys Gryg. The exceptions were the Crown loyalist, Rhys ap Maredudd, and his nephew Llywelyn ab Owain. Rhys was rewarded with the forfeit land of all those who had fought against the Crown, while Llywelyn was too young to be implicated in the revolt. The fate of the lords of Ceredigion was slightly different. Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd and Rhys Maelgwn had defected to the king back in February, but this was not enough to save them from prison and disinheritance. They spent the next fourteen years shunted about between prisons at Bridgenorth in Shropshire and the castles of Bamburgh and Newcastle-on-Tyne in northeast England. In 1297 all three men were released to do military service on Edward’s campaign in Flanders, where they were put in command of Welsh infantry. Afterwards they were turned loose, to go and do as they pleased. Landless and with no means of support, they fell into penury.

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130  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 In June 1307, as Edward lay dying at Carlisle, three elderly Welshmen appeared before him and begged for alms. These were once the proud lords of Ceredigion, descendants of the ancient kings of West Wales. The king, who was not devoid of humanity, ordered them to be granted lands in Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire and put on royal pensions until money could be found for them. They lived on into the reign of Edward II, reasonably comfortable, but far from home and stripped of lordship and dignity. There is no full record of the trial of Dafydd ap Gruffudd. Chronicle accounts of the proceedings at Shrewsbury focus on his grisly execution, though the details vary. The parliament was held at Michaelmas (September) 1283. Magnates and representatives of the shires and boroughs were requested to attend, but not clergy. This was to be a judgement of blood, in which they could not participate. The Dunstable annals state that Dafydd’s punishment was fourfold. For the crime of treason, he was dragged by horses to the scaffold. He was then hanged alive for the crime of homicide, and his bowels burned because he had committed his crimes at Easter, a holy time. Finally, because he had plotted the death of the king, his body was hacked into quarters. Another version of the death is given by the Annals of Worcester: Oh! The wretched death of a traitor! He was dragged through the chanting citizens of Shrewsbury by horses, then hanged, afterwards beheaded; presently the trunk of the corpse was cut into four pieces; and finally the heart with the intestines were burned. The head was carried to London, where it was raised on a pole above the Tower of London in the vicinity of the head of his brother. The four parts of his headless body were sent to Bristol, Northampton, York, and Winchester. The Worcester version is slightly more merciful, in that Dafydd was beheaded before his intestines were torn out and burned. Either way, it was a revolting spectacle, and a public expression of the king’s wrath against a man he once regarded as a friend. The executioner, Geoffrey of Shrewsbury, was paid 20 shillings for this butcher’s work.

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The Wretched Death of a Traitor  131 The manner of Dafydd’s execution was not entirely without precedent. Henry III had inflicted a similar punishment on a nameless assassin who tried to kill him in 1238. This man, however, was torn apart by horses from the royal stables. Dafydd was the first to be executed in such a way for the crime of treason along with three other offences. In later years hanging, drawing and quartering would become the standard punishment for high treason (attempting to kill the monarch). To an extent the prince’s death was a personal act of revenge, inflicted by a king who could scarcely believe that Dafydd had turned against him. Edward could show mercy towards his enemies, but his reaction was extreme towards those he regarded as beyond forgiveness. The obvious parallel would be Sir William Wallace, torn apart at Smithfield in 1305, and the execution of the supporters of Robert Bruce in the final months of the reign. There was a more theoretical reason beyond Edward’s desire for vengeance. It had long been held in this era, on the Continent as well as England, that mere hanging was too good a death for one who killed (or tried to kill) his lord. Instead he should perish in torments that would make hellfire seem a relief.11 Added to this, Dafydd was excommunicate at the time of his death. Unless the church lifted the sentence, he was already condemned to eternal damnation. To destroy his body was to destroy him utterly. The children of Llywelyn and Dafydd now had to be disposed of. Dafydd’s sons, Llywelyn and Owain, were taken away under heavy guard to Bristol Castle, where they spent the rest of their lives. Llywelyn died in 1287, aged about 20, probably of natural causes. The king paid for his funeral and burial at the nearby Dominican church in Broadmead, now known as Quakers Friars. Owain lived until at least 1325, when he vanishes from the record. He was just 7 years old in 1283 and endured a long, joyless existence cooped up inside four walls. At times he requested better treatment, since the constable of Bristol kept him short of food and clothing. In 1305, when he had already been in prison for twenty-two years, Edward ordered Owain to be enclosed inside a cage at night. This was either pure vindictiveness on the king’s part, or in response to a security scare. Owain was, after all, his father’s heir as prince of Wales. Early in Edward II’s reign he sent a pathetic plea to the king, asking to be allowed to ‘go and play’ in

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132  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 the grounds of the castle. The plea was refused. Death, when it came for Owain, can only have been a blessed release. The girls received somewhat better treatment. Llywelyn and Dafydd’s daughters were placed inside remote convents in Lincolnshire, where they at least had the company of fellow nuns. Shortly after Dafydd’s execution, Edward I wrote to the convent of Alvingham, asking the nuns to take in one of the girls. The king expressed his desire, considering their gender and tender age, not to punish the innocent for the crimes of their forebears. Dafydd’s daughter Gwladys was eventually sent to the Gilbertine convent of Sixhills, where she died in 1336. She had two illegitimate sisters whom Edward had contemplated sending to Alvingham. Whether he did so or not is unclear. Princess Gwenllian, the only child of Llywelyn and Eleanor Montfort, was sent to Sempringham, some way south of Sixhills and a major house with accommodation for 200 nuns. She would die there fifty years later, hidden from view behind high walls. Gwenllian was perfectly aware of her identity and heritage: in an undated petition to the royal council she referred to herself as ‘daughter of Llywelyn formerly prince of Wales.’ Having been brought up among English nuns, she was unaware of the Welsh spelling of her name and spelled it ‘Wentliane’. The priory recordkeepers spelled it as ‘Wencilian’. In 1326 Edward III visited Sempringham and granted Gwenllian £20 a year for her food and clothing; this was originally granted by Edward I, but only half the amount was paid. Her death was recorded by the priory chronicler in 1337, a year after the death of her cousin Gwladys and just short of her fifty-fifth birthday. By his own lights, Edward thought he had treated the children mercifully. One might argue there was little mercy in locking innocents up for life, but he could have followed some worse precedents. Alexander II of Scotland, for instance, dealt with the infant daughter of one of his enemies by dashing her brains out against a stone cross. Ultimately, the children of Prince Llywelyn and Prince Dafydd could not be allowed to marry and beget heirs that would threaten Edward’s dynasty in years to come. Instead they were locked away, and his conscience eased by the knowledge he had not shed innocent blood.

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Chapter 11

A Kingdom in Itself

T

he destruction of the House of Aberffraw, in the direct line at least, marked the final conquest of Gwynedd. This made Edward the most powerful landholder in the principality. Future generations would hail him as Edward the Conqueror, and the general impression of the king today is that he was the conqueror of Wales.1 The preamble to his Statute of Wales, drawn up at Rhuddlan and passed into law in 1284, reinforces this impression: EDWARD, by the Grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, to all his Subjects of his Land of Snowdon, and of other his Lands in Wales, Greeting in the Lord. The Divine Providence, which is unerring in its own Government, among other gifts of its Dispensation, wherewith it hath vouchsafed to distinguish Us and our Realm of England, hath now of its favour, wholly and entirely transferred under our proper dominion, the Land of Wales with its Inhabitants, heretofore subject unto us, in Feudal Right, all obstacles whatsoever ceasing; and hath annexed and united the same unto the Crown of the aforesaid Realm, as a Member of the same Body. There was no doubt in the king’s mind or the minds of his lawyers: the land of Wales had been annexed and incorporated into the kingdom of England. This was the judgement of God, against which no man dared to argue. Yet the language of the statute is deceptive. The post-conquest administration of Wales was complex, divided amongst a great number of landholders who held the power of lordship. Edward’s conquest of Gwynedd in 1283 made him the most powerful of these landholders, but he did not have direct control over the country as a whole. Therefore his victory over Llywelyn and Dafydd was just a beginning.

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134  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The land of Gwynedd itself was essentially turned into one vast private estate for the king. In 1284 it was divided into the royal counties of Caernarfon, Merioneth, Anglesey, and Flint, each placed in the charge of a sheriff. As in England, the sheriff was the chief financial officer and chief judicial officer, responsible for revenue and enforcing the law. He presided over sessions of the county court, and also twice a year at the turn; this was a separate court held twice a year, in which representatives of local communities were required to report breaches of the law. These ranged from serious offences such as treason, to relatively minor offences such as petty theft and the use of illegal measurements. The old system of Welsh governance was not entirely done away with. Edward retained the native commote (cwmwd), a division of land, along with its court and bailiff. The statute of 1284 was not concerned with the administration of the royal counties of Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire, and its provisions were probably not enforced there until after the Act of Union in 1536. They were governed by their own chief officer. Nor were the other Crown lands in Wales linked in administrative terms. The royal counties in Gwynedd were placed under the justice of North Wales, while the county of Flint was governed by the justice of Chester. After the conquest of Gwynedd, the most serious threat to Edward’s hegemony in Wales came from the Marcher lordships. The Marchers, as we have seen, were responsible for the death of Prince Llywelyn in December 1282. John Pecham, archbishop of Canterbury, clearly viewed them with suspicion and warned Edward to be on his guard. Yet the king was obliged to create more Marcher lordships in Wales to reward his captains who had helped him to conquer Gwynedd. In the winter of 1282 former Welsh territories in the Perfeddwlad and northern Marches were carved up to provide estates for these men. The new lordship of Bromfield and Yale went to Earl Warenne, Ruthin to Reynold Grey, Denbighshire to the earl of Lincoln, and Chirk to Roger Mortimer junior. These estates were granted while the war was still in progress, with each territory allocated to the man who had conquered it ‘by the strong hand.’ The king was therefore not averse to creating new Marcher lordships. To a degree he had little choice, since his followers served in the expectation of reward. This only added to the confusion of power blocs in Wales, semi-independent from the Crown. Every March land, old and

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A Kingdom in Itself  135 new, was governed by individual lords who imposed their own forms of administration. Each one was essentially ‘a kingdom in itself.’ In place of royal sheriffs, for instance, many of these lordships were administered by the lord’s steward. Practice varied greatly, and the most common feature was the high degree of independence and autonomy the Marchers enjoyed from the Crown. This presented a direct challenge to the king, who would go to great lengths to impose his power on the Marchers (a theme explored in the next chapter).

The law The Statute of Wales, though a conqueror’s charter, was meant to be a working document. As such it did not implement the complete abolition of native Welsh law and custom, though some important changes were made. Welsh criminal law was largely replaced by the common law of England, especially with regard to theft, arson and homicide: Yet so that they hold not place in thefts, larcenies, burnings, manslaughters and manifest and notorious robberies nor do by any means extend unto these; wherein we will that they shall use the laws of England as is before declared.2 In addition, women in Wales were for the first time permitted to inherit land in the absence of male heirs. This ran counter to the system of Welsh law, called Cyfraith Hywel or the Law of Hywel Dda after the tenthcentury Welsh king and law-giver, which did not allow land to descend to females. The statute declared that: if it happens that any inheritance shall hereafter upon the failure of heir male descend unto females, the lawful heirs of their ancestor last seised thereof, we will of our especial grace that the same women shall have their portions thereof to be assigned them in our court, although be contrary to the custom of Wales before used.3 Welshwomen were also granted a dower of land, meaning they were entitled to a third of their deceased husband’s landed estate. In other respects Edward allowed Welsh civil law to continue. Inheritances were

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136  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 to remain partible between heirs, according to the laws and customs of Wales, though the king decreed that bastards could not inherit along with legitimate sons. Other aspects of Welsh law relating to personal actions were also retained at the request of the people of those lands. The Welsh were already quite familiar with English common law. When Edward set up the Hopton Commission in 1280, to investigate the nature of Welsh law, many of the witnesses testified that the native princes had been using common law for decades. One witness, Gwion ap Madoc, quoted hearsay evidence that Llywelyn ab Iorwerth forbade the use of Cyfraith Hywel. His successor, Llywelyn allegedly did the same: He says also that he heard that Llewelyn ap Joreverth [sic], formerly prince of Wales, would not in any way allow that the said law of Keverith should proceed in his time, but that the truth of the matter should be enquired, and so does now Llewelyn, the present prince, in the accustomed manner.4 Gwion’s testimony was almost certainly an overstatement, though it is supported by another witness. One Tegwared son of John, a justice at Rhuddlan, swore that neither Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, his uncle Dafydd or his grandfather Llywelyn ab Iorwerth had permitted the use of Cyfraith Hywel. Instead they preferred common law, the reason being that the Welsh had a proverb in their own language, ‘truth is worth more than law.’5 This would appear to mean that the princes of Gwynedd regarded common law as more reliable or ‘truthful’ than the law of Hywel Dda. Thus, long before the Edwardian conquest, the native law of Wales was being gradually superseded by common law. This was partially due to the policy of Welsh rulers, who used English law as a convenient alternative. Nor was the practice restricted to men. Llywelyn ap Gruffudd’s own sister, Margaret of Bromfield, challenged him in the courts after the death of her husband, Madog ap Gruffudd of Powys Fadog, in 1277. As stated previously, under English law a woman was permitted onethird of the lands held by her husband when he died. Under Welsh law, women could not inherit and nor could title to land be inherited through the female line. Even so, native law was sometimes disregarded by the princes, and Margaret was granted dower by her husband before he died. Margaret also claimed dower rights in the land of Glyndyfrdwy from her

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A Kingdom in Itself  137 brother-in-law, Gruffudd Fychan. She claimed that Gruffudd unjustly withheld this land from her, while he claimed that Prince Llywelyn had granted it to him in time of war. There was some confusion over the lawsuit, and Gruffudd wrote to King Edward asking if whether it should be heard before Llywelyn, since the latter held the land by the king’s permission. Interestingly, in his letter Gruffudd stated that ‘he fears lest the said Margaret may influence the king against him.’6 This implies that Margaret enjoyed some favour with the king. Edward in turn referred the matter to the court of Llywelyn. The hearing that followed was an embarrassment for the Welsh prince, as Margaret insisted on conducting her own defence and refused to hand over her charters for the land she claimed from Gruffudd. She was warned three times that this was a requirement under Welsh law, but still Margaret refused to give them up. In the end Llywelyn claimed that his sister was minus instructa (too little instructed), and assigned another day for the hearing. Again Margaret ‘refused to act or set forth’, meaning she would not relinquish possession of her charters. The final outcome of the case is unknown, but it serves as an example of the shifting nature of law in Wales at this time. Margaret had originally been granted dower by her husband Madog, which Llywelyn had been happy to allow even though it was forbidden under Cyfraith Hywel. When she later claimed dower land in Glyndyfrdwy, he changed his attitude and was frustrated by her emphatic refusal to hand over the charters. On this occasion Llywelyn was standing up for the male defendant, Gruffudd Fychan, against a female plaintiff who technically had no such rights under Welsh law. The contradiction must have been plain to all, not least the king.7 Aside from the princes, there is evidence of Welsh communities preferring common law to the methods of Cyfraith Hywel. In 1287 certain lords and freemen of Gower who had supported the revolt of Rhys ap Maredudd made peace with their lord, William Braose. In exchange for peace they offered some of their woodlands, and also requested ‘that the law of Hywel Dda be put aside, and that they should have the law of twelve and inquest.’8 Their request appears to have taken Braose by surprise: he responded that neither set of laws had ever been in his jurisdiction, hence he was unable to give or sell either.9

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138  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The Statute of Wales, therefore, would have contained little that was unfamiliar to the native rulers of Wales. It was a document of considerable skill, and could even be described as enlightened in some respects. The lawyers who drafted it on Edward’s behalf were well aware of the need to avoid offending the Welsh, while at the same time introducing the ‘improvements’ (as they perceived it) of English common law. As time went on, the statute came to be seen by Welsh and English alike as a safeguard of their rights: ‘Indeed, by the fourteenth century the conqueror’s statute came to be regarded as a charter which safeguarded the rights of the inhabitants of the king’s lands and protected them against capricious and corrupt officials.’10 The provisions of the statute were directly enforced in the new royal counties in North Wales, but the Marchers sometimes applied their own version. In Bromfield and Yale, for example, Earl Warenne chose to amend the writ of dower, whereby all women could inherit land from male heirs. Instead the privilege was restricted to Englishwomen alone. This is another example of how Edward only enjoyed technical jurisdiction over March lands, in which the lords ruled as petty kings in their own right.

The uchelwyr The Statute of Wales may have been a measured and statesmanlike document, but the actual governance of Wales was a different story. In the immediate aftermath of the conquest, no Welshmen were appointed to the highest levels of administration. Instead Edward appointed a knight of Savoy, Othon Grandson, as justiciar of North Wales. Othon’s personal deputy was another Savoyard, John Bonvillars, appointed constable of the castle at Harlech in 1285. The deputy justiciar of North Wales was John Havering, who held the office until 1287 when he was made seneschal of Gascony. More Englishmen were appointed as sheriffs in the newly formed counties in Gwynedd, and the finances were put in charge of an English chamberlain and controller. The exception to the rule was Gruffudd ap Tudor, who in August 1284 was granted for life the office of constable of Dolwyddelan. He had surrendered the castle to the king’s army in January 1283, so was probably regarded as no threat to the new regime.

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A Kingdom in Itself  139 What of the native princes? A few survived the aftermath of conquest. Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, who had served Edward so faithfully in both wars against Llywelyn, not only maintained but expanded his lordship of southern Powys. His son, Owain, would continue in royal favour. Some of the minor lords of northern Powys, in Edeirnion and Dinmael and elsewhere, weathered the storm. One of these, Gruffudd Fychan – who we have seen already, in conflict with Prince Llywelyn’s sister Margaret – was a direct ancestor of the famous Welsh rebel, Owain Glyn Dwr. In the south, one of the descendants of the Lord Rhys of Deheubarth, Llywelyn ab Owain, retained half of Is Coed Urch Hirwen and some other scattered territories. Perhaps the most notable was Rhys ap Maredudd, who had profited from the downfall of his neighbours and now ruled most of Cantref Mawr and Ystrad Tywi. Apart from this handful of survivors, the power of the princes was broken. Into this vacuum stepped the uchelwyr or ‘gentry’, Welsh landholders below the rank of prince. The overriding concern of these men was to succeed where the princes had failed, and hold onto their lordships at any cost. In the aftermath of Edward’s victory in 1283, there were plenty of Welshmen prepared to accept, and work with, the new order. While the upper ranks of his administration were largely reserved for Englishmen or Savoyards, Edward was wise enough to retain Welshmen at local level. The families of men who had opposed Llywelyn, and remained consistently loyal to the king, did well in the aftermath of conquest. Two notable examples are the sons of Hywel ap Meurig, a prominent supporter of the Crown and loyal servant of the Mortimer and Bohun lords. One of these, Master Rhys ap Hywel, served as a royal commissioner in Wales under Edward I, and became an official of the king’s heir, Prince Edward, in 1305. He was well rewarded with the manor of Pontesbury in Shropshire and the Marcher manors of Talgarth and Bronllys, as well as several profitable wardships. His brother Philip was equally prominent in royal and Marcher service, acting as Edmund Mortimer’s steward and steward of the Bohun lands in Brecon. Philip also acted as a royal agent, and was closely involved in the granting of charters of liberties to the Mortimer lordship of Maelienydd and Bohun lordship of Brecon in 1297. Rhys and Philip continued to serve as trusted officials long into the reign

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140  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 of Edward II. They were repeatedly appointed as commissioners of array as well as other eminent posts, and to investigate abuses and corruption.11 Another member of the uchelwyr to prosper was Ieuan ap Moelwyn, a Welshman of the Middle March. Ieuan’s father had been one of those who opposed Prince Llywelyn, and in 1292 he was serving as steward of Builth. By 1303 he was steward of Cardiganshire, as well as constable of the commotes of Perfedd, Mabwynion, Creuddyn and Caerwedros. In 1304–5 he was given a bonus of £10: because it has been found, from the return of the issues of his bailiwick, that a large sum of money had accrued to my Lord during the said two years [when Ieuen had held the office] over and above what used to be returned in the time of other seneschals, and because, beside this, it has been sufficiently testiated that the said Ieuan has not unduly burdened the Welsh during this period… .12 This entry reveals the importance of men like Ieuan and the sons of Hywel Meurig to the Crown. They were not only competent officers, able to extract the desired amount of revenue from Crown lands in Wales, but also acted as useful go-betweens. By appointing Welsh officers to deal with them, the harsh realities of conquest could be made more palatable to Welsh communities. Edward was pursuing the same policy as his father’s administrators in Pembroke in 1244, who once remarked: ‘It is not easy in our part of Wales to control Welshmen except by one of their own race.’13 Of those uchelwyr who served Edward, many were from families who had switched to English allegiance long before the conquest. The most prominent were known as the Wyrion Eden, the descendants of Ednyfed Fychan. Ednyfed had been the seneschal or distain to Llywelyn’s grandfather, Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, and his uncle Dafydd ap Llywelyn. There are signs of cracks in family loyalty to the princes as early as the mid-thirteenth century: one of Ednyfed’s sons, Gruffudd, is traditionally said to have fled to Ireland as a result of a slander concerning Llywelyn ab Iorwerth’s wife, Joan.14 Yet the greatest strain occurred later in the century. In 1269 another of Ednyfed’s sons, Rhys, was forced to provide sureties for his good behaviour to Prince Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. During the war of 1276–77 one of Ednyfed’s grandsons, a Dominican friar, acted

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A Kingdom in Itself  141 as intermediary between Edward I and several of his kinsmen, in a plot to defect to the king. The plotters included Hywel ap Goronwy, who may have been another of Ednyfed’s grandsons.15 The chief mover in the Dominican plot was Rhys ap Gruffudd, yet another grandson of Ednyfed Fychan. After Prince Llywelyn’s defeat in 1277 one of the clauses of the Treaty of Aberconwy stated that the prince would release Rhys and restore him ‘to the status which he held he first treated with the lord king about coming to the peace.’16 Afterwards he defected to the king, and in 1281 incurred Llywelyn’s anger and a fine of £100 for some unspecified act of disobedience and contempt. His brother, Hywel, was also a Crown loyalist and died fighting for the English at the battle on the Menai Strait in November 1282. Rhys’s son, Sir Gruffudd Llwyd, would carve out a long career in royal service. In his youth Gruffudd served in the household of Queen Eleanor and was a yeoman of the household of Edward I and his son, Edward of Caernarfon. He was employed at various times to raise troops for the king, and one of the few Welshmen to serve as a sheriff under the new regime. The other was Gruffudd ap Dafydd, lord of Hendwr and one of the barons of Edeirnion. A squire of the king’s household, Gruffudd ap Dafydd was the first Welshman to be appointed sheriff after the conquest, holding the office of Sheriff of Merioneth in 1300–01. He was also granted for his services, as king’s yeoman, the royal forests of Penllyn, Ardudwy, and Meirionydd.17 The king was thus able to draw upon a pool of loyal Welshmen who had served him before the conquest; others were men who had been in the service of the princes. One of the most notable of the latter is Sir Morgan ap Maredudd, whose extraordinary career merits a chapter of its own (see Appendix 2). For those Welsh landholders who wished to serve, there were opportunities for advancement in the postconquest era. However, the population in general were not treated well, and suffered greatly from the oppression and abuses of royal administration. This administration, and the essentially military nature of the conquest, was symbolised by a massive programme of castle and town-building.

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Chapter 12

Badges of Subjection

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he most famous legacy of Edward’s conquest of Wales is the series of castles, described by the Welsh writer Thomas Pennant in 1810 as ‘the most magnificent badge of our subjection.’ From 1277 onwards the king inaugurated the construction of ten massive strongholds at Builth, Aberystwyth, Flint, Rhuddlan, Hope, Conwy, Caernarfon, Harlech, and Beaumaris. Along with these royal castles, work proceeded on four new ‘lordship’ castles at Hawarden, Denbigh, Holt, and Chirk. Though the latter were built by the Marchers, it was all part of a castle-building strategy intended to ensure the permanence of Edward’s settlement of Wales. Before Edward’s wars, there were already plenty of castles in Wales. The lords of Gwynedd had followed a castle-building policy of their own, as a means of increasing their power and prestige and ‘modernising’ the fledgling Welsh state. The Llywelyns oversaw the construction of Ewloe, Dolbadarn, Dolforwyn, Dolwyddelan, Castell y Bere, and Criccieth. These were primarily defensive sites, meant to act as strongholds and places of refuge instead of centres of administration. Llywelyn ap Gruffudd did, however, attempt to found a town and market next to his new castle of Dolforwyn in 1273. The main function of Dolbadarn was to act as a prison for Llywelyn’s rebellious brother, Owain Goch, who spent over twenty years in captivity there after his defeat at Bryn Derwin in 1256. The Edwardian programme of castle-building began in the war of 1277, when Builth, Aberystwyth, Flint, and Rhuddlan were founded. Of these, the most important were Flint and Rhuddlan. Rhuddlan was originally founded by the Normans in the eleventh century, and changed hands several times before Prince Llywelyn seized it in 1263. Plans for a new castle and town were probably laid down during the autumn of 1277, when Edward spent three months on the site as a guest of the Rhuddlan Dominicans. Even at this early stage, the sheer scale and ambition of his

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Badges of Subjection  143 castle project in Wales are plain. To make the River Clwyd navigable to sea-going ships, it was decided to excavate a ‘cut’, between two and three miles long, to straighten the natural meandering river. This was a huge engineering project, requiring the enlistment of 300 diggers fetched under armed guards from the Lincolnshire fens. By mid-September no less than 968 were at work on the canal, and diggers were continuously employed over the next three years. The project was successfully completed, and by October 1282 reference was made to land lying between the old channel of the river and the new. The course of the Clwyd today, from Rhuddlan to the sea, probably still follows the same course as that laid down by Edward I.1 Apart from its military purpose, Rhuddlan was also intended to act as the administrative capital of the shire and seat of the local bishopric, which Edward wished to transfer from St Asaph. His strategy changed according to circumstances, and the creation of new Marcher lordships during the war of 1282 obliged the king to alter his plans. Instead the base of shire administration was switched to Flint, the bishopric remained at St Asaph, while the role of military base was switched to Caernarfon and the other new castles further to the west. Rhuddlan remained an important stronghold, and in 1301 the town and castle were granted to Edward’s heir, Edward of Caernarfon. Afterwards it was administered by the justiciar and chamberlain of Chester, and money was frequently spent on its upkeep throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. From the outset, Edward’s castles in the north were designed to be supplied and reinforced by sea. The laborious diversion of the Clwyd at Rhuddlan shows the importance of sea-power to the English, as does the coastal location of the castles at Aberystwyth and Caernarfon. Edward’s personal role in the planning of the castles is shown in a letter from Bogo de Knoville to the king, sent from Aberystwyth in 1280. Bogo reported that he had found the castle in a poor state, without arms, garrison or provisions, and that the gates of the town had no locks or bars and were left open all day and night. There was a host of other problems, such as a lack of stone and mortar for the town walls, and no masons or labourers on hand. ‘Therefore, sire’, the letter ends, ‘please let me know clearly what is your pleasure for your work at Llanbadarn [Aberystwyth], and what you wish me to do in regard to all the things that I have told you of.’2

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144  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307

Design and cost The man usually singled out as the chief architect of Edward’s castles is Master James of St George, a Savoyard whom the king supposedly first met at St George d’Esperanche on his way back from the Holy Land. This man is said to have been the creative genius behind the project and ‘dominated the whole enterprise.’3 Recently, however, some doubt has been cast on the importance of his role. The earliest references in English records to James St George are from 1278, when he is described as an engineer or mason. In April of that year he is recorded as being sent to Wales ‘to organise the works of the castles there’ and ‘to visit the castles of Flint and Rhuddlan.’ Four royal castles were under construction at this time – Flint, Rhuddlan, Builth, and Aberystwyth – and this order hardly suggests he was responsible for them all. Between 1278 and November 1280 he oversaw the works at Rhuddlan by ‘view and testimony’, which suggests he was supervisor rather than designer. In May 1280 he was employed as ‘keeper of the works of Rhuddlan’ and by 1 November was among the masons at Flint castle, being paid an unusually high wage of 2s a day; his fellow masons only received 5–10d (pence) per day.4 On 9 December 1280 James St George was granted simple protection for seven years, a guarantee of royal immunity against prosecution. It has been suggested that he was also became a ‘master mason’ on this date, but there is no proof of that. He was employed again in Wales after the war of 1282–83, at Conwy, where he seems to have worked under John Condover, an official of the Wardrobe. At the same time, in December 1283, one John Bonvillars was being paid to ‘oversee the king’s castles in Wales.’ Hence the work of overseeing the castles was shared between Bonvillars and James St George, and again there is no hint that the Savoyard was involved in design. This pattern continued. In 1285–86 James St George was paid £64 for minor building works at Conwy, including the repair of some 120 feet of the great wall near the castle well. He also gave an order for the rock near the river beneath Conwy castle postern to be cut back, for the cost of £10. Further payments for this year mention the residence or chamber (camera) of James St George located near the castle ditch. Thus, the supposed master builder of all the Welsh castles was living in distinctly humble

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Badges of Subjection  145 accommodation. Contrast this to the luxuriant multi-chambered and fireplaced hall for Othon Grandson, Justice of North Wales, at Conwy. None of the above should be taken to imply that James St George was not an important figure. During the construction of Conwy he was appointed master of the works in Wales and granted a wage of three shillings a day; a common labourer in this era was paid just 2 pence a day. On 20 October 1284 he was described as a royal serjeant and his wage guaranteed for life. On his death 1s6d was to go to his widow, Ambrosia, if she survived him. In 1287 James St George’s colleague, John Bonvillars, was drowned during the campaign against Rhys ap Maredudd. His widow remained in charge of Harlech castle until 3 July 1290, when she was ordered to hand it over to James. He held this position until 3 December 1294 when Robert Staundon took over. It is difficult to know who was in charge of the design of Harlech between the death of Bonvillars in 1287 and appointment of James three years later. Possibly Bonvillars was in charge, or even Edward I himself, who stayed at the castle several times before works began. Harlech was virtually completed by 1289, so all James did was look after the castle once the work was finished. James’s last appointment in Wales came in April 1295, when he was made overseer of the new castle at Beaumaris on Anglesey. On 20 August, as reward for his services, he was granted the manor of Mostyn, Englefield, in North Wales for the duration of his life. In later years he served on building works in Scotland, none of them as grand as the works in Wales. For instance, in February 1302 he was appointed to oversee the construction of new defences for the timber peel tower at Linlithgow. He died shortly before 20 May 1309, when Mostyn was reclaimed by the Crown. Overall, there is little in the recorded details of James St George’s career that he was the mastermind behind the great chain of Edwardian castles in Wales. He was certainly employed on the works of several castles, but in a limited capacity as mason or overseer of limited building projects. Even the title of ‘master of the works in Wales’, granted while he was at Conwy, does not imply a major role in the design. The evidence suggests he was involved in the construction of several of the castles, but not all. Therefore the role of Master James of St George in the ‘grand strategy of building’ should arguably be downplayed.

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146  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 If James St George was not responsible for the design of the castles, who was? One candidate is Edward I himself. He was a patron of architecture, ‘both building and enabling others to build churches, castles and new towns.’5 The king is also known to have closely monitored building projects in Wales and Scotland. As noted earlier, Edward ordered special teams of diggers to be sent from the Lincolnshire fens to the new works at Rhuddlan. In 1282 it is recorded that the masons at Aberystwyth, including James of St George, were to do ‘what the king shall enjoin upon them.’ The following year Edward ordered his clerk, Walter Perton, to fetch ‘divers tools and other necessaries’ for making ditches at Aberconwy. Further, Perton was instructed by the king to send masons and quarrybreakers to Conwy. Edward thus took a direct interest in the construction work of his castles, and gave orders not only to Master James but other trusted masons and clerks. It is probably a mistake, however, to single out any one individual as the ‘genius’ behind the programme of castle-building in Wales. The king issued instructions, but specific expertise was required for the design and construction of these complex buildings. For this Edward required trained masons, since only they could draw up the plans and templates. Apart from Master James of St George, there were English master masons such as Richard of Chester and Walter of Hereford, as well as other masons brought over from Savoy; the latter group included Gilet of St George, Beynardus and John Francis. The likelihood is that the building of the castles was a collaborative effort: All of this suggests an alternative view of the way the castles were designed. Instead of a genius acting alone we may postulate a collaboration between the king, the Savoyards and the English masons, the masons all working on the front line, urged on by directives from a monarch who knew clearly what he wanted.6 The financial cost of the castles should be offset against Edward’s general military expenditure in Wales. The bill for his first war against Prince Llywelyn came to £23,000, a reasonable amount for a campaign with limited objectives. The second, a war of conquest, cost the much greater sum of £120,000. The suppression of Rhys ap Maredudd in 1287 cost £10,000, while £55,000 was sent to Wales to finance the campaign

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Badges of Subjection  147 against Madog ap Llywelyn in 1287. In an article published in 1946, J.G. Edwards estimated a ‘safe notional figure’ of £80,000 for the castles Edward built in mid-Wales and North Wales.7 To put these figures into context, £80,000 equated the cost of a single military campaign in France: in 1240 Henry III spent this much on his failed expedition to Poitou.8 It also equated, roughly to the successful raising of a single tax in England; the tax of a fifteenth on movables in 1275 raised about this sum, as did the tenth and sixth in 1294.9 Therefore the sum of £80,00 spent on the castles, spread over the course of twentyfour years between 1276–1300, was not unreasonable. It was certainly preferable to the costs of endless campaigning in Wales, which they were supposed to prevent.

Welsh reactions to castles The response of medieval Welsh poets and writers to Edward’s castles was surprisingly ambivalent. Most of the surviving poetry dates from decades after the conquest, and expresses no particular hatred of the so-called ‘Iron Ring’ or the man who ordered them to be built. In the mid-fifteenth century Caernarfon was used as a metaphor in a eulogy for Edwart ap Dafydd of Chirkland and his son, Robert Trefor, by Guto’r Glyn: Edward’s castle was wide with its splendid towers and its three wards. The forts of Edward the Conqueror – there were towers on the warrior’s forts. [They were] similar, in masonry and timber, To Edwart ap Dafydd’s stature [or family]. While God let generous Edwart and his fair towers live, he was a castle for Trefor, and his four sons were great towers. God has taken two men away – the father and one of the four towers. Edwart was a fort and a [castle’s] ward, He was a castle and mead-store for me. Robert was a fine tower, the Gatehouse over fair towers. The land’s towers and its leader,

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148  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 a tower for the March before the wall was broken. He was Edwart’s tower for the land, he was an Eagle tower over men. Three towers have now been left, towers for poetry, three good men.10 Another fifteenth century poet, Rhys Goch Eryri, composed a cywydd (a short ode in rhyming couplets) that compared the royal castle at Caernarfon to the hall of Gwilym ap Gruffudd at Penrhyn, site of the present Penrhyn Castle. Rhys praised the great strength of Caernarfon and calls the Eagle Tower ‘Twr dewr gwncwerwr’ (‘A brave conqueror’s tower). However, he also describes the oppressive nature of Edward’s castle, and its inferiority to the warmth and merriment of Gruffudd’s hall at Penrhyn: The wizened tower, angled, thick-walled, turreted, and big, within three hours was built under a plumb line in order to incarcerate (a harsh attack) and with intent to force down the hearts and necks of men. But the thick-walled house for a throng, Belonging to the son of Gruffudd, a brave lord with a bloody pike, causes merriment every hour and honour for every poet.11 In the sixteenth century the Anglesey priest-poet, Dafydd Trefor, used the builder of Caernarfon as an example of the transience of human achievement: Where is Edward (you are made of lead) the man who splendidly built the castle? His fine image (if people would consider it) is in the gatehouse above us but he himself is mute, away in his grave, lying under a heavy stone.

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Badges of Subjection  149 Modern Welsh writing has been less equivocal. Edward’s castles, especially Caernarfon, have become a popular theme in the revival of Welsh strict-metre poetry since the 1960s. The role of Caernarfon as a symbol of conquest was reinvigorated by the investiture of Charles Windsow as prince of Wales there in 1969.12 For instance, in a poem titled ‘Pwy sy’n cadw … ? (Who keeps … ?) Iwan Llwyd asks whether heritage sites that commemorate Welsh defeats are privileged over those relating to Welsh heroes and Welsh-language culture in general:

Pwy sy’n cadw Harlech? ai Brân yn gwylio o graig y wulan, neu gorrach yn graig or arian?



(Who keeps Harlech? Is it Brân from the seagull’s rock or is it a dwarf who is a rock of money?)13

The above refers to Brân the Blessed, a giant and king of Britain in Welsh mythology. Away from poetry, modern Welsh historians have sometimes viewed the castles as part of a ‘racialist’ policy on the part of Edward I. Gwyn A. Williams, writing in the 1980s, described the plight of the people of North Wales in 1283: whose dynasty had been destroyed and every symbol of its governance eradicated, whose countryside was dominated by fourteen monstrous castles rising to spread-eagle a people on its back and to shelter little bastide towns peopled by an organized transplantation of English endowed with a sense of racial superiority… .14 Another recent commentator, Sean Davies, has gone further and declared the castles to be an example of medieval ‘apartheid’: In many such instances it is not unrealistic to speak of apartheid, especially when considering the establishment of the new boroughs in the shadow of the castles of Aberystwyth, Flint and Rhuddlan, where the burgesses exploited the commercial privileges offered to them.15

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150  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 That the castles have become an emotional symbol of the conquest and oppression of the Welsh is beyond doubt. As recently as 2017, the Welsh Government had to scrap plans to erect an ‘Iron Ring’-themed sculpture at Flint, after public complaints and an official protest from Plaid Cymru, the political party advocating Welsh independence from the United Kingdom. The sculpture was, stated Plaid, ‘inappropriate and insulting.’16 As with most aspects of history, it is inevitable that Edward’s castles and the conquest in general will be re-interpreted by successive generations. The evidence would suggest that the king’s actual motives were primarily financial and military: ‘The conquest was certainly not a benevolent act of state. Edward I and his armies, like the Normans before them, “conquered for their own profit”.’17 This theme of profitable exploitation, and how the castles and new urban boroughs in Wales – the ‘little bastide towns’ referenced by Gwyn A. Williams – were interrelated, shall now be explored.

Profit and exploitation The king’s overriding desire was to squeeze as much profit as possible from his newly conquered territories. To that end every possible source of revenue was explored and exploited to the hilt, with dire consequences for the people of North Wales. The exploitation of all potential assets extended to the recruitment of German miners, to explore the possibility of working copper mines at Dyserth.18 The main form of extracting revenue came in the form of new fiscal laws. To a degree this was a continuation of the financial policy of Prince Llywelyn, in his efforts to turn Gwynedd into a fiscal state run along English lines. Under his predecessors, the people of Gwynedd had been accustomed to provide their rulers with a series of food renders, labour services and compulsory hospitality.19 Under Llywelyn these services were commuted for hard cash: an inquisition of 1285, for instance, discovered that the prince had taken money instead of services from the monks of Basingwerk Abbey.20 After the conquest King Edward’s officials sped up this process and introduced a massive overhaul of the principality’s rent structure. Post1284, the English imposed a 78.5 per cent increase on the cash rent due

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Badges of Subjection  151 from the free tenants of North Wales. By far the worst burden fell upon the peasantry or bondmen, whose total rent was increased sevenfold from £37 12s 5 1/2d to £272 6s 03/4d.21 The exactitude of these figures, down to the last quarter-penny, gives some idea of the extortionate methods employed by the king’s administration. Overall, the king’s officers more than doubled the amount of money paid by the inhabitants of Gwynedd. The Crown engaged in all kinds of manipulations to increase rent. This included the large-scale use of escheat, whereby land reverted to the lord if the tenant committed some offence, or died without an heir. Such lands were usually re-let to neighbours or the nearest kin, but to secure it they had to pay a premium. This meant that an incremental payment was added on top of the pre-existing rent. The value of such increments is shown by the sheriff ’s account for Caernarfon in 1303–04, in which another £60 of extra payments is added to the standard £483 collected from normal rents.22 Rent was not the only method of extraction. Other cash dues included compulsory milling charges, whereby tenants were obliged to grind their grain at the lord’s mill instead of their own. To ‘pay suit’ to royal mills was both compulsory and lucrative, since tenants had to pay rent for the privilege of using them. A series of complaints submitted to the Crown between 1301–05 reveal that this policy was imposed in both the royal lands in Wales and the Marcher lordships.23 Other ingenious forms of exploitation included the sale of justice. The new English-style court system brought with it all kinds of financial dues. To obtain a writ to instigate certain actions in court, a fee had to be paid to the local chancery. The chattels or worldly goods of convicted felons and outlaws were confiscated and sold off for a profit. Objects that caused accidental death, called deodands, were also appropriated by the Crown. A steady flow of revenue was brought in by the imposition of fines or amercements for those who committed petty transgressions. For example, those who failed to attend coroner’s inquests for suspicious or violent deaths were amerced. These amercements were so common it has been estimated that the average subject in England – and, by extension, Wales after the conquest – was amerced at least once a year.24 Via such ruthless means, the new administration achieved their aim of turning a regular annual profit in Wales. Again this is shown by the bare statistics. In 1284–85 the total revenue raised from the principality

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152  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 was £922 7s 11 1/2d. By 1306–07, the last year of the reign, this had been raised to £2673 5 9 1/4d.25 The conquest of Wales, which had proved a hugely expensive venture, at last ‘ceased to be a financial burden to the king’.26

Boroughs and markets Apart from the fiscal measures outlined above, Edward also sought to create a self-supporting economy in Wales based on the foundation of new borough towns. This was not a policy restricted to Wales. From about 1230 to 1250 the kings of France and their feudal dependants, notably the English kings who were also dukes of Gascony, strengthened their control over the lands by founding a series of towns called bastides or villes neuves.27 Edward I himself was a notable builder of towns and oversaw the foundation of over fifty new bastides in Gascony. Between September and November 1284 the king granted charters to new urban settlements at Flint, Rhuddlan, Conway, Caernarfon, Bere, Criccieth, and Harlech. English settlers were encouraged to settle in these towns by a nominal rent of 11d a year. These settlers were granted a tenure called burgage, whereby land or property in a town was held in return for services or annual rent. An attempt was also made to give these new English burgesses a monopoly on local trade.28 Other such boroughs were founded in the new Marcher lordships granted to Edward’s followers, notably the boroughs of Denbigh and Ruthin. These were meant to act as English enclaves, to help nail down Edward’s conquest and turn it into a profitable venture. The king was possibly following the advice of John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, who regarded the Welsh as a backward race, sunk in sloth and sin. They should, he recommended, be forced to live in towns so they could earn their bread by the sweat of their brow, just like people in ‘civilised’ countries.29 To enforce this idea, and raise extra cash, the Welsh were initially obliged to trade in the weekly markets of the new towns. Every Welsh household was required to send at least one individual to ‘increase the people at the market.’ This law was repealed by Prince Edward in 1305, who agreed to a petition from the people of Gwynedd that only those who wished to buy or sell need attend.30

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Badges of Subjection  153 Much information on English settler communities comes from the Survey of Denbigh, compiled by the earl of Lincoln’s administration in 1334. This shows that English settlers were scattered about the lordship, with the majority clustered in the new borough next to the castle. To accommodate these incomers, the original Welsh inhabitants were forcibly moved elsewhere. Other Englishmen were settled in local villages, such as the nearby vills of Lleweni, Ystrad Cynan, Gwenynog Cynan, Berain, Talybryn, and elsewhere. The unfree Welsh bondsmen who had dwelled in these places were removed to the infertile and rain-sodden uplands of Mynydd Hiraethog, to scratch a living as best they may.31 Similar changes occurred elsewhere. The principal trading centre of the native princes, Llanfaes in southeast Anglesey, was suppressed after the war of Madog in 1294–95 to make way for the castle and new town of Beaumaris. The inhabitants were removed to the less advantageous town of Newborough.32 The moving of Llanfaes had a hugely symbolic reasoning behind it: it had traditionally been a rich port, a royal Welsh demesne, and at one time (albeit briefly) the centre of the kingdom of Gwynedd. It is also where Llywelyn ab Iorwerth’s wife Joan (Swian) was buried in 1237, and the priory, founded by Llywelyn in her honour, became the royal mausoleum for all Venedotian female consorts. This included, importantly in the context of Edward’s decision, the final burial place of Eleanor de Montfort. Therefore this was a symbolic uprooting and dispersal of Venedotian rule. The removal of the civilian populace inspired a sit-in protest by the inhabitants of Llanfaes, led by the local physician, Master Einion. It seems Einion later reconciled himself to the new order, for in 1300 he is recorded as a burgess of Beaumaris.33 As we have seen, this policy of ethnic discrimination was also observed in the administration of postconquest Wales, in which most of the important posts were granted to non-Welshmen. At first, a policy of segregation was applied inside the new bastides in North Wales. Yet the conscious policy of excluding Welsh burgesses did not long prevent Welsh people from buying burgage property inside the town. Within thirty years of the conquest almost all of the boroughs contained at least small numbers of Welsh burgesses. The exception was Caernarfon, where burgage ownership remained exclusively English. This was perhaps due to its special significance as a royal borough, founded in 1284, and the birthplace of the future Edward II. Prior to the conquest,

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154  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Caernarfon had been home to a small Welsh community, but Edward I had the settlement demolished to make way for his showpiece castle, ‘the viceregal centre of the new order.’34 Again, the king was making heavy use of symbolism. Caernarfon was also the traditional site or caput of Ellen of the Hosts (Luyddog) who in Welsh legend united all of Britain and eventually became Empress of Rome: these events are described in the Dream of Macsen Wleding in The Mabinogion. This tradition gave the North Welsh a particularly strong identity as the rightful rulers of Britain, including the Welsh Arthurian tradition of Arthur’s heirs ruling from the court of Aberffraw. Edward was aware of all this, and his planting of the new castle of Caernarfon on the very heartland of Venedotian identity was a deliberate and carefully calculated expression of his political and psychological domination of Gwynedd. However, his foundation of Caernarfon in 1283 did not refer solely to Arthurian traditions. The site was also linked to the Roman past, and in 1283 Edward was deeply involved in re-burying the body of what was thought to be Magnus Maximus, ‘father of the noble emperor Constantine.’ Constantine’s alleged remains were actually found on the building site of Caernarfon and reburied in the church on the king’s express orders: Caernarvon [sic] Castle was conceived and commissioned, probably even while events were still in train, as a building which would be at once the memorial and symbol of past greatness, a worthy witness of present victory, and the viceregal centre of a new order already being planned and soon to be promulfated in the Statute of Rhuddlan.35 Away from Edward’s major projects at Caernarfon and elsewhere, the picture of domination and conquest is slightly different. There was no English exclusivity in the more remote of the new boroughs, at Harlech and Castell y Bere, possibly because they were less attractive to English immigrants. In 1293, just nine years after they were founded, these were home to just sixteen and twelve taxpayers, respectively, only half of whom had Welsh names. When Madog ap Llywelyn went into revolt in 1294, the Welsh and English residents at Harlech were forced to take shelter inside the castle. They included two Welshmen, Madog Crach and Richard Bach.36

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Badges of Subjection  155 Another such mixed community was the township of Ruthin, granted to Reynold Grey in 1283. It is possible the Welsh tenants were already in residence, and allowed to remain on land that was converted to burgage tenure.37 The court records of Ruthin prior to 1325 reveal 110 Welsh townspeople were resident in the town and 300 English. Of these, 110 burgage tenements were held by around seventy tenants, of whom forty were Welsh. Thus, while the Welsh burgesses were outnumbered by the English, they held a slight advantage in land and property tenure.38 The town itself was governed by a steward, appointed by Grey, and the ‘twelve of Ruthin’, a group of six Welsh and six English townsmen, appointed for six-month terms. A tenant list of 1324 shows English and Welsh burgesses living on mixed streets where property frequently changed hands between the two groups. Trade inside Ruthin was interdependent, with ‘English craftsmen finishing off cloth woven by Welsh hands.’39 In other parts of Wales the picture is even more fragmented. Surviving taxpayer rolls show that the town of Aberystwyth in the west contained fifty-one Welsh burgesses, of a total of 112, in the early fourteenth century. There was thus a strong Welsh element in the borough, and this trend appears to have continued. In 1343, when the representatives of the Black Prince received oaths of fealty from all the tenants of Aberystwyth, only three or four of the fourteen names recorded were English. In Cardigan, however, only five of the 102 named burgesses in the earlier part of the century were Welsh.40 Further east, the old castle-borough of Old Dinefwr, of Welsh origin and populated almost exclusively by Welsh tenants, was replaced by New Dinefwr, in the hope of attracting English immigrants. New Dinefwr soon eclipsed the old borough, though the latter was not disbanded. Some of the burgesses of New Dinefwr were in fact Welsh burgesses of Old Dinefwr. They had simply relocated to capitalise on the availability of new burgess property.41 The influx of English immigration was not only encouraged by Edward’s administrators. Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, lord of southern Powys and the king’s staunch ally, extended urban liberties to his borough of Welshpool to attract English settlers. The town remained Welsh-governed, with Gruffudd’s son Owain taking over as bailiff, but by 1292–93 the rate of English immigration had reduced the number of Welsh taxpayers to just 24 per cent. A similar policy was followed by Thomas Bek, bishop of St David’s, who encouraged English immigrants

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156  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 as an urban economic stimulus. In 1281 Bek granted St David’s twiceweekly markets and yearly fairs, and by 1326 only 34 per cent of the burgesses were Welsh.42 The picture of urban settlement in Wales in the postconquest era is complex. It is clear that the guiding principle was economic expediency. Edward I and his administrators were concerned with planting new towns and encouraging immigration from England in order to generate as much revenue as quickly as possible. The oppression and segregation of the native Welsh, though initially enforced, quickly became a dead letter in the majority of urban centres. Even in those boroughs where the Welsh were largely excluded, the profit motive overruled political passions: it is no coincidence that the new military-economic bastides in Gwynedd were founded next to existing markets. The policy of expedience is demonstrated by the willingness of the more remote boroughs, such as Harlech and Bere, to accept Welsh burgesses. Without them, these smaller boroughs lacked sufficient investment and English immigration to develop. Similar trends can be observed at Ruthin, Aberystwyth, and New Dinefwr, where large numbers of Welsh burgesses thrived alongside English settlers. Perhaps the best example of the overriding importance of economics is the castle-borough of Conwy, founded in 1283 across the estuary from the ethnically mixed Anglo-Welsh town of Deganwy. Henry III had granted markets and fairs to Deganwy in 1250, but the town fell into decline after being sacked by Llywelyn ap Gruffudd in 1263. The growth of Conwy after 1283 led to a revival of the older town. Deganwy’s market reappeared by 1290, and the borough grew from six burgesses in 1295 to twenty-one in 1305. Many of these, such as the Welshman Moelwyn faber, had also acquired property at Conwy. Hence the creation of the new borough at Conwy both ignored the commercial interests of the English burgesses, while at the same time providing new opportunities for their Welsh counterparts.43 Overall, it can be said that ‘as regards property holding and ethnicity, there existed not one but many urban cultures’ in Edwardian Wales.44 For every example of ethnic exclusion, such as at Caernarfon, there are examples of mutually profitable co-existence between English and Welsh communities. Among other aspects of the conquest, this kaleidoscope of

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Badges of Subjection  157 urban oppression and opportunity has been admirably summarised by Dr David Stephenson: “Our thinking about how Wales developed in this period has thus to incorporate both the traditional tale of princely accomplishment, disaster at the hands of Edward I and subsequent colonial oppression, and a newer narrative of the contradictions inherent in achievement, widespread rejection of princely rule and significant accommodation to, and profit from, regime change. It was indeed an Age of Ambiguity.”45

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Chapter 13

The Brightness of a Little Star

T

he peace in Wales lasted just four years. In the summer of 1287 it was shattered by Rhys ap Maredudd, lord of Ystrad Tywi and previously Edward I’s most loyal native ally in the region. Of all the Welsh rebellions after 1282, Rhys’s revolt garnered the most coverage in English and Welsh chronicles. It should be viewed as no flash in the pan, a mere localised revolt sandwiched between the major Welsh uprisings of 1282 and 1294, but rather the final rearguard action of the House of Dinefwr. To understand the causes of the revolt, it is necessary to rewind a few years. As we have seen, Rhys had agreed to surrender to Edward’s forces in April 1277 in the expectation of being confirmed in his hereditary claim to certain lands. These consisted of the castles of Dinefwr and Dryslwyn and the Carmarthenshire commotes of Maenordeilo, Mallaen, Caio, and Mabelfyw. Rhys’s cousin, Rhys Wyndod, had been in possession of Mallen and Caio and Dinefwr Castle. When he also submitted to the king in April, these were regranted to him, though not for long. On 5 June Dinefwr was seized in the king’s name by Pain Chaworth, who had negotiated the submission of the lords of West Wales. Pain was also authorised to secure Carreg Cennen and Llandovery.1 In the aftermath of his victory over Prince Llywelyn, Edward turned his attention to the administration of south and west Wales. On 10 January 1278 he appointed the bishop of Worcester and two justices, Master Ralph de Fremlingham and Walter de Hopton, to determine all suits and pleas both of lands and trespasses and wrongs in the Marches and in Wales. Also appointed were Hywel ap Maredudd, Gronw ap Heilyn and Rhys ap Gruffudd. These men were ordered to assemble at Oswestry. On the same day Edward appointed Pain de Chaworth and Henry de Bray to hear and determine all suits in west Wales, both in royal lands and those of Welsh lords. All these men were to do justice ‘according to the laws and customs of the parts in which the lands lie or in which the trespasses

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The Brightness of a Little Star  159 and wrongs have been committed.’2 To judge from these orders, Edward was committed to a policy of appointing a mixture of English and Welsh officials, who would act according to the laws and customs of the region they held sway over. Again on 10 January, Edward issued instructions to Rhys ap Maredudd: To Rhys son of Mereduc. As the king wills that the passes through the woods in divers places in Wales shall be enlarged and widened, and that the passage of those traversing them may be safe and open, the passes in Rhys’s woods through Kermerdyn [Carmarthen] and Breckenew [Brecon] to be enlargened and widened in accordance with the ordnance and provision of Payn de Cadurcis and Master Henry de Bray, so that peril or damage shall not arise to those traversing them through lack of such widening.3 The same order went to Rhys’s kinsmen Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd, the abbot of Talley, Hywel ap Rhys ap Gruffudd, Rhys Fychan, John Giffard, the abbot of Strata Florida, and Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex. This has been described as the king exercising ‘an uncomfortably tight control’ over Welsh lords’,4 but the order also went out to Giffard and Bohun, who could scarcely be described as Welsh. Edward was more concerned with security, and sought to impose his authority on all those who governed Wales under his sway, Welsh or English. At the same time Rhys was being drawn tighter into the mesh of royal authority. Via the agreement of April 1277, Rhys had been exempted from paying suit (paying a fee to have a plea heard) at any county or other court unless it were part of demesne land held by the king. When the treaty was made, King Edward held no demesne in Carmarthenshire. However, with the surrender of Rhys Wyndod and his lands to the king later in the month, along with the seizure of Dinefwr Castle in June, the situation changed. Edward now held land in Carmarthenshire and was entitled to summon Rhys to a county court.5 The same applied to Rhys’s kinsmen Rhys Wyndod, Gruffudd and Cynan ap Maredudd; resentment at this and other grievances may have driven them to renew their broken alliance with Prince Llywelyn. All three were present at the prince’s court at Dolwyddelan in North Wales on 18 May 1278.6

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160  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 For Rhys ap Maredudd, there was no going back. He had rejected Llywelyn’s overtures in 1277 and nailed his colours firmly to the royal mast. Entirely subordinate to the king, at Edward’s will and favour, he could do nothing to prevent the advance of centralised royal government. On 10 November 1279 Prince Edmund, the king’s brother, formally surrendered the castles and counties of Carmarthen and Cardigan to the Crown.7 This made Rhys even more subject to Edward’s direct authority and the royal courts. On 5 January 1280 Edward created the new office of justiciar, with supreme authority over West Wales, answerable only to the king. This post was filled by Bogo Knovill, a former sheriff of Shropshire and Stafford.8 On the same day as Bogo’s appointment, Rhys surrendered his claim to Dinefwr Castle, his ancestral stronghold. He asked for compensation in exchange, and the king ordered Bogo and Pain Chaworth to ‘provide and make exchange with Rhys Mereduci for his portion of Dynavor.’9 Five days later, 10 June, the king ordered a survey of the commote of Maenordeilo and the wood of Mallaen, so Rhys could be compensated for these with suitable lands in exchange. The lands granted to Rhys were to be chosen from the king’s lands in Carmarthen or ‘elsewhere where they shall deem fit for the king’s advantage.’10 At the same time the order was renewed for Rhys and other Welsh lords to fell and cultivate the woods on their lands, to reduce the threat of robbers lurking in the forest. Edward was insistent on this point, and instructed the justiciar to ‘warn and induce each of them to cause the king’s order directed to them to be executed without delay.’ In other words, they were to obey at once and without question. If they failed to comply, Bogo was to arrange for the work to be done at their expense.11 Rhys was further irritated by the royal courts. In 1280 he got himself embroiled in the long-running case between Rhys Wyndod and John Giffard. On 8 July he was ordered by the royal justices to be in court on the 29 to hear a jury between Giffard and wife Matilda against Rhys Wyndod, Rhys himself and Morgan ap Maredudd. Rhys failed to attend further hearings, and after his fourth default it was judged that he should lose his land of Llandovery. Rhys resorted to force. When Giffard’s men arrived to take seisin of the land in June 1281, they found Rhys’s steward, Llywelyn ap Madog, waiting with a crowd of armed Welshmen to bar access.

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The Brightness of a Little Star  161 King Edward was probably aware of the escalating tension between Rhys, his most valued Welsh ally in the west, and his justices. On 12 July 1281, a few weeks after the stand-off at Llandovery, Edward granted Rhys the right to hold an annual fair at Dryslwyn.12 Perhaps this was also an acknowledgement on the king’s part that he had not been sufficiently generous towards Rhys in 1277. He also received Mallaen and Caio, the last commotes in the possession of Rhys Wyndod before he went into revolt. Two days later he was authorised to receive into Edward’s peace the Welshmen on his own lands and those on Mabwynion and Gwynionydd who had raised war against the king.13 Thus, Rhys had profited from the downfall of the other lords of West Wales. He was too grasping for his own good, and angered Edward by seizing the lands of Llywelyn ab Owain, a royal ward, which had not been included in the July grant. As a result his lands were temporarily confiscated and not restored until 20 October 1283, excluding those of Llywelyn. Rhys was also frustrated in his most cherished ambition, the recovery of Dinefwr. Four days before the restoration of his estates, at Acton Burnell in Shropshire, he formally quit any claim he and his heirs might have on the castle. In return he was awarded a paltry loan of £16. Rhys had given up the ancient seat of his ancestors, chief stronghold of Deheubarth, in exchange for (quite literally) a handful of silver. Even so, Rhys had cause to be satisfied. The destruction of his neighbours left him to reign supreme over the Tywi valley from his fortress of Dryslwyn. He was now, as the Annales Cambriae termed him, Lord Rhys ap Maredudd of Ystrad Tywi.14 Rhys set about securing his position by demanding the loyalty of a number of local Welsh freemen. On 28 September 1284, seventeen of them were required to put their seals to a treaty at Mallaen, swearing to be faithful to Rhys in all things on pain of the loss of lands and goods. In the long run such strong-arm tactics were unlikely to improve Rhys’s standing among the Welsh, many of whom might have viewed him as a traitor for failing to support Prince Llywelyn. In 1285 Rhys married Ada Hastings, sister to John Hastings of Abergavenny, a prominent Marcher lord. This union might have been intended to heal political rifts between Rhys and the Marchers and, by extension, the king; certainly, when the pope allowed the marriage,

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162  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 he noted that ‘it is said they marry to heal conflicts.’15 If this was the intention, it did not have the desired effect. Bogo Knovill had been succeeded as justiciar in 1281 by Robert Tibetot, who worked effectively in conjunction with Rhys during the war of 1282–83. Thereafter relations between the two men deteriorated, and this personal rivalry seems to have been the root cause of Rhys’s final rebellion. While Edward was in Gascony, he received a letter from Rhys containing a long list of complaints of his ill-treatment at the justiciar’s hands. These were repeated by the king when he sent a message to Tibetot, ordering him to provide redress to Rhys. The justiciar was accused of extorting more money than was due from the custody of the lands of Llywelyn ab Owain, during the brief period Rhys had occupied them. Tibetot was also said to have unjustly seized the lands of one of Rhys’s excommunicated followers, even though Rhys had taken action against this man; of seizing livestock for non-payment of debts and then demanding ransom for them; of extracting more money from Rhys as compensation for thefts and robberies committed by outlaws on Rhys’s land; of allowing his own followers to evict Rhys’s tenants from good pasture land and then taking it for themselves; not permitting Rhys to hunt or course on his own land; refusing to allow Rhys’s court to do justice; finally, compelling Rhys and his men to bring suit (bring an appeal to court) under English law.16 It is difficult to know the truth of these complaints, but Edward took them very seriously. On 17 September 1286, at Nancres in Gascony, he wrote to Tibetot ordering him in no uncertain terms to do full justice to Rhys: Therefore, since we do not will it that the aforesaid Rhys or his men be harassed in any way whatsoever by the aforesaid Robert or by any other, but that they be fully protected and defended by ourself or others from all injustice or harassment, we have commanded him that all the aforesaid grievances and other matters which the said Rhys has set out be remedied forthwith. If it be otherwise, you yourself should cause the same to be corrected and set right on our behalf without any unacceptable delay, so that we are no longer obliged to be troubled by this case.17

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The Brightness of a Little Star  163 In the meantime Rhys was granted safe-conduct to visit England, with his lands given adequate royal protection while he was away. Whatever the outcome of Edward’s letter and Rhys’s visit, tensions continued to rise. The king got wind of it and in April despatched a second letter from Bordeaux. This was sent directly to Tibetot and demonstrates Edward’s concern that Rhys should not be driven into rebellion. The first section is as follows: Having heard many complaints which Rhys ap Maredudd asserts that he and his men have against Tibetot and his men, the king has inspected a certain process had by Tibetot in the county court of Kermerdin [Carmarthen], transmitted to the king by Tibetot under the seals of the suitors of the said county court; by which it appears that as Rhys has repeatedly been summoned and has not appeared, Tibetot wishes to outlaw Rhys.18 This reveals that Rhys was refusing even to attend the county court at Carmarthen. Tibetot wished to outlaw him as a consequence, but Edward ordered the justiciar to stay his hand: As the king wishes that full justice be done to Rhys, though the king does not believe that Tibetot would proceed unjustly against him, the king has ordered his lieutenant, Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, to send Ralph de Hengham, John de Cobeham, and Roger de Burghull to West Wales, to examine the said process in the presence of Tibetot and of Rhys, if he wishes to be present, and that if they find any error in the said process, they shall not delay to annul it.19 Edward’s concern that justice ought to be done to Rhys also implies a certain lack of trust in Tibetot’s report. The king in all likelihood was aware of the friction between Tibetot and Rhys, and wanted to be sure of the case against the latter. Hence he ordered Cornwall to send the chief justice, Ralph Hengham, and two colleagues to Carmarthen to assess the situation. In his letter to Tibetot, Edward also instructed that Rhys was not to be outlawed immediately, even if the charges against him were proven. Instead, any action in the matter was to be delayed for over two months

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164  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 after Hengham and his fellow justices had returned to England. The king ordered Tibetot to be present at the examination of the process, along with Englishmen and Welshmen of Carmarthenshire and neighbouring lands. Rhys was not to be molested in any way on the grounds of any judgement given until after the lapse of the aforesaid two months.20 Edward was clearly anxious to avoid a fresh outbreak of violence in Wales. All his precautions were in vain. In early May Tibetot travelled to London to discuss the situation with Cornwall and the justices. On the 20 Hengham and his colleagues went to Carmarthen to examine the charges against Rhys, who failed to turn up to defend himself. In his absence Tibetot’s charges against him were found to be entirely reasonable.21 Rhys had given up on legal process. On 8 June, three days after the justices found against him at Carmarthen, he raised his banner and went into open revolt. His initial onslaught was devastating, and caught the English off-guard. On 11 June Rhys’s forces overran the castles of Dinefwr, Carreg Cennan, and Llandovery, slaughtering the garrisons. Dinefwr, of course, was the prize he had sought for years. Now he took by force what he had failed to win by peaceful means. Two days later he plundered Swansea, ravaged the Gower and captured the castle of Emlyn. He also burnt and ravaged Carmarthen up to the very gates of the castle. Rhys left his wife in one of these captured royal strongholds, presumably for safe keeping while he ravaged west Wales. The response of the government was swift. Cornwall, the regent, knew of the rising on 14 June, when he wrote to summon the barons to Gloucester by 21 July. Meanwhile Edmund Mortimer and John Giffard were ordered to defend Radnor and the upper Wye. The regent followed the usual strategy in Wales and chose three headquarters at Chester, Montgomery, and Hereford, where troops would muster before advancing in force upon Rhys’s chief stronghold at Drsylwyn. John de Havering was ordered to raise the men of North Wales, while Reynold Grey and Roger Lestrange were to do raise troops in Chester and Shropshire. Hundreds of woodcutters and labourers were summoned, though few arrived on time. Before this enormous combined host could enter the fray, Robert Tibetot went into action. He was Rhys’s chief enemy, and now led the vanguard against his former comrade. Between June 11 and August 10 he had two small companies of horse and foot patrolling Ceredigion south of the Aeron. This seems to have discouraged Rhys, who only made one

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The Brightness of a Little Star  165 raid into Cardiganshire. At the start of August Tibetot had 560 Welsh infantry in pay at Carmarthen, along with some crossbows and English auxiliaries. More soldiers poured in from Pembroke and Cardiganshire, until he had over 2,000 infantry. Rhys was now caught between two fires. To the east, a second army was forming at Hereford under Cornwall’s personal command. To the west, Rhys was blocked by the energetic Tibetot. His response was to launch an invasion of Brycheiniog in the southwest, where Cornwall sent the earl of Gloucester to restore the situation. Gloucester was kept busy for most of August, while the regent marched through Monmouth and Glamorgan towards Dryslwyn. By 12 August a seething mass of soldiery lay before Rhys’s castle on the banks of the Tywi. Over 11,000 troops lay encamped before Dryswlyn, including 2,600 Welshmen of Snowdon and the Four Cantrefs. Many of these must have been in arms against King Edward just four years previously, and now they were in his service against a Welsh prince. They probably viewed Rhys as a traitor, who had consistently sided with the English and helped to destroy Prince Llywelyn. Here was an opportunity for revenge. Driven out of Brycheiniog by Gloucester’s army, Rhys took to the hills around Dryslwyn with his ‘grave-riflers’. Unfortunately Rhys could not save his wife, who was captured after the royal castle he had left her in where she stayed was blockaded and starved into surrender. Apart from Dryswlyn, all the castles Rhys had taken in the first rush of his revolt were recaptured during August, probably by Grey and Tibetot. They probably did the work of containing Rhys’s guerilla attacks while Cornwall concentrated on Dryslwyn. The regent brought up sappers to undermine the walls, as well as a gigantic siege engine. Dryslwyn was battered and mined for ten days, between August 20–30, while Rhys’s men put up furious resistance. The English contingents from Herefordshire, Shropshire and Derbyshire appear to have suffered heavily, losing over 700 men during the siege. The favourite saint of English soldiers at this time was Thomas of Cantilupe, bishop of Hereford, and some colourful tales survive of the saint’s divine interventions at Drsylwyn. One English knight was shot under the eye by a Welsh archer, so deep the arrow threatened to enter his brain. He prayed to Saint Thomas, who obligingly healed the wound. On another occasion the English attempted to undermine part of the castle wall, only

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166  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 for the props to collapse and the masonry to collapse on top of them. One helpless soldier was left buried under the rubble with only his legs sticking out. His servant prayed to the saint for aid, who granted him the strength to pull his master out and carry him to safety.22 Saint-tales aside, the collapse of the mine was the most famous incident of the siege. The precise location of the sprung mine is uncertain; possibly under the wall of the chapel, or another part of the curtain wall where a break in the masonry is still visible.23 Several knights were inspecting the mine when the wall suddenly collapsed on top of their heads: they included Sir William de Montchensy, who had been outlawed in May 1286 and chose to work off his sentence by doing military service in Wales. He was killed along with many others. Rhys was probably not mourned by the Welsh; many would have regarded him as a collaborator, who got his just deserts in the end. Yet, for all his faults, he was the last prince of the once-mighty House of Deheubarth, and there was something both tragic and pathetic about his downfall. A degree of pathos is expressed in the chronicle account of the fall of Emlyn, Rhys’s last stronghold: Lord Robert Tibetot took the same castle, killing several of the garrison. The same year, on Tuesday 17 June, at the beginning of the night, the moon was seen to glow intensely and afterwards the same colour endured; it then diminished to the brightness of a little star and finally vanished.24

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Chapter 14

For the Good of Peace

T

he Welsh March was a wild, semi-autonomous region, with its own laws and customs quite separate from the rest of the kingdom. While the lords of the March owed homage and fealty to the king of England, they had grown used to governing their lands with the minimum of Crown interference. Under March law, distinct from that of England and Wales, these same lords had the right to wage private war against each other or their Welsh neighbours. Until 1283 the Crown had little choice but to tolerate this independent attitude, since the March was also a military frontier and acted as a buffer zone against Welsh incursions into England. The Marchers also provided invaluable military support for royal expeditions into Wales. After 1283, and the destruction of the House of Aberffraw, all this was set to change. The effective conquest of Wales meant the March no longer served a military purpose, and Edward I was not a king to brook over-mighty subjects. He had made his attitude clear as early as the first Statute of Westminster in 1275: ‘In the Marches of Wales, or in any other place where the king’s writ does not run, the king who is sovereign lord will do right … to all such as will complain’ .1 To Edward, the Marchers were subjects like any other, in line with his overall vision and strategy of kingship: ‘To rescue the authority of the Crown from the morass into which it had sunk at times during his father’s reign and that he had witnessed first-hand. Edward was a practical man, not a deep thinker, but this was his big idea.’2 In 1286 the king left England to spend three years in Gascony, reorganising the administration of the duchy. His long absence led to trouble in Wales and the March. The rebellion of Rhys ap Maredudd has already been described, but the fragile peace was threatened elsewhere. Edward’s ‘big idea’ started to unravel when a number of Marchers regarded the king’s absence as an opportunity to wage private war and assert their authority in the localities. The strength of his kingship depended to a

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168  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 large extent on his personal authority, inevitably weakened when he was not present to attend to affairs. With Edward gone, tensions began to escalate between his quarrelsome nobles. In December 1286 Earl Warenne’s son, William, was killed at a tournament in Croydon. It was rumoured that he had been murdered. William’s father had granted his son the Marcher lordship of Bromfield and Yale on the March, which was now taken into the king’s hands by Reynold Grey, justice of Chester. Earl Warenne claimed that William had held the lordship direct from him, which meant the king had no rights to it. The argument rumbled on until Grey was forced to release the lordship at a council meeting in London at Candlemas [February] 1287.3 This was not the end of it. Grey, not used to being thwarted, raised an army and invaded Bromfield and Yale. In August 1288 Warenne wrote to his friend, the earl of Warwick, asking for his help against Grey: Warenne informs Warwick that the king gave to Warenne the lands of Bromfield and Yal, which adjoin the land of Diffrenycloyt, which the king gave to Reginald de Grey, and the king gave Grey nothing outside of Dyffrencloyt. On this Grey has come in arms with large numbers of horse and foot, and has taken a great part of Warenne’s land and still holds it and says that he will take still more and will hold it in spite of Warenne and his friends. Warenne therefore requests Warwick as his friend to come to aid him to save and defend his land, with as many horses and arms as Warwick would wish Warenne to come to Warwick’s aid if he were in need. Requests Warwick to be with him at Stafford on the feasts of the Nativity of the Virgin [September 8]. Grey has done this thing in his own name, so that the thing does not in any way touch the king.4 Grey’s contempt for the rule of law is notable: this man, supposedly, was a royal justice tasked with the maintenance of law and order in the king’s absence. Warenne was eventually able to recover the whole of Bromfield and Yale, though whether he did so by force or negotiation is uncertain. This was just the start of violence on the March. Peter Corbet, lord of Caus, was accused of a string of trespasses. The abbot of Buildwas claimed that Corbet had committed an armed theft of goods against him, and at the Shropshire eyre in 1292 a number of people alleged he

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For the Good of Peace  169 had either dispossessed them of land or held land that was legally theirs inside the lordship of Caus. Finally, the burgesses of Shrewsbury wrote to the chancellor, Robert Burnell, complaining that Corbet had repeatedly assaulted merchants of the town, seized and carried off their goods. Peter Corbet and his father, Thomas, had previously shown themselves determined to secure and extend the limits of their lordship. The worst of Peter’s behaviour was timed to coincide with the king’s absence from England, suggesting he deliberately took advantage of the sudden weakness in central authority.5 The regent, Cornwall, struggled to contain the disturbances on the March. He had proved capable of crushing the revolt of Rhys ap Maredudd with an enormous display of force, but the feuds that sprang up afterwards were beyond his capacity to deal with. Matters scarcely improved after the king’s return from Gascony in 1289, until Edward was handed an opportunity to impose his authority on the Marcher lords. His chance came when the most powerful of the Marchers, Gilbert de Clare, chose to ignore the royal inhibition against private war. At Easter 1290 Roger Bigod, earl of Norfolk, accused Clare of attacking his Marcher lordship of Chepstow. Significantly, Bigod stressed that he held Chepstow of the king in chief and thus called upon Edward to aid him. At the same time Humphrey Bohun, earl of Hereford, also accused Clare of raiding his lands. Bigod and Bohun freely abandoned the principle that Marcher lords settled their own disputes, and called in the king as superior lord to interfere in their affairs. This proved a mistake, as it gave Edward all the excuse he needed to move against the Marchers.6 The king must have been angered by the state of affairs he discovered on his return. He may well have felt betrayed by the Marchers: ‘despite all his efforts to create unity among his nobles, they had, from almost the moment his back was turned, quickly degenerated into their old ways of dispute and violence.’7 His attitude towards Clare in particular might have been further soured by the earl’s refusal to pay a tax to the king while Edward was abroad.8 Edward chose to focus on the war between Clare and Bohun. The latter was conducting two private feuds at once, against Clare and John Giffard, lord of Builth. His bone of contention with Giffard was the land of Is Cennen, which Bohun had claimed back in 1284 on the grounds that he had conquered it from the native lord, Rhys Fychan. Edward

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170  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 referred the matter to law, and the land was awarded to Giffard. In 1287 Bohun’s grievances were intensified when the regent ordered the earl of Gloucester to pacify the followers of Rhys ap Maredudd in Brychieniog; this was part of Bohun’s territory, and only extreme urgency could have justified ‘such a gross breach of March etiquette, to send a Clare to hunt on a Bohun’s preserve.’9 After the siege of Dryslwyn in the same year, Bohun was ordered to guard Carmarthenshire and Is Cennen. By march custom he could now claim to have twice reconquered Is Cennen, and thus held it by right of the sword. Giffard refused to give it up. Bohun took to arms to assert his rights, and in 1289 the two were at war. In May, shortly before the king returned from Gascony, an enquiry was held into the homicides and trespasses which had been done. In October Edward, now in England, confirmed the land of Is Cennen to Giffard, who held it for the rest of his life. Bohun’s efforts to seize the commote had ended in defeat.

The great trial The king took steps to prevent yet another private war in the March. On January 25 1290 he issued a strongly worded proclamation, ordering Clare and Bohun to cease hostilities. On 3 February, in what looks like an act of open defiance, some of Clare’s men raided Brycheiniog. They were led by the earl’s bailiffs, carried his banner, and deliberately targeted Bohun’s men and territory. After killing some of his servants, they carried their spoil back into Glamorgan, Clare’s territory, where the earl received a third part of the loot.10 For the time being Edward ignored this blatant disregard for his authority. He had long planned to marry Clare to his daughter, Joan of Acre, and was waiting for papal licence. The marriage itself was a calculated effort to undermine Clare’s power. When the licence arrived, the earl surrendered all his lands into the king’s hands in April. The wedding took place on 2 May, and on the 27th Clare’s lands were formally restored to him. But he now held them on much less favourable terms before. Under the new arrangement, his lands would be inherited by the heirs of his wife, rather than the joint heirs of husband and wife. Therefore, if he died without issue and Joan re-married, all the vast Clare estates in England and Wales would go to her children by another husband.

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For the Good of Peace  171 Clare seems to have appreciated the inferiority of his new status, and resented it. On 5 June, shortly after the restoration of his lands, he ordered a second raid into Brycheiniog. Again his men displayed his banner, and again he received a third part of the plunder. The timing of this second raid, as with the first, suggests the earl was striking back at the king. Yet another raid took place in November, and once again there is a coincidence. Clare was at loggerheads with the Crown concerning the See of Llandaff in Glamorgan. On 3 November he conceded the king’s rights in the matter, and it was declared the bishops of Llandaff had always held their barony of the Crown, and not the Clares. Since he had enjoyed the revenues of the bishopric during vacancy (there being no bishop), Clare was thus found guilty of usurping the king’s rights. The third raid into Brycheiniog, coming so soon after this judgement, looks like another defiant gesture. In short, Clare was really pursuing a vendetta against the king, and used his war against Bohun as a way of repeatedly challenging royal authority. There is some suspicion that Clare hoped to set himself up as a rival potentate in the March; when Edward visited Glamorgan in 1284, the earl welcomed him almost as a fellow monarch. In pure military terms Clare’s power was immense. He could call upon the service of more than 450 knights from his lands in England and Wales, and was by far the strongest of the Marcher lords. His rival Bohun, by way of comparison, could call upon just twenty-six. Clare alone, without the support of his fellow Marchers, was powerful enough to defy the Crown. This state of affairs could not last, especially under a king as formidable and insistent upon his rights as Edward I. Early in 1291 he commissioned a team of judges to hear the case against Clare on the charge of waging private war against Bohun, who was the defendant or plaintiff at law. Edward suspected that Bohun might try to withdraw, or that the two earls might collude to prevent the Crown’s interference in March affairs. To avoid this, he ordered the magnates and other great men of the Marches to take part in the enquiry, with no excuses for non-attendance. Each lord Marcher was summoned by a special writ, together with their stewards and tenants. Edward was trying to get the Marchers to condemn out of their own mouths the custom of private war. The Marchers were wise to his strategy. On the appointed day, Bohun appeared before the king’s justices, but Clare and his bailiffs did not.

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172  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Nor did many of the Marcher lords, so the case had to be adjourned for two days. It met again at Llanthew near Brecon. This time everyone turned up except Clare, and the Marchers were in a defiant mood. When the justices ordered them to form a jury, they all refused, claiming this was against March custom. The justices in turn argued that every lord Marcher held his march under the Crown, and that the king was above both law and custom. Again, Edward’s desire to break March privilege is clear. After much back and forth, the justices eventually cobbled together a jury from the tenants of Edmund of Lancaster, the king’s brother. Most of these were Welshmen drawn from the lordships of Cardigan and Carmarthen, which would lead to problems later. In his continued absence Clare was found guilty of contempt of court, and of being cognisant of the three raids into Brycheiniog, on account of having taken his share of the spoil. Clare and his men were acquitted of a robbery at a church. This was found to have been committed by a gang of brigands with no connection to the earl. Damages were assessed at £100. Despite all of this, Clare and Bohun continued to fight each other. Edward now decided to preside over the trial in person, and summoned the earls to appear before him at Abergavenny in October. This would be a truly impressive display of royal might: The scene, when the day came, must have been more impressive than ever; one of our strongest and most law-loving kings was in full court, sitting in judgement on the proudest of the old Norman aristocracy, on the deep and difficult question of the royal prerogative to overrride custom.11 The final outcome was complicated. Clare and his four bailiffs were committed to prison. A number of the Marchers then came forward and offered themselves as bail, and the king agreed to release the earls on the guarantee that they would be brought to Westminster for final sentencing. The earls appeared in parliament in January 1292 and submitted themselves to the king’s will. Clare’s liberty of Glamorgan was declared forfeit, but only for his lifetime, as he was married to the king’s daughter. The Bohun liberty of Brecon was also confiscated for the term of his life, since he was married to a relative of the queen. The earls were

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For the Good of Peace  173 sent back to prison but immediately released, with a fine on Clare for 10,000 marks and one on Bohun of 1,000 marks. All of this was meant to demonstrate the superiority of the Crown over Marcher custom. Having won the argument, Edward had no wish to destroy the earls. Their fines were never paid, and in May 1292 their lands were restored. The earls benefited from the support of the other magnates, including Edmund of Lancaster and the earls of Pembroke and Lincoln, as well as other important men such as Robert Tibetot and Reynold Grey. Yet the king had made his point. Two of the greatest men in the land had been humbled, and nobody could doubt that Edward was master in his own house. He had imposed his ‘inhibition’, in the words of his lawyers, for the sake of peace in the realm: And also before the king inhibits, he looks round and considers by his inner judgement for the common benefit in order to avoid worse that may arise and follow from an evil beginning unless an inhibition intervene, and thus the inhibition proceeds from the premeditated judgement of the king’s conscience for the good of peace.12

Breaking the Marchers The humiliation of Clare and Bohun was just the start of Edward’s campaign to break the Marchers to his will. At the same time as the earls were sentenced and condemned, another of their neighbours fell afoul of the king. Theobald Verdun, lord of Ewyas Lacy, was accused by the prior of Llanthony of various trespasses after Edward issued his prohibition of private war in January 1290. Theobald was among those Marchers who had refused to serve on a jury against the earls at Llanthew, and the king may have borne his insolence in mind. The offender was ordered to appear before the court at Michaelmas 1291, to answer for ‘various trespasses and acts of disobedience perpetrated against the lord king to the harm of his crown and dignity.’ He was found guilty of contempt, condemned to imprisonment, Edward further stamped his authority on the March by imposing a heavy tax. In the autumn of 1292 he extracted promises from several of the Marchers that they would grant the king a fifteenth on movables. Although the king in return promised that the tax was a one-off, not to be used as precedent, it was another way of

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174  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 demonstrating that the March was the same as any other land in the realm. Edward had demonstrated he could make the Marchers obey his will, levy tax upon them, punish or summon them as he pleased. The king continued to intervene in March affairs, especially the custom of private war. Edward had already shown his determination to stamp this out in the Clare-Bohun case, and was not prepared to tolerate any private feuds between the Marchers. In 1293 he intervened in a private war between the earl of Arundel and Fulk Fizwarin, lord of Whittingdon in Shropshire. This led to a complaint in parliament from Arundel, who pleaded the March custom of settling affairs: Fulk Fitz Warin complains against Richard fitz Alan, earl of Arundel, that he, in arms and with banners displayed, plundered the lands of Fulk at Whittingdon. Richard says that he is a baron of the Welshry it is a recognized custom that the barons of those parts, whenever such a discord arises amongst them, ought to come together at a certain place, where the dispute should be settled by the friends of both parties.13 Regardless of such protests, Edward was determined to enforce his prerogative in the Marches. His general attitude was neatly summarised in a letter to his Lusignan half-uncle, William de Valence, earl of Pembroke. Valence had been accused of unjustly arresting certain tenants of the lordship of Pembroke, and was ordered by the king to make amends. If he failed to do, dire consequences would follow: ‘The earl is to understand that if he is unwilling or dilatory in redressing that wrong, the King will not fail to act severely towards him and his possessions, being within the King’s realm and [in his] obedience.’14 It is possible to over-emphasise the king’s domination of the March. Unlike elsewhere, Edward made no effort to claw back allegedly lost royal rights in the Marches. Nor did he wish to erode their legitimate rights of jurisdiction: ‘Once the king had proved his point, he was quite prepared to allow the Marchers to continue to exercise their rights, so long as they did not engage in private war, disobey further royal orders, or infringe royal rights.’15 Where March custom clashed with the royal will and prerogative, however, there could only be one victor.

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For the Good of Peace  175 Although Edward did not challenge the Marchers as a group, his actions were remembered in the crisis of 1297. We have already seen how some of the Marchers, headed by Edmund Mortimer, held an unofficial ‘parliament’ in the Wyre Forest to discuss their grievances against the king. In that year the earl of Norfolk, also lord of Chepstow, defied the king to his face in parliament and refused to serve overseas. It was perhaps fortunate for Edward that his lifelong rival, Gilbert de Clare, died in 1295. If Clare had still been alive in 1297, he could have thrown his considerable weight behind his fellow Marchers. The ensuing civil war, so narrowly averted even in Clare’s absence, might have seen Edward go the same way as Prince Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. Although Edward had cowed the Marchers – at least for the time being – the threat from the native princes of Gwynedd was not quite extinguished. Llywelyn and Dafydd were dead, but within a few years a kinsman of theirs would raise a fresh revolt.

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Chapter 15

Raging in his Fury

M

adog ap Llywelyn was the eldest son of Llywelyn ap Maredudd, a prince of the House of Aberffraw and direct descendant of Owain Gwynedd via one of the latter’s many sons, Prince Cynan, lord of Meirionydd. He thus inherited yet another long-standing feud between the senior branch of Aberffraw and rival claimants. In December 1256 Prince Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, lord of Gwynedd, summoned Llywelyn ap Maredudd to join forces with him. The prince had just conquered the Lord Edward’s lordship in the Perfeddwlad and now wished to extend direct control over Meirionydd. Llywelyn ap Maredudd refused and instead fled into England with his family. He wrote a letter to Henry III, commending himself as one who preferred fidelity to unfaithfulness, and asking for money from the royal exchequer. The king put him on a pension; in this respect Henry’s successor, Edward I, did no more than copy his father’s policy of granting asylum to useful waifs and strays from Wales. Madog was the eldest of four sons, the others being Dafydd, Maredudd, and Llywelyn. On 25 May 1263 their father was killed in a fight at the Clun. His death was mourned by Welsh chroniclers: ‘On 25 May at Clun there were killed nearly a hundred men, among whom was Llywelyn ap Maredudd, the flower of the juveniles of all Wales. He indeed was strenuous and strong in arms, lavish in gifts and in advice prophetic and he was loved by all.’1 While he rode off to his death at Clun, his four sons were left in possession of the commote of Ystumanner. Immediately after he was killed, Prince Llywelyn invaded Meirionydd and drove Madog and his brothers into exile. This sequence of events would appear to confirm that Llywelyn ap Maredudd was on Edward’s side, and died at Clun fighting alongside the Marchers. Once Meirionydd was firmly in his grasp, Prince Llywelyn relented a little. He granted the vills of Llanllibio and Lledwigan Llan on Môn

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Raging in his Fury  177 (Anglesey) to Madog and Dafydd, but nothing to the two younger brothers. They presumably had to live off the charity of their elder siblings. Madog, attempted to recover the lost lands. In the war of 1276–77 he fought for Edward I against Prince Llywelyn, and was recognised by the king as lord of Meirionydd. Perhaps encouraged by royal favour, in 1278 Madog brought two pleas against the defeated Llywelyn. In the first he came before the king’s justices at Oswestry and claimed the entire land of Meirionydd as rightfully his. Llywelyn failed to appear in court, and he seems to have taken the opportunity to strike back against Madog. In his second plea, Madog accused the Prince of seizing one of his servants, a certain Adam, and hanging him in Meirionydd even while Madog was before the justices at Oswestry.2 Madog’s claim to Meirionydd was unsuccessful and he had to be content with the grant of some townships in Anglesey. There was little in Madog’s career before 1294 to suggest he was a threat to King Edward’s administration. Perhaps his failure to recover Meirionydd rankled, or he gauged the discontent in Wales and thought the time was right to press his own claim to the principality. Yet, while Madog was the figurehead of the revolt, the roots of it lay much deeper. In 1292 Edward I chose to levy a heavy tax on the principality, to help clear outstanding debts from his last major Welsh campaign a decade earlier. The subsidy raised from Wales in 1292–93 has been estimated at £10,000, a proportionately much higher amount than the tax levied at the same time on counties in England.3 Much to the king’s displeasure, his officers experienced some difficult in collecting the subsidy. His response was to send a ‘fixer’, one John de Godelegh, to investigate the delay. The figures are startling. Prior to Godelegh’s arrival, the collectors had managed to raise sums of £344 18 s 5 1/2d before Easter 1293, and then a desperately small sum of just £250 7s 10d in October. After his arrival, the third instalment of the subsidy in April 1294 was £2026 14s 2d. This was a vast improvement from the Crown’s point of view, but must have caused much resentment among taxpayers. In October only £29 15s 6d was raised, and by then Wales was in revolt.4 Another trigger for the rising was Edward’s war with France, which erupted at about the same time as John de Godelegh was dispatched to Wales. The war centred on Philip IV’s determination to conquer Gascony, the last substantial territory held by the English Crown in France. Philip

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178  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 used a sea-battle between English and Norman sailors in the Channel as a pretext to summon Edward to explain himself at the French parliament in Paris. He refused the summons, and after some botched negotiations the French overran Gascony. Edward renounced his homage to the French king and declared war. The English then set about organising a tripartite expedition to reconquer Gascony, while Edward paid out vast sums to forge a ‘grand alliance’ of European princes against Philip. Inevitably, Edward sought to draw upon the military resources of his new conquest in Wales. Troops were stripped from local garrisons and Welsh infantry summoned to the muster at Portsmouth. This weakened the English military presence and encouraged resistance. One of the first signs of trouble was a minor incident in the courthouse of Llanerch at Ruthin. On 10 June 1294 a local official, one Iorwerth ap Kenwric, was accused of trying to extract rent money from a tenant of the lordship, Thomas ap Gilth Christ. In response Iorwerth flew into a rage, cursed ‘the constable’s beard and afterwards his head’, and swore ‘by the body of Christ that before the middle of the month the Constable and other English will hear such rumours that they will not wish to come again into Wales.’5 Trouble was clearly brewing. Regardless, the king continued with his plans for Gascony. As autumn wore on, rumours of more serious disturbances reached his ears. The infantry raised in Wales were led by the old campaigner, Robert Tibetot, but ordered to turn back at Winchester on 8 October. On 1 October Edward had received word of the death of the two deputy justiciars in Wales, Geoffrey Clement, and Walter Pederton, slain ‘by certain malefactors and disturbers of the king’s peace.’6 Reports of Walter’s death proved greatly exaggerated, as he later turned up at Winchester with the Welsh infantry he had been ordered to raise for Gascony. Geoffrey Clement’s widow fled for safety to the castle of Llanbadarn. The king was certainly aware of trouble in the west. On the same day, 1 October, he announced that ‘certain Welshmen in the parts of West Wales are endeavouring to disturb his peace there.’7 He dispatched Geoffrey Caumville and five other lords to guard the lands of the Marches and repress any disturbances. Meanwhile he pushed on with his plans for the Gascony campaign, and on 9 or 10 October the first of three planned expeditions set sail from Plymouth.

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Raging in his Fury  179 Once he had grasped the scale of the rising, Edward reacted with his usual speed. Those English lords on the way to Portsmouth were swiftly recalled, and the king set about issuing letters of protection for military service in Wales. Further writs were issued to convene a parliament in London on 12 November, to gain approval for a Welsh campaign and further grants of tax. By the 15 October Edward was fully aware of the gravity of the situation in Wales. On that date he summoned men from the northern counties and ordered the barons at Portsmouth to muster at Worcester.8 Edward’s decision to abandon the Gascony campaign and concentrate on Wales met with some criticism. English chroniclers grumbled that he had lost his best chance of a quick victory over the French:

Know through his folly and misbehaviour, The king has lost his possession. Of all Aquitaine [Gascony] except Bayonne. For if he had gone with the aid of the Gascons, To defend Aquitaine against Philip and Charles, When he went into Wales against Madoc the felon Toulouse and the Toulousain through great affection Would all have come to his subjection. His presence would have saved Saint Severe and Riom; Bordeaux would have surrendered to him without slaughter, And all Aquitaine would have been in his power. May Wales be accursed of God and of St Simon! For it has always been full of treason.9

It was easy for chroniclers to carp, but in the end Edward’s decision was vindicated. The revolt in Wales was much too serious for local garrison forces to deal with, and Gascony was not lost. Instead the war against the French rumbled on inconclusively until a truce was declared in 1298. Edward followed his usual strategy in Wales, with three main armies in royal pay supported by various baronial forces. This time the three muster points were Chester, Brecon and Cardiff. Arrangements were rapidly made to provision the beleaguered English garrisons in North Wales by sea from Bristol and Ireland, while supplies built up at Portsmouth for

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180  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 the Gascony campaign were diverted to Wales. Until the king was able to take the field, military operations were conducted by his barons. The Welsh revolt was remarkably well co-ordinated, implying a degree of planning beforehand. In the northwest, the rebels under Madog himself had stormed Caernarfon and its unfinished castle, burning the charters of the new borough and killing Roger de Pulesdon, sheriff of Anglesey. There was a less serious uprising in the northeast, where a band of local Welshmen burned the manor of Overton in Maelor Saesneg. In the south, a young Welshman named Maelgwn ap Rhys led a raid from Ceredigion into the lordship of Pembroke, though he isn’t known to have taken any castles. Outside Gwynedd, the most serious risings were in the southeast and Glamorgan. Morgan ap Maredudd, lord of Gwynllŵg, put himself at the head of the Glamorgan rebels. These men succeeded in taking the castle at Morlais and other strongholds. A fourth named leader was Cynan ap Maredudd, said by one Welsh chronicle to be a great-grandson of the Lord Rhys. This would make him a kinsman of Rhys ap Maredudd. Cynan led the revolt in mid-Wales.10 The earl probably only had a small force with him, but this was a considerable morale-booster for the Welsh. They had sacked the king’s showpiece castle at Caernarfon, the symbol of his conquest, and defeated an English force in a pitched battle. Further south, another English garrison was bottled up at Castell y Bere in Meirionydd. Conwy, Harlech, and Criccieth were also under siege, but these were in less danger for the time being since they could be resupplied by sea. Bere was a different matter. The castle lay six miles inland, extremely difficult to resupply by land or sea. Any relief operation from England would have to be conducted from Shrewsbury or Montgomery, a sixty-mile slog through mountainous and forested territory infested with rebels. The route to the sea was cut off by Welsh forces at Caernarfon, Criccieth, Harlech, and Aberystwyth. Unless help arrived soon, Bere was in serious danger. Edward was most concerned about the fate of Bere. On 18 October he ordered the earl of Arundel to lead an expedition to relieve the castle, ‘so that the king’s men that are therein shall be aided and saved in all ways that are possible.’11 Reynold de Grey was ordered to assist Arundel, along with several Marcher lords. Nine days later the writ was re-issued, this time to Robert Fitzwalter as Arundel was needed at Chester. The situation at Bere was now critical: Edward declared he wished the castle

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Raging in his Fury  181 to be saved ‘with all his heart.’12 It seems unlikely Bere was saved in time, and the fate of the garrison and the tiny civilian population of the adjoining vill can only be guessed at.13 The English enjoyed more success in the south. A bitter action was fought in mid-Wales, where the Welsh had laid siege to John Giffard’s castle at Builth. Giffard raised a force of ten knights, twenty troopers and forty light horse to raise the siege, and on 12 November finally managed to hack his way through the Welsh siege lines after five failed attempts. No such vivid detail survives for the efforts of the Marchers in South Wales. Over 4,000 infantry, mostly raised in the west of England, were active under the earls of Gloucester and Pembroke, while the earl of Hereford was busy on the Marches of Brycheiniog. Gloucester failed to contain the insurgents on his lands in Glamorgan, where Morgan ap Maredudd had seized most of the earl’s castles and ravaged Caerphilly. King Edward had arrived at Chester by 4 December, along with 16,000 infantry raised from the northern counties. He also organised a naval expedition of 500 infantry under Henry de Lathom for the reconquest of Anglesey. These men were supplied with a galley and twelve boats, though nothing is known of their operations over the winter. It seems the king initially planned to repeat his previous strategy in North Wales, marching northwest via the coastal route while a fleet sailed to seize Anglesey. The defeat of the earl of Lincoln at Denbigh on 11 November forced Edward to change his plans. On 8 December he set out from Chester and marched west to Wrexham with 5,000 infantry, while the rest were sent up the coast road to link up with Reynold Grey at Rhuddlan. The king then advanced into the upper Clwyd Valley and on 17 December reached Derwen Llanerch, where he stayed for two days. Little is known of this expedition, but Edward probably meant to overawe the rebels who had defeated Lincoln. Not all the Welsh were in arms against him. On 19 December, still at Derwen Llanerch, Edward paid out a prest (advance wage) of £100 to Odo de Nevet, a Knight Hospitaller, and Madog ap Dafydd of Hendwr. These men were in command of several hundred Welsh infantry operating in the commote of Penllyn. Their task was to keep the rebels busy in that sector until Reynold Grey could come up with reinforcements.

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182  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307

The Penmachno document Even as the king advanced upon Gwynedd, Madog sought to exploit his early successes. On December 19, shortly before Edward’s arrival at Conwy, the Welsh leader issued a remarkable charter. It was drawn up at Penmachno, just south of Betws-y-Coed, in the heart of Gwynedd and rebel-held territory. The charter concerned two grants of land in Maenol Llanaber and ‘Kaer Hepnewid’ (probably in Rhufoniog Uwch Aled, about ten miles west of Denbigh) to one Bleddyn Fychan. Such charters were common, but the Penmachno document implies that Madog had assumed power inside Gwynedd. In the charter, he is styled Madog ap Llywelyn, Prince of Wales, lord of Snowdon.’ The use of this style was probably a conscious effort to copy the style of his immediate predecessors, Llywelyn and Dafydd ap Gruffudd. Madog was thus attempting to restore the native royal governance destroyed by Edward I. This impression is reinforced by the names of the witness list on the document. They included Tudur ab Gronw and his brother Gronw Fychan, Gruffudd ap Rhys ab Ednyfed Fychan, Tudur ap Carwed, Gruffudd ap Tudur, Deikyn Crach, and several others.14 This list includes some of the leading men of Gwynedd. In the document Madog designates Tudur ab Gronw as ‘our steward’, another deliberate hark back to forms of native government. Tudur was a direct descendent of two of the most prominent stewards (disteiniad in Welsh) who had served under the princes. One of his ancestors, Ednyfed Fychan, had served as distain to Llywelyn ab Iorwerth and Dafydd ap Llywelyn, while another, Gronw ap Ednyfed, served Llywelyn ap Gruffudd.15 The presence of Gruffudd ap Rhys, another descendent of Ednyfed Fychan, on the charter reinforces the impression that Madog wished to revive the government of his forebears. He was also recruiting important local men to his inner circle. Gruffudd ap Tudur had been constable of Dolwyddelan castle in the 1280s, and may have surrendered the castle to Edward’s forces as they converged on Gwynedd in January 1283. Now he threw in his lot with a scion of the House of Aberffraw. Deikyn Crach was keeper of the vaccaries at Dolwyddelan; vaccaries were monastic cattle farms, numerous in Gwynedd, and the post of keeper was one of importance. There is, however, no evidence that Madog occupied the castle at Dolwyddelan.

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Raging in his Fury  183 The recipient of the grant, Bleddyn Fychan, was not an obvious patriot. He was a land-holder in Llansannan near Denbigh, who rose to high office in the new English administration after 1283. A later record of 1650 states that Bleddyn helped to evict the Welsh tenants of the district of Archwedlog near Denbigh on the orders of the earl of Lincoln in order to plant a forest there. Bleddyn was well rewarded for his service and grew quite wealthy in the earl’s service. A record of 1293 lists his property in that town: it included six oxen, three cows, two horses, six shillings’ worth of flour, and a boat amongst other items. According to another later record, Bleddyn acquired lands on Ynys Môn at some point, and his sons owned eight mills in Rhufoniog Uwch Aled by 1334.16 Here, then, was another uchelwyr family that profited from the conquest. At the same time Bleddyn saw fit to join with Madog, the self-styled prince of Wales, and his rebels in 1294. Perhaps he did so for reasons of self-preservation; Madog’s star was in the ascendant at the time, and it made sense for men like Bleddyn to join the winning side. He does not seem to have suffered for his part in the revolt, and resumed his old position in the earl of Lincoln’s administration afterwards. As for Madog, he needed important landowners like Bleddyn, even if he found such men repugnant. Otherwise the names on the Penmachno document all point to a serious effort to resurrect the native government of Wales. Given the blood links to the princes of Powys and Deheubarth as well as Gwynedd, Madog was arguably trying to set up a council that represented dynasties all over Wales. Even so, their writ cannot have extended beyond the confines of Gwynedd above the Conwy, and even then only for a few months over the winter of 1294–5. Madog’s ascendancy was brief. Once the initial force of his rising was spent, he and his allies would have to face the wrath of the Plantagenet. King Edward was now coming to North Wales in person to crush the revolt in its cradle.

Edward’s advance From Derwen Edward marched down the Vale of Clwyd and reached Abergele on 23 December. This was just four days after the signing of Prince Madog’s charter at Penmachno. Having suppressed the rebels in the lordships of Ruthin and Denbigh, Edward moved on towards his

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184  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 mighty new castle at Conwy. The king spent Christmas Day at Conwy, though it took several more days to ferry his household and equipment over the river to the castle. A division of his army remained east of the Conwy, while the earl of Lincoln was left behind at Rhuddlan with a reserve of 2,500 men. So far Edward’s conduct of the war had been typically cautious and methodical. His next move is puzzling. On 6 January, after receiving the archbishop of Canterbury at Conwy, Edward made a sudden foray into the west of Gwynedd, deep inside rebel-held territory. The following day he was at Bangor, and then rode on to Llanwnda and Nefyn on the Llŷn peninsula. On 9 January he was at the village of Llanwnda, just a few miles from Caernarfon. He spent the 12–13 at Nefyn, then turned about and retraced his steps. On the 16 Edward was at Llandegla, where he pardoned a Welshman, one Yevaf ap Adam, for the death of an English soldier, Roger Eyton.17 The king returned to Bangor on 19 January. His route to Nefyn and back again twice took him past Madog’s stronghold at Caernarfon, where the Welsh leader had presumably stationed the bulk of his forces. What was Edward’s intention? One possibility is that he wished to secure the loyalty of Owain Goch, eldest brother of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. The date of Owain’s death is unknown, and he may well have been still alive at this point, in quiet semi-retirement on his lordship of Llŷn. Or it may be that Edward meant to challenge Madog to march out from Caernarfon and face the king in open battle. Whatever the case, Edward displayed an extraordinary confidence – or arrogance – by marching into hostile territory with only part of his army. He almost paid a heavy price. Somewhere on his return journey, perhaps on the road between Conwy and Bangor, the king’s supply train was ambushed and seized by the Welsh. Edward himself was probably elsewhere with his cavalry, but had to beat a retreat to Conwy. English chroniclers claim he spent an uncomfortable few days cooped up inside the castle, while the triumphant Welsh laid siege outside.18 Thanks to heavy rains, the Conwy was in spate, and Edward’s army on the eastern bank was unable to come to his aid. To encourage his men, the king allegedly refused to drink the single cask of wine inside the castle, but insisted on drinking the water mixed with honey that was issued to the

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Raging in his Fury  185 troops. When the waters subsided, his army was able to cross over and drive off the Welsh. All of this makes for a good story, but the truth may be less dramatic. The accounts show that Edward conducted business as usual over this period. On 22 January he issued a pardon to one Adam de la Hawe for committing trespasses in Yorkshire, and on the same day received a visit from two monks, bringing news of the death of the prior of the hospital of St Bartholomew in Gloucestershire. On the 23rd he confirmed the appointment of one Walter Reginald as vicar of a church in Wimbledon.19 Further routine instructions were issued by the king over the remainder of January. Possibly he was able to dispatch orders and receive visitors by sea; three ships, the Welfare and the Page of Bristol and the Blithe of Tenby, were specially adapted to carry corn to Conwy from early December to early March.20 The narrative of the siege of Conwy may therefore be exaggeration on the part of English chroniclers. Certainly, the tale of Edward refusing to drink the single cask of wine looks like an effort to cast him in a heroic light. That said, Edward remained at Conwy until April, building up troops and supplies. His rash foray in January may have been an effort to bring the war to a swift conclusion. The failure of this attempt, and the capture of his baggage train, persuaded the king to wait for the spring before moving again. He was far from idle, and oversaw a series of naval operations to relieve his besieged castles. On 1 December he assigned the task of revictualling Criccieth and Harlech, on the North Wales coast, to Richard de Staundon and John and Richard de Havering. The loss of Caernarfon and Bere had left these strongholds isolated, and the garrisons in urgent need of supplies. On 18 December John de Havering arrived at Harlech with seven men to bolster the garrison. Prior to his arrival there were a total of eighty-four people in Harlech, including women and children from the town who had sought refuge in the castle. The addition of a mere seven men was of limited use, but a regular delivery of supplies followed, lasting from January into the summer. With no fleet, the Welsh were powerless to prevent these supplies getting through. Richard de Havering, the king’s clerk of Snowdon, was responsible for simultaneous delivery of these victuals to Harlech and Criccieth. The food and munitions were sent

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186  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 from Edward’s lordship of Ireland, and many of the sailors hired in the ports of Rosslare, Cork, and Waterford.21 In Between February and March the king sent three letters to Nicholas Fermbaud, the constable of Bristol, ordering the resupply of Llanbadarn from Bristol. These orders were sent from Conwy, showing the importance of communications by sea. On the 7 Edward instructed Fermbaud to ‘hastily take a good ship, qualified mariners, foot soldiers and crossbowmen to bring supplies to de Valence at Llanbadarn by 1 March.’22 William de Valence, Edward’s Lusignan uncle, had been appointed one of the English commanders in South Wales. On the 18 Edward repeated the order, this time requesting good skiffs, two barges manned by able seamen and crossbow-men, as well as victuals and military stores. The king made a third and final request on 1 March, implying the situation at Llanbadarn was critical. Here Edward displayed the same concern as he had for the garrison at Castell y Bere, only this time with better results. Ships from Bristol successfully delivered two consignments of supplies to Llanbadarn on 12 April and 20 June.23 This naval operation saved the garrison from starvation and persuaded the Welsh, probably led by Cynan ap Maredudd, to lift the siege.

The Battle of Maes Moydog While these complex supply operations took place, the tide of war on land slowly turned against Madog. In mid-February the earl of Hereford broke the Welsh siege of Abergavenny and drove the besiegers to flight, afterwards ravaging their lands.24 News of this defeat, and the failure of his allies to take any of the royal castles on the coast, may have prompted Madog to take desperate action. In early March he left Gwynedd and moved down to Powys at the head of his field army, into the district of Cydewain. This was only a few miles northwest of Montgomery, where the earl of Warwick had been stationed since the beginning of December. Madog’s intentions are as baffling as those of his rival, King Edward, when the latter made his dangerous foray from Conwy to Bangor. Perhaps it was a reconnaissance, but if so why did Madog advance in force? If he meant to attack Montgomery, or lure Warwick’s garrison into an ambush, then his strategy backfired. Most of Warwick’s infantry were at Oswestry, north of Montgomery, and the earl had Welsh spies

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Raging in his Fury  187 in his service. On 5 March these spies brought Warwick information of Madog’s whereabouts, and the English immediately set out from their bases at Montgomery and Oswestry to engage the Welsh army. The Welsh were caught unawares at Maes Moydog inside Caereinion. What happened next, the only major pitched battle of the war, is described in two separate chronicle accounts. The first is contained inside the Chronicle of Hagnaby and takes the form of a newsletter, possibly read aloud in English towns and cities to spread word of Warwick’s victory: Know that the Montgomery army went to Oswestry to take some plunder. Then the prince [Madog] came into Powys with the elite of his Welshmen, and our spies came by night to Oswestry, and told us that the prince had gone as far as Cydewain. They [the English] went as quickly as they could to Montgomery on the Friday and Saturday, 5 March. The prince’s host awaited our men on the open ground and they fought together, our men killing a good six hundred. Then our men from Llystynwynnan joined battle with those who were transporting the prince’s victuals, and killed a good hundred, and took from them, over six score beasts laden with foodstuffs. And we lost only one esquire, the tailor of Robert FitzWalter, and six infantrymen, but a good ten horses were killed. For the Welshmen held their ground well, and they were best and bravest Welsh that anyone has seen.25 The low number of reported English casualties does not tally with the surviving payroll for Warwick’s army; this shows that medicines were bought for six men wounded in the battle, while the overall number of soldiers dropped from twenty-six constables and 2,689 infantry on 5 March to twenty-seven constables and 2,597 infantry on the 6th, a net decrease of ninety-one.26 The combined casualties of 700 Welsh, at the battle and the skirmish at the baggage train afterwards, tally with the same figure given in the Annals of Worcester, usually well-informed on affairs in Wales. This chronicle also states that many of Madog’s men were drowned in a nearby river, swollen by heavy rains, as they fled the battle.27 The other main English account of the battle comes from Nicholas Trivet, a Dominican friar based in London:

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188  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The earl of Warwick, hearing that the Welsh were massed in great numbers in a certain plain between two forests, took with him a picked body of men-at-arms, together with crossbowmen and archers, and surprising them by night, surrounded them on all sides. They [the Welsh] planted the butts of their spears on the ground, and turned the points against the charging cavalry so as to defend themselves from their rush. But the earl placed a crossbowman between each two menat-arms, and when the greater part of the spear-armed Welsh had been brought down by the bolts of the crossbow, he charged the rest with his squadron of horse, and inflicted a loss greater, it is believed, than any which had been experienced by them in the past wars.28 It is possible to shoot holes in these grand statements. Warwick’s payroll lists only thirteen crossbowmen and archers. Even if these men were experts, it seems difficult to believe they wrecked Madog’s battle-line all by themselves. On the other hand, it appears Madog had no bowmen in his army, and there was little to stop Warwick’s small company of missile troops shooting at their leisure. However it was achieved, there is no doubt that Madog and his army were ‘discomfited’ and routed with heavy loss. Two Welsh prisoners taken at the battle, both named Gruffudd ap Hywel, were sent under armed escort to the king at Conwy.29 News of the victory no doubt cheered Edward’s troops, cooped up inside the castle since December. Some of them were going stir-crazy. On 10 March, five days after the battle, Edward’s soldiers begged permission to sally out and attack the Welsh. After initial reluctance, the king agreed: In the twenty-third year of King Edward, while that man was still staying at Conwy, all the archers and missile throwers came to him on the Ides of March, complaining about such a great delay that had been lost; they sought licence to go out against their enemies, which he reluctantly granted. At length he sent with them horsemen that he had chosen. And reaching their rivals, they found them lying on beds. They attacked them, beheading them or piercing them with lances to the number of about 500, and they found with the same men all vessels and utensils, which had been violently stolen from us for a long time.30

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Raging in his Fury  189 The king’s soldiers thus recovered the plate and utensils that the Welsh had taken from them, and slaughtered 500 of Madog’s men in their sleep. On the same day, in south Wales, the earl of Hereford won another victory over the rebels in that quarter. He owed this success to the treachery of a Welsh spy: Item, on the same day in South Wales (March 1294) the messenger of the earl of Hereford, who was Welsh, fraudulently came to the Welsh, who were assembled in one column, as eight hundred, and he said to them: ‘The English are going out to seize booty: come wisely and capture those men for nothing.’ They believed the words of this deceiver, and they came against the English in battle, but were deprived of their desire, because thanks to God they all fell to the English sword.31 The run of English victories since February were hammer blows to the Welsh cause. This may have encouraged the hope that the rebels would lay down their arms. On 8 March, Edward empowered Edmund Mortimer to receive the men of Ceri and Gwrtherynion to come into the peace, if they wished to.32 However, the war was far from over. There was still much resistance to overcome, and the king devised a three-pronged spring and summer offensive to pacify North Wales. Edward himself would advance from Conwy and reconquer Anglesey, then move down to Meirionydd. Two more armies under Grey and Warwick would advance on Meirionydd from Rhuddlan and Montgomery respectively. Their intention was to prise Madog out of the hills and forests of Meirionydd, his ancestral homeland, where he had retreated after the defeat at Maes Moydog. Grey was first to move. On 6 March, just one day after the battle of Maes Moydog, he left Rhuddlan with 108 cavalry and about 2,500 infantry. He advanced to Edeirnion, the easternmost commote of Penllyn, and set about hacking a path through the deep woods. Soon afterwards, probably in April, Grey sent a report to the king and informed him that he had reached the borders of Ardudwy and Meirionydd. His men were cutting down the wood of ‘Ketth-Lieconham’, ‘the strongest place in Ardudwy’, where Madog and his men had taken shelter. Most of the men of Meirionydd had submitted to the king’s peace. The exception was the

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190  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 southern commote of Ystumanner, which still held out. It may be that Madog wanted to stage a last stand at Ystumanner; ironically, he and his brothers had been driven from the commote by Llywelyn ap Gruffudd in 1263. Grey finished by assuring the king that the news of his defeat – evidently a false rumour swirling about North Wales – was untrue.33 While Grey forced Madog into the depths of Meirionydd, Edward prepared to march from Conwy. His expedition to Anglesey was months in the planning. Fresh troops were summoned from Shropshire, Staffordshire, Lancashire, and Cheshire, teams of carpenters employed to build barges and pontoons for the sea crossing. A large fleet of English and Irish ships was assembled, and military engines constructed and repaired for the invasion of the isle. On 8 April Edward marched from Conwy to Bangor, then crossed the Menai Strait two days later. He set up headquarters at Llanfaes, and may have encountered stiff resistance soon after landing. One chronicle claims the engines built at Conwy were used to drive the Welsh defenders from Anglesey: ‘The king also expelled the nobles of Wales, who had fled to the island of Anglesey, from the same [island] by main force with crossbows and missiles of unheard of weight and magnitude.’34 Several knights of Edward’s household died at Llanfaes in April and May. These were John de Beauchamp, William de Percy of Kildale, and Simon Basset.35 The manner of their deaths is not recorded, but they were quite possibly casualties of war, killed as Edward’s army forced its way inland. Any such resistance was short-lived. The Welsh on Anglesey had suffered bitterly from hunger over the winter, and 11,000 were said to have surrendered to the king.36 On 17 April, to secure Edward’s reconquest of Anglesey, work began on the new castle of Beaumaris. This was the last of the so-called ‘Iron Ring’ of Edwardian castles in North Wales. It would never be completed. The king quickly moved on. By 6 May he was back on the mainland at Bangor, and the next day set out on his southern march to Meirionydd. He was accompanied by a large number of Welsh hostages. Thirty-six were taken from Anglesey and seventy-four from Caernarfon, as security for the good behaviour of their countrymen. In mid-May Edward linked up safely with Grey and Warwick at Towyn or Talybont inside Meirionydd. The three-pronged advance had successfully penetrated Madog’s heartlands and crushed all resistance, though Madog himself remained at large a while longer.

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Raging in his Fury  191 There is some evidence of Welsh casualties in Meirionydd, probably slain as Edward’s armies converged on the territory. Among those killed in the fighting were Llywelyn ap Cadwgan of the vill of Gwrych in Ystumanner, Gronw ap Heilin of Llanddwywe in Ardudwy, and Peredur ap Llywelyn of Llwyngwril in Tal-y-bont. These were influential local men or uchelwyr, assessed at high rates of tax.37 Some of the uchelwyr of Meirionydd stayed local to the Crown: one such was Madoc ap Iorwerth of Pennant-lliw, who had served as a royal officer before the revolt and is not known to have joined the rebels. He appears to have been rewarded for his loyalty in 1300, when Edward made him a life grant of certain lands in Pennant-lliw.38 After the reduction of Meirionydd, the war turned into a procession. Edward marched through south Wales, taking submissions and hostages as he went. He moved to Aberystwyth and then through Ceredigion. There was a nasty incident at Strata Florida, where the abbot failed to deliver on his promise to bring the men of Ceredigion to the peace. The furious king allegedly burnt the abbey and its lands, though he later denied he had deliberately harmed the abbey. It was certainly destroyed at this time and a licence to rebuild only issued in 1300.39 Otherwise the revolt was petering out. On 7 June Edward wrote to his brother Edmund that the Welsh of Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire, the Towy valley, and Builth had all surrendered. The Welsh of Brecon and Glamorgan were yet to submit, but the leader of the Glamorgan rebels, Morgan ap Maredudd, had come into the peace. Madog ap Llywelyn and Maelgwyn ap Rhys would, the king hoped, either surrender or be dealt with some other way.40 There is some mystery over the nature of the revolt in Glamorgan. The ringleader, Morgan ap Maredudd, was an enigmatic figure whose true loyalties and motives are far from clear.41 He and 700 of his men were escorted to the king by the earl of Warwick, and Edward met them near the castle of Morlais near Merthyr Tydfil. Morgan protested that his revolt had been aimed at Clare, rather than the king, and that he was a loyal subject. Edward accepted this argument and pardoned him, in the teeth of furious protests from Clare.42 This whole affair seems to have been stage-managed by the king to annoy Clare, his old rival from the civil wars in England. As we have seen, the earl had first occupied Morlais in 1287, when he drove Rhys

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192  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 ap Maredudd from Brycheiniog. Afterwards he started to build a castle, only to be challenged over the territory by the earl of Hereford. Both earls were severely punished by the king, and in 1295 Edward seized another opportunity to demonstrate his power to the Marchers. He took the lordship of Glamorgan into his own hands and appointed Walter Hakelute as its keeper.43 This was yet another humiliation for Clare, who had lost his lifelong duel with the king. He died at Monmouth in December 1295, a broken man. From Glamorgan Edward passed swiftly through the middle Marches of Builth, Radnor, Clun, and Montgomery. Over the summer a manhunt was staged in Brycheinog for Cynan ap Maredudd, one of the rebel leaders, who had gone into hiding. He was finally discovered at Brecon, disguised as a leper. Edward ordered him to be checked for the disease, and when it became clear he was shamming, Cynan was hanged at Hereford on 14 September.44 Cynan, the most obscure of the four main rebel leaders, was the only one to be executed. It isn’t clear why; perhaps Edward was in a vindictive mood, or Cynan posed more of a threat than the bare accounts suggest. Maelgwn ap Rhys, leader of the rebels in Ceredigion and Pembroke, is said to have been killed in Carmarthen.45 However, a man of that name was held prisoner after 1295 at Bamburgh castle in northeast England. He was still there in 1301.46 This left only Madog, the moving spirit of the revolt, to be accounted for. One account says he submitted to John de Havering, justiciar of North Wales, at the end of July.47 Havering’s claim was contested by Ynyr Fychan of Nannau, another landholder of Meirionydd. Ynyr boasted that it was who had captured Madog, and asked for the rhaglawry of Tal-ybont for a reward. His claim was rejected.48 Whoever was responsible for his capture, Madog’s revolt had failed. Edward completed his circle of Wales in mid-July, including quick visits to Caernarfon and Beaumaris, and crossed the border at Oswestry on the 16. His campaign was over, ‘et Wallia sic quievit’ – and Wales was quiet.49

Conciliation and oppression The war of Madog, as it was called, cost Edward a great deal of time and money. The financial cost was over £55,000, roughly a quarter of his total war expenditure between 1294–95.50 This money was badly

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Raging in his Fury  193 needed for the war in France, and the Welsh rebellion distracted Edward at a time when he wanted to be on the Continent, fighting to rescue his duchy of Gascony. He was also embroiled in affairs in Scotland, where John Balliol and the Scottish council were negotiating an alliance with Edward’s enemy, Philip IV. With all these troubles before him, Edward was determined to ensure there would be no more rebellions in Wales. To that end he attempted to appease Welsh communities, while at the same time passing oppressive laws designed to ensure the Welsh would never again be able to challenge his authority. Edward’s new way of thinking is evident in his treatment of Madog. The Welsh leader was brought before him in London, but did not suffer trial and execution. Instead he was imprisoned in the Tower, where he probably stayed for the rest of his life. He was still there in 1305, when the constable was ordered to supply Madog with wages and robes, as other Welsh prisoners at the Tower were wont to receive.51 He is last mentioned in 1312, when his son Maredudd was granted the vill of Llanllibio after the death of his uncle, Dafydd. In normal circumstances the vill should have descended to Madog, Dafydd’s brother, but this was impossible because Madog was still a prisoner.52 The king showed far more leniency towards Madog’s family than he had towards the children of Dafydd ap Gruffudd. Maredudd ap Madog, who inherited Llanllibio, served in the royal household and became a king’s esquire under Edward II. His brother, Hywel ap Madog, was still holding the family lands at Lledwigan Llan on Anglesey in 1352. Unlike the sons and daughters of Prince Dafydd, cooped up in prisons and religious communities in England, the sons of Madog were permitted to live out their lives as free men; ‘the father’s calumny was not visited upon his children.’53 Edward was keen to re-establish normal relations with the leaders of Welsh society. Once the revolt was over, he declared an amnesty towards the heirs of all those Welsh landholders who had died fighting against the Crown. Though well-intentioned, this led to problems as many of the heirs were still children, and unable to come to the king to swear fealty to him. This left them exposed to persecution from greedy officials, who unjustly extracted money from the lands they inherited.54

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194  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 The king also showed his willingness to listen to complaints from Welsh communities. On 1 September 1295, at Westminster, he ordered an enquiry into abuses in north Wales: The like to John de Havering, justice of North Wales, and William Sycun, constable of the castle of Aberconewy, on complaint by men of the commonalty of North Wales, touching trespasses, injuries, extortions, oppressions and grievous losses inflicted upon them since that land came into the king’s hands, by the sheriffs, bailiffs and other ministers in those parts.55 In the following year, 3 December 1296, Edward received four representatives of the ‘good men and commonalty’ of North Wales and Anglesey. These were the abbot of Aberconwy, Thomas Daunvers, Tudur ap Goronwy, and Hywel ap Cynrwig, sent to the king to report a rumour ‘which disturbed and grieved them, that the king held them in suspicion.’ Edward responded by ‘begging them not to believe such rumours for the future, as no sinister rumour of their state or behaviour has reached the king in these days, and he has no suspicion towards them, but rather, by reason of their late good service, holds them for his faithful and devoted subjects’ .56 The representatives were an interesting set. Tudur ap Goronwy had appeared on the Penmachno charter in December 1294, in which Madog ap Llywelyn called himself Prince of Wales and designated Tudur as his steward. Edward’s willingness to receive him shows how far the king was prepared to go to conciliate the leading families of Gwynedd. Thomas Daunvers had been appointed sheriff of Anglesey after the murder of Sir Roger Puleston in 1294. Hywel ap Cynwrig might be identified with a man of that name who petitioned to hold the office of rhaglaw in Arllechwedd Uchaf in 1305, claiming to have been gifted it by the former prince, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd.57 Edward continued to be attentive towards Welsh affairs. On 10 March 1297 he ordered another enquiry into abuses, this time in West Wales: Commission of oyer and terminer to Peter de Malore and Henry de Guldeford, touching reported oppressions by the people of West Wales by bailiffs of the king and of barons and magnates of those

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Raging in his Fury  195 parts, and such cases as they cannot terminate are to be referred to the king, so that upon the information thereof order may be taken in the next parliament.58 In the March, where Edward had already demonstrated his power, the king put pressure on the Marcher lords to grant charters of liberties to Welsh communities. In 1297 the men of Maelienydd paid £500 to secure two charters from their lord, Edmund Mortimer. Further south, the men of Brecon received a similar grant from the earl of Hereford, after the king’s justices had placed severe pressure on the earl: Power, during pleasure, to Walter Hakelut and Morgan ap Maredudd to hear complaints of the people of the earl of Hereford in Breghenogh [Brecknock] against the earl and his ministers, to defend and maintain until justice be done those complaining, and to admit to the king’s peace those persons whom the earl has ejected from his lands and to reinstate them.59 It is notable that one of the justices appointed to hear the complaints at Brecon was Morgan ap Maredudd, who had been in revolt just two years earlier. Similar grants were made to the men of Glamorgan, who were excused various fines they had paid to have the ancient laws and customs used by their ancestors.60 Elsewhere the men of Talgarth, Ystrad Yw, and Crickhowell paid 100 marks for the confirmation of their rights. In 1306, near the end of the reign, grants of liberties were made to all free men, Welsh and English, in the Braose lordship of Gower.61 These ordinances are roughly dated to 1295, and probably passed into legislation at the same time as Edward was trying to conciliate Welsh communities. This implies a ‘carrot and stick’ policy on the part of the king; those Welshmen who submitted were taken back into favour, and there was no large-scale confiscation of lands. However, Edward was prepared to take drastic action to ensure there could be no more rebellions in Wales. As the success of his early reign turned sour, the king’s mood darkened: It may be that, as some have suggested, the character of Edward’s governance changed during the last decade or so of his reign as the

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196  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 monarch, weighed down by deepening crises within his realm, by the burdens of war with France and Scotland and by rebellion in Wales, became more vindictive and vengeful in his attitudes.62 Ultimately, the measures worked, and there was peace (of a sort) in Wales for the remainder of the reign. The conquest had required four big military campaigns and an enormous financial and logistical effort, as well as a dangerous confrontation between the Crown and the Marcher lords. Nevertheless, in the end Edward was thoroughly successful. At last he was master of Wales, and could set about putting that mastery to effect.

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Chapter 16

The King’s Welshmen

O

nce Edward had achieved mastery over Wales in 1295, he was able to draw heavily upon Welsh manpower and resources to support his ambitions elsewhere. The large numbers of Welshmen raised to fight in Edward’s wars in Scotland and Flanders are testament to the success of his conquest of Wales. Without them, it is doubtful the king would have emerged intact from the wars that engulfed the last decade of his reign. There was nothing new about the English Crown recruiting Welsh troops to fight overseas. From the reign of Henry II onwards, Welshmen were raised to fight in Normandy and other Plantagenet territories against the Capetian kings of France. They made a deep impression on the French. One harrowing account of the Welsh in Normandy in 1196 was supplied by William de Breton, chaplain to Philip Augustus: Soon the king [Richard the Lionheart] called to him from the extremities of England an immense troop of Welshmen, so that they spread themselves over the country like a forest, and that with their natural ferocity they devasted the territory of our kingdom by iron and fire; because here which are the particular practices of Welshmen, amongst all the indigenous peoples of England, practices to which they remain faithful from the first times of their existence; instead of in houses they live in the woods, they prefer war to peace, they are prompt with anger and light of foot in their homeland for they do not have roads there; their feet are not furnished with soles, nor their legs with boots; they are brought up to suffer the cold and do not fall back from any tiredness; they wear their clothing short and do not carry about their body any types of weapons; they do not cover themselves with chest and back armour, they do not cover their heads with a helmet, nor carry other weapons other than those with which they can give death to the enemy, the bludgeon with the

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198  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 javelin, spears, pickaxes, the double faced axe, a scimitar, arrows, crude bolts or the lance. They enjoy taking spoils unceasingly, spilling blood, and seldom die other than by a violent death, following many wounds; if somebody has the need to reproach another that their own father had died without being avenged by another’s death, it is for this one a surfeit of dishonour. Cheese, butter and badly cooked meats are considered by the greatest of them the most delicious feast; they often leave their meats in the truck of an open tree, and often eat them after only having run off the excess blood. They eat meat instead of bread and instead of wine they drink milk. These men thus devastated our territory everywhere they could or where they found free access, awfully tormenting the old men and young people, the children and their parents.1 This gives an impression of the Welsh as expert skirmishers and light troops, capable of moving swiftly across country, wasting the land and terrorising the local population into surrender. While it may sound unspeakably savage, this was the stuff of medieval warfare. Since the outcome was far too unpredictable, pitched battles were generally avoided. Instead the object was to destroy the enemy’s will and capacity to resist. The conventional wisdom of contemporary warfare was summarised by Philip of Flanders in 1174, who advised King David of Scotland to ‘first waste the land, and then deal with the foe.’ The Welsh were proficient at skirmish and ambush warfare – what we would call guerrilla tactics. For instance, on the expiry of the AngloFrench truce in 1234, Henry III sent sixty knights and 2,000 Welsh infantry to Brittany to repel a French invasion. When the French king laid siege to a castle this force attacked his rearguard and killed a number of their horses, thus changing horse soldiers into foot, seized their carts and vehicles containing their provisions and arms, carried off their horses and other booty, and, after inflicting all this harm on their enemies returned to their own quarters without any loss to themselves.2 Edward, therefore, would have been well aware of the martial qualities of the Welsh. He had his own painful experiences of campaigns in Wales

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The King’s Welshmen  199 in his youth to draw from, and the history of Welsh troops who had fought for his recent ancestors. The king had raised large numbers of Welshmen from crown territories and the Marches in his wars against Prince Llywelyn. He would also deploy them in every theatre of war outside of Wales. These shall now be looked at it turn.

Ireland The king’s government in Ireland started to deploy Welsh soldiers in increasing numbers after the initial conquest of Wales in 1282. Ireland was a turbulent land, frequently plagued by wars between the native lords and risings against the English. In the autumn and winter of 1285 there was rebellion in Connacht, in the northwest of the island, where the English settlers or ‘Galls’ suffered a defeat: Magnus O Conchobair inflicted a great defeat on Adam Cusack and the Galls of West Connacht at Lecc Esa Dara, where many were killed and where Colin Cusack, Adam’s brother, was taken prisoner after his men had been slaughtered in order to let him get away. It was possibly in response to this crisis that John de Fulbourne, nephew of the justiciar of Ireland, was sent to Wales ‘in seeking for Welshmen and bringing them over to Ireland by the king’s order for the defence of that country.’ Fulborne raised a force of seventy-six Welsh foot and four mounted officers or vintenarii, with a constable in overall command. Along with English troops, these men were brought over to Ireland in two ships from Aberconwy and stationed at the castles of Roscommon and Rindown. In November they were sent against ‘the king’s enemies’ in Connacht, presumably the Magnus O’Conchobair mentioned by the Connach annalist. The result of their efforts is unclear, but more Welsh troops were sent to the region. In 1287 a group of twenty-two Welsh soldiers under one Donok ap David formed part of the garrisons at Roscommon and Ririd. Another group of fifty-one Welsh were employed as retainers to William de Valence, who had succeeded Stephen de Fulbourne as justiciar. The most dramatic incident involving the Welsh in Ireland occurred in 1289. On 6 November their overall commander, John de Fulbourne, was taken prisoner in Offaly, more than fifty kilometres from either Roscommon or Rindown. His capture was the result of an engagement

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200  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 between the O’Connors of that district and a royal army, of which the Welsh formed at least a part. Some delicate negotiations followed as King Edward sent one of his valets, John de Bentley, to negotiate with his captors for Fulbourne’s release. He was eventually freed and the O’Connors pardoned in exchange for a stiff fine of 1,000 marks. This embarrassing incident was clearly a defeat for the king’s forces in Ireland. The Welsh originally sent over from Aberconwy in 1286 struggled to endure this tough, war-torn environment. After eight years of service the original force of seventy-six had been whittled down to just fourteen, and these were described as ‘survivors of those who came from Wales … to preserve the peace.’ There were still forty-eight Welshmen in service in 1292, just two years earlier, so it appears some disaster struck the standing force stationed at Connacht between 1292–94. Possibly some men had been withdrawn to serve elsewhere, since Edward had great need of reinforcements in Gascony and Wales. The fourteen survivors continued to fulfil a peacekeeping role. Between 1294–1300 they were moved about ‘divers parts’ of Ireland, including Leinster and the castle of Newcastle McKynegan. Leinster had been devastated by the Irish in April 1295, and Newcastle burnt along with a number of other vills. The revolt was over by July, but the region was obviously still insecure. Over the winter of 1296–97 the fourteen Welshmen under their captain, John of Chester, were stationed at the castle of Newcastle McKynegan and elsewhere in Leinster ‘to save the king’s lands.’ Tiny as it was, the reduced Welsh force continued to fulfil a useful role. By 1302 their numbers had been cut yet again to just two men, serving under John of Chester. This may have been related to an outbreak of disorder in Leinster at the start of the century, after the justiciar had left to join the king’s Scottish expedition in 1301. As soon as he was gone, the local Gaels of Wicklow rose in revolt, and it seems the Welsh garrisoned at Newcastle suffered for it. The ultimate fate of the pair of survivors is unknown, but few men can have seen harder service in the defence of Plantagenet interests in late thirteenth-century Ireland.

Gascony The duchy of Gascony, now Nouvelle-Aquitaine in southeast France, was the last significant part of the Angevin Empire that had once stretched from the borders of Scotland to the Pyrenees. Via the Treaty of Paris in

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The King’s Welshmen  201 1259, Henry III had signed away all his claims to former Plantagenet territories in France, with the exception of Gascony. Henry and his heirs would hold this as a fiefdom of the Capetian kings of France, giving rise to an awkward situation whereby one king owed homage and fealty to another. The duchy was cherished by Edward I, who spent three years of his reign from 1286–89 in Gascony, overhauling the local administration and renewing contacts with his vassals in the region. Under their young and aggressive king, Philip IV (otherwise known as Philip le Bel or Philip the Fair), the French were determined to drive the English from their last holdings on the Continent. In 1294 Philip and his ministers used a sea-battle in the Channel between English and Norman sailors as a pretext to summon Edward to Paris to defend the conduct of his subjects. Edward refused, and after botched negotiations on the English side his duchy of Gascony was confiscated by the French.  The king’s response was to renounce his fealty to Philip and declare war. The war against France, which ended in a truce in 1298, was an immense undertaking. Troops and supplies were gathered from all over Edward’s realm, including Wales. Some were dispatched with the expeditionary force that sailed for Gascony in 1296 under the command of Edmund of Lancaster, the king’s brother:

Sir Edmund, the king’s brother, of noble spirit, Sir William de Vesci, a prudent and wise knight, Barons and vavasors of noble descent, Knights and sergeants with their kindred, People on foot without number from moor and bush, And Welshmen who knew how to fight by use, Are gone into Gascony, and entered on the sea… .3

Unfortunately, after some early successes, the campaign petered out and Edmund himself died at Bayonne shortly afterwards. The most notable contribution of the Welsh occurred at Saint Mathieu, a town on the coast of Brittany. The inhabitants pretended they would swear allegiance to Edmund, and used this as cover to remove their goods from the town. Seeing this, the Welsh gave chase: ‘But the Welsh, pursuing the flying people, caught some and slew them, and burnt the houses of many of them with firebrands, triumphing in their spoils.’4

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202  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Despite the failure of his brother’s expedition, Edward was not prepared to lose Gascony and continued to send money, men and supplies to the duchy. In February 1297 he dispatched 130 footsoldiers to serve with the new lieutenant, the earl of Lincoln. Of these, ninety were Welshmen raised from the royal lordships of Kidwelly and Haverford as well as Carmarthen. Those from Carmarthen were led by William Martyn of Cemais in Pembrokeshire, who would later serve as justiciar of Wales. Another sixty Welsh, led by Ieuan ap Llywelyn, Henry de Rue, and Ralph de Lisle, were dispatched were Exeter on 5 April.5 These are very similar numbers to those sent to Ireland, and suggest the Welsh in Gascony fulfilled similar roles, bolstering the English garrisons until peace was declared.

Flanders In 1297 Edward faced the greatest crisis of his reign. He was at war on several fronts, and had to raise an army to help his ally, Count Guy of Flanders. By this point his grinding taxation and constant demands for money and troops had alienated his subjects in England, and his attempts to recruit a cavalry force in London were a failure. Efforts to raise men in Scotland also came to nothing, so the king was forced to turn to his lands in Wales. This was risky, given that much of the principality had been in revolt in 1294–95. Perhaps mindful of recent events, Edward couched his summons to the Welsh in the form of a request. His officers in North Wales, Glamorgan, parts of South Wales, and Powys were instructed to assemble the most ‘powerful and fencible’ Welshmen before them. These men were to be informed that the king had undertaken the war in Flanders for the ‘common profit and salvation’ of the entire realm. The Welsh should be asked, in the most ‘loving and courteous manner’, to provide military service for the king overseas. If they were to grant this service, ‘in good manner and will’, they were to assemble at certain places prior to embarkation.6 With the exception of Powys, controlled by the loyal dynasty of de la Pole, most of these areas of Wales had been in revolt against Edward three years earlier. The exception in Gwynedd was the commote of Penllyn in Meirionnydd, which provided Edward with some infantry. The king’s efforts at persuasion bore fruit. On 2 August 1297 John de Havering, the justice of North Wales, wrote to the king that the North

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The King’s Welshmen  203 Welsh were coming into the muster ‘of good will.’7 This positive response was repeated elsewhere. By the time of embarkation on 22 August, the numbers of Welsh foot consisted of the following: Glamorgan – 898 West Wales – 1,789 Barons’ lands – 640 North Wales – 1,963 Welsh March and England – 923 Total – 6,2138 The total number of infantry to serve in Flanders, including reinforcements shipped over in September and October, was 7,630. Of these, 2,278 came from England and the Marches, 151 from Ireland, and the rest were Welsh. Most of the Welsh infantry are described as archers with the exception of the men of Snowdon and Caernarvon under Gruffudd ap Rhys, who are simply described as infantry. One small company of 21 crossbowmen was raised in West Wales.9 Flanders was the king’s most difficult and unsuccessful campaign, though the presence of the Welsh saved him from defeat. He landed at the Zwin estuary at Ghent and marched towards Bruges, threatened by the superior numbers of the French: ‘The king was surrounded with perils: behind him he saw danger, by which he was troubled, since his troops were closely engaged; in front of him he saw the enemy in open country, which ought to frighten him; as for his flanks, they were almost bare of troops.’10 Edward adopted a ruse, sending some of his Welsh infantry in advance of the army, ‘with lances erect and pennons attached’ to deceive the enemy into thinking his army was much larger than it seemed. The ruse worked, and Edward safely linked up with Count Guy at Bruges.11 When rumours of treachery reached his ears, the king hurriedly moved onto Ghent, which became his headquarters for the duration of the war. There were riots in the city, probably caused by brawling between Edward’s Welsh and English infantry and the Flemish citizenry. At one point he was locked out of Ghent, and only gained entry when some Welsh soldiers swam across a stream and burnt down the gates. Afterwards they ran riot and set fire to part of the city.12 The ill-discipline of the Welsh, and their violence and looting of Flemish cities, did nothing to help Edward’s cause. However, they did

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204  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 prove their worth by taking part in limited military operations before fighting ground to a halt in early October. In late September 1297 the French captured the port town of Damme, which cut off Edward’s most direct route to the Channel. It was also an important harbour for extra supplies sent from England. The allies mounted a counter-attack, and on 6 October an army of Welsh, Flemish, and English infantry stormed the town and butchered the French garrison.13 On 9 October a truce was declared, though this was not the end of military action. To apply more pressure on the French, Edward continued to send out Welsh troops along with his ally, the Count of Bar, to pillage the countryside. His rival, King Philip responded in kind: King Edward remains, and eat and drinks; His Welsh often issued forth for plunder. The warlike Count of Bar often rode out with them, And invaded and plundered the territory of the king of France; Robbed his markets and fairs of their chattels, Spared not to do evil everywhere; And King Philip did as much to him.14 The stalemate in Flanders, while it can in no way be described as a victory for Edward, did at least enable him to check Philip’s progress. This in turn bought the king time to return to England and raise an army to crush the revolt of William Wallace, who had defeated the earl of Surrey at Stirling Bridge in September. It also preserved Edward’s duchy of Gascony, where the French were obliged to cease military operations against the remaining English garrisons. All of this would have been impossible without large-scale recruitment in Wales: ‘In 1297, however, the king was justified in the gamble he took. The red-cloaked, bare-legged and ill-equipped Welshmen served their conqueror well in Flanders.’15

Scotland The Scottish wars of independence, which commenced in 1296, saw Edward draw upon the manpower of Wales on an unprecedented scale. More so even than Flanders, the sheer number of Welsh troops he was able to deploy in Scotland – and in the northern counties of England

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The King’s Welshmen  205 to defend against Scottish counter-attacks – sustained a war effort that stretched Edward’s resources to the limit. The accounts for the first English campaign in 1296 are incomplete, but it has been estimated that as many as 10,000 Welshmen served. This is deduced from the sum of £21,443 spent on the campaign, enough to keep an army of 25,000 infantry in the field. There is some fragmentary evidence for the Welsh contribution. Protection was granted for a company of 320 Welshmen returning home at the end of the campaign. Most of these were from the earl of Hereford’s lordship of Brecon, though twenty were from the lordship of Gower.16 Away from the dry payroll accounts, some more lively evidence of the Welsh in Scotland occurs in a surviving army plea roll for 1296. This records an early form of ‘court martial’, in which soldiers who had misbehaved on the campaign were brought to book. Twenty-three Welshmen and two of their English constables are named. The majority were plaintiffs rather than defendants, and the evidence reveals the scale of brawling and ill-discipline in a medieval army. A few examples from the roll are worth quoting. For instance, two Welsh infantrymen were accused of murdering a comrade at Jedburgh: ‘Cynwrig ap Madog [and] Iorwerth ap Owen were charged at the suit of the king with a homicide done at Jedburgh, [namely] for killing one of their fellows, a Welshman. They say that they are not guilty and put themselves [on the country]. The jurors say on their oath that they are not guilty. Therefore they are acquitted.’17 An English soldier was accused of murdering a Welshman, and paid the ultimate penalty: ‘Therenard Barth was charged by the king because he slew the Welshman Enyon Vathan. He puts himself [on the country]. The jurors say on their oath that he killed Enyon feloniously. They say that [he has] no chattels [to be hanged; no chattels].’ And so on. One of the most serious charges was brought against one Ralph de Ireland. He was accused of attacking John Lovel, a royal officer, when the latter was sent to Edinburgh to settle the ‘dispute between the Welsh and the English.’ Ralph was convicted of wounding Lovel’s horse and committed to prison.18 This case implies a degree of racial tension between Welsh and English infantrymen, which is hardly surprising. There was a long history of antipathy between the two peoples, and thousands of English footsoldiers had served in Edward’s wars in Wales.

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206  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 In spite of these problems, Edward continued to deploy large numbers of Welsh in Scotland. In 1297, while the king was in Flanders, the Scots under William Wallace and Andrew Moray rose in arms against his occupation and defeated the earl of Surrey at Stirling Bridge. Moray died of his wounds soon afterwards, but Wallace launched an invasion of Northumberland. Edward could not immediately extricate himself at Flanders, and sent orders to his council in London for the defence of the north. Writs for a muster of over 29,000 men from Wales, Chester and the northern counties were issued, an impossible figure. The army that mustered at Newcastle over the winter of 1297–98 reached a peak of 18,500 infantry, though large-scale desertion caused this number to rapidly fall away. Interestingly, the only unit to nearly fulfil its stated quota was from North Wales: 2,000 men were summoned and 1,939 actually showed up. The Welsh contingent in total reached a maximum of 5,157.19 It is worth noting that Edward also had a large force of Welsh infantry in his service in Flanders. Thus, in 1297 he was able to raise two armies in Wales at the same time, to serve in separate theatres of war. Along with their counterparts in Flanders, the Welsh raised to defend northern England were led by their own officers. These were Cynwrig Sais, Cynrig Ddu, and Gruffudd ap Tudor, while a contingent of men from Powys were led by Gwilym de le Pole.20 Edward himself returned in the summer of 1298 to take charge of the operations against Wallace. The army he raised for the Falkirk campaign was enormous, some 25,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry. Almost half the infantry were Welsh. Some 10,900 Welshmen reported at the start of the expedition in July, and all but 400 were still in service two months later.21 This covers the period of the Battle of Falkirk, fought on 22 August, where Edward defeated William Wallace and broke the Scottish field army. The low number of Welsh casualties may support the tale, repeated in Guisborough and other English chroniclers, that the Welsh refused to fight at the battle until the closing stages. This was allegedly due to the increasingly dire supply situation, as the army marched through a land burnt and wasted by the Scots. Among the few supplies that did reach Edward were 200 tuns of wine, which were distributed to the Welsh. They became drunk and rioted, and Edward responded by sending in his

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The King’s Welshmen  207 household knights to restore order. Over eighty Welshmen were killed and several priests who tried to mediate. When Edward was informed that the Welsh intended to desert, he declared that he did not care if they joined his enemies, since he would beat them all together.22 This was a remarkably confident statement in the circumstances, and the story itself is doubtful. Of the five supply ships that arrived in time to victual the army before the battle, none are recorded as carrying 200 tuns of wine.23 A slightly different version of events is given by Rishanger. He mentions no drunken brawl, but claims the Welsh were plotting to betray the king. As a result, one of Edward’s men warned him not to put his trust in the Welsh: ‘Then one of the Englishmen, aware of the ill-will of the Welsh, said this to the King. “King Edward, you are mistaken if you put your trust in the Welsh as you once did. Instead, take their lands from them.”’24 At the battle itself, according to Rishanger, the Welsh were held in reserve until the closing stages: And so the Welsh were held back from attacking the Scots, until the King triumphed and the Scots fell everywhere, like the flowers of the forest as the fruit grows. Then said the King, ‘If the Lord be with us, who shall be against us?’ The Welsh straightway fell upon the Scots and laid them low, so greatly that their corpses covered the field, like the snow in winter.25 Perhaps mindful of the difficulties in 1298, Edward raised no Welsh infantry for the Scottish campaign of 1300. Instead he declared that ‘we have given them leave to remain at home, because of all the great work which they have done in our service in the past.’26 His decision backfired when the Scots were routed at the River Cree in August. Edward’s army was unable to give chase due to the lack of Welsh infantry, who were skilled at pursuit over rough country.27 For the next campaign in 1301, Edward tried something different. In February he granted all the royal lands in Wales to his heir, Edward of Caernarfon, who was termed Prince of Wales from May onwards. For the summer campaign in Scotland, the king planned to catch the Scots in a pincer movement, with himself leading an army from Berwick while his son led another from Carlisle. For this purpose some 4,500 Welshmen

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208  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 were recruited and placed under Prince Edward’s command. This appears to have been as much a symbolic as military act: eighteen years after the execution of Dafydd ap Gruffudd, Wales had a prince again, and he would lead a Welsh army against the king’s enemies. As before, Welsh leaders and administrators were put in charge of recruitment. These included Rhys and Philip ap Meurig, Gwilym and Gruffudd de la Pole, Sir Gruffudd Llwyd, and the ubiquitous Morgan ap Maredudd.28 Towards the end of the reign, Edward came to realise the limited value of deploying large armies in Scotland. They were expensive and unwieldy, and not especially effective due to the high level of desertion. Nevertheless, the scale of the Welsh contribution remained impressive. In June 1307 an army of 2,915 infantry were summoned to fight Robert de Bruce, and of these 2,818 were Welshmen. Thus the last army Edward ever raised was largely drawn from his conquered lands in Wales. Ironically, none of them can have reached Carlisle before the old king’s death on 7 July.29

The Wallenses Regis Apart from Edward’s armies, Welshmen were a routine presence in the royal household. Many of these served a dual function as squires and musicians, and the majority appear in court records from 1285 onwards. This would imply that some may have come to court originally as hostages from aristocratic families, while others may have been artists or ‘professionals’ in their own right. These men came from as far afield as Snowdonia, Flintshire, Shrewsbury, Carmarthen, Swansea, and Cardiff. In 1290, for instance, two Welsh trumpeters and two ‘crowders’ came to London to play at the wedding feasts of two of Edward’s daughters, princesses Joan and Margaret.30 Hired musicians aside, the Welshmen at Edward’s court fulfilled a primarily military function. A number of them accompanied the king to Gascony in 1286, and there are frequent payments for bows and swords to equip them with. Their captain was William le Wild, a king’s archer otherwise known as William le Squire.31 At least one of these Welsh archers died overseas, while another was forced to leave the court due to an injured leg.32 As the reign went on, payments for the Wallenses Regis – king’s Welshmen, as they were known – became more frequent. In the winter of 1297–98 a dozen Welshmen with six pages served in the household on

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The King’s Welshmen  209 a permanent basis. They received a wage of 3d per day (the average wage of an infantryman was 2d) and had robes specially made for them. Their exact role is unclear from the accounts, but in Flanders they may have served as a supplementary unit to the royal bodyguard. This was led by Adam de Riston and a troop of ten spearmen.33 Although Edward had no Welsh infantry with him in Scotland in 1300, there were a handful of Welshmen present. Among these was Cynwrig Sais, a long-term royal servant, his esquire Gromogh Sais and one Madoc Wallensis. The cognomen ‘Sais’ usually meant that the individual had English sympathies or manners.34 There were also nine members of the Wallenses Regis with the king at the siege of Caerlaverock in July, again under the command of William le Wild. As in Gascony and Flanders, these men were probably serving as part of the royal bodyguard.35 The Wallenses Regis were employed as archers on active service under Edward junior’s command: in July 1303 eleven of them, led by William le Wild, were part of a foray led by the prince of Wales into Strathearn in Scotland.36 The presence of so many Welshmen in Edward’s service may seem odd, given that he had destroyed the native prince of Wales and conquered the principality. By this point, however, it should be obvious that the lords of Gwynedd and their allies did not represent the views of all Welshmen: “That Edward I should have a number of picked Welshmen resident in his household, who acted more or less as his bodyguard and who were as unquestionably loyal to him as he was to them to the end of his days, need cause no surprise. In a society so structured – as feudal society – that a military, landed aristocracy conditioned the terms of living, men moved across racial and territorial boundaries as easily as pawns across the squares on a chessboard. Besides, daily contact between people and the human relationships which result from it, especially the one which Chaucer termed the ‘old daunce’, eternally exercise the strongest influences on men’s lives and have, therefore, always to be taken into account.37 In short, it was impossible to keep the two cultures that met in Wales separate. Over the course of centuries they intermingled, and human relationships have always exercised the strongest influence on men’s lives.

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Conclusion

I

t has been said that Edward’s conquest of Wales was his only lasting military achievement. A typical example of such criticism runs as follows:

As for military ability, Edward had no gift for strategy or for tactics. What he had was the determination and the ability to use his well-developed administration centered in the wardrobe. His crusade was a symbolic adventure. In Gascony he was ignominiously outmanoeuvred by Philip the Fair. His Low Country campaign of 1297–8 was a fiasco. After his initial successes in Scotland things turned sour. Only his conquest of Wales was a definite success.1

Such an assessment is harsh, and not entirely accurate either. While Edward’s overseas campaigns were certainly difficult, not to mention expensive, the fact remains that by 1304 he had recovered his duchy of Gascony from the French. The English would hold it, despite repeated French invasions, until the final collapse under Henry VI in 1453. In 1304–05 Edward achieved what looked like the final conquest of Scotland, and resumed the supremacy he had first imposed north of the border in 1296. This settlement, however, only lasted two years and the old king died on his way north to crush the rebellion of Robert Bruce. The conquest of Wales was never overturned. As this book has hopefully demonstrated, there are no simplistic explanations for this. In pure military terms Edward pumped enormous resources into his Welsh campaigns and the massive programme of town and castle-building that followed. These factors alone, however, are not enough to explain his success. Ever since the Norman Conquest, powerful English kings had tried and failed to crush Welsh independence. Part of the explanation must be found in the actions of the Welsh themselves, and their rejection of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. In his first

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Conclusion 211 war against Llywelyn, in 1276–77, Edward benefited from considerable Welsh support: ‘A ll those in southern Powys who had looked to the return from exile of the lord whose ancestors had been the rightful rulers of that land for well over a century marched with the advancing Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwn to reclaim the lordship from Llywelyn. In northern Powys, those lords of the ruling house and their followers, who resented the prince’s intervention in the region after 1269, turned against Llywelyn. In the Middle March, the magnates who had become accustomed to the rule of marcher lords, and had begun to develop loyalty to them, joined the forces of the region against Llywelyn. And in the same March, those who had been made to find sureties for their own, and their families’ obedience to the prince, or had had to hand over to him hostages for their future good behaviour or to avert his anger and suspicion, put themselves in the van of those forces which drove back Llywelyn. In Ystrad Tywi, Rhys ap Maredudd in his castle of Dryslwyn, who looked to restore the lost glories of the house of the Lord Rhys, turned against Llywelyn.’2 Seen in this light, Edward’s victory over Llywelyn in this war was as much a consequence of the Welsh prince’s mistakes and political failures as the king’s military skill. In the next conflict of 1282–83, Llywelyn enjoyed far more support from his countrymen and was able to put up much sterner resistance. His forces inflicted two stinging defeats on Edward’s armies, at Llandeilor Fawr and the Menai Strait, though neither victory had any long-term strategic gain. Nevertheless, it is doubtful that Llywelyn could have survived much longer. By the December of 1282 Edward had advanced to the Conwy and reduced Anglesey and the Perfwddwlad. Llywelyn’s allies in the south were broken by the combined operations of William Valence and Rhys ap Maredudd. The prince’s march to Builth was a last throw of the dice, the action of a desperate man who thought he had identified a weakness in Edward’s defences. What he found was the entire power of the Marches waiting to destroy him. After Llywelyn’s death, slain in murky circumstances by the Mortimers, Edward’s final advance into Gwynedd was relentless. Prince Dafydd,

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212  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Llywelyn’s successor, could not stem the onslaught. In the summer of 1283 all resistance was stamped out and the last Welsh prince in arms, Rhys Wyndod, offered his surrender. Yet it should not be forgotten that Edward still enjoyed support from elements of the Welsh polity. The brothers Rhys and Hywel ap Gruffudd, grandsons of Ednyfed Fychan, remained loyal to the king. Hywel, moreover, drowned in the battle on the Menai Strait while in command of the English fleet based at Anglesey. Rhys ap Maredudd and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, heads of two of the three most powerful princely dynasties, remained loyal to the king. Despite the completeness of his victory over Llywelyn and Dafydd, Edward did not achieve true mastery over Wales until 1295. The years between 1283–95 witnessed the revolts of Rhys ap Maredudd and Madog ap Llywelyn, and the political clash between Edward and the great Marcher lords. The revolt of Rhys, previously a staunch Crown ally, was a localised revolt that Edward did all he could to prevent. Madog’s revolt was a far more serious affair, and the king was obliged to spend eight months’ campaigning in Wales to deal with it. This massive show of force was costly and time-consuming, and forced Edward to change tack. In the aftermath of the ‘war of Madog’ he was far more conciliatory towards the leaders of Welsh communities, especially the landholding class. The key to Edward’s successful conquest of Wales lies in his attitude towards these landholders, the aforesaid uchelwyr. Even before the death of Prince Llywelyn, Edward had embarked on a policy of building up a ministerial elite of loyalist Welshmen in Wales. Hence his appointment of four Welshmen to the Hopton Commission in 1279, and the extraordinary trust and responsibility he invested in them. This policy continued after 1295, when Edward routinely drew upon the military services of men such as Sir Morgan ap Maredudd and Sir Gruffudd Llwyd. His strategy of placating the landholders went hand-in-hand with the more oppressive elements of the conquest, such as the eviction of Welsh communities in favour of English immigrants. Yet Edward was also careful to garner popular support by granting charters of liberties to the Welsh. This in turn made him appear the guardian of their rights, against the oppression of the Marcher lords. Ultimately, while there is much to criticise, Edward’s victory in Wales was ‘exceptional in its totality.’3 He had destroyed the native ruling dynasty, imposed an English administration, and built a chain of castles

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Conclusion 213 that still dominate the landscape today. In this respect the conquest of Wales bears comparison with other permanent territorial conquests of the thirteenth century, such as the Reconquista in Spain and the destruction of Latin kingdoms in the east.

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Appendix

1)  Two Arthurs, One Island: Edward I and the Brythonic Arthur The spectre of King Arthur hung heavy over the rulers of medieval England and Wales, none more so than Edward I and Llywelyn ap Gruffudd. These two deadly rivals contended for the title of the ‘new Arthur’, a personal duel expressed via their tame chroniclers and bards. Both seemed to draw on different traditions of Arthur, though the ambition was largely to same: to use the legend as a prop for their respective claims to power. Yet, while being entirely ruthless in their methods of achieving power, neither man was a cynic with regards to Arthur’s actual existence. They believed him to be a historical figure, as real as Charlemagne or Hywel Dda. Both thought of himself as the great king’s natural heir. With the exception of his grandson Edward III, Edward I was more fascinated by the Arthurian legend than any other member of his dynasty. Nothing is known of his education, though we might assume he was introduced to tales of Arthur at an early age. He appears to have drawn upon the version supplied by Geoffrey of Monmouth, the bestseller of its day. The Arthur of Galfridian tradition is a violent expansionist, a mighty emperor who first defeats the Saxons and then subjugates much of Europe, including Ireland and Scotland. It does not take much imagination to link Geoffrey’s Arthur to the aggression and imperialism of Edward I’s reign, nor was anyone shy of making such comparisons. The English chronicler, Pierre Langtoft, paid Edward the ultimate compliment of comparing him favourably to Arthur:

“Now are the islanders all joined together, And Albany reunited to the royalties Of which King Edward is proclaimed lord. Cornwall and Wales are in his power, And Ireland the great at his will.

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Appendix 215

There is neither king nor prince in all the countries, Except King Edward, who has thus united them, Arthur had never held the fiefs so fully.”

The image of Edward as Arthur reborn partially stemmed from the inner circles of the court. John of Howden, a clerk in the household of Eleanor of Castile, composed a poem in French called Le Rossignos, in which the martial deeds of Alexander and Arthur are balanced alongside those of King Edward. The poem makes mocking reference to the Comte d’Auxerre, whom Edward humiliated in single combat at the Little Battle of Chálons in 1273. This is the sort of knightly exploit that fills the pages of Arthurian legend. Edward’s personal literary tastes were largely restricted to Arthuriana. In 1273 the Italian romancer, Rusticiano de Pisa, noted that Edward had presented him with a copy of an Arthurian text. The text was Meliadus, a version of the Prose Tristan or Palaméde that concentrates on the previous generation of heroes: Tristan’s father Meliadus and Arthur’s father Uther Pendragon, as well as Esclabor, father of Sir Palamedes. At Whitsuntide in 1279, while Edward and his queen were at Amiens, the French poet Gerard d’Amiens presented them with Der Roman von Escanor, another French version of the Arthurian cycle. Gerard’s poem is 27,000 lines long and built around the obscure adventures of ‘King Cador of Northumbria’. It was commissioned by Eleanor, suggesting the royal couple had no boredom threshold when it came to this subject. In Wales Edward sought to use the Arthurian legend as a prop to his victory over Llywelyn ap Gruffudd in 1277. In the aftermath of the war Edward and his queen, Eleanor of Castile, visited Glastonbury Abbey, where the tomb of Arthur and Guinevere was held. This tomb had first been ‘discovered’ in 1190, probably as an ingenious effort to attract more pilgrims to the abbey. In 1278 it was opened in the royal presence and two coffins found inside, with images of the legendary king and queen on them. They were reburied in front of the great altar, in a ceremony similar to that of the translation of a saint’s body. Whether Edward really believed the tomb to be that of Arthur, or merely exploited it as propaganda, is a moot point. Quite possibly both. Edward’s rival, Llywelyn, also consciously sought to emulate Arthur via the work of the bards who sought his patronage. The best-known of

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216  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 these are Dafydd Benfras, Llygad Gŵr, Bleddyn Fardd, and Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Coch. The bards compared Llywelyn to the Arthur of Brythonic tradition, a less imperialistic character than the Galfridian version, but just as militant. In Bleddyn Fardd’s Lament for Gruffudd’s Three Sons, the poet describes Llywelyn and his brothers Owain Goch and Dafydd as equal in prowess to Arthur. Llywelyn is singled out as the ‘proud leader of troops in combat’, and ‘steel-speared, like Arthur at Caer Fenlli.’ In another work Bleddyn hails Llywelyn as:

“Fortress of the tribe, defender of Wales Shattering a shield like Arthur, admonishing killer.”

This was no mere praise poetry. Bleddyn was attempting to persuade Rhys ap Maredudd, a lord of Ystrad Tywi in South Wales, to join Llywelyn’s cause. Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Coch went further and recast Llywelyn’s wars as a conflict against Arthur’s enemies, the Saxons. In his elegy for Llywelyn, Gruffudd calls for vengeance:

“Mine now to rage against Saxons who’ve wronged me, Mine for this death bitterly to mourn.”

Quite what Llywelyn’s real killers, the Mortimers of Wigmore and their Norman allies on the March, would have made of being called ‘Saxons’ is unknown (though we can hazard a guess). Arthur was not used entirely as a means of praising Edward and Llywelyn. On occasion he was employed as a stick to beat them. Langtoft, who in general adored Edward, at one point accused the king of being lazy:

“Idleness and feigned delay, And long morning’s sleep, Delight in luxury, And surfeit in the evenings, Self-will in act and counsel, To retain conquest without giving distributions of gain, Overthrew the Britons of old times.

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Appendix 217

We may take the example of Arthur the wise; He was always the first in all his expeditions.”

Oddly, Langtoft invokes the Britons as an example of the dangers of sloth, while heaping more praise on their great hero Arthur. Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Goch, for his part, seems to strike a note of criticism in his elegy for Llywelyn:

“A lord all-triumphant, until he left Emrais [Snowdonia], No Saxon dared to touch him.”

In other words, Llywelyn’s decision to leave Snowdonia and enter the Middle March in the winter of 1282 was a fatal mistake. Gruffudd wrote after the event, so had the benefit of hindsight. The death of Llywelyn, and the final conquest of Gwynedd a few months after, marked the end of the contest. To Gruffudd, it was as though Arthur had died a second time. He compared the fall of Llywelyn, the ‘lion of Gwynedd’, with the death of Arthur at Camlann: ‘Many a wretched cry, as at Camlann.’ So far as Edward was concerned, the new Arthur had been proclaimed by verdict of battle. He wasted no time in ramming this point home. In 1283 he received tokens of submission from the Welsh, including the fabled crown of Arthur. The crown, along with other trophies, was carried in solemn procession to Westminster Abbey, and there placed on the high altar. In July of the following year he staged a ‘Round Table’ tournament at Nefyn near Caernarvon, where Edward’s knights dressed up the Knights of the Round Table. This, according to French and Brabancon chroniclers, was a tradition repeated by rulers across Western Europe. The holding of Round Tables on the sites of his victories became a sort of custom for Edward. He later staged one on the field of Falkirk, scene of his defeat of William Wallace in 1298. At Nefyn the Welsh may have derived a crumb of satisfaction when some of Edward’s knights got drunk and climbed onto the roof of the specially constructed tournament arena. The roof collapsed under their weight and they plunged to earth, ‘sorely hurt and full of woe.’

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218  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307

2)  The strange case of Morgan ap Maredudd The career of Sir Morgan ap Maredudd of Tredegar in Gwynllŵg represents a fascinating case study of a member of the Welsh landholding class who thrived in postconquest Wales. The bare facts of his career appear to suggest he was something of a turncoat, able to play off one side against another, but appearances are deceptive. Morgan was the son and heir of Maredudd ap Gruffudd, a lord of Glamorgan who held the commotes of Machen, Edlogan, and Llebenydd. In 1270, while the future Edward I was in the Holy Land, he was dispossessed of these lands by Gilbert Clare, earl of Gloucester. The family misfortunes did not end there. After his father’s death Morgan was summoned to Snowdon by Prince Llywelyn, to do homage and fealty for the commote of Hirfryn. As soon as Morgan had sworn the oath, Llywelyn ejected him from this land.1 After the loss of his inheritance to Clare and Llywelyn, Morgan was left with nothing. He tried to recover his patrimony at law, and from 1278 frequently appeared in court, attempting to claim his lands in Ystrad Tywi and Glamorgan from Clare.2 These efforts came to nothing, though in 1281 he was granted simple protection – a royal guarantee against prosecution – by Edward I.3 At this point Morgan’s career acquires an air of mystery. He does not appear to have been punished for his support of Dafydd, after the latter’s capture and execution in September. Instead he presumably made his peace with the king, and vanishes from the record for the next eleven years. Morgan resurfaces in 1294 as the leader of the rebels in Glamorgan, during the nationwide revolt of Madog ap Llywelyn. His rebellion broke out in Morgannwg in October, after which he swiftly took a number of castles in Glamorgan and drove his old rival, Gilbert de Clare, from the lordship. Clare’s counter-attack in April 1295 only succeeded in recapturing Cardiff, after which Morgan – with his knack for good timing – swiftly came into the peace. A letter from King Edward to his brother Edmund, dated 7 June, reports that Morgan had made his submission.4 In spite of angry protests from Clare, Morgan and his men were pardoned by the king. As noted previously in this volume, he also claimed that his revolt was against the earl, not the Crown.5 Having survived a second time, Morgan then got involved in a notorious conspiracy against King Edward. One of the king’s household knights,

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Appendix 219 Thomas Turberville, had been captured by the French in Gascony. In 1295 he agreed to turn traitor and betray Edward, in return for which the French king, Philip le Bel, allegedly promised to make him prince of Wales: ‘The king of France promised to give the principality of Wales to Turberville and his heirs as a reward for his treachery.’6 Turberville’s plan was an elaborate one. In an extraordinary secret letter to Philip, he described how he had returned to England and pretended to be Edward’s loyal servant. He met the king in London, who asked for news from France. Afterwards Turberville went to Wales: ‘And know, that I found the land of Wales in peace, wherefore I did not dare deliver unto Morgan the thing which you well wot of.’7 This reveals that Turberville had a contact in Wales named Morgan. He goes on to describe the weakness of England’s defences against invasion, and Edward’s plans to send an expeditionary force to Gascony. Turberville advises the king of France to send word to John Balliol, the king of Scotland, to join him against Edward. He then makes a second reference to Morgan: ‘if those of Scotland rise against the King of England, the Welsh will rise also. And this I have well contrived, and Morgan has fully covenanted with me to that effect.’8 Turberville’s contact had apparently promised to lead the Welsh in a revolt against the king. If all went to plan, there would be a simultaneous revolts in Scotland and Ireland, and Philip would launch a full-scale invasion of England: He [Turberville] had agreed with the king of France that he would raise all England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales in war at one and the same time, so that while the king of England was engaged on all sides the French army could put ashore at whatever English port it chose without any difficulty or resistance, and rule and organise the country as it wished.9 In the event Turberville’s plot was discovered by Edward’s agents, and he was executed in London on 6 October. Morgan, his contact in Wales, can almost certainly be identified as Morgan ap Maredudd; the latter had been in revolt just months previously, and there was nobody else of that name and similar status in Wales who could have plausibly organised a large-scale rebellion.

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220  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Once again Morgan demonstrated his astonishing powers of survival. He was not punished for his role in the Turberville conspiracy, and continued to enjoy the favour of the king. This seems inexplicable; unless, that is, one takes the view that Morgan was never against the king in the first place. The most revealing evidence dates from 1297, two years after the failed Turberville plot. Between 16 July–20 August of that year, Morgan was sent to Wales on certain ‘secret’ and ‘special’ business of the king.10 The nature of this business is described by Morgan himself, in a report he sent to the king: Morgan ap Maredudd, his vallettus (valet), to King Edward. Reports to the king that before Morgan’s coming, the earl of Hereford sent John le Rose to Philip ap Hywel, seneschal of Brecknock, and commanded in the earl’s name that the earl’s castles be furnished with food, meat and men, and gave the men of the country to understand that the earl was against the king’s peace. And then Philip ap Hywel and John le Rose caused all the men of Brecknock to be summoned before them, and there granted to them in the earl’s name, and this by a good charter, all the laws and usages that they had ever had in the times of his ancestors, and the agistments of animals, and many of the fines which the men of the country … made, is now all pardoned to them par espoir. And it was commanded to them by the earl’s bailiffs that they should procure that all the lands about Bauge Galeche should be of one accord with them to aid the earl. And the same day as he came to Morganoc, Morgan sent to Brecknock certain men, and the next day spoke to those of that land whom he [knew best], and asked if there was no one who would … which the earl had made to them, and they replied that they were all at one with their lord … Requests that he may know the king’s will.11 The details of Morgan’s activity in 1297 cast an entirely different light on his previous career. Edward I was not in the habit of repeatedly forgiving his enemies in Wales, and yet Morgan survived two revolts against the king and his role in the Turberville affair. Perhaps Morgan decided to turn his coat in 1297 and become Edward’s spy after a long period of opposition. Not impossible, but unlikely. A more persuasive interpretation

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Appendix 221 is that Morgan had been Edward’s man from the start, possibly after their first contact in 1281. Other evidence is suggestive. At the end of October 1282, during the final war against Prince Llywelyn, Edward sent nine spies into Snowdonia to watch Llywelyn and Dafydd.12 These men are unnamed. Could Morgan have been one of their number, sent to infiltrate the Welsh court and feed information back to Edward? As for Thomas Turberville, Morgan may have posed as the traitor’s ally in Wales in order to draw him out. Certainly, no-one save Turberville himself was made to suffer. Why should Morgan have chosen to serve as a spy and agent provocateur for Edward I? The bitter experiences of his youth, in which his inheritance was snatched away by Gilbert Clare and Prince Llywelyn, may well have hardened his character. Though a Welsh landholder, he had no cause to love the prince of Wales after the latter drove Morgan from his land of Hirfryn. As a landless and penniless Welsh esquire, Morgan might have snapped at the chance to make money while undermining those who had stolen his patrimony. There is no reason to doubt his word in 1295, when he claimed that his revolt was aimed at Clare instead of the king; Morgan had plenty of reasons to hate Clare, and seized an opportunity to destroy the earl’s power in Glamorgan. Morgan remained a Crown loyalist for the rest of his days. He frequently served as a commissioner of array for Edward I and Edward II, raising troops in Wales to fight in Flanders and Scotland. He earned substantial rewards. In 1306 he and other Welshmen, including Gruffudd Llwyd and Gruffudd de le Pole, were knighted along with Edward of Caernarfon at the Feast of Swans.13 Morgan died in 1331. At his death he held significant lands in Llŷn in North Wales, while in the south he held a third part of the town of St Clears and a third part of the commotes of Amgoed and Peulinioig in Carmarthenshire.14 He had done much to restore his fortunes after his disinheritance by Clare and Llywelyn, all thanks to a long career in royal service: Morgan was surely among those who would have regarded the Edwardian regime with some warmth: it had, it seems, provided him with status – the extraordinarily prestigious position of being one of the Swan Knights – with reward and with excitement.15

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Notes Backdrop   1. Gerald of Wales, The Journey Through Wales and the Description of Wales, (Penguin Classics; Annotated Edition, published by Penguin Books, London, 1978, p. 266.   2. Thomas Jones (ed. and trans.), Brut y Tywysogion or The Chronicle of the Princes (Red Book of Hergest Version), Peniarth Ms 20, (University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1952), pp. 63–64 [hereafter Brut, Peniarth].  3. Thomas Jones (ed. and trans.), Brenhinedd y Saeson or The Kings of the Saxons, (University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1971), p. 167.  4. Brut, Peniarth, p. 75.  5. Paul Martin Remfry, Annales Cambriae: A Translation of Harleian 3859, PRO E 164/1, Cottonian Domitian, A1, Exeter Cathedral Library MS 3514 and MS Exchequer DB Neath, PRO E 164/1, (United Kingdom Castle Studies Research & Publishing, (2007), p. 127 [hereafter AC].  6. J. Beverley Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd: Prince of Wales, (University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1998), p. 59. Chapter 1: By This Great Victory  1.  AC, p. 137.  2. AC, p. 138.  3. Paul Martin Remfry, The Killing of Prince Llywelyn of Wales 10 December, (Ceidio, Castle Studies Research & Publishing, City, 2014), pp. 9–10.  4. AC, B text, p. 139.  5.  AC, C text, p. 139.  6. AC, D text, p. 140.  7.  AC, B text, p. 140.   8. H.R. Luard (ed.), Matthaei Parisensis, Monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica Majora, (Rolls Series, 1872–83), V, pp. 639–40.   9. Ibid, pp. 656–7. 10. Close Rolls 1261–4, (London, published by His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1936, p. 273. Chapter 2: Civil War  1.  A nnales Cestrienses, ed. R.C. Christie, Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 14 (London, 1887), p. 87.   2. ‘Annals of Dunstable’, in H.R. Luard (ed.), Annales Monastici [hereafter AM], 5 vols, (Rolls Series, London, 1854–69), iii, p243, published by London: Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1866

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Notes 223 Chapter 3: The Ford at Rhyd Chwima   1. Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, p. 178, paraphrasing the opening preamble of the Treaty of Montgomery. Chapter 4: Money Matters  1. Figures taken from the summary given by J.G. Edwards (ed.), ‘Littere Wallie’ Preserved in Liber A in the Public Record Office, (University Press Board, Cardiff, 1940), p. li [hereafter, LW].  2.  Complaints levied against Llywelyn ap  Gruffudd by representatives of the community of Gwynedd before Anian, Bishop of Bangor, at Nancall in Arfon. Llinos Beverley Smith, ‘The Gravamina of the Community of Gwynedd against Llywelyn ap Gruffudd’, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, XXXI, (1984), pp. 173–6.   3. Marc Morris, A Great and Terrible King: Edward I and the Forging of Britain, (Windmill Books, London, 2009), p. 136.  4. T NA SC 1/21/186; Roger de Mortimer; a report on progress in Wales; other Welsh business.  5. Intelligence and Intrigue in the March of Wales: noblewomen and the fall of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, 1274–82 by Emma Cavell (Institute of Historical Research, University of London, February 2015, pp. 1–19), p. 809 Chapter 5: The Road to Aberconwy  1. J.E. Thorold Rogers, Oxford City Documents: 1268–1665 (Oxford Historical Society, Oxford, 1891), pp. 205–205.   2. Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, p. 393, quoting the Liber Epistolaris of Richard of Bury, no 85.   3. My thanks to Dr Adrian Price for this translation.  4.  The National Archives: Special Collections: Ancient Correspondence of the Chancery and Exchequer SC 1/21/186. ; Roger Mortimer to Edward I; a report on progress in Wales. Other business. The letter is barely legible in places but the names of Rhys and Hywel ap Gruffudd can be discerned.  5. J. Beverley Smith, ‘Welsh Dominicans and the Crisis of 1277’, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, 22, (1966–8), pp. 353–357.   6. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1281–81, p. 211 [hereafter CPR]. (published by London: printed for Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1893)   7. James Conway Davies (ed.), ‘The Welsh Assize Roll 1277–1284’, Board of Celtic Studies of the University of Wales, History and Law Series, VII, (Cardiff University of Wales Press Board, Cardiff, 1940), p. 138.   8. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, in AM, iv, p. 272Richards Luard, Henry, Annales Monastici, 5 vols, (Rolls Series, 1854–69), Volume IV, (Longman, Green, Reader and Dyer, Longman, 1869), p. 272; [hereafter Chapter 7: Seeking Justice  1. Huw Pryce (ed.), The Acts of Welsh Rulers: 1120–1283, (University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 2005) p. 240.   2. LW, pp. 99–100; translation taken from Remfry, The Killing of Prince Llywelyn of Wales, p. 128.

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224  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Chapter 8: As Judas Betrayed the Lord   1. ‘Annals of Dunstable’, p. 292.   2. ‘Annals of Waverley’, in AM, ii, pp. 397–8.   3. ‘Flint Pleas, 1283–5’ edited by J Goronwy EdwardsFlint Historical Society Journal, VIII (1921), pp. 1–49, citing 1–3.   4. Registrum epistolarum ratris Johannis Pecham, C.T. Martin (ed.), 3 vols, (1882–5), ii,, pp. 437–40. Taken from Remfry, The Killing of Prince Llywelyn, p. 95.   5. T. Rymer, Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae etc., 4 vols, in 7 parts (1816–69), Vol I, eds. A. Clarks, F. Holbrooke, and J. Caley, 4th edition, (Eyre & Strahan, London, 1825), p. 202.   6. Adam Chapman, ‘Welshmen in the Armies of Edward I’, in Diana M. Williams and John R. Kennyon (eds), The Impact of the Edwardian Castles in Wales, (The Castle Studies Group, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 2007), pp. 179–180.  7.  AC, p.151.   8. F. Nicholas Trivet, De Ordine Frat. Praedictorum, Annales sex regum Angliae, Qui a comitibus Andegavensibus Originem Traxerunt (A.D. M.C. xxxvi – M.c.c.c.vii) Ad Fidem Codicum Manusccriptorum Recensuit (S&J Bentley, London, 1845), p. 304 [hereafter Trivet, Annals].   9. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, p. 288–9. 10. Ibid. 11. J.O. Halliwell (ed.), The Chronicle of William of Rishanger of the Barons’ Wars, (Camden Society, 1st series, xv, Camden, 1840), p. 100. 12. Annales Cestrienses, p. 109. 13. R .F. Walker, William de Valence and the Army of West Wales, 1282–83, (Welsh History Review 18:3, (1997), p.411, quoting F. Jones, Carmarthen Historian, XX (1985) 14. C 47/2/4, m.13. TNA C 47/2/4, m.13; controlment roll of payments made to soldiers in Wales by Walter of Nottingham, parts 3–820mm, 1 schedule, translated from the Latin by Professor Jonathan Mackman 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid, m.4. 19.  Littere Wallie, p. 67. 20. C 47/2/4 m.6. [controlment roll of payments made to soldiers in Wales by Walter of Nottingham, parts 3–820mm, 1 schedule, translated from the Latin by Professor Jonathan Mackman 21. Michael Prestwich, Edward I, (Yale University Press, Newhaven and London, 1997), p. 190. 22. ‘The Welsh Assize Roll’, p. 227. 23. Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, p. 525. 24.  J.G. Edwards (ed.), Calendar of Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, (Publisher, Cardiff, 1935), p.p.131–2 [hereafter CAC]. 25.  Castell Trefilan, Gatehouse Gazetteer: http://www.gatehouse-gazetteer.info/ Welshsites/148.html Accessed: 13 March 2018. 26. W hat follows is drawn from translations of Peckham’s register and discussion in Remfry, The Killing of Prince Llywelyn of Wales, pp. 94–106. 27. Prestwich, Edward I, p. 192, gives possible reasons for the assault.

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Notes 225 28. Documentary evidence for the bridge can be found in TNA: E 101/4/6; Roll of Provisions and stores for the Welsh war 20 November 1282–19 November 1284; and C 47/3/48, m. 34. controlment roll of payments made to soldiers in Wales by Walter of Nottingham, parts 3–820mm, 1 schedule, translated from the Latin by Professor Jonathan Mackman. 29. H. Rothwell (ed.), The Chronicle of Walter de Guisborough, (Camden Society, 3rd series, lxxxix, Camden, 1957), p. 219. 30. Brut, Peniarth, pp. 120–121. 31. Littere Wallie, pp. 59–76, 80–90, 95–7, 127–30, 132–6, 174. 32. Joseph Gignac, Anathema, (Catholic Encyclopaedia, New York, 1907) Chapter 9: At the Death  1.  CWR, pp. 175–6. Calendar of various Chancery Rolls, Supplementary Close Rolls, Welsh Rolls, Scutage Rolls, AD 1277–1326 (London: published by his Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1912) [hereafter CWR]   2. Remfry, The Killing of Prince Llywelyn, p. 198.   3. CWR, pp. 254–5.   4. TNA: SC 1/19/9.   5. T NA: E 101/485/21, quoted in Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, p. 571, footnote 206.   6. Register of John Peckam, ii, pp. 477–8. Translation from Remfry, The Killing of Prince Llywelyn, pp. 143–4. All subsequent chronicle translations quoted here for Llywelyn’s death are taken from the same sourcebook   7. The other is the H.R. Luard, Flores Historiarum, (Cambridge Library Collection Rolls Series, Cambridge, 1890), iii, p. 57.  8.  See Anthony Edwards, Ghosts on the Fairway: The Army that Vanished, (Delannau, Tregarth, 1989).   9. Roger of Hoveden, Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Hovedene, W. Stubbs (ed.),(1868– 71), (Longmans, London, 1870), iv, p. 53. 10. ‘Annals of Dunstable’, pp. 292–3. 11. Herbert Maxwell (ed.), The Chronicle of Lanercost 1272–1346, (published at Glasgow by James Maclehose and Sons, publishers to the University, 1913). 12. CWR, p. 257. Chapter 10: The Wretched Death of a Traitor  1. J.P. Clancy, The Earliest Welsh Poetry, (London, 1970), p. 169. Contained in Remfry, The Killing of Prince Llywelyn, p. 161.   2. Taken from Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, pp. 570–1, f. 205. (note: yes)   3. Details taken from TNA: E 101/3/27, translated with the assistance of Simon Neal at The National Archives.   4. T. Wright (ed.), The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft, ii (Rolls Series, (published at London: Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer , 1868), p. 181.   5. Tewdwr stayed at Edward’s court for twelve days at this time for double his normal wages. The evidence is unclear, however, as the reference to this man may be an error for Gruffudd ap Tewdwr the future constable.   6. TNA: C 47/2/4, the Walter of Nottingham payroll for royal forces in the west.   7. TNA: C 47/2/4, m. 1.13.   8. Smith, Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, p. 576, ftnt. 224.

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226  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307   9. CWR, pp. 281–2. 10. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, p. 293. 11. Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, ii, pp. 501–02. The History of English Law before the time of Edward I, Volume 1, second edition, Cambridge University Press, 1923 Chapter 11: A Kingdom in Itself   1. Edward was referred to as ‘The Good King Edward the Conqueror’ by the English burgesses of North Wales in the 1340s: CAC, p. 234.   2. Trevor Herbert, and Gareth Elwyn Jones, Edward I and Wales, (Cardiff University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1988), p. 87.  3. Ibid.   4. CWR, pp. 197   5. Ibid, p. 200.  6. CAC, p. 107.   7. Gwynedd Richards, Languishing in the Footnotes: Women and Welsh Medieval Historiography, PhD Thesis, (University of Sydney, 2005), pp. 96–7.   8. TNA: E 364/1, f. 234v.  9.  Ibid. 10. Herbert and Jones, Edward I and Wales, p. 79. 11.  David Stephenson, Medieval Wales c.1050–132: Centuries of Ambiguity (University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 2019), pp. 143–5 [hereafter Centuries of Ambiguity]. 12. Ibid, 145. 13. C AC, p. 20. 14. David Stephenson, Political Power in Medieval Gwynedd: Governance and the Welsh Princes, (University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1984, second edition, 2014), pp. 104–05. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17.  Calendar of Chancery Warrants, I, pp. 63–64 (published at London by His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1927) Chapter 12: Badges of Subjection   1. Arnold Taylor, The Welsh Castles of Edward I (Hambledon Press, London,1986), pp. 26–7.   2. Ibid, p. 12.   3. Prestwich, Edward I, p. 208.   4. Unless stated otherwise, the critique of Master James St George is taken from Paul Martin Remfry, Harlech Castle   5. Nicola Coldstream, ‘James of St George’, from Williams and Kenyon Impact of the Edwardian Castles in Wales, p. 43.   6. Ibid, p. 43.   7. Prestwich, Edward I, p. 200.   8. Darren Baker, Henry III: The Great King England Never Knew it Had, (The History Press, Stroud, 2017), p. 157.   9. Michael Prestwich, ‘Edward I and Wales’, in Diana M. Williams and John Kenyon (eds.), The Impact of the Edwardian Castles in Wales, (The Castle Studies Group, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 2007), p. 5.

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Notes 227 10. Translated from the Welsh by Dylan Foster Evans, in Williams and Kenyon, Impact of the Edwardian Castles in Wales, pp. 123–4. 11. Ibid, pp. 124–5. 12. Ibid, p. 126. 13. Ibid. 14.  Gwyn A. Williams, When was Wales? A History of the Welsh (Penguin, Middlesex, England, 1991), p. 89. 15. Sean Davies, Edward I’s Conquest of Wales (Pen & Sword Military, 2017), p. 120. 16. Taken from an online source at BBC News, 7 September 2017: https://www.bbc. co.uk/news/uk-wales-north-east-wales-41187853. 17.  Keith Williams-Jones, The Merioneth Lay Subsidy Roll 1292–3, (Cardiff University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1976), p. xxvi. 18. Ibid., pp. xxvi–xxvii. 19. James Given, ‘The Economic Consequences of the English Conquest of Gwynedd’, Speculum, Vol. 64, no. 1 (January, 1989), p. 24. 20. Stephenson, David, Political Power in Medieval Gwynedd, p. 55. 21. Given, ‘Economic Consequences’, pp. 24–5. 22. Ibid, p. 25. 23. Ibid, p. 27. 24. Ibid, p. 29. 25. Ibid, p. 30. 26. Merioneth Lay Subsidy Roll, p. xxvii. 27. E.A. Lewis, The Medieval Boroughs of Snowdonia, (Published on behalf of the Guild of Graduates of the University of Wales, by Henry Sotheran & Co, publishers and booksellers to H.M. the King, London, 1912) p. 30. 28. Ibid, p. 18, ftnt. 25. 29. Register of John Peckham, iii, pp. 776–8, 991–2. 30. Given, ‘Economic Consequences’, p. 28. 31. Stephenson, Centuries of Ambiguity, p. 125. 32. Ibid, pp. 125–6 33. Ibid, p. 127. 34. Matthew Frank Stevens, ‘Anglo-Welsh Towns of the Early Fourteenth Century: A Survey of Urban Origins, Property-Holding and Ethnicity’ (Year), (downloaded from www.academia.edu). 35. The Welsh Castles of Edward I by Arnold Taylor, The Hambledon Press, London and Ronceverte, 1986, pp. 77–78 36. Ibid. 37.  Diane M. Korngiebel, ‘Forty Acres and a Mule: The Mechanics of English Settlement in Northeast Wales after the Edwardian Conquest’, Haskins Society Journal, Vol. 14 (November, 2003), p. 96. 38. Ibid, pp. 96–7. 39. Stevens, ‘Anglo-Welsh Towns of the Early Fourteenth Century’. 40. I.J. Sanders, ‘The Boroughs of Aberystwyth and Cardigan in the Early Fourteenth Century’, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, Vol. XV (1954), pp. 283, 285. 41. Stevens, ‘Anglo-Welsh Towns of the Early Fourteenth Century’. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid. 45. Stephenson, Centuries of Ambiguity, p. 157.

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228  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 Chapter 13: The Brightness of a Little Star   1. CPR, 1272–82, p. 212.   2. CWR, p. 163.   3. Ibid., p. 171.   4. J. Beverley-Smith, ‘The Revolt of Rhys ap Maredudd’, Welsh History Review, 3/1 (June 1966), p. 68.  5.  Ibid.   6. LW, p. 43.   7. Ibid, pp 187–8.   8. CWR, p. 182.  9.  Ibid. 10. Ibid, p. 185. 11. Ibid, pp. 184–5. 12. LW, pp. 166–7. 13. LW, p. 168; CWR, p. 233. 14.  AC, B text, p. 151. 15. Ibid, pp. 92–93; Foedera, ii, pp. 259–60. 16. TNA: C 47/34/4/29; translation by Richard Price. 17. Ibid. 18. CAC, p. 167. 19. Ibid. 20. CAC, p. 167. 21. CWR, p. 306; Smith, The Revolt of Rhys ap Maredudd, (Publisher, City, Year), p. 71. 22. Andrew Fleming, The Cult of St Thomas Cantilupe and the Politics of Remembrance, PhD Thesis (Oxford University, St. Edmund Hall, 2013), pp. 265–6. 23. Paul Martin Remfry, Medieval Battles 1047 to 1295, Vol. 1, (Castle Studies Research and Publishing, , 2010), p. 324. 24.  AC, p. 153. Chapter 14: For The Good of Peace  1.  R .R. Davies, Age of Conquest, Wales 1063–1415, (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2001), p. 376.   2. A ndrew Spencer, Nobility and Kingship in Medieval England, (The Earls and Edward I, 1272–1307, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, Fourth Edition, Cambridge University Pres, 2014), p. 36.   3. Ibid, p. 213.  4. CAC, p. 171.   5. Caroline Burt, Edward I and the Governance of England 1272–1307, (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, Fourth Edition, Cambridge University Press, 2013) p. 160.   6. Spencer, Nobility and Kingship, pp. 69–70.   7. Ibid, p. 215.   8. ‘Annals of Oseney’, in AM, iv, p. 316.   9. John E. Morris, The Welsh Wars of Edward I, (De Capo Press, Oxford , 1969 , originally published by Oxford at the Clarendon Press in 1901), p. 223. 10. Ibid. Unless stated otherwise, what follows is from Morris’s transcript of the trial. 11. Ibid., pp. 231–232.

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Notes 229 12. Ibid., p. 344. 13. Herbert and Jones, Edward I and Wales, p. 86; record of a case between Fulk fitz Warin and Richard fitz Alan, 1293, Abbreviato Placitorum, in domo capitulari westmonastariensi asservatorum abbreviato: ,(published under the direction of the Record Commission, edited by William Illingworth, printed by G.Eyre and A. Strahan, 1911) p. 226 14.  Calendar of Ancient Petitions Relating to Wales, edited by William Rees (University of Wales Press, Great Britain, Public Record Office, First Edition, 1975) pp. 104– 15. Prestwich, Edward I, p. 352. Chapter 15: Raging in his Fury  1.  AC, p. 145.   2. ‘The Welsh Assize Roll’, pp. 237–8.   3. A full assessment of the subsidy of 1292–3 can be found in Williams-Jones, The Merioneth Lay Subsidy Roll, pp. xxiv–xxxiii.   4. Williams-Jones, The Meirioneth Lay Subsidy Roll, p. xxxi.  5.  The Court Rolls of the Lordship of Ruthin or Dyffryn-Clwyd in the Reign of King Edward the First, edited by Richard Arthur Roberts (University of Toronto, Toronto,1893), pp. 2–3.  6. CWR, p. 354.  7.  Ibid.   8. Ibid, p. 355.   9. Pierre de Langtoft, ii, p. 221. 10. Book of Prests of the King’s Wardrobe for 1294–95, first edition by E.B. Fryde, (Oxford at the Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1962), pp. xxviii-xxix (hereafter Edwards, Book of Prests). 11. CWR, p. 360 12. Ibid., p. 361. 13. Details of the vill at Bere and its inhabitants can be found in Merioneth Lay Subsidy Roll, pp. 51–2. 14. Craig Owen Jones, The Revolt of Madog ap Llywelyn, (Compact History of Welsh Heroes):(published by Llygad Gwalch Cyf, 2008) , p. 119. 15. Ibid. 16. Cledwyn Fychan, ‘Bleddyn Fychan a Gwrthryfel Madog ap Llywelyn, 1294–5’ (Transactions of the Denbighshire Historical Society 49, 2000), pp. 15–20. 17. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1292–1301, p. 128. (printed at London for Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1893) 18. 19 Morris, Welsh Wars of Edward I, pp. 254–5, quoting Trivet and Guisborough. 19. Patent Rolls, 1292–1301, p. 128. 20. Book of Prests, p. xxxiv. 21.  Remfry, Harlech Castle and its True Origins, , (Castle Studies Research & Publishing, City, 2013), pp. 61–2. 22. TNA: E 101/5/19. 23. Ibid. 24. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, in Annales Monastici, IV, p. 519. 25. Prestwich, Edward I, p. 223. 26. FJ.G. Edwards, The Battle of Maes Moydog and the Welsh Campaign of 1294–5, (The English Historical Review, Volume XXXIX, Issue CLIII, January 1924 ), pp. 8–12.

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230  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 27. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, p. 519. 28. Trivet, Annals, pp. 335–6. 29. Edwards, Battle of Maes Moydog, p. 8. 30.  Michael Prestwich, ‘A New Account of the Welsh Campaign of 1294–5’, Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru/Welsh History Review, Vol.5, no.1 (June 1972), p. 90. 31. Ibid. 32. Calendar of Chancery Warrants, p. 53. 33. CAC, p. 108. 34. ‘Annals of Dunstable’, p. 386. 35. Book of Prests, pp. 199–200. 36. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, p. 529. 37. Merioneth Lay Roll, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv. 38. Ibid, pp. 7–8. 39. CPR, 1292–1301, p. 499. 40. C AC, pp. 207–08. 41. See Appendix 1 for a study of his career. 42. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, p. 526. 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid, p. 522. 45. Book of Prests, p. xliii. 46. Natalie Fryde (ed.), List of Welsh Entries in the Memoranda Rolls 1282–1343, (Cardiff University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1974), p. xv. 47. ‘Annals of Wigorn’, p. 522. 48. Merioneth Lay Roll, p. 45. 49. ‘Annals of Dunstable’, p. 387. 50. Book of Prests, p. l. 51.  Calendar of Close Rolls 1301–1307 (printed at London for His Majesty’s Stationery Office) , p. 256 [hereafter CCR]. 52. CPR, 1303–13, pp. 1307–13. 53. J. Beverley-Smith, and Llinos Beverley-Smith, History of Merioneth: Volume II The Middle Ages, (University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 2001), pp. 70–1. 54. See, for instance, the complaint of Gruffudd ap Peredur of Tal-y-Bont in Meirionydd; TNA: SC 8/49/2405. Similar petitions were submitted from Meirionydd by the sons of Llywelyn ap Cadwgan, Goronwy ap Heilyn and Adda ap Dafydd. 55. CPR, 1292–1301, p. 165. 56. Ibid, p. 223. 57. Stephenson, Centuries of Ambiguity, p. 132. 58. Ibid., p. 246. 59. CPR, 1292–1301, p. 293. 60. CCR, 1296–1302, pp. 34, 39, 114–15. 61. Stephenson, Centuries of Ambiguity, p. 130. 62. Llinos Beverley Smith, The Governance of Edwardian Wales; from Herbert and Jones, Edward I and Wales, pp. 80–1.?] Chapter 16: The King’s Welshmen   1. William le Breton, Philippide et Vies de Philippe, F. Delaborde (ed.), (A Paris Libraire Renouard, 1883–85), ii, pp. 131–2.   2. Roger of Wendover, edited by John Richardson , Chronica sive Flores Historiarum (Volume II, Londini: Sumtibus Societas, 1841 pp. 596–7.

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Notes 231   3. Pierre de Langtoft, ii, p. 231.  4. H.R. Luard, Flores Historiarum by Matthew Paris, 3 vols, (Cambridge Library Collection Rolls Series, Cambridge, 1890), p. 514.  5. Adam Chapman: Welsh Soldiers in the Later Middle Ages 1282–1422, The Boydell Press, 2015), p26  6. CCR, p. 79.  7.  C AC, p. 80.   8. Michael Prestwich, Welsh Infantry in Flanders in 1297, (Publisher, City, Year), p. 11.   9. Bryce Lyon, and Mary Lyon , The Wardrobe Book of 1296–1297: A Financial and Logistical Record of Edward I’s 1297 Autumn Campaign in Flanders against Philip IV of France, (Palais des Académies, Brussels, 2004), pp. 98–100. 10. A. Gransden (ed.), The Chronicle of Bury St Edmunds, 1212–1301, (Nelson, London, 1964), p. 143. 11. Ibid. 12.  William of Rishanger, Chronica et annales, regnantibus Henrico Tertio et Edwardo Primo AD 1259–1307, H.T. Riley (ed.), (Cambridge Library Collection, Cambridge,1865), p. 413. 13. Frantz Funck-Brentano , Chronique Artésienne (1295–1304), Nouvelle Edition et Chronique Tournaisienne (1296–1314) (published at Paris, Alphonse Picard et fils, ‘éditeurs, 1899) ), p. 17, f. 4. 14. Pierre de Langtoft, pp. 295–6. 15. Prestwich, Welsh Infantry, p. 21. 16. Adam Chapman, Welsh Soldiers in the Later Middle Ages 1282–1422 p. 21. 17. Unless stated otherwise, all examples are taken from this online resource: http:// deremilitari.org/2014/04/a-plea-roll-of-edward-is-army-in-scotland-1296/. 18. Ibid. 19. Fiona Watson, Edward I in Scotland 1296–1305, (PhD thesis, downloaded from: http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2222/1/1991watsonphd.pdf ), pp. 61–2. 20. Adam Chapman, The Welsh Soldier 1283–1422, PhD Thesis, for the Doctor of Philosophy, (University of Southampton,) November 2003), pp. 26–7. 21. Ibid, p. 27. 22. Chronicle of Walter de Guisborough, p. 326. 23. Watson, Edward I in Scotland, p. 74. 24.  William of Rishanger, Willelmi Rishanger chronica et annales: Regnantibus Henrico Tertio et Edwardo Primo, AD 1259–1307 (Cambridge Library Collection, 1865), edited by Henry Thomas Riley, p386 25. Ibid; translation by Richard Price. 26. Prestwich, Edward I, pp. 485–6. 27. William of Rishanger, Chronica et Annales, edited by Henry Thomas Riley, MA, ad 1259–1307 (London; Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1865), pp. 440–442. 28. Chapman, The Welsh Soldier 1283–1422, p. 30. 29. Ibid, p. 32. 30. Constance, Bullock-Davies, ‘Welsh Minstrels at the Court of Edward I and II’, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion (1972–73), p. 108.

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232  Edward I and Wales, 1254–1307 31. Benjamin F. Byerly, and Catherine Ridder Byerly (eds), Records of the Wardrobe and Household 1285–1289, (Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, London, 1986), pp. 73, 74, 78, 83. 32. Ibid, pxxiii. 33. Prestwich, Welsh Infantry, p. 12. 34. Adam, The Welsh Soldier, p. 29. 35. Adam Chapman, Welsh Soldiers in the Later Middle Ages 1282–1422, (Boydell Press, Woodbridge, 2015), p. 31. 36. Haskell, Michael Alexander, The Scottish Campaign of Edward I 1303–4 (Durham e-thesis), p. 28. 37. Bullock-Davies, ‘Welsh Minstrels’, p. 104. Conclusion   1. Lyon, Bryce, ‘A Review of Edward I by Michael Prestwich’, Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies, Vol. 21, no. 2 (Summer 1989), p. 290.   2. Stephenson, Centuries of Ambiguity, p. 120.   3. Prestwich, ‘Edward I and Wales’, p. 1. Appendix   1. Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, ii, p. 164.   2. ‘Welsh Assize Roll’, pp. 268, 276.  3. CPR, 1272–81, p. 463.   4.  Book of Prests 1294–5, p. xliii.   5. Prestwich, Edward I, p. 224.  6. A. Gransden, A. (ed.), The Chronicle of Bury St Edmunds, 1212–1301, (Nelson, London, 1964), p. 128.   7. ‘Appendix: The Treason of Sir Thomas de Turberville’, in Chronicles of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London 1188–1274, ed. H.T. Riley, (Trübner, London, 1863), pp. 293–5.  8.  Ibid.   9. The Chronicle of Bury St Edmunds, p. 128. 10. British Library, Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts B.M. Add Ms 7965; : ‘pro quibusdam negociis regis secretis per preceptum ipsius regis speciale.’ 11.  C AC, p. 101. The editor dates this letter to the period 1321–2, and cites the mention of Philip ap Hywel as seneschal of Brecon as proof of this. However, Morgan was knighted in 1306 and would not have styled himself as ‘vallettus’ after that date. In addition Philip, son of Hywel ap Meurig, served as Hereford’s seneschal of Brecon in the earlier period. Other internal evidence is cited in J. Beverley Smith, Edward II and the Allegiance of Wales, (Publisher, City, Year), p. 142, f.16. – just checking the fol. Ref is correct since this is an actual publication and not an archival record. 12. TNA: E 101/3/29/E 101/4/1. 13. Chapman, The Welsh Soldier, p. 181. 14. Stephenson, Centuries of Ambiguity, p. 147. 15. Ibid. ??. Intelligence and intrigue in the March of Wales: noblewomen and the fall of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, 1274–1282’ by Emma Cavell. Institute of Historical Research, Volume 88 Issue 239, pp2–3.

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