Education in the Arab World 9781474271004, 9781474271035, 9781474271028

Citation preview

Education in the Arab World

Available and forthcoming titles in the Education Around the World series Series Editor: Colin Brock Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, Colin Brock and Nafsika Alexiadou Education in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific, edited by Michael Crossley, Greg Hancock and Terra Sprague Education in East and Central Africa, edited by Charl Wolhuter Education in East Asia, edited by Pei-tseng Jenny Hsieh Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, edited by Nadiya Ivanenko Education in Non-EU Countries in Western and Southern Europe, edited by Terra Sprague Education in North America, edited by D. E. Mulcahy, D. G. Mulcahy and Roger Saul Education in South-East Asia, edited by Lorraine Pe Symaco Education in Southern Africa, edited by Clive Harber Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, edited by Emel Thomas Education in the European Union: Pre-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in the European Union: Post-2003 Member States, edited by Trevor Corner Education in the United Kingdom, edited by Colin Brock Education in South America, edited by Simon Schwartzman Education in West Central Asia, edited by Mah-E-Rukh Ahmed Education in West Africa, edited by Emefa Takyi-Amoako Forthcoming volumes: Education in Mexico, Central America and the Latin Caribbean, edited by C. M. Posner, Christopher Martin and Yvonne Martin Education in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands, edited by Debotri Dhar and Hema Letchamanan

Education in the Arab World Edited by Serra Kirdar

BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2017 Paperback edition first published 2020 Copyright © Serra Kirdar and Contributors, 2017 Serra Kirdar and Contributors have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. xix constitute an extension of this copyright page. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Kirdar, Serra, 1975- editor. Title: Education in the Arab world / edited by Serra Kirdar. Description: London ; New York, NY : Bloomsbury Academic,2017. | Includes Bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016054339| ISBN 9781474271004 (hb) |ISBN 9781474271028 (epdf) Subjects: LCSH: Education--Arab countries. |Education--Social aspects--Arab countries. Classification: LCC LA1491 .E374 2017 | DDC370.917/4927--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016054339 ISBN: HB: 978-1-4742-7100-4 PB: 978-1-3501-3392-1 ePDF: 978-1-4742-7102-8 ePub: 978-1-4742-7101-1 Series: Education Around the World Typeset by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.

Contents List of Figures List of Tables Contributors Series Editor’s Preface Acknowledgements Introduction – Regional Overview Serra Kirdar

vii viii x xviii xix 1

Part One The Near East 1 2 3 4 5

Iraq: An Overview Shahram Shadbash and Tahir Albakaa Jordan: An Overview Walid S. Maani Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges Kamal Abouchedid and Maria Bou Zeid Palestine: An Overview Mohammed Dajani Daoudi Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation Rasha Fayek

Part Two

21 39 59 85 97

The Gulf States and Arabian Peninsula

6

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy Jawaher S. Al-Mudhahki 7 Kuwait: Education and Development Alanoud Al Sharekh 8 Oman: An Overview Salim Saleem Al Ghanboosi 9 Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education Fatma Al-Maadheed 10 Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform since 2005 and the Implications for Women Amani Hamdan 11 United Arab Emirates: An Overview Kausor Amin-Ali 12 Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview Khalil Al-Hussaini and Abdullah Modhesh Part Three

117 137 157 179 197 217 243

North Africa

13 Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives Hayat Messekher and Mohamed Miliani

263

vi

Contents

14 Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda Bradley J. Cook and Engy El-Refaee 15 Libya: Intentions and Realities Senussi Orafi 16 Morocco: An Overview Martin Rose 17 Sudan: An Overview David Johnson 18 Tunisia: An Overview Tavis D. Jules Index

285 307 327 349 369 388

List of Figures 3.1 Number of schools by sector in 2013–2014 (CERD, 2015) 3.2 Percentages of student enrolment in schools (CERD, 2015) 3.3 Trend lines of gross enrolment ratio of males and females 1999–2013 (UNESCO statistical database, 2015) 3.4 Class retardation by level and years (CERD, 2014) 3.5 The distribution across higher educational institutions (CERD, 2015) 11.1 Population cohort analysis for education preference 11.2 Economic activity as a percentage of GDP 11.3 Education cohort analysis by school phase 17.1 Average annual increases in school enrolment between 2005 and 2009

69 70 71 72 75 219 220 227 353

List of Tables 1.1 Students and teachers (1967/68 and 1979/80) 1.2 Number of students based on the school type (2003/2004 and 2014/2015) 1.3 Data showing the increase in students’ enrolment (2010 and 2013) 1.4 Number of students and their level of study (2009 and 2013) 1.5 Data on schools, students and teachers (2015) 1.6 Secondary education (2014/2015) 1.7 Vocational education (2014/2015) 3.1 Percentage of GER between males and females in 2013 (UNESCO statistical database, 2015) 8.1 The development of the numbers of schools, teachers and students in the education system of the Sultanate of Oman 8.2 Schools, students and teachers in private education in Oman 8.3 The growth of higher educational institutions and students enrolment 10.1 Students by gender and level (2011) 11.1 Population of the Emirates NBS (2012) 11.2 Phases of education provision in the UAE (MoE/ADEC/KHDA, 2015) 11.3 Number of schools by type in the Emirates (NBS, 2009) 11.4 Number of schools by type and percentage (NBS, 2015) 11.5 Pupil enrolment as a percentage of the UAE population (NBS, 2010) 11.6 Pupil enrolment as a percentage of all pupils (NBS, 2012) 12.1 Total enrolment rate and net enrolment against the total of population by gender during 2010–2013 12.2 Government expenditure: General and technical education (2004 and 2013) 15.1 The education system in Libya since the 1990s 17.1 The reading proficiencies of grade 3 students in Khartoum state compared to national averages in other countries in the Middle East and North Africa

23 28 30 30 31 32 32 70 159 166 168 204 218 223 224 224 225 226 251 256 308

357

List of Tables

17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5 17.6 17.7

Non-readers in Khartoum state by gender and school type Reading rate distributed by gender Reading rate by locality, gender and school type Reading comprehension by gender, location and school type The distribution of letter knowledge by gender (total sample) The average number letter names correctly identified by grade 3 students in one minute by school and locality 17.8 The letter–sound rate by gender 17.9 The rate of letter–sound relationships identified by students in a minute in each locality 17.10 The rate of made-up words read by students in one minute by gender 17.11 Number of made-up words read by students in a minute in each locality 17.12 Number of correct words written by a student in dictation

ix 357 359 359 360 361 361 362 363 363 364 365

Contributors Kamal Abouchedid is Professor of Education and Dean of the Faculty of Humanities at Notre Dame University-Louaize (NDU), Lebanon. His research interests are quality assurance in higher education and citizenship education. He holds a PhD in education from the University of Manchester, United Kingdom, and has published in refereed journals, contributed chapters to books and provided consultancy to United Nations bodies and other regional and local organizations. Tahir Albakaa is visiting professor of Middle East history at Suffolk University, United Kingdom, and visiting lecturer at Bridgewater State University, United States. In 2005–2006, he was a visiting scholar at Harvard University, United States. He previously assumed several academic positions at Al-Mustansiriya University, Iraq’s second-largest university, as lecturer, thesis supervisor, chairperson of the Department of History and chairperson of the Academic Promotion Committee. In 2003, he served as president of Al-Mustansiriya University, Iraq. Albakaa has published six books and more than eighty pieces on several historical and political topics in the form of journal articles, newspapers, and television and radio interviews. He was appointed as minister of higher education and scientific research under the Iraqi interim government led by Dr Ayad Alawi (2004–2005). In 2005, he was elected as a member of Iraqi National Assembly and became a member of the Iraqi Constitution Writing Committee. Salim Saleem Al Ghanboosi is an associate professor at Sultan Qaboos University, Oman. He specializes in higher education management. He holds a PhD in higher education management from University of Manchester, United Kingdom, in 2002, and an MA in educational administration from College of Educational Sciences at the Jordanian University in 1997. Khalil Al-Hussaini is head of the coordination and monitoring unit, and donor coordinator at the technical office, Ministry of Education, Yemen. His role has been to coordinate between the Ministry of Finance and donors to define

Contributors

xi

financing sources for the comprehensive Ministry of Education Annual Work Plan. His work involves developing policies of cooperation and mechanisms of coordination between Ministry of Education and Development Projects (DPs) with the aim to contribute to development of laws required for the application and implementation of policies, strategies and programmes for the preliminary stage of education and the stages of primary and secondary education, literacy and adult education. Fatma Al-Maadheed is an independent educational consultant with expertise and research in primary education, bilingual education, second language learning, and literacy and language policies. Her most recent work is with the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO’s) Teachers Task Force and the World Bank to produce a report on Teachers and the Teaching profession in Qatar. She has also been a lecturer in English language teaching methods at the Faculty of Education, Qatar University, Qatar. She is the author of Models of Bilingual Education Programmes in Majority Language Contexts: An Exploratory Study of Bilingual Programmes in Qatari Primary Schools (2013). She holds a joint bachelor degree of English and education from the University of Qatar, 1995; an MA from the University of Nottingham, 1999; an MSc in applied linguistics from the University of Oxford, 2005; and a DPhil from the University of Oxford, 2012. Jawaher S. Al-Mudhahki has been the chief executive of the National Authority for Qualifications and Quality Assurance of Education & Training in Bahrain since 2008. She began her career at the University of Bahrain, Bahrain, where she held several academic and administrative positions, where the last position was vice president for administration and financial affairs. She is an active member or president in a number of regional and international boards, including International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE), Association of Quality Assurance Agencies of the Islamic World (IQA) and the Arab Network for Quality Assurance in Higher Education (ANQAHE). Nationally, she is a member in the Supreme Council for Education and Training’s Development, the Women Empowerment Award Committee and the Commission of Prisoners and Detainees Rights. She was the editor-in-chief of the Arab Journal of Accounting, and a board member in the Accounting and Auditing Authority in the GCC, Supreme Council for Women, Higher Education Council, Academics Association and Bahrain Accounting Association. Her bachelor degree is from the University of Bahrain, Bahrain,

xii

Contributors

master from the University of Denver, United States, and the PhD (1996) from the University of Exeter, United Kingdom. Alanoud Al Sharekh is a visiting fellow at the London Middle East Institute at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London, United Kingdom, working on Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries demographics. She is a senior fellow at the International Institute of Strategic Studies, United Kingdom senior political analyst at the Kuwait National Security Bureau; and a gender politics consultant for United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), Freedom House and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) on academic and social outreach projects in Kuwait and the GCC. She conducts research on sociopolitical, cultural and security issues in the Arabian Gulf, and is a board member of several academic and non-governmental organizations, as well as directing the Abolish153 campaign. Her teaching posts include Kuwait University; Gulf University of Science and Technology; the Arab Open University; visiting lecturer at Uppsala University, Sweden; and Fulbright Scholar on Women and Islam at Whittier College, United States. She has published several books and articles on gender and kinship policies in the GCC, including The Gulf Family, and Popular and Political Cultures of the GCC, examining the persistent importance of family and tribe in modern Gulf politics and society. Her work won the Arab Prize for best publication in a foreign journal for 2013–2014, and the Voices of Success Kuwait Award in 2012. Kausor Amin-Ali is a qualified principal and has held senior school leadership roles for nearly a decade. He has a wide range of experience of schools in both the United Kingdom and the United Arab Emirates. In Dubai, he has been an adviser for subject leadership development; served as a member of a school improvement advisory panel; and more recently advised on staff appraisal. In Abu Dhabi, he has advised on the implementation of the new English Curriculum Assessment Framework. He has also undertaken self-evaluation for inspection preparation under the new unified UAE framework. He is an associate member of Future Leaders, a leadership development programme committed to eradicate educational disadvantage in England. He has significant experience in child protection and welfare and is a CEOP Ambassador, as part of the Virtual Global Taskforce. He has authored child-protection training resources and preventative bullying resources for online use.

Contributors

xiii

Maria Bou Zeid is an assistant professor and chairperson of the Department of Media Studies at Notre Dame University-Louaize (NDU), Lebanon. Her expertise is in the role of media in safety and awareness, and the impact of media campaigns on the public health sector in Lebanon, and she is also engaged in research on education in the Arab world. She holds a PhD in media studies from Université Paris II, Assas, Paris, France and a DES in journalism from the Lebanese University in collaboration with the French Press InstituteIFP and the Center for the Formation and Perfecting of Journalists-CFPJ, Paris, France. Bradley J. Cook is Professor of History and Provost at the Southern Utah University, United States. Prior to his current position, he served as president of the Abu Dhabi Women’s College in the United Arab Emirates. He began his career in higher education in 1990 as the special assistant to the president at the American University in Cairo, Egypt. He is the author of Classical Foundations of Islamic Educational Thought (2010). He holds degrees from Stanford University, United States, and the University of Oxford, United Kingdom. Mohammed Dajani Daoudi is the Weston fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East policy, United States, and the founder of the Wasatia Moderate Islamic Movement in Palestine. He was the founding director of the American Studies Graduate Program and the director of libraries at Al-Quds University in Jerusalem. He is author of several books and academic articles. He made headlines in the spring of 2014 when he organized and escorted 27 Palestinian University students to visit the Nazi concentration death camps in Krakow and Auschwitz to learn about the Holocaust. This was a quintessential experiential learning opportunity for advanced students and yet it cost him his teaching job at Al-Quds University in Jerusalem and compromised his personal safety and security. He holds two doctorate degrees from the University of South Carolina, United States (1981), and the University of Texas at Austin, United States (1984). Engy El-Refaee earned both her BA and MA in economics from the American University in Cairo (AUC), Egypt. Prior to her graduation, El-Refaee worked as a contributing researcher in Egypt’s Human Development Report 2010. Specifically, her main interest was on educational development and finding ways to overcome the education system failure in Egypt. She previously worked as teacher and research assistant in the Department of Economics at the American University in Cairo, Egypt. Her research interests include

xiv

Contributors

behaviuoral economics, international development, education, econometrics and Islamic philosophy. Rasha Fayek is the managing editor of Al-Fanar Media, a UK-based online publication that covers higher education in the Arab world. She is an experienced Syrian journalist who has covered a diverse range of issues ranging from business and youth to citizenship and culture, and is currently reporting on Syria and Jordan for USA Today and serves as a Middle East correspondent for Bloomberg BNA. Amani Hamdan is an associate professor and vice dean in the Faculty of Education at the University of Dammam in Saudi Arabia. Her book, Muslim Women Speak: A Tapestry of Lives and Dreams (2009), won the Canadian Women’s Studies Association Book Prize in 2011. Her research interest is multifaceted and includes education and curricula in Saudi Arabia, analytical and critical thinking and their infusion in the teaching, online education and cultural manifestation, higher education, narrative research, critical multicultural education. She has over twenty-one years of international teaching experience, presented in various international conferences and is publishing in American, Canadian and Australian high impact factors journals. She has obtained her doctorate of philosophy in education studies specializing in Curriculum and Pedagogy from the University of Western Ontario, Canada, in 2006. David Johnson is a university reader in comparative education and professorial fellow of St Antony’s College, Oxford, United Kingdom. He studies the educational systems of countries in Africa – among others, Nigeria, South Africa, Sierra Leone, Rwanda and Sudan. He is a chartered psychologist and is interested in children’s learning and the political and institutional factors that constrain learning opportunities. In Sierra Leone, he is conducting a longitudinal study of learning in adversity and is tracking changes in adolescent perceptions of learning. He has recently completed in Sudan a national assessment of reading and mathematics for children in the third grade. In Nigeria, he has carried out studies into the professional knowledge of teachers across eleven states. Books he edited include Politics, Modernisation and Educational Reform in Russia (2010) and The Changing Landscape of Education in Africa (2008). Tavis D. Jules is an assistant professor in cultural and educational policy studies at Loyola University, Chicago, United States. His research focuses on the impact

Contributors

xv

of regionalism upon small island developing states and small (and micro) states in the Caribbean and education in transitory spaces with a geographic focus on the Maghreb region. He is book reviews editor of the Caribbean Journal of International Relations and Diplomacy. He is also the author of Neither World Polity nor Local or National Societies (2012); The New Global Educational Policy Environment in the Fourth Industrial Revolution (edited, 2016); Educational Transitions in Post-Revolutionary Spaces (with Teresa Barton, Bloomsbury, forthcoming); and Is “Small” Always Small and “Big” Always Big? Re-reading Educational Policy and Practice in Small States (with Patrick S. Ressler, 2016). Serra Kirdar is a life fellow of St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, United Kingdom, and a member of the board of the Middle East Centre at St Antony’s College, University of Oxford. Previously, she was a visiting fellow at the Centre for Middle East Studies at Harvard University, United States. She completed her DPhil at St Antony’s College, Oxford University in 2004, entitled ‘Gender and Cross-Cultural Experience with Reference to Elite Arab Women’. Her combined academic career and interest in education and women’s empowerment has led to her active role and support of education and empowerment. She sits on multiple boards, including the Steering Committee for the Emerging Market Symposium, Green Templeton College, Oxford University, as well as the International Advisory Council of the Asian University for Women. She is a board member of the Iraqi Women’s Fellowship Foundation (IWFF), a patron of the University of Arts of London and a patron of the British Film Institute. Kirdar has published several articles on the role of women, empowerment and education in the Arab world and is currently engaged on establishing a council of empowered women leaders from emerging markets. Walid S. Maani is a professor of neurosurgery in the Medical School at the University of Jordan, Jordan. He became professor in 1987 and later rose to become in succession: dean of research, vice president for administration and, in 1998, president of the University of Jordan, Jordan. He was appointed minister of health and minister of education and of higher education in five Jordanian governments. He also was appointed a senator in the Jordanian Parliament. While minister of higher education, he introduced the online national university unified acceptance. He has published thirty scientific papers in international refereed journals and published two books and contributed three chapters. He holds the Jordan Star decoration of the first order and is an Eisenhower fellow.

xvi

Contributors

Hayat Messekher is an associate professor of English at the ‘Ecole Normale Supérieure de Bouzaréah’ in Algiers where she teaches pre-service teachertrainees. She holds an MA in applied linguistics and ELT from the University of Constantine in Algeria, and a PhD in English composition and TESOL from Indiana University of Pennsylvania, United States, as a Fulbright Scholar. Her research interests include, among other things, teacher education, teacher identity, TEFL/TESOL, second language writing, critical pedagogy, critical discourse analysis and linguistic landscape. Prior to this, she worked for a research centre in Algiers where she was in charge of Arabic/French/English translation and interpreting. Currently, she also works as a consultant for British Council in Algeria and is in charge of higher education and society programmes. Mohamed Miliani is a professor of didactics of foreign languages at the University of Oran, Algeria. He was previously president (2011) and then vice president (2015) of the National Evaluation Committee in the Ministry of Higher Education in charge of evaluation and quality assurance of universities. In addition to teaching, he is a member of the Mediterranean Board of the Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies based in Malta. He is member of the Scientific Committee of the National institute for research in education (INRE, Ministry of Education), and member of the Textbook Accreditation Commission (2015, Ministry of National Education). Abdullah Modhesh is an education expert from Yemen with more than ten years of experience in education in Yemen, during which he worked for the government international NGOs and UNICEF. His experience also involved establishing and managing a local NGO interested solely in education in Yemen. As part of his academic preparation, he completed a PhD degree in education in the United States, studying ‘Curriculum Reform’ from the perspectives of Yemeni educators. He served as an education consultant to a number of agencies and NGOs, including GIZ, Save the Children, a USAID project and UNICEF, contributing to projects that constituted major education reforms in the country. Senussi Orafi is an associate professor of applied linguistics and ELT at the University of Benghazi, Libya. She has a PhD degree in the field of ELT from Leeds University, United Kingdom and an MA degree in applied language studies from Carleton University, Canada. Her interest is on investigating teachers’ beliefs, ideas, assumptions and practices in relation to the implementation

Contributors

xvii

educational innovations. More specifically, her focus is on examining how teachers implement and make sense of educational innovations, and what are the beliefs and other contextual factors which underlie teachers’ classroom practices when dealing with educational reforms. She has published papers in these research areas in various international journals such as System and TESOL. Orafi has also given talks in different international conferences in the United Kingdom, Turkey, Thailand and Libya in these related research areas. Martin Rose is a senior consultant on MENA to the British Council; a visiting fellow at the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Centre of Islamic Studies at the University of Cambridge, United Kingdom; and chairman of trustees of BAX, British-Arab Exchanges. He has been a British Council officer since 1988 and he founded the British Council’s in-house think-tank, Counterpoint, in 2002, as well as the Anglo-Italian Pontignano Conference (1992–present). In 2009, he was the Sheikh Zaki Badawi Memorial lecturer. His recent publications include Bavures and Shibboleths: The Changing Ecology of Culture and Language in Morocco (2014); six reports on Education in North Africa since Independence (2015); and Immunizing the Mind: How Can Education Reform Contribute to Neutralising Violent Extremism? (2016). Shahram Shadbash is a senior lecturer in the Department of History at Suffolk University in Boston, United States. He has held this position since 2002 and has taught courses in American history, world history and Middle Eastern history. He is also a lecturer in the Department of Geography at Bridgewater State University’s in Bridgewater, Massachusetts, United States, where he teaches human geography and geography of developing world. His area of focus is the Middle East and Islam.

Series Editor’s Preface This series comprises nineteen volumes, between them looking at education in virtually every territory in the world. The initial volume, Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, aimed to provide an insight to the field of international and comparative education. It looked at its history and development and then examined a number of major themes at scales from local to regional to global. It is important to bear such scales of observation in mind because the remainder of the series is inevitably regionally and nationally based. The identification of the eighteen regions within which to group countries has sometimes been a very simple task, elsewhere less so. Europe, for example, has four volumes and more than fifty countries. National statistics vary considerably in their availability and accuracy, and in any case date rapidly. Consequently, the editors of each volume point the reader towards access to regional and international datasets, available online, that are regularly updated. A key purpose of the series is to give some visibility to a large number of countries that, for various reasons rarely, if ever, have coverage in the literature of this field. This book Education in the Arab World deals with one of the more complex regions in that it comprises three distinct components: the Near East, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, and North Africa. Within each of these, the countries are presented in alphabetical order. None of these is homogenous, given their detailed ethnic scenarios and in some cases current and complicated conflicts. The various writers, mostly indigenous to their countries, have worked extremely hard to cover both historical and contemporary contexts. I am especially grateful to Dr Serra Kirdar for doing such a great job as editor of this volume. Of Iraqi origin, Serra has extensive field experience in the Arab world, and the Arabic language. Her master’s and doctoral researches afforded her considerable depth in the understanding of the Arab world, as has her subsequent initiative in establishing a foundation supporting the education of Arab women. As the series editor, I am delighted with what Serra has achieved. Colin Brock, University of Durham, UK

Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge support for this book from the following individuals. First and foremost, I would like to thank Professor Colin Brock. Sadly, Professor Brock passed away before this book was published and it is to him that I owe so much. I thank him for inviting me to be part of this exciting process and for his unwavering belief in me. He was my mentor and my staunchest supporter throughout the last twenty years who worked tirelessly with me always believing in me and pushing me to new heights. I would also like to thank Professor Eugene Rogan, Director of the Middle East Centre at St Antony’s College, Oxford University for his unconditional support, enthusiastic belief in me and encouragement throughout my academic career. The educational guidance and learning that I received from both Professor Colin Brock and Professor Eugene Rogan have had a profound transformational impact on me and my life. None of this would have been remotely possible without the ongoing love, support and guidance of both my mother and father, Nada and Nemir Kirdar. My father’s commitment to supporting my aspirations and achievements in relation to the vital importance that education and women play in the Middle East has shaped my own outlook and commitment to these issues. Finally, I must thank the person closest to me. My son, Saif, who inspires me daily through his own commitment to education and learning, which in turn reinforces my ongoing dedication to the pivotal role and importance of education.

Introduction – Regional Overview Serra Kirdar

It must be noted from the outset that the Arab Muslim world comprises a complex matrix of social, political, economic and cultural dynamics, and one must caution against over-generalizing the educational realities in the region. The definition of education focuses on empowering students to learn and grow by developing their social and emotional learning skills, cultivating their cognitive skills and strategies and promoting their awareness of other people, cultures and environments (El Sheikh Hasan, 2000). This is the premise for what Sirotnik defines as ‘an approach to education that embodies constructivistic and critical inquiry orientations’ (Sirotnik, 1991) and an educational experience that calls for a national system that perceives the central function of education to be reconstructing social order and renewing national culture; this is at odds with current educational systems across the Arab world that aim at the preservation of national and social orders. Although disparate in certain features, curriculum in much of the Arab region focuses on transmitting prepackaged bodies of knowledge that reinforce discipline but bear little need to relate to either individual students’ concerns and interests or national needs. Despite the academic focus, most students are not motivated and do not engage intellectually or emotionally with the learning activities in the curriculum. Furthermore, students’ voices are rarely heard except in response to teachers’ questions (Sirotnik, 1991: 99). Educational systems in the Arab world have been labelled by liberal theorists as indoctrination, as in many cases they have taken a rigid absolutist stance and have taught students to believe that there is only one possible answer to a problem or one way of doing things. Classroom instruction still remains essentially teacher dominated with telling, showing, drilling and reciting being the most frequent modes of disseminating information. Suffice to say that it differs little from centuries-old rote learning.

2

Education in the Arab World

Attempts at reforming or initiating various teacher-training activities have not been successful in developing the pedagogical expertise required to improve the quality of learning to the extent of accommodating the role of teacher as facilitator rather than instructor. In order to achieve the notion of global education, it is firstly the perceptions of teachers that need to be changed followed by an overhaul of their training. The global education concept that sees the need to respect and value national cultures and identities, while reinforcing the belief that plurality of cultures and identities, in today’s global world, is a necessity and an enrichment for society at large. The aim is to empower students and involve them in the transformation of their society at the local, regional and international level, and as a result widen their visions and realize their creativity. However, enrichment of teachers’ professional skills and strategies and the enhancement of their self-efficacy are predicated on changes in their belief system. As such the teacher’s role develops from mere transmitters of information to facilitators of enquiry and knowledge construction. Inevitably this demands fundamental and conceptual changes of power and authority. Where teachers currently see knowledge as a finished product that is prepackaged and disassociated from human interests and experiences, they must in the future see the educational process as a continual, historical and dynamic process of construction and reconstruction of human understanding if the aforementioned changes are to be honoured. By all indications, education systems in the Arab Middle East do not reward these skills. Massialas and Jarrar’s criticism of the Arab states’ educational systems focuses on the dysfunctionality and inefficient outcomes of national educational systems. They ponder the inherent social, cultural and political conflicts that affect educational policies and practices, and they illustrate their point by arguing that ‘forces of tradition’ rather than ‘forces of change’ are in control, which results in conflicts within the educational processes themselves (Massialas and Jarrar, 1987). They conclude that: the values of the patriarchal family are replicated in the school … the Arab classroom teaches reverence to authority figures and complete submission to their will; it teaches not to question traditional sources of knowledge and wisdom; and it teaches cooperation, not competition.

The World Bank and similar organizations have warned that such an approach does not prepare students adequately for the modern world of work. World Bank study, as reported by Rugh, states:

Regional Overview

3

What is known about the quality of education – defined as learning and achievement – is not encouraging,’ adding: ‘most importantly, education in the region does not impart the higher-order cognitive skills such as flexibility, problem solving and judgment needed by workers who will face frequently changing tasks and challenges in increasingly competitive export markets’. Instead, the systems teach students how to learn and retain ‘answers to fairly fixed questions in problem situations with little or no meaningful context’ and thus reward those who are skilled at being passive knowledge recipients.

As a result, the quality of Arab education and learning has suffered due to expanding enrolments and falling teacher compensation levels (Rugh, 2002: 405). One UNESCO study claims that the number of research centres at Arab universities is ‘not impressive’ and their budgets are ‘meagre’, without which there is ‘little renewal of production of knowledge, but merely transmission of what is already known’ (Rugh, 2002: 405–407). It says that ‘the early spirit of Arab researchers, flowering during the Abbasid time in the Middle Ages, which has greatly contributed to the advancement of human learning … has almost disappeared’. UNESCO recommends that this be remedied and calls for ‘a stronger political will to revive research spirit, and provide researchers with proper support and means’. Clearly such observations illustrate the lack of research and knowledge production by the educational system, especially by universities. Numbers of universities and enrolments have increased substantially but most of the increase has been at the bachelor’s level and the growth has been on teaching but not on research or knowledge production. In many cases, it has been for this reason that those more fortunate have sought higher degrees in ‘Western’ institutions. Three-quarters of the Arab universities were established only in the past twenty-five years of the twentieth century and the past decade of the new millennium. Nearly 60 per cent of these universities are no more than fifteen years old. In addition to being relatively new, higher education institutions in the region suffer from a lack of clear vision and welldesigned educational missions. They also lack autonomy as they are under the direct control of various authoritarian regimes. This leaves minimal room for freedom for curriculum, expression, research, original thought and publications.

Curriculum Curriculum plays a central role in structuring the learning experiences of students. Curriculum refers to the content of both formal and informal

4

Education in the Arab World

instructional and learning experiences, instructional strategies, materials and facilities. It also includes methods of evaluating the success or otherwise of attaining curriculum goals. Implied in this definition is an important distinction between the ‘intended’ and the ‘implemented’ curriculum. Actual curriculum implementation brings into focus teachers and textbooks, among other things. This definition puts the curriculum: ‘at the centre of any efforts to improve the quality of basic education and implies a coordinated effort in all the areas included’ (AbuLaban, 1992: 27). However, in all Arab countries, without exception, education ministry officials develop the curriculum centrally. Hence, it is imposed from above, with neither the community nor teachers having much involvement in the process. By contrast, studies carried out in other developing countries, some of them Islamic, emphasize the significant contributions that parents and community leaders can make to curriculum development and reform; yet this privilege is not accessible in the Arab world.1 In almost all Arab states, all major decisions involving curricula, course syllabi and textbooks, and other areas such as teacher selection, training and placement, and examinations are highly centralized in ministries of education. Such systems also exhibit a high degree of centralization at the district (or regional), local and institutional levels. With reference to the institutional level, authority resides solely in the hands of the school principal. While the principal’s authority is not absolute, circumscribed as it is by higher levels of administration, he or she tends to be a strict, authoritarian administrator, allowing little decision-making power for the teacher to be innovative and creative. School principals are usually recruited from the ranks of teachers and, therefore, most lack the necessary administrative skills or specialized training for leadership, creativity or others (Abu-Laban, 1992: 35–36). Although modernization and economic development have facilitated the application of the ‘Western’ school model within these countries, the application has been more related to planning and policy than to pedagogy. Curriculum development, content and pedagogy have not been applied so successfully. The educational systems are in a state of confusion as they have tried to transplant a ‘Western’ paradigm superficially while trying also to straddle traditional religious and cultural learning. Neither is appropriate for the region. The challenges facing the educational systems magnify the tensions that exist between the state, the secular intellectuals and the growing Islamic populace. The state’s primary agenda is to achieve its economic and political

Regional Overview

5

objectives with the assistance of education. However, it is failing to imbue skills and competencies to achieve this. It is also failing to take into account the collective goals of its societies. Current educational policy in some countries such as Egypt is looking to issues of national identity and character as it attempts unsuccessfully to marry the cultural and technical imperatives (Cook, 2000: 491). There has been a commendable surge in access to education for boys and girls across the region that cannot be ignored. One can now say that majority of children have access to schooling. However, the question we must now address is what is the purpose of education? It is not simply a question of supply side, construction of buildings, quantitative expansion of the education product, but rather the quality of education that is being offered and for what purpose. Despite the substantial quantitative expansion of educational opportunities, questions are being asked throughout the Arab world about the quality of education and the outputs of the system. Educational systems are failing to provide the necessary thinking and doing skills to prepare them for employment. As such, private sector companies have to heavily depend on foreign labour, while local graduates remain unemployed as they are armed with a degree that has little bearing on market demands. In some cases PhD graduates are relegated to driving taxis. The implications of this educational mismatch on the moral of the youth, who constitute about 60 per cent of the regions’ population, have been potent. Where employers have started to fire expat workers or hold remedial training programs, many unemployed graduates are left frustrated. Another area of concern is quality assurance. There is no accreditation or other external evaluation system for Arab education; even self-evaluation by educational institutions is rare. One reason for this is that most education institutions are controlled by the government, so the governments make decisions on curriculum and similar matters and they have not been interested in independent evaluations.

Islam in curriculum The debate between intellectuals, religious leaders and politicians has not reached a consensus in defining Islam’s place and role in the changing societies of the Arab Muslim world. Just how prominent a role Islam plays in the daily lives of such societies is clearly illustrated and apparent within the national

6

Education in the Arab World

education systems of the Arab nations. Islam gives a great deal of importance to education, with over 800 references relating to education in the Quran. The centrality of Islam in the educational process defined the content and premise of education throughout Islamic history (Cook, 2000: 477). With the failure of ‘Western’ paradigms to relieve socioeconomic pressures in these nations, societies, to varying degrees, have begun demanding a return to Islam for solutions. Religious and moral teachings constitute a large part of curriculum for these educational systems. The aforementioned attempts to combine Islamic and ‘Western’ education paradigms have proved only a temporary remedy on the part of governments to appease the two different mindsets of their people. The challenge to balance religious and cultural homage with ‘Western’, contemporary living has not been met by the educational systems in the Arab world. Indeed the synthesis between the: ‘development needs of a modern world and the moral imperatives of a religious society is the greatest challenge facing politicians, scholars, educators and planners in the Islamic world today’ (Cook, 2000: 478). In some cases in Egypt, for example, teachers in public schools have had their own ‘hidden curriculum’. Many of the teachers with Islamic learning use the national curricula to impose their own: ‘thoughts, knowledge, tendencies and values on their students. In doing so, the teachers are perpetuating certain radical thoughts that are in opposition to the more progressive aspects of the curriculum’ (Mogheis, 1997: 22). According to Mogheis, there is a heavy reliance on Islamic sources, especially in the humanities, which he argues is inappropriate for a pluralistic society such as Egypt. He cites one secondary text in religious education: The acceptable religion to Allah is Islam and there is no other religion with which Allah would be satisfied. The followers of the previous divine religions do not differ from Islam and the prophesies of Muhammad and knew for certain by clear proofs and signs that Islam is the religion of Allah. Their disbelief was not a result of having no clear signs but because of prejudice and stubbornness. As a result, they have been misguided. (Mogheis, 1997: 27)

Clearly there is a misconstrued and biased interpretation of religious teachings that Mogheis argues is destructive for students who have yet to develop their own critical and analytical thinking skills. Though the challenge of integrating two systems into one still exists in the case of Egypt and other Arab countries,

Regional Overview

7

there is an overall support for some religious-cultural instruction as Islam is the bedrock of their national character. It is this challenge that continues to impede fundamental changes to the curricula and the system as a whole. The quest is: ‘obviously modernisation without Westernisation and Islamisation without extremism’ (Cook, 1999: 344). Education in the Arabic language is synonymous with three ideals. The first is ta’lim, which means to seek knowledge through instruction and teaching; the second is tarbiya, relating to spiritual and ethical nurturing; and the third is taadib, which refers to the student’s development of social manners and behaviour. It is clear that education, in the context of Islam, is a process involving the holistic development of the individual; it calls for the development of the spiritual, social, intellectual and rational dimensions of the student. This notion of education is seen as a comprehensive and integrated approach to fostering the total personality and creating a sense of inner equilibrium through the development of the spirit, intellect, rational, emotions and the self. Education is a twofold process that involves the acquisition of cognitive skills and knowledge through reason and logic, and spiritual appreciation. As such, Islam claims to embody absolute truth, with an innate universal truth within each person. Contrary to pedagogical philosophy practised in the Arab school paradigm is the argument posed by liberal theorists who claim that there is no absolute authority in matters pertaining to morality and, therefore, education ‘must avoid authoritarian stances.’ One such theorist, Bailey, argues that a liberally educated person: is released from the restrictions placed on him or her by the limited and specific circumstances in which he or she is born. Liberal education allows for intellectual and moral autonomy, the capacity to become a free chooser of beliefs and actions – in a word, a free moral agent, the kind of entity a fullyfledged human being is supposed to be and which all too few are! (Bailey, 1984)

However, it is often argued that Islam is fundamentally at odds with this liberal perspective on education. Islam puts much less importance on individual autonomy and emphasizes the importance of community and respect for social contexts and traditions in which the individual originates. It does not condone individualistic development at the expense of society and sociocultural values. Though this may be the interpreted view and the rationale behind why Islamic, moral teachings and liberal education cannot be fused, there is a generation whose own lived experiences has dispelled such a notion by proving that the two disciplines are not mutually exclusive.

8

Education in the Arab World

Dilemmas existing Educators and political leaders have long known that education in the Arab countries needs to be overhauled. In part the legacy of a colonial past, the systems are in a stagnant condition and both the curriculum and associated educational materials require restructuring and upgrading. All efforts to improve teaching and learning have met, at best, with partial success. Before attempting to solve problems relating to curricula, forms of examination and the evaluation process of students, a well-defined vision of educational needs and goals is needed. However, current approaches lack an integrated vision of the education process itself and its objectives. Contemporary education policies dictate the path and agenda of curricular content and are plagued by piecemeal efforts, inconsistencies and a general lack of direction. Over the past several decades, Arab countries have embarked on attempting to initiate educational reforms for the purpose of modifying the content of the curricula. In so far as subjects are deemed neutral and non-controversial, revision of the syllabi has developed smoothly. However, this revision is selective and piecemeal. Even in the sciences, where content is less contentious, themes such as the theory of evolution and sex education are somewhat threatening and have not yet been revised. In cases where subject matter, as in the humanities and social sciences, has an effect and influence on the ideas and convictions of the students, supervision by the authorities is imposed. Such subjects are protected by authorities in charge of designing curricula and issuing schoolbooks. Consequently, such subjects laud past achievements and generally indulge in both self-praise and blame of others, with the aim of instilling loyalty, obedience and support for the regime in power. It is not unusual to find schoolbooks in many Arab counties with a picture of the ruler on the front page, even in the case of textbooks in neutral subjects such as Science and Mathematics.2

In fact researchers argue that the curricula taught in Arab countries effectively encourage submission, obedience, subordination and compliance, rather than free critical thinking.3 Curricular contents do not even go so far as to stimulate students to criticize political or social assertions: The assigned curricula, starting from preliminary school … embody a concept that views education as an industrial production process, where curricula and their content serve as moulds into which fresh minds are supposed to be poured.4 The varying piecemeal efforts to reform curricula superficially centre around greater or lesser emphasis on religious-humanistic subjects, foreign languages,

Regional Overview

9

and vocational and practical training. It is worth noting that differences existing between the Arab countries are attributable to the movements involving ‘Arabization’ and ‘nationalization’, of the curriculum in Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco, which began in the 1950s and 1960s. Arab officials who are responsible for education candidly admit that there are quality problems. The Saudi minister of higher education, for example, conceded at a recent conference on education that population pressure which led to rapid expansion in university enrolments created a problem, as it ‘was not in line with the labour market’, resulting in a rising number of jobless graduates.5 He reaffirmed the confused purpose of education and the existing dislocation between the school curricula and societal demands, stressing that the onus of responsibility falls on Saudi Arabia to coordinate the needs of the labour market so as not to aggravate the employment structure. Sharing similar views, the Moroccan minister of higher education added that ‘the Arab university’ has not yet taken into consideration the needs of the private sector and that university graduates are unfortunately unable to find jobs for that reason also. Moreover, he emphasized that the dropout rate from universities was 60 per cent, where students were being trained in areas for which they were not pre-qualified or for which they were not motivated. He blamed the current ailing system on the overcentralization of decision making on matters pertaining to curriculum. In evaluating the level of education, the assessment of teachers’ abilities to interact with, motivate and encourage students to innovate and think critically and creatively is paramount. Teaching in this region is didactic, supported by lectures and preset books that contain indisputable information and knowledge that is objectified so as to support incontestable facts. The examination process is no less authoritarian, where students are only tested on memorization and factual recall.

Teachers While some countries are better off than others, it is nevertheless the case that many Arab teachers are either untrained or undertrained. Furthermore, they often employ teaching methods that alienate students and discourage their participation, independent initiative and critical thinking. However, there are some factors in many Arab countries that adversely affect teachers’ effectiveness, such as low salaries, which force educators to take up other jobs therefore distracting them from their primary roles as

10

Education in the Arab World

educators. Other constraints are lack of facilities, poorly designed curricula and indifferent quality of teacher training. Most educators in the Arab world graduate from institutions that follow an approach to teaching based on rote learning, which does not lend itself well to inspire critical thinking. The problem of overcrowded classrooms is also very common. This curtails the desire and limits the ability of the teacher to interact creatively and dynamically with the students.6 The administrative systems of the schools are highly suspect and are deeply alienated, culturally, organizationally and institutionally from their broader environment. Very few, if any autonomy, school administrators remain isolated from the decision-making process and teachers are simply disseminators of information. Modern social psychology tells us that participation in decision making enhances better selection as well as commitment to the decisions made (Gardner, 1993). Hence in order to ensure a genuinely holistic approach to educational reforms, teachers’ participation and a clear understanding of and commitment to agenda is an imperative prerequisite for change. Furthermore, as is currently the case globally, the teaching profession pool is often drawn from the lowest performing school leavers. In many cases teachers do not even have an undergraduate degree, let alone any proper pedagogical training to qualify as mentors and instructors for the next generation. Without raising the barriers to entry for arguably one of the most important professions, no substantial change will take place, even if curriculum itself were to change. How to teach is paramount to what to teach.

Problems of science and technology and entrepreneurship One of the overarching trends to plague parts of the Arab world has been the overemphasis and importance given to the rapid and tangible material and infrastructural development in the region, while ignoring the development of the indigenous human resources. One of the most crucial criticisms applicable to the Arab educational systems on the whole, but varying in degree from country to country, has been the insufficient internal development including educational reform that has occurred, as compared with the material development of the indigenous dimension. Arab schools have not kept pace with the material development of their respective communities. There is still over reliance on examinations as a measurement of student achievement and potential. They have not been able to take into account the students’ goals, such

Regional Overview

11

as strengths, capabilities and desires, by concentrating narrowly on academics. ‘Consequently, the most serious mistake Arab education authorities have made is to send “substandard” pupils into the vocational education channel’ (Al Heeti and Brock, 1997: 379). This is significant because it leaves Arab nations reliant on immigrant labour to undertake technical and vocational occupations. This applies at all levels. Arab educators have highlighted that one of the handicaps of the system has been that the education provided in grades one through twelve tends to place an additional burden on the universities because incoming high school graduates are not always sufficiently prepared. One study reported that in some Arab countries, ‘as much as 35–40 per cent of instructional resources in higher education are spent on remediation of skill deficiencies of college entrants’ (Rugh, 2002: 406–407). The system as a whole represents a certain level of stagnation of knowledge production especially in fields relating to science and technology. One reason for this, in the Arab countries, is a result of weak basic research in fields such as information technology and molecular biology. It is the victim of meagre research and development expenditure, which to date has not exceeded 0.2 per cent of the gross national product (GNP). But a lack of institutional support at all levels is also observed, and a political and social milieu that is detrimental to the development and promotion of science. The mere transfer and adoption of technology has neither achieved the desired technological advancements nor spawned lucrative investments. Neither has the importation of technology resulted in its internalization by the local countries. The reasons for this have included the absence of effective innovation and knowledge/skill production systems, as well as the lack of policies that have encouraged and sponsored institutions in supporting the creation of a knowledge- and skill-based society. The philosophical underpinning of this has been the mistaken belief that such a society can indeed be built through the sheer importation of scientific products without necessary investment in the local production of skills and knowledge and through complete dependency on foreign universities and research centres for training ‘Arab scientific cadres without creating the local scientific traditions conducive to knowledge acquisition in the region’ (Rugh, 2002: 5). This brings us back to the basic educational system. Obstacles to development and economic growth in the region are partly due to the failure of such systems in providing suitably skilled labour and due to the rigidity of the educational administration that is governed by its own political agenda and constricted disposition.

12

Education in the Arab World

The rigidity of such systems is also reflected in higher institutions such as universities and colleges which do not even acknowledge the value and merit of technical education, let alone grant admissions to students from vocational and technical institutions. Though liberal education is perceived, in the international arena, as a valuable base for all occupations, it is argued that the separation between general and vocational education is too drastic and is causing the basic needs of the nations of the Arab world to go unmet and unmanned by local technicians. The quest for the ‘prestigious’ academic path has created a dislocation between the labour demands of the economy and the supply. Consequently, vocational and technical education constitutes a very small part of any of the national systems of education in the Arab world. It is extremely limited in its scope and does not provide a substantial basis that is conducive to progress even into further technical education. Hence, even the technical education is poor and inadequate to service its own genre of training and education. Vocational and technical education is deficient in terms of content and specialization. It is not free to meet the demands of the training skills, which, in essence, should be its main or only objective. Instead, it has to attempt to do this while at the same time conforming to governmental policies and providing academic and cultural knowledge of Islam. Consequently, vocational education institutions are simply not at liberty to achieve their mission because there exists a larger, overarching agenda that is not related to the practical, grass root needs of the people: For all three levels of education … education in the Arab world meant only the absorption of general and cultural knowledge by the majority of the students … due to the cultural functions of formal education in the Arab world. Consequently, the amount of vocational and skills-based technical education provided is negligible, undermining the whole purpose and value of this sector for the majority of systems in the region. The quality of ‘graduates’ from this area of education is generally low, which further erodes the status and credibility of vocational schooling and technical training. (Al Heeti and Brock, 1997: 377)

Several issues pertaining to the efficacy and quality of vocational education must be highlighted. Among them is the lack of selection freedom; vocational and technical educational institutions are not free to choose the students they believe to be the most able and suitable for their programmes. The reason for this reflects the reality of the educational system in the Arab world at large. That is to say that the overall educational policies are set and decided upon by the

Regional Overview

13

politicians. Their agenda is what dictates how students are trained and in what capacity. The policy regarding vocational education is that those students who have not attained a specific level are the ones who then must enter vocational education. Therefore, policy dictates that only the inferior and poor performing students pursue vocational education. This acts adversely against vocational education, and in so doing, it denies access to those more able students who may favour practical careers. The inadequacy of curricular content poses another hurdle for this genre of education. Al Heeti and Brock present a detailed critique of the ailing vocational education sector in the region. They argue that the ill-conceived and random separation between academic education and technical/ vocational education, which is a feature of the educational system that begins from the end of secondary level, results in the creation of two separate entities within the educational system itself. As a result of the labour force that grants preferential treatment to employees in higher administrative and professional positions, the favoured and most pursued branch within formal education by the majority of students is the academic stream. The rationale is that the academic path will secure higher paid jobs. The authors point out that no real convergence exists between the job market and educational systems. Because less financial support is given to vocational education and students have a preconceived idea that the academic track will lead to better jobs, fewer students feel compelled to pursue the vocational angle, which in turn prevents vocational education from: ‘responding more effectively to modern technological advances. It is a vicious circle, as the resulting backwardness of vocational education increases the tendency to direct resources towards the more prestigious academic branches’ (Al Heeti and Brock, 1997: 376).

Education and the world of work A final problem that persists is the lack of coordination or even contact between the education sector and the world of work, especially industry and commerce. Insufficient coordination and cooperation exists between industries and any form of education at any stage. The industrial/commercial sector neither engages in nor supervises the practical training aspect of education in the Arab region. Therefore, whatever education does exist is potentially vocational in some form and remains unrelated and unavailable to the needs of the industrial and commercial sector and the employers. This means that even those students

14

Education in the Arab World

who do proceed to vocational education are ill-prepared to compete and lack the necessary skills required. One reason for this is that vocational education has developed independently and in isolation of university supervision. Hence, universities do not hold any responsibility in the preparation and training of vocational teachers nor in the curricula. Universities do not admit students of vocational education, which further hinders the growth of the vocational and technical education in general, leaving it isolated and without status. There exists no interface between industry and commerce with respect to education, but economic progress will only be achieved when the needs of industry and commerce merge with: ‘the actual output of a general education mediated through the vocational and technical education sector. This problem remains a real obstacle to the development and economic growth of the Arab nations’ (Al Heeti and Brock, 1997: 377). How can the region develop ‘home-grown technical cadres’ who will be responsible for fostering the indigenous manufacturing base for local technology when ignorance features so strongly in the vocational education debate? It does so as students themselves are ignorant of the concept of vocational education and of its significance and relationship to national development. This is due, in part, to the lack of vocational guidance in the early years of secondary schooling and to its low status and irrelevant curriculum. There also exists a lack of practical training of skills in the early school years and an overall lack of freedom of students to choose their desired educational paths (Al Heeti and Brock, 1997: 381). In light of this, some efforts have been made, yet they have tended to reflect a superficial, piecemeal effort that has failed to foster intellectual skills, as well as true vocational and technical expertise. As mentioned earlier, in the Arab educational paradigm there is an overemphasis on theory rather than on practice. There is a quantitative imbalance between the increased demands of the market and the amount of technical workforce produced. Qualitatively, there is an imbalance between levels of competency, the skills demanded and the abilities to implement and accept these skills in formulating social and economic development plans (Al Heeti and Brock, 1997: 378). Educational mismatch between skills taught in schools and those required in the industry remains significant and a major challenge to the future development of the region. The issues we now witness in the workforce are direct results of the education being attained from the onset. The question that ponders is no longer about getting educated for education sake or for quantitative objectives

Regional Overview

15

but rather about the quality and content of the education itself, what is the purpose and meaning of this education. In order for universities and technical institutions to provide advanced education, which is both conducive and relevant to industry, more students need to be prepared and motivated to pursue studies related to the sector. For example basic technical education should be offered at high school. Indeed piecemeal endeavours have been made in different Arab countries; yet, only if there is a fundamental reevaluation of educational systems and their objectives, a real change and progress will transpire. This is because formal education is deeply embedded in the culture of any society. In order to build bridges between education, training and other aspects of development, the very structure and aims of education must be completely revised. This would entail adjusting the role and status of general secondary education in the Arab world to be on par with the vocational. Vocational secondary graduates need to be given more opportunities to continue their education in higher technical institutes and universities. This would draw vocational education into the mainstream along with the academic track. Another undertaking that is crucial for improvement is the need to reinforce cooperation between the countries of the Arab world in establishing more and better vocational and technical institutions and thereby giving greater credibility to the sector.

Summary Arab culture and the Islamic religion are not responsible per se for impeding growth and change at the societal and educational levels. However, sociopolitical and economic structures act as ingrained obstacles and slow down the process of redefining educational goals and knowledge acquisition in the Arab world. Reforms at these levels are required for such goals to be achieved. It is the political obstacle that poses more of a threat to creating a knowledge-/skillbased society in the region since political power plays a pivotal role in education. As cited by the Arab Human Development Report: Reforming the mind is indeed a significant requirement for Arab culture yet ‘reforming action’ is equally urgent … the pursuit of knowledge is prompted by religion, culture, history and the human will to succeed. Obstructions on the road are the work of mortals: the defective structures of the past and present – social, economic and, above all, political. Arabs must remove or reform these

16

Education in the Arab World structures in order to take the place they deserve in the world of knowledge at the beginning of the knowledge millennium.7

In addition to the socio-political and educational reforms needed for the Arab states to realize their potential, issues of gender bias in education and women’s opportunities in general need attention. Youth unemployment is the highest in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region as compared to other regions of the world. This region has a low labour-force participation due to a low female participation rate and frustrated males and females who leave the job market. Only one-third in the MENA region participate in labour force vs. 50 per cent globally, while female labour-force participation is 22 per cent in MENA – the lowest in the world. Gender-based discrimination is still pervasive. According to the Global Gender Gap Index 2010, the MENA region is at the bottom of the list. Based on the steps taken by MENA in economic participation, political empowerment, and health and educational attainment, it is ranked 103rd place. The gender gap varies across the region with it being wider in the oil-rich states, but in Turkey, Morocco and Tunisia it appears higher among men vs. women. Whereas less-educated men face difficulties in the face of educated men, educated women still face equal challenges to less educated females. Educational systems should offer a wide range of skills to students so as to meet market demands, and the mismatch that currently exists should be overcome. Poor educational quality leaves the graduates unprepared for any market demand. More than 25 per cent firms in MENA reported lack of skills as a major constraint for business growth. Curricula need to evolve so as to cultivate critical thinking, problem solving and entrepreneurship skills of students. Labour laws should encourage job growth in private sector. Economic growth has to be based on the rule of law, equal opportunities, freedom and innovation. Quick job creation is an immediate concern. Like Egypt and Tunisia more political and institutional reformation has to take place to prepare the labour force for a globalized economy and to foster job creation. Changing labour laws that favour nationals and eradicating laws that undermine youth and women need more focus.

Notes 1 Bude (1990); Education, Science and Documentation Centre and Bacchus, M.K. Improving the Quality of Basic Education Through Curriculum Development and

Regional Overview

2 3 4 5 6 7

17

Reform, 1990, Background paper prepared for the Commonwealth Ministers of Education Conference held in Barbados. Arab Human Development Report 2003, United Nations, 53, www.undp.org. Education for All in the Arab States, Regional Conference on Education for All for the Arab States, Cairo, 2000. Arab Human Development Report 2003, United Nations, 53–54. www.undp.org. AMIDEAST-sponsored conference in Marrakech, Morocco, on Arab education, March 2002. Arab Human Development Report 2003, United Nations, 53, www.undp.org Arab Human Development Report 2003, United Nations, 10–13, www.undp.org

References Abu-Laban, B. (1992) Primary education and national development: The case of Arab Society. Arab Studies Quarterly 14(2/3): 27, 35–36. Gardner, H. (1993) Multiple Intelligence. New York: BasicBooks. Bailey, C. (1984) Beyond the Present and the Particular: A Theory of Liberal Education, 21. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Bude, U. (1990) Improving Primary School Teaching: An Evaluation of the Field-Based Teacher: Development Programme in the Northern Areas of Pakistan. Bonn: German Foundation for International Development. Cook, B. (1999) Islamic Versus Western Conceptions of Education: Reflections in Egypt, 344. International Review of Education. Cook, B. (2000) Egypt’s national education debate. Comparative Education 36(4): 491. Al Heeti, A. and Brock, C. (October 1997) Vocational education and development: Key issues, with special reference to the Arab World. International Journal of Educational Development 17(4): 377–379, 381. Massialas, B. and Jarrar, S. (1987) Conflicts in education in the Arab World: The present challenge. Arab Studies Quarterly 9: 35–53. Massialas, B. and Jarrar, S. (1991) Arab Education in Transition: A Source Book, 144–145. New York: Garland. Mogheis, K. (1997) Religious Discourse in Education. Cairo: Al Hadid. Rugh, W. (2002) Arab Education: Tradition, Growth and Reform, The Middle East Journal 56(3): 405–407. El Sheikh Hasan, O. H. (2000) Improving the quality of learning: Global education as a vehicle for school reform. Theory into Practice 39(2): 98 Sirotnik, K. (1991) Critical inquiry: A paradigm for praxis. In E. Short (ed.), Forms of Curriculum Inquiry, 243–258. New York: State University of New York.

Part One

The Near East

1

Iraq: An Overview Shahram Shadbash and Tahir Albakaa

Education in the reign of the Baath Party, 1968–2003 Education in Iraq at all levels during the rule of the Arab Socialist Baath Party, 1968–2003, witnessed various stages that ranged from the development of quantity and quality to decline and deterioration. The 1970s were considered as a golden period, during which the education sector largely improved. But the scenario changed totally during the Iran–Iraq war in 1980–1988; interest in education dropped a great deal and expenditure diminished, as the major part of the country’s resources was allocated to military expenditures. The decline stage worsened into deterioration following the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait on 2 August 1990. Iraq was put under economic blockade from 1990 to 2003. The Baath leadership raised the following slogan: ‘we win the young to guarantee the future’. To implement this slogan the Iraqi Ministry of Education adopted – and later the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research after its founding in 1970 (Abdul Baqi, 1970: 99) – educational programmes with political goals. The slogan ‘Baathifying Education’ meant any education should be responsive to the goals of the Baath Party. According to the report of the Eighth Conference of the Baath Party, held in 1974, the slogan says: ‘Edit curricula to suit the goals, objectives, national, and Arab educational philosophy…. starting from kindergarten all the way to university education’ (Al Hafid, 1975: 25–27). The 1970 Iraqi constitution stipulated that ‘the state guarantees the right and freedom of education and learning, at all levels of study … and to all Iraqis regardless of their ethnic, religious, or sectarian affiliation’ and it also made primary education compulsory. Therefore, legal legislations were issued that intended to promote education that aimed at the progress and urbanization of the community. One of those laws was ‘Literacy Law No. 153 for the year 1971’, which forced every Iraqi – both

22

Education in the Arab World

male and female between the ages of 15 and 45 years – to learn, read and write. This programme achieved great success as the illiteracy rate dropped to 10 per cent, which was about 71 per cent in 1968. To ensure that there are no student dropouts and to make them reach levels equivalent to primary schools, people’s school were founded in April 1974. This made the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) consider Iraq a pioneer in this field and it announced five awards to Iraq (Al Rawi et al., 1968). Students of the literacy centres pursued their studies till they obtained a university degree. This programme went through a major setback during the Iran–Iraq war and the economic blockade, from 1980 to 2003, as the state directed most of its resources towards military expenditures. People who were capable of carrying weapons were demanded to take part in war through the army or people’s military formations. As a result most of the literacy centres were shut down. Primary education – a fundamental stage of the educational process, accepts children between the ages of 6 and 12, and consists of six stages (grades) of learning – witnessed a great development during the 1970s. The Iraqi government increased the number of schools and offered free education. According to the reports of the Arab Organization for Education, Culture and Science, 1973, this minimized the dropout rate between the first and fifth grades to 5 per cent, which was the lowest dropout rates recorded in developing countries.1 In accordance with these developments, Compulsory Education Law No. 118 of 1976 was issued. Therefore, according to the legal principles, in Iran every child at the age of six should join primary schools, failure of which will subject the family to undergo legal questioning, resulting in imprisonment and fine.2 According to the UNESCO report, Iraq, before the first Gulf War (1980– 1988), possessed one of the best education systems in those region, where the number of students enrolled in primary school was close to 100 per cent. The educational funding share amounted to 6 per cent of the gross national product and 18 per cent of the state budget (Ministry of Education, 1990: 22). Table 1.1 shows the difference in the number of students, teachers and schools in a decade, from the academic year 1967–1968 and the year mandatory education act was applied, 1978–1979. This development, nevertheless, did not last long, as the Iran–Iraq war led to a weakness in the follow-up of the implementation of the compulsory education law, despite that it was in force and was not cancelled. The most prominent evidence of the impact of war on education was that during the entire decade of 1980s, no single school was newly built and worse

Iraq: An Overview

23

Table 1.1 Students and teachers (1967/68 and 1979/80) Students Males

Total

Teachers

Schools

1967–1968

Academic years

Females 292,398

698,320

990,718

45,201

4,907

1979–1980

1,174,489

1,434,693

2,609,182

92,603

11,324

a number of schools were destroyed by the war and a number of students and teachers were killed as well.

Education in the aftermath of Iraqi invasion of Kuwait (1990–1991) Primary education saw yet another setback due to the economic blockade imposed by the United Nations on Iraq following the invasion of Kuwait in 1990, and the deterioration continued until 2003. This led to the deterioration of the Iraqi education system across all subjects. One of the most prominent manifestations was the inability of the Ministry of Education to provide school supplies, books, stationery and other requirements. Due to the deterioration of services, poor infrastructure of school buildings and the lag in following up the implementation of compulsory education law, many students quitted school to help their families overcome the difficulties they faced due to economic blockade conditions. In 2000–2001, the number of primary school sixth grade pupils was only 45 per cent of the total number of students initially enrolled from first grade,3 indicating a very high dropout rate. This was accompanied by economic inflation, and there arose a situation where the teachers, and all Iraqi employees, were hardly paid. The pay they received was not sufficient to meet their basic needs and did not last for more than one week. After 1991 the pay they received ranged between US$ 10 and US$ 50 per month (Arab Baath Socialist Party, 1974), which forced many teachers to leave their teaching profession and shift to other businesses. Those who did not leave teaching lost their professional enthusiasm; a spirit of ‘indifference’ prevailed, which reflected negatively on the level of education, and private tutoring that was not so popular in the past became a regular phenomenon (Ministry of Education, 1990: 58). To overcome the shortage of teachers, the Ministry of Education was forced to hire new teachers, and in large numbers, that the ratio became twelve students per teacher. This was an excellent proportion, but ‘the spirit of indifference’ dramatically and negatively reflected on students.

24

Education in the Arab World

According to a survey conducted in 2000, among the students, aged 6–11 years, registered in primary school, only 76 per cent had regular attendance, although 31 per cent of the female students of this age group quitted school, compared to 18 per cent of the boys. The situation was worst in rural areas, where 50 per cent of female students and 28 per cent of male students dropped out of school (UNDP – Arab Human Development Report, 2003; Al Alwan, 2004: 11). Perhaps the most positive work carried out by the Ministry of Higher Education, since its founding, was sending tens of thousands of students to be educated outside Iraq, both undergraduate and postgraduate degrees, by issuing scholarships, fellowships, study leaves and private expenses. However, Iraq– Iran war had a direct impact on Iraqi universities – scholarship programmes were stopped completely in 1984 and few students who were already covered under such programmes decided not to return to Iraq during the war so as to avoid joining the military service (Ministry of Education, 1990). The faculties of the University of Basra were destructed due to Iranian bombing. Students and teachers were forced to join the People’s Army formations4 during the summer holidays. In order to avoid joining military service after graduation, students deliberately delayed their graduation with various excuses. In early 1980s, the Ministry of Higher Education adopted the principle of providing admission to high school graduates in colleges and institutes, wherever possible. Therefore, in the academic year 1987–1989, the ministry had to establish new universities such as Kufa, Qadisiyah, Tikrit, al Anbar, Saddam (Al Zaidi, 2003: 43) and Islamic universities (Al Alwan, 2004: 16) to accommodate graduates, who had the eligibility criteria to join universities for the first time in 1989 under compulsory education law (Al Alwan, 2004: 20). The ministry with the same purpose expanded the number of admissions in technical education field, which attracted 30 per cent of high schools graduates; this led to the establishment of private colleges (Al Alwan, 2004: 5). It resulted in the policy of ‘quantity over quality’, and graduates in certain disciplines were not able to meet the standards of the future labour market (Ministry of Education, 1990: 10). The Iraqi government realized that the standard of education had declined from that in 1970s due to Iran–Iraq war, and as a result it was facing serious consequences. Therefore, the Iraqi government held a symposium, which was attended by President Saddam Hussein, to discuss ways of promoting the standard of education. Among the views put forward, the highlight was that of Dr. Abdul-Razzaq al-Hashemi, minister of higher education, who objected the

Iraq: An Overview

25

expansion of graduate studies in Iraqi universities as there was a depreciation in human and material resources and it was beyond the capacity of scientific departments and professors (Abbas and Abdullah, 2003). Higher education witnessed a big setback during the years of economic blockade, 1990–2003, as Iraq was prevented from importing many items, even those needed by the universities. Under the pretext of the possibility of their dual-usage, the ban included pencils as well. Universities were not able to pay subscriptions in global scientific journals, or import modern books. They even failed to provide textbooks, and so appeared the copies, and when pupils could not even afford the copies, the phenomenon of dictating inside the lecture emerged (Al Bakaa, 2006: 30). Universities were not able to send students on scholarships for postgraduate degrees, which resulted in the migration of thousands of teachers to work outside Iraq.5 The salary of a university professor was not rewarding and could not meet the cost of living for a week, and those who did not leave their jobs were forced to take up additional work to cope up with their life conditions (Abbas and Abdullah, 2003: 14). To compensate the shortfall in the number of professors, universities were forced to allow master degree holders to teach theory courses, which is contrary to academic norms (Ministry of Education, 1990: 130). To address this situation, Iraqi universities were forced to increase the numbers of admissions in graduate studies, which led to the graduation of large numbers of PhD holders. The PhD holders became professors at universities without any external experience or knowledge of foreign language. All these led to a decline in the scientific level, which forced the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research to centrally conduct exams.6 That was followed by an unplanned expansion of new colleges and universities in the governorates, without the provision of supplies, laboratories and competencies, as establishing and closing universities mostly involved political powers (UNISCO in Iraq, 2013: 11). The number of universities before the invasion of Iraq in 2003 was 21 state universities, 9 colleges of technology and 28 art and technical institutes, in addition to other colleges which were considered to be the nucleus of future universities (UNISCO in Iraq, 2013: 4).

Education after the occupation of 2003 As previously pointed out, education in Iraq, after the boom stage in 1970s, went through two setbacks – the first is the decline stage that occurred during

26

Education in the Arab World

the war with Iran, 1980–1988, and the second is the stage of degradation and degeneration caused by the economic blockade from 1990 to 2003. The third stage was marked by devastation and looting (March, April and subsequent months of 2003), which coincided with the war on Iraq. As a result of military operations and vast looting, educational institutions were significantly damaged. The Ministry of Education and UNICEF reported in 2003 that 2,400 school materials were stolen, 146 schools were hit and 197 were burned. In addition, during the same period, 239 schools used by the former regime as warehouses of weapons and gear and 21 per cent of the schools in the capital Baghdad were damaged.7 The size of thefts varied from one place to another but it included fans, lamps, furniture, tyres, electrical and phone wiring, refrigerators, and water and air coolers.8 It is important here to note that the number of schools discussed in this chapter does not refer to the number of school buildings, since it is customary for two schools or more to share one building, and many of them were neglected, without the required infrastructure after 1991.9 The decision of de-Baathification issued by the Coalition Provisional Authority10 on 16 May 2003 made the situation more complicated, as it fired tens of thousands of primary and high school teachers, school administrators, education inspectors, all general directors, and ministers and their deputies. The Ministry of Education thus lost huge numbers of cadres with accumulated managerial experience, and about 400 of them were killed (UNISCO in Iraq, 2013: 4). They were replaced by less or inexperienced elements, who had a link to parties and political forces that emerged after the 2003 occupation. Advisers from the Coalition Provisional Authority, in cooperation with Iraqis coming from abroad, were in charge of appointing new directors. The entire process complicated the situation for people from diverse sectors, especially for students and teachers.11 The new Ministry of Education collaborated with the American Organization for International Development (USAID) (UNISCO in Iraq, 2013: 11) and The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) to equip schools with seats, boards, offices for teachers and funds for reconstructing schools. By October 2003, the ministry managed to reconstruct 1,500 schools and at the same time printed 60 million textbooks, which were free of political slogans that glorified the former regime (Al Bakaa, 2006: 35). The occupation authorities, in 2003, adopted the federal system and decentralized governance in Iraq, and governorates became semi-autonomous. It enabled the educational system to get rid of the highly centralized practices

Iraq: An Overview

27

under Saddam’s rule and transferred it to decentralization, which was not controlled and sometimes ‘undisciplined’. This coincided with the politician consensus among the political forces, which assumed power, and the principle of ‘political, sectarian and national quotas’ was adopted for the participation of all forces in all authorities in Iraq. This principle thwarted the democratic process in Iraq, divided it into shares and weakened the central government and local ones too, because of the rivalry among partners of the political process. Those conditions impacted the educational process. Although all the governorates followed the same curriculum, except the Kurdistan region, field application of these approaches differed from one region to another, depending on the political affiliation of the director of education, the school principal or the teacher, especially in the subjects of history and religion Al Bakaa (2006: 34–35). Despite the same textbooks and curriculum, teaching between those two areas differed, which were regulated by the jurisprudence of local administrations and political actors in each governorate, and sometimes even due to the personal interpretations of teachers. For example, the Kurdistan Region took the right of preparing its own curricula, which were mostly based on the perspective of independent Kurdistan. Those ministers who assumed the Ministry of Education after 2003 and from the Islamist parties started to focus on the deterioration state of education.12 They applied their sectarian and partisan agendas, which were almost cancelled whenever a new minister assumed position. This led to chaos at work and weakened the follow-up implementation of compulsory education law, especially in rural areas. As a result many students left school, especially after the primary school, and joined the labour market. According to the statistics of Ministry of Education, 110,207 pupils left primary school in the academic year 2005–2006 and 52,119 students left high school in the same year.13 Due to internal war, especially after the Samarra events of 2006 and terroristic activities, many families were forced to flee the governorates of Mosul, Ramadi, Salahuddin, Diyala, Kirkuk and few areas in Baghdad. This led many children of those families to leave school, especially females. Dropout rates were certainly very high and worrisome, although no accurate statistics are available. The dropout rate increased since 2009 due to the deteriorating economic conditions, particularly after the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) occupied the cities of Mosul and Tikrit in June 2014 and Ramadi in 2015; secondary and vocational schools were no exemption.

28

Education in the Arab World

According to the statistics of Iraqi Ministry of Education for the year 2015, the number of students attending primary schools for the academic year 2014–2015 was 4,182,795, whereas those for the academic year 2003–2004 was 3,724,330. The data show that the students increased by only 458,465 in number in 11 years (Al Bakaa, 2006: 32) and this indicates a very large number of dropouts. Secondary and vocational education also faced the same challenges, with enrolment largely declining and nearly a 50 per cent decrease in the industrial and trade schools (Table 1.2).14 The literacy program, despite the allocation of a large sum of money in 2003, was completely ignored because of people’s reluctance to join schools due to their security and economic problems. As per the 2012 report of the National Strategy for Education, ‘the unstable political and security situation led to the existence of illegal practices in some aspects of education, which resulted in a serious threat to the educational system’ (Al Bakaa, 2006: 32). Higher education too faced the same scenario. Universities were looted and burned; they were running out of furniture, laboratory devices, computers, records, desks, boards, books and cooling devices, and even ceiling fans and power cords were pulled. The destruction comprehensively hit all universities but in different proportions (Abbas and Abdullah, 2003: 13). Universities suffered another big loss because of de-Baathification decision; this affected 1,630 university professors and employees (Al Alwan, 2004: 22), including presidents of all universities and college deans. Those affected by this decision were mostly heads of academic departments, professors of different disciplines and supervisors of a large number of graduate students. This disrupted the academic situation, and later, in 2004, new students were not accepted for graduate studies under 153 scientific programmes because of poor scientific standards (Al Alwan, 2004). University administrations were changed through direct elections of new university presidents and deans of colleges by university professors. In May 2003, universities were reconstructed and the studies were resumed. Under a situation where there were chaos, lawlessness and open intervention of Table 1.2 Number of students based on the school type (2003/2004 and 2014/2015)

Academic years

Students in industrial schools

Students in agricultural schools

Students in trade schools

Total

2003–2004

58,996

542

23,460

82,998

2014–2015

29,283

744

11,846

41,783

Iraq: An Overview

29

political parties and forces that emerged after the occupation in 2003 to control universities, the university presidents held a meeting in Erbil on 15 March 2004 and issued a declaration called ‘Erbil Declaration’ (Ministry of Education, 2004: 1). It denied any political activity within the university but did not put an end to interference of political parties in the affairs of the universities, which caused major problems on campus. Several ministers of higher education and scientific research were appointed after 2003.15 The ministry, during the short period of the government of Dr. Iyad Allawi 2004–2005, started a big campaign for reconstruction. Nearly 400 new projects were proposed for constructing new buildings for colleges and students’ dorms, with $100 million per year allocated for doctorate scholarship programmes. They were exclusive to developed countries such as the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Australia, Japan and Russia, as well as the issuance of the University Service Act, which raised university teachers’ salaries by 100 per cent (Bremer, 2005: 19, 30, 39–42, 53–59, 83, 115, 320, 343–344). The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research witnessed a number of Islamist ministers, who did not abide by the strategy adopted by the 2004 Conference of the Ministry. They cancelled the autonomous power of universities and imposed concentrated centralization. This proved that education in Iraq was not governed by the philosophy of a ministry but by the policies of ministers (Jodah, 2012: 207). As a result, the educational system in Iraq reflected and followed the objectives of the political system (Al Alwan, 2004: 34). For political reasons, based on the admission policy, all high school graduates were recruited in colleges and institutes without taking into account criteria such as their eligibility, the capacity of scientific departments or the standard of the labour market. The dramatic increase in oil prices in 2014 had a positive effect on the expansion of higher education. It resulted in establishing ten new universities, sixty-nine colleges, 217 scientific departments and forty-eight branches during three years only, from 2011 to 2014,16 and thirteen new private colleges were established, bringing the number of colleges from twenty-six in 2010 to thirty-nine colleges and universities in 2013 (Al Alwan, 2004: 34–35). However, those institutions did not meet the basic international standards for academic and scientific studies. The ministry adopted the policy of expansion of the acceptance, quantity over quality, in an unusual way (Jodah, 2012: 308). As a result of this policy and the great expansion in the number of universities, colleges and institutes, the number of students in higher education increased significantly.

30

Education in the Arab World

Table 1.3 shows the increase in the number of students enrolled between 2010–2011 and 2012–2013 (Jodah, 2012: 208). The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research expanded not only the undergraduate studies but also graduate studies. Several unfamiliar methods were proposed for admitting students. Those who were not eligible for postgraduate studies such as political prisoners, students from the families of the martyrs and students who can self-finance were granted admissions in universities for political reasons. Table 1.4 shows the numbers of graduate students enrolled in two years, including those who were selected by the aforementioned methods.17 The massive expansion policy in graduate studies admission was not driven by a labour force agenda. This led to unemployment among PhD holders and students with master degrees. This prompted them to organize a protest rally in front of the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research headquarters on 12 April 2015, during which they burned their graduate degree certificates (Ministry of Education, 2006, tables 2–8 and 3–8). At the same time, in addition to fellowships and study leaves, the ministry launched scholarship programmes with a budget of US$ 350 million, which is the highest in the history of higher education system. Nevertheless, the number of students selected for scholarship programmes remained limited – a total of only 164 in 2011.18 It happened because of a deeply centralized system and because universities did not have real independence. The number of faculty members in Iraqi universities and institutes in 2003 were 17,003; this doubled in the next ten years, that is in 2013, the number increased to 39,445 (Ministry of Education, 2015: 49), of whom the majority were master degree holders. Table 1.3 Data showing the increase in students’ enrolment (2010 and 2013) Academic years

No. of students enrolled

2010–2011

129,946

2012–2013

151,483

Table 1.4 Number of students and their level of study (2009 and 2013) Academic years

PhD students

Masters students

Diploma students

2009–2010

6,303

10,051

898

2012–2013

4,389

18,102

1,815

Iraq: An Overview

31

In 1991, the Kurdistan region became semi-independent, enjoying international protection, under the exclusion (no-fly) zones imposed by the US administration (Ministry of Education, 2015: 152, 178, 204). Kurdish leaders conducted the affairs of life in the governorates of Erbil, Sulaymaniyah and Dohuk, with a motto of creating a reality on the ground that would prepare for the region’s independence from Iraq, if regional and international circumstances were suitable. Naturally, in such circumstances, education would be one of the most important channels to prepare for reality. To achieve this, the Ministry of Education in that region replaced the textbooks that were in Arabic – the official national language – with new books in the Kurdish language. Arabic was no longer the national language. In addition, the national education curricula for history and geography became different from those taught in the rest of Iraq. After the United States occupied Iraq in 2003, the region started to act like an ‘independent state’; it deviated away from the central state policy in all fields, including the education sector. According to the data of the Ministry of Education in that region (The National Strategy of Education in Iraq, 2012: 7), basic schooling there consists of nine stages ranging from first grade to ninth grade, which are mandatory. The enrolment rate was 98 per cent, which is very high compared to other areas of Iraq. Data for the year 2015 are shown in Table 1.5. This table clearly emphasizes the excellent pace of basic education in Kurdistan; as per the official records, the population of the region in 2013 was 8.35 million people, of whom 1,263,622 were in basic schools. It represents onesixth of the population, and this rate is very advanced compared to time, place and potentials. Secondary education levels, which consist of three grades, had also witnessed great development and growth (Table 1.6). Vocational education also evolved equally compared to what it was before 2003. It developed more in this region than in other parts of Iraq. Table 1.7 shows the number of vocational schools, students and teachers. Table 1.5 Data on schools, students and teachers (2015) Year 2014–2015

Schools

Students

Teachers

4,779

1,263,622

91,538

32

Education in the Arab World Table 1.6 Secondary education (2014/2015) Year 2014–2015

Schools

Students

Teachers

1,024

293,951

21,781

Table 1.7 Vocational education (2014/2015) Year 2014–2015

Schools

Students

Teachers

40

8,361

1,592

The universities of Sulaymaniyah and Dohuk were re established in 1992, and in 1996 two technical institutes were established, one in Erbil and the other in Sulaymaniyah (Al Bakaa, 2006: 38–39). It was after the withdrawal of central government departments from the region in 1991, the region became semi-independent with international protection. However, no other university was established until the occupation of Iraq in 2003. But several universities were established after 2003 such as the University of Kywe in 2004, the Medical University of Erbil in 2005 and the University of Kurdistan in 2006. The Kurdistan Authority for Medical Specialties, the Kurdistan Authority for Strategic Studies and several other public universities were established during this period, which were totally fourteen in number in 2015. However, the Kurdistan universities suffer, like other Iraqi universities, due to the interventions of ruling political parties which have power upon the university. The universities also suffer due to direct interventions by the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research of that region, and therefore universities cannot act as autonomous bodies. Dr. Dlaor Abdul Aziz Aladdin, the former minister of higher education of that region, justified it by saying: ‘The universities and bodies of higher education in the region in their current status are not eligible for independence, self-management, and reforming infrastructure and superstructure on the democratic foundations.’ He confirms the parental perception exerted by the ministry on the universities. Nevertheless, education in Kurdistan after 2003 is better compared to other areas of Iraq, but it remains below ambition.

Conclusion This chapter emphasizes that modern education in Iraq started very late. Although it dates back to the end of the nineteenth century, the real growth began with the founding of the Iraqi state in 1912. It went through several

Iraq: An Overview

33

stages which differ from one another. In the first phase (1912–1958), the growth was slow and limited, but it was built on sound scientific grounds. In the second phase (1958–1973), education became available for all social classes and expanded horizontally to include many of the villages and rural areas, but the vertical expansion was limited. In the third phase (1974–1980), education expanded horizontally and vertically; primary education was made compulsory and education was provided free of cost. Education in Iraq suffered a setback in its fourth phase (1980–2003) due to the war with Iran and the economic blockade imposed between 1990 and 2003. Following the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 1990, education deteriorated in quantity and quality, despite the fact that its laws remained in force. The followup of programmes and policies was weak in light of the deteriorating economic conditions, which led to the dropout of large numbers of students and the deterioration of the standard of education. Instead of advancing, education at the fifth and final stages (2003 and up to this day) reached a ‘chaotic’ stage due to the turmoil of the political situation, the policy of sectarianism and ethnic quotas, the dominance of religious parties on the educational departments and the spread of corruption in financial and administrative sectors, generally in the state. Although free and compulsory education laws were still in force, a lag in following up its implementation significantly weakened the system and dropout became a concrete phenomenon. The downfall pattern has continued to increase due to the displacement of millions of citizens from their cities due to internal wars. ISIS takeover of key Iraqi cities in June 2014, which prompted UNESCO to build temporary schools in camps for displaced people, has contributed to this downfall pattern. It is important to note that UNESCO assistance has not been enough and does not meet the needs of the children of millions of displaced people. This has increased the illiteracy rate among the younger generation. Dominance of Islamist political parties in education system, adoption of ‘quantity over quality’ policy and interference in admission policy all significantly reduced the capacity and calibre of undergraduates and graduates among the scientific community. The education system to return to its normal standard requires more efforts, funds and many more years.

Notes 1 2

Nawal Kashish Mohammed Al Zubaidi, op. cit., 134–135. Ibid., 143.

34 3 4 5 6

7

8 9

10 11 12

13 14

15 16 17 18

Education in the Arab World The Ministry of Higher Education was established in 1970, and Dr. Suad Khalil Ismael, 1928–1995, was the first minister of higher education. Compulsory Education Law No. 118 in 1976. http://oe-college.com/ Al Hilali (1638–1917: 6). It is to be mentioned here that the university was transferred to Erbil and its name was changed to the University of Salaheddin, and in 1992 the present University of Sulaymaniyah was founded. Military Service Law stipulated that all graduates should take part in military services for 1.5 years after completing bachelor’s degree and for four months after completing post-graduation. It is a paramilitary formation attached to the Iraqi Armed Forces; Jodah (2012: 260–261). It was directly linked to the presidential office, it accepts excellent students graduating from high school. Then it was linked to the Ministry of Higher Education in 2003, and its name was changed to Nahrain University. The name was changed after 2003 to Iraqi University. Al Turath University College, the first private college founded in Iraq in 1988, after private education system was cancelled in 1974. Nadir Abdul Ghafour Ahmed, Migrating Iraqi Minds between Draining and Investing, analytical study of the migrating Iraqi thinking minds and how to invest them to serve the future of Iraq. Many university faculty members had to work as taxi drivers or street vendors. The ministry would prepare questions in specific subjects and the examination is scheduled to take place at the same time in all universities. Special committees would assess the answer papers in the ministry’s headquarters. The instructor, head of the department and the dean face administrative punishments when the result rates are low and they are rewarded when the result rates are high. It is the authority formed by the American administration to run affairs during the period of the occupation. United States Agency for International Development. After 2003, the Ministry of Education was assumed by several ministers. In February 2006, terrorists blew up the Shiite shrine of Imam Ali al-Hadi and Hassan al-Askari in the predominantly Sunni city of Samarra, which led to a quasicivil war that killed hundreds.

References Abbas, Kadhim Abdul Hussein and Abdullah, Ayad (2003) The Flourish of Education in Iraq under the Rule of Baath Party and the Revolution of 17–30 July 1968.

Iraq: An Overview

35

Abdul Baqi, Saad (1970) The Relation of Secondary Education to Education in Iraq, Baghdad. Abdul Kareem, Manar Abdul Majeed (2014) The American University in Beirut and the effect of its Iraqi Graduates on political thinking in Monarch Iraq, Baghdad. Abdul Wahab, Najlaa, Studying the Problem of Illiteracy and Planning to Fight It, through Statistics, unpublished MSc thesis, Faculty of Administration and Economy, Baghdad University. Abdullah, Salih Mohammed Hatim (1994) The Development of Education in Iraq 1945–1958, unpublished PhD Dissertation, College of Arts, Baghdad University. Ahmed, Nadir Abdul Ghafour, Migrating Iraqi Minds between Draining and Investing, analytical study of the migrating Iraqi thinking minds and how to invest them to serve the future of Iraq. Ahmed Ghanim, Mohammed and Saifeldin Fahmi, Mohammed (1965) The Future of Education in Iraq and the Need for Teachers, Baghdad. Al Alwan, Alaeddin, (2004) Towards a Joint Vision of Education in Iraq, Baghdad. Alwash, Abdul Satar Mohammed (2013) A Page from the History of Higher Education in Iraq, Hikma University, Mada Newspaper, 1 December 2013. Alwetrey, Hashim and Shabandar, Muammar Khaled (1939) The history of medicine in Iraq, Baghdad. Amir Sabih, Nabil Ahmed (1971) Secondary Education in Arab Countries, Cairo. An interview with Dr. Abdul Munaf Al Nidawi, the first Dean for the Faculty of Basic Education in Mustansiryia University on 4 July 2015. Arab Baath Socialist Party (1974) The Political Report of the Eighth National Conference of the Party, Baghdad. Al Bakaa, Tahir (2006) Iraqi Mentality within Unstable Surroundings, my mission in reforming higher education and elevating it, Baghdad. Al Barrak, Fadhil (1984) Jewish and Iranian Schools in Iraq, Baghdad. Bayat, Fadhil (2013) Educational Institutions in Ottoman Eastern Arab Countries, a statistical historic study in light of the Ottoman documents, Istanbul. Al Bayati, Alaeldin Jassim (1978) Types of Social Life in Iraq, Magazine of Social Sciences, Baghdad, Issue (22). Al Bazragan, Hassan Ali (1917) (German School, Baghdad) Baghdad Magazine, No. 30, May. Bremer, Paul (2005) May Year in Iraq, the Struggle to Build a Future of Hope, New York. Compulsory Education Law No. 118 in 1976. Al Dijaili, Hassan (1963) The Development of Education in Iraq, Baghdad. Faidhi, Suleiman (1952) In the Midst of Struggle, Baghdad. Guide to the Iraqi Republic of 1960, by Mahmoud Fahmi Darwish, Mustafa Jawad, and Ahmed Susa, Baghdad, 1960, 467–468. Flayih, Salih Hassan (1979) The Geography of Primary Education in Iraq, Baghdad. http://oe-college.com/

36

Education in the Arab World

Al Hafid, Nori (1975) Secondary Education in Iraq, Its Philosophy, Goals, Concepts, and Relation to University Education and Society…, Baghdad. Al Hasry, Sati’, part I. Al Hassani, Abdul Razaq, History of Iraqi Ministries, Part I, fifth release. Al Hilali, Abdul Razzaq (1638–1917) The History of Education in Iraq in the Ottoman Era. al-Hilali, Abdul Razzaq (1921–1932) The history of education in Iraq during the British Mandate. Al Issa, Abdul Razaq (2014) Higher Education in Iraq, Baghdad. Ishaq, Rofael Babo (1948) The History of Iraqi Christians, Baghdad. Jawad Ridha, Mohammed (1966) Comparative Secondary Education, Baghdad. Jodah, Ahmed (2012) The History of Education in Iraq and Its Effect on Politics, 1534–2011, Baghdad. Longrigg, Stephen Hemsely (1995) Four Centuries of Modern Iraq, Oxford. Maarouf, Khaldoun Naji, (1975) Jewish Minority in Iraq between 1921 and 1925, Part I, Baghdad. Al Marsoumi, Ghazi Daham (2006) Education in Iraq 1932–1945, historic study, Sanaa. Ministry of Education, Statistical report for 2015. Ministry of Education, the Development of Education in Iraq, the National Report for the Republic of Iraq, First Education Conference, Forty Second Term, Geneva, 1990, Baghdad 1990. Ministry of Education, The Development of Education in Iraq, the National Report for the Republic of Iraq, 2004. Ministry of Education, the Development of Education in Iraq, the National Report for the Republic of Iraq, 2006. Mustafa, Luma Abdul Aziz (2012) Conditions of Education in Iraq 1869–1914, Al Mada Newspaper, Baghdad, 8 July 2012. Ali Murad, Najimeldin (1972) Kindergartens in the Republic of Iraq, Development and Problems, Baghdad. Al Najjar, Jameel Musa (2001) Education in the late Ottoman era 1869–1918, Baghdad. NawarAbdul Aziz Suleiman (1973) Islamic People, Beirut. The National Strategy of Education in Iraq (regional centre), executive supplement, Baghdad, 2012. Al Qaissi, Sami Abdul Hafith (1975) Yassin Al Hashimi and His Role in Iraqi Politics between 1922 and 1936, Basra. Al Rawi, Missari’ et al. (1968) Industrial Education in Iraq, Its Reality, Problems, and Demands for Expansion, Baghdad. Al Safi, Abdul Raouf (2008) Law School in a hundred years, 1908–2008, Baghdad. Tripp, Charles (2007) A history of Iraq, Third Edition, UK. UNDP – Arab Human Development Report, 2003.

Iraq: An Overview

37

UNISCO in Iraq, Higher Education and Development in Iraq, Reality, Challenges, and Horizons, Baghdad, 2013. United States Agency for International Development. Al Yozbaki, Salma Mohammed (1970) Problems of Educating Women in University Level, MA thesis, Baghdad University, College of Arts. Al Zaidi, Ali Sheikh (2003) Educational System and the Changes of Political Economy in Iraq, Educational Studies, refereed scientific journal issued by the Educational Research and Study Center at the Ministry of Education, No. 23, July.

2

Jordan: An Overview Walid S. Maani

Historical background Jordan is a land-locked country covering 93,000 square kilometres and inhabited by 9.6 million people (2016 census). Established in the early twentieth century, it was soon realized that the only way for the country’s survival was human power as it lacked natural resources. In fact, motto of the country was ‘human power is our most precious asset’, as articulated by His Majesty the late King Hussein. Jordan was established in 1923 as an emirate following the First World War and later as a kingdom after its independence in 1946. Arab Journal of Culture published by the Arab league in 1949 puts the number of schools in Jordan in 1923 at forty-four (thirty-eight for males and six for females); these schools enrolled 2,998 male students and 318 female students, taught by eightyone teachers (twelve females). However, the number of schools increased to eighty-one in 1948 with the number of teachers rising to 253 and the students to 12,120. It is of interest to note that, in addition, there were 111 missionary or private schools, catering to 4,273 male students and 2,929 female students, taught by 170 male and 104 female teachers. Of these schools, there were eighteen, which were co-ed. Three Jordanian cities had pure secondary schools in 1923: Salt, Irbid and Karak. In 1947, the number rose to five schools, catering to 446 students and run by twenty-five teachers. In that year, forty-six students appeared for the General Matriculation Examination (Hosari, 1949). Prior to 1952 there was no post-school education in Jordan, save for one class called the teachers class located in the main secondary school. The duration of study was one year. It graduated only two classes. In 1952, a teachers college was established in Amman; another college for females was opened in Ramallah. In 1953, 1956 and 1958, more teacher colleges where established in Beit Hanina,

40

Education in the Arab World

Hawwara and Arroub. It is my belief that these were established, to start with, according to the Ministry of Education (MOE) bylaw of 1939, then later according to the Jordanian general education law, which was published in the official gazette in 1955. Article 20 of the previously mentioned law stipulated that teacher colleges are nothing but a type of school and the MOE therefore should run them. However, in 1961, the bylaw of higher education policy was enacted. The fourth article on that law urged the government and private sector to do their utmost to establish a Jordanian university. A British delegation arrived in the kingdom in 1961 to study the directive and submitted a report one month later supporting the establishment of such a university. Following the report, His Majesty the late King Hussein issued a royal decree to establish a Royal Commission for Education to discuss the establishment of the university. The commission submitted its report on 18 August 1961 detailing the steps to be taken, the colleges to be opened and the governance of the new entity (Bakhit, 1987; Maani, 2014). In the year 2004/2005, Jordanian schools under all types of education catered to 1,522,700 students. The number increased by 30,000 new students each year until 2011/2013, when the number reached 1,726,831. In 2013/2014 it increased by 120,000 students, reaching 1,846,963, due to the influx of the Syrian refugees which continues until today unabated (MOE, 2014). In the semester of February 2016, 1,900,000 students (19.8 per cent of the population) were studying in public and private schools in Jordan. If the numbers of university and community colleges students are added (320,000), then it is clear that 2,220,000 students (23 per cent of the population) went to an educational institute almost every morning. The public expenditure on education for fiscal year 2015 was US$ 1.2 billion for general education and US$ 145 million for higher education. The total budget expenditure for the said year was US$ 11.3 billion, making the percentages of expenditure as part of the budget at 11.2 and 1.4 per cent, respectively. In 2015, the total expenditure on education in Jordan as part of the GDP was 4.9 per cent out of US$ 38 billion (GBD, 2015, 2016).

The education system General education Basic education is compulsory and free in government schools according to Article 20 of the Jordanian Constitution. This meant that the state took care of providing free education until grade 6 for every student enrolled in its

Jordan: An Overview

41

schools and held any person not complying responsible. In 2012, this article was amended and the word ‘primary’ was replaced by ‘basic’, which extended the scope of the Article until grade 10. The government has to provide the schools with teachers and books free of charge. The MOE is the government agency entrusted with regulating education in Jordan. It derives its powers from the Education Law No. (3) of 1994, which superseded the bylaw of 1939. It is a detailed piece of legislation dealing with the philosophy of education, its goals and the principles of educational policies, as well as the tools to deliver a sound education for the population. The MOE decides the curricula, prints the books and runs all exams including the school exit exam, ‘the Tawjihi’. It licenses and supervises all private schools, which must abide by the government curriculum, but could run additional subjects (provided they are approved by the Council of Education) and have different type of exit exams. The MOE supervises preschool education, runs illiteracy alleviation programmes and monitors percentages of school leavers or dropouts. A cabinet minister who, by default, is the chairperson of the Council of Education of Jordan runs the MOE, which decides the overall policies of education. The MOE is the second-biggest employing agency in Jordan with a total number of employees around 113.150 (52 per cent) of the total civil service employees (216,955) according to the Civil Service Bureau of Jordan (CSB, 2013). Reform in education started in 1988 with the convening of the first educational conference and the adoption of the Jordan Education Development Plan, which was formulated by the conference. As a result, the National Center for Human Resources Development (NCHRD) was established in 1990 as an affiliate of the Higher Council for Science and Technology (HCST), in order to help build national capacities and the institutionalization of the educational reform activities through two phases. Schools of Education were established in three Jordanian universities to help graduate the human power required for the major reform process; they housed departments of curricula and examinations, and school administration and teacher preparation were also established (HCST, 2016; NCHRD, 2016). In 2002, two major initiatives were approved: the Jordan Vision 2020 launched by leading Jordanian Business Associations in two phases (2002 and 2006), and Vision Forum for the Future of Education in Jordan in 2002. Both initiatives understood the significant role of solid education in any economy to sustain development and the link between economic development and the ability to gain and apply knowledge. Both initiatives stressed the importance

42

Education in the Arab World

of technical innovation and the comparative use of knowledge over the importance of abundant natural resources or cheaper labour, the two initiatives covered education from kindergarten to university (MOE, 2002; USAID, 2006; YEA, 2002). In 2002, a programme known as ERfKEI (Education Reform for the Knowledge Economy) was started. Financed by donors and loans from the World Bank, ERfKEI is a multi-donor sector programme designed to deliver on the 2002 Vision Forum for the Future of Education in Jordan: ‘The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has the quality competitive human resource development systems that provide all people with lifelong learning experiences relevant to their current and future needs in order to respond to and stimulate sustained economic development through an educated population and an educated workforce’ (MOE, 2011). It extended over five years (2003–2008) to be followed by ERfKEII in 2009. Through these ambitious programmes, schools were built, technology was introduced and teachers were trained in manners conducive to attaining goals. The components of the initiatives covered the development of early childhood education (UNESCO, 2007; UNICEF, 2007), effective learning resources, professional development and training. In 2003 and during the World Economic Forum (WEF), the Jordan Education Initiative (JEI) emerged as the first model that exemplified the true partnership between public and private sectors in educational development with the aim of supporting Jordan’s efforts in improving the level of education, encouraging creativity, developing capabilities and building a knowledge economy (JEI, 2016). In 2009, this initiative was awarded the UNESCO prize for the use of ICT (information and communications technology) in education, the citation for the award described JEI as a non-profit organization, which works with the Ministry of Education to drive innovation by leveraging private-sector participation. JEI was created as a pioneer model for developing education, based on fostering ingenuity, harnessing the power of technology and coupling it with proven modern teaching strategies to transform the school environment into a cradle of discovery and creativity and allow Jordanian students to imagine and realize a future reality. Since its launch in 2003, JEI has impacted the lives of thousands and made a very tangible positive impact on students, teachers, families, communities and the economy. (UNESCO, 2009)

Jordan is divided into three sectors: north, middle and south, each having four governorates. These governorates (twelve) are in turn divided into educational directorates. Each directorate enjoys some sort of autonomy while

Jordan: An Overview

43

it runs the schools under its umbrella. A special directorate deals with matters related to private schools all over the country. The directors from all over the country meet regularly with the minister and his general secretaries, directors of curricula, examination and other relevant areas in the ‘executive committee of the ministry’ (MOE, 2014). In 2001/2002, His Majesty King Abdulla II Bin Al Hussein directed the MOE to establish schools to cater to excelling students. The aim was to create an environment conducive to the delivery of high standard education, hoping to create leaders of the future. The students received additional tutoring and were able to have enriching subjects in addition to the official curriculum. They were engaged in many extracurricular activities, including theatre, music and the like. These schools are spread in almost every governorate, and their students have scored high in general examinations. Entry to the schools is competitive through applications submitted by the students to their school principals. Once accepted, they move to a King Abdulla School for Excellence.

Educational cycles General education is divided into three cycles; the kindergarten cycle (two years) delivered through 6,656 classes, the basic cycle (ten years) delivered through 18,973 classes and the secondary cycle (two years) delivered through 9,395 classes, of which 8,177 are academic and 1,218 are vocational. The MOE annual report 2013/2014 puts the numbers of schools in Jordan at 6,614, of which 3,732 are public (3,694 run by the MOE and 38 run by other public agencies), while 2,708 are private. The United Nations Refugees and Work Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) runs 174 schools catering to Palestinian refugees. Of the total number of schools (6,614), 1,518 (23 per cent) are for boys, 642 (10 per cent) are for girls and 4,454 (67 per cent) are co-ed. About 47.6 per cent of public schools (1,757) are in urban areas, whereas 52.4 per cent (1,937) are in rural areas (MOE, 2014). The numbers of schools in Jordan increased by almost 140 schools each year from 2004/2005 (5,366) to 2013/2014 (6,614). The MOE owns 2,800 schools and rents 894 (24 per cent) of the 3,694 it runs, emphasizing the necessity of programmes like ERfKEI and ERfKEII, which aim in some of their components, to increase of the number of schools owned by the MOE or at least add classes to others. However, and in spite of this number of schools, the MOE found it fit to run some schools in two shifts (464 schools, 12.5 per cent) to cope with the increasing number of students, especially when it was faced with mass influx of

44

Education in the Arab World

students as a result of turmoil in the region. Almost 30 per cent of MOE schools accommodate around 201–400 students. Schools that accommodate 1,000 and more students constitute 4 per cent only (MOE, 2014). Private schools tend to be concentrated in major cities, especially the capital Amman where affluent segments of the society can afford the high tuition fees. Therefore, the percentage of MOE schools as a fraction of total school numbers tend to increase, the further we go away from the capital. So, while they form 37.2 per cent of total schools numbers in the capital, they make 88.4 and 82.4 per cent in distant and less-privileged governorates like Mafraq (north sector) and Tafila (south sector) (MOE, 2014). Recent years witnessed an increase of private schools’ fees, prompting a public outcry requesting the MOE to regulate tuition fees. The ministry is trying to pass a bill in Parliament for this purpose, albeit against tough opposition from lobbyists. Some schools charge sums of around US$ 5,000–10,000 per annum, when the annual income of the average Jordanian is around US$ 8,000 per year. The number of teachers stands at 114,917, of which 78,208 (68 per cent) are females. Seventy per cent (80,187) of the teachers are public employees (78,706 in MOE schools, and 1,481 in other governmental agencies’ schools). Most of the teachers (85,265; 74 per cent) are engaged in the basic cycle, 22,994 (20 per cent) in the secondary cycle, leaving only 6,658 teachers (6 per cent) for the kindergarten cycle (MOE, 2014). The number of students in 2013/2014 was 1,846,963, of which 1,265,148 (68 per cent) were in public schools. Females constituted 49.5 per cent (915,164) of all students. The student/teacher ratio was 16:1. Of the total number of students, 346,074 (18.7 per cent) went to double-shift schools. However, this is a misleading figure because it has to be related to the educational authority to which the school belongs, so the correct ratio would be (0 per cent for private schools and other governmental agencies’ schools, 18.9 per cent for MOE schools and 92.5 per cent for UNRWA schools, indicating the lack of necessary funds for that agency to provide proper schooling for the refugees it caters for). If the student/teacher ratio is calculated on the basis of urban and rural areas, the efforts made by the government to encourage education in rural areas by reaching to small population villages as a translation of the goals of education for all, becomes immediately apparent. So, the number of students in 2013/2014 in urban areas was 1,393,408 taught by 79,489 teachers, a ratio of 17.5:1, whereas 35,428 teachers taught 453,555 students in rural areas, a ratio of 12.8:1.

Jordan: An Overview

45

The total expenditure of the MOE in the academic year 2013/2014 was 842,489,254,00 million Jordanian dinar (one JD = 1.5 US$). However, 95.42 per cent of this sum was for running cost and only 4.58 per cent for capital expenditure (MOE, 2014).

Kindergarten cycle It is been realized for some time now that preschool education for the age group four to six years is an important stepping stone for the formal primary education or basic education. Unfortunately, some of the public in Jordan considered this a luxury to be left to the rich, and the educational authorities did not recognize that until late. In February 2014, the minister of education admitted the fact that only 59 per cent (85,463 students) of eligible children attend preschool classes. However, this figure is double that of the Arab world (26 per cent), similar to that of middle-income countries (58 per cent), but less than that of high-income countries (81 per cent) (UNESCO, 2014). In 2003 the National Council for Family Affairs (NCFA) in Jordan which Her Majesty Queen Rania presides over (established 2002) took the lead in a project to develop preschool education, the results of which we see today. Combining efforts, both MOE and NCFA participated in preparing teachers and designing the curricula with its theoretical and interactive components. The strategy for early childhood education was one of the four components under ERfKE programmes I and II, which emphasized that increasing quality in kindergarten education would inevitably lead to enhanced readiness to primary education (UNESCO, 2007; UNICEF, 2007). It is worth noting that the target for five-year-olds enrolment of 70 per cent by 2013 was not achieved, in spite of the major efforts directed towards that by concerned agencies. The number of public kindergarten classes increased from 15 in 1999 to 405 in 2007 and to 1,139 in 2014 according to the NCFA and MOE catering for 27,638 children in KG1 and 90,399 in KG2 (MOE, 2014).

Basic education cycle Jordan has made great strides in gross enrolment ratio (GER) in basic education (98 per cent in 2014), which is among the highest in the Arab world and the high-income countries. The 2015 Education for All (EFA) Global Monitoring Report of the UNESCO puts the primary adjusted net enrolment rates in the Arab states at 89 per cent in 2012 (UNESCO, 2015).

46

Education in the Arab World

The average dropout ratio in basic education was 0.25 per cent in 2013/2014. It is low in the 1st grade at 0.12 per cent, climbing up to 0.49 per cent in the 10th grade. However, the total dropout ratio is slightly higher in females than males, 0.27–0.24 per cent (MOE, 2014). The basic cycle is made of ten grades. Students have to achieve certain competencies to be allowed to progress from one class to the next. In the 1960s, these grades were nine at the end of which the student had to pass an examination to continue in academic education, or otherwise go to vocational schools. However, this policy was changed in the 1970s and the grades became ten.

Secondary education cycle The GER for the secondary cycle is 77.4 per cent. It is higher in females (81.8 per cent) compared to in males (73.1 per cent; UNESCO, 2015). There are two grades in this cycle, grades 11 and 12. The educational system makes provisions for students to split into ‘streams’ once they start the secondary cycle in the eleventh grade. The splitting occurs into two tiers, the first into academic and vocational, and then for the academic into science or literary streams. The vocational to academic ratio is 1:6 (MOE, 2014), which means that the MOE efforts to direct more of the students towards vocational training to cater for the needs of the job market have failed. It is perhaps not a failure of the educational system but merely that the MOE could not counteract the social conceptions, which favour students going to academia, rather than enrol in technical colleges or go directly into the workforce. The second splitting occurs in the academic stream where students, and according to achievements in mathematics and sciences in their basic cycle education, are allocated either to the sciences’ or literary streams. This is a student-related split depending on his or her performance. However, it is a major split, because when the student sits for the General Secondary School Exit Examination (the Tawjihi), he will sit for different subjects according to his stream, only sharing some core subjects. The Tawjihi, being the only criterion for admission to universities, gives the literary stream students fewer choices in university: humanities and social sciences, whereas the science stream has all fields of knowledge to choose. The MOE took the matter even further, trying to direct students towards available chances in the job market. So it increased the splitting by introducing other streams like ICT, agriculture, industry, hoteling, home economics, health education and religious studies. Students opting for these streams differ

Jordan: An Overview

47

from each other by the subjects they study but share the core subjects with all other students. Each stream will narrow the students’ choices when they go to university to the fields, which fit that particular stream.

Adult education and illiteracy abolishment programmes In 2005, an act was published in the official gazette giving mandate to the MOE to take any required steps for the reduction and eventually abolishment of illiteracy (GOJ, 2005). The act outlined the policies to be taken, the programmes to be implemented and the government agencies responsible. It demanded that the MOE open centres for illiteracy abolishment and adult education, and use school buildings, ministry teachers and volunteers for the said purpose. The aim was to divide the concerned into two levels; beginners require classes extending for sixteen months with the aim of reaching the fourth grade. And a second level to follow, once again requiring sixteenmonth classes with the aim of reaching the sixth grade. The MOE was required to carry on the teaching, five days a week and at the rate of three classes per day. Once the student reached the required competencies, the ministry issued a certificate to the effect (GOJ, 2005). As a result of these policies, and educational policies in general, the illiteracy rate dropped from 88 per cent (1952) to 67 per cent (1961) to 19.5 per cent (1990) and 6.8 per cent (2013). In the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2007, Jordan ranked second in the Arab world in achieving the goals of EFA as stated by the UNESCO (UNESCO, 2007).

Queen Rania Teachers Academy Realizing the importance of well-prepared teachers in the preparation of students, the Queen Rania Teachers Academy (QRTA) was launched in 2009 by Her Majesty Queen Rania Al Abdullah, in collaboration with Teachers College (TC) of Columbia University and the Columbia University Middle East Research Center (CUMERC). It is an independent non-profit institution ‘committed to advancing HM Queen Rania Al Abdullah vision of empowering teachers, supervisors and principals with the skills, recognition, and support necessary to excel at both classroom and school levels’ (QRTA, 2016). In 2015, the QRTA was able to reach over 9,000 educators through six networks and sixteen specialized seminars, bringing the total to 30,000 since 2009 (Alghad, 2016).

48

Education in the Arab World

Higher education Prior to 1962, Jordanians travelled all over the world to obtain a university degree. They mostly went to Arab countries like Egypt, Syria and Iraq. The wealthy went to the American University in Beirut (AUB). Some went to Turkey, Spain and some European socialist countries. Very few, especially in medical fields, went to the UK and the United States (Maani, 2016). However, at that time, there were some community colleges and teachers’ colleges catering to the needs of schools and they will be discussed later. Higher education policies in Jordan passed through different regulatory periods, in which the overseeing agency changed between ministries or councils. To start with, the MOE was entrusted with this task between 1962 and 1979, then a Higher Education Council (HEC) (1980–1984), followed by the establishment of a separate ministry for higher education: the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (MOHE) between the years 1985 and 1997. In 1998, differences between the MOHE and universities over university independence and governance lead to the abolishment of the MOHE and the regulation authority went back to an HEC (1998–2001). However, in 2002, it was thought that reverting to an MOHE with an incorporated HEC would be an ideal solution. This remains the case until now. A cabinet minister, who also chairs the HEC, runs MOHE. Tasks became clearer, the ministry deals with national higher education policies through its arm the HEC, which is a body formed according to Article 7 of the Law of Higher Education number 20 for the year 2009; this law, and the Universities law, which was enacted in the same year helped draw the line between conflicting powers. Universities are independent bodies run by boards of trustees and university and deans’ councils. Each university has a president appointed by a royal decree on the recommendation of the HEC. The internal policies and the management of fiscal and academic affairs of each university is beyond the interference of the MOHE but is guided by a Jordanian Universities’ law, which details how the boards and councils are formed and their duties. It lays the rules of governance of universities, and details the rights and responsibilities of academic staff and employees. It states the minimum percentage of the university budget allocated to scientific research. In 1964, a law was enacted (law 34/1964) creating a university tax levied on goods imported by Jordan. The money was kept in a special account in the Central Bank of Jordan for the university to draw from later. During the

Jordan: An Overview

49

following years until 1984, many amendments to the law were introduced because more universities were established. These amendments increased the percentage of the tax and divided the net income between the universities (Maani, 2014). In 1973, the government realized the financial support of the universities though the import tax was not enough to sustain the universities. A new law was enacted (law 1/1973) creating a value added tax earmarked to finance the universities. The major part of the tax was that imposed on public shareholding companies, which had to pay 1 per cent of its yearly net profit to the said account in the Central Bank of Jordan. Another component was that imposed on all real-estate transactions (Maani, 2014). These two laws and their amendments gave the universities the funds they needed to build infrastructure, to spend on research and to develop human power to carry on their functions. Scholarships were introduced and many Jordanians were sent to Western universities to come back and carry on the flag of rising Jordanian higher education. The universities flourished and the reputation started to overshadow prestigious, well-established universities in Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Egypt. Schools of medicine were established, university hospitals were erected and centres of excellence began to flourish. In 1997, a regulatory move abolished the article in law 34/1964, which allows the money to be paid into the special account in the Central Bank of Jordan, and instead directed the money to the coffers of the Ministry of Finance, which ‘will allocate in the Jordanian State Budget amounts of money needed by the universities’ (Maani, 2014), and once the Unified Tax Law was enacted in 2009, it prevented any money from being collected from the population except through income tax and VAT. This meant the cessation of any special tax, earmarked for any activity or institution, and practically meant the annulment of law 1/1973 (MOE, 2014). In spite of the direct allocation of money, the universities felt the change, seeing deficits in their budgets and incurring debts for the first time in their history. The shortage of funds started to show itself in lack of new university programmes, dwindling number of scholarships, reduction of money spent on research, deteriorating infrastructure and disgruntled staff asking for equitable pay. Universities started to create new programmes with higher tuition keeping the old programmes as they were. The policy worked, but it was not enough. So, they tried to introduce programmes with high fees directed towards nonJordanian students in specialities and sought after fields like medicine. Today, these programmes generate the bulk of the university money (US$ 250 million in

50

Education in the Arab World

2014). The HEC, realizing that the number of seats allocated for regular students is decreasing in favour of seats for those high-paying students, intervened in 2015 to put a limit (30 per cent) on the number of high-paying students. However, university finance is feeling the crunch of rising student cost and limited resources. Today universities draw their finance from tuition fees and any endowments or donations, in addition to their investments. However, the government allocates some financial aid to some universities (through the Ministry of Finance), but this aid is not related to number of students or academic achievement, and constitutes a very small fraction of university finance (Maani, 2014).

Technical education and community colleges At the same time and parallel to the establishment of universities, community colleges started to appear with the increased demand on technical and applied education. The number of these community colleges approached sixty-five in 1991. Since 1982, graduates of community colleges were required to pass proficiency general examination carried by the MOHE once per year to ascertain the quality of their formation; students were unable to obtain work unless they pass the test. The year 1990 saw the opening of the first private university, which was followed, in rapid succession, by many in the following years. These universities had an adverse effect on community colleges, to the extent that their numbers started to dwindle and the number of their students has decreased since then. Today, there are about forty-five community colleges all supervised by the Balqa Applied University (see later). Almost half of these are private; the rest are either public or fall under the umbrella of the UNRWA. The government, in an attempt to encourage technical education and improve community colleges, established in 1997 an applied university (Balqa Applied University, BAU). This university took under its umbrella all excising colleges, public and private. It regulated their operation, supervised their function and later evaluated their product of students including administering the general community examination. Attempts by the government to attract more students to community colleges was not very successful due to the fact that: (1) social norms and popular perceptions favour university education; (2) community college graduate pay is low compared to university graduates; and (3) the civil service criteria worked

Jordan: An Overview

51

in favour of university graduates. Having almost identical admission criteria both in community colleges and private universities did not help in this matter; students favoured the latter in view of the previously mentioned reasons. Everybody was convinced that having 90 per cent of the total number of students finishing general education and pursuing a university degree is wrong. The Strategy for Higher Education 2007–2012 addressed the issue in one of its recommendations. So the Jordanian Academy for Technical Education (JATE) project was proposed. It addressed issues hampering progress in technical education. Therefore, it proposed elevating the status of community college students to an academy student (to address the people’s perception), amending the civil service work conditions and pay for their graduates, and equating the privileges obtained by community college and university graduates. The project entailed creating three major polytechnics to follow the Canadian and German models – each institute to cover a sector in the country: north, middle and south. Funding was obtained from Canada and the World Bank. A law for the establishment of JATE was put before the Parliament but could not be passed (Maani, 2014, 2016). Today, even the small numbers of students who still attend these colleges (22,000 in 2014) do not go to the job market immediately after graduation. In 2001, the Balqa Applied University (the patron of the community colleges, and the administrator of the general examination) was able to convince the HEC to allow for a process called ‘bridging’, through which any community college student scoring more than 68 per cent in the general examination is given the right to apply for a university seat in a corresponding field. Students found that this scheme allowed them to go to universities through the window; therefore, many of them used the community colleges system as a conduit to university.

Universities The royal decree for the establishment of the University of Jordan was issued on 2 September 1962 and the law for establishment of that university was published in the official gazette as a temporary law number 54 for the year of 1960; the law of the University of Jordan. Nine additional universities were established in the following four decades. In 1991, a decision by the HEC paved the way for the establishment of private universities. The number of private universities increased rapidly until it reached twenty. Before 2009, different laws governed the ten public universities and the twenty private universities. In 2009, a unified

52

Education in the Arab World

university law was passed by the Parliament so that the rules of governance could be the same in both.

Public universities There are ten public universities with an enrolment of 230,000 students. The universities are distributed between the twelve governorates of the country, and they offer higher education in all fields of knowledge at the level of bachelor degree, the master degree and, in some, the doctoral degree. Some of these universities have specialized centres catering for such disciplines as languages, tourism, archaeology and religious studies. The Center for Strategic Studies (CSS) in the University of Jordan is well-known internationally. Early on, both the University of Jordan and the Jordanian University of Science and Technology (JUST) have established schools of medicine, which are well recognized regionally and internationally. Four of the remaining eight universities have established such colleges in the last ten years. There are about 6,000 faculty members in these universities, which translates to a staff student ratio of 1:40, a ratio that needs to improve. One of the constraints on increasing faculty numbers is the financial situation of the universities. There is no shortage of Jordanian-qualified faculty, so the number of expatriates is low. Public Jordanian universities welcomed students from outside of Jordan to spend a summer or a semester among Jordanian students, and for that reason, these universities signed many MOUs for student exchange with reputed and well-known universities all over the world. The number of non-Jordanian students forms around 12 per cent of the student body. Like all universities all over the world, Jordanian universities suffer from lack of funding and fiscal constraints. In 1997, and in an effort to overcome financial difficulties, they created what is called the parallel programmes. They are the same programmes offered to all students but with higher tuition fees. Jordanian students are admitted to public universities through a process called the ‘Unified Admission’. The parallel programme students in public universities and private universities students are admitted outside of this process. The unified admission is an electronic online application for admission used for the first time in 2009; prior to that it was a manual process through the post office. The unified admission unit is housed in the MOHE, and it is an arm of the HEC. The results of students coming out of school and passing the Tawjihi are supplied by the MOE and fed into the system. The number of seats available for admission in each public university (as decided by the universities)

Jordan: An Overview

53

is also fed into the system. Students log into the website of the unified admission unit and fill in their application. Students are allowed to fill in according to preference as long as they satisfy admission criteria, which are published by the HEC. For example, the lowest mark admitted to a public university is 65 per cent, however, no student with a score of less than 85 per cent can apply to medicine or dentistry, and the marks required for engineering or pharmacy is 80 per cent, and so on. The student enters his choice of universities and specialities in descending order of preference. The computer then allocates the highest choice to which the student is entitled. Admission to colleges which require testing of skills like sports and music do not go through this system of admission.

Private universities In 1990, the first private university started its academic programmes. It was a major and pivotal step in Jordanian higher education. Many ‘investors’ followed suit until the number of these institutions reached twenty. They offer programmes in all fields of knowledge. The HEC requires that these universities must not engage in any medical or dentistry academic activity. In 2010 (twenty years after the establishment of the first private university), the first licence for a medical school was granted. Till today, 2016, this university has not started yet, faced with legal battles about the necessity of having a university hospital as the HEC provisions stipulate, or collaborating with an already existing private hospital. The private universities enjoyed lenient regulations under the provisions of a ‘Private Universities Law’. The relationship between the owners of the university and its academic management was not clear. In 2009, it was necessary to include the universities: private and public under the same law and subject them to regulations regarding accreditation and quality control. These regulations were very clear regarding governance and independence. Today, committees from the Higher Education Accreditation Commission (HEAC) visit these universities on regular basis and report violations to the HEC to take corrective measures. Private universities, enjoying financial freedom and flexible bylaws, were able to improve quickly and become a hub of attraction for Jordanian and Arab students. Today they boast of some 70,000 students and 2,000 faculty. Critics of these universities say that these institutions are ‘for profit companies’, and therefore their primary aim is not to give good education

54

Education in the Arab World

but please shareholders. This did not prove completely accurate. Some of these universities ranked high in many academic disciplines in quality control assessment programmes. Some of these universities ventured into academic programmes needed for the local and regional job market like media, journalism, computing, and so on. They offer programmes both at the level of bachelor and master degrees. They are not allowed to offer doctoral degrees. The admission requirements to these universities in certain academic programmes are five marks lower than public universities (lowest is 60 per cent); however, the tuition is usually higher than that of the regular programmes of public universities. There are no conditions on admission apart from abiding by the minimum conditions of admission and not exceeding university student capacity as dictated by the HEAC. Violation of university capacity in general, or in a programme in particular, may lead to severe monetary fines and even closure of the programme if the violation continues. The HEAC itself has no authority in applying the fine or the closure; it makes recommendations to the HEC, which has the authority by law to do so. Fines are considered public money and transferred to the Ministry of Finance.

Accreditation Following the establishment of private universities, the HEC saw it fit to assume the responsibilities of regulator and accreditor for these nascent institutions. Therefore, between 1990 and 1999, the HEC was the authority responsible for the accreditation, quality control and adherence to admission policies and regulation. However, when it was found that these tasks should also be applied to public universities, the HEC realized it could not perform the two tasks of licensing and accreditation. So, in 1999, the Accreditation Council (AC) was established and was entrusted by writing the criteria of accreditation and quality control for both public and private universities. There was one flaw in this arrangement: the AC was an arm of the HEC. Therefore, and in 2007, the AC was replaced by the HEAC which is an independent body (HEAC, 2016).

Quality control To start with, ad-hoc committees and some experts from the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education of the UK evaluated the quality of university

Jordan: An Overview

55

programmes and their graduates. Later on, this task was entrusted to the HEAC. Currently, a law has been submitted to the Parliament to legalize the authority of the HEAC in that aspect. The HEAC is studying an idea of applying some sort of an evaluation exam to all university graduates to rank those graduates and perhaps use the results, as a ranking tool for the quality of the universities themselves. The idea of having the HEAC carry out both accreditation and quality control does not enjoy support from experts and academicians.

National Testing and Examination Center The National Testing and Examination Center was established in the year 2008 and was entrusted with all tests, examinations and evaluation tools required for assessing the inputs, operations or outputs of all higher education institutions. One of its main functions is the preparation of assessment tools for measuring quality of the graduates of these institutions. Recently, it assumed the task of conducting an English language proficiency testing, run according to the format of the TOEFL or IELTS, as it became mandatory for any student who wanted to enrol in graduate studies to be proficient in English.

The scientific research fund Established by Article 13 of the law 4/2005 and Article 9 of the law 23/2009, this fund (Scientific Research Fund, SRF) is an arm of the MOHE entrusted with the task of promoting scientific research in Jordan. Although the Jordanian Universities law of 2009 dictates that all universities must allocate at least 5 per cent (later divided into 3 per cent for research and 2 per cent for staff scholarships) of its running budget for research, it was thought that a central financing agency must be put in place to guide national policies in research into areas needed for Jordanian development. The 2005 law stipulated that 1 per cent of the net profits of public shareholding companies must be directed into this fund. The SRF set up mechanisms to achieve its published goals. It operates through cycles for submission of research proposals and allocation of finance. It also supports young researchers with awards. It encourages women researchers by allocating special funds and earmarks awards. The efforts of the SRF helped double the percentage of GDP spent on research within ten years (from 0.4 to 0.8 per cent). It set aside financial support for graduate students enrolled in Jordanian universities. It financed the publication of national journals in different fields of knowledge. It was instrumental in supporting the

56

Education in the Arab World

integration of Jordanian universities libraries’ databases. The higher education law of 2009 stipulates that any money not spent by the universities, from monies allocated to research, must be transferred to the SRF for its purposes (SRF, 2016).

References Alghad (2016) Alghad Newspaper, http://alghad.com/articles/922662 Bakhit, M. a. (1987) Jordan University: Seera wa Maseera, 1st ed. Amman: University of Jordan. CSB (2013) The Civil Service Bureau of Jordan, http://www.csb.gov.jo/csb/Researchers/ CSBStatistics GBD (2015) Budget in Brief 2015, Budget Section 2501. Amman: General Budget Department. GBD (2016) General Budget Department, http://www.gbd.gov.jo/GBD/en/Budget/ Ministries/general-budget-law-2016 GOJ (2005) Bylaw number 81 Abolishment of illiteracy and adult education. Official Gazette, no. 1733: 5210. HCST (2016) The Higher Council for Science and Technology, http://hcst.gov.jo (accessed 8 March 2016). HEAC (2016) Higher Education Accreditation Commission, http://www.heac.org.jo/ Hosari, S. (1949) Hawleyat al Thaqafa al Arabia, 1st ed. Cairo: Arab League. JEI (2016) http://jei.org.jo/en-us/About-Us/Who-We-Are Maani, W. (2014) Governmental Financial Support of Jordanian Public Universities 1962– 2012, 1st ed. Amman: Ward Publishing House. Maani, W. (2016) Al Raqem ala al Maa ‘writing on water’. 1st ed. Amman: Ward Publishing House. MOE (2002) Towards a Vision for a New Education System: Vision Forum for Future of Education in Jordan, Amman: Ministry of Education. MOE (2011) Education Reform for Knowledge Economy Project. Amman: Ministry of Education. MOE (2014) Yearly Statistical Book. Amman: Ministry of Education. NCHRD (2016) National Center for Human Resources Development, http://www. nchrd.gov.jo/Aboutus/Centerestableshment/tabid/39/language/en-US/Default.aspx (accessed 6 March 2016). QRTA (2016) Queen Rania Teachers’ Academy, http://www.qrta.edu.jo/ SRF (2016) Scientific Research Fund, http://www.srf.gov.jo/about-srf UNESCO (2007) (UNESCO, 2007).UNESCO Policy Brief on Early Childhood N° 39/ July–August 2007. Paris: UNESCO.

Jordan: An Overview

57

UNESCO (2009) UNESCO, http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/themes/icts/ict-ineducation-prize/winners-2009/ UNESCO (2014) EFA Global Monitoring Report: Teaching and Learning: Achieving Quality for All, 1st ed. Paris: UNESCO Publishing. UNESCO (2015) Education for All 2000–2015, 2nd ed. Paris: UNESCO. UNICEF (2007) Jordan’s Early Childhood Development Initiative, 1st ed. Paris: UNICEF. USAID (2006) Jordan Vision 2020 – Phase II, s.l.: USAID. YEA (2002) Young Entrepreneurs Association, http://www.yeajordan.com/jordanvision-2020/

3

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges Kamal Abouchedid and Maria Bou Zeid

Introduction Education in Lebanon excites a powerful allure to a complex and variegated history in the Near East. With an estimated population of 4.7 million inhabitants hailing from eighteen different religious sects juxtaposed to one another over an area of 4,035 square miles, Lebanon is a mosaic of confessional communities, ethnic groups and other minorities. A distinctive facet of Lebanon’s political system is consociation as a political method of power-sharing formula that serves a twofold purpose: to prevent internecine conflicts and to guarantee democracy (Kerr, 2005). Education lies at the heart of consociation in Lebanon. Partly, it is the progeny of tumultuous sectarian politics marked by the persistent grapple between the ethno-religious quest for autonomy among certain confessional communities during the Ottoman period, on the one hand, and the state carapace represented by the authority of the Sublime Porte at the time. This grapple was nourished by protracted confrontations between the Ottoman Empire and its vying European counterparts, mainly France and England, often transmogrifying into sporadic episodes of bloody feuds among the confessional communities of Mount Lebanon. Until today, Lebanon’s educational system is derailed from the course of national integration and social cohesion as manifested in the history curriculum (Abouchedid and Nasser, 2000), which has not been standardized hitherto due to the deep crevice among confessional communities over the interpretation of historical events, rendering Lebanon into a country of Grandsons Without Grandfathers (Wehbe, 2003).

60

Education in the Arab World

Through a series of European-Ottoman treaties, the promulgation of laws by the Ottoman Empire and later on by the French Mandate, two main structures that characterize Lebanon’s educational system of today have been incepted. These being: the founding of private educational institutions almost one-anda-half centuries ago, long before the advent of privatization in the Arab region by the Bretton Woods Institutions, that is, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB); and laying the foundations of freedom of education which was later institutionalized by the French Mandate. Freedom of education was echoed in Article 10 of the Lebanese constitution in 1926 and consecrated sixty-three years later by the amended constitution, known as the National Reconciliation Charter or the Ta’ef Agreement ratified between Lebanese parliamentarians in Ta’ef city of Saudi Arabia in 1989. In addition to the Capitulation, Tanzimat Faramani (Arrangement Law) had sought to bring internal cohesion to the multi-communal mosaic of the Ottoman territories, including Mount Lebanon (Sahner, 2014). Other historical events have shaped much of today’s education in Lebanon: the French Mandate, the Independence era, the protracted civil war of 1975–1990 and the educational reforms promulgated by the Ta’ef Agreement. In addition to the introduction, this chapter provides a succinct account of the trajectory of education in Lebanon with emphases laid on the main characteristic features of the system being shaped by complex historical antecedents outlined previously. It further examines in detail the structure of education, enrolment, policies and practices related to access and success. A section is dedicated to the conditions of Palestinian schools of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), as well as the recent refugee-education period, which is characterized by the unprecedented influx of refugees from neighbouring Arab countries since 2011, mainly from Syria. This chapter also examines media literacy in light of the stunted development of this vital subject in the Lebanese curriculum as a cornerstone goal of education. The data and information analysed in this chapter were excerpted from education policies and practices in Lebanon, archive material, official statistics and relevant documents. In order to understand the structure of the country’s educational system, this chapter discusses briefly Lebanon’s contemporary political history, having implications on the potential role of education as an agency for national political socialization, citizenship and social cohesion.

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

61

Formation of confessional communities in Lebanon Complex historical antecedents have propelled the country into the epicentre of history in the Levant as a magnet for refugees and ethnic minorities who sought sanctuary in Lebanon’s rugged mountainous nature and advantageous easy access to the Mediterranean Sea. Anti-mountain range and the fertile Bekaa plain separate Lebanon from Syria to the east. Lebanon’s Great River and Akkar region border Syria to the north. Lebanon overlooks the Mediterranean Sea to the west and Northern Israel to the south. These borders were delineated by the French Mandate in 1920 transforming Mount Lebanon into a wider geopolitical entity, a potential viable state that would accommodate the country’s confessional communities. The history of the Near East has played a significant role in the appearance of confessional communities and ethnic groups in the territories that constitute today’s Lebanon. According to Salibi (1977), these communities have originally settled in former Ottoman-ruled Arab territories that form present-day Lebanon. Towards the end of the seventh century and in an effort to escape religious oppression, the Christian Maronites – who had first appeared in northern Syria – sought sanctuary in Lebanon’s rugged and impenetrable mountains (Khashan, 1992). According to Salibi (1977), the emergence of the Maronite church, as an offshoot of the Melkite church, was a revolt of countryside Syrian Christians against the traditionally metropolis ecclesiastical control. In his book Syria under Islam, Salibi (1977) revealed that the Druze, who had arrived nearly two centuries before Shiites, settled in the mountains, forming a mosaic of rural religious communities. The Druze’s stated belief in reincarnation of the soul relegated them in the eyes of the Sunnite community to the status of heretics. Such peculiar beliefs were anathema to mainstream Islam and the sect was exposed to punitive campaigns by the Sunnites. Two other communities inhabited the coastal areas of Lebanon, namely the Sunnites and the Greek Orthodox, and by that Lebanon formed the nucleus of a rural/ urban divide that cuts across different religious affiliations. The latest addition to the Lebanese multi-confessional and ethnic spree were the Armenians who fled persecution during the Great Anatolian Genocide in 1909 and started to arrive in Lebanon as immigrants in 1915 and 1918, respectively (Zahr al-Din cited in Khashan, 1992). The Armenians arrived as immigrants and their community is mainly composed of several Christian sects. Abouchedid (2012) classified these communities into four types: minorities who fled religious persecution from neighbouring countries (e.g. Christian

62

Education in the Arab World

Maronites, Armenians, Muslim Shiites and Druzes); minorities who were proselytized by Protestant and Jesuit missionaries (e.g. Greek Orthodox); and minorities who had been present in territories that were annexed to Lebanon by the French Mandate in 1920, mainly Muslim Sunnites and Greek Orthodox. Other minorities such as Kurds, Iraqis and Palestinians fled persecution from neighbouring countries and resided in Lebanon as refugees (Abouchedid, 2012). The latest addition to the demographic make-up of Lebanon started in 2011 with unprecedented massive waves of Syrian refugees pouring into the country as a consequence of the atrocious war in neighbouring Syria. A detailed discussion of the quality of interrelationships among confessional communities is of marginal significance to this chapter. Suffice it to say that smouldering tension lurking beneath the relationship among confessional communities was mirrored and pronounced in education with an overarching tendency among some of these groups to articulate their distinctive value systems through private education that had been incepted during the Ottoman rule, reinforced by the French Mandate, and entrenched in the Lebanese Constitution of 1926 and its amendments in 1989.

Early development of education Authors on education in Lebanon (e.g. Abouchedid, 2012; Bashshur, 1988; Szyliowicz, 1973) allude to the sixteenth century as a convenient date for analysing the trajectory of the development of education in Lebanon, which represents a surviving legacy of the present-day educational system. In the sixteenth century, Francis I of France and Sultan Salim the Magnificent of the Ottoman Empire ratified an agreement known as the Capitulation or the Franco-Ottoman Concordant in 1535 in which France gained traction in cultural affairs entitling it to important privileges in the Levant. As the Ottoman Empire continued to weaken, other European countries such as England were able to extract further cultural privileges from the defunct Ottoman Empire. The Capitulations or Imtiyazat Ajnabiah (foreign privileges) provided an opportunity for both France and England to expand their cultural hegemony in the Levant by establishing schools in Mount Lebanon by missionaries, both Protestant and Jesuit for the education of the local communities, as well as an agency for proselytization. Bashshur (1997) classified the historical development of these institutions into three phases. The first phase called colonial period was incepted under the

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

63

Ottoman administrative reforms known as Al Tanzimat Faramani (1839–1876)1 (Salibi, 1977) that took place under the successive rules of Rashid Pasha and Ali Pasha. The Tanzimat ended up reinforcing the concept of religious particularism that the Ottoman Empire had set out to abolish (Sahner, 2014). In 1860, a simmering and tumultuous war broke out between the Druzes and Maronites in Mount Lebanon and between Christian and Muslims in Aleppo and other parts of Syria leading to a direct intervention by foreign powers to end the hostilities and expand their gains from the faltering Ottoman Empire. In 1861, the Reglement Organique was ratified by the six interesting powers, France, England, Prussia, Russia, Austria and the Ottoman Empire (Spagnolo, 1971). Under this agreement, France sponsored the Christian Maronites, the Russians sponsored the Greek Orthodox, while the Druzes were put under the custody of England. Both the Sunnite and Shiite communities were left without political sponsorship, unlike their Christian and Druze counterparts. Missionary activities resulted in the establishment of private schools in addition to three historic higher educational institutions; namely, the Syrian Protestant College (The American University of Beirut) in 1866 founded by American and British Protestant missionaries, and the French-oriented institutions, Saint Joseph University in 1887 and La Sagesse University in 1875 (Bashshur, 1997). Partly, these institutions aimed at socializing Lebanese students along Western cultural lines and served as a niche for Western cultural and political presence in the Levant (Barakat, 1977). Citizenship rights were further extended to Christian minorities by the Hatti Humayan decree enacted by the Ottoman Empire in 1856, putting them on a par with Muslims (Khashan, 2000). These acquired rights allowed Christian communities in Mount Lebanon to establish their own educational institutions. In reaction, the Sunnites and Druzes founded their own schools in an attempt to shield these communities from a perceived Western cultural infringement.2 Shiites tellingly remained the only confessional community which took no principal part in the educational movement of the time (Hitti, 1957). With the demise of the Ottoman Empire following the First World War, Lebanon and Syria were put under custody of France by a mandate issued by the League of Nations. The main surviving legacy of the French Mandate of Lebanon (1918–1943) was freedom of education. Article 8 of the French Mandate promulgated: The Mandatory shall ensure to all complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship which are consonant with public order and morality. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Syria and the Lebanon on the ground of differences in race, religion or

64

Education in the Arab World language. The Mandatory shall encourage public instruction, which shall be given through the medium of the native languages in use in the territory of Syria and the Lebanon. The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the instruction and education of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the administration may impose, shall not be denied or impaired. (League of Nations Official Document, 1922: 880)

Expanding the rights and privileges of confessional communities in educational and social affairs gained momentum under the French Mandate. When Greater Lebanon was declared in 1920 by the French mandatory authorities, the secular role of education as a potential national unifier was subsided (Abouchedid, 1997). Article 10 of the Lebanese Constitution of 23 May 1926 was a replica of Article 8 of the French Mandate stated previously, institutionalizing the right of confessional communities to open and administer their own schools, provided they did not transgress public order. Moreover, Article 10 of the constitution reflected the penchant of influential political elite and confessional community leaders to place education in ‘private hands’ with marginal constitutional authority given to the state to supervise private schools. With the founding of public schools, Lebanon’s school system became complete in terms of educational ladders and curricula and diversified due to the presence of a diversity of privately owned foreign and confessional schools. The goal of the fledgling Lebanese government after independence in 1943 sought to eliminate the cultural and educational marks that had been established by the French Mandate. On 23 March 1950, Decree 1436 (Section 18) stipulated that private schools be supervised by the Ministry of Education. The state’s objective to nationalize education was aborted by the civil war in 1958, the first conflict among Lebanese confessional communities fifteen years after independence. The second phase, dubbed the national period, witnessed the founding of the Lebanese national university; the first state-run university after Lebanon’s independence in 1943. The third phase, known as the war period of 1975– 1990, marked the splitting up of higher educational institutions in Lebanon (with exception of Beirut Arab University), which reflected and pronounced the divisive alignment of the Lebanese along disputatious confessional and ideological lines (Khashan, 1992). Bashshur (1988) concisely described the role of education during the wartime Lebanon as a Mirror of a Fractured National Image. With the official conclusion of Lebanon’s protracted war (1975–1990), the 1968 curriculum and its amendments in 1970 were revamped in an effort to

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

65

modernize it and promote national integration through resocializing students along national unitary lines.

Educational reform The reforms brought about by the Ta’ef Agreement in 1989 targeted six sectors: administration (administrative decentralization), the judiciary (the courts), parliamentary election law, the establishment of the Economic and Social Council for Development, Education, and Media. Ta’ef Agreement stipulated the following reforms in education: a) Provide formal education for all and make it compulsory at the primary level, at least b) Emphasize freedom of education in accordance with the law and regulations c) Protect private education and strengthen state control over private schools and textbooks d) Reform the vocational education and training (VET) sector and strengthen its role to meet the reconstruction and economic needs of the country e) Reform the Lebanese University f) Revise the curriculum so as to enhance national belonging, cohesion, spiritual and cultural openness, as well as standardize history and civics textbooks in such a way they resocialize Lebanese youth along national unitary lines The initial educational reform, known as the Educational Development Plan (Khutat Al Nuhood Al Tarbawi), was approved by the Council of Ministers by decision number 26, dated 10 November 1993. On 8 May 1994, the minister of education and sports outlined the objectives of the plan. In 1997, a new national curriculum known as ‘The New Framework for Education in Lebanon’ was established by virtue of legislative Decree 10227. The new curriculum replaced the 1968 and 1971 curricula and introduced structural changes into the educational system as will be discussed in the sections set forth.

General education The new framework for education in Lebanon of 1997 structures schooling into four cycles. Preschool education, including kindergarten, which followed by

66

Education in the Arab World

basic education, is structured into two cycles: six years of primary education and lower-secondary education that lasts for three years. The latter bifurcates into two options: general education and vocational education. In addition, primary and lower-secondary education makes up basic education, which is completed by a student at the age of fifteen. The new curriculum structured education in the following cycles: a) Pre-elementary education (three to six years old) b) Cycle 1: grades 1–3 (seven to nine years old) c) Cycle 2: grades 4–6 (ten to twelve years old) d) Cycle 3: grades 7–9 (thirteen to fifteen years old) e) Cycle 4: grades 10–12 (sixteen to eighteen years old) After the completion of basic education, students can choose one of the following two tracks: general secondary education leading to the baccalaureate with four mainstream options, namely, socioeconomic, humanities, life sciences and general sciences or VET. After twelve years of schooling, students are eligible to apply to higher education or after nine years of schooling they can enrol in VET where students graduate with a technical diploma that qualifies them to either enter the labour market or pursue their education in formal higher education starting at the sophomore level. The new framework of education was rationalized by the following inherent flaws of the 1968 curriculum, including the absence of public education policy and ambiguity of curricula goals and the weakness of their relevance to life and the labour market. The lack of school administration and qualified human resources and non-compliance with the requirements of school building and health conditions that should be available in school buildings were areas booked for reform by the government. Moreover, the new curriculum pointed to the presence of a surplus of teachers and a shortage of qualified ones as a main obstacle to quality education (The New Educational Plan 1994). As such, the new curriculum focused on the following: a) Educational and school administration b) Textbooks c) Teaching material and teaching tools d) Teachers e) School buildings f) Special teaching g) Youth and sports activities

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

67

h) Educational services – educational guidance and educational media (CERD, 1994: 16). Undoubtedly, the new national curriculum has endorsed a modern philosophy of education that centres on active learning and student-centred styles of pedagogy. In addition, the new curriculum was substantiated in publication of new textbooks, equipping public schools and introducing new laws for the governance of the public sector in education. The implementation of the new curriculum brought hope to the Lebanese for a better educational system that would contribute to the formation of students equipped with competencies and skills and induct them into the dynamics of citizenship and lifelong learning for living together in a diverse society. The initial phase of implementing the new curriculum encompassed the provision of teacher training, building new schools and restoring old ones, publishing new textbooks and furnishing public schools with technology. However, the tide of reform in the educational sector has abated during the implementation of new curriculum for several reasons. Despite the enormous and resolute efforts mustered to craft a new national curriculum and implement it, one cannot ignore the inherent weaknesses in that curriculum. For instance, a comprehensive assessment of the 1997 curriculum conducted by the Lebanese Association for Educational Studies (LAES) in 1999 provided incontestable evidence of myriad weaknesses that stymied the successful implementation of the curriculum. Specifically, the role of the school in building national belonging exhibits a number of weaknesses, especially the dispersion of the concept of national identity throughout the curricula and textbooks, as well as the feeble connection between national identity and other related terminology such as cultural openness, diversity of confessional identities and common living. A critique of the civics education curriculum published in the General Education Curricula and Objectives of 1997 is further provided by Frayha (2012), who had described it as more idealistic than realistic. At the curricula level, there is an inherent weakness in the current curriculum shown in the poor alignment among general goals, special objectives and cycle objectives; in the limited scope and heavy content; in the lack of concordance between curriculum objectives and assessment system; and problems related to teaching mathematics and sciences in a foreign language (LAES, 2007). A significant problem that public schools face lies in teachers’ qualifications, training and redundant school buildings. The Ministry of Education and Higher

68

Education in the Arab World

Education (MEHE) points to the inherent lack of qualified teachers, inadequate buildings and educational material, as well as insufficient administrative staff (CDR, 2013). A high percentage of teachers are holders of only a high school diploma, and they lack in-service training. Despite the large number of teachers, there is a shortage of teachers specialized in specific subjects and in certain regions. In addition, the appointment of school principals according to qualifications in public schools has not been enforced as stipulated in Law 320, dated 5 April 2001. Thus, the management and administration of public schools demonstrate three main problems: a) Limited authority assigned to the principal to administer the school b) Lack of adherence to the minimum conditions specified in the laws that govern the appointment of principals such as requiring a university degree in educational administration c) Absence of a comprehensive system of performance appraisal of school principals The general education segment of the Lebanese curriculum is structured into private and public schools as discussed in the next section.

Types of schools Schools in Lebanon are of two types: private, which include philanthropic and foreign schools, and public, which are funded and supervised by the state (Bashshur, 1988). However, officially, schools in Lebanon are of three types. Public (non-fee-paying), private (fee-paying) and private subsidized by the government. The administration of public schools is centralized and run by the Ministry of Education (Legislative Decree 10832, 9 October 1962). Private schools are run either by confessional communities or private associations and individuals according to Article 10 of the Lebanese Constitution of 23 May 1926 and by Decrees No. 7962, 1 May 1931 and No. 7000, 1 October 1946. Before the First World War, Lebanon had only one public school (Matthews and Akrawi, 1949). However, areas outside the present Lebanese territories, which were parts of Beirut and Damascus and subject to the direct rule of the Ottoman Sublime Port, had public schools administrated by Nizam Al Maarif Al Uthmani (Ottoman Ministry of Education) (Abu Mrad, 1985). These schools formed the nucleus of the current Lebanese public school system when the former Ottoman regions

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

69

1273 1097

351 68

Public

Private subsidized

Private fee-paying

UNRWA

Figure 3.1 Number of schools by sector in 2013–2014 (CERD, 2015).

were annexed to Mount Lebanon by the French Mandate in 1920. Public or state schools had been established shortly before Lebanon gained its independence in 1943. Figure 3.1 shows the number of schools that are officially categorized as private fee-paying, private subsidized and public schools. In addition, UNRWA schools, which fall outside the spectrum of the official structure of Lebanon’s educational system, are counted in Lebanese official statistics on education which are published on a yearly basis by the Center of Educational Research and Development (CERD). During the school year 2013–2014, there were 2,789 schools in Lebanon, distributed across sectors as shown in Figure 3.1. The enrolment rate of students shows a historical penchant of parents to enrol their children in private schools rather than in public schools due to worsening quality of teaching, poor buildings and lack of essential educational facilities needed for teaching and learning (Abouchedid, 2011). Thus, private schools are the main providers of education. During the academic year 2013– 2014, 1,005,044 students were enrolled in all sectors of education of whom 32,258 (3.2 per cent) were enrolled in UNRWA schools (CERD, 2015) as shown in Figure 3.2 below.

Enrolment in general education Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) in the preprimary level stood at 101 per cent and at 113.4 per cent in the primary cycle in 2013 (UNESCO), which are considered one of the highest in the world. It then dwindles to 88.5 per cent in

70

Education in the Arab World 53%

31%

13% 3%

Public

Private subsidized

Private feepaying

UNRWA

Figure 3.2 Percentages of student enrolment in schools (CERD, 2015). Table 3.1 Percentage of GER between males and females in 2013 (UNESCO statistical database, 2015) Preprimary (pre-elementary)

Primary (elementary)

Lower-secondary (intermediate)

Upper-secondary (secondary)

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

103.5

99.7

118.2

108.7

88.9

88.2

61.8

63.5

lower-secondary level. These figures indicate alarmingly that by the end of the preprimary and primary cycles, 25 per cent of students drop out or lag behind in their studies equally, like those in Ghana, Honduras and Guatemala. Then, GER in the upper-secondary level plummeted to 62.7 per cent in 2013, which is far lower than GER in Egypt (75 per cent) during the same year. Differences between genders are slim in favour of males in preprimary, primary and lowersecondary as opposed to a narrow higher percentage in favour of females in the upper secondary level (see Table 3.1). Basic education in Lebanon extends to grade 9, which corresponds to age fifteen. However, compulsory education promulgated Law No. 686 (16 March 1998) – which has not been enforced yet – stops at the age of twelve. This means that the phenomenon of dropping out by the end of primary level applies to both males and females. However, the trend of enrolment for preprimary level has increased over the years as shown in Figure 3.3, unlike the primary, lowersecondary and upper-secondary trends which showed a steady decline in GER compared to 1999 (see Figure 3.3).

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

71

160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20

19 99 20 00 20 01 20 02 20 03 20 04 20 05 20 06 20 07 20 08 20 09 20 10 20 11 20 12 20 13

0

Preprimary

Primary

Lower-secondary

Upper-secondary

Figure 3.3 Trend lines of gross enrolment ratio of males and females 1999–2013 (UNESCO statistical database, 2015).

Educational continuation Opportunities for continuation of education are challenged by a number of issues. The number of students who had one-year class retardation was 289,431 in 2013–2014 academic year, that is, 28.8 per cent of the total number of students enrolled in all educational levels. The number of students with two-year class retardation was 100,198 or 10 per cent of the total number of students in all educational levels and sectors of education. Thus, the percentage of class retardation stood at 38.8 per cent during the academic year 2013–2014 (UNESCO statistical database, 2015). Figure 3.4 shows the percentage of class retardation by level of education. With respect to geographical districts, the rate of dropouts and repetition is higher in the North, Bekaa and South as compared to Beirut and Mount Lebanon (CERD, 2005–2015). Regional discrepancies in access to education are a surviving legacy of the past since the educational activities during missionary education took place in Mount Lebanon territories, while neglecting the territories that were annexed to Lebanon by the French Mandate in 1920, namely Bekaa plain, North Lebanon and the South. These governorates have been dubbed as the poverty belt of Mount Lebanon.

72

Education in the Arab World 31.5%

30.2%

28.6% 25.5% 16%

11.5%

10.5%

ry

ry Lo we

rs

Se co nd a

ec on da

ar y Pr im

Pr ep

rim

ar y

2%

More than one year, less than two

More than two years

Figure 3.4 Class retardation by level and years (CERD, 2014).

School teachers As of 2013–2014, the total number of school teachers in Lebanon was 96,905, of whom 43.9 per cent were in public schools, 7.2 per cent in private subsidized schools, 47.3 per cent in private fee-paying schools and 1.6 per cent in UNRWA schools (CERD, 2015). Discrepancies among governorates exist regarding the educational level of school teachers. Historical data obtained from CERD (2015) show that Beirut has been accommodating the highest percentage of school teachers (51.1 per cent) in terms of educational attainment level since 2001–2002 to 64.4 per cent in 2009–2010. However, the governorate of Nabatieh situated in the far south of Lebanon has the lowest percentages of school teachers according to their qualifications, which were 33.5 per cent in 2001–2002 and 46.6 per cent in 2009–2010. Regarding age, most school teachers’ ages range between twenty-six and thirty-five years. However, discrepancies exist between the public and private sectors of the general education segment. In the public sector, the age range in 2009–2010 was forty-six to fifty-five, exceeding that of the private sector which was twenty to forty (CERD, 2015). As for degrees, the percentage of specialized teachers holding university or vocational preparation degrees who work in preschools is less than 30.6 per cent of all preschool teachers in Lebanon. It is worth noting that, as of the year 2002, it is illegal to appoint a school teacher unless he/she is a holder of a bachelor’s degree from a recognized institution according to Law 442 dated 29 July 2002).

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

73

Discrepancies in access to technology, school buildings and quality education also exist between public and private schools; the latter enjoys better physical and technological facilities than the former (Hashash, 2012). The public conceives public schools as ‘the schools for the poor’, and it is not uncommon to hear parents, teachers and students talk unfavourably about their experiences there. Teachers’ comments would often reflect derision and indifference, while parents’ and students’ accounts would often communicate embarrassment and dissatisfaction. ‘The academic level of education in public schools is something the Lebanese do not trust’, according to former Minister of Education Hassan Mneimneh (Lynch, 2010). They believe public schools are below standard, and consequently they would rather register their children in private schools.

Higher education As alluded to earlier in this chapter, higher education in Lebanon is the oldest in the Arab region. The Syrian Protestant College, today the American University of Beirut (AUB), had been established seventy-seven years before Lebanon achieved its independence in 1943 and eighty years after the withdrawal of foreign troops from the country in 1946. Thus, private higher education was founded long before the establishment of Lebanon and its sole national university, the Lebanese University, was founded in 1946 enjoyed self-governing with an autonomous structure. It was in 1961 when the first law governing higher education was promulgated. Under this law, a Council for Higher Education was established with the means for licensing new higher education institutions. Many decrees regulating the sector were subsequently passed. The most important decrees were passed in setting out the conditions and criteria for a higher education institution to be legalized, given permission to operate and be audited by a special technical committee appointed by the directorate general of higher education. In the higher education sector, the 1961 law and its amendments in 1996 governing the establishment of private institutions of higher education has led to the sprouting of an unusual number of private universities, colleges and institutes in the absence of a national framework for quality assurance. In 2010, a new higher education law number 285 approved by Decree 5520 was issued by the Lebanese Parliament on 14 December 2010 by the president of the Republic of Lebanon and the prime minister on 30 April 2014. Among other things, the law recognized students’ rights to access higher education and

74

Education in the Arab World

established procedural mechanisms and criteria for establishing new higher educational institutions. At present, Lebanon’s higher educational system is predominantly diversified mirroring and pronouncing the social and religious diversity of the country. This diversity is manifested in the multiplicity of educational institutions which are differentiated according to the following: providers (religious, secular, commercial); sector (public, private); status (universities, colleges and institutes); model (American, French, Arabic, European Licence, Master, Doctorate or LMD); cultural reference (Islamic, Christian and non-religious); type (traditional and open university); language of instruction (Arabic, French and English); and provisions (undergraduate, undergraduate and graduate without doctoral degrees, and undergraduate and graduate with degrees). According to the official website of the CERD (2015), there are forty private higher educational institutions and one public, that is, the Lebanese University. As of 2014–2015, the total number of higher educational institutions was forty-three of which thirty-three were universities (thirty-two private and one public), seven university institutes and colleges (all private) and three university institutes for religious studies (all private), in addition to six other licensed universities that did not receive the clearance to operate yet. There are structural differences between the private and public sector in terms of students’ access, facilities and quality of education. The exponential increase of students entering higher education in Lebanon results in a yearly glut of graduates gushed into the labour market which suffers from meagre job opportunities and mercurial economic fluctuations. The crisis is evidenced by: (1) the increasing percentage of unemployment among graduates; (2) the increasing rates of immigration; and (3) the spread of below-level employment, which includes masked unemployment, and employment in jobs that require qualifications lower than those of the graduates (Abdel Rida and Abouchedid, 2003). Furthermore, about 56 per cent university graduates in Lebanon undertake certain career paths that mismatch with their university majors.

Enrolment in higher education If we estimate that the population of Lebanon was about 4.7 million people in 2014, then the average number of students enrolled in higher education (including technical education) would be 5,958 per 100,000 inhabitants. This average is one of the highest in the Arab region. In addition, the average

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

75

enrolment rate in education for the age group of twenty to twenty-four years is 29.7 per cent, with about one-fourth of those enrolled in pre-university education (Kasparian, 2003). However, these two averages (in relation to the general population and to the age group in question) remain below the averages in developed countries (Europe and North America), and in newly industrialized nations (e.g. South Korea). Figure 3.5 shows the distribution of student enrolment in higher education. The highest percentage of students is in the Lebanese University, which is the only public university in Lebanon followed by private university institutes. There are no significant gender differences with respect to enrolment in higher education; yet, in recent years, the number of females enrolled in higher education has surpassed that of males (54 vs. 46 per cent). However, discrepancies in the rate of enrolment in higher education in 2003 is evident with respect to geographical locations: the enrolment rate for the age group of twenty to twenty-four years reaches 37.6 per cent in Beirut and 36.8 per cent in Mount Lebanon, but it dwindles to 27–28 per cent in the north and south and to a mere 21 per cent in the Bekaa and Nabatiyeh governorates. There is an inequality in enrolment between public and private sectors in relation to available fields of specialization. The majority of Lebanese University students are enrolled in humanities (60.2 per cent) and 20.7 per cent of students in the private sector. In higher technical education, there is no difference in 37.2%

27.5%

University Institutes

3.7%

Lebanese International University

3.9%

Notre Dame University

3.3%

Lebanese American University

4.1%

American University of Beirut

Saint Joseph University

Beirut Arab University

Lebanese University

5%

Kaslik University

9.2% 5.7%

Figure 3.5 The distribution across higher educational institutions (CERD, 2015).

76

Education in the Arab World

number of students between the private and public sectors at the level of the Technical Superior diploma (three years); however, the LT diploma (five years) is offered only at public institutes/colleges. It is to be noted that industrial specializations, as in secondary technical education, are mainly present in the public sector (LAES, 2006).

Vocational Education and Training Vocational and technical education (VET) is the third segment of Lebanon’s educational system. The new vocational and technical education structure was issued in 2000 (Council of Ministers’ Decree 31 dated 16 August 2000) and was based on the new educational structure in Lebanon. It includes three levels: vocational preparation for those who have finished the elementary cycle; vocational and technical secondary education for those who have finished the intermediate cycle (this three-year level has two tracks: technical baccalaureate and technical secondary diploma-double system); vocational and technical higher education which leads to one of four degrees: Technical Superior (TS) (3 years), Technical Degree (2 years after TS) and Technical Teaching Degree (5 years), and the master’s degree. Some of the main changes in this structure were: (1) cancellation of the certificates and replacing with training to prepare skilled labourers, (2) including the TS, Technical Degree and Technical Engineering Degree under higher education; and (3) making the TS a basic for continuing higher specialized degrees. One feature of VET is its relation to the labour market. However, this relation is inchoate in Lebanon at all levels of VET with the exception of Technical Secondary Diploma-Double System. Moreover, there is no mechanism in place to facilitate the participation of economic and productive sectors in VET, which results in differences between what the students learn and what the labour market expects of them after graduation, and this is interpreted by employers as low quality in the education of students (LAES, 2007). In addition, vocational and technical education secondary students lack career guidance, leading them to enrol in a specialization he or she does not want or does not suit his or her qualifications or the needs of the labour market (LAES, 2007), affecting students’ educational continuation and success and leading to unemployment or masked unemployment. As is the case of higher education, this situation is plagued by meagre lifelong opportunities rendered to VET graduates.

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

77

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) schools The 1948 Palestinian exodus from Palestine, dubbed Nakba in Arabic or cataclysm (Khalidi, 1998), marked a turning point in the modern history of the Near East that has jolted the political arena in the region and stoked permanent hatred between Arabs and Israelis. Following the cataclysm in 1948, the Palestinians have flocked mainly to Jordan, Lebanon and Syria and were sheltered in refugee camps overlooked by host countries. Ever since their immigration from Palestine, the Palestinians have been living in degrading social and economic conditions in camps forming a pariah of destitute refugees usurped from their basic rights often subjugated to draconian security measures by their newly adjoining environment. The UNRWA was established on 8 December 1948 to assist refugees during the 1948 Palestine–Israeli War that involved neighbouring Arab countries. The UNRWA has been managing the basic education system in the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon since 1948. Today, there are some 450,000 refugees registered with UNRWA in Lebanon, of whom 53 per cent live in the twelve recognized Palestine refugee camps (UNRWA, 2015). Palestinian refugee children and young people have limited access to the public school system. In addition, the cost of private education in Lebanon is among the highest in the region, and most families do not have the financial resources to enrol their children in these institutions (Al-Hroub, 2014). Figures obtained from a 2008 UNRWA study put the enrolment rate in the elementary cycle (six to eleven years) at 96 per cent, with 63.8 per cent in the lower-secondary level and only 23.7 per cent in the upper-secondary cycle (Abdunnur et al., 2008). However, since 1948, the Lebanese labour law has banned Palestinian refugees from practising around seventy-two professions in Lebanon. In 2005, officially registered Palestinian refugees born in Lebanon were permitted to work in the clerical and administrative sectors (Shafie, 2006, cited in Al-Hroub, 2014). In August 2010, Lebanon’s Parliament amended its labour law to embolden opportunities for Palestinian refugees to obtain work permits by exempting them from reciprocity requirements, eliminating workpermit fees and granting them partial social security benefits. However, the reform did nothing to remove restrictions that bar Palestinians from working in at least twenty-five professions requiring syndicate membership, including law, medicine and engineering (Human Rights Watch, 2011).

78

Education in the Arab World

The main problem faced by young Palestinian refugees is school dropout, which is alarming. UNRWA statistics point out that the dropout rate for the elementary and preparatory levels are 2.1 and 3.9 per cent, respectively (UNRWA, 2008). These calculations refer to the number of students who register and leave within the annual academic year (October–June). In addition, the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon do not enjoy opportunities of attending university due to lack of resources to pay for it. Moreover, they are deprived from exercising more than 20 professions (UNRWA, 2015). In general, the main causes of dropping out are variegated and rather complex. According to Al-Hroub (2014), Palestinian student dropout is mainly due to child labour, Lebanese labour laws, early marriage and poor school infrastructure and resources. To aggravate the living conditions of young Palestinian refugees, the UNRWA is facing a severe deficit that could lead to cuts of essential services such as education. Thus, Palestine refugees face service cuts due to UNRWA financial crisis.

Syrian refugees Refugees from Syria who reside in Lebanon can be classified into two segments: Syrian nationals and Palestinian refugees from Palestinian refugee camps in Syria. The Lebanese Ministry of Education has issued a memorandum instructing all schools in Lebanon to enrol Syrian students, regardless of their legal status and to waive school and book fees (Relief web, 2013), while the memorandum ignored reference to Palestinian refugees coming from Syria. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Lebanon hosts 1.2 million registered Syrian refugees as of March 2015. Among this number, there are 400,000 school-age refugee children. However, only 25 per cent of them are enrolled in school (UNICEF, 2015). Correspondingly, the MEHE points out that there are approximately 88,000 Syrian refugee children enrolled in public schools in 2014/2015 (morning and afternoon shift). The ministry is struggling to provide this large number of children with proper education. In fact, there are several constraints at this level; some examples would be lack of resources or financial shortcoming, differences between the Lebanese and Syrian curriculum, language barriers, lack of enthusiasm and insufficiency in transportation to schools (UNHCR, 2014). In fact, the Lebanese curriculum is more demanding than the Syrian one. In Syria, lessons are taught in Arabic, whereas in Lebanon, French and English are

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

79

also official teaching languages and the media for instruction in mathematics and sciences (El Masri et al., 2013). These linguistic and curricula challenges are chiefly responsible for student dropouts. Unfortunately, poverty and missing opportunities in education may push these children into extremist groups, such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). A potential solution to this dilemma is ‘Reach All Children with Education’ (RACE). It is an ambitious strategy launched in May 2014 by the Lebanese government, aiming to deliver appropriate education to refugees and vulnerable Lebanese. The RACE strategy in Lebanon requires a budget of around US$ 200 million annually for the coming three years. Such contributions would exhibit donor commitment to educational opportunity as a humanitarian imperative, and as a priority for security, social stability and economic recovery (Watkins and Zyck, 2014).

Media literacy The Lebanese curriculum is extremely condensed; it focuses mainly on equipping students with two foreign languages in addition to the Arabic native language and other heavy curricula requirements. The Lebanese curriculum does not seem to provide students with opportunities for developing their cognitive and interpretative skills, particularly in mathematical sciences, as reported by the subsequent Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) reports for grades 9 and 12 from 2003 to the present. Thus, in light of lack of styles of pedagogy that centre on providing students with critical and analytical skills that can lead them to perceive things differently and act as agents of change, the Lebanese national curriculum is reduced to the acquisition of content knowledge rather than promoting cognitive skills and constructive learning. Furthermore, in a recent study on education and citizenship, El Amine and Abouchedid (2008) showed poor performance of grade 9 students in Lebanon in concepts, attitudes, skills and actions as measured by the adapted Civic and Citizenship Education (CivEd) instrument, administered by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) in twenty-eight countries (UNDP, 2015). In this context, media literacy can be perceived today as a central part aptitude for engaged citizenship in participatory democracy for participatory citizenship (Mihalidis and Thivinin, 2013). In fact, media literate citizens can identify hidden agendas and are empowered to speak out on behalf of the missing voices (Hobbs, 2010).

80

Education in the Arab World

From this perspective, it is crucial to integrate this aptitude in the Lebanese curriculum and also to train teachers to use it while dealing with different topics such as text languages or civics. On one hand, it may fill in the gap of the absence of a common history textbook that gives students in Lebanon a common understanding of their roots to strengthen their sense of belonging and citizenship. On the other hand, it can prepare them to cope with the fast-changing media landscape where lifelong learning remains an objective worth striving for.

Conclusion This chapter exhibited a panoramic view of Lebanon’s educational system, both historical and modern. In fact, structural improvements have been introduced over the years, including the widening of access to education in the governorates of Bekka, Nabatieh, Akkar and South Lebanon. Most importantly, the new national curriculum of 1997 represented a major shift in content and styles of pedagogy from the 1968 and 1970 curricula. Moreover, the private sector of education in Lebanon is a source of pride to the Lebanese being the oldest in the Arab region as it dates far back to a time before the establishment of the Lebanese state in 1920. Freedom of education guaranteed by the constitution has been a surviving legacy characterizing the educational system of today’s Lebanon. This freedom distinguished Lebanon’s educational system from neighbouring Arab countries. In addition, missionary activities in Mount Lebanon had made profound contributions to communities in terms of access to formal education and the eradication of illiteracy. Despite the strengths of Lebanon’s educational system, a number of outstanding features call for a proactive and systematic approach for instigating structural reforms that would address a number of flaws underpinning education in Lebanon. Clearly, education in Lebanon is redolent of the legacy of confessional politics that continues to deter the state from reforming the public sector of general education, as well as the Lebanese University. However, private higher educational institutions have grown in an untidy and messy manner, specifically since the early 1990s, often not conforming to quality standards, particularly in the absence of a national framework for quality assurance. Moreover, the MEHE has not yet outlined an educational proposal in which public schools are given independence in governance as the public school

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

81

administration is not given the authority or responsibilities needed for self-governance. From another perspective, there is a lack of elaboration on the concept of civic responsibility in the curricula together with a weakness in the inculcation of civic skills and competencies needed for living together in multi-confessional Lebanon. So far, the MEHE has not been able to craft a history curriculum, or to develop textbooks for it, twenty-six years after the issuing of the Ta’ef agreement in 1989 and eighteen years of approving the new curriculum in 1997, whose general objectives promulgate the shaping of a citizen ‘who is aware of his/her collective national history, away from narrow partisanship, and towards building a united society that is open to other cultures’ (General Objectives, Article 2–2, Item D). The history curricula were issued in 2000 (Decree 3175) and textbooks were written accordingly. However, the curricula and textbooks have not been implemented thus far. As such, students are still studying the history textbooks of the obsolete 1968 curricula for the secondary cycle and the 1970 curricula for elementary and intermediate cycles. Class retardation and repetition remains a major problem in the Lebanese educational landscape, particularly in UNRWA schools where students drop out early from school in order to eke out a living for their facilities living in derogatory conditions. In addition, basic education in Lebanon extends to grade 9, which corresponds to age fifteen. However, compulsory education, according to Law No. 686 (16 March 1998), stops at age twelve and the law has not been enforced yet. More alarmingly, consequential assignments to reform Lebanon’s educational system since the early 1990s have been miscarried by deep political disagreement among the country’s political elite. As such, a transformation from elite rule to a democratic and mass-oriented one would pave the way for a comprehensive national educational reform of a due and discernible nature.

Notes 1 The Tanzimat were by the Ottoman Empire to organize matters related to Ottoman political affairs (Weidenfield and Nicholson 1965, cited in Abouchedid et al. 2002). 2 Documents obtained by the principal author from Makassed Abdel Kader Kabbani School in 1996.

82

Education in the Arab World

References Abdel Rida, S. and Abouchedid, K. (2003) Higher Education and the Labor Market: A Tracer’s Study. Beirut: LAES. Abdunnur, L., Abdunnur, S. and Madi, Y. (2008) A Comprehensive Survey and Needs Assessment of Dropouts and Reform Strategies. UNRWA/Lebanon: Education Program. Abouchedid, K. (1997) Confessional Pluralism and Education: Themes from the Lebanese Experience. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Manchester. Abouchedid, K. (2011) Advances or drawbacks? Issues of access to education in Arab countries. IAU Horizons 17 (2): 18–19. Abouchedid, K. (2012) Diversity and education in Lebanon: Three issues of citizenship and one issue of social cohesion. In J. Banks (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Diversity in Education. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Abouchedid, K. and Nasser, R. (2000) The state of history teaching in privaterun confessional schools in Lebanon: Implications for national integration. Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies 5 (2): 57–82. Abouchedid, K., Nasser, R. and Van Blommestein, J. (2002) The limitations of intergroup learning in confessional school systems: The Case of Lebanon. Arab Studies Quarterly 24 (4): 22–61. Abu Mrad, M. (1985) Educational Inspection in Lebanon. Beirut, Lebanon: Dar Beirut Lil Nashr. Almeghari, R. (2009) The Electronic Intifada (accessed 11 August 2015). El Amine, A. and Abouchedid, K. (2008) Education and Citizenship: Concepts, Attitudes, Skills and Actions. Analysis of Survey Results of 9th Grade Students in Lebanon. The National Human Development Report (NHDR). Beirut, Lebanon: United Nations Development Program (UNDP). Barakat, H. (1977) Lebanon in Strife: Student Prelude to the Civil war. Austin: University of Texas Press. Bashshur, M. (1988) The role of education: A mirror of a fractured national image. In H. Barakat (ed.), Toward a Viable Lebanon. London: Croom Helm. Bashshur, M. (1997) Higher education in Lebanon: A historical review. In A. El Amine (ed.), Higher Education in Lebanon, 15–93. Beirut, Lebanon: Lebanese Association for Educational Studies. Center for Educational Research and Development CERD. (1994) http://www.crdp.org (accessed 7 August 2015). Center for Educational Research and Development CERD. (2015) Statistical Bulletin (2005–2015), http://www.crdp.org/en (accessed 7 August 2015). European Commission. (2012) Higher Education in Lebanon, http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/ tempus/participating_countries/overview/lebanon_tempus_country_fiche_final.pdf (accessed 5 August 2015).

Lebanon: Legacy of the Past and Present Challenges

83

Frayha, N. (2012) Education as a means of building social cohesion in Lebanon: an unfinished task. In M. Shuayb (ed.), Rethinking Education for Social Cohesion: International Case Studies. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hashash, M. (2012) Student-teacher Interaction in Public Schooxcls in Lebanon: A Symbolic Interactionist Perspective in Grade Six Classes. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Saint Joseph University. Hitti, P. (1957) Lebanon in History: From the Earliest Times to the Present. London: Saint Martin’s Press. Hobbs, R. (2010) Digital and Media Literacy: A Plan of Action. The ASPEN Institute – Communications and Society Program. Al-Hroub, A. (2011) UNRWA School Dropouts in Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon: A Qualitative Study. Beirut, Lebanon: AUB/UNRWA. Al-Hroub, A. (2014) Quality issues in education programs in the Arab universities: A synthesis study. In A. El Amine (ed.), Quality Issues in Higher Education in the Arab Countries, 55–76. Beirut: The Lebanese Association for Educational Studies. Kasparian, C. (2003) L’entrée des jeunes libanais dans la vie active et l’émigration, la population Libanaise et ses caractéristiques. Beirut, Lebanon: Saint-Joseph University (USJ). Kerr, M. (2005) Imposing Power-Sharing: Conflict and Coexistence in Northern Ireland and Lebanon. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. Khashan, H. (1992) Inside the Lebanese Confessional Mind. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Khashan, H. (2000) Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. League of Nations Official Document. (1922) http://www.ndu.edu.lb/lerc/resources /French%20Mandate%20for%20Syria%20and%20the%20Lebanon.pdf (accessed 10 August 2015). Lebanese Association for Educational Studies LAES. (1999) The State and Education in Lebanon. Beirut, Lebanon: LAES. Lebanese Association for Educational Studies LAES. (2007) Vision Document. Unpublished document by the Lebanese Association for Educational Studies. Lynch, S. (2010) Lebanese school houses rocked. Now Lebanon, http://www .nowlebanon.com/NewsArchiveDetails.aspx?ID=179841 (accessed 20 March 2015). Map of Lebanon. (2016) http://www.lonelyplanet.com/maps/middle-east/lebanon/ (accessed 27 February 2016). El Masri, R., Harvey, C. and Garwood, R. (2013) Shifting Sands, Changing Gender Roles Among Refugees in Lebanon. Oxford: Oxfam. Matthews R. D. and Akrawi, M. (1949) Education in Arab Countries of the Near East. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Mihailidis, P. and Thevenin, B. (2013) Media literacy as a core competency for engaged citizenship in participatory democracy. American Behavioral Scientist 57 (9): 1–12.

84

Education in the Arab World

Ministry of Education and Higher Education MEHE. (2015) List of Higher Education Institutions in Lebanon, http://www.higher-edu.gov.lb/arabic/privuniv/personal_ univ.html (accessed 14 August 2015). Sahner, C. (2014) Among the Ruins: Syria Past and Present. London: C. Hurst & Co. Salibi, K. (1977) The Modern History of Lebanon. New York: Caravan Books. Spagnolo, J. P. (1971) Constitutional change in Mount Lebanon: 1861–1864. Middle Eastern Studies 7 (1): 25–48. Szyliowicz J. (1973) Education and Modernization in the Middle East. New York: Cornell University Press. The Center for Educational Research and Development CERD. (2015) http://www.cerd .org/crdp/Arabic/ar-creation/a_crdp_cre.asp (accessed 14 August 2015). The Council for Development and Reconstruction CDR. (2013) Social Infrastructure – Education, http://www.cdr.gov.lb/eng/progress_reports/pr102013/Eeduc.pdf (accessed 13 August 2015). United Nations Development Program UNDP. (2015) http://www.undp.org.lb /communication/publications/downloads/english.pdf (accessed 11 August 2015). United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization UNESCO. (2015) Education: Gross Enrolment Ratio by Level of Education, http://data.uis.unesco .org/?queryid=142 (accessed 10 August 2015). United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR. (2014) UNHCR Lebanon – Education Update. December 2014, https://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/download .php?id (accessed 7 August 2015). United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund UNICEF. (2015) Humanitarian Action for Children, http://www.unicef.org/appeals/syrianrefugees .html (accessed 4 August 2015). United Nations Relief and Works Agency UNRWA. (2015) Where We Work, http://www.unrwa.org/where-we-work/lebanon (accessed 11 August 2015). Watkins, K. and Zyck, Steven A. (2014) Living on Hope, Hoping for Education: The Failed Response to the Syrian Refugee Crisis. London: Overseas Development Institute (ODI). Wehbe, N. (2003) Grandsons without Grandfathers. Beirut, Lebanon: Nawfal Distribution.

4

Palestine: An Overview Mohammed Dajani Daoudi

Introduction Education constitutes the major for peace, development, prosperity, stability, progress and human development in Palestine. It allows individuals to acquire knowledge and skills that would improve their lives. The Nakba (disaster/ catastrophe) of 19481 had taught the Palestinians to value education highly. Having lost all their possessions as a result of the 1948 war, learning became a paramount goal of the ‘Generation of the Nakba’ (Jil al-Nakba). Those refugees with education and professional skills were able to find work in the neighbouring Arab host countries and the Gulf States, while those that were uneducated and unskilled remained restricted to living in refugee camps dependent on charity and international aid. For those Palestinian refugees, education offered them the opportunity to escape from the misery of camp life. To them, it was their strategy of survival and the ladder for economic and social mobility. From the early 1950s, Palestinian high school graduates rushed to join universities in Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, western Europe and North America. Egyptian President Jamal Abdel Nasser opened the doors of Egyptian universities for Palestinian youth to enter and get free education.2 In the 1960s, this flow included universities in other countries such as Jordan, Iraq, Turkey, India and the Soviet Union. For the Palestinians as a whole, the new generation of university graduates had six important outcomes: national identity, physical mobility, influence, prestige, affluence and leadership. The graduates entered skilled positions in the oil economies, civil services, establishing big contracting companies and holding lead positions in schools of Arab states across the Arab world. Arab universities brought up talented, highly motivated Palestinians in an atmosphere of political turmoil using the tools and values of education to

86

Education in the Arab World

excel and be productive. One important outcome was the income generated by those Palestinian expatriates, which they transferred to their families in Palestine helping improve the economic, educational and social welfare of the Palestinian people.

Historical background Historically speaking, the Palestinian educational system passed through five phases. The first phase was under the Ottoman rule during the period 1517– 1917 when education began to take shape. During this period, the quality of education was not that high and access to education was limited to the sons of notable families. The primary schools called kuttab offered a basic literacy and religious education, teaching memorization and recitation of the Quran, religious practices, and basic reading and writing with some history and math. Their language of instruction was Arabic. Girls were taught with boys, but their enrolment was much lower than boys. The government schools aimed to train future official bureaucrats and teachers and their official language of instruction was Turkish. There were also private schools established by missionary organizations (American, German, French and English) teaching their languages and taking a Western approach or by some local individuals or organizations who taught in Arabic (Goldman et al. 2005: 320). The second phase was under the British rule during the period 1917 and 1948. While under the Ottomans official government education was religious, under the British Mandate it became dominantly secular. Generally speaking, education under this period was not linked to the needs and concerns of ordinary Palestinians (Goldman et al. 2005: 320). The government schools established by the British Mandate in about half of Palestine’s villages had rural illiteracy decline from 90 to 70 per cent of the male population (Kimmerling and Migdal 1993: 31). The third phase was between 1948 and 1967 in which the Gaza Strip was under Egyptian rule, and the West Bank and Gaza were under the Jordanian rule. During this period, education in the Gaza Strip was supervised by Egyptian authority and in the West Bank and East Jerusalem followed the Jordanian educational system. The fourth phase was between 1967 and 1993 when the Palestinian territories of the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and East Jerusalem fell under

Palestine: An Overview

87

Israeli occupation in consequence to the June 1967 War. During this phase, most Palestinian universities were created as part of a Palestinian collective effort to preserve their national identity, as well as to provide young Palestinians with the opportunity to pursue their higher education, after it became increasingly costly and much more difficult for them to travel abroad for their higher studies. The fifth phase was from 1993 to the present in which the Palestinian education was transferred from Israeli hands to the Palestinian Authority (PA) following its establishment in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in May 1994 as a result of the Oslo Accord of 1993 between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The Ministry of Education and Higher Education (MOEHE) was built from scratch in August 1994 to take responsibility for the education sector, for recruiting and training teachers, and supervising private educational institutions. Its mission is to ensure education for all, to improve education quality and standards and to develop well-cultured and well-behaved citizens. Authority over the education system was transferred by Israel to the PA in September 1994. Beginning 1995–1996, the Palestinians modified their curriculum on the Jordanian model. Following Hamas’s takeover of the Gaza Strip in July 1967, there exist three different educational authorities and curriculums in Palestine: the West Bank governed by the PA, the Gaza Strip governed by Hamas and East Jerusalem governed by Israel.

The educational system There are two types of schools in Palestine: public and private. However, both teach a somewhat similar standardized curriculum. The public schools are strictly divided into separated boys’ schools and girls’ schools, while the private schools and the kindergartens are mostly co-educational schools. In addition, there are vocational secondary schools for men. There is much inequity in resources and quality of education between public and private schools. The mode of teaching in public schools focuses more on lecturing and memorization, while in private schools the focus is more on student participation and critical thinking. Public school teachers are, by law, civil servants governed by the same rules and regulations and receive the same grades and salaries as other government employees of equivalent status. Generally speaking, the teaching profession in public schools is not very attractive to the best qualified teachers because public

88

Education in the Arab World

school teachers are grossly underpaid and the pay is not in accordance with their responsibilities and amount of work. Public school teacher salaries do not provide reasonable financial security for the teachers and their families, nor do they carry considerable social prestige though in general teachers are treated with respect within society. A famous Arab poem by Egyptian poet Ahmed Shawqi starts its first verse by saying: ‘Stand up for the teacher and give him due respect, the teacher is almost has become a prophet.’ Highly qualified teachers tend to join the private schools that offer comparatively better salaries. The educational system is divided into three main levels: primary, secondary and university education. The primary education includes grades 1–10, the secondary education includes grades 10 and 12, and graduate education. The education from the primary to the elementary to the secondary in public schools is free. Textbooks are provided free. There are no charges for registration or laboratory fees. No lunch meal is provided for school children. Private schools and institutions of higher education do charge students for registration, tuition, library and laboratory fees, and students are required to purchase the textbooks. Due to its limited financial resources, the PA offers unsteady low-budget subsidies to the universities. However, its actual general expenditure on education is low and the allocations for the development of education are comparatively small. On successful completion of the secondary school, all students are required to appear for a national secondary comprehensive examination and those passing this exam are awarded the General Secondary Education Certificate (Tawjihi). This certificate entitles them to apply for admission to the Palestinian universities (ten private and one public) to pursue their higher education. Most higher education institutions (HEIs) in the state of Palestine are public. The Law on Higher Education No. 11 of 1998 gives every Palestinian citizen the possibility to access higher education (Article 2), gives legal status to HEIs and provides the legal framework for their organization and management. The law recognizes three different types of institutions in higher education. These are governmental, public (established by non-governmental organizations [NGOs]) and private institutions. The Council of Higher Education is responsible for drafting and enacting the rules that all HEIs must adopt. Admission to the universities is based on the results of the Tawjihi Examination conducted at the end of the twelfth grade in which the students rely heavily on memorization. Students with the highest grades of nineties in the Tawjihi Examination apply to medical, engineering and pharmacy majors; students with grades in the eighties apply to law, business, public

Palestine: An Overview

89

administration, education majors; students with lower grades apply to social sciences, humanities, arts and religious colleges. Students who find difficulty in being accepted in the universities apply to community colleges that mainly offer two-year diploma courses in technical and commercial specializations or to vocational colleges. The university offers four years of academic education for students to obtain a bachelor’s degree and an additional two years to obtain the master’s degree. There are very few doctoral programmes offered. Palestinian students wishing to obtain a doctorate must study either in Israel, the Arab countries or abroad. University teachers are governed by their university rules and regulations and their salaries are paid in accordance to their academic qualifications and tenure. However, though the universities offer low salaries compared to Israeli universities, joining it remains attractive for the social and professional prestige which university teaching offers. Also, university teachers give their classes and leave the university while school teachers are obligated with daily full attendance. Thus, even though it is against university regulations, some university teachers seek hiring outside the university or tend to keep their jobs if they are civil servants; for instance, when in 2013 Rami Hamdallah was appointed prime minister by PA President Mahmoud Abbas, he kept his position as the president of An-Najah National University in Nablus.

Palestinian curriculum Prior to the 1993 Oslo Accords, Palestinian textbooks used in schools were similar to those used in Jordan though the Israeli government had them issued after deleting from them what it considered anti-Israel. After assuming power, the PA moved to provide Palestinian students with its own curriculum and textbooks. Education in Palestine is centralized with regard to its curriculum, textbooks, instructions and regulations. In 2000, the PA unified the curriculum applied in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and started the process of publishing its own textbooks for use in the schools of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and in 2006 they started using Palestinian national textbooks in various subjects and all textbooks became available for students from grade 1 to grade 12. However, these textbooks promoted what the PA refers to as ‘national education’ rather than ‘peace education’ or a combination of both. As such, they do not expose students to a worldview in which Israel as a Jewish state exists nor do they advocate reconciliation, peace and peaceful coexistence with it. Instead,

90

Education in the Arab World

the textbooks, particularly in its pictures, stories and poems, promote the nostalgic view of pre-1948 historic Palestine putting high value for martyrdom to achieve its liberation. Jihad and martyrs are glorified. Israel is not shown on maps in these books and its establishment and declaration in May 1948 is referred to as the Palestinian Nakba (meaning catastrophe or disaster). Major Palestinian cities located in the state of Israel as recognized by the 1993 Oslo Accords are described as being part of Palestine and the textbooks generally speaking do not present Jews as neighbours and friends, nor do they teach Jewish faith, civilization, history and culture. Holocaust education is totally ignored as a national catastrophe for the Jews. Moreover, the textbooks do not recognize any historical ties of the Jewish people to the homeland. Jewish holy places, such as the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron and Rachel’s Tomb in Bethlehem, are not recognized as Jewish historical shrines. Jerusalem is viewed exclusively as an Arab city with no recognition for the Jewish religious heritage and attachment for the city.

Challenges to education One of the main problems confronting education in Palestine is the low allocation of government budgetary funds for education. Neither under PA leader Yasser Arafat nor under PA President Mahmoud Abbas were there sufficient funds allocated for the improvement of educational facilities or for paying good salaries for the administrators and teachers. Neither teachers’ strikes nor public demonstrations did help pressure the PA to respond positively to the teachers’ demands for better pay and improvement of teaching facilities. Insufficient funds to upgrade the educational system and facilities had led to crowding and deterioration in the learning environment. Public schools face difficulties in securing basic school supplies and materials. Classrooms are overcrowded and often may contain forty to fifty pupils in each classroom. Some public schools operate on a double shift – where two separate groups of pupils and teachers share the same buildings in morning and afternoon sessions. There are limited services for students with special needs and those facing psychological trauma. Lack of modern heating systems makes it difficult for teachers to conduct classes or for students to learn during the winter season. Another main problem is the Israeli occupation that makes daily travel and access to schools and universities a primary concern as a result of poor road

Palestine: An Overview

91

conditions, checkpoints and movement restrictions. Israeli military reprisals for any civil resistance to the occupation targets schools and universities by destroying facilities and equipment when funds are tight and scarce. No doubt, lower education has deep effects on university education. Students flowing from lower to higher education are poorly prepared to meet the challenges of higher education. PA needs to maintain not only quality of teaching but also its relevance to meet the challenging demands of today’s society. Another main problem is the curriculum in schools and in particular the religious curriculum. In his ‘Farewell Sermon’ delivered on Mount Arafat in the year 632, Prophet Mohammed concluded: ‘I leave behind two things, the Quran and the Sunnah, and if you follow both you will never go astray.’ The Holy Quran was revealed to Prophet Mohammed by Archangel Gabriel in a series of divine revelations over many years. Its 114 Suras composed of 6,346 verses provide the rules of conduct that remain fundamental to Muslims. Arabic was chosen to be the language of the Quran since the message of Islam was sent to Pagan Arabia: ‘Each apostle We have sent has spoken only in the language of his own people, so that he might make plain to them his message’ (Abraham Sura, verse 4); ‘We have revealed the Quran in the Arabic tongue so that you may grow in understanding’ (Joseph Sura, verse 1); ‘He has revealed to you the Book with the truth, confirming the scriptures which preceded it; for He has already revealed the Torah and the Gospel for the guidance of men, and the distinction between right and wrong’ (Aal-Imran Sura, verses 3–4). The Quran asserts that only ‘Men of Understanding’ would grasp its message: ‘And those who are firmly grounded in knowledge say: “We believe in the Book; the whole of it is from our Lord:” and none will grasp the Message except men of understanding’ (Aal Imran Sura, verse 7). It identifies the pious as the more honourable in the sight of God: ‘O mankind! We have indeed created you from one man and one woman, and have made you into various nations and tribes so that you may know one another; indeed the more honorable among you, in the sight of God, is one who is more pious among you; indeed God is All Knowing, All Aware’ (Hujurat Sura, verse 13). Thus, since ‘None can change His Words’, the knot lies in the tafseer, that is, how the Holy Quran is being explained, interpreted and taught: to promote hatred, enmity and conflict with other, or to promote peace, tolerance, equality, compassion, pluralism, respect, empathy, understanding and cooperation. There had arisen much controversy regarding the interpretation, explanation, understanding and teaching of the Holy Quran. Many well-known Islamic

92

Education in the Arab World

scholars, such as Al-Sa’adi, Tantawi, Baghawi, Ibn Katheer, Al-Qortoby, AlTabari, and Ibn Ashur, have written volumes to explain its words, verses and suras. However, until this very day the problem of interpreting the Quran still persists and has become a major obstacle to reconciliation and peace between Muslims and the People of the Book (Christians and Jews). For instance, young Muslim children are taught that the Holy Quran describes Jews as pigs and apes. This is based on two Quranic verses, which say God penalized Sabbath breakers by turning them to pigs and apes as punishment for transgressors only. ‘Shall I inform you of [what is] worse than that as penalty from God? [It is that of] those who incurred the curse of God and His wrath, and made of them apes and pigs and slaves of Taghut. Those are worse in position and further astray from the sound way’ (5:60). Students are taught that the [Quranic] verses guide to: ‘Caution against the Jews’ trickery and deception, for they are enemies of Sublime God, of His religion (i.e. Islam) and of the Believers (i.e. the Muslims) (Holy Koran and Its Studies, Grade 11, 1996, p. 49) [Religious Institutions, PA]. Muslims are urged to seek advice from Christians and Jews in understanding the Holy Quran: ‘If you are in doubt of what We have revealed to you, ask those who have read the scriptures before you’ (Yunis Sura, verse 94). The Sunnah relates to the life and Hadith (sayings) of the Messenger Muhammed. The Hadith was collected and published 150 years after the death of the Prophet. It does not complement the Holy Quran since this would imply that the Quran is incomplete and the word of the Prophet is of equal status to the word of God. No universally officially accepted collection of the Hadith has ever been recognized by the Islamic world. However, among the most famous collections are that of Imam Malik Ibn Anas, Mawatta’ (Beaten Path), which is one of the most highly respected of all Hadith collections covering rituals, rites, customs, traditions, norms and laws of the times of Prophet Muhammed. Then there is Imam Ahmed Ibn Hanbal’s compilation entitled Al-Musnad, listing nearly 40,000 Hadith. But the most quoted are Sahih al-Bukhari (194–256 H.), which cites 7,563 Hadith, and Sahih Musallam (206–261 H.), which cited 3,033 Hadith. However, many sayings attributed to the Prophet are forged but circulated as genuine and true even though they openly contradict the Holy Quran. Not focused on Palestinian education are the concepts of pluralism and diversity which the Holy Quran calls for in its many verses such as: ‘There shall be no compulsion in religion’ (Baqara Sura; verse 256); ‘Say: This is the truth from your Lord. Let him who will, believe in it, and him who will, deny

Palestine: An Overview

93

it’ (Cave Sura, verse 29); ‘Had your Lord pleased, all the people of the earth would have believed in Him. Would you then force faith upon men?’ (Jonah Sura; verse 99). Not taught in Palestinian schools is the extent to which the Holy Quran reveres both the Torah and the Bible describing them as holy books and the respect it shows to Jews and Christians by referring to them as: ‘People of the Book’ and ‘Those who were delivered the Book’. The Quran shows much respect for Christian and Jewish holy books: ‘What has been revealed before.’ All three religions have shared values of moderation, peace, love, compassion, mercy, forgiveness, tolerance, justice, kindness and charity. Students are taught the social values that emerge from the fundamental principles in Islam: Ta’aruf (knowing one another), Ta’awun (cooperation, mutual assistance, in transactions) and Takamul (complementarity and completion). Students are taught that the Holy Quran makes clear that there is no gender difference where righteousness is concerned (4:1, 4:124, 9:71, 6:97). Believing men and women ‘are leaders one of the other, they bid to honor, and forbid dishonor; they perform the prayer, and pay the alms, and they obey God and his Messenger. Those – upon them God will have mercy; God is All-mighty, All wise’ (9:73). Another verse notes: ‘I waste not the labor of any that labors among you, be you male or female – the one of you is as the other’ (3:194). The fate of unbelief for men and women was likewise equally shared: ‘That God may chastise the hypocrites, men and women alike, and the idolaters, men and women alike; and that God may turn again unto the believers, men and women alike’ (33:73). Education in Palestine should urge students ‘to do what is right’ as the Holy Quran instructs: ‘Believers, Jews, Christians, and Sabaeans, – whoever believes in God and the Judgment Day and does what is right – shall be rewarded by their Lord, they have nothing to fear, or to regret’ (Baqara Sura, verse 62); ‘indeed the more honorable among you, in the sight of God, is one who is more pious among you’ (Hujurat Sura, verse 13); ‘The most honored in the sight of God is (he who is) most righteous’ (Al Imran Sura, verse 86). Students need to be taught that the Quran and the Hadiths confer legitimacy to and demonstrate a strong respect for the Jewish and Christian communities living within and alongside the Muslim community. The Quran states: ‘Those who believe (in the Quran), and those who follow the Jewish (scriptures), and the Christians … and (all) who believe in God and the last day and work

94

Education in the Arab World

righteousness, shall have their reward with their Lord; on them shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve’ (Quran, Sura 2:verse 62). ‘Say: Unbelievers, I do not serve what you worship, nor do you serve what I worship …You have your own religion, and I have mine’ (Unbelievers Sura, verses 1–6). Education in Palestine should focus on spreading a culture of moderation and temperance as urged in many verses in the Holy Quran. It should focus on spreading the concept of reconciliation as one Hadith demonstrates: ‘When Prophet Mohammed passed by the Sixth sky, he met with an angel composed half of snow and half of fire; the snow would not extinguish the fire, and the fire would not melt the snow, and the angel was praying for God who conciliated between snow and fire, to conciliate between the hearts of his peaceful believers.’

Introducing Holocaust education Education in Palestine ignores teaching about the Holocaust while there are many reasons why introducing Holocaust education in the Palestinian curriculum is the right thing to do. First, Holocaust denial and distortion is historically incorrect, factually wrong and constitutes a major threat to morality and human dignity, as well as to the prospects of reconciliation and peace among nations. Second, the Holy Quran, as well as His Messenger, calls upon us to seek knowledge: ‘And say, “My Lord”, advance me in knowledge’ (Taha Sura, verse 20). The Messenger is quoted in his Hadith: ‘Seek knowledge from cradle to grave.’ ‘Seek knowledge even in China.’ Third, it is a sign of respect for the truth. When truth is denied or ignored, it destroys those values we cherish. Fourth, it is an essential ingredient in the fight against racism, bigotry and antiSemitism. Fifth, learning the tragic lessons of the past is necessary to avoid their recurrence in the present and future. Sixth, showing empathy and compassion for the suffering of others, even if no relations, friendship or love bonds us with them, would make us feel better and would make this world a better place to live in. Seventh, knowing about evil will help us understand the value of good. Eighth, it would reflect human tolerance and moral strength. Ninth, it would rebuff false statements such as ‘the Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini, is the one who planted the idea of the extermination of European Jewry in Adolf Hitler’s mind’. Tenth, it would let us identify when the memory of the Holocaust is being exploited for political needs. Eleventh, it would help avoid far-fetched comparisons with other genocides. Twelfth, it would be a manifestation that

Palestine: An Overview

95

today’s Palestinian society is shaking away the past of anti-Jewish sentiments, enmity and hatred. Thirteenth, it would show that the Palestinians are using Islamic conscience and values as the compass to guide future generations. Palestinians have nothing to fear from opening their eyes to truth. They need to ask themselves: ‘Should we remain chained by ignorance in our cave or crack the walls of ignorance and by doing so move on with our lives?’ To be criticized for doing the right thing should not stop us from doing it. No doubt, learning about the Holocaust would not make us ‘less nationalistic but more humanistic’.

Notes 1 The term Nakba in Arabic means ‘disaster/catastrophe’ and refers to the war of 1948, which resulted in Palestinian dispossession of their homeland, the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from Palestine and the establishment of the State of Israel. 2 While under Egyptian president Jamal Abdel Nasser (1956–1970) Egyptian universities offered Palestinians free education, under President Anwar Sadat (1970– 1981) it became much more difficult to do so and under President Hosni Mubarak (1981–2011) all such privileges were cancelled.

References Goldman, Charles A., Christina, Rachel and Benard, Cheryl (2005) Education. In Building Successful Palestinian State. Santa Monica, CA: The Rand Palestinian State Study Team. Kimmerling, Baruch and Migdal, Joel S. (1993) Palestinians: The Making of a People. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Nicolai, Susan (2007) Fragmented Foundations: Education and Chronic Crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Paris: UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) and Save the Children UK. Rosenfeld, Maya (2004) Confronting the Occupation: Work, Education, and Political Activism of Palestinian Families in a Refugee Camp. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

5

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation Rasha Fayek

Introduction Syria’s turmoil began with protests against President Bashar al-Assad’s regime in March 2011, demanding political and economical reforms. Because of the absence of response to people’s demand and use of brutal violence to confront peaceful demonstrations, the revolution continued to escalate and turned the country to an arena for settling major global powers conflicts. The conflict is now more than just a battle between those for or against President Assad. It has drawn in neighbouring countries and world powers. The rise of the jihadist groups, including Islamic State, has made the situation worse and increased its complication. With five years into the crisis, more than 320,000 people have been killed, including nearly 12,000 children. About 1.5 million people have been wounded or permanently disabled, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. Meanwhile, 13.5 million people in Syria need humanitarian assistance, 4.6 million Syrians are refugees and 6.6 million are displaced within Syria; half are children (UNHCR, 2016). Prior to the conflict, Syria was known for its advancements in the field of education – at the primary, secondary and university levels – with primary school enrolment rates reaching 97 per cent (World Bank, 2010). But as a result of six years of ongoing conflict, todays generation of Syrian students have been described by several international organizations as a ‘lost generation’ (UNICEF, 2013). Moreover and unlike any other Arab country, covering Syrian education goes beyond the country’s borders with the number of Syrian refugees fleeing to neighbouring countries now crossing more than four million, which is considered by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

98

Education in the Arab World

as the world’s single largest refugee crisis for almost a quarter of a century (UNHCR, 2016). Most of the Syrian refugees remain in the Middle East, in Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt; only about 10 per cent of the refugees have fled to Europe (UNHCR, 2016). In this chapter, I try to review main characteristics of Syrian education before the revaluation and then cover how severely the conflict has damaged education, decimating a decade of progress.

Education in Syria before 2011 According to the latest published government statistic, there were around 8 million students in the education system of Syria in 2007: 4 million in primary education, 1.4 million in secondary and 2.3 million in higher. The basic education is free and more than 95 per cent of primary school-aged children were enrolled in school – one of the highest rates in the Middle East – and literacy rates were at 95 per cent for 15–24 year olds (World Bank, 2010). Syria had a good basic education system with good reputation, controlled and run by the state. According to the 2007 census, 98 per cent of schools were state-run against 1.8 per cent, which were private. The Ministry of Education outlined the curriculum, sat the teaching aims and outcomes and provided the teaching material and support. Lessons are taught in Arabic, with English and French taught as the first and second foreign languages. The Syrian school system is divided into primary and secondary education levels; schooling consists of six years of primary education followed by a three-year general or vocational training period and a three-year academic or vocational programme. The second three-year period of academic training is required for university admission (UNESCO, 2007). Final exams of the ninth grade are conducted nationally and taken at the same time. The result of these exams determines if the student moves to the secondary schools or to the vocational secondary schools. Vocational secondary schools include those for male students studying industry and agriculture, arts and crafts school for female students, and business and computer science schools for both. At the beginning of the eleventh grade, those who go to secondary school have to choose whether to study either arts or sciences. The final exams of the twelfth grade (the baccalaureate) are also set nationally and taken at the

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

99

same time. The result of these exams entitles the student access to university, according to his or her category of baccalaureate. In terms of higher education, most universities in Syria follow the French model of higher education. The university stages and the academic degrees (UNESCO, 2007) are: 1. Undergraduate: the ‘Licence’ awarded after four to six years, depending on the subject of study. 2. Postgraduate: one- to two-year postgraduate degree equivalent to the master’s degree in the British American systems. 3. Postgraduate: the doctorate – three to five years. There are seven main universities in Syria: Damascus University, Aleppo University, University of Hama, Al-Baath University at Homs, Tishreen University at Latakia, Al-Furat University at Deir ez-Zor and Syrian Virtual University (Education, 2016). All seven universities come under the Ministry for Higher Education, cover theory and practice in all fields and offer almost the same courses, with a few variations. Al-Baath University, for example, is the only one with a petrochemical engineering faculty, since it is close to the top oil refinery in the country. A decade ago, according to a report by the Syrian Ministry of Higher Education in 2004, public universities had a total of 191,463 students enrolled in engineering, medicine, agriculture and other studies, such as Arabic literature and education, with a combined teaching staff of 4,740 (Education, 2004). Private universities have been allowed in Syria since 2001, when the Legislative Decree No. 36 that provides for organizing private educational establishments for after secondary school learning was issued. There are twenty private universities distributed all over the country with around 32,000 students (Education, 2016). Over the last decade, Syria has introduced bold reforms to develop a higher quality of education and improve the current infrastructure. Still, education, especially higher, has faced several challenges. University admission policy was under continuous criticism as it depends on the result of the final high school, which is common in many Arab countries too. This exam is of a general nature and is not much differentiated into concentrations or pre-specialization fields of study. Also, the enrolment trend showed how intense the pressure of numbers of students seeking admission

100

Education in the Arab World

to the university was. This may be the main reason for bringing in the private sector. In general, universities stress on rote learning and memorization of facts and do not encourage creative thinking, and have poor mechanisms to systematically evaluate student learning outcomes. One of the problems in Syria, as in other Arab countries, is that many young people are emerging from higher education institutions with no jobs to go to. In 2010, the unemployment rate in Syria was at approximately 8.61 per cent, 21.64 per cent of it was among youth, according to World Bank statistics. Having a lot of well-educated young people sitting around with nothing to do was one of many reasons of protests in the region. Information and communications technology (ICT) tools (PCs, networks, multimedia authoring tools, etc.) needed to build computer-based teaching systems are available to faculty, but systematic and continuous training that enables them to make effective use of these tools in building modern courses is also highly needed. Also, we can’t ignore that academic and political freedom was not (and is not) a part of Syrian university life; most of students’ and professors’ activities were dominated by Baath Party, which governs Syria. Still, Syrian higher education institutions efficiently educated and trained young people to fill positions in both the private and the public sectors, including large numbers of women.

Education in Syria after 2011 Measuring the impact of war on Syrian education is an ongoing challenge as the conflict continues to devastate the lives of people and their communities. Still, efforts to understand the nature and extent of the damage are essential for identifying immediate needs, and for preparing reconstruction plans that can be launched at the first sign of peace. According to the World Bank preliminary Damage Needs Assessment (DNA) for Syria, which surveyed seven sectors in six Syrian cities – Aleppo, Dar’a, Hama, Homs, Idlib and Latakia – education has been severely damaged. Of 1,417 institutions ranging from pre-kindergarten to universities in six cities, 14.8 per cent have been damaged in some way. These schools are mainly primary and secondary schools. Up to the end of 2014, the total cost of damage to Syria’s education infrastructure is estimated at US$ 101 to US$ 123 million.

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

101

With more than 16,000 primary and secondary schools across Syria, the damage to the schools nationwide is likely to be substantial. A glance at Syria’s human development index (HDI) puts a human face on this tragic conflict. According to the European Council on Foreign Relations, the Syrian HDI has fallen back to where it was thirty-eight years ago – meaning that in 2015 the average Syrian has the same life-expectancy, education and employment prospects as in 1977. On the surface, many schools and universities function in both areas whether under regime, rebels or even Islamic state control. But, of course, they are most likely diminished in their capacity. The situation in each area is totally different than the other. Syrian classes are for sure not like any other classes in the world. The current disjointed nature of Syria’s education system reflects the deep cultural and ideological divides plaguing the country since 2011. Each party has sought to solidify its standing in Syria by changing the education system and instilling its own beliefs in Syrian youth. In the end, though, the students are the ones caught in the political and social conflicts, and are the ones who suffer when political conflicts take precedence over quality education.

Education in the areas under regime control ‘The education system in Syria is reeling from the impact of violence’, said Youssouf Abdel-Jelil, the United Nations Children’s Fund’s (UNICEF’s) Syria representative, in a statement on March 2013. ‘Syria once prided itself on the quality of its schools. Now it’s seeing the gains it made over the years rapidly reversed’, he added. This was a very early description of the situation, which is becoming worse year after year. In 2012, at least 2,400 schools have been damaged or destroyed, including 772 in Idlib (50 per cent of the total), 300 in Aleppo and another 300 in Deraa, according to UNICEF’s education assessment. Over 1,500 schools were being used as shelters for displaced persons; more than 110 teachers and other staff had been killed and many others were no longer reporting for work. In Idlib, for example, teacher attendance was no more than 55 per cent. In Aleppo, child attendance rate has dropped to as low as 6 per cent; and some schools have been used by armed forces and groups involved in the conflict. The assessment revealed schools in Idlib, Aleppo and Deraa – where fighting has been particularly severe – are among the worst affected. As a result, schoolchildren are often failing to turn up for class, sometimes attending only twice a week.

102

Education in the Arab World

In 2014, at least 3,465 schools have been destroyed or damaged, and many have been occupied for military purposes. The country had descended to the second worst rate of school attendance in the world with 2.8 million children out of school (Children, 2015b). The lack of safe and protective learning spaces, coupled with a shortage of teachers, textbooks, as well as adequate water, sanitation and hygiene facilities, have all become obstacles to children to get an education. Many parents worry about sending their children to school because of the dangers on the road to or at school itself. Syria’s teachers have also paid a heavy price, with more than a quarter of the teaching workforce leaving their posts. Last year, almost 3 million Syrian children were out of school with more than 5,000 schools across the country that cannot be used because they have been destroyed, damaged, converted into shelters for displaced families or have become bases for armed forces and groups (UNICEF, 2015a). Another newest analysis by Save the Children, CfBT Education Trust (CfBT) and the American Institutes for Research (AIR), ‘The Cost of War – Calculating the impact of the collapse of Syria’s education system on Syria’s future’, estimates the direct costs of replacing damaged, destroyed or occupied schools and lost school equipment could be as high as US$ 3 billion. More importantly, the research estimates the longer-term impact on Syria’s economy of 2.8 million children never returning to school could be as much as 5.4 per cent of GDP, which equates to almost US$ 2.18 billion. Higher education was not far away too from the line of fire. In January 2013, two of the country’s most prestigious universities were hit by multiple explosions. Two explosions at Aleppo University killed 82 students and staff and wounded upto 150 (Faek, 2013b), and a mortar attack at Damascus University in March killed 10 students and wounded 20 others (Faek, 2013a). Former Minister of Higher Education Mohammad Yahya Mualla announced in April 2013 that the losses and damages suffered by the ministry and its colleges in various provinces totalled more than half a billion Syrian pounds (about US$ 5 million) (Al-Watan Newspaper, 2013). This was the only governmental announced estimation during the whole five years, and it did not include losses from a number of colleges that had not been recorded, as in Deir el-Zour. Areas fully controlled by President Assad’s forces have shrunk by 18 per cent between 1 January and 10 August 2015 to 29,797 square kilometres, roughly a sixth of the country, according to the latest data insights produced by IHS Conflict Monitor.

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

103

In these areas, life is challenging for students and teachers alike. Electricity is unreliable and access to internet is difficult; travel that once took an hour now takes five to six hours; and commuting students and faculty sometimes must cross checkpoints held by Syrian military forces and armed opposition. Even campus dorms, which would have been safe spaces for students to live in while avoiding dangerous commutes, have become housing for some of 8 million internally displaced Syrians. The quality of education continues to decline. Syrian students in the chemical sciences, for example, face dim prospects once they graduate. The agricultural, chemical and pharmaceutical industries across Syria have slowed. Also, students in pharmacy will likely have few prospects after they graduate because so many jobs in this sector have been cut, and research at universities and by the government is minimal and overall class enrolment has shrunk, according to an academic who asked to be unnamed for his safety (Unnamed, 2015). The toll of the conflict was also high among professors and lecturers. There were no official statistics but estimates of the proportion of Syrian academics who have left the country after the conflict ranged from 9 to 30 per cent (Zaatari, 2013). Most of them are men as they have been conscripted to leave the country in order to avoid serving in the army or possibly being killed in the war. A preliminary study prepared by Hanna Salloum, a sociology researcher at Damascus University in 2015, said that over half of Syria’s youth in higher education are estimated to be displaced, arrested, killed or have fled from the country to escape arrest or compulsory military services. ‘The age of Syrian young immigrants ranges between 18 and 20 now, while it was above 25 before the war’, said Salwa Hassan, a Syrian sociology researcher at the Damascus University. Public universities are still operating, except the Al-Furat University in Deir ez-Zor, which is totally out of government control. Damascus University is witnessing unprecedented overcrowding as thousands of displaced students from other cities enrolled at the faculties of the university to complete their studies. The Ministry of Higher Education is trying to open new universities and faculties at some calm coastal cities to accommodate the newly displaced students. But with the deteriorating security situation, the bad shape of the Syrian economy and weak expenditure on education, such a project cannot be implemented in the near future.

104

Education in the Arab World

Meanwhile, all of private universities have moved to temporary campuses inside Damascus. The new campuses seem safer as they are located in the centre of the capital – despite the possibility of being exposed to the risk of mortar shells – but they do not appear to be well suited for university education. Students suffer from overcrowding in the small school classrooms that lack any soundproofing facilities and contain just wooden seats with no opportunities for practical training in eligible laboratories dedicated for scientific faculties’ students. Furthermore, financial difficulties, high tuition fees, security issues and the deterioration of the economic situation have led many students to drop out from their universities and work to support their families. As a result, the level of education in Syrian universities – especially in locations of fierce battles such as Aleppo and Homs – has declined.

Education in the areas under rebel control Despite destruction and the severe shortage in educational needs, education services in areas controlled by opposition groups were revived by the efforts of local councils and some educational staff in Syria. Since March 2013, most of education operations are provided under the supervision of the Syrian interim government, an alternative government of Syria, which has been formed by the opposition umbrella group, the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces. In these areas where fighting takes place, frequent bombings regularly force many schools to suspend classes for days or weeks at a time, or to move classrooms to houses or mosques and underground basements. In most cases the schools are run by local teachers who previously worked in regime school and still are on government payroll; some teachers must make the precarious journey to regime-held areas to obtain their salaries from the government. School enrolment rates have fallen dramatically, with only 17 per cent of children, displaced within Syria, now in school and enrolment rates now as low as 6 per cent in some of the areas worst hit by relentless fighting and indiscriminate air strikes (Children, 2015a). There seems to be a deliberate attempt by the Syrian regime to disrupt education in the rebel-held areas. This strategy is not only to punish and terrorize the population but also to disrupt any prospect of rebel-held areas functioning without the regime. Schools have been deliberately targeted for years. On 29 September 2013, a technical school in Raqqa was bombed, killing sixteen

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

105

people, ten of them students. On 30 April 2014, one of the worst massacres took place at Ein Jalout school in Aleppo. It was displaying an exhibition of students’ artwork when it was bombed, killing twenty students, two teachers and another adult. Attacks continue despite multiple UN resolutions calling for a halt to all attacks on civilian targets. On 12 April 2015, missiles were again fired at a school in Aleppo, killing five children and four civilians. On 3 May 2015, barrel bombs were dropped on a school where students were sitting for exams, killing four children, a teacher and two other adults Since the Russian intervention, attacks have increased in frequency. On 10 January 2015, a Russian airstrike targeted four schools in the town of Ain Jara in Aleppo, killing and injuring dozens. According to the Syrian interim government, the Russian air force has bombed a total of twenty-five schools across Syria since the start of the Russian aggression against Syria on 30 September 2015. The bombed schools are distributed in Syria as follows: fourteen in Aleppo, six in Idlib, three in Damascus and one each in Deir Ezzor and Raqqa (Forces, 2016). In response, the education directorate in Idlib had closed schools for a week to try and prevent further loss of life due to the constant bombardment. This decision has deprived over 70,000 students of access to education (Mohammed Al-Haj Ali, 2016). In the besieged suburb of Douma, education officials suspended school indefinitely in response to repeated cluster bomb attacks directed at schools (Louisa Loveluck, 2016). In an attempt to avoid the missile attacks and barrel bombs, classes in some areas were moved underground to protect the safety of the students from regime bombing. There are 140 such underground school complexes, outfitted with desks and blackboards – or unhinged doors, when blackboards are unavailable – serving the 40,000 students living in opposition-controlled Aleppo. To help with lighting, some schools have resorted to ‘traditional sources’ such as candles and gas-powered lamps (Al-Qudsi, 2016). Teaching is done mainly by former teachers or volunteers who have become teachers, in former schools or sometimes in abandoned homes or salons of private individuals. Teachers use the existing national curriculum with modifications, which was revised by the Syrian interim government’s Ministry of Education. It has removed speeches and pictures of the Syrian president and cancelled a ‘nationalism’ class because it solely existed to praise Assad. It also removed or revised certain history lessons the opposition considers untrue, such as Hafez al-Assad’s role in building Syria after the country gained independence.

106

Education in the Arab World

Education faces endless challenges in these areas, which can be summarized as: • Lack of professional educational staff due to their immigration, displacement, arrests, enrolment of many of them in the Free Army and dependence on volunteers to cover the shortage despite their inefficiency. • Lack of books and educational tools for all stages. • Constant change in students’ numbers due to continuous displacement as per the security situation in the area, and the students’ difficult access to schools as per security conditions. • Immigration of the specialized and educational competencies and the rational class in the country. The problem is made worse by the fact that most of Syrian universities are located in areas under regime control. University students find themselves unable to return to their faculties, fearing arrest or retribution because of the neighbourhood or town they come from. The interim Ministry of Education is trying to open a university in the northern cities for the academic year 2015–2016 as part of its plan to operate universities in the liberated areas. The university, is expected to accommodate approximately 10,000 students, will hire Syrian professors and secure recognition of the certificate that will be issued by the university through holding agreements and partnerships with European and international sides (Forces, 2016). Moving along the country’s northern frontier, Kurdish groups have instituted Kurdish-language education in their schools. The Assad regime prohibited teaching the Kurdish language and teaching classes in Kurdish. The schools in northern Syria have employed Kurdish instructors and instituted Kurdish language as a primary subject. In areas under Democratic Union Party (PYD) control, the Kurdish autonomous government’s Board of Education printed 40,000 textbooks in Kurdish and trained 2,600 teachers for six months on new Kurdish-based curriculum for grades 1–3. According to the board, Arabs and Assyrians may continue to study in their mother tongue in addition to Kurdish. However, there have been clear challenges, such as how Kurdish children living near predominantly Arab neighbourhoods will be able to attend Kurdish schools, and vice versa, to which the board has not offered a solution. The board has begun distributing the Kurdish textbooks using Latin letters rather than in the Arabic script traditionally used by Syria’s Kurdish-speaking populations. The PYD has also allowed Yazidi and Christianity to be studied

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

107

along with Islam, the first time officials have permitted the study of minority religions in Syria’s recent history (Al-Jablawi, 2015).

Education in the areas under Islamic State control The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) was formed in April 2013, growing out of al-Qaeda in Iraq. It has since been disavowed by al-Qaeda but has become one of the main jihadist groups fighting government forces in Syria and Iraq. Unlike other rebel groups in Syria, ISIS is seen to be working towards an Islamic emirate that straddles Syria and Iraq. The group has seen considerable military success. Since declaring Raqqa the capital of the ISIS ‘caliphate’ on 29 June 2014, the group has implemented a new education system, aiming to shape the minds of children according to its extreme interpretation of Islam. The group has abolished music, art, science – specifically anything to do with biology and evolution – history, philosophy and sports from the curriculum, replacing them with only Islamic studies, mathematics and Arabic. ISIS has instituted a mandatory study of Islamic law and jurisprudence; changed methods of Arabic-language instruction to rely on religious and medieval texts; removed all photographs and drawings from the classroom; and revised textbooks in such a way that course materials and learning models rely upon Islamic sources such as the Quran, Hadith and Ibn Malik’s thirteenthcentury grammar book, Alfiya. Instead of teaching ‘the concept of patriotism or nationalism’, teachers must emphasize ‘belonging to Islam’. Meanwhile, ISIS’s rejection of ‘colonial’ borders is reflected by the order to ‘remove reference to the Syrian Arab Republic wherever found’ and to ‘replace [them] with the Islamic State’ in the classroom (Comerford, 2015). Media reports have residents say they were obliged to burn old schoolbooks considered to violate ISIS’s narrow interpretation of Islamic law (Khalil, 2014). ISIS has also made Friday the only weekend day, rather than Friday and Saturday and reduced school education to nine years instead of twelve. To implement these changes, ISIS has forced all teachers and administrative staff to attend Sharia courses, enacted strict control and censorship over all school-related activities and threatened all who violate its educational policy with physical punishment. Instructors who leave their jobs at ISIS-run schools in protest of its heretical ideology face stiff fines equivalent to three months of salary (Hanoush, 2015).

108

Education in the Arab World

Male and female students and teachers have been segregated, and girls from the age of six must wear hijabs. Women from ISIS’s all-female battalions patrol the schools, ensuring girls meet with the strict dress code requirements (Extremism 101: ISIS’s Harsh Guide to Education, 2014). It is clear that ISIS is using schools to advance their military strategy. They have targeted children for recruitment through ‘free schooling’ campaigns, providing military training as part of the broader education programme. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, ISIS has added English classes to its curriculum because it realizes how important it is to communicate with the international community. ISIS also indoctrinates youth with jihadist ideology and teaches them the importance of fighting for ISIS. This helps ISIS recruit youths as child soldiers and prepare them as the next generation of fighters. The choice for families, however, is a difficult one. Now that ISIS has destroyed secular schools in areas under its control, many parents faced with no alternative and fearing the schools were being used for ISIS recruitment, have opted to take their children out of school altogether. Even worse is the possibility that their children might be recruited for ISIS’s militant training camps, where young men are indoctrinated with a love of jihad. The camps teach courses on weapons and explosives, and boys as young as eight learn how to behead ‘infidels’ and opposition fighters. Now, an estimated 670,000 children in Syria are being deprived of education in Islamic State areas, which include wide areas of central and eastern Syria. Higher education is available within narrow limits as ISIS controls the faculties of Al-Furat University in Raqqa. The group has already closed all faculties of humanities, arts and literature and modified the medical school study period to be three years instead of six. Raqqa students, who used to study at Al-Furat University main campus in Deir ez-Zor, were forced to stop their study as ISIS does not allow them to move between the two cities.

Education of Syrians refugees in neighbouring countries, Jordan as an example Educating Syrians in neighbouring countries has also been challenging. More than 4.5 million have fled to neighbouring countries (UNHCR, 2016), a third of them school-aged children and youth between five and seventeen years

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

109

old. As of November 2015, 700,000 Syrian refugee children (up from 542,000 in August 2014) are not attending formal education in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan (UNICEF, 2015b). The Institute of International Education (IIE) has estimated that around 100,000 of Syrian refugees are of university age and eligible to enter university. Only a very small percentage of these students have been able to continue higher education in their host countries. Jordan, a country of six million people and limited economic and social resources, is shouldering the heaviest responsibility among all other host countries with 637,859 Syrians registered with the United Nations Refugee Agency. Approximately 80 per cent of Syrian refugees in Jordan live in urban areas in the north of Jordan, while the remaining 20 per cent live in the Za’atari, Marjeeb al-Fahood, Cyber City and Al-Azraq camps. Education services are provided to about 145,000 Syrian children and youth; 20,000 of them are in refugee camps while the rest are attending host community government schools. Inside the camps, primary schools are run by UNICEF. The kingdom has generously opened its public schools to accommodate large numbers of Syrian students outside camps, with ninetynine schools operating double shifts. Additionally, UNICEF estimates that some 45,000 children are attending informal education courses. These numbers are expected to increase due to the continued influx of refugees. To accommodate the needs of the new students, the government resorted to extraordinary measures to meet the challenges of the influx of students. The measures include: • Converting ninety-eight schools to double-shift schools that accommodate 13.4 per cent of all students. • Shortening school time in order to accommodate double shifts, which resulted in reduced time-on-task, thus decreasing learning opportunity. • Increasing class occupancy rates in many schools, which resulted in overcrowding, increased social tensions and psychosocial problems. • Appointing less-qualified teachers to meet the demands of increased number of students. • Continued dependence on rented schools that are not suitable as schools, to begin with. These measures helped accommodate Syrian refugee students. Still, 30,000 more children are out of school. On the other hand, many students have found it

110

Education in the Arab World

hard to adjust to the new school system. They also lack adequate psychological support and the financial means to cover costs of books, school uniforms and transportation to school. On higher education level, the situation is more complicated as tuition, fees and the cost of living in Jordan are all much higher than in Syria (Keith David Watenpaugh, 2013). Syrian students need to pay, in dollars, twice the fees that Jordanian students pay, because you are considered a foreign student. Therefore, continuing education at a Jordanian university is out of reach for all but for a small elite of Syrian students. Moreover, students often arrive in Jordan without necessary travel documents, records of academic progress or certificates. The services of the Syrian Embassy in Amman, which remains loyal to the Assad government in Damascus, are generally unavailable to those who have crossed into Jordan without a Syrian exit permit. This has made it difficult for some Syrians to enrol in Jordanian universities (Faek, 2016). On the other hand, there is a tendency to focus on younger children only. While the government has opened about 100 schools for second shifts to accommodate Syrians, none of these are secondary schools. The international response has also focused on addressing the most immediate needs of Syrian refugees (food, shelter, medical attention and primary education), other less obvious impacts of the conflict are becoming evident. ‘Unfortunately, higher education has not been ever a part of humanitarian response before’, said Emma Bonar, the youth project manager of the Norwegian Refugee Council Youth programme (Faek, 2014). Part of the reason accessing higher education has been such a maze is that the UN High Commissioner for Refugees has never had to handle a refugee crisis from a middle-income country like Syria, where university education is typically free and about 93 per cent of children attended school before the war. There is little room in the agency’s tight budget for anything more than the rudimentary skill-building and literacy programmes it has provided in past crises, mainly in Africa. ‘It’s not the response they need. It’s very challenging to keep up with these young people, they are hungry for knowledge and need more advanced programs’, Bonar said (Faek, 2014). Except for a few dozen scholarship opportunities, mostly in Europe, there is almost no avenue to higher education for even the most motivated youths.

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

111

Conclusion Whether inside or outside Syria, young people are having their childhoods suspended, their educations halted and their dreams dimmed. The conflict has a severe impact on education because Syrians are displaced and learning facilities are destroyed or used for other purposes. Syrian children and youth become vulnerable not only to the violent effects of war but also to exploitation such as child labour, early marriage and recruitment to armed groups. Within Syria, safety is a key driver of the increasingly high dropout rate. Many schools have been attacked or used as military assets, and thousands of students and teachers have been injured or killed. Syria has been the site of more than half of all attacks on schools across the globe during the last four years. We cannot also ignore the dangers of spreading the extremist thoughts in areas controlled by ISIS. Therefore, supporting schools inside Syria is essential. Strengthening civil society within Syria may give students that sense of normality back. International NGOs must also be willing to work with local organizations to provide children with a semblance of education. The alternative is to raise an ignorant generation brutalized by war, sowing more problems for the future Outside Syria, only 50 per cent of Syrian refugee children in neighbouring countries have access to formal education. However, there are many barriers, despite significant efforts by those neighbouring governments. For some, the issue is economic. For others, their school environment has not met their needs; new curriculum is challenging or Syrian students feel discriminated against. For others, the issue is a lack of documentation. It has also been a challenge that some refugee children have been out of school for years. These challenges require creative solutions. Education provides refugees with safety, a sense of normalcy and the skills they need to bounce back from adversity. Making the decision to prioritize the education of Syria’s children will also impact the region’s economy and society for years to come. Save the Children estimated that the cost to Syria’s future GDP if 2.8 million children never go back to school would be 5.4 per cent or US$ 2.18 billion annually. In prioritizing refugee education, a hosting country will be, enormously and directly, responding to issues that contribute to deterioration of security, law and order in refugee hosting areas (Kavuro, 2015). When emergencies strike, the international community responds with lifesaving interventions to safeguard as many lives as possible in the shortest time.

112

Education in the Arab World

But education should be at the forefront of everyone’s mind and part of the initial response. ‘The war will end but the young people who would be integral in rebuilding the country are being left behind’, said Keith David Watenpaugh (Watenpaugh, 2014). One day the war will end and the country will begin to rebuild. But reconstruction will be successful only if Syrians are well educated. No doubt that education is a major long-term solution for those affected, and will require major, long-term funding. ‘Losing this generation is a cost the world cannot [afford]’, said the Pakistaniborn education activist Malala Yousafzai, joint winner of the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize, at the latest donors’ conference in London. https://www.alaraby.co.uk /english/society/2016/2/1/malala-seeks-to-raise-billions-to-educate-syrianrefugees

References Anon. (2010) World Bank. s.l.: s.n. Anon. (2011) Learning for All, Investing in People’s Knowledge and Skills to Promote Development. s.l.: World Bank Group Education Strategy 2020. Anon. (2012) Syria: A War on Childhood. s.l.: WarChild. Anon. (2013a) Attacks on Education: The Impact of Conflict and Grave Violations on Children’s Futures. s.l.: Save the Children. Anon. (2013b) Childhood Under Fire: The Impact of Two Years of Conflict in Syria. s.l.: Save the Children. Anon. (2013c) Syria’s Children: A lost generation? s.l.: UNICEF. Anon. (2014a) Futures Under Threat, The impact of the Education Crisis on Syria’s Children. s.l.: Save the Children. Anon. (2014b) Global Forced Displacement Tops 50 Million for First Time in Post-World War II era. s.l.: UNHCR. Anon. (2014c) Selected Testimonies from Victims of the Syrian Conflict. s.l.: United Nations General Assembly Human Rights Council. Anon. (2015) Syria Four Years on: No End in Sight – Mapping the Situation for Internally Displaced Syrians and Refugees After Four Years of Civil War. s.l.: The Assessment Capacities Project. Anon. (n.d.) The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, http://www.syriahr.com/en/ Children, S. t. (2015a) Education Under Attack. s.l.: Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. Children, S. t. (2015b) The Cost of War, Calculating the Impact of the Collapse of Syria’s Education System on Syria’s Future. s.l.: s.n.

Syria: Educational Decline and Decimation

113

Comerford, M. (2015) How ISIS Educates Extremism. s.l.:s.n. Dryden-Peterson, S. (2015) For Syrian children and youth, education is the front line. Brookings Blogs. Education, S. M. f. H. (2016) s.l.: s.n. Education, T. S. M. o. H. (2004) Higher Education System in Syria – An Overview. s.l.: The Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency. Extremism 101: ISIS’s Harsh Guide to Education (2014) [Film] s.l.: The Wall Street Journal. Faek, R. (2013a) Damascus Campus Shelled: Syrian Students Struggle. Al-Fanar Media. Faek, R. (2013b) U. of Aleppo Attack Kills 82. Al-Fanar Media. Faek, R. (2014) Making Higher Education Part of the Humanitarian Response to Refugees. Al-Fanar Media. Faek, R. (2016) The Lack of Academic Documents is Ending Young Peoples’ Dreams. Al-Fanar Media. Forces, T. N. C. f. S. R. a. O. (2016) The National Coalition for Syrian Revolution and Opposition Forces, http://en.etilaf.org/all-news/local-news/syrian-interimgovernment-russia-bombed-25-schools-since-start-of-its-aggression-last-september. html Francis, A. (2015) Jordan’s Refugee Crisis. s.l.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Hanoush, F. (2015) The Islamic State’s Molding of Syrian Children. Atlantic Council. Al-Jablawi, H. (2015) Syria’s Conflicting Powers Develop Separate Education Curriculums. s.l.: Atlantic Council. Karasapan, O. (2015) Who Will Help Syria’s Displaced University Students? s.l.: World Bank Blogs. Kavuro, C. (2015) The Value of Education for Refugee Livelihood. Global Education Magazine. Keith David Watenpaugh, A. L. T. S. (2013) Uncounted and Unacknowledged: Syria’s Refugee University Students and Academics in Jordan. s.l.: University of California Davis Human Rights Initiative and the Institute for International Education’s Scholar Rescue Fund. Keith David Watenpaugh, A. L. F. a. J. R. K. (2014) The War Follows Them. s.l.: UC Davis Human Rights Initiative|Institute of International Education. Khalil, A. (2014) A Teacher in Raqqa, Living Under ISIS Rule. Syria Deeply. Louisa Loveluck, R. O. (2016) Syrian schools closed by Russian air strikes. Telegraph. Mohammed Al-Haj Ali, M. N. (2016) 70,000 students out of school as ‘Russian bombardment’ prompts Idlib closures. Syria Direct. Office, U. M. R. (2015) Economic Loss from School Dropout due to the Syria Crisis. s.l.: s.n. Partners, S. t. C. a. (n.d.) Funding, Policy and Protection: Delivering a Quality Education to Children Affected by Conflict in Syria and the Region, 2016. s.n.

114

Education in the Arab World

Al-Qudsi, M. (2016) The director of the opposition Aleppo Council’s Education Office [Interview] (January 2016). Save the Children, U. U. a. W. V. (2013) Syria Crisis: Education Interrupted. s.l.: s.n. Shaheen, K. (2015) Syrian children killed in government barrel-bomb attack, say rights groups. The Guardian. UK, T. S. S. M. (2016) Stop Bombing Schools: A Solidarity Appeal to Education Organisations and Trade Unions. UNESCO (2007) s.l.: s.n. UNHCR (2013) The Future of Syria: Refugee Children in Crisis. s.l.: s.n. UNHCR (2016) Syria Regional Refugee Response, http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/ regional.php UNICEF (2013a) s.l.: s.n. UNICEF (2013b) unicef. s.l.: s.n. UNICEF (2014) No Lost Generation. s.l.: s.n. UNICEF (2015a) s.l.: s.n. UNICEF (2015b) Education under Fire. UNICEF (2016) Syria Crisis Education Strategic Paper London 2016 Conference. s.l.: s.n. Unnamed, S. a. a. t. b. (2015) (Interview) 2015. Ward, S. (2014) What’s Happening to Syria’s Students During the Conflict? s.l.: British Council, Voices Magazine. Al-Watan Newspaper (2013). Zaatari, R. (2013) Easing the Syrian Conflict’s Toll on Higher Education. Al-Fanar Media.

Part Two

The Gulf States and Arabian Peninsula

6

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy Jawaher S. Al-Mudhahki

Introduction and historical background With 57 million children around the globe not receiving basic education in 2015 according to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) announcement (UNISCO, 2013), the Kingdom of Bahrain successfully met the UN Millennium Development Education Goals and achieved almost 100 per cent enrolment in primary education (MoE, 2007). The kingdom has managed to ensure equal access to basic and further education for its population through the availability of free basic and upper secondary government schools throughout the country. In addition, highly subsidized tertiary and vocational education is available to upper-secondary school graduates and those leaving school at the end of basic education. A major reform movement has been progressing around the globe since 2000 to handle complex problems that systems face, as described by Loegried et al. (2014). Such problems are major and complicated in nature, directly affecting governmental performance and service quality. Therefore, a growing need for a vision to lead the nation, and unify efforts and practices, has developed. Countries around the world have invested time, effort and resources in developing leading visions. Likewise, the Kingdom of Bahrain has gone through major political, economic and social reforms during the last fifteen years under the leadership of His Majesty King Hamad Bin Isa Al Khalifa. This reform has been directed by Bahrain’s Economic Vision 2030, which focuses on shaping the way the country is moving forward, based around three guiding principles: sustainability, fairness and competitiveness. Vision 2030 emphasizes that economic growth in Bahrain can be achieved through two main objectives: first through stimulating and supporting the private sector to become an engine

118

Education in the Arab World

for growth, and second by empowering Bahrainis to become the employees of choice (Bahrain Vision, 2030). Education and innovation are seen as the main engines of transformation that will enable growth and achieve a shift from an oil-based to a knowledge-based economy. Education and training are the keys to providing transferable skills. This has moved education reform to the top of the government agenda under the leadership of His Royal Highness Prince Khalifa Bin Salman Al Khalifa, the prime minister. Formal education began in Bahrain in 1893 and is considered to be one the earliest instances of modern education in the Arabian Gulf countries. A school affiliated with the American Mission Hospital was established to teach English and Arabic (BNA, 2011). In 1919, the first national school for boys was founded by prominent citizens and endorsed by the Bahraini royal family. This school was followed by a second school for boys in 1926, with a counterpart school for girls being opened in 1928. In 1930, the schools came under the direct control of the government, and technical schools for boys were introduced in 1936 (BGED, 1966). Recognizing the need for further education, the first group of Bahraini scholars was sent abroad by the government in 1926 to pursue university degrees (BGED, 1966). Tertiary education was introduced in Bahrain in 1966 with the establishment of the Teachers College, which was replaced in 1979 by the Bahrain University College of Art, Science and Education (BUC). The Gulf Technical College was established in 1966 [renamed in 1982 as the Gulf Polytechnic (GP)] to provide higher education in business and engineering. The two colleges (BUC and GP) were merged by the Amiri decree No. 12 of 1986 (Gazette, 1986), to create the University of Bahrain (UoB). Until the early 1990s, UoB has been the main source for providing higher education in the Kingdom of Bahrain. However, with the opening up of higher education to the private sector, students’ enrolment burden is being shared with the private higher education institutions. Currently, around 60 per cent of students pursuing higher education degrees are registered in UoB’s ten main colleges (HEC, 2015). The Economic Development Board (EDB) was established in 2000 under the guidance of His Royal Highness Prince Salman Bin Hamad Al-Khalifa, the crown prince, deputy supreme commander and first deputy prime minister and chairperson of the Economic Development Board. Its main role is to enhance the economy of the kingdom and ensure that the investment climate is attractive through focusing on those economic sectors where there are opportunities for growth (EDB, 2015a). According to the EDB’s 2013 ‘Economic Yearbook’, the education sector has experienced rapid growth in recent years, ‘expanding by a cumulative 205% between 2000 and 2012’. Growth in private education has been

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

119

5.5 times faster than that in the public sector (EDB, 2013). Despite the recent slow economic growth in the region due to various global and regional factors, the education sector continues to grow in the kingdom. The EDB report for the first quarter of 2015 indicates that investment in the private education and healthcare sector has expanded at an annual pace of 8.3 per cent, surpassing all other sectors in the social and personal services (EDB, 2015b). The most recent statistics published by the Ministry of Education (MoE) indicate that there are 206 government schools and 73 private schools offering basic and upper-secondary education to 189,244 students between the ages of six and eighteen. The number of students enrolled in private schools amounts to 30 per cent of the total student population (MoE, 2015). Preschool education is offered through private institutions overseen by the MoE, with a total of 34,423 students being enrolled at the nursery and kindergarten levels (MoE, 2015). According to the most recent information published by the Higher Education Council (HEC) there are thirteen higher education institutions operating in the Kingdom of Bahrain, of which three are public [one of which is a public university governed by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)] and the rest are private institutions (HEC, 2015). A total of 38,113 students are enrolled in higher education programmes, with around 64 per cent being in public institutions. It is worth noting, however, that female students are more concentrated in public institutions, where they constitute over 65 per cent of the total, while accounting for 50 per cent of the enrolment in private higher education institutions (HEC, 2015). Being a young population, the kingdom has more than 50 per cent of its population under twenty-five years old. This has put pressure on the education sector at all levels and resulted in rapid increase in the education sector, especially in the higher education private sector, which occurred mainly during the period from 2000 to 2005. This has raised concern about the quality of the education provided, with calls for the institutions to be accountable for the services they provide as education is for the public good even when offered by a private institution.

The Bahrain education system The government of the Kingdom of Bahrain is responsible for providing education and cultural services to its citizens according to Article 7 of the 2002 Constitution (Bahrain Constitution, 2002). The Education Law of 2005 (Gazette, 2005a) stipulates that education is compulsory and free for the first

120

Education in the Arab World

nine years of basic education. This is followed by three free, non-compulsory years of upper-secondary schooling. Free basic and upper-secondary school education is provided through government schools, which adopt the national curriculum developed by the MoE. The law contains a provision for individuals and bodies to establish private schools and kindergartens operating under the supervision of the MoE. Private schools may adopt any internationally recognized curriculum; however, they must include Arabic, Islamic religion and citizenship. The national curriculum for upper-secondary schools offers different tracks that students can follow; the general track, with an emphasis on science or art, is more academic, while the commercial and technical tracks are more vocational. Graduates of upper-secondary schools who opt to further their education are provided with different opportunities through public and private tertiary education providers. Public higher education is made available at a highly subsidized rate through the UoB and Bahrain Polytechnic. Programmes offered by these two institutions range from academic-oriented programmes to application-oriented programmes to suit the different needs of students and the labour market. Graduates with more interest in vocational education have access to the Bahrain Training Institute (BTI), a public institute providing vocational education at tertiary level. BTI also offers vocational qualifications to those not pursuing upper-secondary education, enabling them to join the workforce. As mentioned previously, Bahrain law provides a provision for the private sector to invest in education. Law No. 25 of 1998, the Private Education and Training Institutions Law (Gazette, 1998), stipulates the objectives for the establishment of education and training institutions under the private sector and defines the types of kindergartens, schools and training institutions; the main requirements for their establishment; and the way they must be managed and monitored. The Higher Education Law of 2005 (Gazette, 2005b) established the Higher Education Council, which is responsible for setting the higher education strategy of the Kingdom of Bahrain. The council and its general secretary are also responsible for setting licensing requirements, in addition to licensing and monitoring the private higher education sector. Established in 2008, the Quality Assurance Authority for Education & Training [renamed in 2012, the National Authority for Qualifications and Quality Assurance of Education and Training (QQA)] is responsible for monitoring and reporting on the quality of all types of education and training offered in the kingdom, alongside with conducting national examinations. It is also responsible for establishing and managing Bahrain’s National Qualifications Framework (Gazette, 2012). The

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

121

different bodies are responsible for coordinating their work in order to ensure that relevant laws and regulations are implemented effectively. To achieve this, a number of joint committees are established with representatives from the different bodies meeting regularly to discuss joint areas of interest.

Education reform – An engine for transformation Bahrain’s Vision 2030 provides a holistic approach to the reform that the country seeks to achieve over the next fifteen years. The reform aspires to strengthen the kingdom’s human capital while making the private sector the engine of growth. As such, education is identified as a key pillar, with economic reform and labour market reform being the other two pillars (SCETD, 2006– 2015). Providing world-class education to Bahrainis will empower them by increasing their knowledge and skills and strengthening their effectiveness in the labour market, which in turn will lead to innovation and a shift from an economy based on oil and related industries to a sustainable, knowledge-based economy and achieve the guiding principles of Vision 2030. While the kingdom has achieved an almost 100 per cent enrolment rate in primary schooling, the quality of education received by its citizens remains a challenge that needs to be addressed. Impediments in the education sector are mainly related to improving standards across different levels of education. This has been recognized by the government, and education is identified as one of the key reform areas needed in the kingdom. Being responsible for raising the performance levels of the national economy and supporting its ongoing sustainability, the EDB identified the need to evaluate the status of education in the Kingdom of Bahrain. As a result, a diagnostic phase was conducted to examine the status of the education and training sectors in the kingdom. This examination was implemented in partnership with international consultants, who were responsible for supporting local Bahraini teams and reporting to the EDB while consulting with local stakeholders. The diagnostic phase teams were charged with the responsibility for analysing the status of education in the Kingdom of Bahrain, identifying shortcomings and areas for improvement, and ultimately suggesting initiatives that would support improvement of the kingdom’s education status. Analysis of students’ performance in the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) of 2003 and the MoE’s examinations showed that the level of competencies in core subjects (Arabic, mathematics and science)

122

Education in the Arab World

at key basic education stages was not sufficient to prepare Bahraini students for the needs of the twenty-first century (SCETD, 2006–2015). The diagnostic phase also highlighted a concern that the teaching profession is not a highly regarded profession among Bahrainis and that difficulties are faced in attracting high achievers, especially males which in turn affects the performance of male students and causes reverse gender inequality. This is proven to be one of the major challenges facing the kingdom to date. In addition, professional development programmes offered for teachers were not suitable for their needs. The curricula of basic and upper-secondary education needed to be revised as these were mostly based on knowledge and did not sufficiently emphasize skills, critical thinking and innovation. This could also be said about the outcomes of the higher education and vocational education, as the findings of the diagnostic phase revealed a misalignment between graduates’ competencies and the needs of the labour market. The range of tertiary education offered was also found to be unsuitable as it focused more on academic programmes rather than professional degrees and vocational education, increasing the gap between demand and supply in the kingdom. These findings were based on extensive consultations with different stakeholders such as relevant decision makers, educators, researchers, scholars, representatives from the labour market and the students themselves. The outcomes of the diagnostic phase was discussed in a workshop held in November 2005, under the leadership of His Royal Highness the Crown Prince Salman Bin Hamad Al Khalifa, and called for action to be taken to develop a reform plan for all levels of education and training in Bahrain, to better equip the country for facing the needs of the new millennium. The establishment of the Education Reform Board in February 2006, headed by Deputy Prime Minister His Highness Shaikh Mohammed bin Mubarak Al Khalifa inaugurated the planning phase of the education reform (BNA, 2006). In February 2015, the board was renamed the Supreme Council for Education and Training Development (SCETD) and expanded to emphasize its steering role by ensuring the contribution of all stakeholders (Gazette, 2015). The council members include representatives at ministerial and decision-making levels in education, the labour market, industry and commercial public and private sectors (Gazette, 2015). This enables the board to guide the reform at the highest level of the government, especially with a number of its members being part of the cabinet. The education reform was guided by the desire to achieve objectives related to human development relevant to the government’s programme. Recognizing

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

123

that human capital is the main wealth of the kingdom, the reform sought to ensure that Bahrainis would be equipped with knowledge and skills in line with international standards, allowing them to compete on a global level and become employers’ first choice. Working groups were developed and managed by the EDB to identify and develop initiatives that would address the areas for improvement identified in the diagnostic phase. The initiatives were developed with the assistance of international partners working with Bahraini teams to facilitate the transfer of knowledge while ensuring that the initiatives were implemented in accordance with international best practice while being contextualized to meet the local needs. Throughout the process, the SCETD monitored the process and provided essential guidance and direction to ensure that the project progressed appropriately and coherently. Four main initiatives were announced in a public presentation in May 2007, namely: Independent Quality Assurance Body: Establish an independent quality assurance body for all sectors of education and training. This body will also be responsible for conducting national examinations for key stages of basic and upper secondary education (grades 3, 6, 9 and 12) in all core subjects (Arabic, English, mathematics and science). As a result, the Quality Assurance Authority for Education and Training was formally established by Royal Decree No. 32 of 2008 as an independent national authority attached to the cabinet, with the mandate to ‘review the quality of performance of education and training institutions in light of the guiding indicators developed by the Authority’ (Gazette, 2008-Article 4). The authority began its reviews in 2008. To date it has fully completed two review cycles for government schools and vocational and training institutions, one review cycle for private schools, and one review cycle for higher education institutions. It is in the process of completing the first review cycle for all higher education academic programmes. National examinations were first conducted for grades 3 and 6 in 2009. Today, the national examination is conducted every year for grade 12, and on alternative years for grades 3, 6 and 9. This has provided a wealth of information about the current status of education in Bahrain which is available to the public and decision makers. Vocational Upper-Secondary Tracks: Establish new vocational uppersecondary tracks based on apprenticeships for both male and female students, and revise the curriculum and teaching and learning policies and methods to ensure that grade twelve graduates acquire the skills, knowledge and competencies needed by the labour market and their future careers.

124

Education in the Arab World

Apprenticeships would introduce the concept of linking on-the-job training and experience with off-the-job training. The technical and commercial schools’ improvement initiative was launched within the MoE in 2007 and is going through a revision cycle currently. Expansion of Higher Education Programmes: Expand the types of higher education programmes offered in the Kingdom of Bahrain to include professional programmes in applied sciences at the bachelor and master levels, to equip graduates with practical skills relevant to the needs of the labour market. As a result, Bahrain Polytechnic was established by Royal Decree No. 65 of 2008 as a governmental higher education institution, which also gave its board of trustees the right to approve and grant certificates and qualifications in the disciplines taught at the institute. The institution is guided by the principle of producing ‘professional and enterprising graduates with the 21st century skills necessary for the needs of the community locally, regionally, and internationally’, as stated in its mission (PB, 2015). Bahrain Polytechnic accepted its first intake in 2009 and graduated its first cohort of 150 graduates in 2013. Programmes currently offered are in the fields of engineering, information technology and business studies. Teaching Profession: Strengthen the teaching profession through establishing a specialized college for training future teachers. As a result, Bahrain Teachers College (BTC) was established in 2008 under the umbrella of the UoB, but with sufficient autonomy to offer qualifying degree programmes for teachers. In addition to offering a bachelor degree in education, the college provides continuing professional development programmes for qualified teachers and administration staff such as school principals and vice principals, to prepare them for their ongoing tasks and ensure that they acquire and maintain the skills and competencies needed throughout their careers. BTC accepted its first students in 2008, graduating its first cohort of bachelor degrees in 2012. The implementation phase of the education reform initiatives began with the support of the international partners. The whole reform was characterized by its contentious evaluation and learning process and as a result of the initial findings, two more initiatives were added to the reform project: School Improvement Programme: Improve schools’ performance through the School Improvement Programme. This was launched in 2008 by the MoE, based on the outcomes of the diagnostic phase and the findings of

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

125

the reviews conducted by the QQA in its pilot phase during 2007. Five project teams were established in the MoE to develop and implement the school improvement toolkit, namely strategic planning, the excellent school model, teaching for learning, data for learning and leadership for learning. Programmes were developed and teams deployed to support underperforming schools, resulting in improved performance of a number of schools supported through this programme. To support the process of school improvement, chiefs of school position and support teams were created. This facilitated the implementation of new procedures for performance dialogues and target setting directly and internally within the schools. This was backed with an overall Ministry Improvement Programme, which focused upon reorganizing the ministry to ensure greater performance accountability. National Qualifications Framework: Establish a National Qualifications Framework (NQF) that includes levels, descriptors and a credit system. The NQF is a single framework that will include basic, vocational and higher education qualifications, promote flexible access between different education pathways and facilitate students’ mobility. The inception of the project started in 2010 with a steering committee representing different stakeholders and was managed and sponsored by the Labour Fund (Tamkeen). The implementation phase was entrusted to the Quality Assurance Authority for Education and Training, to where the project was transferred in 2012 with the promulgation of Royal Decree No. 83 of 2012 (Gazette, 2012). The authority was renamed the National Authority for Qualifications & Quality Assurance of Education & Training (QQA). The NQF is currently being populated with different basic, tertiary and vocational qualifications. It is envisaged that it will be a vehicle to make qualifications more relevant to the Bahrain labour market and society’s needs and contribute to a coherent, transparent and integrated qualifications system in the kingdom (QQA, 2014). Moreover, the EDB in collaboration with main stakeholders developed three main documents namely: ‘Bahrain’s School Agenda’, ‘Bahrain’s Higher Education Agenda’ and ‘Bahrain Employability Agenda’, which evaluate the progress achieved through the education to develop an integrated effective system. The contentious evaluations of the reform led to introducing supportive initiatives that would address newly identified gaps in the system; for instance, the National Occupational Standards and the Labour Market Observatory, which are key elements – along with the NQF – for closing the gap between

126

Education in the Arab World

supply and demand, and hence, improving employability. All these initiatives, although implemented by different parties, were governed and steered under the umbrella of the SCETD to contribute collectively in improving the quality of education in the Kingdom of Bahrain at all levels, through which students would receive proper learning experiences that provide them with fair opportunities to progress throughout their study levels and prepare them for future labour market needs. What marked the different stages of the process of change was the political will that succeeded in bringing all stakeholders to one table and unifying the discourse and reform language. However, challenges still persist and need to be addressed in moving forward. Achievements and challenges are discussed in the following sections.

Achievements and value added Even though the reform was not only educational, education was identified as the key motivation and was implemented across all levels of education and training involving both the public and private sectors. The support of governance in this large-scale reform was fundamental, and the unity created by the royal support formed a sense of devotion to duty among the different parties. In turn, this helped to push this national-scale systemic reform and ensured the successful planning and initiation of the reform initiatives. Openness towards debates and the originality of contextualized practical suggestions marked the planning stage. The collective efforts of different parties involved in the reform and the commitment of the government at the highest levels kept the reform initiatives on track during the initiation stage, which is uncommon during times of change according to Senge et al. (2007) and is considered an achievement in itself. Reform initiatives were based on a detailed study of other successful systems. This international benchmarking contributed to an effective policy learning that matched the Bahraini reform requirements. This policy learning was tied to profound customization of those policies and effective utilization of national expertise in the field. The government was keen not to abandon the thinking of the nation’s characteristics and beliefs of ‘good education’ and therefore avoided falling into the trap of converging blindly into an international definition of education that might impose practices not suitable for the kingdom, as warned of by Steiner-Khamsi (2012). The planning and piloting stages took place between 2006 and 2007, involving teams comprising local and international

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

127

experts working in partnership while continuously consulting with stakeholders to ensure that the policies and systems adopted reflect good reasons for change from a local perspective while committing to the challenge of catching up in an increasingly competitive global environment. A critical eye remained necessary to ensure the achievement of the guiding principles of Vision 2030, which are sustainability, fairness and competitiveness. Therefore, capacity building was a main target during the educational reform movement, which also aimed to ensure that adopted policies were effective, monitored and learned from. There is evidence of a strong commitment to knowledge transfer from expatriates to locals in the fields of quality assurance in education, school improvement, vocational education and teacher education. The result was that the kingdom became a leader among its neighbouring countries in these fields. This is evident in the school improvement teams from the MoE, several figures within BTC and Bahrain Polytechnic, and the entire leadership and reviewers in the QQA. Such investment will without doubt continue to influence the future of strategic thinking and strategy building in the country when it comes to education. As Mortimore (2013) argues, education reforms usually challenge the old models. Likewise, this reform introduced fundamental change into the education system of the Kingdom of Bahrain through the introduction of the accountability concept. As the education system was expanding in size and shape and being opened to private investment, establishing the concept of external evaluation was imperative in holding these institutions accountable to both the government and the public. Hence the establishment of the QQA as an external quality assurance authority responsible for evaluating both the private and public education and training institutions and making review reports available to the general public was a major step forward in ensuring the quality of services and accountability to both the government and the public. The accountability frameworks were built on the premise that internal innovation could be encouraged by establishing external assessment and evaluation that would provide unbiased guidance on the way forward. This, in turn, would lead to continuous improvement through internally developed plans that are implemented and monitored. Subsequently, educational institutions became more responsive to the public’s interests and more aware of their perspectives, thereby encouraging the institutions to be more market-oriented and socially engineered. One of the major achievements of current educational reform is the narrowing of the gap between expectations and reality. This is evident on different levels

128

Education in the Arab World

and reflected in several initiatives. For instance, teacher education was subject to radical reforms, for both in-service and pre-service forms, contributing to a shift in educating teachers and school leaders. Injecting more practical experience and reflectivity into the preparation of educators and identifying the on-going capacity building needs helped to close the gap between teachers’ competencies and the needs of schools. The reformed support for schools’ in their efforts to improve their services was effective, particularly in building the necessary relationships with school improvement partners. Those partners were not dominated by office work; rather, they ensured the availability of great practical experience and worked directly with the schools. Another example of bridging the gap is the movement of the academic programmes offered by the higher education sector from an objective and input-based approach to an outcome-based approach with emphasis on critical thinking and transferable skills. Institutions and academic programmes benefitted from the establishment of industrial advisory boards and committees to better meet labour market needs. Accordingly, Bahrain Polytechnic was successful in offering new professional programmes needed by the labour market and producing graduates skilled enough to adapt to changing realities.

Challenges Major reforms usually lead to the introduction of new systems or new ways of thinking. This leads to the creation of new entities or introduces serious modifications to existing ones. In the Kingdom of Bahrain, even though the initiation stage was completed with the support of a strong political will, networking and collaboration challenges surfaced during different implementation stages. The education reforms in the kingdom included different levels of change within the system. These varied between the creation of new institutions to replace old ones, such as the BTC, and the creation of institutions that assumed new responsibilities that had not existed before, such as the QQA. These institutions are not isolated from the educational milieu and to function effectively the levels of interaction and collaboration needed are high. In some cases, overlapping is evident between old and new institutions in terms of roles and responsibilities. Such overlap is considered normal during times of change, as confirmed by Loegried et al. (2014) when reflecting on the results of a survey on the public sector reform in Europe that included twenty

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

129

countries. Problems related to collaboration were linked to a lack of clarity in the nature and limitations of existing collaboration models. Boston and Gill (2011) distinguished between the scope and the intensity of the collaboration required. Moreover, they classified the intensity of collaboration into four main types: ‘collaboration’, with defined shared responsibilities that are measured by shared performance indicators; ‘coordination’, where work is actually shared; ‘cooperation’, through which resources and information are shared; and ‘coexistence’, in which entities work completely independently. In Bahrain, all four types of collaboration intensity exist. However, recent reforms intended to reduce coexistence and increase the other three types of collaboration. So far, the outcomes are varied in terms of achieving this endeavour. Therefore, a greater push towards the elimination of grey areas between old and new institutions is consistently gaining importance. Success in this push will ensure synergy between all efforts and the maximum utilization of the resources available, which in turn will increase the effectiveness of the overall system. Measuring the impact of reforms, especially in education, is highly challenging. Several actors contribute to success; they include those who teach, lead and benefit from the reforms, including individuals and society. Reforms come with the expectation that the beliefs, practices and prospects of these actors will change. However, delays in yielding results can lead to various forms of resistance. The most feared is passive resistance, as it has the potential to harm reform efforts silently. The Kingdom of Bahrain invested a lot in the different stages of planning in order to include all voices and this needs to continue to ensure active commitment from all involved parties. Throughout the implementation of the different reform initiatives, the SCETD has been responsible for periodically monitoring and assessing the levels of implementation and achievement. Nonetheless, there is a need to establish additional assessment indicators to align and evaluate the work of those involved with actual day-to-day implementation across the system, to better converge synergy. The context of a global understanding of education and its main issues, such as teacher education, leadership preparation, vocational education, schools’ improvement and education quality, are changing rapidly. One of the main challenges that any given education reform effort faces is how to instil and sustain effective leadership during times of complex and rapid change. Even though the institutions created by the recent education reform movement in the kingdom were an invaluable and necessary addition to the system, sustaining leadership

130

Education in the Arab World

at the institutional level during times of change was sometimes a challenge. The country managed to attract international experienced professionals and allowed them to contribute their expertise in the reshaping of education. This led to a positive impact on the reform while at the same time contributing to building national capacity in some of the key positions to help sustain the impact of the reform initiatives. However, this process is yet to be ensured consistently across the system. Basic education is fully funded and offered freely to all people in the kingdom, and higher education is accessible to all; this helps with achieving fairness and equality. As previously illustrated, the initial goals of the government, when formal education was introduced in the kingdom around 100 years ago, centred on convincing people to go to school. Nowadays, people are fully aware that education is a major mechanism for economic and social growth in the country, as well as for personal career advancement. Therefore, primary school enrolment rate is almost at 100 per cent and adult literacy rate is over 91 per cent (UNDP, 2011). Recent reforms have acknowledged these facts and elevated expectations to a completely new level, with greater emphasis now placed on the quality of education services and higher achievement standards to match competitive international expectations. As the focus shifted from horizontal equality, which pursued fair accessibility, the kingdom has sought to achieve what Levacic (2000) calls vertical equality, which aims to create tailored learning experiences that match individual learners’ expectations. While there has been considerable improvement in the education system in the kingdom, vertical equality is yet to be achieved, especially in terms of reducing the number of low-performing institutions to ensure that every learner is receiving a learning experience that suits their needs. Meanwhile, the gap in the levels of achievement between female and male students is still widening and, according to QQA results, the vast majority of outstanding government schools are girls’ schools, while the vast majority of inadequate government schools are boys’ schools (QQA, 2014). The national need for male teachers, especially in core subjects, persists. The teaching profession is still a preferred destination for females as, for two main cultural reasons, females perceive the profession as an appropriate job. One is the suitability of the working hours for a woman. The second is the segregation factor in government schools due to a degree of women’s preference for non-mixed working environments. There is a need to conduct research into investigating gender issues and finding answers and solutions that contribute to addressing the situation on a national level.

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

131

Future direction During reforms, time is the one luxury that systems need but cannot afford. On one hand, the dilemma involves policy makers because of the need to see quick results, since the whole future of the nation is dependent on the reform outcomes and society has high expectations. On the other hand, those who are implementing reforms need time to shift cultures, introduce change and consolidate. Therefore, the SCETD’s role is becoming more critical in overseeing and guiding reform directions. The responsibility of keeping all the threads together requires consistent monitoring and clear reporting mechanisms. In addition, in many successful cases around the world, effective education reforms have taken more time than was originally intended and planned for. Hence, it is critical for the success of the implementation stage to strengthen morale and renew commitment to the shared vision and systems; otherwise, people may lose sight of why the country requires reforms. According to Fullan (2001), a dip in performance is expected during the early stages of any given reform; therefore, both policy makers and implementers need to be ready and prepared for it. Communicating the vision to different stakeholders, including parents, and preparing them for such a dip is important if they are to be agents of change, and their awareness should be raised in a way that causes their participation to be effective. The most serious risk associated with the performance dip is that those who are undecided will start questioning the reforms’ underpinning beliefs and the value added. This, in turn, might increase the number of those resisting change, which is a major drawback for any reform. Therefore, a mechanism to share success stories and outstanding examples of coping with change need to be established across the system. At the same time, it is a good opportunity to appraise change and celebrate success. The dependence on both types of accountability – contractual and responsive as Haltstead (1994) distinguishes – needs to be expanded. ‘Contractual’ is where implementers are requested to achieve according to well-defined standards, and is usually measures-driven and focused on outcomes. ‘Responsive’ is where implementers make decisions based on the different interests of stakeholders and is usually more concerned with the process. A balance between these two types of accountability is difficult to strike and might eventually lead to burnout if implemented incorrectly. One of the main ways to achieve a balance and push the Bahraini educational system towards the maturity needed is to delegate more responsibility and power to institutions and implementers who have the capacity to handle and cope with such responsibility and power, along with

132

Education in the Arab World

further developing those who lack such capabilities. Nonetheless, educational accountability is problematic and complex, as educators are expected to satisfy different groups with varying needs and demands. Accountability mechanisms must be clear and tight to avoid a common pitfall at the implementation stage and ensure the commitment of different parties to the shared vision. Breaking down the barriers to integration is a major principle adopted by Bahraini policy makers. The current education reform has prompted an unprecedented involvement from different stakeholders. This is crucial, as greater collaboration and networking can increase the potential for success of educational reform in the kingdom. The focus on the culture of individualism needs to be reduced and rebalanced with a culture of collaboration. Success for one organization or one initiative is not enough; the whole system must be successful. Roles need to be reviewed consistently to avoid repetition and manage the challenge of conflict of interest. The current reform has begun to yield success stories of collaboration between different institutions to achieve the shared vision. However, work still needs to be done to make integration and collaboration the system’s norm. Research-based data is critical for shaping education policy. The Bahraini education culture is similar to that in other Arab countries in that the value of research is not rewarded or emphasized appropriately. Therefore, research needs to be enriched and localized. During times of change data is needed and should be constructed accurately for a given reform purpose. This would create a wealth of accessible data, enabling decision makers to propose new initiatives, fine-tune current ones and abandon those that do not prove to be valuable to the system. Further developing research skills among local practitioners and basing decisions on research findings will ensure that the initiatives introduced correspond to the country’s needs and contribute to resolving the main educational issues such as those related to gender disparity and vertical equality, as discussed earlier. This reliance on accurate data and outcomes of research conducted by skilled practitioners will facilitate the realization of specialized learning communities that promote the concept of continuous learning and change.

Conclusion Education is identified as a key pillar in the Kingdom of Bahrain’s holistic reform needed to achieve Vision 2030. With the country’s vision of moving

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

133

away from an economy based primarily on oil and related industries towards a knowledge-based economy, the quality of education is a main concern. This brings education reform to the top of the government agenda. Ten years after the inception of the education reform and despite the challenges, progress is evident and a momentum is being built. Notable changes in professional attitudes are perceived. A common language is growing and being used by different stakeholders. Parents and society are demonstrating greater critical influence on what is being offered to their children and, most importantly, education is being recognized in recent reforms as a main driver of change to improve the economy and through that the lives of Bahrainis. This momentum should be captured and capitalized on effectively. Progress should be assessed more frequently at both macro and micro levels, and accountability stakes should be higher. However, at the same time the level of support offered must be directly related to the needs of those who are involved in the process. The shared core values of the reform should be revisited continuously, as they provide critical motivation during the implementation stage. The integration of effort among different institutions/stakeholders during the implementation stage of the current educational reform is critical for the survival of the common vision, and once fully achieved many of the previously perceived challenges will transform into opportunities for success. Policy makers have already started the process of holistic evaluation covering the last ten years, and international and local experts in the field with knowledge of the Bahraini education system have been requested to assess the situation and issue recommendations where needed. This is a positive indicator regarding the commitment to these reforms and the unquestioned belief in the power of education.

References Bahrain Constitution (2002) Kingdom of Bahrain Constitution. Manama, Kingdom of Bahrain. Bahrain Government Education Department (1966) Bahrain Government Education Department Annual Report, http://www.ibe.unesco.org/National_Reports/Bahrain/ nr_pp_ba_1968_ea.pdf (accessed 28 November 2015). Bahrain News Agency (2006) The Crown Prince Comments on the Education Reform Project in the Kingdom of Bahrain, http://www.bna.bh/portal/news/84041 (accessed 1 December 2015).

134

Education in the Arab World

Bahrain News Agency (2011) Education in Bahrain Throughout History/Report, http:// www.bna.bh/portal/en/news/486027 (accessed 9 September 2015). Bahrain Polytechnic (2016) Bahrain Polytechnic Mission, http://www.polytechnic.bh/ about-us/our-story/ (accessed 14 January 2016). Bahrain Vision (2030) The Economic Vision 2030 for Bahrain, http://www.bahrainedb. com/en/about/Pages/economic%20vision%202030.aspx#.Vm0yQUp96Ul (accessed 12 December 2015). Boston, J. and Gill, D. (2011) Working across organizational boundaries: The challenge of accountability. In B. Ryan, and D. Gill (eds.), Future State: Directions for Public Management in New Zealand. Willington: Victoria University Press. Central Informatics Organization (2015) Bahrain in Figures 2014, http://www.data.gov. bh/en/ResourceCenter (accessed 14 January 2016). Economic Development Board (2013) Kingdom of Bahrain Economic Yearbook, http:// www.bahrainedb.com/en/EDBDocuments/Bahrain-Economic-Yearbook.pdf (accessed 12 September 2015). Economic Development Board (2015a) Economic Development Board Formal Website, http://www.bahrainedb.com/en/about/Documents/index.html#.Vkdcrv4cRjo (accessed 14 November 2015). Economic Development Board (2015b) Bahrain Economic Quarterly, http://www. bahrainedb.com/en/EDBDocuments/BEQ-June-2015.PDF (accessed 13 September 2015). Fullan, M. (2001) Leading in a Culture of Change. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Gazette (1986) Decree No. (12) of 1986 on establishing the University of Bahrain, edition no. 1696, 29 May 1986, 3–13. Gazette (1998) Law No. (25) of 1998 on private education and training institutions, edition no. 2351, 16 December 1998, 4–13. Gazette (2005a) Law No. (27) of 2005 on education, edition no. 2700, 17 August 2005, 5–8. Gazette (2005b) Law No. (3) of 2005 on higher education, edition no. 2688, 20 April 2005, 5–9. Gazette (2008) Decree No. (32) of 2008 on establishing the Quality Assurance Authority for Education and Training, edition no. 2844, 22 May 2008, 9–14. Gazette (2012) Decree No. (83) of 2012 on reorganising the National Authority for Qualifications and Quality Assurance of Education and Training, edition no. 3081, 6 December 2012, 10–18. Gazette (2015) Resolution No. (3) of 2015 on establishing the Supreme Council for Education and Training Development, edition no. 3195, 5 February 2015, 12–14. Haltstead, M. (1994) Accountability and values. In D. Scott (ed.), Accountability and Control in Educational Setting. London: Continuum International Publishing Group Ltd. Higher Education Council (2015) Higher Education Council Statistics Report, http:// moedu.gov.bh/hec/page.aspx?page_key=HE-Stat&lang=en (accessed 13 September 2015).

Bahrain: Moving towards a Knowledge-Based Economy

135

Laegreid, P., Sarapuu, K., Rykkja, H. and Randma-Liiv, T. (2014) Organization for Coordination in the Public Sector: Practices and Lessons from 12 European Countries. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Levacic, R. (2000) Efficiency, equity and autonomy. In T. Bush and L. Bell (eds.), The Principles and Practice of Educational Management. London: Paul Chapman Publishing. Ministry of Education (2007) Mid-decade Evaluation for Education for All, Bahrain Ministry of Education, http://www.moe.gov.bh Ministry of Education (2015) Ministry of Education Statistics Report, http://www.moe. gov.bh/statistics.aspx (accessed 13 September 2015). Mortimore, P. (2013) Education Under Siege: Why There is a Better Alternative. Bristol: Policy Press. National Authority for Qualifications and Quality Assurance (2014) QQA Annual Report 2014, http://www.qqa.gov.bh/En/Publications/AnnualReports/17392%20 QAAET%20%20Annual%20Report%202014%20English_V11.pdf (accessed 20 November 2015). Senge, P., Cambron-McCabe, N. and Lucas, T. (2007) Schools That Learn: A Fifth Discipline Field Book for Educators, Parents, and Everyone Who Cares About Education. London: Nicholas Brealey Publishing. Steiner-Khamsi, G. (2012) Understanding policy borrowing and learning: Building comparative policy studies. In G. Steiner-Khamsi and F. Waldow (eds.), Policy Borrowing and Lending in Education. New York: Routledge. Supreme Council for Education and Training Development (2006–2015) Presentations and Reports Submitted to the Supreme Council for Education and Training Development (Previously the Education Reform Board). Manama, Kingdom of Bahrain. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (2011) Sustainability and equity: A better future for all. Human Development Report. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNISCO) (2013) Schooling for millions of children jeopardised by reduction in aid, UNISCO Institute for Statistics Fact Sheet, June 2013, no. 25, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ images/0022/002211/221129E.pdf (accessed 20 November 2015).

7

Kuwait: Education and Development Alanoud Al Sharekh

Historical overview Prior to early twentieth century, there were only few educational facilities in Kuwait. There were no public education facilities, and funding for schools predominantly came from Kuwait’s wealthier private citizens. The development of the Kuwaiti educational system came largely with the abundance of wealth associated with the discovery and sale of oil, and with independence in the 1960s. The desire for modernization has led to an up-to-date education system. A small number of schools focused on teaching Quranic verses existed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They were ‘katateeb’, operated by religious men known as ‘mullas’. These schools, initially extensions of mosque, operating on location, also taught rudimentary reading, writing and arithmetic. The education of younger pupils then moved to a small room that was part of the teacher’s home. Similar religious education for girls took place in religious women’s homes, called ‘mutawa’as’, but these tended to be only the more affluent ladies who had received a religious education beforehand and could afford the room in their home to educate others. These women taught young boys as well as girls. The first stage of formal education in Kuwait is considered to have taken place between 1911 and 1936. At that time, a considerable number of Kuwaiti families were involved in mercantile trade with India and with the pearl-diving industry, which had necessitated the learning of the English language and developing other skills that were not fulfilled through basic religious education. Other men of learning had come back from religious schools in Al-Ihsaa, in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia, and were also keen to improve the protoeducation system that was available in Kuwait at the time. After the subject had been discussed in ‘diwaniyyas’ (male gathering spaces) of the mercantile

138

Education in the Arab World

and educated elite, and to fulfil the need by merchants for clerks who needed to improve specific skills in commerce, arithmetic and letter-writing, the AlMubarakiya School was established in 1911 as the first of Kuwait’s modern educational institutions. The first principal of the Al-Mubarakiya School was Sheikh Yusuf Bin Issa Al-Qina’e, an icon of the intellectual enlightenment that backed and supported compulsory education. He was one of three intellectuals that spearheaded the lobbying for the school, along with Sheikh Nasser AlMubarak Al-Sabah and Sayed Yassin Al-Tabtaba’ei. The school’s finances originally depended on public donations, mostly from merchant families, who also donated the grounds for the school and tuition fees before its annexation in 1936 to the then ‘Majlis Al-Maaref ’ (Council of Knowledge) which was later renamed as the Ministry of Education (ME) (KUNA, 21 December 2015). In 1921, the ‘Al-Ahmadiya’ school was established through another diwanniya congregation where the need for English language education was made an imperative, and the ruler at the time donated 4,000 rupees, also allocating some land so that the school could be constructed. It was also dependent on donations from merchant elites, zakat (alms) and tuition fees for the first fifteen years of its existence, as well as a 0.5 per cent customs fee that was designated solely for the schools. The first period of education modernization in Kuwait, referred to as ‘the period of enlightenment’ (Husain, 2002) by some historians, came following the collapse of the pearl-based economy in the 1930s and the placement of public education under state control in 1935. On 16 October 1936, the predecessor of the current ME, the ‘Majlis Al-Maaref ’ (The Education Council) was established, headed by Sheikh Abdallah al Jaber al Sabah, with a specific set of rules and regulations and a biweekly meeting of its board. It set up a list of needs for furthering education in Kuwait from a mostly private sphere to a broader public one. Based on the council’s request, in September of that same year, a four-member Palestinian educational mission led by Ahmed Shahabuddin arrived in Kuwait, and a national education department was established to supervise the government schools. Realizing the importance of educating women in the society, The Education Council opened the first regular school for girls in 1937. More schools followed. Four primary schools opened with three boys schools with a combined total of 600 boys and, subsequently, an all-girls school with 140 pupils (International Bureau of Education, UNESCO, 2011) that provided education in Arabic, home economics, nursing and Islamic Studies, divided into three stages: preelementary, elementary and secondary. Over the next twenty-five years, under

Kuwait: Education and Development

139

the supervision of the council, teachers from Egypt, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Palestine were employed to further the development of a programme for secondary education in Kuwait. The development of Kuwait’s education sector continued sporadically until the 1950s, and by 1952 the country’s first centre for literacy was opened. Moreover, following programmes created for adult males in 1958, Kuwait opened similar programmes for women in 1963. By the end of the Second World War, approximately seventeen schools had been created, and as oil production picked up the government began investing large amounts of money in social services, with education being one of its top priorities. From then onwards, rapid acceleration of educational development took place: special education facilities, the first kindergarten schools and the opening of the first technical college in the academic year 1954–1955. In the college’s first year there were eighty students enrolled, with the programme growing quickly to accommodate an increased number of fields of study. In 1956, the Institute for the Blind was inaugurated with the enrolment of thirty-six children. By 1973 an estimated 1,644 special needs students – deaf, blind or otherwise handicapped – were enrolled in eleven institutes of special education. The third stage of Kuwait’s modern education history began with its independence in 1961 and the formalization of ME the following year. The need to establish Kuwait as a modern nation with an educated workforce meant that there has been a greater focus on developing a globally competitive education system over the past fifty-five years. By the 1960s, there were approximately 45,000 students enrolled in the Kuwaiti educational system, 18,000 of whom were female. These numbers have grown steadily since then, with the reintroduction of private schools and the establishment of Kuwait’s higher learning facilities and technical and vocational colleges.

Institutional structure By law, all Kuwaiti citizens have a right to a free, government-provided education, with the aim of preparing them to become dynamic and thoughtful members of society in both public and private life. The legal framework for the right to education in Kuwait is in Article 13 of the constitution (1962), which states: ‘Education is a fundamental requisite for the progress of society, assured and promoted by the State’ (Article 13, 1962). This is expanded on further by Article 40:

140

Education in the Arab World

Education is a right for Kuwaitis, guaranteed by the State in accordance with law and within the limits of public policy and morals. Education in its preliminary stages shall be compulsory and free in accordance with law. Law shall lay down the necessary plan to eliminate illiteracy. The State shall devote particular care to the physical, moral and mental development of youth.

The country’s education system is overseen and managed jointly by the ME, which supervises school education, and the Ministry of Higher Education, which is responsible for higher education: post-secondary school or its equivalent. The Ministry of Higher Education supervises Kuwait University and the Public Authority for Applied Education and Training (PAAET). Additionally, private nurseries and kindergartens are overseen by The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour (International Bureau of Education, UNESCO, 2007). The organizational structure of the ME comprises the minister’s office, the office of the under-secretary, as well as ten major work divisions each of which is headed by an assistant under-secretary. In parallel to the minister’s office are the Supreme Council of Education, the Kuwaiti National Commission for Education, Science and Culture, the General Secretariat of the Council of Special Education and the Public Relations and Education Information Department. The main divisions are as follows (ME, 2008): • • • • • • • • • •

Planning and Information Educational Development General Education Special Education Qualitative Education Research and Educational Curricula Administrative Affairs Educational Establishments Financial Affairs Student Activities

The National Committee in Support of Education is a permanent body set up by the Ministerial Decision No. 30/95 in July 1995. It is made up of a number of qualified and skilled educators, and chaired by an administrative board of eight members, which aspires to raise educational standards, foster and endorse educational projects, and attract students and teachers to Kuwait’s educational institutions. The committee is funded by both public and private

Kuwait: Education and Development

141

sources and it has the right to invest a portion of its revenues to generate income for its projects.

State primary and secondary schools The multiplicity of educational institutions in modern-day Kuwait is partly due to the decision of its newly independent government to distribute oil revenues through social services that would benefit a greater number of nationals, such as education, healthcare, social welfare and housing. By the late 1990s, there were 300,000 students in state schools, and the government devoted 5.5 per cent of the gross national product (GNP), 8.9 per cent of the total yearly government expenditure (IBE, 2007; MOE, 2008) to Kuwait’s education system. Although attendance at state schools is restricted to Kuwaiti children, there are some exceptions for children of teachers working for the ME, or some doctors working for the Ministry of Health (2015), and children of expatriates who obtained residence prior to 1960. All other expatriate children must be educated privately, which may have contributed to the prolific number of private foreign schools in Kuwait. Almost 60 per cent of all students (from kindergarten to secondary) were in public schools during the year ending 2015, with the majority of Kuwaitis preferring to send their children to free public schools rather than costly private schools (Central Statistics Bureau, 2015). Ministerial Decree No. 76 of 2003, commencing from the academic year 2004/5, implemented a new educational ladder consisting of five years of elementary education, four years of intermediate education (both compulsory and free) and three years of secondary education, also free of charge. Prior to this decree, the old system consisted of a compulsory four years of primary education and four years of secondary education and thus the new structure extended the duration of compulsory education from eight to nine years (International Bureau of Education, UNESCO, 2011). State schools in Kuwait are segregated by gender from the first grade, although equal right to education is granted for both sexes. The same is not required from private schools, of which many are co-educational throughout. Currently, the ME is working towards adopting and encouraging the use of information technology (IT) in schools by incorporating e-learning curricula. Developments have been seen over the years. In 2006, there were thirteen students (fifteen-year-olds) per computer on average in Kuwait’s public schools, which compared fairly well to the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD) average in 2000 (ME, 2008).

142

Education in the Arab World

Independent foreign schools The trend to establish independent schools for children of expatriate workers was established in Kuwait some time before the formal education system, with a small school that was set up as part of the American Hospital that was founded by missionaries in 1914, mostly attended by the children of the American doctors at that hospital. Over the next century, the influx of migrant labourers to Kuwait witnessed exceedingly high growth rates, as oil prices drove the development of both public and private institutions, until they outnumbered nationals by almost 2:1. The continued growth of the expatriate population in Kuwait makes private education a vital component of the education system. In order to provide learning opportunities for all residents in the country, private education (Arabic and foreign) emerged and has advanced considerably, particularly in the last few decades. Private foreign education was established principally to meet the requirements of the foreign expat communities, according to their home education systems. Consequently, the British, American, Iranian, French, Pakistani and Indian schools emerged, as well as other foreign schools. The government supports private schools, which enrol approximately one-third of the school-aged children in Kuwait at the elementary, intermediate and secondary levels (Annual Bulletin of Educational Statistics, 2013/2014). Foreign schools in Kuwait must be accredited to the Private Education Department (PED) of the ME. The PED supervises the schools by overseeing staff qualifications and school facilities, and ensures compliance by regular inspections. The ME also regulates the private school fees. In 1953, a group of volunteer parents responded to the demand for schooling for their families by founding a non-profit school for four-to eightyear-olds called Shuwaikh School, making it the first private school with a foreign curriculum in the country. The school’s management team and first headmistress consisted of five parents, and followed the Parents National Education Union (PNEU) system. It expanded from only nine pupils in its first year to 45 in its second. Shuwaikh School charged 150 rupees for tuition fees that were used to cover the running and operational costs and other expenditures. In 1970, the Shuwaikh School was renamed The English School (TES), Kuwait, at the request of the newly established PED of the ME.1 In 1967, a private school system with state supervision emerged, with the Minister of Education Decision No. 10664 of 1967 which placed private educational establishments under the ME’s supervision. This decision entailed

Kuwait: Education and Development

143

numerous provisions related to the financial governing of private educational institutions, the academic system and examinations, the recruitment and hire of staff and personnel, and justifications and procedures for the closure and liquidation.2 Although private and foreign schools can follow their home country curricula, such as American, British, French, German, Indian, Pakistani and so on, all schools are also required to integrate local cultural and language studies into their curricula. Arabic language and Islamic education are required but parents do have the option of choosing from a variety of offering a range of curricula and languages of instruction. The use of curricula approved by the ME is mandatory for Arabic private schools and these curricula are equivalent to those in state schools. Private Arabic education has also increased and advanced at high rates in response to population growth, the large number of migrants from neighbouring Arab countries and growing demand by Kuwaitis wanting to enrol their children in private schools, as well as growing restrictions on registration in government schools. According to the most recent data by the Central Statistics Bureau, overall student enrolments in the private sector were around 41 per cent of total enrolment in the academic year 2014/2015. Teachers in the private sector represented about 19 per cent of total teaching staff.3

Early years education and childcare In Kuwait, compulsory schooling usually begins at the age of six. Noncompulsory preschool or nursery education is also available to children from eighteen months to six years old. Although preschool education (kindergarten) is not compulsory, it is nevertheless provided free of charge to Kuwaiti citizens. One of the various ME bodies monitoring early childhood education is the Child Evaluation & Education Centre, which works at the local, regional and global levels on exchanging information to achieve its aims in increasing knowledge and understanding, and preparation of specialists in learning difficulties in both English and Arabic. The exchange of best practices for early diagnosis and education with various educational institutions and academies in Kuwait aims to provide them and their pupils with support to enable them to contribute fully and actively to society. Among other centres worthy of mention is The Regional Centre for Childhood and Motherhood, which has organized several training courses, projects, cultural projects, providing free educational counseling and distributing many of the printed materials since its

144

Education in the Arab World

inception in 1996. Another is The Kuwaiti Society for the Advancement of Arab Children, established in 19??, one of the bodies which cares for childhood as it aims to provide special knowledge of early childhood development in the Arab world, in addition to the development and preparation of scientific research on children together with the governmental and educational institutions.

Pupils with special needs The ME aims to provide equal educational opportunities to all its citizens and has therefore prioritized special needs institutes. The first private educational institution for special needs, Khalifa School, was founded in 1988. Today, there are 44 special needs schools, out of which 33 are public schools and 11 are private. Some special needs children are also enrolled in special needs classes offered within general schools. This type of education aims at providing special assistance to those pupils suffering from various disabilities, including visual impairment, physical impairment, hearing impairment and mental disability. According to the IBE (International Bureau of Education) – UNESCO’s 2007 Kuwait report, there are fourteen educational institutions offering special needs education and rehabilitation, including: a) AlAmal: offering kindergarten and primary education for the deaf; b) AlNoor: offering kindergarten, preliminary, primary and intermediate education for the blind; c) AlRajaa: offering kindergarten, primary, intermediate, and for secondary students with physical impairments; and d) AlWafaa: offering preparation and rehabilitation at the nursery, first, second, and third levels for students with mental disabilities. The core and fundamental objectives of these schools are fostering independence, self-reliance and integration into society, and the length of the study varies from two to six years depending on the type of disability. Currently, countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) including Kuwait are facing challenges in their efforts aimed at designing and implementing more inclusive educational practices tackling the diverse needs of all learners. The 2007 IBE-UNESCO report stated that there is still no cohesive model of inclusive education in the GCC, although there is a common tendency of seeking to broaden the idea beyond only serving those with special needs. Indeed, according to Gaad (2011) in Inclusive Education in the Middle East, there has

Kuwait: Education and Development

145

been a major interest in inclusive educational practices in the Gulf and Middle East North Africa (MENA). Some evidence suggests that an interest in both recognizing and legalizing the rights of persons with special needs in general and educational rights started decades ago; though the development has been intermittent, lacking capital and influence. And while the model of inclusion has not yet been fully implemented in Kuwait, there are positive signs that the government is on the inclusion path, although there are barriers, which include: • • • •

Lack of resources and data for inclusive education, Lack of trained teachers and staff, Lack of clear educational/curricular guidelines addressing diversity, Insufficient family involvement (IBE-UNESCO, 2007).

The Kuwait Centre for Autism (KCA) is a non-profit charity organization established in 1994 by Dr. Samira Al-Saad with the aim of relieving the country’s shortage in educational training, diagnosis and treatment of children with autism as well as strengthening the supportive amenities needed for these children. It hopes to be a regional leader in the caring, training and developing of autism care as the first regional and educational training centre for autism in the Arab world. Another body worth mentioning is the Kuwaiti Society for Dyslexia, which in collaboration with the ME has pushed for the screening of all students in schools and special needs students and those who suffer from specific learning difficulties (dyslexia), and the treatment of those who suffer from dyslexia at an early age. In the academic year 2014/2015, there were thirty-one public special needs institutions with 1,739 students enrolled and 860 teaching staff.4

Further and higher education In 1960, the ME formed a committee of international experts, including Professor Sulaiman Hazeen, director of the University of Assiut-Egypt, Professor Kastanteen Zureiq, professor at the American University of Beirut (AUB) and Professor Igor Gendz, professor at the University of Cambridge, for the purpose of establishing a local public university. The committee submitted a detailed report to the council of ministers, inclusive of suggestions and recommendations concerning the founding of Kuwait University (KU). In September 1965, the ME

146

Education in the Arab World

created another committee, this time headed by under-secretary of the Ministry of Higher Education of Egypt at the time, Professor Abdulfattah Ismail, which ultimately achieved the objectives set forth by the council of ministers on the establishment of two academic colleges to respond to the urgent demand for teachers. Soon thereafter, KU was established in April 1966 under Act No. 29/1966 regarding the organization of higher education and its laws, and was inaugurated in October 1966 to include the College of Science, the College of Arts, the College of Education and the College for Women with a total of 413 students and thirty-one faculty members.5 Since then, the university has witnessed a substantial expansion reaching seventeen colleges with the issuance of the Amiri Decree to establish a Public Health College at the Health Sciences Centre in 2013. Several of KU’s colleges have received international academic accreditation and offer programmes in sciences and humanities at graduate, master and, recently, PhD levels. Over the years, the number of students has reached nearly 40,000 and the number of faculty members has reached more than 1,400 in 2015. To absorb the growing number of students, Decree No. 30/2004 was issued in May 2004 to establish a new university city in Shedadiya to include various colleges and scientific centres, as well as facilities to meet the absorptive capacity. Planning, design and implementation of facilities was done similar to modern universities in the world, and the city was to be called ‘City of Sabah Al-Salem University’. The actual campus construction work began in 2014 due to various delays in the tender process, and is now being executed on a fixed-time schedule, with the aim of being completed by 2019 (Kuwait University project to be ready by 2019, 2014). The project features separate campuses for male and female students and is said to be the fourth-largest construction project and biggest educational development site in the world. In 1982, the Public Authority for Applied Education and Training (PAAET) was established, aimed at providing and developing the national work force in order to overcome labour market deficits and meet the development requirements of the country. PAAET’s goals include cooperating with major institutions in the labour market, training dropouts and linking academic programmes to society’s needs through cooperation with institutions in governmental and non-governmental sectors. The authority manages its own self-determined budget, and it is the only body in charge of all applied education and training affairs in Kuwait (Kuwait University project to be ready by 2019, 2014: 5).

Kuwait: Education and Development

147

All colleges and institutes under PAAET offer two-year programmes resulting in the award of a diploma, as well as four-year programmes resulting in the award of a graduate degree. It offers vocational training for students after primary, intermediate or secondary school, although the majority of students, approximately 70 per cent, join programmes after having completed a secondary level education. Kuwait’s government has been encouraging its citizens to opt for vocational training programmes to fulfil the demand for a skilled labour force. There were 32,635 newly enrolled students in after-secondary training courses at PAAET in the academic year 2014/15, 61 per cent of whom were female. A significant increase was seen after the introduction of new vocational programmes parallel to the demands of the female students, with female enrolment figures increasing by 42 per cent in the academic year 2006/2007 (CSB, 2015; IBE, 2007; MOE, 2008). Initially, the first private university in Kuwait was to be a supplement to Kuwait University. In January 1997, the Kuwaiti Academic Group, comprised of forty-one faculty members from Kuwait University, laid the foundation for the proposed ‘University of the Future’, which would be the first private university in Kuwait: the Gulf University for Science and Technology (GUST). The proposal was shaped by Private Universities Decree No. 34, issued by the state of Kuwait in 2000. This decree resulted in the establishment of the university’s initial temporary campus in Hawally, and with the issuance of the Amiri Decree No. 156 in 2002, set at the start of the first academic year in 2002–2003, the legal establishment of GUST was complete, making it the first private university in Kuwait.6 All private universities in Kuwait have to be approved by the Private Universities Council (PUC) which is a governmental institution chaired by the Minister of Higher Education (MHE). It consists of eight members who are experts specialized in higher education. Throughout the period of their membership in the PUC, these members are not allowed to make any direct or indirect contributions to any educational institution in the country. The PUC’s role is not only to license new institutions but to also sustain and support quality control in higher education. The statement by Dr. Farida Ali, the deputy secretary general of the PUC ‘Higher education is not local; it is international’ supports the direction in which education is heading in Kuwait. This trend is distinctly exhibited in the PUC’s mandatory requirement that any new institution of higher education must be associated with a recognized international institution in order for it to be granted a licence in the country

148

Education in the Arab World

(Pillar of socio-economic growth, 2013). ‘We do not license any institution to start homemade programs from scratch,’ said Dr. Ali adding, ‘We take no chances on experimentation. All of the licensed institutions in Kuwait are affiliated with institutions either in the United States, United Kingdom, Australia or The Netherlands’ (2013). Since the academic year 2005/2006, enrolment in private universities in Kuwait has risen by 65 per cent, reaching a total of 25,542 students in the academic year 2014/2015 (Pillar of socio-economic growth, 2013).

The controversy of segregated higher education Recently, the Constitutional Court, rejected Petition No. 13/2015 concerning the constitutionality of Co-Education Law No. 24/1996, which regulates higher studies at KU, PAAET and the private universities (Case Against Gender Segregation Rejected, 2015). The petition, filed by Attorney Hussein Al-Asfour and some KU students, had been accepted by the court and challenged the constitutionality of the Segregation Law applied in universities and various other academic institutions, claiming that the anti-segregation law violates several articles of the constitution which guarantees equality, and that the implementation of the law caused disruption in higher learning circles and has proven to be expensive, particularly within the Shadidiya Kuwait University campus which includes faculty building split by gender. The anti-segregation law in question was passed in 1996 by a Parliament that was made up mainly of conservative members. It called for ensuring there is no mixing of the students at higher educational institutions by setting up separate classrooms for girls and boys. It is noteworthy that the 1996 government had opposed the adoption of the gender segregation bill passed by the Parliament. The law was initially implemented at KU before it was extended to other private higher education institutions. Article 1 of the law stipulates a grace period of five years, starting from the day the law took effect, for the government to develop the infrastructure of higher learning institutions in a bid to ease the implementation of this law. The court explained and highlighted that the right of education is guaranteed by the constitution as stated in Articles 13 and 14, wherein education is considered a fundamental requisite for the progress of society. However, the court pointed out that as long as the constitutional rights on this matter have not been constrained or restricted, the issue is in the hands of the legislative authority;

Kuwait: Education and Development

149

therefore, the court has no control over implementing the law and the related regulations. Regarding the petitioners’ arguments concerning the difficulties faced by students in finding places to register in particular classes, the court affirmed that the problem is in the implementation of the law, not its constitutionality. Despite the fact that segregation is a purely Islamic law, it becomes legally binding only when the legislators enact it. Hence, the matter has no relation with constitutionality as it is under the jurisdiction of legislators, the court added. In its concluding statement, the court clarified that the claims made by the petitioners concerning violation of Articles 7, 8, 13, 14, 17, 19 and 40 of the constitution are groundless, so ergo it rejected the petition. The late MP Nabeel AlFadhel, along with other lawmakers, had previously tried challenging this law in 2013 but their efforts also failed (Kuwaiti MPs push for reinstating co-education, 2013).

Scholarship programmes for studying abroad Before the establishment of local universities, both public and private, Kuwaiti students were provided with generous higher education scholarships, limited at first to neighbouring countries, mainly Egypt and Lebanon, but rapidly expanding to various developed countries around the world. Although the nineteenth and early twentieth century witnessed some examples of Kuwaitis travelling to the East and India to further their education, the first official scholarship student group to be sent by the Education Council was to the Rural Teacher’s College in Baghdad in 1938. Five students from both Al-Mubarakiya and Al-Ahmadiah schools were sent to become teachers and they returned home in 1942. The deterioration of the political situation in Iraq meant that the next scholarship students were sent to Al-Azhar University in Cairo, and then the Industrial College in Bahrain, and in 1950, some fifty students were sent to Cairo for university education. Though the large-scale scholarship programme was initiated in the early 1950s, with the establishment of the Kuwait Cultural Office to serve the needs of those students pursuing higher education in the United States and Canada, the idea of promoting and nurturing an educated workforce diminished as an imperative with the establishment of the KU proceeded. This office was later established in each country where there are large numbers of scholarship students, and it administers the scholarship programmes of Kuwait government agencies, private institutions and charitable foundations. Currently, there are thirteen cultural offices around

150

Education in the Arab World

the world dedicated to establishing bonds and cooperative endeavours to enhance cross-cultural understanding between Kuwait and foreign societies at large. In addition to exposing young men and women to other cultures and fostering their independence and understanding of the world beyond Kuwait,7 the main purpose of Kuwait’s scholarship programmes is to transform the state of Kuwait into a centre for IT, financial and medical sciences. To this end, most scholarships for study abroad are awarded in the fields of engineering and business to aid the transformation and development of Kuwait’s labour market. The scholarships provided by the State of Kuwait mainly target undergraduate students, with a higher learning programme extended to scholarship funding for graduate degrees based on academic performance (Ku, 2014). The state of Kuwait’s support in providing generous scholarship programmes, as well as the quality and high-regard associated with an American degree makes the United States a preferred choice for Kuwaiti students planning to study abroad. This shows in the data as in 2010/2011; almost one in two Kuwaiti state scholarship students chose the United States as their destination of study. The total number of Kuwaiti students enrolled in universities in the United States has been increasing at a double-digit growth rate each year, since 2007. According to the Institute of International Education’s (IIE) Open Doors report, Kuwait became a top twenty-five sending country in academic year 2012/2013 for the first time, with a total of 5,100 students enrolled in US institutions of higher education (Open Doors Report). The total number of Kuwaiti students on scholarships abroad reached 3,519 in the academic year 2014/2015.8

Adult learning, continuing education and development Cooperation among educational institutions and ministries responsible for providing education for all, and lifelong education, occurs through various systems and training programmes based on a flexible concept of basic education such as: • The Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs; • The Programme for Community Service and Lifelong Education at Kuwait University (CCSCE); and • The Programme for Community Service and Lifelong Education at PAAET.

Kuwait: Education and Development

151

The Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs’ Department of Islamic Studies supports those males and females interested in Islamic studies, both as adults and as younger candidates commencing from the age of fourteen years. Their curriculum focuses on Islamic studies, literature, basic mathematics, sciences, Arabic language and history. Classes are free of charge. The Community Service and Lifelong Education (CCSCE) programme at the KU focuses on self-education supported by the university’s educational and scientific facilities, thus giving access to education regardless of age, culture or degree of learning. CCSCE offers non-degree courses for students over sixteen years in various subjects, such as languages (including Arabic as a foreign language), arts, administration, education, engineering, computers, law and secretarial studies which are open to expatriates. Post-secondary education also includes courses at a PAAET technical college lasting for two-and-a-half years, following which the students receive a certificate that is less than a tertiary diploma but does allow the graduates to enter the workforce. Furthermore, there are several private institutions in the country offering a variety of full- and part-time courses in business studies, secretarial skills, computing and languages.

Policy priorities The state of Kuwait is aware of the value and the impact of a strong education sector and is constantly seeking to develop, improve and modernize its educational system in its future strategies and policy planning. Kuwait’s longterm (2005–2025) strategy for the development of education focuses on the importance of meeting the challenges posed by ongoing globalization, the digital revolution and the rise of technology and digital openness in the world (Ministry of Education, 2008b). The strategy also attempts to take into consideration a variety of contemporary issues such as the use of technology in fostering education, encouraging positive attitudes towards democracy, respect for the constitution, respect for the opinions of others, fostering allegiance and loyalty, and adherence to national identity with an openness while remaining open to other cultures. The 2008 National Report on the Development of Education in the State of Kuwait 2004–2008 by the ME and Kuwait National Commission for Education, Science and Culture highlighted the ME’s plans and various projects which are being implemented, such as providing classes with the modern means for

152

Education in the Arab World

communication networks among schools, qualifying teachers to deal with new technology and using modern teaching methods. It also aims to increase prospects for the development of curricula and school books, taking advantage of e-learning and benefitting from international companies specialized in the preparation of educational materials. Recent developments and improvements in special needs education means that those with special needs have received the same attention and care already given to their colleagues, particularly when it comes to the training of effective and specialist teachers and creating departments in the Faculty of Basic Education responsible for the rehabilitation of workers in special education. In accordance with its plans for the construction of new schools with the latest technology for all students, both with and without disabilities, the ME launched the New Technology Infrastructure Project (NTIP) in coordination with Microsoft in 2010. NTIP operates in more than 350 schools in Kuwait by introducing the latest technological infrastructure into the educational practices through up-to-date e-learning and ‘smart school’ technology (Al-Sharaa, 2010).

Conclusion Presently, educational development represents the groundwork of the Kuwaiti government’s commitment to developing the country’s human resource base and meeting the social developmental challenges of the future. Although the state accomplished its plan for the ‘Kuwaitization’ of the educational process by more than doubling the number of Kuwaiti teachers from the early 1980s to the late 1990s, according to the 2006/2007 World Data on Education there was still a shortage of teachers in the education system in Kuwait (International Bureau of Education, UNESCO, 2007). This is due to both early retirement (in particular, female teachers who retire between the ages of 30–40) and the reluctance of young Kuwaiti men to become teachers. The long-term goals of formal education are: a) expanding and developing the school system for preparing youth to be active members of society; b) following scientific progress in the field of education; c) creating stronger links between school and the society; and d) preparing curricula that safeguard Kuwaiti society, while advancing with scientific and technical progress.

Kuwait: Education and Development

153

Furthermore, the strategic targets and goals envisaged in the Education Strategy 2005–2025 include contributing to the achievement of interaction with the current age requirement of freedom of thought and response to the dynamics of change without conflict with the cultural identity of the society. This means contributing to enhancing the values of faith in the importance of dialogue and respect for human rights among the educated and providing the basis for a sound democratic life, as well as entrenching the concept of wealth production, the preservation of the environment and the resources of the country and enhancing the basic requirements for school curricula in the general education system to ensure the achievement of the objectives and principles of the state (International Bureau of Education, UNESCO, 2007: 16). This strategy also takes into consideration the educational objectives of the GCC, particularly cementing the accurate Islamic faith in the educated, so that its principles become a method of thought and style, which develops the preparation of the educated with Arab-Islamic heritage and loyalty to the ArabIslamic identity. This has to combine with developing free scientific thinking, critical creative thinking skills and lifelong learning. This should lead to raising the awareness of learners in terms of the importance of globalization, IT and modern communication. These issues need to be exploited for the benefit of the individual and Kuwaiti society at large so as to provide protection from negative influences and consequences. The wider aim is to acquaint all learners with the skills of positive interaction with other cultures, supporting tolerance and coexistence with others (International Bureau of Education, UNESCO, 2007: 17). In cooperation with the World Bank, the ME and National Center for Education Development have been engaged in a multi-year integrated modernization programme that addresses critical issues in Kuwait’s education system. These include curricular reform, the development of national assessment systems, improvement of school leadership and the creation of higher professional standards. These areas were selected based on a conceptual framework that identified the key reform pillars. The overall objective of the programme is to improve the quality of schools and education in Kuwait (World Bank, 2014). Education is becoming an attractive business proposition, and the education market is experiencing increased levels of activity. Private equity firms are interested to associate with this sector due to factors such as longterm revenue visibility, demand being greater than supply and negative working capital as school/tuition fees are paid in advance by parents and

154

Education in the Arab World

generally they do not default on dues (MENA Education Report, 2013). Kuwait is expected to have experienced an incremental inflow of 33,287 new pupils during 2010–2015, driving demand in the education sector. With better enrolment rates, lower dropout rates, higher government spending and demand for private education, the education sector in MENA and the GCC is set to grow robustly.

Notes 1 History, The English School. 2 The Initials in Kuwait’s History, http://www.da.gov.kw/eng/picsandevents/first_ time_in_kuwaits_history.php 3 Ibid., 2015. 4 Ibid., 2015. 5 About Kuwait University, Kuwait University Site. http://kuweb.ku.edu.kw/ku/ AboutUniversity/AboutKU/index.htm 6 About GUST, Gulf University Site, https://www.gust.edu.kw/about-us 7 Kuwait to boost Canada student scholarships to over 500. 8 Ibid., 2015.

References 104th anniversary of Al-Mubarakiya School celebrated. KUNA. 21 December 2015, https://www.kuna.net.kw/ArticlePrintPage.aspx?id=2478908&language=en Almoosa, A., Keller, C. and Storey, V. (2012) Meeting the needs of all: Why schools in Kuwait are failing to meet their moral obligation and what can be learned from the U.S. education system. Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences 3(4). Almuhareb, K. A. (2007) Cross-cultural comparison of special education practices. Characterizing the current state of education of individuals with disabilities in Kuwait: Developing a baseline for reflection and action. Doctoral dissertation, State University of New York at Buffalo, N.Y.C. UMI. Almusnad, Sheikha (1985) The Development of Modern Education in the Gulf. London: Ithaca Press. Article 13 (1962) Kuwait Constitution. http://www.kuwaitconstitution.org/ kuwaitconstitutionenglish.html Case Against Gender Segregation Rejected, Arab Times, 16 December 2015, http:// www.arabtimesonline.com/news/case-against-gender-segregation-rejected-part-ofdomestic-workers-law-unconstitutional/

Kuwait: Education and Development

155

Casey, Michael S. (2007) The History of Kuwait. The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations. Central Statistics Bureau of Kuwait (2014) Annual Bulletin of Education Statistics: 2013/2014. Central Statistics Bureau of Kuwait (2015) Annual Bulletin of Education Statistics: 2014/2015. Dickson, Zahra Freeth (1956) Kuwait was My Home. London: Allen and Unwin. Gaad, E. (2011) Inclusive Education in the Middle East. New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. General Secretariat of the Supreme Council for Planning and Development (2010) UNDP Kuwait. Kuwait Country Report on the Millennium Development Goals: Achievements and Challenges 2010. Husain, Abdulaziz, et al. (2002) The History of Education in the State of Kuwait [Arabic]. Kuwait Center for Research and Studies. History. The English School, http://www.tes.edu.kw/358/our-school/history#sthash. FCjZA6iy.dpuf International Bureau of Education, UNESCO (2007) Kuwait. World Data on Education, 6th Edition, 2006/07. http://www.ibe.unesco.org/ International Bureau of Education, UNESCO (2011) Kuwait. World Data on Education, 7th Edition, 2010/11. http://www.ibe.unesco.org/ Institute of International Education. Open Doors Report. http://www.iie.org/Researchand-Publications/Open-Doors Ku, Zhengrong (2014) Scholarships Drive Growth in Students from Kuwait, WES Research and Advisory Services. http://wenr.wes.org/2014/09/scholarships-drivegrowth-in-students-from-kuwait/ Kuwait, Annual Bulletin of Educational Statistics, 2014/2013. Kuwaiti MPs push for reinstating co-education, Gulf Times, 3 June 2013. http:// gulfnews.com/news/gulf/kuwait/kuwaiti-mps-push-for-reinstating-coeducation-1.1191933 Kuwait National Commission for Education, Science and Culture (1996) Department of Planning of the Ministry of Education. National report on the development of education. State of Kuwait, 1994–95/1995–96. Presented at the 45th session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva. Kuwait to boost Canada student scholarships to over 500, Gulf News. http://gulfnews. com/news/gulf/kuwait/kuwait-hopes-to-boost-canada-student-scholarships-toover-500-1.935111 Kuwait university project to be ready by 2019, Trade Arabia, 2014. http://tradearabia. com/news/CONS_270622.html MENA Education Report, Al Masah Capital, 2013. Ministry of Education (2001) National report about the development of education in the State of Kuwait 1996/97–1999/2000, Presented at the 46th session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva.

156

Education in the Arab World

Ministry of Education (2004) National report about the development of education in the State of Kuwait, Presented at the 47th session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva. Ministry of Education (2008a) The development of education; the national report of the State of Kuwait 2004–2008, Presented at the 48th session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva. Ministry of Education (2008b) The National Report: Development of Education in the State of Kuwait 2004–2008. Kuwait: Ministry of Education and Kuwait National Commission for Education, Science and Culture. Pillar of socio-economic growth. The World Folio, 2013. http://www.theworldfolio. com/news/khalid-m-al-saad-undersecretary-at-the-ministry-of-higher-educationkuwait-n2129/2129/ World Bank (2014) Kuwait Education Program Achievement Report: School Education Quality Improvement Program.

Websites Al Diwan Al Amiri: http://www.da.gov.kw/ Kuwait Embassy – US: http://www.kuwaitembassy.us/ Kuwait University: http://kuniv.edu/ku/ Private Universities Council: http://www.puc.edu.kw/ Public Authority for Applied Education and Training: http://www.paaet.edu.kw/ Ministry of Education: http://www.moe.edu.kw/ Ministry of Higher Education: http://www.mohe.edu.kw/ UNESCO- Kuwait: www.unesco.org/new/en/education/resources/unesco-portalto-recognized-higher-education-institutions/dynamic-single-view/news/kuwait

8

Oman: An Overview Salim Saleem Al Ghanboosi

Overview Oman is the second-largest country in size and population in the Arabian Peninsula, with about 309,000 square kilometres (120,000 square miles), which is equal to the size of the United Kingdom and Ireland combined. It borders Saudi Arabia and the Emirates in the west, the Yemen in the south, the Strait of Hormuz in the north and the Arabian Sea in the east (Al Nabhani, 2007). The sultanate is divided into eleven governorates which are, in turn, divided into sixty-one Wilayats, with a total population of 3,993,000 (2,261,000 Omanis and 1,732,000 expatriates). Muscat is the capital of the sultanate, the house of the governorate and headquarters of the state’s administrative apparatus (National Center for Statistics and Information, 2015). Before 23 June 1970 there was no comprehensive educational system in the Sultanate of Oman. Education in Oman had been traditional, confined to the mosque circles to read, recite and memorize the Holy Koran, in addition to learning Islamic teachings and principles, Arabic language and arithmetic. The historically recognized schools teaching these subjects in Oman were Al Raheel schools in Suhar, Qasry village school in Buhla and the Al Qalaah school in Nizwa. The year 1940 saw the opening of Alsaidiyh School in Muscat with which the old schools activities were ended and a new phase of education with more developed public education system began. In this phase, the government established special architecture for schools (Al Hariri, 2014). Since the early 1970s, education system in Oman has been given special attention. This was a direct result of the clear instructions declared by His Majesty Sultan Qaboos, who believes that education is an active engine of development in any country. To meet this objective, he directed that formal learning should begin everywhere, even under the shade of trees. The country

158

Education in the Arab World

began striving to offer education for all, to develop scientific thinking, stimulate, inspire the spirit and fortitude through scientific research. The aim is to meet the objectives of economic and social plans, and to maintain the strength and ethics in the targeted generation to be proud of the nation, nationality and heritage and protect its accomplishments (Ministry of Education, 2012a: 33). This vision of education has been developed progressively according to the government’s needs for development and rapid expansion of markets. Those who follow the development of education in Oman have seen the vision of education pass through three phases as follows: (a) 1970–1975: the vision was spreading and expanding of education to the entire land of Oman as His Majestic Sultan Qaboos said: ‘We are determined to teach our children even under the shadow of a tree’ when he came to power on 23 July 1970. From 1976 to 1980, the fifth development plan saw education taking another path with the government beginning to send secondary school students all over the world in scholarship for different specializations. Between the first and fourth developmental plan, the vision concentrated on human resources to meet the needs of the state from different specializations of sciences. The third vision started when the Ministry of Education (MOE) adopted a new type of education – basic education in 1998, which concentrated on quality teaching and learning outcome. The education system in Oman subsequently saw dramatic changes supported by the issue of the Royal Decree No. (96/101) and the Royal Decree No. 2011/99 as a result of which formal education became a cornerstone for the progress of the Oman society through dissemination and access to all, through these policy developments: a) Education aims to raise and develop the general cultural standard, promote scientific thought, kindle the spirit of research, respond to the requirements of economic and social plans, and build a generation that is physically and morally strong and which takes pride in its nation and heritage and preserves its achievements. b) The state shall provide public education, work to combat illiteracy and encourage the establishment of private schools and institutes under its supervision in accordance with provisions of the law (Ministry of Legal Affairs, 2013). c) The state shall foster and preserve the national heritage, encourage the sciences, arts and literature through research and dissemination.

Oman: An Overview

159

Table 8.1 The development of the numbers of schools, teachers and students in the education system of the Sultanate of Oman 1970a 1975a 1980a

Year Schools Teachers

16

207

373

196 1,980

5,150

1985a 588

1990a 779

1995a 953

2000a 993

2005a 1,046

2015b 1,048

9,793 15,121 22,292 26,416 32,345 67,817

Students 6,941 55,752 106,032 218,914 355,986 488,797 554,845 568,074 523,522 a

Al Nabhani (2007). National Center for Statistic & Information (2015).

b

In more recent years, there are indications that the Sultanate of Oman has achieved success in the field of education through registration in schools. The number of schools rose from three in 1970 to 1,048 schools, with the number of students increasing from 900 in 1970 to 523,522 students in the school year 2014/2015 (National Center for Statistics and Information, 2015). Table 8.1 shows the increase of schools, teachers and students every five years between the years 1970 and 2015.

The structure of public education provision in Oman There are two education systems operating. The first one is general education which is divided into three levels (primary, preparatory and secondary), and the second is post-school education (Al Nabhani, 2007). Schooling begins at age of six, and by the age of eighteen the learners obtain a general education diploma. The following presents a summary of each stage of the educational system. According to the new basic education programme, the school year consists of about thirty-six weeks (180 working days), not including examination period. It is divided into two semesters separated by a mid-year vacation period (UNESCO, 2011).

Early Child Education The educational leadership in Oman believes strongly in the importance of Early Child Education (ECE) in supporting suitable knowledge, emotional and psycho-kinetic skills. Also, this level of education is involved in preparing the child for school education. In addition, it helps in achieving better learning outcomes later on, being one of (the education for all) the objectives in Oman

160

Education in the Arab World

(Ministry of Education, 2014). In November 2008, the MOE (in collaboration with UNICEF and the private sector) launched a one-year national campaign to raise awareness of the importance of preschool education, aiming to increase ECE participation. Hence, ECE has witnessed a significant growth among families in the sultanate, but is still very limited due to its high fees as the government is not able to offer it for free. Therefore, this level of education is provided by some government institutions, work volunteer centres and private sector schools, in the form of kindergarten and nurseries for young children. In the year 2013/2014, the number of students registered in kindergarten was 42,861 in 468 schools. Thirty-five per cent of these children were in private Quranic schools, 29 per cent in private kindergartens, 17 per cent in child growth houses or child corners, 13 per cent in international schools, 3 per cent in MOE’s new preparation classes and the remaining 3 per cent in institutions for the Royal Oman Police (ROP), the Royal Armed Forces (RAF) or public Quranic schools. The total (ECE) enrolment for Omani and non-Omani children represents approximately 39 per cent of the population of four- to fiveyear-olds (Ministry of Education, 2014).

General education/Basic education The current ladder of the educational system grades (1–4), grades (5–10) and post-basic education (11–12) has been adopted since the school year 1998/1999. The MOE has begun to replace it gradually by what is known as the Basic Education System. Data in the school year 2013/2014 showed that there are still thirty-nine schools with 9,697 students (Ministry of education, 2014). A key strategy in developing the education system in Oman has been the replacing of the ‘General Education’ structures and programmes with the programme known as ‘Basic Education’ which was implemented in 1998/1999. Basic Education is defined as: a unified 10-year education, provided by the government in the Sultanate of Oman for all children of school age. It meets their basic education needs in terms of knowledge and skills, enabling them to continue their education and training according to their interests and dispositions. It also prepares them to face the challenges of present circumstances and future development in the context of comprehensive social development. (Al Nabhani, 2007)

Oman: An Overview

161

The general objectives of the education system are to: a) reinforce young Omanis’ strong and proud belief in Islamic principles and behaviour, as well as pride in their country, their Gulf heritage, and the Arab world; b) value the diversity of the world’s peoples; c) understand and actively promote equity, justice, peace, and the protection of the environment in their community, Oman, and the world; d) care about the physical, emotional and spiritual health, as well as that of others e) pursue healthy, purposeful lives and develop good work habits and basic life skills; f) acquire knowledge and skills in all areas of the curriculum, including skills in questioning, g) investigate, promote critical thinking, problem solving, and decision making; h) apply the skills learned to further studies, work, leisure, daily living and a lifetime of i) use a variety of technologies, demonstrate an understanding of technological applications, apply appropriate technologies for solving problems related to their daily lives, and promote transliteracy; j) raise critical awareness of various forms of arts, and participate in creative activities and expression; k) raise awareness of global issues within the curriculum; l) use English to support, reinforce and consolidate topics in other subject areas; and m) present English as an international language and as a means of communication (Al-Jrdani, 2013).

Post-basic education This schooling level covers two years after general or basic education, with students who successfully pass grade 10 of general or basic education entering grade 11 of post-basic education. In this phase, all students have to study specialized curricula by choosing optional courses (Ministry of education, 2014). According to Issan and Gomaa (2010) the post-basic education is defined as a two-year programme of education following ten years of basic

162

Education in the Arab World

education. The MOE underlined the general characteristics of the programme as follows: a) adoption of internationally recognized curriculum and assessment standards based on learner outcomes and authentic assessment of student performance; b) provision of student-centred, activity-based learning activities that allow students to develop; c) development of understanding and problem-solving abilities which can be applied in a variety of real-life situations; d) placing an emphasis on the development of individual differences and special talents; e) Development of a core programme that emphasizes the development of employability skills and universal competencies; and f) Create flexibility that permits the ministry, educational regions or even schools to adapt to changing needs of the community in terms of grade 12 skills.

Special education The MOE has established a department of special education for the purpose of sending some handicapped students to study abroad since the school year 1974/1975. In the same year, some classes were opened for the deaf. In 1980/1981, these classes were developed to form the Al-Amal School for the deaf. In 1984/1985, this school was followed by a school for the mentally retarded. The Omar Bin Al-Khatab Institute for blind was opened in 1999/2000. The MOE in 1994 adopted a definition of this type of education from an international conference about special education needs. In the sixth (five-year) plan, the MOE implemented the policy of admitting children who have special needs in basic and general education schools (Ministry of Education, 2014). There are also fourteen Alwafaa voluntary social centres for the care of 1,282 children with disabilities in the regions. A private sector company and volunteers assist these centres. The MOE in Oman began applying an integration programme in two schools for students with learning disabilities in 2000/2001. Since 2005/2006, the ministry has implemented integration programmes for students with disabilities into regular schools to include other categories. The categories that were integrated are hearing impairment and intellectual disability. As of 2014/2015, the number of students benefitting from these services are as

Oman: An Overview

163

follows: 1,471 were with physical disabilities, 47 were hearing impaired and 155 had intellectual disabilities (Alfawair and Al Tobi, 2015). Sultanate of Oman issued the law of care and rehabilitation of persons with disabilities in 2008. Following that, Oman ratified on convention on the rights of persons with disabilities and optional protocol in 2008/2009. Since that time, The Ministry of Social Development in Oman has been providing several services to persons with disabilities through nonprofit organisations and social care centres. The following are the centres that support government’s efforts in the field of special education: a) The Association for the Welfare of Handicapped Children, which was registered in 1991. It serves children from the age of six to fourteen through a comprehensive programme of education, health, physical and academic services. b) The Oman Association for Disabled, was registered in 1995, which serves mainly persons with physical and motor disabilities. c) The Al Noor Association for the Blind was registered in 1997 and serves the interests of the blind in social, economic, welfare, education, health, training, placement and teaching of Braille. d) The Association of Early Intervention for Children with Special Needs was formed in 2000 and serves children from birth to six years, who are at risk or disabled, with a comprehensive early intervention programme that covers social, medical, physical, academic and therapeutic services, with the objective of having the children enrol in regular schools or minimize their disabilities to ensure a better quality of life for them and their families (Ministry of Social Development, 2014).

Illiteracy education The educational philosophy in the Sultanate of Oman aims to provide equal opportunity of education for all. Education is offered to all citizens and those who could not register in regular education can register in illiteracy centres, which are distributed all over Oman (Ministry of Education, 2014). Illiteracy classes began in the school year 1973/1974, and in 1981 the policy of illiteracy was issued. An illiterate is defined as any person who has exceeded the age of ten years and does not attend any school or educational institution and does not attain a sufficient level of reading, writing and computing. The

164

Education in the Arab World

illiteracy programme is for three years, after which he/she is liberated from the label of illiteracy and can register in grades 7–12 with adult education. The National Centre for Statistics in 2013 conducted a study, the results of which showed the percentage of reading among ages fifteen to seventy-nine was 94.47 per cent among males and 87.10 per cent among females. Hence from the year 2000, the MOE made many changes to the illiteracy education system, which are as follows: (a) raising the level of study from two years to three; (b) introducing English language to second and third classes; (c) recruiting graduates of general diploma to teach in illiteracy classes; and (d) promoting the authorship of ‘illiteracy books’ which cope with the latest changes in education. The MOE planned to reduce the percentage of illiterates among ten-yearolds and above between female and male to 50 per cent in 2015. In the school year 2014/2015, the number of students who registered illiterate in 14 centres was 862 in first, second and third classes (National Center for Statistics and Information, 2015).

Teacher training and preparation Teachers’ preparation in Oman has passed through five phases. The male teachers institute, which admits those who have completed elementary level, was opened in 1976/1977. In 1977/1978 a female teachers institute was opened, and in 1979/1980 a one-year diploma programme was offered for those who have completed general secondary schools to become primary schools teachers. In 1984/1985, teachers’ institutions were developed to admit general secondary graduates for a two-year diploma (Al Hariri, 2014: 463). The establishment of the Sultan Qaboos University (SQU) and six teachers colleges provided a supply of teachers with degrees and two-year teaching diplomas. The MOE has now established a partnership with the University of Leeds (UK) to enable Omani English teachers with a diploma qualification to upgrade to a higher degree. As a result of these initiatives, all teachers are now qualified and over 83 per cent have a first degree level qualification or higher. In 1986, the College of Education at SQU was opened, with its programmes leading to qualified teacher status (Ministry of Education, 2014). In order to improve teachers’ social and professional standards, the MOE decided that beginning in the year 1996/1997, only university graduates will be recruited to work as teachers in all levels (UNESCO, 2011). The training course extends for seventy-five hours. It includes three dimensions. The first dimension includes the definition of a teacher, philosophy of education, the plan of study,

Oman: An Overview

165

curricula philosophy and the rights and duties of the teacher. The second dimension, known as educational aspect, covers the work for teaching methods, evaluation methods and classroom management. The third dimension presents specialization aspects for each subject. Also, the training programme practice continues during service as in-service reinforcement. There are three levels of training: Central Level, a developmental training programme that educates teachers in accordance with developments in the educational system and is implemented at the main centre; Governance Level, which aims at providing teachers with enrichment and remedial activities that are designed to further the teacher’s knowledge and skills in respect of improving the educational process; and School Level, which is designed to enable schools to operate as training units, taking ongoing care of its teachers and other employees. In 2009, there were 1,298 programmes carried out according to professional development plan targeting 39,400 teachers. In 2010, 29,608 male and female teachers were targeted (Ministry of Education, 2014).

The administration of public education sector The MOE is responsible for setting, designing and executing the educational policies in the Sultanate of Oman. These responsibilities operate at three vertical levels: the central level, the local level – represented by the governance of educational directorates – and the school level. The school level is considered as an independent unit though under direct local supervision. The Ministerial Decision No: 2/2006 implemented self-management in schools and enabled them to take their own decisions on administrative, financial and technical matters. The main objective of self-management is to give the school managements a greater role to the school and its employees in planning, implementation and follow-up of activities, as well as in proposing programmes to improve school performance (UNESCO, 2011).

Private education The private sector plays a supportive role in the provision of education. Its main role is in the kindergarten and nurseries. However, the private education sector contributes as well in providing access to primary, preparatory and secondary education. In order to increase investment, it supports the government and

166

Education in the Arab World Table 8.2 Schools, students and teachers in private education in Oman Study year

Schools

Students

Teachers

2000

132

23,850

1,801

2005

158

28,183

2,250

2010

387

65,326

5,241

2013

444

79,382

6,248

Ministry of Education (2014).

encourages the private sector in many incentives, among these having a land for construction of buildings; provide 50 per cent of books prices, free supervising and teachers’ training. Private school students attempt a range of international certificates, such as the International General Certificate School Education (IGCSE), the Advanced Level Certificate (A Level) and International Baccalaureate (IB). The number of schools, students and teachers in this sector rose to 444, 79,382 and 6,248, respectively, in 2013 (Ministry of Education, 2014). Table 8.2 illustrates how the sector of private education participates in human resources in Oman. Hence, the government policies of privatization encourage local and international investors in this sector. The clear evidence is that there are now thirty-nine schools with 49,944 students, and 69.68 per cent of these schools are in Muscat governance (Ministry of Education, 2014)

Evaluation and quality of education The MOE aims to support student learning at all levels through educational processes in classes or in extra curricular activities. The process of learning is assessed by various methods and tools such as classroom activities, students’ projects and reports, and research. All these are for the purpose of achieving educational objectives. The MOE applies continuous formative and cognitive assessments to evaluate students’ learning. These methods are used at all levels of education. In order to achieve this, the MOE established the Director General of Planning and Quality Control and the Directorate General of Administrative Affairs. The aim of these units is to ensure quality management systems in accordance with requirements of the ISO 9001 (Education Council). According to the ministerial decision (19/2066), a school’s performance system was established, which is aimed at improving the quality of schools’ outcomes and also to reach a high level of competency and effectiveness overall. To achieve

Oman: An Overview

167

these goals the ministry implemented two methods, which are self-evaluation and external evaluation (Ministry of Education, 2009).

Public higher education By the first five-year plan of 1976–1980, the government gave priority for the higher education sector in Oman. In the academic year 1976/1977, the government sent the first groups of high school graduates to various friendly countries on scholarships, so as to meet the needs of development plans. During the period of the second national development plan, 1981–1985, the plan was strongly occupied with maintaining the balance between the processes of spreading and diversifying education in addition to improving the access to education and enhancing formal and adult education throughout all regions of the country. In response to the need for quality development in education, the teacher training institutes were upgraded to the standard of intermediate teacher training colleges. These colleges offered two-year training for the secondary school graduates in attempting to offer quality education for all citizens by 1984. With higher education support, a school for the mentally disadvantaged children was opened and guides were given to parents to help their children (Al Nabhani, 2007). Since 1980, the higher education sector has enjoyed special care and support from His Majesty Sultan Qaboos by the establishment of a government university named Sultan Qaboos University, which received its first intake in the academic year 1986/1987. Now the sector has developed from one public university to a number of median colleges for teachers, industrial technical colleges and health institutions, so that in the academic year 2013/2014 there were thirty institutions, one university and sixteen colleges among which thirteen are specialist institutions (Ministry of Higher Education, 2014). The higher education sector maintains every effort to meet the expectations of Omani people so that they may complete their high qualifications through expanding admissions in higher educational institutions. The following strategic objectives are in operation: a) to develop an overall administrative framework and increase its efficiency in ensuring an effective response to ongoing changes and developments; b) to meet the ever-growing demand for places in higher education from the increasing numbers of qualified general education diploma graduates, as well as from the general public;

168

Education in the Arab World

c) to increase the efficiency of Oman’s higher education institutions (HEIs) in order to achieve high quality standards aligned with economic and social development requirements and national and global trends; d) to enhance the capacity of Oman in research and development; and e) to promote higher education and keep the public informed of the ministry’s mandate and responsibilities (Ministry of Higher Education, 2015). The higher education sector has witnessed a remarkable demand from Omani society to pursue higher education studies. This could be through two opportunities: first, free education in Oman, by offering seats in public institutions; the applicants compete by their percentages in the higher schooling diploma. The second opportunity is through the internal and external scholarships offered by the government. Internal scholarships send student to private universities and colleges, while external scholarships support students who study abroad. In the academic year 2014/2015, the number of students offered scholarships was 9,676, with 1,263 of them being offered external scholarships (Ministry of Higher Education, 2014). His Majesty Sultan Qaboos bin Said in 2011 granted RO 100 million (164 million GDP) for 1,000 scholarships for Omani graduates to study at universities abroad. Table 8.3 illustrates the growth of students registered in higher education according to type of registration on government funding and scholarships

Sultan Qaboos University SQU is the realization of the promise announced by His Majesty Sultan Qaboos Bin Said during the tenth anniversary of Oman’s National Day in 1980. Construction began in 1982. The enrolment of the first batch of SQU students was in 1986. In accordance with the royal directives of His Majesty, the university commenced with five colleges; namely medicine, engineering, Table 8.3 The growth of higher educational institutions and students enrolment Type and Year Enrolled students

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

16,856

27,951

28,774

31,508

27,656

37.3

68.3

74.2

90.5

74.6

54

54

61

63

72

Enrolled student’s percentage from who passed exam (%) Institutions Higher Education Admissions Center (2015).

Oman: An Overview

169

agriculture, education and science. The College of Arts was added in 1987, following the College of Commerce and Economics, which was developed in 1993. The College of Law joined the university in 2006 and finally the College of Nursing was established in 2008. Student intake in the university began in the academic year 1986/1987 with 557 students enrolled as undergraduates for the bachelor degree. The number of students admitted for the academic year 2015/2016 in undergraduate degrees was 3,076 (1,370 male; 1,706 female) while the total enrolment of students in fall 2015 was 17,686 in all degrees. The number of graduates from 1990 to 2015 was 39,548, out of which 2,564 obtained master degrees and 36,984 obtained bachelor degrees (Deanship of Admission and Registration, 2016). The SQU organizational structure comprises the following levels: the university council, the vice chancellor, the academic council and three deputy vice chancellors. The university comprises nine colleges and seventeen centres (eight support centres and nine research centres), in addition to two deanships (Deanship of Admission and Registration, and Deanship of Student Affairs). There is a dean and a college council for each college. The dean is assisted by three faculty members as assistant deans (assistant for university study, assistant for post graduate studies and research, and training and community services). Each centre or institute has a director and one or two deputies (SQU, 2015).

Technical and vocational education In 1984, the education system in Oman exhibited a significant innovation by establishing the Oman Technical Industrial College in Muscat to prepare national cadres for the needs of the labour market. Later, in 1993, four regional vocational training institutions were upgraded to industrial colleges. These regional colleges were Al Musan’a, Nizwa, Ibra and Salalah, and were followed in 2005 and 2008 respectively by those in Shinas and Ibri. These colleges were named Colleges of Technology and awarded their graduates diplomas and advanced diplomas only. This sector of the education system is under the supervision of the Ministry of Manpower (Higher College of Technology, 2015). These colleges at present offer 38 programmes in different specializations: fifteen programmes in engineering, one in medicine, seven in air-conditioning and cooling, seven in commercial studies, six in science and three others in fashion, pharmacy and photography (Education Council, 2015b).

170

Education in the Arab World

In the academic year 2013/2014, the number of students registered in vocational centres was 2,572, while in the same year the number of students enrolled in the seven colleges of technology was 33,312. Female students numbered 13,596, representing 41 per cent of the total, while 19,716 were male (National Center for Statistic & Information, 2015).

Applied sciences colleges These institutions were original teacher training colleges offering two-year diplomas but were converted to university college level awarding bachelor’s degrees by a royal decree in 2007. These colleges are located in the cities of Nizwa, Ibri, Sur, Sohar, Rustaq and Saleh with the title of Applied Sciences Colleges. They currently offer five degree programmes: information technology, international business, communication studies, design and engineering. Each college is a centre of specialization for at least one of these programmes. The total number of students enrolled in these six colleges of applied sciences in the academic year 2014/2015 (fall semester) was 7,648, of which 5,495 students were female and 2,153 were male (Ministry of Higher Education, 2016).

Health education The Ministry of Health is also a provider of education services, especially through the establishment of health institutes. These institutes are managed to realize the vision of the ministry to produce skilful graduates in a wide range of health services. Initially, emphasis was placed on basic health education. This aim has been developed in accordance with the improvement of health services on one hand, and the sustainability of professional development, on the other hand, through the ministry adopting a set of themes aiming at providing a homogeneous system of education and training which is able to cope with changes and to deal with ever changing developments in the field of health. These themes are: a) basic health education in nursing, pharmacology and supporting medical careers; b) specialized education for supporting medical careers; c) specialized education and training for doctors; and d) internal and external scholarships.

Oman: An Overview

171

Since the first days of the Omani Modern Renaissance in 1970, the MOE has adopted health plans and policies directed towards rehabilitation and training of national health cadres so as to be one of the main props of the health system and health institutions through establishment of many health institutes. By the end of 2002, the total number of these institutes was seventeen which delivered four educational programmes in different fields of nursing, pharmacology and supporting medical careers. The process of health education in the ministry has accompanied the overall renaissance in Omani education, and society in general, and the human resources development in particular to contribute to the comprehensive development of the country. The health education process in nursing, pharmacology and supporting medical careers has undergone very significant advance over the past four decades (The Education Council, 2015).

Higher education administration Higher education institutions in the Sultanate of Oman come under several bodies. SQU is an independent higher education institution governed by its council, which is chaired by the minister of higher education. The six applied colleges are supervised by the Ministry of Higher Education. Colleges of technology are supervised by the Ministry of Manpower. Health institutions are supervised by Ministry of Health. Since higher education institutions are under the supervision of several and different ministries, there is a necessary need to establish a body that could carry out policies and procedures across all these institutions. This was achieved through the Royal Decree No. 48/2012, which was issued to establish the Education Council to replace the Higher Education Council, which was established by the Royal Decree No. 65/1998. The establishment of the Education Council comes in accordance with the wise vision and objectives of His Majesty Sultan Qaboos bin Said regarding raising the standards of all forms, levels and outcomes of education in the Sultanate of Oman to improve its quality in a way that corresponds with the general policy of the state, its development plans and the needs of the labour market. The functions of the council are legislative aspects, setting educational policies, following-up the performance of educational institutions and taking appropriate decisions in this respect (Education Council, 2015a).

172

Education in the Arab World

Private higher education The development of higher education includes both government and private higher education institutions. Private investors have the opportunity to establish new universities and colleges in the sultanate and are offered a number of scenarios, which are outlined in the following text. Oman’s system of higher education currently includes twenty-eight private universities and colleges with an enrolment of some 35,000 students by the academic year 2014/2015. Private higher education is formalized and regulated by a number of royal decrees and ministerial decisions; namely Royal Decrees 41/99 and 42/99, which regulate the establishment of private higher education institutions; and Ministerial Decision 36/99, an executive bylaw for implementing these two Royal Decrees. The Oman government encourages the private sector to establish colleges and institutes of higher education. The Ministry of Higher Education supervises this sector through a general directorate of private universities and colleges. It identifies the support provided by government to the private higher education sector. This includes a land grant, certain customs exemptions, as well as for private universities, a matching grant of 50 per cent of capital contribution to a maximum amount of RO three million. In addition, His Majesty Sultan Qaboos bin Said endowed a royal grant of RO 17 million for Omani-owned private universities. So far, this grant has been awarded to Sohar University, Dhofar University, Nizwa University, Buraimi University and Sharqiyah University for construction of facilities and for equipment directly related to improving the quality of education (Ministry of Higher Education, 2015).

Quality and accreditation of higher education The Oman Academic Accreditation Authority (OAAA) is a governmental independent entity which reports to the Education Council. It was established to provide confidence to the public that the quality of higher education in Oman meets international standards, and to encourage continuous improvement in the quality of higher education. The OAAA was initially established as the Oman Accreditation Council (OAC) by a royal decree in 2001 to develop and implement institutional and programme accreditation systems. In 2010, the OAAA was established by the Royal Decree No. 54/2010 to replace the Oman Accreditation Council, and is tasked to provide confidence to the public that the

Oman: An Overview

173

quality of higher education in Oman meets international standards, as well as to encourage continuous improvement in the quality of higher education. The royal decree stated that OAAA is responsible for regulating the quality of higher education in Oman to ensure the maintenance of a level that meets international standards, and to encourage higher education institutions to improve their internal quality, through the following: a) the establishment of a system that includes the standards and procedures for quality audit and institutional and programme accreditation of higher education institutions, in addition to the establishment of procedures for recognizing foreign higher education academic programmes offered in Oman; b) the conducting of quality audits of higher education institutions; c) accreditation of higher education institutions against relevant national and international standards established in this regard; d) accreditation of higher education academic programmes against relevant standards established in this regard; e) the development and updating of the National Academic Qualifications Framework in collaboration with the Ministry of Higher Education and other relevant authorities; f) collaboration with the Ministry of Higher Education regarding the development and upgrading of the procedures of quality audit and institutional and programme accreditation of higher education institutions; g) signing of mutual recognition memorandums of understanding with relevant authorities of quality assurance in higher education in other countries; h) preparation of an annual report regarding the quality of higher education institutions and their programmes that are reviewed, and presenting the results and recommendations to the Higher Education Council; i) publication of quality audit and institutional and programme accreditation results; and j) any other issues assigned by the Education Council related to the OAAA’s responsibilities (Oman Academic Accreditation Authority, 2014).

Future trends for schooling education Governance The Sultanate of Oman is seeking to decentralize the education system. Several studies conducted by the MOE and some related organization

174

Education in the Arab World

illustrated that it should shift to a decentralized administration and give more local responsibilities to educational governance. The ministry began the implementation of decentralization gradually by the Ministry Decision No. 21/2009. This decision gave schools full responsibilities to manage their programmes. Also educational governance gave the responsibilities which are related to examinations management, teacher appointments and teacher training programmes management. This is reckoned to be in tune with the rapid global development and changes in educational systems.

Financing The Sultanate of Oman offers free education but this places increasing pressure on the government to dedicate large funds for the education sector. The education budget is not connected to the increasing number of applicants in schools but it is influenced by inflation, the rising cost of living and teachers’ salaries. Hence, according to the report following analysis of quality education in Oman, note should be taken of the total of development priorities such as reviewing the bases of the budget of the MOE, which is connected to the quality of education system outcomes and the salaries system. This will ensure reviewing regulations and bylaws to involve both public and private participation in providing a suitable range of national educational services in all sectors.

Curricular control The MOE takes the responsibility of reviewing all curricula of general education and their development. According to the relevance of developmental objectives, cultural mores and traditions, curricula need to continue to revolve around tolerance, justice and equality. The development of curricula can be carried out through checking the sequence and harmony of study subjects, maintaining the importance of connecting contents of study books to the requirements of individual, societal and national development and the Omani market.

Engagement with society Parents: studies have illustrated that the participation of parents in issues relating to their children’s learning affect their study achievements. So the

Oman: An Overview

175

MOE supports efforts that strengthen partnerships with and within the families of students so that this partnership is a participant in the setting of study plans. Private sector: as indicated previously, the private sector is a strongly supportive feature of education in Oman. The leaders of education are aware that the government’s budget is unable to cover all education expenses through its own revenue. This means that national leaders of education need to be continually looking to the private sector as an important supporter of education in the future, including through opening other choices of knowledge acquisition in Oman. Civil society: the policies of education regarding NGOs need to be more developed. Changes are set to give more space for these organizations to participate in the development process, and to be side by side with government in educational development. Alignment with the labour market: According to the Oman 2020 vision, the education system is to prepare citizens with the skills and competences that are applicable to the real labour market. A cooperative study between the MOE in Oman and The World Bank conducted in 2012 recommended deploying focused educational resources in all institutions in relation to the changing nature of employment in the country (Ministry of Education, 2014).

Conclusion Comparing what has been achieved in the field of education during the past forty-five years of modern Oman with other similar countries would indicate an achievement in this field of which Oman can be proud. The evidence from data, including indicators of enrolment and dropout in education institutions at various levels indicate the positive role played by the government. This has been achieved through the five-year development plans, which have provided an infrastructure for education, with the easing of enrolment into schools, universities and colleges, as well as providing financial support. This has included the provision of increasingly higher quality human resources to conduct processes education and learning and achieve higher high-quality education outcomes.

176

Education in the Arab World

However, the educational system in Oman faces continued challenges in a number of areas. These are: A) Finance: the Oman economy depends on limited production of oil and gas, and there are no other physical sources that enhance its financial capabilities. Consequently, with their depletion, there is a shrinking budget for education. The Omani government must search for alternative sources to finance education such as: government taxes to support the educational budget, partnerships, distance learning, private and individual investment, students’ grants, Islamic Waqf and scientific research. B) Educational professionalism: professionalism represents another challenge and needs to be enhanced. In the absence of professionalism among educators, the processes of teaching and learning will remain weak. Consequently, there is a need for a law of education which can help to raise standards and support the social status of teachers and other educators. C) Centralization/decentralization of educational administration: adjusting power in the top administration so that trust and influence should be given to middle educational administrators in the education directorates at provincial and institutional levels to realize the objectives and implement policies without delay or complications. This should be developed side by side with the establishment of independent agencies of quality assurance and control. At the level of higher education, in particular, there is a need for the independence of universities and colleges to effect financial and administrative disengagement from subordination to the ministries that are operated by the civil service system. There is also unnecessary duplication between the public and private higher education institutions in terms of programmes. Without reform, this repetition could result in unemployment among graduates. This should be solved by harmonizing the outputs and the number of disciplines and range of skills required in the labour market.

References Al Hariri, Rafdah (2014) System and Education Policies and Developing its in Gulf States Cooperation Countries. Amman, Jordan: Dar Alyazoori Publishing and Distribution.

Oman: An Overview

177

Alfawair, Ahmaed and Al Tobi, Abdullah (2015) Special needs education in Sultanate of Oman: Past, present & future, https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/278823414_ Deanship of Admission and Registration (2016) Students’ Record. Offered by Dean’s Office, 26 January 2016. Higher College of Technology (2015) Higher College of Technology History. http:// www.educouncil.gov.om/en/about3.html?scrollto=start Higher Education Admissions Center (2015) Higher Education Statistics. http://www. heac.gov.om/downloads/AdmissionStatasticalReports/StatasticalRep2014-2015. pdf Issan, Salha A., and Gomaa, Nariman M. M. (2010) Post basic education reforms in Oman: A case study. Literacy Information and Computer Education Journal (LICEJ) 1(1): 19–27. Al-Jardani, Khalid SalimSaif (2013) English language curriculum evaluation in Oman. International Journal of English Linguistics 2(5): 40–44. Ministry of Education (2012a) Education in Oman: The Drive for Quality. Jointly prepared by The Ministry of Education and The World Bank. Published by Ministry of Education, Sultanate of Oman (Arabic Version). Ministry of Education (2012b) Education in Oman: The Drive for Quality. Jointly prepared by The Ministry of Education and The World Bank. Published by Ministry of Education, Sultanate of Oman (English Version). Ministry of Education (December 2014) Education in Sultanate of Oman: The Annual Educational Statistics Book. Ministry of Education in Oman, www.moe.gov.om Ministry of Education Ministry (2014) National Report Education for All: Sultanate of Oman. Sultanate of Oman: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Higher Education (2014) Annual Report. Ministry of Higher Education in the Sultanate of Oman. Ministry of Higher Education (2015) Universities and Colleges, http://www.mohe.gov. om/InnerPage.aspx?id=30C2284B-7B6D-49C7-BE63-2DCF29E48905 Ministry of Higher Education (2016) Applied Sciences Colleges, http://mohe.gov.om/ InnerPage.aspx?id=2F491019-0855-4708-9F7D-AD03EAAB10BB&culture=en Ministry of Legal Affairs (2013) Royal Decree No. (96/101) and Royal Decree No. 2011/99 Amendment to Some Provisions of the Basic Statute of the State. http://mola. gov.om/eng/basicstatute.aspx Ministry of Social Development Social (2014) Care Centers and Alwafaa Centers. Oman Academic Accreditation Authority. Al Nabhani, M. (2007) Developing the Education System in the Sultanate of Oman through Implementing Total Quality Management: The Ministry of Education Central Headquarters – a Case Study. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Glasgow. National Center for Statistic & Information (2015) Statistical Year Book. Issue 43. Oman Academic Accreditation Authority (2014) Establishment and Responsibilities, http://www.oaaa.gov.om/About.aspx#Establishment (accessed 26 January 2016).

178

Education in the Arab World

The Education Council-Oman (2015a). Abstract on the Council of Education. http:// www.educouncil.gov.om/en/edu-about.html?scrollto=start The Education Council-Oman (2015b) Technical and Vocational Education in the Sultanate of Oman, http://edu council.gov.om/en/about3.html?scrollto=start (accessed 1 December 2015). The Education Council-Oman (2015c) Higher Education Sector in the Sultanate of Oman, http://educouncil.gov.om/en/about3.html?scrollto=start (accessed 1 December 2015). The Education Council Oman (2015d) School of Education in the Sultanate of Oman, http://www.educouncil.gov.om/en/edu-schools.html?scrollto=start (accessed 22 January 2016). The Education Council-Oman (2015e) Health Education in the Sultanate of Oman, http://www.educouncil.gov.om/en/about2.html?scrollto=start.26/01/2016. UNESCO (2011) World Data on Education, 7th edition. Revised Version, August 2011 compiled by UNESCO-IBE, http://www.ibe.unesco.org

9

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education Fatma Al-Maadheed

Introduction In this chapter, we follow the developmental trail of the educational system in the state of Qatar. In the past fifty years, the small oil and gas rich state has witnessed giant steps towards defining its educational landscape to suit its modern milieu. There were two schools for the multitude of development projects in the decades following the 1950s. In 2001, education became the heart of the country’s development in the launching of ‘education for a new era’, which in many ways reshaped the education field in Doha. There are some that might agree that it was too ambitious in its goals. Ten years later, a new vision emerged for the education sector, Qatar Vision 2030. This set the goals for a longer period, which were outlined in a ten-year strategy plan. Moreover, a new stage is shaping for beyond the year 2015. The stages and defining milestones of this ever-changing context are described in the following sections to provide a description of the big picture, rather than depicting its micro parts.

The state of Qatar After the First World War, Qatar became a British protectorate after four centuries of Ottoman control (Lesko, 2002). It acquired the status of a sovereign nation in 1971. The population of Qatar is currently a little less than two million, 80 per cent of which is made up of non-Qataris (Planning and Statistics Publication, 2014). This mass consists of foreign workers, mainly from Asian countries, in addition to various European and Western professionals. These are workers brought in to meet the labour needs of the oil industry. The country has a large public sector (including education) that serves as the dominant employer in the

180

Education in the Arab World

country, importing expatriate labour (skilled and unskilled) to fill the shortage in the local labour pool (Gonzalez et al., 2008). Despite the large numbers of expatriates, Qatar is still a homogenous tribal society1 where most Qataris have ancestors from central Arabia and embrace Wahhabi Islamic ‘jurisprudence’ (Saif, 2008). This makes Qatar more of a ‘community state’ with a small national population enhanced by colossal riches but still strongly rooted in past values and traditions, despite the infusion of wealth. Thus, upon close inspection the Qatari community, despite its gleaming, modern, urban face is still profoundly drawn to long-standing Qatari and Islamic values. There is a certain type of ‘conservatism’ that might not be negative but is certainly characteristic of Qatar and the immediate region. Qatar has the highest per-capita gross domestic product (GDP) in the world; therefore the majority of its nationals enjoy a high standard of living with major services, such as education and health provided by the government without any taxation. Arabic is the official language of the state and English is widely spoken in the country as well. Qatar also has the highest percapita expenditure on education in the world. This wealth is redistributed to nationals through civil service with 88.6 per cent of Qataris employed in government administration and 4 per cent work in the private sector (Berrebi et al., 2009). As a result, Qatar imports labour for its economy. Of the 1.04 million people living in Qatar in 2006, in-country sources estimate that about 18 per cent are nationals (Qatar General Secretariat, 2008, tables 5 and 20), with the balance comprising of expatriate workers and, rarely, their families.

Socio-historical context of education Before the start of modern education in Qatar in the 1950s, the only form of education was the traditional provision provided by one teacher (Mutawa) to a group of girls or boys (al Kuttab). This was mainly religious in content, based on memorizing verses of the Quran and religious scripts, as well as basic Arabic orthography and simple arithmetic. In 1952, Qatar had 1 elementary school for boys with 240 pupils and 6 teachers. By 1980, Qatar had 71 schools for boys with 20,588 pupils and 70 schools for girls with 19,356 students. It established its academic system with six years of primary education, three of preparatory education and three of secondary education. The compulsory age for starting school is 6 (Al-Ammari, 2004; Al-Nuaimi, 2003).

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

181

From having only a few Quranic schools for boys in the early 1900s, Qatar’s system of education evolved into the comprehensive educational infrastructure that exists today. Both private and government schools offer preschool and primary education. The Qatari K-12 education system serves about 100,000 students, with two-thirds of them attending schools that are government financed and operated. According to the latest Schools and Schooling Report (2014), at the primary level, there are around 200 schools in operation of different types following the Qatari educational curriculum. Private schools follow a curriculum that meets the needs of the various expatriate communities in the country. British, French, Norwegian, American, Filipino, Japanese, Indian, Bangladeshi and other communities have schools that serve the needs of their respective members. The majority of these private schools coordinate closely with educational authorities in the home countries of their constituents, and the standard of education in these private schools is generally high.

Stages of development of the education system Education in Qatar can be characterized by the constant and ongoing developments. In this light, the stages of educational development are divided historically with grouping of different podiums together. The stages are: the early stage, 1990s attempts at development, education for a new era, and beyond 2015.

Early stages of development Qatar’s leaders, since the last century, have imminently valued education as a bridge to development. This can be seen from the many attempts over a hundred years of different leaders and reigns.

1890–1930: The onset The reign of Sheikh Abdullah bin Jassim saw the opening of the first school in Qatar in 1913. At that time, Qatar as the luckiest in the region, had ten Quranic schools (kutabs), one middle school, but no female education. Some Ottoman scripts talked about fifteen schools of some type as well (Al-Abdulla, 1998). The first school was mainly for adult learners to pursue their religious and literary education. There were no set years for education in this school as students ceased to learn when they felt they completed their education.

182

Education in the Arab World

1931–1957: School beginnings Qatar education was limited to the small Kutabs and adult schools until 1947, when a school for children was opened. The school started with 1 teacher and 50 students. By 1952, there were 240 students and 6 teachers. During this year, other schools opened in different areas of the country. Al-Abdulla (1998) reports 4 schools in 1954 with a total of 560 students. Twenty-six teachers taught in these predominantly boys’ schools from the Levant area.

1960–1990: A modern education It can be observed from the previous description that public education began mainly in the 1960s, which is similar to many other countries in the region (Gazi, 2014). This was simultaneous with the discovery of oil in the region, which contributed to the progress of the educational system. It can also be said that education was a major dilemma for previous rulers of Qatar, but the educational system itself was relatively new nonetheless. Starting from the late fifties, the ruler of Qatar at that time, ordered a committee to establish the education system. This committee had a great reputation with the people of Qatar; therefore, this encouraged most of the population to enlist their children in the new school system let alone the incentives, such as students’ salaries, the free meals and school stationery. The sixties witnessed a transformation that is still applicable. School stages were six primary levels, three preparatory and three secondary. Vocational education also started in the same year: commercial, industrial, religious secondary schools and a teacher’s college. Higher education followed soon in 1974 with two education colleges (male and female), which were later developed into Qatar University (QU).

1990s attempts at development During the 1990s, Qatar also tried its hand at several experiments for the progress of the education system. Al-Kutaisi (2011) groups these into four attempts. The first attempt was in 1990, when the Ministry of Education (MOE) contracted with the Middle East office of the UNESCO to conduct an evaluative review of the system to propose a systematic plan for development. The 232-page report described the system at the time in detail pinpointing areas of weakness and improvement. The authorities, however, never took up the results of the report. The second attempt was in 1996, when the leadership put together a committee of nine Qatari figures with the job to evaluate and develop the education system. The tendency was to induce a community

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

183

based on development and change. The committee put together a group of consultants from QU and other ministries. This produced several reports that summed up the deficit in the educational system: (a) shortage of teacher qualifications, (b) massive shortage of school building, (c) deficit in scientific labs and (d) a great deficit in the education budget since 1985. Further on the next year, MOE contracted with the UNDP and Qatar UNESCO office to provide a project on sustained human resources development to review the development data presented by the UNESCO in Qatar. This third attempt was concerned with various sectors in the government, including education. The results of these projects were mostly reports and recommendations that were taken up as suggestions to various sectors but no major changes were incurred.

The fourth attempt: ‘Education for a new era’, 2001 This reform movement, which saw the transformation of all public schools to ‘independent’ schools, has been much researched despite general belief. The experiment itself is intriguing and has been described as ‘ambitious’ among other things (Brewer et al., 2007; Guarino and Tanner, 2012; Zimmer et al., 2010). Education for a new era was a large-scale education reform that took place in Qatar from 2001 until 2011. Qatar contracted with RAND (a USbased non-profit advisory institute, which the Qatari Government invited to oversee educational changes in 2001) to guide and lead education reform in Qatar (Brewer et al., 2007). RAND did various reviews and surveys that ended with a report proposing two alternates to develop education. The first was to fix the education system from the inside keeping the MOE and the second was to establish charter schools (later were called independent schools) and restructure the whole education authority. The leaders in Qatar opted for the second choice. In 2002, a royal decree was released to create the Supreme Education Council as the highest education authority in Qatar. Two new independent agencies were created to carry out the reform: The Education Institute and the Evaluation Institute (Brewer et al., 2007). Independent schools were established with four critical principles in their creation: Autonomy, Accountability, Equity and Choice. In the first few years, international support teams were contracted to support school leaders in the development of independent schools. Within seven years and against the original plan, all schools in Qatar were transformed into independent schools.

184

Education in the Arab World

Saif (2008) notes that this initiative was considered the cornerstone of progress towards educational reform in Qatar. Researchers in the region also valued this initiative (Ghazi, 2014). This attempt at educational development is the most holistic and ambitious in Qatar’s history. The significance of this initiative in the region, and globally, is that world research focused on indicating the necessary conditions for successful educational systems (Copenhagen Challenge Paper, 2004, 2008; World Bank, 2003). These are summarized as follows: clear objectives, financing, autonomy and accountability. In theory, a highly functioning school system should adopt these principles to produce highquality educational programmes. One criticism aimed at these prescriptions, however, is that they can be politically impractical (Schultz, 2004). That is, the political costs of moving to a reform exhibiting these characteristics would be so high that the reform would either be unfeasible or unsustainable. Research on school reform suggests that strong tensions exist between change, continuity, quality and equity (Stoll and Fink, 1996). Qatar has grown extremely wealthy very quickly and its regime is largely autocratic. It does not have the degree of fiscal or political constraints common to many countries throughout the world. This makes Qatar a perfect case to study reform in this context. Failure to succeed, in such a context, would suggest the international community might need to re evaluate its models or provide more guidance on how to implement them. The conditions surrounding this particular reform will be discussed in more detail in section six.

Beyond 2011 In 2011, the educational authorities in Qatar were commissioned to produce plans in accordance with the newly set ‘Qatar 2030 vision’. The vision is a set of long-term goals for the nation’s development within all sectors including education. The vision came with a National Development Strategy and the strategy team produced the 2011–2016 Education and Training Strategy. The document presented a set of challenges that must be resolved within the education sector including: the low performance of students in mathematics and science, weakness of educational administration and leadership, a mismatch between the national curricula and the job market. The document also produced twenty-one strategic plans to counter these challenges related to the outcomes set in the national strategy. Reading into the new education strategy, one can stipulate that this is the fifth attempt at development from the endeavour that was started in the beginning of the century. The principles of

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

185

the independent schools and initiative’s components were not mentioned in the documents provide evidence of this.

Qatari schooling system Since 2001, under the new reforms, there are five types of schools available to Qatari pupils and parents. Independent schools, MOE schools and private schools, which include international schools, community schools and private Arabic schools, as follows: Independent schools are publically funded, privately run schools similar to charter schools in the United States. The charter schools’ system claims to tailor programmes to the particular needs of the students (ECSSR, 1999). The independent schools in Qatar were established through the educational reform that started in 2001. These schools’ main cornerstone is their independence from state intervention. As a general regulation, any Qatari pupil can attend these schools according to proximity of housing. In addition, any employee of the government (even if non-Qatari) is entitled to free education and eligible to enrol in an independent school. Other non-Qataris and children of non-government employees can enrol for a small fee. In total, there are 137 independent schools distributed throughout Qatar (including villages), 44 of which are primary schools. In the beginning, the medium of instruction in these schools was in English, especially in mathematics and science. Since 2010, schools reverted to using Arabic as the medium of instruction. MOE (Ministry of Education) schools were publically funded and run by the MOE under highly centralized governance. Prior to the 2001 initiative, these were the only public schools in Qatar. The medium of instruction in these schools was in Arabic. However, under the wishes of the authorities, all MOE schools turned into independent schools within seven years. As a result, the vision of the 2001 reforms ‘Education for new Era’ was diminished because of limited choice. This will be explored further in section six. Private schools comprise three different types: international schools (locally known as English private schools), community schools and Arabic private schools, as follows: The majority of international schools are managed and run for Englishspeaking expatriates, although many Qatari and Arabic-speaking families choose to send their children to these schools. They follow the curriculum of a foreign country or a general international curriculum and often enrol children of both

186

Education in the Arab World

Qataris and expatriates living in Qatar. They fall under the jurisdiction of the education authorities as well: the private schools’ office, SEC. The curriculum is mainly taught in English and these schools are not under embassy sponsorship. Most of these schools are co-educational up until grade 6. In general, standards at private international schools are high with small class sizes and modern facilities. These schools offer Islamic religious education and Arabic language classes. Community schools offer a curriculum from another country, generally for children of a specific expatriate group living in Qatar (e.g. Indian, Pakistani, American, French, German and Japanese). These schools are sponsored by the embassy of the relevant country and mostly they are small schools catering to their nationals. There are about twenty community schools centred in the city of Doha as well. Their medium of instruction varies according to each school’s nationality. Private Arabic schools are also small schools catering to parents with no interest in encouraging extra proficiency in English. Most are Islamic schools and mainly follow the curriculum of the MOE. There are about twelve Arabic private schools. Tuition usually costs less than the international schools as well. The medium of instruction in these schools is Arabic with English taught as a second language. The public private distinction of schools in Qatar was meant to diminish, as part of the 2001 initiative, a proposal for including educational vouchers for parents who wish to enlist their children in an international school instead of a public/independent school. The idea behind this scheme was to widen choice, competition and provide variety.

Teacher training Teachers at the primary stage are females, with very few exceptions, with boys and girls in different schools. Male teachers teach children in grades 5 and 6 on separate premises. The female teachers are mainly Qatari with a number of Arabic and Middle Eastern expats. The male teachers are mainly Arab and nonArab expats on a temporary contract with little ‘loyalty’ to the achievement of the educational outcomes, which are set by the educational initiatives of the higher leadership. This presents a sharp distinction between the teaching staff of boys and girls. The SEC Report of 2008–2009 distinctively indicates this imbalance in the teaching force with Qataris constituting about 35 per cent of the teaching staff and non-Qataris accounting for 65 per cent.

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

187

Having this demographical picture in mind, one can speculate about the role of teacher training. During the early years of the reform that started in 2001, teacher education was an on-going non-centralized process that stemmed out of teachers’ needs based on the school leadership decisions. However, as the reform receded back to being a centralized system, teacher training has changed. Schools still hold some freedom in choosing its training needs but up to a certain limit. In 2015, a teachers’ office was formed to oversee teachers resourcing and training. According to the latest report from SEC (2010), training during the last years was based on partnership with other institutions in Qatar, such as the, World Innovation Summit in Education (WISE), Qatar Community College, Qatar Foundation, Exxon Mobil and the British Council. The report also cites challenges that encounter educational authorities in this area. One main challenge is the high percentile of newly appointed non-Qatari teachers who have acquired their experience and certification from their own countries with little knowledge of the Qatari schooling system. There is a need of an induction programme to mentor these teachers during the first years in the job. There is also a high mobility of teachers between schools. Another main challenge is the lack of local expertise in the training field and the constant need of contracting with trainers from outside the country.

Educational vouchers program (EVP) The Supreme Education Council, as part of the original plan in the initiative, started including private schools in the educational development scheme through a vouchers programme (SEC, 2010). Schools would have to go through strict procedure to be included in the educational vouchers scheme. The first stage started in 2008 with a total of 100 Qatari students studying in three schools. Each year, schools submit their proposal documents to be included in the vouchers programme and be accepted according to international standards in: (a) school curriculum, (b) school quality and (c) staff quality. Schools have to use an internationally accredited curriculum with special attention to offering tuition in Arabic and Islamic studies, as well as Qatari citizenship studies. Schools also are obliged to balance between in-class and out-of-class activities within an environment that is sensitive to the Qatari culture and heritage. Students whose first language is not English should be supported, as well as students with special needs. These and many other components are part of a whole mechanism for accrediting a private international school into the EVP. The gist of the programme is that the SEC would pay the school a certain

188

Education in the Arab World

amount for any Qatari student between the age of 4–18 that covers all or most of the school fees required to enter a private international school, if parents wish so. In this venture, the authorities seek to create a versatile educational climate.

E-learning E-learning is another initiative launched in alliance with the new reform started in 2001 to enrich students’ educational experiences. The e-learning programme mission statement goal is to provide an educational environment that enables teachers, learners, researchers, educational personnel and all stakeholders in the use of technology to enhance educational skills and experiences. This is through the utilization of flexible, high-quality technological tools that lead to creativity, self-learning, teaching and research. The advantages of using available technologies are the accessibility of their learning platform at any time and the speed of communication between learners and teachers (SEC, 2004). The programme includes four components: Learning Management System (LMS), e-bags, electronic library and the e-gates. The LMS acts as the main platform for student and teacher communication, parents’ notification, students’ progress reports and schools status. The e-bag programme provides each student with a tablet that contains all textbooks required in his/her grade level. This is a modern take on textbook learning; however, some setbacks are that some parents refuse to use it due to the insurance on the device. Other challenges, which are acknowledged by the e-learning office, are the weak IT skills of the teachers and low parental awareness of the importance of IT in learning. The use of technology in the classroom should not be restricted to textbook downloads is another consideration. It should encourage the utilization of other interactive contents that engage students in much the same way as the internet and social media.

Education for a new era The nation’s leadership has always viewed education as a key to economic and social growth. The previous Emir of Qatar had taken steps to build a worldclass educational system aligned with other national initiatives. Qatar initiated an ambitious educational reform to ensure that citizens maintain a leading role in their economy and are able to compete in the international market. In 2002, the Emir of Qatar issued a decree, which established a Supreme Education

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

189

Council (SEC) as the highest authority in Qatar’s education sector. This led to a reform entitled ‘Education for a New Era’. This reform was designed to decentralize authority and increase autonomy, accountability, variety and choice within the system. Qatar makes it a unique case, as mentioned earlier, to study the implementation of the four principles of autonomy, accountability, equity and choice in a state-wide reform, such as the one undertaken by the education authorities in Qatar. The establishment of fiscal data systems and a standardized testing programme make it possible to evaluate the reform’s progress with respect to key aspects of the international standards. The K-12 transformation was a drastic divergence from the previous educational structure. ‘Independent Schools’ were established in the form of charter schools that were operated independently from the existing MOE. A ‘school operator’ at each school was allowed to exercise a degree of autonomy over both academic and financial matters within an abstemiously regulated framework. This autonomy was intended to lead to a variety of curricular offerings and pedagogical approaches that would in turn lead to quality improvements in schooling options. Parents were permitted to exercise a limited degree of choice over their children’s enrolment. Alongside to the establishment of the new schools, Qatar developed curriculum standards in four subjects – Arabic, English, mathematics and science. The SEC also commissioned the development of the Qatar Comprehensive Educational Assessment (QCEA) exam: a paper-and-pencil standardized national assessment battery consisting of multiple-choice and constructed-response questions. These are based on Arabic, English, math and science curriculum standards. Public private Arabic schools and independent schools were assessed in the first years, but only independent schools were assessed since 2007. Concurrently, the government developed the Qatar National Educational Database System (QNEDS) – a broad series of surveys for students, parents and teachers. Accountability for increasing school results was fostered through choice, standards and information. The reform was introduced in stages, but it experienced rapid progression. The expansion in the independent schools has continued and full conversion of all ministry schools to independent schools was concluded in 2010. When the reform was established, it was criticized locally. The language of instruction was a challenge to parents, students and sometimes teachers. The syllabus was mainly supported with curriculum standards without prescribed textbooks, which was a sudden and sharp change for teachers in Qatar. Arabic

190

Education in the Arab World

and Asian teachers were rarely trained in modern teaching techniques. In the years after, when the tests were available in two languages, there was language testing and weak translations with strange rubric composition creating a constant challenge. Guarino and Tanner’s (2012) seminal study investigated this reform. This study examined the reform in the early stages of its implementation against a set of four criteria for successful education systems: adequacy, accountability, autonomy and gender equity. The study investigated both the initial structure of the reform and its sustainability in light of concerns that movements in these directions might be politically unfeasible. Although their paper evaluated the Qatari case mainly within a financial lens during the first two years of the operation, it is an academically viable study that describes and documents this valuable experiment. Guarino and Tanner (2012) report that one key element of Qatar’s reform was to hold independent schools accountable for fiscal responsibility and student learning. Accountability relied primarily on two mechanisms: school choice and fiscal monitoring. The first involves allowing parents to select the school that their children attend, which is essentially ‘voting with their feet’. To aid parental decision making, school report cards were disseminated to inform parents of the academic performance and features of every independent, ministry and private Arabic school in Qatar. However, the choice mechanism itself was overall fairly weak. All independent schools were converted from ministry schools rather than as ‘start-up’ schools. Space in the independent schools was constrained by limited facilities and requirements to limit class sizes to twenty-five students. Many independent schools were oversubscribed with preference given to students who attended the school before conversion. Based on this analysis, accountability for the proper use of resources relied on regulations rather than parental choice and these regulations became more and more stringent every year. The rapid conversion of all schools into independent schools was another limit to parental choice with accountability and choice compromised from the onset. Autonomy was undermined due to the limitation of choice and increased regulations from SEC. Surpluses were frozen, real funding levels were cut and other regulations were intensified as well. Thus, the initial reform structure was altered, inhibiting autonomy and aspects of innovation along with it. Initially, the schools were privately incorporated as limited liability corporations (LLCs). By virtue of their status as LLCs, schools became for-profit entities, a strong departure from the traditional public school culture in Qatar, to a business model of education. By March 2006, however, regulations regarding operators and legal

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

191

entities had changed: independent schools became non-profit; operators were required to be Qatari nationals, and serve as their school’s principal (Supreme Education Council, 2010). The ongoing government alterations of staffing regulations did in fact reduce the autonomy of the school leaders to choose optimal staff. Although initial funds were adequate to secure performance levels that were high relative to implicit standards, other principles were not fully secured. Accountability to stakeholders was initially emplaced by spending restrictions and parental choice mechanism was relatively weak by default. Autonomy to manage for results and to encourage motivated system providers was strong in the design in the first few years but with each year this principle subsided. Against initial reform plans, the reform expanded quickly and by 2010 all ministry schools turned into independent schools. However, almost all studies agree that most of the reform principles that reflected international recommendations were almost immediately either suppressed or transformed mainly reverting back to the preexisting system. It is not the place to discuss motives for the alterations done by the government but the context prevailed. It is also important to note that the K-12 reform has changed the landscape of education in Qatar and that many reform principles, though diluted, have been retained. As it stands, Education for a New Era has introduced school choice and streamlined many administrative functions. It provides valuable lessons on the international and regional arenas for countries embarking upon such ambitious educational restructuring including Qatar.

Language of instruction The language of instruction remains a main feature in many nations’ educational settings. Qatar, in the initial stages of the previously described reform, has made a decision to include English as a language of instruction and a language of testing for math and science. This step has provided many opinions and criticism. It presented an added dilemma to the already versatile linguistic scene in Qatar. Levels of proficiency for teachers and students were failing to promote learning and ten years later, Arabic was restored as the language of instruction and testing. Over 200 million people in the Middle East, and in countries with a significant Muslim population, speak the Arabic language. There are three types of Arabic: Classical Arabic (found in the Quran, old religious texts and poetry),

192

Education in the Arab World

Modern Standard (MSA) (used by many countries as the national and official language) and then there are over thirty forms of colloquial or spoken Arabic vernaculars. Speakers of these dialects will understand each other in reference to their geographical proximity. MSA is described as a mainly written, literary and formal language that displays a high degree of uniformity, which functions as the official standard language in all Arab countries. It is the language of Islam (the second largest religion in the world), of pan-Arab nationalism and marks the overarching Arab identity (Haeri, 2000). The EFA report indicates a paradox in that literacy in all Arab-speaking countries is taught through MSA, which sometimes for young learners will be quite distinct from the spoken form they are used to. Thus, learners will have to perform two tasks in their literacy education: they have to learn the standard form of Arabic and learn how to encode the oral standard form (which they might not have used prior to their school experience) into script and decode the script back into oral language. In this light, it can be seen that Arabic-speaking children are born into a unique linguistic context called ‘diglossia’ (Garcia, 2009). This Dialect-‘fusha’/ MSA relationship presents learners with an added dilemma to the educational experience. English is used widely in the state of Qatar. According to Kachru and Smith (2008), Qatar falls within the expanding circle of English usage. Qatar, after its independence in 1973, has maintained some use of English as a communication language with the international community, especially after becoming a major exporter of oil and natural gas. For example, street signs and shop hoardings are often written in both Arabic and English. With growing Eastern-Asian communities (Indian, Filipino and Pakistani), English is also becoming a lingua franca for many daily activities. Banking and commerce also use English widely as a language of written communication. In the educational system, English has been taught from either grade 4 or 5, since the 1970s, until the recent reforms in the educational system where English became a second language. It is taught from grade 1, as well as a language of instruction in core subjects, such as mathematics, science and sometimes art and physical education in many schools across Qatar. Unlike most countries in similar situations (e.g. Israel, India and Philippines), the term ‘bilingual education’ is rarely addressed as an issue in educational contexts. When the SEC website is examined, as well as published school policies, it is noteworthy that bilingualism is not a professed policy in the country and English is not considered a second language in the community. The term ‘bilingual’ is not a part of any school policy, despite the fact that bilingual

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

193

education is actually taking place in almost all state schools and the majority of private schools. The lack of this type of documentation and formal conversation about bilingualism makes it difficult to map out the bilingual situation without further study. According to Garcia (2004), the situation in Qatar might be that of monoglossic bilingualism with bilingual education as an additive attribute without the intent of bicultural diversity. In general, during the 2001 reforms, Qatar was interested in raising the level of proficiency in the English language and thus ‘experimenting’ with bilingual forms of education. English is thought of as an elite language of science and technology and as an important tool for competing in the industrial and economic race of the world (Garcia, 2009). This unprofessed ‘bilingualization’ process, which had taken place for more than a decade, presented a distinctive context for research. The use of the Qatari Arabic, MSA and English in the community and schools renders the language education scene in Qatar unique. Unlike Hong Kong, India and many other Eastern countries, the bilingual education system was created as a consequence of colonization by English-speaking countries. Qatar started a bilingualization process in 2001 following the massive reforms in the education sector in the ‘Education for a New Era’. There have been many concerns surrounding this bilingualization process, such as the level of students’ performance, the availability of bilingual teachers and parent satisfaction (Gulf Times, 2009). However, the local authorities and Arabic research does not provide much information about the bilingual policies or realities in Qatar. Some newspaper articles (Gulf Times, 2009) refer to unpublished reports on student achievement in key subjects, which is very low and unsatisfactory considering the huge amounts of effort and money injected in the new reforms of 2001. This can also be deducted from the low results of students in Qatar in the Programme for International Student Assessment tests (PISA)2 in 2009 where more than 50 per cent of the students who participated were described as lowest performers in the data (level 1). Students who do not attain the baseline proficiency in the PISA (set at level 2) are described as ‘lack the essential skills needed to participate effectively and productively in society’ (PISA, 2009). Furthermore, there is an increasing shortage of bilingual teachers leaving parents to take on extended tutoring for their children after school, especially in English and mathematics. In 2010, a decision was made by the authorities to revert back to using Arabic as a medium of instruction and a language of testing for all public/independent schools in Qatar. Today, authorities stress the importance of maintaining a mother tongue education and a strong use of Arabic in schools, universities and the public sector.

194

Education in the Arab World

Reshaping education in Qatar One thing has always characterized the Qatari case, its ongoing yearning for change, development and progress. January 2016 witnessed another massive reform: restructuring the SEC and reinstituting the MOE as the highest authority where the different units of the SEC will be merged within a new administrative structure. The new developments also include the launch of a new curriculum framework along with new textbooks, standards and evaluation measures. It yet remains to be seen how the framework and the new authority structure will affect the education scene. This chapter intended to present education in Qatar without focusing on a single façade. In its many parts, the chapter attempted to examine the organic nature of the developments that were implemented by authorities within the last two decades. In the past twenty years, there have been many changes and one might think too many. One way to approach any further development is to consider international cases in accordance to the needs of Qatari context. These include vision, challenges, specific nature of society and desired future directions. This would encompass a well-constructed theory of change where everyone agrees to the overall desired outcomes and national efforts in providing results that can bypass single initiative products.

Notes 1 The tribe is composed of a close union of several extended families linked by blood relations and kinship (Al Ghanim, 2002). 2 Qatar participated in the 2003, 2006, and 2009 cycles of the assessment of reading, mathematics, and science of PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment), which was organized by the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development).

References Al-Abdulla, Y. (1998) Qatar education transformation (1954–1964). Center of Humanities Studies Journal 10. Al-Ammari, J. A. (2004) Benefits and Barriers to Implementing Computer Use in Qatari Elementary Schools as Perceived by Female Teachers, An Exploratory Study. University of Ohio, Department of Education: PhD Dissertation, electronic version.

Qatar: Past, Present and Prospects for Education

195

Berrebi, C., Martorell, F. and Tanner, J. C. (2009) Qatar’s labor markets at a crucial crossroads. The Middle East Journal 63(3): 421–442. Brewer, D. J., Augustine, C. H., Zellman, G. L. and Ryan, G. (2007) Education for a New Era: Design and Implementation of K-12 Education Reform in Qatar. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation. Consensus Challenge Paper on Education, Copenhagen Consensus Project. ECSSR (1999) Education & the Arab World: Challenges of the Next Millennium. AbuDhabi: The Emirates Centre for Strategic Studies & Research. Garcia, O. (2004) Language-in-Education Policies: Global Perspectives. Considerations for Qatar. Doha: Unpublished Report Submitted to Adel Al-Sayed. Garcia, O. (2009) Bilingual Education in the 21st Century. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Al-Ghanim, K. (2002) The Qatari Society from Diving to Urbanization. Doha, Qatar: The National Council for Culture Arts and Heritage. Gonzalez, G., Karoly, L. A., Constant, L., Salem, H. and Goldman, C. A. (2008) Facing Human Capital Challenges of 21 Century: Education and Labour Market initiatives in Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, and UAE. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation. Guarino, C. M. and Tanner, J. C. (2012) Adequacy, accountability, autonomy and equity in a Middle Eastern school reform: The case of Qatar. International Review of Education 58: 221–245. Gulf Times (11 January 2009) Academic studies: Ways to keep standard Arabic alive. Gulf Times. Haeri, N. (2000) Form and Ideology: Arabic Sociolinguistics and Beyond. Annual Review of Anthropology 29: 61–87. Kachru, Y. and Smith, L. E. (2008) Cultures, Contexts, and World Englishes. New York: Routledge. Al-Kubaisi, J. (2011) Public education and higher education trends in Qatar, http://dralkuwari.net/sites/akak/files/monday-lecture-alkubaisi.pdf (accessed 10 November 2015). Lesko, J. (2002) Qatar. World Education Encyclopaedia 2: 1109–1114. Al-Nueimi, S. N. (2003). Profile of the Information Society in the State of Qatar. Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia. Planning and Statistics Publications (2014) Population Chapter 2014, Ministry of Development Planning and Statistics, http://www.mdps.gov.qa/en/knowledge/pages/ publications.aspx (accessed 25 October 2015). Qatar General Secretariat (2008) Annual abstract 2008, http://www.qsa.gov.qa/eng/ publication/Annabs2008.htm (accessed 25 August 2008). Report (2014) Schools and Schooling 2013–2014 Report. Doha, Qatar: Evaluation Institute, Supreme Education Council. Saif, A. A. (2008) Deconstructing before building: Perspectives on democracy in Qatar. In A. Ehteshami and S. Wright (eds.), Reform in the Middle East Oil Monarchies, 103–125. Reading: Ithaca Press.

196

Education in the Arab World

Schultz, P. T. (2004) Perspective paper: The challenge of the lack of education. Economic Growth Center, Yale University. In B. Lomborg (ed.), Global Crises, Global Solutions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. SEC (2004) The Development of Education. Doha, Qatar: The Ministry of Education. SEC (2010) The Development of Education. Doha, Qatar: The Ministry of Education. Stoll, L. and Fink, D. (1996). Changing Our Schools: Linking School Effectiveness and School Improvement. Buckingham: Open University Press. Wobmann, L. (2004) Copenhagen Consensus Challenge Paper on Lack of Education, Institute for Economic Research: University of Munich. World Bank (2003) World Development Report 2004: Making Services Work for Poor People. New York: Oxford University Press.

10

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform since 2005 and the Implications for Women Amani Hamdan

Introduction There is no sector in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that has developed on the same scale and at the same speed as the education sector. Past ten years have witnessed extensive government investment in education and, in this regard, women’s education is no exception. In fact, women’s education has experienced a steady increase in status ever since it began to be offered in 1961. Over the last decade in particular, there has been significant growth in the number of female students and faculty members in higher education institutions. This has been matched by the increase in the number of women who receive scholarships to study in Western countries and by the expansion in the number and range of career opportunities available to female graduates in many fields. The main reason for developing women’s education is for women to become active participants in and contributors to the emerging knowledge-based economy. The expansion of women’s education must be understood within the historical and social context of Saudi Arabia. Indeed, ‘Women’s position in Saudi Arabia today has been affected by the historical transformations caused by the major shift from the primacy of the tribe to the primacy of state by the establishment of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932’ (Arebi, 1994: 13). This is apparent if one traces the development of women’s position and participation in various fields of study, large-scale expansion of their education, as well as a growing role of women in the workforce. This chapter provides an overview and assessment of the status of women’s education in Saudi Arabia. More specifically, it investigates the impact of the

198

Education in the Arab World

rapid growth of women’s education and the impact of the fresh initiatives that are being undertaken to reform and restructure this part of the education system. Drawing on publically available information about Saudi Arabian education and on the researcher’s first-hand observations, this chapter sheds light on the achievements, challenges and opportunities that exist in the kingdom’s booming education sector. The following sections present an overview of Saudi Arabia, the historical context of women’s education, the contemporary context of women’s education from 2005 and an analysis of the main challenges and implications.

Saudi Arabia: An overview Founded in 1932 under the leadership of King Abdul Aziz Al Saud, Saudi Arabia is, geographically speaking, the second-largest country in the Middle East after Algeria. In 1934, the exploitation of oil began to propel KSA from one of the poorest to one of the richest countries per capita in the world. Certain demographic characteristics are unique to Saudi Arabia. One of the characteristics that sets Saudi Arabia apart is its high population growth rate of 3.6 per cent (UNESCO, 2011). In 2012, the population was found to be 29,195,895, with 18.78 births per thousand (UNESCO, 2014). The proportion of citizens between fifteen and twenty-four years of age is more than 62 per cent and the number of high-school graduates is steadily expanding, as evidenced by the fact that from 1993 to 2008 the number of high school graduates increased by 443 per cent (Smith and Abouammoh, 2013). These statistics point towards the heavy pressure that is being imposed on the higher education system. They also reflect the importance of the attention that the government has been paying to higher education since 2009. The population growth that led to this increase in Saudi Arabia’s younger demographic groups is brought into relief by the fact that in 2010 no less than 45.76 per cent of the kingdom’s population was under twenty years of age, as compared to 25 per cent of the US population (Jamjoom and Kelly, 2013: 119). Effective education and training are critical to ensuring that the youth bulge becomes an asset – and not a liability. As Mark Andrews, Pearson’s director of qualifications in the Middle East, explained, these educational developments are playing an instrumental role in addressing the kingdom’s skills shortage and will further improve the economy. The number of migrant workers is also on the rise: ‘As of mid-2013, expatriates made up 32 per cent of the Kingdom’s

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

199

population, most of them coming from South Asia. They accounted for 56.5 per cent of the employed population and 89 per cent of the private sector workforce’ (De Bel-Air 2014: 3). One of Saudi Arabia’s most notable characteristics is the extent to which it is segregated by gender, both in the education system and in terms of employment. According to Aljughaiman and Grigorenko (2013), gender segregation is pervasive: ‘Engineering like chemical engineering, petroleum engineering, electrical engineering, and so forth are not open to girls because there are no employment opportunities available for them in these fields’ (309). Despite this segregation, some doors are opening for Saudi women as there are women-only schools and universities, banks and offices within particular ministries (e.g. the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Labour and the Ministry of Education, which was recently established as an amalgamation of the former Ministry of Higher Education overseeing universities and colleges and the original Ministry of Education overseeing K-12). Women now have access to all twenty-eight public universities, except for King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals in Dhahran and Islamic University in Medina. Similarly, men have access to all universities except for Princess Nourah University in Riyadh. Women are mostly taught by women and are taught by men only via closed circuits or behind a glass wall. This opens up more opportunities for women employment in all educational institutions and in the provision of services to women. On the other hand, this restricts women to particular jobs and excludes them from the majority of jobs.

Educational context in Saudi Arabia KSA was established in 1932 and Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Higher Education was officially initiated in 1975. In early days of education, students attended only the Kuttab – religious schools where girls and boys studied in segregated homes and mainly memorized the Holy Scriptures (Quran). Higher education in Saudi Arabia started with the advent and the establishment of the first university, King Saud University (KSU), which was established in 1957 in the capital city of Riyadh. KSU now is one of the largest institutions and holds ‘the ranking of 221 in the Times Higher Education-QS World University Rankings – the highest for any Arab University’ (Smith and Abouammoh, 2013: 3). KSU, like majority of educational institutions in the KSA, has fully equipped male

200

Education in the Arab World

and female campuses that are segregated from each other. All higher education institutions are fully segregated except for King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST). All but two universities are attended by either male or female students: Princess Nora University (PNU) in Riyadh, which is a female-only university and the largest in the world for female students only, and the other one is King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals (KFUPM) in Dhahran, which is a male-only university and specializes in advanced training and research in engineering, science and management. Education in Saudi Arabia is free at all levels and it is one of its most important characteristics. Other aspects that are considered unique to Saudi education system are: its focus on the teaching if Islam, a centralized system of control and educational support and governance, and state funding of all public secondary education and higher education – including postgraduate and medical programmes, general policy of gender segregation (Smith and Abouammoh, 2013), as explained previously. There are twenty-four public universities in Saudi Arabia and nineteen private universities – all private and sixteen of the public ones were established in the last decade. In January 2011, statistics indicated that 107,706 Saudi students are attending universities abroad, which is the second-highest students’ population after China; considering the differences between Saudi Arabia population and Chinese population, this is considered one of the highest in history of international education. In fact, one-fifth of students abroad are females and the number is on the rise. As Jamjoom and Kelly (2013) stated: ‘From 1990 to 2004 female enrolments in Saudi Arabian universities saw an astonishing 512% growth rate – one of the highest in the world compared to a male enrolment rate of 339.2%’ (121).

Historical context of women’s education In the 1950s, debates began to rage about women’s education. It was in this context that a 1959 royal decree authorized the first public girls’ schools, and these began to operate in 1961. Before 1961, the only education available to Saudi women was in private homes or through elite private institutions mainly located in Mecca, Medina, Jeddah and Riyadh. In those years, some prominent merchant families would send their daughters abroad to obtain education, especially to Egypt and Jordan. It was also in 1961 that women first began to

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

201

participate in higher education as part-time students within the College of Arts and Administrative Sciences at King Saud University. In the mid-1970s, the debate about women’s education expanded to include questions related to the role of women in economic development and in work outside the home (Arebi, 1994: 17). Certain socio-political realities (see Hamdan, 2005) have helped to support the initiation of women’s education and the establishment of women’s educational institutions, including universities and colleges with segregated campuses. Given the multiple areas of disagreement about women’s education, the state has taken a gradual approach to the development of this aspect of the education system in order to ensure that the Saudi people have the opportunity to adapt (Jamjoom and Kelly, 2013: 118). Culturally speaking, it is important to acknowledge that, ever since the advent of Islam, women in the Arabian Peninsula have been active participants in all walks of life. For example, at the time when Islam was founded, women’s education was the focus of attention for many prominent families in Hijaz, the western part of Saudi Arabia which is famous for Mecca, the first Holy City and Muslim Qibla towards which one billion Muslims face five times per day; for Medina, the second Holy City which contains the grave of the Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him); and for Jeddah, the main port on the Red Sea. The emphasis on teaching women the fundamentals of the Islamic faith has long been a major impetus for women’s participation in education. The fact that Hijaz has long been a centre of attention for many Muslims, especially given the annual inflow of hajj pilgrims, has contributed to the phenomenon of many families from across Arabia and the Islamic world as a whole settling in the region and making it their home. This has made the culture of Hijaz much more diverse than the more tribal culture that tends to dominate the rest of Saudi Arabia and especially Najed, which is the region in the middle of the country. Ever since the first girls’ schools opened their doors in 1961, women’s education has steadily expanded. By the late 1980s, the proportion of women attending educational institutions approached 50 per cent. Indeed, ‘in 1988– 1989 it was estimated that 2.65 million students were enrolled in schools, of whom 1.16 million were female’ (Arebi, 1994: 33). Not long after, in 1995 women outnumbered men in educational institutions across the country. Today, women account for more than two-thirds of all Saudi university graduates. This is a reality that can lead to more progress as women represent half of the kingdom’s population.

202

Education in the Arab World

Contemporary context of women’s education: 2005 and beyond From 2005 onwards, the number of opportunities available to women has greatly expanded. The late King Abduallah bin Abdul Aziz, who was seen as a visionary leader from the day that he took power, looked towards empowered women working side by side with men in developing a rising nation. King Abdullah’s respect for women and commitment to their advancement through expanded education and employment opportunities reflected in his observation that ‘a woman is my sister, wife, daughter and mother’. The world’s press, including reputed Western publications like National Geographic, acknowledged the king as a great reformer who supported women’s accomplishments. As National Geographic (2014) explained: One of King Abdullah’s most complex responsibilities was balancing Saudi Arabia’s conservative traditions with modern culture. … Only 18 per cent of Saudi women work outside the home, mostly in urban areas. The King Abdullah University of Science and Technology is open to both men and women. Norah Al-Faiz, Saudi Arabia’s first female member of the Council of Ministers, represents the interests of women’s education. In 2011, King Abdullah made the monumental decree that women would be allowed to vote and run for office in the next elections, scheduled for 2015.

During King Abdullah’s reign, new fields of study were made accessible to women. Recently published unofficial statistics identify twenty-two fields of study that have begun to accept female students (Al Madina Newspaper, 2015). These include computer engineering, journalism, law (at one public university and two private colleges), interior design (at one public university and two private universities), accounting, business administration, marketing and finance. This expansion of educational opportunities has been accompanied by the entry of more and more women into highly respected professions. For instance, Saudi women are increasingly serving as teachers, physicians and university professors. King Abdullah also sought to increase female representation in government. In 2013, after gaining the approval of religious clerics, the king issued a decree appointing thirty women to the Saudi Shura Council. The king took this approach in order to ensure that the decision would carry more weight and would gain general public approval. King Abdullah’s support for women’s education is part of a larger education reform strategy that covers four areas: the public-education environment,

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

203

teacher training, curriculum development and extracurricular activities. This larger strategy of education reform and investment in human capital is driven in part by the need to diversify the Saudi economy and thereby reduce the level of dependence on petroleum revenues. As explained by UNESCO (2011), ‘Within the framework of the Ten Year Strategic plan for the Ministry of Education 2004–2014, education is considered to be the main source for the formation of the human capital which constitutes the essential element in all aspects of economic development, particularly in the achievement of high development economic rates’ (2). Moreover, ‘Education is central to the Kingdom’s development agenda as nowhere else in the world. Saudi Arabia is investing heavily in education and training programs to furnish investors with a workforce capable of world leadership in a knowledge-based economy’ (Talent CADRE, 2014: para. 2). An important element of education reform is the King Abdullah Scholarship Program (KASP) which, since its launch in 2005, has sponsored over 147,000 students to study overseas. At the same time, ‘Saudi Arabia … now is intensifying its efforts to domesticate elite higher education – that is, trying to bring Western education to its students’ (Koch, 2014: 4). This is happening through the ‘strengthening of existing and development of new state-sponsored universities’ (Koch, 2014: 4). For example, the establishment of King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST) has become a symbol of higher education reform because it is the country’s first post-graduate university geared towards science and technology and its first mixed-gender educational institution (Meijer, 2010). KAUST has already gained recognition as one of the most highly ranked universities in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region. Another important element of the reform strategy is the King Abdullah Project for General Education Development (Tatweer), a SR 9 billion (US$ 2.4 billion) project that was launched in 2009 with the goal of creating a skilled workforce for the future. Despite the progress that has been made, much work remains to be done to ensure that women attain a position of equality within the Saudi education system and in Saudi society as a whole. As Princess Aljohara Fahad Al-Saud, a member of the royal family and the first female rector of Princess Nourah Bint Abdul Rahman University (PNU), explained, it is ‘100 per cent true’ that female students have long been at a disadvantage in Saudi Arabia’s state universities. Opened in 1970 as the Riyadh University for Women, PNU is the only all-female university in the Kingdom (Koch, 2014: 22). The fact that women now represent more than 60 per cent of the total number of students in the many universities and colleges spread

204

Education in the Arab World Table 10.1 Students by gender and level (2011) Women

Men

BA

432,481

298,424

MA

8,091

11,501

648

1,729

30,072

97,076

2,331

2,693

PhD Intermediate diploma course Higher diploma program

across the country shines a spotlight on the stark reality that more emphasis needs to be placed on increasing women’s participation in business and public life ( Jamjoom and Kelly, 2013). This is especially the case as Saudi Arabia becomes more integrated with the global economy, a trend that some analysts argue has accelerated since the country’s 2005 accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Table 10.1 illustrates data obtained from the Ministry of Higher Education (2011) highlighting the fact that currently more women obtain a bachelor’s degree than their male counterparts, as well as the fact that the proportion of female graduates decreases for master’s and doctoral degrees. This is likely a reflection of the large number of women who get married and become preoccupied with family commitments.

Gender segregation and female participation The trend in Saudi society, in general, and in the Saudi education system, in particular, is towards ever-greater participation by women. Gender segregation is gradually declining, though it should be acknowledged that this phenomenon is to some extent a double-edged sword. Indeed, the gender segregation that is common throughout Saudi society and that frequently attracts criticism, especially from external observers, might in some ways be providing a form of support for women’s education. For instance, the existence of female-only post-secondary institutions and programmes has made it easier for more conservative parents to feel comfortable with sending their daughters to university or college. Partly as a result of a reduction in gender segregation and partly as a result of some implications of the preservation of gender segregation, women now have a strong presence in all levels of the

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

205

education system. This is confirmed by the fact that women comprise 25 per cent of the enrolment in Saudi universities’ postgraduate degree programmes (Alankari, 2013: 4) and by the fact that they comprise over 62 per cent of the enrolment in undergraduate programmes (Smith and Abouammoh, 2013). Moreover, over one-fifth of the participants in KASP are women (Smith and Abouammoh, 2013). At the same time, women increasingly are working alongside men and are receiving the same pay for doing the same job. This trend is supported by the legal requirement that male and female doctors, academicians and physicians working for the government receive the same salary. The movement towards greater equality is especially apparent at KAUST: ‘KAUST is a symbol for allowing women to participate fully in the family, society, and labor market, while carrying out their normal duties in society’ (Meijer, 2010: 84). Even though some conservative elements within Saudi society continue to interfere with women’s progress, this does not change the fact that women are slowly but steadily moving forward in terms of public policy and in key academic and professional contexts. Considering what has been achieved over the past fifty years, it is clear that women’s education has served as a vehicle for gradually changing conservative tribal views and for moving the society from almost entirely rejecting women’s education to supporting it to the extent of opening doors for women to pursue university degrees and professional careers. Many of the women who have moved into leadership positions have become famous throughout the country and are serving as an inspiration for the next generation of Saudi women. There can be little doubt that the society’s view of women will continue to change as more and more women achieve national prominence. Some of the highly educated women who have been appointed to the Shura Council include Salwa AlHazaa (a consultant ophthalmologist and one of the pioneering Saudi females in the medical profession), AlJohara Bubshait (a professor of educational administration) and Thoraya Obaid (the executive director of the United Nations Population Fund and an undersecretary general of the United Nations from 2000 to 2010). Other prominent Saudi women include: • Nora AlFayez, deputy minister of education in charge of a new department for female students; • Huda Al Ameel, president of Princess Nourah University; • Haifa Jamal Allieil, president of Effat University; and • Suhair Al Qurashi, president Dar AlHekma University.

206

Education in the Arab World

Education reform and related policy initiatives In order to improve education and education outcomes, there needs to be greater focus on the quality of professors and teachers, especially in terms of their skills and personal characteristics. One aspect of this greater focus includes setting clear targets and putting in place measurement systems based on higher-level indicators to track progress towards those targets. This is already happening to some extent through the organization that accredits Saudi Arabia’s highereducation institutions – that is, the National Commission of Assessment and Academic Accreditation (NCAAA), which was established in 2006 as one of the main elements of King Abdullah’s education initiative. NCAAA aims to ensure clarity and transparency, as well as to provide codified standards for academic performance, in order to upgrade the quality of private and public higher education. Furthermore, it seeks to establish national standards that are close in purpose and design to international accreditation standards. NCAAA evaluates all universities, colleges and post-secondary programmes in the kingdom. It is administered by the Ministry of Education (formerly by the Ministry of Higher Education), which also offers training to the staff and faculty members of universities and colleges to help them meet the requirements. These accreditation processes are especially helpful for institutions that have not undertaken any systematic self-examination through, for instance, a SWOT analysis (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats). Observation of teaching in Saudi Arabia’s universities has shed light on the fact that little emphasis is placed on constructive approaches to curricula for female students and on the empowerment of young women. There is no need to prove the value of such an approach as history shows that in many countries around the world, women’s education has paved the way for economic growth and social development (Berrais, 2010: 1). The entry of female students into the STEM disciplines (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) is closely connected with the success of women in the job market. For instance, there is a need to increase opportunities for women in engineering fields, especially because so far no Saudi public university offers an engineering degree to women, other than in interior design. This brings up the debate about offering education opportunities that are aligned with market needs and about ensuring that students are equipped with the skills and knowledge necessary for success in an increasingly knowledge-based economy. Female empowerment also requires training women to support one another and giving them more opportunities for autonomy (Abduallah, 2011). Moreover,

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

207

it is essential to implement modern teaching strategies that encourage creative thinking and original work. These strategies include multi-literacy pedagogies that support young women and emphasize female role models, such as those mentioned previously (Hamdan Alghamdi & ElHassan). The expansion to public education institutions of the current requirement for private education institutions to offer their female employees access to day-care centres also should be considered. Furthermore, young women should be offered training to help them overcome the glass ceiling that exists in most Saudi employment contexts, especially as increasing numbers of women are equipped with education that is related to the requirements of the job market. In addition, the need to overcome obstacles to women working in typically inaccessible environments ranging from large companies to retail businesses means that the education system should confront the social stigmatization associated with choosing particular educational paths, including the cultural view that technical and vocational roles are unsuitable for women (AACTE, 2010; UNESCO, 2014). The Saudi education system needs to make a greater investment into developing the skills and knowledge of female professors and teachers, especially given the essential role that they play in empowering female students. For instance, support for teachers in service and pre-service training should be mandatory. Many teachers not only need theoretical training but also the kinds of hands-on experiences that are able to develop their soft skills and communication skills. The value of this type of approach is confirmed by empirical evidence. Indeed, ‘studies have found that there is positive significant correlation between teachers’ qualifications and experiences and students’ achievement’ (Booz and Company, 2010). In addition to a lack of relevant training, female teachers often face mobility challenges when they are required to commute to jobs in remote villages. Over the last decade, many women have died in car accidents that would not have occurred but for the remoteness of the schools in which they were working. A study released in October 2014 by the King Abdul Aziz City for Science and Technology found that female teachers commuting to their jobs have a roughly 50 per cent higher probability of getting into a car accident than the average Saudi citizen. These findings were based on figures from the late 1990s (AbuNasr, 2015). Moreover, the Saudi Gazette (2015) reported that: There are no current statistics on how many female teachers die every year. But 21 female teachers were reported killed and 38 others injured in 11 accidents reported by Saudi newspapers since the school year began in September. Accidents involving the teachers often occur in areas where there is no mobile

208

Education in the Arab World

phone reception or nearby medical help, leaving them vulnerable to dying from their injuries. (as cited in Abu-Nasr, 2015: para. 3)

These statistics shine a light on the fact that much more needs to be done so that female teachers can safely commute from their home to their place of work. It is important to acknowledge that, with the exception of a few communist countries, it is rare for an education system to be able to sustain itself without private sector involvement. Therefore, a strong case can be made for mandating that investors participate in the development of the national education system – especially given the importance of expanding the number of opportunities available to women and the exponential growth in the number of high school graduates. Banks, international education companies and private investors that have an interest in Saudi Arabia should be required to participate. When they cannot actually participate in the development of the education system, they should be strongly encouraged to do so. The value of this approach can be seen in many of the contributions that have already been made by overseas parties. For example, private investors have participated in building numerous private colleges, such as the Batterjee Medical College for Science and Technology, the Ibn Sina National College for Medical Studies (which is the first private medical college in the kingdom), Dar Al Uloom University and Alfaisal University. While it is possible to argue that the government is likely to do a better job in this area than private companies, especially foreign private companies, the risk of a dilution of quality can be managed and even eliminated through proper regulation, specifically through the NCAAA. There is currently a disparity in quality between the facilities in male and female institutions. For instance, some elements are missing from female campuses such as areas featuring substantial amounts of sunlight. The female institutions often operate from older rented buildings that lack an airy and vibrant atmosphere. The involvement of private investors offers some potential to change this situation. In addition to mandating that foreign investors contribute to the development of the education system, it is important to hold the domestic private sector accountable for the process of Saudization within certain parameters, including increasing employment opportunities for women. The encouragement of innovation and entrepreneurship by both genders is vital in today’s world, especially in countries that are seeking to build a knowledge-based economy. Some initiatives that have been undertaken already in Saudi Arabia including the Prince Sultan Bin Abdulaziz Fund to Support Women’s Small Enterprises (PSP) and the Abdullatif Initiatives’ Project Jamil Community. Both projects have supported women’s projects and small

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

209

businesses and, in the process, have sent a powerful message that it is important to encourage women who are hesitant or reluctant to be the leader of their own enterprise. Despite the success of these initiatives, it is important to provide more support to female entrepreneurs through private, government and nongovernmental public organizations.

Future prospects The next decade is likely to witness a strong economic expansion in Saudi Arabia, largely as a result of the upward trend in oil revenues – a trend that appears likely to continue notwithstanding the recent decline in the price of oil. Nevertheless, the Saudi government remains committed to its policy of economic diversification and the promotion of knowledge-based economic activity. As a result, the government continues to invest in human capital and this is opening new opportunities for Saudi women. The Ministry of Education, through its new minister, has already signed three major agreements with different service providers to support scholarships for male and female Saudi students. With proper logistical and financial support from the government and from non-governmental organizations, even more educational opportunities and ultimately job opportunities will become available to women. It is clear that education reform strategies in Saudi Arabia should be based on socioeconomic priorities, proven operating models and sound infrastructure (Booz and Company, 2009). The transparent assessment of the situation and ongoing evaluation of plans and outcomes is a necessary step towards fulfilling objectives. Strategic planning for moving the greatest possible number of women enrolled in KASP into the workforce has the potential to significantly increase the employment of female professionals and to promote the Saudization of the economy. It is essential to continue engaging civil society organizations, as recently occurred when the Ministry of Education concluded agreements with Saudi National Airlines to guarantee funding for training and later employing for 10,000 male and female students, and with the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency and the Saline Water Conversion Corporation to send 5,000 male and 1,000 female students to study abroad in fields related to employment opportunities. Saudi policy makers should bear in mind the fact that the exclusion of women from the workforce exacts a heavy cost on economic output. This principle was recently emphasized in a respected US publication: ‘Keeping women out of the

210

Education in the Arab World

workforce costs economies up to 30 per cent of GDP’ (Talley, 2015). Therefore, more policies should focus on strategies for opening up more employment opportunities for young female graduates.

Challenges and implications Among the challenges that need to be considered in order to ensure full equality of access to education are some of the traditional values related to gender. Saudi Arabia’s cultural values and expectations continue to favour men over women in many fields, including in the STEM disciplines. There are currently only three universities that train female engineers, these being Prince Muhammad bin Fahd University in Khobar, Effat University in Jeddah and the recently established King AbdulAziz University in Jeddah. The engineering colleges that accept women are specialized in interior design, electrical engineering and architecture. For example, King Faisal University (renamed University of Dammam in 2006) has offered interior design since the mid-1970s. A viable strategy could be to establish a quota system for female students in the STEM fields that are geared towards the job market. For instance, this could be done by KAUST offering scholarships for women in these fields of study. The use of the same math and science curricula for male and female students (at the high school level) would improve female students’ level of engagement in science classes. A recent case study (see Hamdan Alghamdi, 2013) shows that female students at the University of Dammam enter science majors (physics, mathematics, biology and chemistry) with a broad sense of the importance of science as a field of study but without a full appreciation of the implications of studying and working in male-dominated fields. Unfortunately, there are no statistics pertaining to the number of Saudi women who are enrolled in STEM fields in Saudi Arabia or in overseas countries through KASP. Women now account for 25 per cent of the enrolment in postgraduate programmes in Saudi universities (Al-Anqari, 2013: 4) and for over 62 per cent of the enrolment in undergraduate programmes (Smith and Abouammoh, 2013). One-fifth of the Saudi students currently studying abroad through KASP are female, and they can be found in fifty-seven countries around the world (AlMedina Newspaper, 2015; Smith and Abouammoh, 2013). Even though KASP offers Saudi women the opportunity to travel and study abroad, given the country’s deeply entrenched traditions this often does not happen without a male guardian or escort. The formal education that these individuals are receiving in domestic

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

211

and overseas universities needs to be supplemented by training in leadership, teamwork and diverse work-related skills. Equality of access to universities and colleges also can be promoted by Saudi companies through a renewed focus on scholarships. For example, since 1983 the Arab American Oil Company (Saudi Aramco) has offered scholarship programmes to Saudi men to study in the engineering and petroleum fields in Saudi Arabia and at distinguished universities in the United States. In 2006, women were admitted to the programme for the first time. The goal of this programme is ‘to prepare selected Saudi high school graduates for admission to and success at competitive universities worldwide. On successful completion of the CPP, students will be sponsored for a college degree at an out-of-Kingdom university under the Company’s “College Degree Program for Non-Employees” (CDPNE). The CDPNE program is a highly selective scholarship program for Saudi male and female high school graduates’ (N.A.ARAMCO, 2015). Taking into account the gender-sensitive perspective of Saudi Arabia’s policy makers and of much of the Saudi public, it seems that for the foreseeable future there will be little change in the segregation of males and females that prevails throughout the education system. There is a contentment and satisfaction among some people that this aspect of the Saudi higher education system distinguishes it in a positive way from Europe and North America. Some studies about Arab cultures (Hamdan, 2010) provide evidence for the proposition that single-sex education gives females more space in which to develop and helps to reduce distractions. Regardless of the arguments for and against gender segregation, the growth in the number of female-only programmes, including in the STEM disciplines, means that there exists significant scope for increasing women’s access to higher education without moving towards mixed gender education. One of the other challenges that the Saudi education system is facing is the need to provide culturally relevant curricula in public schools (K-12) and in higher education programmes. The current trend in Saudi education is to ‘internationalize’ and mostly ‘Westernize’ higher education by copying curricula used in Western universities, by hiring professors of Western background and by assimilating Western ways of knowing. Many universities and colleges in Saudi Arabia unintentionally import Western concepts and curricula that are not aligned with Saudi cultural values and impose these on their students (Hamdan Alghamdi, 2013). In this regard, it is important to note that

212

Education in the Arab World

despite the fact that private universities are seeking to emulate the West in even more obvious ways than public universities – by importing American and European curricula, hiring foreign staff, and courting international accreditation agencies – they have not decided to emulate the West in terms of placing a strong emphasis on improving women’s access to higher education in new fields. (Hamdan Alghamdi, 2014: 113)

According to Cummins (2014), the use of empowering pedagogies that extend beyond language empowerment will offer students new perspectives about themselves and others. Saudi female students need to be exposed throughout their schooling to the opportunity to change the status quo. Students need to be empowered through curricula and teaching approaches that draw on their own language and culture as these are the main components of identity. Yet another challenge that needs to be overcome is the lack of official statistics concerning women in public and private education and in various employment contexts. This is associated with the relative lack of funding for research into issues related to women in the education system, including into their participation and accomplishments. Finally, a successful education reform policy depends on the frequent and consistent measurement of educational outcomes. This is one of the aims of the NCAAA that will continue to move Saudi educational institutions towards a global standard.

Conclusion This chapter highlights the principal factors that have helped Saudi women achieve an improvement in their educational status and the requirements for additional advancement. Drawing on publically available information about Saudi Arabian education and on the researcher’s first-hand observations, this chapter sheds light on the achievements, challenges and opportunities that exist in a booming education sector. Women’s education was launched in Saudi Arabia in 1961, thirty years after the advent of male education. The ongoing growth of women’s education is largely a reflection of initiatives led by the Saudi government, most recently through the Ministry of Education which was formed in 2015 through a royal decree that amalgamated the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Higher Education. This current expansion in women’s educational opportunities is driven in part by the need to reduce the kingdom’s high degree of dependence on petroleum revenues and to improve its economic competitiveness through

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

213

diversification and the development of knowledge-based industries. The initiatives that have been and are being undertaken to reform and restructure this part of the education system have noticeably improved many aspects of women’s social and economic position. This includes the entry of more and more women into highly respected professions. Many of the women who have moved into leadership positions have become famous throughout the country and are serving as an inspiration for the next generation of Saudi women. The main conclusion of this chapter is that notwithstanding the existence of a number of challenges, including cultural and societal impediments, that continue to interfere with Saudi women’s progress, there is a reasonable basis for optimism over the long term. The 2005 accession of the late King Abdullah marked the beginning of a new period of growth in women’s education. An important driver of this growth is KASP which, since its launch in 2005, has sponsored over 147,000 male and female students to study overseas. Another driver is the King Abdullah Project for General Education Development. This is a SR 9 billion (US$ 2.4 billion) strategy that is being implemented over a six-year period with the goal of creating a highly skilled workforce of men and women that will contribute to a more diversified and Saudized economy. This chapter provides an overview of some of the challenges faced by Saudi women who seek educational, economic and personal advancement, and of some of the potential responses to those challenges. There are anecdotal reports of female KASP participants finding it difficult to find jobs upon their return, though no official data exist on the number of unemployed degree holders who studied overseas. The Saudi government should consider developing a strategic plan to harness these new graduates’ skills and knowledge by using them to replace expatriate workers, including expatriates employed in the domestic higher education sector. In doing this, the government not only would provide more opportunities for women but also would strengthen the domestic economy as there would be a reduction in the outflow of the salaries paid to expatriates. The Ministry of Education and the universities and colleges should take steps to improve the quality of post-secondary education offered within the kingdom. If education is to become more meaningful for Saudi women, it is important for institutions to implement modern teaching techniques that encourage creative thinking and original work. The use of more technology in teaching and learning would make education more effective, especially because the youth generation is technologically savvy and because Saudi Arabia is the highest ranking country in the Middle East and North Africa region in terms of internet connections

214

Education in the Arab World

and social networking (including Twitter usage). The Saudi education system should also promote the entry of more female students into the STEM disciplines (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) because this is closely connected with the success of women in the job market. There is already some evidence of improvement in this regard as, for instance, KAUST hosts an annual summer camp programme that offers science training to female high school students, as well as opportunities to work in science laboratories and the possibility of receiving a scholarship to study at an elite US university. Finally, more needs to be done to develop the skills and knowledge of female professors and teachers, especially given the essential role that they play in empowering female students. Despite the current initiatives to send female professors to training programmes or exchange professorships in North American or Western institutions and despite the increased use of webinars and experienced professors from abroad to train female professors, there remains considerable scope to increase the use of these programmes, possibly making them mandatory.

References AACTE (2010) American Association of Colleges of Teacher Education and the Partnership for 21st Century Skills. New York: Pearson. Aljughaiman, A. M. and Grigorenko, E. L. (2013) Growing up under pressure: The cultural and religious context of the Saudi system of gifted education. Journal for the Education of the Gifted 36 (3): 307–322. AlKateeb, L. (1996) With Saudi Girls on the Road of Hope: Maa Alfata Al Saudi Ala Tareeq Alamal. Cairo, Egypt: Al Madani Publishers. AlShehri, M. Y., Campbell, S., Daud, M. Z., Mattar, E. H., Sayed, M. G. and Ali AbuEshy, S. (2013) The development of medical education in Saudi Arabia. In L. Smith and A. Abouammoh (eds.), Higher Education in Saudi Arabia, vol. 40, 137–150. New York: Springer. Al-Anqari, K. (2013) Foreword. In L. Smith and A. Abouammoh (eds.), Higher Education in Saudi Arabia: Achievement, Challenges, and Opportunities, 3–8. New York: Springer. Arab News (2013) Growing Youth Population in Saudi Offers Economic Potential, http:// www.arabnews.com/news/462135. Arebi, S. (1994) Women & Words in Saudi Arabia: The Politics of Literary Discourse. New York: Colombia University Press. Basha, M. (2015) College Preparatory Program: A Story of Success. Paper presented at the First National Conference for the Preparatory Year in Saudi Universities. Dammam, Saudi Arabia: University of Dammam.

Saudi Arabia: Higher Education Reform and Women

215

Bashamakh, S. M., Al Erenan, F., Shaheen, N. and AlFereh, N. (1999) Women’s Education Steps in Mekka Mukarama. Bahder: Katwat Taleem Al Meraa fe mekaa Al Mukarrama AlMekka Al Mukarrama. Baxter, E. (2010) Saudi employed 1.5 million foreign workers during crisis, http://www. arabianbusiness.com/590683-saudi-employed-15m-foreign-workers-during-crisis. Benders, D. S. (2012) A Review of Gender-Segregated Classrooms in Public Schools, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2011781. Berrais, A. (2010) Arab women in engineering education: Current state and future perspective. Conference Proceedings of the 1st Symposium of Female Higher Education: Trends and Perspectives, Taibah University, 77–85, http://www.bolton. ac.uk/Subjects/Civil-Engineering-Construction/Staff/AbbesBerrais.aspx. Booz and Company (2010) Women’s Employment in Saudi Arabia: A Major Challenge, http://www.booz.com/me/home/what_we_think/40007409/40007869/l. Cummins, J. (2014) Beyond language: Academic communication and student success. Linguistics and Education 26, 145–154. De Bel-Air, F. (2014) Demography, Migration and Labour Market in Saudi Arabia. Geneva, Switzerland: European University Institute (EUI) and Gulf Research Center (GRC), http://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/32151. Al-Dhakeel, T. (23 September 2009) Doctora laekn atela [jobless doctor]. Alwatan, http://www.turkid.net/?p=1467. Doumato, E. and Posusney, M. (2003) Introduction: The mixed blessing of globalization. In E. Doumato and M. Posusney (eds.), Women and Globalization in the Arab Middle East: Gender, Economy & Society, 1–22. London: Lynne Reinner Publishers. Hamdan, A. (2005) Saudi women education challenges and achievement. International Education Journal 6(1): 42–64. Hamdan, A. (2010) Single-sex or co-educational learning experiences: Views and reflections of Canadian Muslim women. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 30(3): 375–390. Hamdan Alghamdi, A. (2013) An exploration into ‘private’ higher education in Saudi Arabia: Improving quality and accessibility? The ACPET Journal for Private Higher Education 2(2): pp.33–44. Hamdan Alghamdi, A. (2014) Factors influencing Saudi female students studying science and working in science fields. Bort Said Education Journal 15. Islam, S. (2014) Saudi women: Opportunities and challenges in science and technology. Education Journal 3(2): 71–78. Jamjoom, F. and Kelly, P. (2013) Higher education for women in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In L. Smith and A. Abouammoh (eds.), Higher Education in Saudi Arabia: Achievements, Challenges and Opportunities, vol. 40, 117–125. New York: Springer. Koch, N. (2014) The shifting geopolitics of higher education: Inter/nationalizing elite universities in Kazakhstan, Saudi Arabia, and beyond. Geoforum 56: 46–54.

216

Education in the Arab World

Al Madina Newspaper (2015) 51 Per cent of Higher Education Chairs in Saudi for Females, twitter.com. Meijer, R. (2010) Reforms in Saudi Arabia: The gender segregation debate. Middle East Policy 17(4): 80–100. Ministry of Higher Education (2011) Ministry of Higher Education National Report. Riyadh: MoHE. N.A. (2015) ARAMCO. http://www.saudiaramco.com/en/home/careers/saudiapplicants/our-programs/high-school-and-diploma-graduates/CDPNE.html (accessed 23 January 2015). Abu-Nasr, D. (2015) Female Teachers Die in Alarming Numbers on Daily Commute, http://www.saudigazette.com.sa/index.cfm?method=home.PrintContent&action= Print&contentID=000000004987; http://saudigazette.com.sa/saudi-arabia/studyshows-accidents-involving-female-teachers-on-the-rise/. National Geographic (2014) King Abdullah: Saudi Monarch Expands Women’s Rights, http://education.nationalgeographic.com/education/media/king-abdullah-womensrights/?ar_a=1 . Al-Ohali, M. and Shin, J. C. (2013) Knowledge-based innovation and research productivity in Saudi Arabia. In L. Smith and A. Abouammoh (eds.), Higher Education in Saudi Arabia, vol. 40, 95–102. New York: Springer. Saudi Arabian General Investment Authority (2015) Talent: Education is Central to the Kingdom’s Development Agenda as Nowhere Else in the World, https://www.sagia.gov. sa/Investment-climate/Supporting-Your-Business-/Talent/. Smith, L. and Abouammoh, A. (2013a) Challenges and opportunities for higher education in Saudi Arabia: An exploratory focus group. In L. Smith and A. Abouammoh (eds.), Higher Education in Saudi Arabia Achievements, Challenges and Opportunities, 167–179. New York: Springer Netherlands. Smith, L. and Abouammoh, A. (eds.) (2013b) Higher Education in Saudi Arabia: Achievement, Challenges and Opportunities. New York: Springer. Al-Swailem, O. and Elliot, G. (2013) The learning experiences of Saudi Arabian higher education leadership: Characteristics for global success. In L. Smith and A. Abouammoh (eds.), Higher Education in Saudi Arabia, vol. 40, 37–49. New York: Springer. Talent (2014) Education is Central to the Kingdom’s Development Agenda as Nowhere Else in the World, https://www.sagia.gov.sa/Investment-climate/Supporting-YourBusiness-/Talent/ (accessed 22 January 2014). Talley, I. (2015) ‘Insidious Conspiracy’ Against Women Costs Economies up to 30% of GDP, Says IMF Chief, http://blogs.wsj.com/economics/2015/02/23/insidiousconspiracy-against-women-costs-economies-up-to-30-of-gdp-says-imf-chief/. UNESCO (2011) World Data on Education. Paris: UNESCO-IBE, http://www.ibe.unesco. org/fileadmin/user_upload/Publications/WDE/2010/pdf-versions/Saudi_Arabia.pdf. UNESCO (2014) Training Workshop for Directors and Executives of Youth and Adult Education for Women in Saudi Arabia. Hamburg, Germany : UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning.

11

United Arab Emirates: An Overview Kausor Amin-Ali

Background

The Trucial States The United Arab Emirates (UAE) was established on 2 December 1971, after the end of the British Protectorate treaties of the Trucial States. Prior to which, the discovery of oil in the region in 1953 (Hellyer, 2014) had ensured the wealth of the nation had significantly increased from its previous source of wealth which was primarily based on maritime endeavours such as pearl diving and fishing. In less than two generations, the drive to fulfil its ambition from desert dwellings to twenty-first-century global urban centres is being realized due to the contribution of the expatriate employment, which is estimated to make up over 80 per cent of its population (Snoj, 2015).

Population demographics Millions of male workers from Pakistan, Bangladesh and India (Snoj, 2015) came to dominate the labour and construction sector. Additionally, Indians and non-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Arabs came to dominate administrative roles. Female workers from the Philippines and Indonesia make up the largest proportion of domestic, hotel and retail employment. Due to its historic legacy, the UAE has a unique bilingualism, of Arabic as the official language but English as its working language – both of which are evident in, for example, road signage, media, official government websites, law – including employment contracts which are expected to be in Arabic and English. Technically, Urdu is also used extensively, for example, Motor Vehicle Driving examinations.

218

Education in the Arab World

Table 11.1 Population of the Emirates NBS (2012)

Emirate

Census 1975

Census 1985

Abu Dhabi

211,812

566,036

Dubai

183,187

Sharjah

78,790

Ajman

Census 1995

Census 2005

NBS est. 2009

% Growth

942,463

1,399,484

1,628,000

769

370,788

689,420

1,321,453

1,722,000

940

228,317

402,792

793,573

1,017,000

1,291

16,690

54,546

121,491

206,997

250,000

1,498

Umm Al-Quwain

6,908

19,285

35,361

49,159

241,000

3,489

Ras Al-Khaimah

43,845

96,578

143,334

210,063

152,000

347

43,753

76,180

125,698

56,000

336

1,379,303 2,411,041 4,106,427 5,066,000

908

Fujairah Total

16,655 557,887

There are seven Emirates which form the UAE. The last official census was carried out in 2005. Figures published by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) estimate the population as just over 8.25 million as of 2010. Twenty-four per cent of all households in the UAE are Emirati (NBS, 2009). The population growth in the UAE has been nearly tenfold since the first official census in 1975 through to the most recent government estimates. Currently, estimated annual growth rate is around 5 per cent. Such rapid growth will inevitably lead to demand on infrastructure and services. More than 80 per cent live in urban areas (NBS, 2011); it is likely this will increase yet further. The adult literacy rate (persons aged 15+ years) is 90 per cent and the youth literacy rate (persons aged 15–24 years) is 95 per cent (NBS, 2005). The population of persons aged 15 or below is around 20 per cent, and this has been steady over the past decade, but for a decrease from its peak in 1985 of 31 per cent (NBS, 2009).

Communities Islam is the official religion of the UAE. It forms an integral part of the social and cultural fabric of the nation. Examples include Dubai aiming to be the Islamic finance capital of the world (Kane, 2014) and Islamic art being showcased in Abu Dhabi (Malek, 2015). It forms the basis and application of the Islamic legal framework: shariah (Hamade, 2011). A bylaw was introduced by the Ministry of Education (MoE) that stated ‘the permanent

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

219

closing of any school that knowingly and intentionally violates the Islamic Sharia’ (MoE, 2008). While it is usual to categorize the communities of the UAE as Emirati, other Arab, Western and South Asian citizens, for the purpose of education a different lens is needed to ascertain the subgroups within the UAE. This is due to the parental preference for the education of their children but also alludes to wider reasons of socialization and cultural affinities. The communities within the UAE can be categorized as in Figure 11.1. The Emirati are a specific distinct cohort who have formal support from the state to facilitate their progress and stake in society, that is, access to free education and healthcare. The Muslim religious identity is a very important distinction as it plays a key role in the association of educational institutions. This is acknowledged by the UAE Ministry of Education, by its offering of Arabic and Islamic studies as mandatory subjects in all of the schools – both public and private in the UAE for all Muslim students. The ‘Other Arab Muslim’ cohort reflects socialization and association with other Arabic citizens, including Emirati nationals. Such individuals may have had a ‘Western’ education, and therefore find the modern urban

UAE inhabitants

Emirati

Other Muslim

Non-Muslim

Other Arab Muslims

South Asia

Other non-native Arabicspeaking Muslims

Europe, America and Oceania

Figure 11.1 Population cohort analysis for education preference.

220

Education in the Arab World

infrastructure more appealing than possible less developed settlements of their ancestral homes. The cultural affinity extends strongly to the British Muslim population, who often express this as one of the main reasons for living in the UAE even if they are non-native Arabic speakers. This can be explained by way of similarities in custom and tradition with the Emirati who are exclusively Muslim, such as religion, dress, dietary and lifestyle parallels. The Indian population has a long-standing relation in the UAE. Many of the key established businesses and ‘brands’ have an Indian long-standing partner, given the proximity to their homeland. Therefore, it is more likely to see expatriate families from India than elsewhere in Asia. Expatriates from Englishspeaking countries make up the highest proportion of professional and senior managerial roles. This has shaped the basis of the private education provision in the UAE.

Economic activity The UAE is the fourth largest exporter of crude oil in the world and holds the sixth largest reserves of oil and gas. Abu Dhabi has 94 per cent of all the reserves of the UAE (Trident Press, 2009). The need to diversify in the economy has been a deliberate strategy as seen Figure 11.2. This was outlined in the UAE Vision 2021 ‘to sustain its drive toward economic diversification, as this is the nation’s surest path to sustainable development in a future that is less reliant on oil’ (UAE Government, 2010). It also protects the economy from external geopolitical volatility as seen by

Transport, storage and communication, 7%

Agriculture, 1%

Manufacturing, 8% Mining, utilities, 39% Construction, 10%

Wholesale, retail trade, 13%

Other activities, 22%

Figure 11.2 Economic activity as a percentage of GDP.

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

221

the significant fall in crude oil prices in 2015, and previously in the property crash in 2007/2008. The second-largest contributor to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is ‘Other activities’ that would include education and healthcare in the private sector. Historic official figures state that 1.1 per cent of the GDP was spent on education, which is the equivalent to 25 per cent of all government expenditure (NBS, 2004).

Policy UAE constitution Education policy is underpinned by the constitution of the UAE. Article 17 states the aim to eradicate illiteracy and how education is a key factor for progress. Article 18 mandates the role of a private school. Article 58 confirms the role of the minister and thus the MoE (FNC, 2015). The main bodies that oversee education in the UAE are the MoE’s Council of Education in the respective Emirates. As a consequence of their political importance, economic wealth and demographic dominance, both Abu Dhabi and Dubai have the most public and private schools in the UAE. Their respective education councils, the Abu Dhabi Education Council (ADEC) and the Dubai Knowledge and Human Development Authority (KHDA), also play the most significant role in the bureaucratic overview of education in the UAE. Consequently, the mostpublished information made readily available about education and schools such as inspection reports are produced by them. This is confirmed by their endorsement on the new UAE School Inspection Framework which is to be implemented across all seven Emirates (MoE, 2015a,b). Similarly, worthy of note, is that both Abu Dhabi and Dubai were the only Emirates to participate in international benchmarking, by participating in the 2011 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study, even though the figures presented are stated as ‘UAE’ (TIMSS and PIRLS, 2012). The role of the MoE extends to all schools and kindergartens in the UAE. A bylaw was issued to ensure a minimum expectation and standards of the quality of private education provision. It resulted in a licensing requirement which would be revoked and the school closed if it failed to meet the standards set out for effective operation (MoE, 2008).

222

Education in the Arab World

2020 Education strategy In 2009, ‘The Ministry of Education Strategy 2010–2020’ was launched to address the skills gap for its future generations by benchmarking its education system against leading global systems such as Finland, the United Kingdom and the Asian Pacific (MoE, 2009). It was a highly ambitious plan to enable the UAE education system to become one among the leading systems in the world. It stated that the key objective was to deliver a ‘student centric model focused on improving student outcome, school life, and equality to meet world class standards’ (MoE, 2009). The strategy stated that it wanted an ‘education system that embraces diversity and prepares students for a knowledge-based economy’ and that the student-centred approach would ‘ensure preparation for global competition’ (MoE, 2009). This was reiterated a year later, in the launch of the 2021 Vision that aims to have ‘a knowledge-based, highly productive and competitive economy … where public and private sectors form effective partnerships’ (UAE Government, 2010).

2021 Vision and international benchmarking The ‘National Agenda: UAE vision 2021’ was launched to set targets for the 50th anniversary of the UAE. Part of this vision is to assert the UAE onto the global education front and have a ‘first-rate education system’ (UAE Government, 2010). The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is a worldwide study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD) to assess fifteen-year-olds on a standardized test globally, every three years. UAE is ranked 48th in the 2012 PISA results for maths, 46th for science and 44th for reading (OECD, 2013), but is the highest placed Arabic-speaking participant nation. Its ambition is to be in the top 20 nations by 2021 (UAE Government, 2010). Another benchmark is the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS). Launched in 1995 and conducted every four years, it assesses students in the equivalent of US fourth grade (UK year 5) and US eighth grade (UK year 9) students globally. For mathematics, in fourth grade, it ranked 42nd and 23rd in eighth grade. For Science in fourth grade, it ranked 43rd and in eighth grade it ranked 24th. The ambition is to be in the top 15 by 2021 (UAE Government, 2010). Another key strategy has been the ‘Emiratization’ programme. Its remit is to encourage national citizens to assume working roles. ‘The emiratisation of

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

223

teaching staff in government schools is scheduled to reach 90 per cent by 2020’ (Manpower, 2012). However, the vast majority of these teachers are females. Currently there is a huge deficiency in the number of male Emirati teachers, which is less than 6 per cent in public schools in 2013–2014 (Swan, 2016a). Literacy rate in the UAE is high compared to other nations in the region, at 91 per cent according to the Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research (ECSSR), placing it third in the Arab region (ECSSR, 2012). However, regardless of the ability to read, according to the Arab Thought Foundation, the actual reading levels are very low in the Arab world. On average, an Arab child reads for six minutes per year, compared with 12,000 minutes from children in the West (Al-Yacoub, 2012). While this is a rather broad regional collective of more than fifteen countries, nonetheless, the issue of relatively low reading hours prompted the launch of the Arab Reading Challenge in Dubai in September 2015 which was followed by 2016 declared a ‘year of reading’ (Gulf News, 2015).

Primary and secondary schooling in the UAE Education in the UAE is divided into four phases as shown in Table 11.2: The school year is made up of around 180 days (Pennington, 2015). It runs from September to June, with breaks in mid-December and the end of March. All schools are expected to adopt the academic calendar as decreed by the Ministry Table 11.2 Phases of education provision in the UAE (MoE/ADEC/KHDA, 2015) Age of child (years)

MoE definition

Abu Dhabi

Dubai

US grade equivalent

3–4/5

Kindergarten Preprimary Phase 1 Kindergarten KG

5–10/11

Primary

11–15/16 Preparatory

UK school year equivalent Early Years/ FS1–FS2 Foundation Stage

Cycle 1

Phase 2 Elementary

Grade Primary/Key Year 1–6 1–5 Stage 1/2

Cycle 2

Phase 3 Middle

Grade Key Stage 3/4 Year 6–9 7–10

Phase 4 High

Grade Key Stage 5 10–12

Cycle 3 15/16–18 General Secondary

Year 12–13

Note: Technical Schools accommodate students from the age of 12–18 years old for vocational studies such as agriculture. Religious schools accommodate children from primary through to the end of secondary. The latter are significantly small in number and enrolment. For the purposes of this narrative, each phase will be described as ‘Kindergarten’, ‘Primary’, ‘Early Secondary’ and ‘Senior Secondary’.

224

Education in the Arab World

of Education. Other public holidays and Islamic religious days are observed, where schools must be closed. Public schools are state-funded and free for Emirati nationals. They are single-gender. The language of instruction is primarily Arabic. Other nonEmirati children may attend but are required to pay fees. Private schools tend to be co-educational. Their language of instruction depends on the main curriculum provision. They are all fee-paying for all students. In 2009, there were 1,190 schools made up of 61 per cent public schools and 39 per cent private schools (MoE, 2009) as referenced in Table 11.3 and Table 11.4. By 2015, the total number of schools stood at 1,215, made up of 673 (55 per cent) public schools and 542 (44 per cent) private schools (NBS, 2015). This is actually two fewer than 2005. (The decrease happened during the economic downturn in 2007–2008, with the recovery only now approaching the peak in 2006 of 1,222 schools and kindergartens.) This shows an absolute and relative decrease in public schools and the reverse trend for private schools. The private schools are dominated by English or American curriculum schools, both of which tend to have a strong emphasis on academic

Table 11.3 Number of schools by type in the Emirates (NBS, 2009) UAE schools (2009)

Public

Private

Abu Dhabi

303

178

Sharjah

124

145

90

81

Ras Al Khaimah Dubai

79

25

Fujairah

61

22

Ajman

41

12

Umm Al Quwain

25

4

Total

723

467

Percentage

60.8

39.2

Table 11.4 Number of schools by type and percentage (NBS, 2015) UAE schools (2015)

Public

Private

Total

673

542

Percentage

55.4

44.6

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

225

qualifications in lieu of applied learning and vocational courses. There are specific private international schools for the expatriate community that adhere to the syllabus of their own countries. Some of these would be supported by the embassies of their respective nations and thus be non-profit. However, many of the English language of instruction schools are also ‘chains’ or franchises of leading international educational providers who have several schools in the UAE, the GCC and globally. These schools are driven by a commercial endeavour and profit in the competition for expat families to attend their organizations. Abu Dhabi has 265 public schools and 185 private schools which is 34 per cent of all private schools in the UAE (ADEC, 2015). Dubai has 169 private schools operating 16 different curricula, which is 31 per cent of all private schools in the UAE (DSIB, 2015). This number is set to increase with 17 schools earmarked for opening in Abu Dhabi by 2018 (Pennington, 2016) and a further 20 new schools planned in Dubai (Gokulan, 2016). While the annual growth of actual schools is around 1 per cent, the schools being established tend to have surplus capacity and often open with enrolments into their first years of primary and secondary education with a few to cascade over the coming years. Thus, it would take at least five years to reach maximum capacity. For example, Dubai’s private schools were 89 per cent full at the start of 2015/2016 (DSIB, 2015). Pupil population as a whole of the population of the UAE shows a larger proportion in the primary and lower-secondary school phase as referenced in Table 11.5 and Table 11.6. Also for the same period, the percentage of all pupils enrolled in private education increased by nearly 10 per cent. This shift has resulted in more than two-thirds of all children enrolled in schools in the UAE to be in the private Table 11.5 Pupil enrolment as a percentage of the UAE population (NBS, 2010)

2005 (%)

2010 (%)

Relative growth (%)

Kindergarten

2.4

3.5

45.8

Primary)

7.2

8.9

23.6

Early Secondary

4.7

5.7

21.3

Senior Secondary

2.8

3.5

25.0

Religious Schools/Technical Colleges

0.4

0.1

–75.0

17.5

21.7

24.0

Percentage of UAE population

All pupils (% of UAE population)

226

Education in the Arab World

Table 11.6 Pupil enrolment as a percentage of all pupils (NBS, 2012) Percentage of all pupils in the UAE

2005 (%)

2010 (%)

2012 (%)

Public Kindergarten

3.1

3.2

3.4

Private Kindergarten

10.4

12.7

13.2

Kindergarten (all)

13.5

15.9

16.6

Public Primary

14.6

11.6

10.9

Private Primary

26.8

29.6

30.6

Primary (all)

41.3

41.1

41.5

Public Early Secondary

14.4

10.2

8.7

Private Early Secondary

13.7

16.2

16.9

Early Secondary (all)

28.1

26.4

25.6

Public Senior Secondary

9.8

7.5

6.6

Private Senior Secondary

7.0

8.4

8.9

Senior Secondary (all)

16.8

15.9

15.5

All Public pupils

41.9

32.5

29.7

All Private pupils

57.9

66.9

69.6

All Female pupils

48.8

48.9

48.8

All Male pupils

51.2

51.1

51.2

sector. This is very interesting as it shows the wider trend towards a privatized economy less dependent on state intervention, but more a consequence of state facilitation. One hundred per cent of pupils were of Arabic background in public schools, with 81 per cent being UAE nationals (MoE, 2009). In private schools, 23 per cent were UAE nationals, 9 per cent were from Western countries and 48 per cent were from South Asia (MoE, 2009). The trend is for many expatriate households to relocate back to their respective countries when their children reach the examination years in secondary education. This is partly due to access and funding to higher education in their respective countries. Also, the nature of expatriate work tends to be fixed-term contracts and attracts adults with no children or young children to facilitate the flexibility of relocation. Due to the ongoing development of the Emirates, it stands to reason that there are very few primary schools that can be classed as historically serving a particular secondary school in terms of pupil transition. The demographics

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

227

Pupil numbers (thousands)

300,000 250,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 50,000 0 Kindergarten

Primary

Early secondary

Senior secondary

Phase of schooling Public

Private

Figure 11.3 Education cohort analysis by school phase.

show why many schools are ‘all through’ or ‘cross phase’, incorporating primary and secondary education into one establishment and usually on one site. These are known as 3–18 (United Kingdom) and as K-12 (United States) as shown in Figure 11.3. This is in part due to practical reasons for all siblings to be located under one establishment, but also the demographics do not lend towards specific secondary schools. Also, as it is a market economy, there are no ‘loyalties’ of two siblings attending the same primary and they would both attend the same secondary. Often, parents make the decision based on their employment commitment and recent inspection reports.

Child welfare The UAE Disability Act was passed in 2006 to protect the rights of people with disabilities. Also, the UAE ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in 2010 (Yousef, 2015). The percentage of disabled people in the UAE is about 11 per cent (WHO cited by Yousef, 2015). Specialist centres for children with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities (SEND) are supervised by the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs and cater for those with hearing and physical disabilities, the visually impaired and other special needs. At present, there is no special curriculum designed for deaf individuals and there is a shortage in sign language translators to support

228

Education in the Arab World

impaired hearing pupils in schools (Sabry, 2014). The ministry is constantly improving its facilities, at the same time emphasizing the role of the family in caring for the disabled. High-level endorsements from the government have ensured it remains a high priority (Al Nowais, 2015). Training for teachers to adapt for SEND pupils is set to increase (Swan, 2016b). In April 2016, the Federal Law on Children’s Rights (originally named Wadeema’s Law after the eight-year-old Emirati girl who was tortured to death by her father) was published. It provides a significant increase on rights of children and most importantly intervention by social services where there is risk or imminent danger (Rizvi et al., 2016). The UAE is also the first Arab nation to join the Virtual Global Taskforce (against child abuse) and is its current chair (VGT, 2015). Teaching staff from overseas are expected to have police clearance before assuming posts in the UAE.

Teaching staff In public schools, the teaching staff are all Arab nationals. In the female schools, the vast majority of female teachers (71 per cent) are Emirati (MoE, 2008). In boys’ schools, only 11 per cent of male teachers are Emirati (MoE, 2008). In private schools, many teachers are expatriates from English-speaking nations and some from Asia. There are staff from other Arab countries who deliver the Arabic and Islamic curricula. The number of expatriate teachers in private schools continues to increase (Barnard, 2013). Teacher training is a recent development. It is available within the local universities for Emirati citizens. The challenge of teacher qualification and retention remains an ongoing issue (Swan, 2012). Other routes to accreditation include the PGCEi, which is often delivered online from the United Kingdom for potential teachers to obtain a postgraduate diploma in international schools. It does not offer the same ‘Qualified Teacher Status’ that some British private schools insist as a prerequisite (TES, 2016).

Curricula MoE oversees all primary and secondary schools’ curriculum. This ensures compliance with the expectations of the UAE government and to be in accordance to its values. Given the very diverse demographics of the UAE, it stands to reason that there would be an education provision that is adapted to

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

229

the needs of its users. Therefore, multiple international curricula run side by side with a few standard requirements. The curricula provision and qualifications in the UAE as of 2015 are: • UAE Curriculum ❍ MoE examinations • International Baccalaureate ❍ Middle Years Program (MYP) ❍ International Baccalaureate Diploma Program (IBDP) • US Curriculum ❍ Internal assessment ❍ Advanced Placement ❍ American College Test (ACT) ❍ Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) • UK (National Curriculum of England) Curriculum ❍ Primary school: End of Key Stage Teacher Assessment ❍ Secondary school: ❍ GCSE/IGCSE ❍ GCE AS/A2 level ❍ Cambridge International Examinations • Indian Curriculum ❍ Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) ❍ Indian Certificate of Secondary Education (ICSE) • French Curriculum ❍ French ❍ Franco-Lebanese Curriculum In addition, there are specific schools that follow the national curriculum of their respective countries to accommodate the children of their expatriate working citizens, such as those from Germany and Japan (DSIB, 2015).

However, by far the most common syllabi aside from the MoE public schools are the British curriculum and American curriculum. These make up more than 70 per cent of the private schools in Dubai (DSIB, 2015), with more than a third of all private schools in Dubai using the English National Curriculum. The Ministry of Education stipulates the requirement of Islamic studies for all Muslim students – Emirati nationals or otherwise. It is adapted according to the linguistic proficiency. Syllabus A for native Arabic speakers and Syllabus B for Muslims whose proficiency in Arabic is either at a beginners level or

230

Education in the Arab World

illiterate in Arabic (religious denomination is required as part of the visa application process to the UAE). At the end of the final year of senior secondary public education, the Emirati students take the examination for the Shahadat Al-Thanawiya AlAmma (Secondary School Leaving Certificate [SSLC]). This is a requirement for admission into higher education. An equivalent validation of completion of studies is required for those students who studied in international curricula but wish to continue higher education in the UAE. At present, international universities in the English-speaking world do not accept these qualifications alone for their entry requirements (UCAS, 2015). Furthermore, improving English language skills at all levels of education is a government priority under the ‘Education 2020’ strategic plan. A new English language syllabus is being introduced to all government schools (MoE, 2009). Technical secondary education offers both preparatory and secondary cycles. The preparatory cycle offers an engineering course for the acquisition of basic skills leading to the Intermediate Certificate. At the end of the secondary cycle, a Technical Secondary Diploma is awarded. Recent reforms have been influenced by global competitors, especially in the English-speaking world. The improving of English language skills and the increased use of information technology are government priorities. The UAE ranked very high in the region and 23rd globally for its digital network readiness (Dutta et al., 2015). It also ranked 11th globally in the MGI Connectedness Index, which uses factors comparing good, services, finance, people and data (Manyika et al., 2016). This illustrates the commitment by the UAE government to use IT as one of the tools for the citizens of the future in preparedness for twenty-first-century learning as its intent was expressed in the 2020 strategy (MoE, 2009). This plan to shift from the traditional school education based on Arabic teacher-centred learning methods towards the student-centred learning is being pursued as outlined in the Education 2020 policy (MoE, 2009).

Accountability The federal law sanctions the provision of education via the education councils of the respective Emirates. ADEC and KHDA contribute significantly to the framework for the whole of the UAE. The MoE is responsible for all levels of government schooling and supervision of the private sector. Private schools at

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

231

all levels must be licensed by the ministry and their programmes accredited. They must also offer core programmes such as Islamic education, social studies and Arabic language. Individual private schools require Emirati ownership of at least 51 per cent. The school board is equivalent to governors and holds the principal to account. The recruitment of staff usually requires the board’s approval, or in some cases is referred up to the Emirati owner. Criteria for recruitment of teachers are determined by the schools but they usually consist of a bachelor’s degree, ‘Qualified Teacher Status’ (also known as a ‘Teaching License’ in the United States) and a minimum of two years experience (TES, 2016). All certificates are expected to be validated at the consul/embassy of their home country before commencing employment in the UAE as a teacher.

Principal requirements The criteria for appointing a principal has become a lot more rigid in recent years. A lot more emphasis is on academic qualifications than professional validation, as would be the case in the United Kingdom, for example. ADEC insists on principals to hold a masters/doctorate degree, have at least five years’ school leadership experience and be a native speaker of English ‘holding citizenship from Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, South Africa, the United Kingdom or the United States’ (ADEC, 2015). KHDA expects a principal in Dubai to have teaching qualifications; at least three years experience and ‘an advanced (postgraduate) university degree/ diploma/qualification in educational matters (or the equivalent thereof), or evidence he/she is working towards obtaining such a degree from a recognised institution’ (KHDA, 2015). The vast majority of principals would have a fixed-term contract, whose tenure may be rather short (Which School Advisor, 2016). Thus, after the expiry of their contract, there is no guarantee that they would remain in post. Vacancies for principals and senior leaders are frequently seen (TES, 2016). In addition, many of the principals have come from ‘advisory’ roles previously. The issue of the latter and its risks are highlighted by Warnica (ECSSR, 2012).

Schools All schools are inspected by appointees of respective Council of Education in each Emirate. Inspection reports are being made increasingly online to allow

232

Education in the Arab World

prospective parents and pupils to make informed judgements when considering a private school in Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Progress in the inspection regime has been made by the first Unified Inspection Framework, for the academic year 2015–2016. This is to be applied to all schools in the Emirates, to provide a more consistent mandate for all education councils. Its criteria has increased from a 1–4 scale (Unsatisfactory to Outstanding) to a 1–6 scale (Very Weak to Outstanding). The scope to increase the range is aimed to provide a more accurate picture of the standards of schools in the UAE. The criteria are robust and their publication increases transparency. What has not been unified at present is the frequency of inspections. ADEC inspects private schools in Abu Dhabi every two years (ADEC, 2014) and KHDA inspects all private schools every year (KHDA, 2015). Progress of schools in Dubai since the first inspections in 2008–2015 have shown schools that are judged to be ‘Good’ or ‘Outstanding’ to have increased by 17–51 per cent. Of all Emirati students in Dubai’s private schools, 38 per cent attend ‘Good’ or better schools, an increase of 12 per cent in 7 years (KHDA, 2015).

Students The compulsory leaving age is 16 but is being planned to be increased to 18 (Ahmed, 2012). At the end of the final year of senior secondary education, the Emirati students take the examination for the Secondary School Leaving Certificate (SSLC). This is a requirement for admission into higher education. In addition, Emirati students who study under other international syllabi are expected to ‘equalize’. This is in order to obtain the ‘certificate’ a minimum qualification standard is expected to have been achieved. In US syllabus, it is to ‘graduate’ from high school. With most exams being set internally, it is dependent more on teacher assessment. In the UK curriculum, the exams are external and standardized. Students need the equivalent of 5 grade A*–E at GCSE and 4 AS level at A–D or 2 A2 levels at A*–D. This is known as ‘equalization’ and stipulated by the educational councils. Failure to achieve this would lead to an extended military service as they would not be able to attend higher education immediately afterwards. A 90 per cent secondary education completion (or equalization) target has been set by 2021 (UAE Government, 2010). The last official evaluation judged the value to be 86 per cent (NBS, 2014). Attrition rates show that girls are less likely to leave school before obtaining the SSLC. The rates are about

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

233

2–3 per cent for girls dropping out compared to 10 per cent for boys (Ridge, 2011). Reasons are many, but the lack of a broad and balance curriculum provision to adapt to the needs of the students is one of the reasons researched (ECSSR, 2012).

Universities and international partnership Tertiary education is overseen by the Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research, established in 1976, to coincide with the opening of the first university in the UAE. It oversees both public and private universities and colleges. The 2021 Vision outlines the ambition to have more Emirati students enter universities (UAE Government, 2010). The UAE has one of the highest application participation rates in the world. Ninety-five per cent of all females and 80 per cent of all males who are enrolled in the final year of secondary school apply for admission to a higher education institution or to study abroad (UAE Interact, 2016). This would include expatriate pupils who may be relocating to study in their home country. Public universities are free of charge and only open to UAE nationals: • United Arab Emirates University, established 1976. • Higher Colleges of Technology, established 1988. • Zayed University, established 1998. (MoHESR, 2015)

English is the primary language of instruction at the government universities but students are expected to be fluent in both Arabic and English. There are calls to have Arabic as the main language of instruction (Salem, 2014). Admissions to these universities are overseen by the National Admissions and Placement Office. This is the equivalent to UCAS (United Kingdom) and Common Application (United States). Part of this process is for all final year Emirati secondary school students seeking higher education in the UAE to undertake the Common Educational Proficiency Assessment (CEPA). The UAE University ranks highest in global rankings, 6th in the MENA region according to the Times Higher Education ranking (Swan, 2015) and 424th in the QS Global rank (QS, 2015). The private universities of the American University of Sharjah (AUS), American University of Dubai and the

234

Education in the Arab World

University of Sharjah are the next highest ranked globally. AUS also ranks in the top 500 globally. Private universities and colleges are open to all students. However, they need to have their programmes of learning accredited by the ministry’s Commission for Academic Accreditation. As of 2015, there are eighty-eight institutions in the UAE (CAA, 2016). This includes a plethora of business schools, reflecting the demand for postgraduate, adult and part-time studies for many residents of the UAE. There has been the issue of bogus universities which have been unaccredited and closed by the authorities in the past few years (Al Jandaly, 2012). Eight per cent of all places are reserved for students from the Arab Gulf region and 7 per cent for other foreigners to allow at least 15 per cent of the cohort to be non-Emirati. Non-gulf students are expected to achieve a higher percentage in their High School Certificate compared to students from the GCC (Krol, 2016). The strategy to allow many international satellite campuses has been planned to forge international partnerships. Dedicated locations such as the Academic City and Knowledge Village in Dubai have enabled clusters of institutions to be formed. Also, the cultural issue of females not being able to travel so readily overseas unaccompanied has meant access to international names such as the New York University, the Sorbonne, and has certainly raised the profile and standards of higher education in the UAE. The aim of having satellite campuses can be viewed as more than offering academic qualifications and a profit-making enterprise. Davis claims on the back of the public universities being ineffective, ‘American branch campuses offer the best way to advance American policy in the region and further American national interests through peaceful means’ (Davis, 2012). It is too early to assess whether there is a cultural dilution as a result of non-Arabic universities established in the UAE.

Gender participation Female education in the UAE has been a highly successful story. It is ‘one of the few countries where the proportion of literate females exceeds that of literate males in the 15–24 year-old age group’ (UNDP, 2015). Overall, girls outperform boys in both national and international assessments (Ridge, 2014). Furthermore, ‘the proportion of females in higher education has risen remarkably, at a rate that has not been achieved in any other country in the world … . This is the

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

235

result of the promotion and encouragement of women’s education by state and family’ (UNDP, 2007). To compound the issue, Emirati male students are achieving lower than Emirati female students at University (Ridge, 2009). Higher success in public schools by Emirati girls may be explained by other factors aside from motivation to succeed. Emirati female public school pupils are usually taught by Emirati women, while boys are taught predominantly by expatriate teachers (Ridge, 2011). It then feeds into the wider national agenda ‘that there is a shared sense of nation building and that educated Emirati teachers are positive role models to aspire to. This is evident in the KHDA school inspections in Dubai, where government girls’ schools consistently outperform government boys’ schools’ (Ridge, 2011).

Conclusion The UAE has achieved a great amount with regard to education in a little over forty years. The trends of increasing private sector institutions and a higher enrolment in private schools seem to remain unabated. The challenge of having Emirati qualified teachers remain and the demand for expatriate teachers will remain for at least two decades. Another challenge is the lack of male Emirati graduates compared to female graduates and consequently the roles they can assume in the workforce, which is biased towards the public sector, with only 0.5 per cent of employees in the private sector being Emirati nationals (Khan, 2012). The ambitions to be a leading global education player can be realized by embedding existing initiatives and compliance to existing protocols and evaluating the impact of the previous initiatives, before launching new ones. Lastly, increased pan-Emirates standardization will be the most important aspect to drive standards and improve quality.

Timeline (CE) of education in the UAE • 630: Islam arrives to the region, most probably under Amr ibn al-’As sent by the Prophet Mohammed PBUH. • Informal Islamic education: delivered by old teachers (male Mutawwa or female Mutawaa), well versed in the study of the Quran, its recitation and calligraphy.

236

Education in the Arab World

• 1446: Al Badiyah, the oldest known mosque in the UAE, established in Fujairah. • Islamic Scientific Circle education: Islamic education extended to formal studies usually held in mosques covering scientific and jurisprudence studies, following the traditions of the Caliphate in Damascus, Cordoba and Baghdad (this was still evident in the last British Expedition of 1819 in Ras Al Khaimah). • 1498: Portuguese arrive in the Gulf region led by Vasco da Gama, with missionary, militant and mercantile intent. • 1507: Portuguese, led by Albuquerque, capture Ormuz. • 1622: Joint Anglo-Persian victory over the Portuguese in 1622 in the region. • 1623: British East India Company and its Dutch equivalent established in Bandar Abbas. • Early eighteenth century: Three political entities that emerged in southeastern Arabia were the Qawasim, the Bani Yas federations and the Al Bu Said dynasty. • 1820: The Trucial States were established; General Maritime Treaty signed between the rulers of Abu Dhabi, Sharjah, Ajman and Umm al-Quwain and the United Kingdom. • 1835: Dubai also signs a ‘Maritime Truce’ with the British. • 1892: Trucial States created by the British. • 1907–1953 Semi-systematic education • 1907: Taimia Mahmoudia School established in Sharjah. • 1912: Al Ahmadia School established in Dubai. • 1930: Al Otaiba School established in Abu Dhabi. • 1935: Al Qassemia Al Eslah (Reformation) School in lieu of Taimia Mahmoudia founded in Sharjah. This school was a result of the tawaweesh (pearl merchants) who were influenced by the Arabian reform in the region. • 1936: Department of Knowledge established in Dubai. • 1953 – Present-Era Modern Systematic Education • 1953: start of the first academic year in formal education in the UAE at Al Qassemia in Sharjah. • 1961: Indian High School established; first expatriate educational institution in Dubai. • 1968: The British School Al Khubairat established in Abu Dhabi. • 1971 – 2nd December: the UAE is formed, marking the end of the Trucial State treaties. • 1971: Federal MoE established with the ambition to eradicate illiteracy. • 1976: United Arab Emirates University is established.

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

237

• 1978: Dubai College established to cater specifically for children of British expatriate families. • 1981: Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) established along with Kingdom of Bahrain, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, State of Kuwait, State of Qatar and Sultanate of Oman. • 1985: Dubai Medical College for Girls private university established. • 1988: Higher Colleges of Technology established in five of the Emirates. • 1998: Zayed University established in twin campuses in Abu Dhabi and Dubai, initially for female students only. • 2005: Abu Dhabi Educational Council (ADEC) established. • 2006: Knowledge and Human Development Authority (KHDA) established in Dubai. • 2009: Abu Dhabi New School Model strategy launched to employ thousands of expatriate qualified teachers from English-speaking countries to its public schools to improve English proficiency and standards for its pupils. • 2009: MoE launches ‘UAE Education Strategy 2020’ • 2010: The UAE 50th anniversary National Agenda 2021 Vision is launched outlining plans to have a world-class, first-rate education system. • 2015: Arab reading challenge launched to address the lack of reading by children in the Arabic-speaking world.

References ADEC (2015a) Private Schools. https://www.adec.ac.ae/en/Educators/PrivateSchools/ Pages/default.aspx (accessed 10 April 2016). ADEC (2015b) Irtiqa’a. https://www.adec.ac.ae/en/Education/KeyInitiatives/Pages/ Irtiqaa-more.aspx (accessed 31 March 2016). Ahmed, A. (2012) Compulsory school-leaving age raised in the UAE. The National, 24 July. http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/education/compulsory-schoolleaving-age-raised-in-the-uae (accessed 31 March 2016). Alsmow (2001) History of Dubai. http://www.alsmow.ae/AboutDubai/DubaiHistory/ tabid/66/language/en-US/Default.aspx (accessed 31 March 2016). Barnard, L. (2013) Expat teachers escape austerity-hit Europe for booming UAE. The National, 12 September. http://www.thenational.ae/business/expat-teachers-escapeausterity-hit-europe-for-booming-uae (accessed 31 March 2016). CAA (2016) Active Institutions. https://www.caa.ae/caaweb/DesktopModules/ Institutions.aspx (accessed 30 March 2016). Davis, C. J. (2012) American Higher Education in the Arabian Gulf-A Force for Liberalization. Monteray : Naval Postgraduate School.

238

Education in the Arab World

DSIB (2015a) The Story Unfolds. https://www.khda.gov.ae/en/publications/ article?id=10213 (accessed 12 April 2016). DSIB (2015b) School Inspection Supplement 2015–2016. https://www.khda.gov.ae/en/ publications/article?id=10206 (accessed 28 March 2016). Dutta, S., Geiger, T. and Lanvin, B. (eds.) (2015) The Global Information Technology Report 2015. http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_Global_IT_Report_2015.pdf (accessed 31 March 2016). FNC (2015) United Arab Emirates constitution. https://www.almajles.gov.ae:85/Uploads/ Files/2015/03/16/30624.pdf (accessed 31 March 2016). Footprints Recruiting (2016) How to Land a School Principal Teaching Job in Abu Dhabi. http://a.dec.footprintsrecruiting.com/requirements-of-school-principal-teachingjobs-in-abu-dhabi-uae (accessed 12 April 2016). Gokulan, D. (2016) 20 new schools to come up in Dubai in 2016. Khaleej Times, 13 March. http://www.khaleejtimes.com/nation/education/20-new-schools-to-comeup-in-dubai-in-2016 (accessed 31 March 2016). Gulf News (2015) UAE Declares 2016 as Year of Reading. 5 December, http://gulfnews. com/news/uae/government/uae-declares-2016-as-year-of-reading-1.1631695 (accessed 31 March 2016). Hamade, D. (2011) Defining Sharia’s role in the UAE’s legal foundation. The National, 27 June. http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/definingsharias-role-in-the-uaes-legal-foundation (accessed 31 March 2016). Hellyer, P. (2014) End of a 75-year era of oil-fuelled progress for Abu Dhabi. The National, 8 January. http://www.thenational.ae/business/oil/end-of-a-75-year-era-ofoil-fuelled-progress-for-abu-dhabi (accessed 31 March 2016). Al Jandaly, B. (2012) Bogus institutions leave students in the lurch. Gulf News, 3 June. http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/education/bogus-institutions-leave-students-in-thelurch-1.1030931 (accessed 31 March 2016). Kane, F. (2014) Dubai closer to becoming Islamic finance hub. The National, 30 December. http://www.thenational.ae/business/economy/dubai-closer-to-becomingislamic-finance-hub (accessed 3 April 2016). Khan, M. (2012) Statistics suggest sorry state of Emiratisation in private sector. The National, 7 November. http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/statistics-suggestsorry-state-of-emiratisation-in-private-sector (accessed 31 March 2016). KHDA (2015a) Database of Private schools. https://www.khda.gov.ae/en/publications/ article?id=145 (accessed 31 March 2016). KHDA (2015b) 7 years on. https://www.khda.gov.ae/en/publications/article?id=10192 (accessed 7 April 2016). KHDA (2015c) A guide for the appointment of a Principal in a Private School. https://www.khda.gov.ae/CMS/WebParts/TextEditor/Documents/Principal%20 Appointment%20Guide%202014_English.pdf (accessed 24 March 2016). KHDA (2015d) School Inspections in Dubai. https://www.khda.gov.ae/en/DSIB/ Reports3?i=3 (accessed 7 April 2016).

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

239

Krol, P. (2016) Study in the UAE. http://www.arabiancampus.com/studyinuae/edusys. htm#foreign (accessed 31 March 2016). Malek, C. (2015) Islamic art centre featuring historical pieces opens in Abu Dhabi. The National, 26 January. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/heritage/islamic-art-centrefeaturing-historical-pieces-opens-in-abu-dhabi (accessed 3 April 2016). Manpower (2012) Education (UAE Interact). https://emiratisation.org/education-uaeinteract (accessed 10 April 2016). Manyika, J., Lund, S., Bughin, J., Woetzel, J., Stamenov, K. and Dhingra, D. (2016) Digital Globalization: The New Era of Global Flows. http://www.mckinsey.com/ business-functions/mckinsey-digital/our-insights/digital-globalization-the-new-eraof-global-flows (accessed 22 March 2016). MoE (2008) Private Education Bylaws. https://www.moe.gov.ae/English/Pages/AboutUs/ PEduRules.aspx (accessed 31 March 2016). MoE (2009) The Ministry of Education Strategy 2010–2020. http://www.dubai.ae/ SiteCollectionDocuments/UAE_Education_Strategy_2020_En.pdf (accessed 21 March 2016). MoE (2015a) School Inspection Framework 2015–16. http://services.moe.gov.ae/ MoeDocs/Docs/School%20Inspection%20Framework-En%202015-2016.pdf (accessed 31 March 2016). MoE (2015b) The Evolution of Education in UAE. https://www.moe.gov.ae/english/ pages/uae/uaeeduh.aspx (accessed 31 March 2016). MoHESR (2015) About Higher Education. http://www.mohesr.gov.ae/En/Pages/default. aspx (accessed 30 March 2016). National Archives (2016) Historical Periods. http://www.na.ae/en/archives/ historicalperiods/civilization.aspx (accessed 31 March 2016). Al Nowais, S. (2015) Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed reaches out to special needs students. The National, 4 June. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/sheikh-mohammedbin-zayed-reaches-out-to-special-needs-students (accessed 31 March 2016). NBS (2004–2015) Various Socio-economic Statistics’ Database. http://dataportal.fcsa.gov. ae/en/DataAnalysis/ (accessed 31 March 2016). OECD (2013) PISA 2012 Results. http://www.oecd.org/pisa/keyfindings/pisa-2012results.htm (accessed 31 March 2016). Pennington, R. (2015) Number of academic days in UAE public schools below average. The National, 10 March. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/education/number-ofacademic-days-in-uae-public-schools-below-average (accessed 31 March 2016). Pennington, R. (2016) Seventeen schools to open in Abu Dhabi by 2018. The National, 14 March. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/seventeen-schools-to-open-in-abu-dhabiby-2018 (accessed 31 March 2016). QS (2016) QS World University Rankings 2015/16. http://www.topuniversities.com/ qs-world-university-rankings (accessed 4 April 2016).

240

Education in the Arab World

Ridge, N. (2009) The Hidden Gender Gap in Education in the UAE. http://mbrsg.ae/ getattachment/2dee9885-631c-40a2-9e5f-d5c292a80e01/The-Hidden-Gender-Gapin-Education-in-the-UAE (accessed 25 March 2016). Ridge, N. (2011) Why women graduates outnumber men in the UAE. Gulf News, 22 January. http://gulfnews.com/gn-focus/why-women-graduates-outnumber-men-inthe-uae-1.790849 (accessed 25 March 2016). Ridge, N. (2014) Education and the Reverse Gender Divide in the Gulf States: Embracing the Global, Ignoring the Local. London: Teachers College Press. Rizvi, A., Dajani, H. and Al Amir, S. (2016) New child protection law ‘a big move for UAE’s development’. The National, 12 April. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/newchild-protection-law-a-big-move-for-uaes-development (accessed 31 March 2016). Sabry, S. (2014) Insufficient statistics about the number of special needs people in the UAE, officials say. Gulf News, 24 March. http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/general/ insufficient-statistics-about-the-number-of-special-needs-people-in-the-uaeofficials-say-1.1308332 (accessed 31 March 2016). Salem, O. (2014) Arabic must be the main language in UAE education, FNC hears. The National, 23 November. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/government/arabic-must-bethe-main-language-in-uae-education-fnc-hears (accessed 12 April 2016). Snoj, A. (2015) UAE´s Population – By Nationality. http://www.bq-magazine.com/ economy/socioeconomics/2015/04/uae-population-by-nationality (accessed 31 March 2016). Swan, M. (2012) Zayed University seeks dean to lead it into the future. The National, 18 April. http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/education/zayed-university-seeksdean-to-lead-it-into-the-future (accessed 31 March 2016). Swan, M. (2016a) Male Emirati teachers in demand. The National, 27 March. http:// www.thenational.ae/uae/education/male-emirati-teachers-in-demand (accessed 10 April 2016). Swan, M. (2016b) Teachers need more special needs training. The National, 13 February. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/education/teachers-need-more-specialneeds-training (accessed 31 March 2016). Swan, M. (2015) Three UAE universities in first Times Higher Education rankings for Middle East. The National, 24 February. http://www.thenational.ae/uae/education/ three-uae-universities-in-first-times-higher-education-rankings-for-middle-east (accessed 31 March 2016). TES (2016) Search for Advertisements for Teaching Positions in the UAE. https://www.tes. com/jobs/browse/united-arab-emirates (accessed 28 March 2016). The Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research (2012) Education in the UAE: Current Status and Future Developments. UAE: ECSSR. TIMSS and PIRLS (2012) TIMSS and PIRLS 2011 Data Release. http://timssandpirls. bc.edu/data-release-2011/ (accessed 1 April 2016). Trident Press (2009) Facts and Figures. http://www.exploretheemirates.com/#/factsand-figures (accessed 31 March 2016).

United Arab Emirates: An Overview

241

UAE Government (2010) UAE Vision 2021. https://www.vision2021.ae/en (accessed 31 March 2016). UAE Interact (2016) Society. http://www.uaeinteract.com/english/society/ (accessed 31 March 2016). UCAS (2015) 2015 International Qualifications. https://www.ucas.com/sites/default/ files/2015-international-qualifications.pdf (accessed 12 April 2016). UNDP (2007) Millennium Development Goals. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/rbas/ report/NMDGs_Eng2007_rec.pdf (accessed 31 March 2016). UNDP (2015) Eight Goals for 2015. http://www.ae.undp.org/content/united_arab_ emirates/en/home/post-2015/mdgoverview.html (accessed 31 March 2016). VGT (2015) UAE Welcomes ICDL GCC to VGT. http://virtualglobaltaskforce.com/2015/ uae-welcomes-icdl-gcc-to-vgt/ (accessed 31 March 2016). Which School Advisor (2016) Al Salam Private School. http://whichschooladvisor.com/ review_article/al-salam-private-school/ (accessed 31 March 2016). Al-Yacoub, I. (2012) Sum of all fears: Arabs read an average of 6 minutes a year, study reveals. Al-Arabiya, 14 July. http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/07/14/226290. html (accessed 31 March 2016). Yousef, M. (2015) Children with Disability in the United Arab Emirates and the Services they Receive. https://guprofdev.wordpress.com/2014/10/24/children-with-disabilityin-the-united-arab-emirates-and-the-services-they-receive/ (accessed 31 March 2016).

12

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview Khalil Al-Hussaini and Abdullah Modhesh

Introduction Yemen is located in the Arabian Peninsula overlooking the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean. It dominates the Bab Al-Mandab Strait which separates Yemen and the African Horn states, which is one the most important shipping lines for international trade and maritime transport in the world. It is therefore of geographical and strategic significance, while being the economically poorest country in the Arab world. The current educational situation in Yemen is a direct result of its turbulent recent history and current ongoing violent conflict. The British colonial legacy was negative and divisive. This account will therefore be addressed first historically and then in contemporary terms.

Historical legacy Education is a right for all citizens granted by the state according to the law of establishing different schools, cultural institutions and compulsory basic education. The state shall do its best to eradicate illiteracy and gives special care for expansion in technical and vocational education. (Yemen’s Constitution: article 53)

Education before the 1962 revolution Before the September 1962 Revolution, North Yemen used to be a closed society and education was limited to religious schools in which children used to take

244

Education in the Arab World

reciting Quran lessons, or to schools that used to be run by local initiatives. Most students were male. Formal education began to develop in South Yemen in 1967 after the retreat of Britain. During the British colony in South Yemen, education was accessible in Aden and there were primary and preparatory schools in every small suburb including Steamer Point, Crater and Sheikh Othman. There was a secondary school for girls only in Khormaksar and two private schools in Crater and Steamer Point.

Education in pre-unity Yemen (1962–1990) Yemen Arab Republic is the name of the state that was established in North Yemen after the Yemeni Revolution in 26 September 1962. The 1960s and 1970s were characterized by instability, frequent coups and assassinations. The People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen is the name of the state that was established in the southern and eastern provinces after the 14 October 1993 Revolution against the British colony. It was a socialist state with a Marxist approach that governed the state by one party, the Yemeni Socialist Party, which ran the country while aligning with the Soviet Union. It was the only Marxist state in the world with an official religion, Islam. The Yemen Arab Republic was unified with the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen to form the Republic of Yemen in 22 May 1990. During the 1970s, Yemen witnessed an expansion in basic education but there were some discrepancies between the regions. The northern and western governorates had, since the establishment of Yemen Arab Republic in 1962, followed the educational ladder (6-3-3), which is six years for primary stage, three years for preparatory stage and three years for secondary stage. At the second year of secondary school, students could select either the scientific section or the literary section. Vocational and technical education were also available for some. Provision had also been created for preservice teacher training but these have subsequently been dissolved. A parallel religious educational system had been created that followed the same educational ladder of general education and teachers’ preparation system. The schools were called Scientific Institutes. This system lasted until the beginning of the school year 2001/2002 when such institutes were integrated with the general education system. As for the southern and eastern governorates, since the establishment of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen in 14 October 1967, they followed the same educational ladder that used to be followed in the northern and western governorates until 1973, then to be replaced by the Unified School

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

245

that lasted for eight years. This was followed by secondary education that was divided into four types: (a) a four-year academic secondary education to prepare students for university; (b) a five-year technical secondary education; (c) a two-year handicrafts education; and (d) four-year teachers preparation institutes beginning after completing the unified school, in addition to teachers’ preparation at the university level as well. Also, a three-year preschool education had been created and occurred particularly in the main cities. In terms of administration and curricula there were many and detailed differences from place to place.

Education post-unity: 1990–present From 1990 to 1993, there was a reform and capacity-building phase leading to a draft law of education in 1993, in which all educational and administrative systems were unified within one framework. Technical education and vocational training had been integrated into the Ministry of Labour instead of the Ministry of Education. A republican decree (No. 45) was issued regarding the General Law of Education in the Republic of Yemen. This law set the education philosophy and its goals that were inspired by Islamic ideology, the constitution of the country, the goals of both revolutions of September 26 and October 14 and the outcomes of the national movement. It also unified the formal education stages in the republic as follows: pre-basic education; unified basic education for nine years; technical education after the basic stage; general secondary education lasting for three years after the basic stage; vocational training and education; higher education (teachers institutes and university); and there were also some schools for nomadic communities. Then there were further developments, including the cancellation of the primary certificate which was replaced by central examinations at the end of class nine. Higher education and scientific research were integrated into the Ministry of Education (MoE) in 1993. In 1995, an important workshop was held to approve new bylaws and systems associated with examinations and guidance. This led to new bylaws and systems in 1995 which served to unify technical systems in all the schools of the republic. During the period 1997–2001, a number of further organizational decrees were issued, including rationalizing and unifying the systems of the various governorates, a new teachers law, a republican decree (1999) reorganizing the Research and Educational Development Center especially after the integration of both research centres in Sana’a and Aden into one entity. Approved textbooks

246

Education in the Arab World

were reviewed and re-composed entirely, commencing with the first basic classes until the third secondary education stage. They served to replace old methods of narrative and memorization. The first comprehensive educational survey at the republic level for educational facilities, students and teachers occurred in 1997/1998. The years 2001–2003 saw further progress towards the unification of education in Yemen, especially in terms of administration and methodology. Scientific institutes were accommodated within the MoE in a proper technical and administrative manner. The general department of Quran Memorization Schools was accommodated into the general education sector. This step is regarded as a revolution in the field of education, so as to produce one generation and one type of education instead of having two types of education which entailed the existence of two different generations in thoughts, behaviour and methodology in the past. The year 2002 witnessed a strong approach towards strategic planning. This resulted in generating a number of sectoral strategies for the different education types and stages from early childhood reaching to higher education and scientific research and adult education, taking into account the issues of literacy and adult education. This included a National Strategy of Early Childhood Development (2011– 2015) that was extremely comprehensive, taking in healthcare and the media in relation to children. A similarly comprehensive strategy for basic education was carried out to provide basic equal and quality education opportunities for every Yemeni child of age 6–14. It included improvements in teacher education, curriculum reform, school administration, education funding, decentralization, gender issues, school buildings and community participation. Alongside all this was a national strategy of technical education and vocational training (2004–2013) with a view to connecting better to the labour market. This included a network of training institutions to possess the capacity and flexibility to respond to a wide range of training needs for the business and social sector, involving diversification of technical education and vocational training funding and resources towards equal participation. Alongside this, a national strategy of higher education and future work plans was conducted (2006–2010) with a view to upgrading standards, providing further financial support and encouraging self-funding in the universities. This was also to try to meet higher-level labour needs supported by improved teaching methods, research and the dissemination of knowledge appropriate to national development.

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

247

Embedded in all these efforts was a sustained drive towards improving education for girls, especially during 1998–2010. Low enrolment of girls in school remained a problem needing an urgent solution. This was necessarily related to a sustained national strategy for adult, especially female, literacy (1996–2015) and linking adult education programmes with development plans. All this related to Yemen’s awareness of the international Millennium Development Goals for 2015 which included all the objectives of the second and third goals of generalizing basic education for all by 2015 and bridging the gap between genders in the different educational stages. Yemen sought to achieve those goals, and despite not reaching them, did achieve tangible progress despite all the constraints, including that of violent conflict, which due to its severity necessarily requires further comment.

The impact of political crises and armed conflicts on education after unification The southern separatist conflict began in the civil war of summer 1994, which was resolved in favour of the General People’s Congress and its allies, occurred from the belief of the availability of deficiencies in the achieved unity in 1990. These conflicts began because of the northern part’s unfair treatment of the southern part, politically and economically. This briefly resulted with the start of peaceful popular claims, but then came the Houthi Rebellion in 2004 which was associated with a Shiite Zaidi segment against the government and a step towards disseminating Shi’ism in Yemen. There were six rounds of armed conflicts between the Houthis and the government, as well as fifteen rounds of armed conflicts between the Houthis and the tribes from 2004 until 2010. In addition to the sectarian conflict between the Houthis and the Salafis, the conflict between the Houthis and the Reform Party for achieving dominance included recruiting youth to fight and opening the door for regional intervention to solve this conflict. This caused internal displacement of more than 300,000 persons. Using children as soldiers and violations to human rights also had its negative impact on education in five governorates, and in June 2008 Houthis reached Bani Hushaish at the outskirts of the capital San’aa. From 2006, violence from the extremists groups and the conflicts are connected mainly to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and Ansar al-Sharia that are regarded as the source of violence that is associated with terrorism. The support for al-Qaeda comes as a disparate response for the deterioration of life condition in the country and not as an ideological support.

248

Education in the Arab World

The events and conflicts that Yemen passed through, whether before or after 2011, has negatively influenced the educational process in the country which is still struggling on different axes politically, socially and economically. Throughout 2011 and 2012, about 1.25 million male and female children were not able to attend schools on a regular basis, either because of the lack of availability of internally displaced people, internally displaced people in their schools or the damage that happened to their schools or even because of the constantly insecure state. The crisis caused damage to the psychological and social status of many children, especially those who witnessed acts of destruction, killing and bombings, or those who have been displaced and exposed to fear. The direct impact of this conflict and its different forms was recruiting young people, including children, to join the various movements and ideologies. They were subjected to the same forms of extreme violence like adults, including murder, injury, suffocation from gas, torture and arbitrary detention. Forcing children to leave their schools to be used for demonstrations and being killed or injured or displaced was a logical consequence, particularly in the rural areas. According to the MoE, 810 schools had been damaged directly and some buildings were destroyed completely; some schools were used for military purposes and some for providing refuge for internally displaced people. Absenteeism rates among teachers and administrators notably increased during the school year 2010– 2011. The estimations of MoE indicated that approximately 10 per cent of the total number of teachers were absent from their schools at least temporarily, while 3,200 male and female teachers in the governorates of Sada and Abyan were forced to seek refuge in the neighbouring governorates. Academic programmes had been postponed in the universities and technical institutes in the affected areas. As a result, a security and humanitarian crisis has sustained itself. Civilians suffer the burden of violence in Yemen where conflicts form a major threat to their safety and social psychological health. The number of needy people has increased from about 16 million to 21 million; this means that 80 per cent of the Yemeni people are in need of assistance to meet their essential needs of food, water, healthcare, shelter and other basic supplies, and for protecting their basic rights. Armed conflicts have also resulted in the loss of the male breadwinner for many families, and there has been a notable increase in recruiting children as soldiers. Over 2.5 million people are displaced. The education system in Yemen has been devastated as a result of the ongoing conflict. Estimations state that 1.8 million children are now not in school since the escalated conflict. The year 2015 was the most devastating

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

249

year in terms of education because of the war and armed conflicts that led to closing of more than 3,600 schools out of total 17,000. This was accompanied by relocating students and families looking for safety. Reports indicate that 1,629 schools were exposed to direct damage, 269 schools were damaged and destroyed completely, 773 schools were partially damaged, while 184 schools were turned into shelters for displaced people and 376 schools were occupied by armed groups. The available resources for the education greatly decreased, with girls most likely being prevented from enrolling into schools, as well as due to early marriages. The MoE and its development partners are trying to focus on providing a safe and child-friendly environment for those at risk of missing schooling and other education because of the ongoing disputes. Some measures have been taken, such as: rehabilitation of damaged schools; establishing alternative learning places; recruitment of teachers and other volunteers to teach in those schools; providing psychological support for the children and teachers as well; and providing alternative learning opportunities for out-of-school children.

The contemporary situation Economic, social and demographic status The population has now reached about 25.3 million people, with an average gender ratio of 103.7 males per 100 females. The population is concentrated mainly in the rural areas (71 per cent), and the annual average rate of population growth is about 3.1 per cent, one of the highest in the world. The population will likely reach about 42 million people by the end of 2030. Yemen is characterized by its youthful age structure which is the main source for the labour force. Children of ages 0–14 formed about 41.6 per cent of total Yemen population in 2012. Together with the elderly of age 65, these two categories of the population constitute a dependency rate of 80.7 per cent. Those in between are not an entirely productive force but each economically active individual supports about 4.7 others. Given the annual average per capita gross national income (GNI) in Yemen of US$ 1,110 in 2012, there is obviously a need to increase the skills and capability of the productive sector, which is the function of education and training. Rural areas in Yemen include about 84 per cent of the poor. This disparity grows with the benefit that urban areas derive from the economic growth of

250

Education in the Arab World

the services sector but the rate of unemployment among the age category 15–24 reaches 52.9 per cent, with 44.4 per cent among the ages 25–59. Corruption and the absence of economic stability limit the potential contribution of the private sector, while poor infrastructure, especially the erratic and inadequate electrical power supplies, is also a key obstacle. Nevertheless, some sectors such as construction, education, health, agriculture and pastoralism have shown significant growth over recent years, despite the low skill level. This low level also limits access to the nearby Gulf labour market. High illiteracy rates, particularly among females, 60 per cent against 40 per cent for males, rises to 78 per cent against 22 per cent in rural areas. Health is also an issue, with the averages of healthy years of life that are lost at birth in Yemen being estimated by nine years. This obviously limits the productivity and quality of life of the majority of the population. As far as economic indicators are concerned, there has been a growth in the services sector in recent years, reaching to over 50 per cent of Yemen’s gross domestic product (GDP), though there has been a relative recession of commodity production sectors, despite some absolute increase. The oil sector plays an important role in the national economy. It is considered to be the most productive sector to the GDP despite the decline in the relative importance of oil and gas sector from year to year. The humble share and contribution of the agricultural sector compared to the amount of potential that this sector possesses is a real problem. Its decline reflects the chronic natural and structural constraints such as lack of water and deterioration of soils. There is also the backwardness of fishing which, like agriculture, suffers from lack of investment, both physical and financial.

Education Pre-basic education Although the general law of education for 1992 considers pre-basic education as the beginning of the education ladder, this stage is, in practice, almost absent, as indicated in Table 12.1. There is an imbalance in the number of enrolled children in nurseries and kindergartens in the various governorates. Sana’a city, the capital, is in the first position in terms of number of children by 40 per cent of total number of enrolled children in nurseries (2.0 years of age), then Hadhramout by 22 per cent and

Male Female Total

Male Female Total

Net enrolment rate Male Female Total

Male Female Total

Enrolled students in early childhood from all ages (0–5)

Male

Female

Total

Population of age category (0–5)

2012/13 0.68% 0.59% 0.64% 0.57% 0.49% 0.53% 13,599 11,336 24,935 16,283 13,696 29,979 2,404,794 2,301,906 4,706,700

Year

Total enrolment rate

Enrolled students in early childhood education of age category (3–5)

Table 12.1 Total enrolment rate and net enrolment against the total of population by gender during 2010–2013

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview 251

252

Education in the Arab World

then Aldhale’ by 14 per cent. As for kindergartens, Hadhramout occupies the first position by 27 per cent of total number of enrolled children at the republic level, and then Aden by18 per cent, Sana’a city by 17 per cent, Taiz by 14 per cent and Alhodaida by 9 per cent. The level of pre-basic educational service quality is also a concern, as there is no mechanism for assessing the readiness for school, and as for the curriculum there is no specific framework for learning. In this regard, the MoE prepared and distributed copies of the new guiding principles for preschool teachers in 2013. There is no national mechanism to assess the readiness for school, to identify the impact of the public or private pre-basic education programmes on the readiness of the child for learning in the basic stages. There has been a significant growth in female enrolment which reduced the gap between the genders. Net enrolment rates increased in basic education for both males and females to 83.6 per cent, with a disparity between males and females. Males’ net enrolment rate increased to 91.5 per cent, while females’ rate stood at 75.3 per cent. Progress has been achieved in providing educational service delivery for female students, where we find that the rate of female students of total of students in basic education has increased between the school years 2007/2008–2013/2014 from 42 to 44 per cent. General secondary education has witnessed an average growth by 4.29 per cent. By comparing the growth enrolment rates between rural and urban areas, we find that the rates of females’ growth were higher than males in both basic and secondary education. In basic education, although the total growth rates in the urban areas are higher than those in rural areas, where it reached to 26.69 per cent in urban areas and to 14.28 per cent in rural areas, the growth rates among females in urban areas is higher than those among males where females rate reached to 28.77 per cent and males 24.69 per cent with a difference of 3.81 points, and the same is for the situation in the rural areas where the rates for females reached to 19.69 per cent and males 10.66 per cent with a difference of 9 points. In secondary education enrolment, although the growth rate in urban areas was higher than that in rural areas by 3.42 points, what is noticeable is that the achieved growth among females in rural areas was higher than this in urban areas where the growth rate reached to 53.98 per cent at the time enrolment among males witnessed a growth rate that reached to 9.11 per cent with a difference of 44.87 points. This rate has exceeded the female enrolment growth in the urban areas as well as the males’ enrolment growth by 12.86 points. There has been a prevalence of co-education particularly in the rural areas, where the ratio of basic co-educational schools was about 89 per cent

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

253

in 2007/2008 and declined only slightly to 88 per cent in 2012/2013. With regard to general secondary education, statistics show a growth in the students enrolled in co-educational schools by 11.18 per cent between the two school years 2007/2008–2011/2012. The growth among females was higher by 31.37 points than the growth among males. The growth in female enrolment in coeducational schools in rural areas was higher by 26.70 points than that in urban areas. Private education increased from 3.36 per cent in 2007/2008 to 4.69 per cent in 2012/2013, while demand for enrolment in scientific studies has increased at the expense of the arts, which could put pressure on the capacity of higher scientific education institutions. However in higher education, private universities have begun to incorporate a great number of students and, in parallel, education programmes in public universities are under way. The main factor affecting those who do not attend schools is poverty: they are females mostly from rural areas. Eighty-seven per cent of out-of-school children are those who live in the rural areas where there are significant challenges on both the supply and demand sides. Economic constraints, absence of schools within reach and malnutrition all contribute to the absence or late entry of children to schools. Lack of female teachers is also a factor constraining the enrolment of girls. Low internal efficiency is illustrated by dropouts due to lack of automatic promotion through the grades, which is higher among boys although affecting both genders significantly. All the previously discussed factors combine to produce a low quality of output from schools that has clear implications for the labour market. In international surveys, Yemen is at the bottom among all the Arab states (UNDP, 2007). At the end of class 12, students attend national exams which are known as the General Secondary Education Examinations and are supervised by the MoE. The results of these exams are the only measurement of the quality of secondary education. Despite that, the overall average of success rates reached to 78.66 per cent in 2007/2008–2012/2013 with a disparity among the sections, the average of the scientific section reached to 79.01 and to 76.80 for the literary section; this rate increased to 94.01 for the English section. But general secondary education particularly, and the assessment process in general, suffer from: (a) lack of accurate measurements that are characterized by objectivity, honesty and consistency, as well as weak experience in setting up questions; (b) ignoring students’ achievements in the first and second classes; (c) weak mechanisms for regulating examinations; (d) widespread cheating relating to the means and

254

Education in the Arab World

methods of evaluation; and (e) inadequate analysis of the results. All these make the results of exams unreliable indicators of the quality of the formal education process. Yet the major factors at work are clear: (a) curricula deficiencies, including texts and other materials; (b) predominance of theoretical aspects over practical aspects; (c) a lack of streaming in secondary education; (d) poor school buildings; (e) low qualification of teachers and support staff; (f) poor student /teacher ratio; and (g) weak reform and evaluation processes. There have been some improvements in all these areas but they are small and, as yet, not sufficiently effective to make a difference. One significant effort has been in the strategy of in-service training and qualification with an overview for achieving increase in the efficiency and capacity of those in charge of training at the central and local level and to increase the quality of oversight and administration both at school level and also in districts, as well as at the centre.

Gender and the education of girls In the field of girls public education, the Yemeni government continues its efforts to encourage women to enrol to basic, secondary, higher, technical and vocational education and has increased the educational capacity in their schools. A number of organizations have linked up with the government to reduce the level of girls dropout from education, particularly in the basic stage, by diagnosing the causes and tackling them to expand girls and women literacy activities. However, although the Yemeni laws and legislation have preserved the women’s right to education, still the education gap between males and females is significant and still there is insistent need to disseminate awareness among the society about the importance of girls’ education, particularly girls education in the rural areas, and then expanding in the educational facilities and schools to include the entire Yemeni rural areas. Statistics indicate that the enrolment rates for basic education for both sexes are still low as per international standards. Net enrolment rates for basic education (ages 6–14) reached to 72.3 per cent during 2012/2013; this means that Yemen was not yet able to achieve generalization of basic education by 2015. As for the category of secondary education (ages 15–17 years), net enrolment rates remain to a large extent close to those available in the lowerincome countries by 23.3 per cent for both sexes. Enrolment rate is low in the first basic education stage (6 years old), which reaches to 53.6 per cent for both sexes, that is, 56.9 per cent for males and 50.3 per cent for females.

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

255

Gender parity index in terms of enrolment in basic and secondary education is still high particularly in the rural areas where the net enrolment rates in basic education between males and females during 2012/2013 reached to 87 and 70 per cent, respectively. As for secondary education, male rates reached to 27 per cent and female to 19.2 per cent. In addition to the shortage in the number of rural female teachers, there is a growing demand for independent classes and female teachers. There are also similar demands even in the areas that have qualified female teachers. There was an increase in the number of marginalized children, street children and working children as a result of the violent conflict and instable situations that Yemen has experienced through the last six years. These events led to increase in the number of unstable areas and imposed special needs that should have been fulfilled by the education national strategies such as provision of quality education service for the internal displaced people and continuing these services in the unstable areas. Local and international agencies have been striving to combat this scenario but as yet the negative effect of education continues.

Overall education funding and management Education’s share within overall government expenditure is relatively high compared to competing sectors. It reached 13–20 per cent out of total public spending during the last thirteen years, but the Yemeni government lately suffered from a sharp decline in the government revenues for two reasons: (a) global financial inflation from 2009, and (b) internal political turmoil in 2011. Each incident led to a sharp fall in the total government expenditure in comparison to the two years before. However, and despite those difficulties, the government worked on protecting the expenditure on education during those years. On the other hand, the government expenditure rate on education has notably increased during those crucial years, as the share of education increased within the total expenditure from 13 per cent in 2008 into 19 per cent in 2011. Table 12.2 shows the government expenditure/spending by each educational stage during 2004–2013 in millions of riyals. Most of the spending goes towards teachers’ salaries in both basic and secondary stages, while the assisting articles do not get any support despite their necessity for education quality. Teachers’ salaries consume 70 per cent for primary education stage versus 67 per cent for basic education stage and 65 per cent for secondary education stage. By contrast, the administrative spending for basic education stage consumed 25 per cent, technical education

256

Education in the Arab World

Table 12.2 Government expenditure: General and technical education (2004 and 2013) 2004 Education type General Education Technical Education University Education Total

2013

Amount

Rate

Amount

Rate

119.704

80.23

243.032

73.19

4.036

2.71

26.694

8.04

25.464

17.07

62.333

18.77

149.204

100.00

332.058

100.00

27 per cent and secondary education 25 per cent. Therefore, only 6 per cent of total spending is spent for covering the other aspects than payrolls and administrative expenses at all education stages. This is a problem if we take into account the quality and efficiency of education curricula that require modern teaching methods and use many new aids for involving children. Therefore, there is a need to allocate some funds for this purpose in order to improve the educational service quality. The basic education sector is characterized by a high degree of harmonization in absorbing donors’ funds. Despite the fact that Yemen is one of the countries that get less than the proportion of development subsidies per individual, education gets a significant share of this external funding. The supporting development partners to basic education signed the Partnership Declaration to guarantee further harmonization and alignment in the supporting efforts provided to this sector based on the National Strategy of Basic Education Development. Development partners convene regular meetings with the MoE to follow-up the implementation process of the strategy and to exchange information and coordinate the supporting activities provided for this sector. The private sector as well plays a growing role in providing the educational services, representing 2 per cent of total enrolment in basic and secondary education and 15 per cent of total enrolment in higher education. Kindergartens in turn are run mostly by the private sector. The three ministries of education are subject to financial government policies. They are non-autonomous financially and spend their funds based on the guidelines and policies of the Ministry of Finance. About 85 per cent of the financial budget is spent for salaries and wages and a small amount is spent for physical assets and educational development. These ministries suffer as well from the absence of operational expenses in many administrations at the central level and executive offices in the governorates and districts and also by nontransparent expenditure. Ministries of Education depend mainly on the state

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

257

general budget, which in turn is affected by the fluctuation in oil prices that are at risk of depletion as per the experts’ estimations and lack of community participation except for some international subsidies.

Students with special needs There is a deficiency in providing specialized educational programs for the physically and mentally handicapped students who suffer from difficulties in learning and of chronic health problems. Marginalized communities, working children, street children and talented students need special care and a provision of appropriate study environment, such as school buildings, teachers, trainers, social workers, teaching methods, educational tools, resources rooms, libraries and furniture so that they are ensured integration and equal opportunities. The community members should be involved, as well as the non-governmental organizations that work with the students of special needs. • By looking through the structures of the education institutions, we find that they lack the necessary quality guidance and counselling services. Furthermore, there is a need to include special external support that is directed to students of special needs, talented students, etc., like supervisors to encourage this segment of society for education. • Education for children with special needs remains a challenging problem for successive governments. Despite the fact that Yemen is one of the initiative states that signed the international agreements of special needs, issued a number of national laws and established funds, we find a large proportion of children not enrolled to education, non-beneficiaries of education and dropout children of special needs. Despite the limited efforts exerted by the Comprehensive Education Department in MoE, we find that the supposed role of the Ministry of Technical and Vocational Training, which is the actual gateway for disabled people rehabilitation towards actual integration in the society, breaking the isolation barrier and turning them into renewed energies in the society, remains very limited. This issue gets worse if we talk about the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, despite the great efforts exerted by some universities in partnership with the leading relevant associations to those of special needs. Accordingly, we find that the proportion of those of special needs ranges between 0.4 and 6.5 per cent of the total population (census of 1994, Household Budget survey 2005), while the estimated census of 2004

258

Education in the Arab World

was approximately 1.9 per cent (379,924) disabled persons out of a total population of 19.68 million. Based on the comprehensive educational survey (2012–2013), number of students of special needs enrolled to public schools who suffer from different kinds of disabilities reached 120,721. They represent 2.3 per cent of the total enrolled students in public education, and 56,291 female students representing 3 per cent of total female students enrolled in public education. Number of students with special needs enrolled in basic education reached 106,172, representing 2.3 per cent out of total enrolled students in this stage and representing 2 per cent of the total enrolled in basic education stage. As for female students of special needs in basic education, they reached 48,251 (2.4 per cent) out of the total enrolled female students in basic education and 2.2 per cent of the total number of female students in basic education. As for secondary education, the number of male and female disabled students in this stage reached 14,549 male and female students representing 2 per cent of total enrolled students in this stage; out of them 8,040 female students represented 0.4 per cent of total number of students.

References Evaluation Report (2011) Yemen Country Portfolio, WFP/EB.2/2011/6-E. Rome. ILO-IPEC, UNICEF (2012) Social Fund for Development, and MoPIC, Working Children in the Republic of – Yemen – The Results of the 20tional Child Labor Survey. Sana’a, Yemen. Ismail, Sharif (2000) Unification in Yemen Dynamics of Political Integration: 1978–2000. Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford. Al-Mashraqi, Asia Abdullah and Alwajeeh, Ahmed Mahyoub (2013) Low Enrolment Rate among Children with Disabilities; the Underlying Reasons Why Most of Them Are Out-of-School and Dropout in Yemen. Sana’a, Yemen: Ministry of Education, Republic of Yemen. Al-Mekhlafy, Tawfiq Ahmad (2007) Performance of Fourth Graders of the Republic of Yemen in TIMSS 2007, Sana’a, Yemen, 2009. Ministry of Education (2013) Yemen Education Sector Plan. Mid Term Results Framework 2013–2015. San’aa, Yemen. Ministry of Education, Yemen (2004) The National Strategy for the Development of Vocational and Technical Education (NSDVTE, 2004–2014). Sana’a, Yemen: Ministry of Vocational Training and Technical Education. Ministry of Education, Yemen (2007) National General Secondary Education Strategy NGSES, 2007–2015. Sana’a, Yemen: Ministry of Education.

Yemen: A Historical and Contemporary Overview

259

Ministry of Education, Yemen (2008) Education Development in the Republic of Yemen: The National Report Presented to the Forty Eighth Cycle of the International Conference for Education, October 2008. Sana’a, Yemen: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education, Yemen (2012) Annual Progress Report for the Level of Implementation for MTRF 2013–2015, the Eighth Joint Annual Review for the Implementation of the National Strategies for General Education Development. Ministry of Education, Yemen (2015) Annual Progress Report for the Level of Implementation for MTRF 2013–2015 the for Ninth Joint Annual Review for the Implementation of the National Strategies for General Education Development. Ministry of Education, Yemen, The National Basic Education Development Strategy (NBEDS) (2003–2015) Sana’a, Yemen: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (2005) National Strategy for the Development of Higher Education in Yemen. Sana’a, Yemen: Republic of Yemen. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Yemen (2006) National Strategy for the Development of Higher Education in Yemen. Saa’na, Yemen. Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation (2006) The Socio-economic Development Plan for Poverty Reduction 2006–2010. Sana’a, Yemen: Republic of Yemen. Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation (2013) Social Expenditure Through 2000–2012. Sana’a, Yemen: Republic of Yemen. Mohammed Hassan, Al-Maswari and Sabri, AL-hakimi (2012) The effect of Education in Emergancy on Children’s enrollment in Yemen, Education Research Development Center Sana’a, Yemen, and MOE, financed by UNICEF. Republic of Yemen/The World Bank (2010) Education Status Report Challenges and Opportunitie. Sana’a, Yemen. Al-Sayani, Hamoud and Matsui, Elena (2013) Accelerating Progress to 2015 – Yemen, A Report Series to the UN Special Envoy for Global Education, commissioned by UN Special Envoy for Global Education and coordinated by the Center for Universal Education at the Brookings Institution. Global Education First Initiative and The Good Planet Foun. Seeger, Anna, and Sula, Gentjana (2013) Feasibility Study of the Possible Use of ICT in Education in Yemen. Sana’a, Yemen. Seif, Huda Gerard (2013) Situation Analysis on the Status of Protection, Education, Health, Water and Sanitation among ‘Al-Akhdam’ Children in Yemen. Sana’a, Yemen: UNICEF Yemen Country Office. UNDP (2012) International Human Development Indicators, 2012. New York. UNICEF (2010) Overall Assessment of the Protection of Children in the Affected Provinces Crisis in Northern Yemen. Sana’a, Yemen: UNICEF. United Nations (2013) National Team Report on Attacks on Schools Baseline Survey Report. Sana’a, Yemen. United Nations General Assembly Security Council (2013) Children and Armed Conflict – Report of The Secretary General, A/67/845–S/2013/245. New York.

260

Education in the Arab World

United Nations Secretary General Global Initiative on Education (2013) Accelerating Progress to 2015 in Yemen. Working Paper April 2013. United Nations Security Council (2013) Report of the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict in Yemen. New York. World Food Programme (2012) The State of Food Security and Nutrition in – Yemen – Comprehensive Food Sekcurity Survey. Sana’a, Yemen.

Part Three

North Africa

13

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives Hayat Messekher and Mohamed Miliani

The historical context Education is the drive for the development of any nation at all times. Education does not happen overnight; it is an evolutionary process and so is development. In the case of Algeria, education has been a challenge both during the colonial period (1830–1962) and after independence in 1962 and up until the present day. If survival of education was the key slogan during colonial times, in post-independence Algeria, the motto of the educational authorities has been change and innovation. In fact, during the early decades of the colonial period, education was not a major concern for the colonizer; children of mainly colonial civil servants were educated. According to Vermeren (2009: 50), the first indigenous schools were created under the Second Empire (1851–1870). In the 1880s, the Jules Ferry laws on education that had to be secular, free and mandatory to all were also adopted in Algeria for French and European citizens. It was not until the late 1800s that indigenous schools, ‘madrassas’, could adopt an education tailored to Muslims and locals but also to some French and European civil servants to gain insights into Islamic-related issues. The University of Algiers was not established until 1909. By then, most pupils and students were French and Europeans. Over half a century after independence in 1962, the Algerian education system is still going through a series of drawbacks and dysfunctions despite the numerous reforms and attempts at improving its internal mechanisms and processes. The most problematic and enduring issue of all is mass education, the consequence of a policy that dates from the socialist era Algeria has experienced. Today, without questioning the previous issue, the political authorities are targeting at a no less difficult question: quality education in order to complement the previous quantitative concern that has been an undeniable achievement for the benefit of all Algerian citizens.

264

Education in the Arab World

Right after independence in 1962, the living conditions in Algeria were disastrous for the majority of citizens. Overall, in economy and industry, the country was left with a multidimensional economic crisis. Before independence, agriculture was a relatively viable sector with agricultural produces grown to meet primarily the needs of the colonizers. Extraction of raw materials was also relatively developed to supply industries in Metropolitan France, while Algerian labour was massively unqualified. Skilled workers, who were, in majority, colonial settlers, left the country and so was the case with civil servants. After independence, ‘the Algerian “economic model” which took shape in the late 1960s and 1970s … was an attempt … to put into practice an economic theory of growth and development’ (Adamson, 2005: 5). On the social level, Algerians were living in poverty, and were denied their basic human rights including language, culture and distinctive identity. The Arabic language, for instance, when taught was an optional school subject, and languages policy and their actual use soon became a problematic issue after independence (Miliani, 2005)1 because of the social and political forces at work (francophone and arabophone elites, one-party system/state, Berber opposition). As far as the educational field is concerned, the situation was not better. According to Merrouche (2006: 2), ‘[o]n the eve of independence less than one-third of school-aged Muslim children were enrolled in schools and only 10 per cent of the total native Algerian population was literate’. In other words, the illiteracy rate was at 85 per cent. During the French colonial period, education was geared towards the French and European population. According to Boumarafi (1986: 17), by 1948, 5–6 per cent of the Algerian population was literate. Algerians were mostly educated at ‘Madrassas’; and a tiny minority was educated in schools that segregated between French and Algerian children and education as a whole followed and promoted French cultural values. French was the language of instruction, and Arabic was taught as an optional foreign language (Decree, 1830) to a minority. Segregated schools were abolished by 1949. As a matter of fact, more and more French Muslims (i.e. Algerians) joined schools. Despite this, the tiny educated elite was very active and involved in the war for independence mainly under the General Union of Algerian Muslim Students that was founded in 1955. The majority of these high school and university students joined the National Liberation Front for the armed struggle and thus interrupted their schooling and education. According to Gordon (1985), ‘[w]hile almost all French settler children (the colons) were in school in 1962, only 14 per cent of Muslim children were at the University of Algiers with only 557 Muslims to 4,548 Europeans’. Additionally

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

265

he states that in 1964, 1 million out of 10 million Algerian Muslims could read French and only 300,000 could read Arabic and 6 million could speak French. The medium of instruction was French. Besides, at that point in Algeria’s history, there was a lack of teaching staff, the education infrastructure was insignificant and the teaching programmes that were designed by and for the French were in a sense inadequate to the local population and could not respond to the challenges ahead of building the nation of the newly independent Algeria. Miliani (2012: 218) posits that ‘[f]ollowing the country’s hard-won independence from France in 1962, the Algerian government put in place vigorous policies to restore traditional social, religious and cultural values, which had been much undermined by the former colonial power’ that left a considerable French linguistic and cultural legacy that has been difficult to manage politically. In sum, after independence the biggest challenge facing the nation was to (re)create an education system that would produce qualified workers, civil servants, doctors, teachers to train future generations and so forth. However, although we notice that the Algerian national education system was to a certain extent a reproduction of the French colonial system that gave a baseline from where to restart; it tried to respond to the local context and specificities of the country. The state tackled the whole educational process as an investment for the country’s future.

The institutional context Overall, three ministries are in charge of education in Algeria: the Ministry of National Education (MNE), the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (MHESR) and the Ministry of Training and Vocational Education (MTVE). The MNE covers education from preschool, primary, middle and secondary education. Since independence, the development of human resources has become a priority for the Algerian government. As a matter of fact, education was considered as a key factor to drive the overall development of the country, and because of the colonial past, it was considered as some sort of human right to which all Algerians should have access to and not only the ‘elites’, as was the case under the French colonial period. Hence since 1976,2 education in Algeria was based on socialist principles. All Algerians had access to education that was made compulsory to children aged six to sixteen years old, was and is still free and is mainly conducted in Arabic except for the first and second foreign languages, French and English, respectively. Other foreign

266

Education in the Arab World

languages are introduced later on in secondary school education. Primary and middle school education lasts five and four years, respectively, as per the 2003 reforms, and secondary school education three years. Upon successful completion of secondary education and the baccalaureate examination, students can have access to universities and institutions of higher education where some specialities are taught in French, as in the medical field, for instance. Of course, not all is ‘nice and easy’. Thus, one considers the persistence of the paradigm of educational/cultural discontinuity as being a hindrance to a harmonious development of the educational institutions and transition from one cycle to the next. This discontinuity has also reached students and pupils alike. There is even a double discontinuity: first between national education, on the one hand, and higher education, on the other, but also a certain discontinuity between students’ home-based values and culture and their school cultural norms. This discontinuity is the source of cultural and axiological conflicts, inconsistencies and disconnections. Indeed, in the past decades, the overall education entity has nearly always been considered as totally detached and rarely conceived as a whole entity, thus separating national education from higher education. If in the mid-1960s and early 1970s national education was deemed to be a unique system where all cycles were interdependent; from the 1990s two ministries (MNE and MHESR) have coexisted without much institutional contact. A clear example of this is the disconnect between teacher training in English and English language teaching in middle and secondary school as explained by Messekher (2014: 74–75). Despite the fact that each cycle feeds the other (MNE giving the baccalaureateholders the opportunity to pursue their studies and the BA/MA-holders to go and teach in the three cycles of national education: primary level, middle school and secondary school), their ultimate objectives seem to be not thought as elements of the same educational continuum. The MHESR oversees undergraduate and post-graduate education, as well as research in tertiary education, and the MTVE is in charge of vocational training and education. Each ministerial staff comprises a minister, a secretary-general, a head of the minister’s office and advisers. This structure varies somehow across ministries. For the MNE, for instance, the team comprises the minister, the head of the minister’s office, the secretary-general, the general inspector of pedagogy who works with fifteen inspectors and the general inspector who in turn works with a team of ten inspectors. The ministry also includes ten directorates. These include: (1) Management of Human Resources, (2) Management of Financial and Material Resources, (3) Development of Pedagogical and Didactic

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

267

Resources, (4) Training, (5) Infrastructure and Equipment, (6) General and Technological Secondary Education, (7) Fundamental Education, (8) Cultural and Sports Activities and Social Action, (9) Legal Studies and Cooperation and (10) Evaluation and Prospective. Each directorate includes senior civil servants who manage the directorate and are supported by administrative and professional groups. In addition to these directorates that exist within the MNE, there are three additional types of institutions, namely institutes, centres and offices/boards. These include one National Institute of Training Education Personnel, one National Institute of Research in Education, and ten Institutes of Training and Improvement (Professional Development) of Teachers spread across the country. The centres, on the other hand, comprise the National Centre for Integration of Educational Innovation and Development of ICTs in Education, the National Commission of Curricula, the National Pedagogical and Linguistic Centre for the Teaching of Tamazight,3 the Centre for the Supply and Maintenance of Didactic Tools and Equipment and the National Centre for Pedagogical Documentation. Additionally, offices or boards include the National Office for School Publications, the National Board for Education and Distance Learning, the National Board of Examinations and Competitions and the National Office of Literacy and Adult Education. Furthermore, there are fifty School Districts or Directorates of Education, one in each city and three in the capital city Algiers. Hence, as can be seen from the description of the bodies under the umbrella of the MNE, the institutional structure is complex and quite bureaucratic. For a decision to be taken, it has to go through a chain of command and a process of regulations that will take a long time. This, in fact, explains why change and reform is slow and when the latter happens it is usually a top-down process while for such reforms (namely the 2003 competency-based reform) to be well-targeted and successful, they have to be organic, participatory in that they should include all the actors of the educational process and be bottom-up. That said, the current minister strongly believes that ‘putting in orbit the system is then essential’ (Benghebrit, 2014: 15). Quite often, many reforms are undertaken with the best intentions but fail to a certain extent because the main actors that should have been involved in their conception, that is, teachers, were not; instead they are supposed to take part in their implementation without enough preparation and this in turn explains teachers’ resistance to change or difficulty to understand and hence successfully implement these reforms. Ministers are accountable to the Algerian government. Education remains pretty much controlled by the state. Private schools, for instance,

268

Education in the Arab World

did not exist until the early 2000s. They were first accepted by the authorities and comprised all three cycles (primary, middle and secondary schools) and pre-schooling. The textbooks and the programmes were not the same as those of the public sector. However in 2004, some private high schools were closed momentarily, in addition to primary schools. There was a huge controversy in terms of the language of instruction. In 2004 in Algiers, several schools used French as a medium of instruction in mathematics, history and geography. They were denied this transgression. Yet, a solution was found allowing schools to have optional programmes that could be taught in French. In 2008, more private schools were granted agreement to open and operate but with more regulations to follow because private schools were mushrooming in a rather chaotic way. In the end, although one could have paid access to private schooling from preschool education through high school, there are no private universities in Algeria, as will be explained later in this chapter. Few private schools and institutes exist but they are not accredited by the MHESR. In fact, there is a project of opening private universities. Specifications to open private universities have been set by the MHESR (Law No. 99–05 of 4 April 1999, Title IV bis, article 43bis1, modified and completed by Law No. 2000–04 of December 2000, and by Law No. 2008–06 of 23 February 2008). According to a recent declaration to the media, the minister, Professor Tahar Hadjar, has announced that there are currently four applications to open private universities that have been submitted to the ministry and which are being studied. It will be insightful to follow the selection process of these applications and to see if anyone of them will make it or not. The budget for the three ministries exceeds one-fifth of the state budget and is one of the highest in the world for education and training.4 In recent years, the government budget allocations varied across sectors. According to Mekdad et al. (2014: 57), ‘[e]ducation funds are reported to be distributed among the primary, secondary, and tertiary education levels in the proportion of 30%, 30%, and 40% respectively’. Yet, although the government is responsible for budget allocations, it does not interfere in the management or recruitment of employees and teachers. The latter are hired according to the legislation in vigour. Presently, the budget for the MNE is 764.05 billion dinars, 312.1 billion dinars for higher education and scientific research and 50.3 billion dinars for TVE. In fact, budget for education has been exponentially increasing. In 1985, it was estimated at 16.5 per cent of the government’s investment budget and of 29.7 per cent in 1990.

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

269

Schools, universities and institutions of higher education, and institutes and centres of professional education and training, report to their respective ministries which in turn report to the central government. Although our focus in this book chapter is on education in Algeria, we will focus to some extent on higher education. The MHESR is in charge of all the institutions of higher education. The latter include different types of institutions that range from universities, university centres and branch campuses for universities, écoles nationales supérieures (also known as grandes écoles which follow the French model and are the top non-university higher education institutions), teacher training schools, preparatory schools and integrated preparatory classes. All these institutions are distributed across the forty-eight wilayas5 of Algeria. In terms of universities, the higher education system comprises forty-eight universities, ten university centres, four branch campuses of universities, twenty écoles nationales supérieures, seven teacher training schools with more schools to open in the coming year(s), six preparatory schools following the French model and four integrated preparatory classes. This makes a total of ninetynine institutions of higher education that cater to an increasing number of students. As of 2015, the number of students in tertiary education exceeded 1.5 million and it is foreseen to reach 2.5 million by 2025. Interestingly enough, going back to 1962, out of a total population of 8 million inhabitants there were around 500 Algerian students enrolled in the University of Algiers and its branch campuses of Oran and Constantine. This means that more universities, and schools as well, had to be built after independence and more and more teachers at all levels had to be trained. It, then, is safe enough to posit that major efforts have been made consistently by the state in terms of developing infrastructures not only in higher education but also for the education system as a whole. However, it is worth noting that for students to get admission into an institution of higher education, they have to pass the baccalaureate (the high school exit examination) and go straight into it. Students can exceptionally, under cases of force majeure like severe health conditions, defer their admissions. This in fact puts a lot of pressure on students since admission to a higher education institution is ranked depending on the marks one gets in the baccalaureate. In summary, admission to higher education institutions is selective. In previous years, selection was based on the marks one got in the baccalaureate in the subject areas of specialization. Since the 1990s however, the selection has changed and is now done using software that takes into account

270

Education in the Arab World

the general mean of all the school subjects. Hence, given the huge number of laureates, admissions tend to be very competitive in some prestigious institutions and universities, especially those that secure a job at the end of tertiary education such as the Teacher Training Schools whereby students sign up a contract with the MNE and are guaranteed a teaching job in primary, middle or high schools depending on their specialization.

Primary, middle and secondary schools According to the statistics of the MNE, for the 2015–2016 school year more than 8 million (8,112,000) pupils joined schools in the three cycles, that is, primary, middle and high schools with over 400,000 teachers. Although the number of pupils out of school seems to be huge (497,000) across fundamental and secondary education, Algeria has the lowest level of dropouts in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region.6 School dropout starts early in middle school and seems to increase in high school. In a recent interview with the current minister, Pr. Benghebrit, it was held that out of 1,000 pupils only forty reach the high school exit exam. This means only 4 per cent of pupils make it through secondary education. This is a serious issue that needs to be addressed. For pupils to go from one level to the next, from primary to institutions of higher education, they need to pass a national exit exam (sixth grade exam – although now it’s taken in fifth grade but it kept the same denomination, fourth year exam and the baccalaureate exam). The latter remains the gatekeeper to any institution of higher education. In recent years, the success rate at the baccalaureate exam has been around 40 per cent which means that there is a quite significant rate of school failure and dropout. The success rate in the 2015 baccalaureate has been of 51.36 per cent against 45.01 per cent in 2014. In fact, 2015 has been an exceptional year in the sense that this year comprised two cohorts of the old and new systems. Both systems include three cycles of education, primary, middle and secondary. However, previously the school system was a 6-3-3 year-duration scheme and, since 2003, it was changed into a 5-4-3 year-system. The success rate for girls was much higher than that of boys with 68.32 and 31.68 per cent, respectively. There is variation across the specializations with 62.74 per cent for mathematics and technical mathematics, 58.74 per cent for foreign languages, 51.43 per cent for sciences, 47.14 per cent for letters and 43.69 per cent for management and economics.

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

271

Educational reforms of fundamental and secondary education Reforms of the education system started in 2000 as part of the 2003 reform that the current President Abdelaziz Bouteflika undertook. A National Commission for the reform of the education system was set up in 13 May 2000. In fact, this reform consisted in evaluating the whole education system, including national education, technical and vocational education and training, and higher education with the aim to suggest a new education policy, strategy and the required resources to gradually implement the reforms in three main areas: improving teachers’ qualifications, namely pre-service, in-service and continuous professional development; revising the whole pedagogy with an emphasis on the teaching of Arabic which is the official language of Algeria and the medium of instruction; the teaching of Tamazight in its different varieties; revising the content of school subjects such as Islamic education and civic education; continuing to teach and improve the teaching of foreign languages, namely French and English, and additional foreign languages; the teaching of philosophy; improving the teaching of history; introducing ICTs in education, etc.; and reorganizing the whole education system. Furthermore, ‘being determined to operate on its educational system the deep reform it required, Algeria has opted for the competency-based approach. In addition to implementing an updated, renovated programme combining knowledge, know-how and social skills, it was imperative to include the changes made to a register that would be attractive to the learner, rational and efficient to the trainer’ (Benbouzid, 2006: 11).7 Restructuring the education system for fundamental and secondary education in 2003/2004 consisted of extending middle-school education from three to four years, thus reducing primary education from six to five years. The following year, secondary education was reorganized by the introduction of a first-year common core for letters and one for science and technology. The former would then unfold into two specializations of foreign languages, and letters and philosophy; and the latter into management and economics, mathematics and technical mathematics. Such specialization in high school was aimed at preparing pupils for their future speciality in higher education. Additionally, the reforms also sought to regulate the activities of private schools and to make sure their curricula align with the general recommendations of the MNE, and the generalization of preschool education in all public, private and religious educational institutions. It is worth noting that these reforms led in

272

Education in the Arab World

2003 to the setting up of the National Council of Education and Training and the National Observatory for Education and Training. The former is a national body of consultation and policy dialogue, of study and evaluation in education.8 Similarly, the work of the latter is also pivotal to the MNE, MHESR and the TVE. It offers a data centre that can be mined for benchmarking eventually and has a regulatory function as well.

Educational reforms of tertiary education Subsequent to the reforms of the education system from preschool to high school education, reforms in higher education were soon to follow. Starting from 2004, not just Algeria, but also the three countries of the Southern Mediterranean bank, adopted the Bologna process and started implementing the LMD system (Licence, Master and Doctorate cycle of 3-, 2- and 3-year education, respectively). In fact, it was piloted in ten universities in Algeria starting from the 2004–2005 academic year and concerned 7,000 students, while it was compulsory in the first and second cycles (Licence and Master) in Morocco the same year; and was introduced in Tunisia in 2006 in parallel with the classical system that was in place. The aim at that time was to generalize the LMD system across the three Maghreb countries by 2012. The process was generalized in Algeria in 2011. Under this model, two options were offered within the Licence and Master with an academic and a professional option that would lead to an academic and professional master’s degree whereby only the academic master’s degree would enable the student to progress towards a doctorate. The LMD model was slowly and exponentially adopted across higher education institutions and specializations, except in the medical field and veterinary studies and the Teacher Training Schools. This reform was very controversial and was resisted to a great extent. Structural and curricular changes under the LMD system are noteworthy. If at the start in 2004 there were only ten pilot universities, which volunteered to apply the new scheme of training, it took some time for all institutions to go progressively towards that change. Actually, in 2011 the very last departments and faculties were forced to go into the LMD mechanism. Reforms under the latter include a new allocation in terms of years of study as has been specified earlier along with a reconfiguration of courses studied and content. Critical thinking, information literacy, learning by objectives and development of workplace competencies are pivotal in the new curricula with the introduction or launch of quality

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

273

assurance processes. In sum, the adoption of the LMD model aimed at ensuring quality training, opening up and matching the demands of the socioeconomic environment, continuously adapting and evolving curricula to match the hiring market, being more open to development and internationalization by encouraging international cooperation, as well as faculty and students’ mobility. Hence, since some universities were positive about the LMD scheme and took the initiative to pilot it in 2004, they were proactive in that they redesigned majors and even designed new ones with various concentrations in order to respond to the needs of the neighbouring socioeconomic sector, the specificities of the geographical areas where the university is located, that is, the local needs. So the majors offered at some universities tried to meet the objectives motivating the adoption of the LMD system. However, this was not the case across the border. Other universities struggled in the implementation of this new model and faced many issues (implementation of decisions, relevance of the training offers, overall conceptual approach of the LMD, the follow-up and self-assessment). Issues around a successful implementation of the LMD model can be categorized in terms of practical and perceptual ones. The practical ones can be related to the massive numbers of students (large classes) coupled with inadequate classroom size that does not fit the teaching techniques that this model is supposed to use (group work, discussions). This is related in turn to students’ limited access to supplementary materials, library resources, ICTs (national project for distance learning) and, most importantly, students’ tutoring and teacher’s mentoring. On the other hand, curricula needed to be developed from scratch and not re-worked on the go, as has been the case where copy-paste procedures have been legion instead of well-thought programmes and syllabi. Many in the faculty believe that much of the current curricula is a bricolage (DIY makeshift procedure) and what makes this worse is the students’ entry profile that lacks many of the prerequisites and skills that students are supposed to have acquired when they exit high school. For the perceptual aspect, all actors including students, parents, employers and even at times teachers and institutional stakeholders did not clearly understand what the LMD model was and what it meant in terms of the educational model it promoted, its equivalency with the classical system and even the pay band that each degree would give access to. Additionally, in discussions of the relationship between university graduates and employment opportunities, a controversial issue has been the overwhelming feeling that university graduates needed a master’s degree in order to secure a job because

274

Education in the Arab World

the civil service (la fonction publique) did not recognize the three-years licence as equivalent to the four-years classical licence. This has created an urge among all university students who were and are still asking for graduate programmes in order to earn a master’s degree, which they believe will increase their chances of employment. In recent years, students have been on strikes across the country and in different universities in order to have access to master’s programmes regardless of whether they are up to it or not. In 2009, Ghouati conducted an empirical study on the adoption of the Bologna process and the implementation of the LMD model in the countries of the Maghreb. He states that the slow success in the adoption of the LMD model according to the Ministry of Higher Education is due to the following reasons: (1) students and parents’ apprehension regarding this new system, (2) the shortage or weakness of the means available, (3) lack of mobilization of the economic environment and (4) the adaptation of teachers to the new system which remains insufficient. Within the same study, Ghouati (2009) found that 7 per cent of the surveyed university teachers across the Maghreb countries were optimistic as to the future of the LMD model against 45 per cent who were pessimistic contrary to the overall decision-making positive and optimistic discourse as to the then implementation and future of the LMD model in Algeria. The dominant discourse in higher education, a decade after the adoption of the LMD model, gives a quite pessimistic image of the sector with a highly centralized decision making at the ministerial level, poor governance at the institutional level, low capacity in terms of faculty and staff, poor quality of teaching and research and a massive student body. Because of all these issues the Algerian MHESR undertook in mid-January 2016 to organize a national conference in order to look at the LMD model that has been implemented over the past decade and under which 1,015,400 students graduated. In fact, this conference is the largest of its kind. In 2007, a first evaluation of the LMD model was made at an international conference followed by another one at the National Convention of Higher Education in 2008 around the theme of quality assurance. In the 2016 national conference on the evaluation of the LMD model, representatives from the Ministry of Higher Education from all universities and institutions of higher education, as well as major partners from the socioeconomic sector took part in this conference because products of higher education (being teaching/training and research) are closely tied to the development and requirements of national economy and the needs of the workplace in terms of the labour force. Prior to the conference, a survey

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

275

was shared on the website of the ministry in order to get feedback from actors inside and outside higher education. Anyone could fill in the survey by providing some basic demographic data. Participation in the survey was not exclusive. During the conference, commissions to evaluate the LMD reforms reported on four major axes. These were: (1) improving the quality of training in higher education at the level of the L, M and D, (2) the relationship between the university and the socioeconomic sector, (3) governance and (4) students’ life. The major recommendations that came out of this conference stressed the following: • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Elaborating a development plan for the university Developing a referencing system for professions and trainings Working on a better coordination between the pedagogical stakeholder Developing more offers of professional/skill-based trainings Innovating the teaching and training methodologies and developing tutoring Generalizing the use of ICTs Encouraging students and teachers’ mobility Adapting regulatory texts Systematizing the follow-up of degrees both in terms of nomenclature and content Training the LMD personnel Improving the system of communication Going digital by making courses available online Respecting pedagogical time allocations, among other things

Clearly, the education system in Algeria has undergone some major changes and reforms that at times served ideological and political orientations that were not motivated by purely educational motives. The equation of educationtraining-employment is a tricky one in the Algerian context where economic prosperity is difficult to attain because there is a lack of competent manpower in different sectors despite all the efforts made in terms of educational investment. One major issue with the latter is that it has been limited for a while to building infrastructure without being proactive in investing in building capacity a priori. Furthermore, graduate employment is estimated at around 20 per cent, and there is a clear mismatch between graduates exit profile and the requirements of the job market. Graduates are often forced to take up jobs that do not relate to their initial education. This means that educational and training programmes

276

Education in the Arab World

need to be revised in order to enable university graduates to transition to the job market straight away. Seemingly, pedagogy throughout the whole educational system from primary, middle, secondary, through tertiary education, is teacher-centred, based on rote learning and memorization, away from the original aim of competency-based curricula and textbooks.

Research: The ‘poor relation’ of the educational sectors Research in higher education is structured under two main groups: proper research entities and universities. From 1962, date of independence, to 1971, year of the first reform of higher education, research was organized in cooperation with France. Research was scarce during that period. In 1971, the MHESR created the Provisory Council for Scientific Research, and parallel to this in 1972, the National Organization of Scientific Research (ONRS) was launched; its mission ended in 1983. The institutional instability impacted research negatively. A change of policy brought to existence in 1986 the Ministry Delegate to Research and Technology that became a governmental body. Research was made more stable with the recruitment of permanent researchers. The 98–11 law on scientific research and technological development, a fiveyear programme (1998–2002), strengthened the legal base of research. Finally, in 2008 the present-day Direction of Scientific Research and Technological Development (DGRSDT) was set up to provide the ministry with the managerial body it needed to put some order in the institution. Broadly speaking, the DGRSDT aimed at the ‘development of scientific research, the strengthening of the scientific and technological bases of the country, the gathering of the proper means, and the rehabilitation of the function of research, the enhancement of the institutional and regulatory buildings’. The research structures consist mainly of three national agencies for the development of research and valorization. Ten research centres work in the domains of: advanced technologies, spatial techniques, renewable energies, social and cultural anthropology, applied economy, arid regions, physicalchemical analysis, development of Arabic, solar equipment, Saharan milieu and silicon technologies. Besides this, thirty-four new national research programmes, involving universities, were created by the 1998 law. They touched on different domains ranging from linguistics, to hydrocarbon, law and justice, health, transport, translation and so on. The overall network has

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

277

been reinforced with research units (called research laboratories locally) within universities. Their missions were: ‘to achieve the research objective in a given domain, execute studies and works, contribute to the acquisition and mastery of new knowledge, participate to the bettering of production techniques, and contribute to the training by and through research’. In 2002–2003, there were 542 research units involving 11,319 researchers out of a community of 30,000 teachers in all universities. One must underline that all university teachers are in fact teacher-researchers. The 1998 law on research has increased its institutional and organizational base through the launching of the National Council of Scientific and Technological Research (Conseil National de Recherche Scientifique et Technologique – CNRST) presided by the prime minister, while the National Council of the Evaluation of Scientific Research and Technological Development (Conseil National d’Evaluation de la Recherche Scientifique et du Développement Technologique – CNER) is in charge of the implementation of a national policy for research; the director body is the DGRSDT aided by the Inter-sectorial Committee and the Permanent Sectorial Committees. Research is also organized in national research programmes. There were thirty-four in 2008. Each programme is divided into domains, axes, themes and projects. There are about 5,226 individual National Research Programme (PNR) projects. Parallel to the PNR, teachers can organize themselves under the decentralized CNEPRU research scheme managed by the university itself. Besides this, research centres organize their own research projects to which one can add those developed through international agreements. As for research in National Education, one must go back in time to dig out a ministerial concern for research in 1976 to an existing institute, namely ‘l’Institut Pédagogique National’ (IPN) which was more administrative in its visions and missions. The inter-ministerial decree of February 1976 stated clearly that one of its actions was pedagogical research. Later on, the dual mission of the IPN (intellectual and commercial) was underlined. A unit of scientific and technical research was then created in June 1992. The personnel comprised teachers and inspectors. It is only recently in 1998 (Law of orientation) that the IPN was transformed into the National Institute of Research in Education (INRE). Research teams were then organized involving university teacher-researchers and teachers and inspectors from NE. Last year, INRE was given a higher status in order to have more autonomy and room for manoeuver to involve the members of the NE community in something that is still regarded as a preserve to certain happy few, even if the new minister has declared: ‘all countries that

278

Education in the Arab World

have made their school evolve towards progress and modernity have gambled on both the fundamental (pedagogical) and experimental research. There cannot be improvement of the system if it is not based on research. And that is a fact!’ (Minister of NE, 2014: 18).

The education system: The everlasting resumption The education system faces several recurrent problems that are mainly due to the large demographics of students in each stage of education from basic to higher education, which is overall due to the population growth and the decline in mortality rates; the pressing demand for education for all since independence, insufficient funds, unemployment at the end of university studies which has led to many social manifestations (c.f. Messekher, 2015). The mismatch between graduates’ educational profile and the requirements of the workplace, and the changes in the economic and industrial sectors which the universities have trouble to keep up with in terms of curricula, coupled with the plethora of unnecessary and at times redundant specializations at licence and master’s levels resulted in a high rate of unemployment and underemployment. This makes employability a major concern that institutions of higher education should address in a strategic way through more targeted and less academic training offers. However, although higher education does help in developing marketable skills we should be cautious not to mistake the mission of higher education because its mission is not to train for jobs but to internalize the key dimension of employability when elaborating BA and MA curricula and syllabi. Obviously, teaching and training programmes should cater for the constantly developing economic sector, industries, agriculture, tourism, etc. Besides, flexibility and continuous revision in the content or in the curricula is pressing. Education is a time-consuming process, but what we notice is that the educational achievements of adults once they complete their education remain the same when they join the workplace and tend to remain the same since continuous professional development is quite rare. After independence, one’s quality of life was clearly determined by one’s educational level or rather achievement; much social mobility occurred with the post-independence generation that could succeed in its education, especially higher education. The human capital in general is mainly influenced by the level of formal and higher education which increases one’s knowledge, mastery, skills and competencies, and hence chances of employability and accessibility to employment.

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

279

Quality education: The next challenge Over the last few years, quality in education has become a real issue the various educational authorities have inscribed in their own agenda. If the question of quality is recent in the MNE,9 in HE and since 2008, this has become more than a motto but rather a cornerstone in the policies developed by the sector. The recent interest for quality in the conduct of change within the educational institutions, namely through the 2003 reform of NE and the so-called LMD reform in HE, has been associated with the effort of implementation and supports of the different actions such as the search for an adequate training repository. In both sectors, the ministers have turned their attention to evaluation of the overall practices (pedagogical and managerial). In the MNE, the authorities have been recommended in July 2014 to tackle three main areas of concern: the pedagogical remodeling, professionalization of staff and governance. Pr. Benghebrit (2014: 15) admitted that: ‘[t]hese three levers … put in synergy have the ambition to strengthen the quality of anticipation of the Minister and to formulate responses to the new social demands for a better qualification’. It is within the framework of the law of higher education of 23 February 2008 that the qualitative dimension is posed as an axiom in order to ensure the consistency of the different actions undertaken but which were neither articulated nor entirely coordinated. In fact, the structuring of the quality approach was launched in June 2008 with the installation of cells in charge of quality in nearly all universities, their task: the dissemination of the culture of quality within the various bodies of the university structure. The curricula of the first years of the reform were unable to satisfy all stakeholders because they were, among other things, not aware of the ins and outs of the targeted reform. There was resistance to change, misinformation and lack of training but ‘what is undisputed is the need for the presence of a strong and stable internal quality culture without which any of the components of the Quality Assurance System10 would be incomplete and inefficient’ (Miliani, 2013: 203). It is under the same law that was introduced the key notion of evaluation and the creation of the future National Evaluation Committee (CNE) to verify compliance with what was expected from the reform to the missions of the various organs and by extension of the quality assurance structures. The interest shown by the MHESR for increased quality of teaching, research and services was grafted on the imprecise implementation of the reform. The quality assurance cells erected in universities by Decree No. 167 dated 31 May

280

Education in the Arab World

2010 bearing Commission for the Implementation of QA in HE saw the light as agents of the qualitative dimension of the reform. The conduct of change is what constitutes as a watermark, the nodal point of the reform, because more than other reforms that were cosmetic, the LMD reform must be understood and lived as a ‘revolution’ in the words of the minister of higher education. The Algerian University used to react to huge cohorts of students, which has generated a more quantitative concern on the part of the ministerial authorities more concerned with the development of adequate infrastructure than quality training. It was therefore expected from the quality assurance cells to manage change by facilitating the switch from theory to praxis more in congruence with the principles of the LMD reform which bear a concern for the quality level of the steering and the conduct of the change that the LMD fixed as ultimate goals. This quality management is the roadmap that all quality assurance cells must set and which comes in interventions of pilot plans with implications to develop, support and provide tools for implementing the reform. But practice has remained different because the short- and medium-term planning has been difficult, one because of outdated mechanisms of management and the persistence of entrenched poor practices, away from the ‘good practices’ quality assurance hopes to install. Despite all opposition, from teachers first, it has been admitted by all stakeholders to ‘give time to time’; some institutions have waited more than eight years to implement the reform locally (2011). A few questions still arise: has there been a tangible improvement of the profitability of the university twelve years on? Are we still in a phase of uncertainty, of ‘do-it-yourself ’? The last meeting of 12th and 13th of January 2016 has allowed groups representing all stakeholders to meet and undertake a systemic evaluation of the reform with the view to bring in ‘good practices’ and take into consideration all recommendations made to improve a system that is far from being utterly counterproductive. The future roadmap is likely to bring to the fore the university strategic planning as a force of propositions and an opening towards more proactive faculties, instead of the usual individual projects that have characterized the first generation of training offers (2004–2016). One believes that training remains the key issue of the entire system. It is through it that the quality assurance cells will involve more partners and that they will ultimately constitute strength and not a barrier to the qualitative development of their university. Besides this, the institution of an appropriate body CNE (National Evaluation Committee) and the CIAQES (Commission

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

281

for the Implementation of Quality Assurance in Higher Education) have brought the necessary expertise to maintain an ongoing improvement of quality that is organic and participatory in each university institution. And although it will be based on national guidelines, those prepared by the CIAQES, they will still give room for universities to tailor projects to the vision and reality of each institution but also allowing for the possibility of benchmarking. As for national education, one understands that matters have been made less conspicuous because of political manoeuvring. Nevertheless, the educational sector has been working with the help of UNESCO11 and the Japanese government along the lines of quality education which can be translated into a reform the ‘ambition of which is to put the Algerian school in congruence with the changes of all sorts that took place within our society during the last few years’ (Benbouzid, 2006: 10). The 2003 reform has set for itself three key work leads: educational planning (preschooling, post-compulsory schooling and duration of studies at primary and middle school levels), training (teachers’ and inspectors’, ICTs) and definition of contents and methods (new curricula, teaching tools and materials, competency education). The ultimate aim of the whole enterprise was to aim at ‘improving the relevance and quality of learning’ (Tawil, 2006: 35). The whole exercise of reforming national education seems to bump into a centralized and vertical system that creates problems more than it actually solves. Besides, beyond the problematic issues of curriculum design, textbooks elaboration, evaluation techniques and definition of methodologies, it is change in its full understanding that must also be targeted: ‘reform implies to cause changes in all the actors of the system  …  . When it comes to implementing a change in education, four levels of change can be identified: level 1: adherence of the actors, level 2: change of representations, level 3: changes in professional practices, level 4: progression of quality indicators of the education system’ (Rogiers, 2006: 186). These remarks hold also for higher education where just like NE, a majority of stakeholders have not accepted the top-down change imposed on them and where training into this shift of change has been scarce and embryonic. One can easily understand why people have been obstacles to the reforms instead of being facilitators or catalysts in the face of the tasks, missions and challenges they have to take up. All stakeholders hear about quality, very few understand how to reach and maintain it.

282

Education in the Arab World

Conclusion: Perspectives: Between ‘strategic compliance’12 and proactive roadmaps The future of education in Algeria, whether it is basic or higher, is associated with substantial uncertainties (mass education, teacher training, use of ICTs). The educational system has been unable to respond to rapid socioeconomic changes (increased market economy, floating oil price, shrinking state price support, weak national money). As a result, many reforms have been set up to failure because they did not take into consideration the socioeconomic environment, as well as previous reforms. The Algerian authorities do admit that the educational system is facing critical problems mostly in terms of large cohorts of students from preschool education to higher education and that it has a lot of deficiencies, and that changes towards more quality education and more innovative reforms are necessary to meet the demands of a developing country. Huge efforts and funds are invested but a clearer strategy for education is mostly needed, as is the case with ‘La Stratégie 2030’ of the higher education sector. Because of public, state and socioeconomic stakeholders’ dissatisfaction with the graduates, authorities are making genuine attempts in order to be more inclusive in the decision-making process in the governance of educational institutions, and in the evaluation and hence revision of education as a whole, as a system. Good examples of these are the national conference organized by MNE in the summer 2015 to look at education from preschool to high school and the MHESR’s recent national conference13 (12–13 January 2016) to evaluate where we are with the LMD model adopted a decade ago and how close (or far) to the enterprises and the world of services and production the universities were. Whether we are considering national or higher education, continuity is needed in order for new reforms to learn and build on earlier efforts and to take into account the recommendations stemming from teachers as practitioners in the front lines in the classroom to researchers and on to top decision makers. Educational leadership is needed at all these levels and should take different forms because new perspectives to improve the quality of education in such a massive educational system are of utmost importance in order to enhance the intrinsic and extrinsic value of education on an individual and country level to develop the human capital and the nation’s economy, respectively. Or else, is the country not going to be held hostage by the everlasting and dominant trend of ‘lutte des places’14 (Gaulejac, 1994) in the overall education community of practice?

Algeria: Challenges and Perspectives

283

Notes 1 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

12

13 14

‘Languages policy in Algeria: between convergence and diversity’ (131–143). Date of the 76–35 ordinance that has been abrogated by the outline law of 23 January 2008. Tamazight: A minority language including the local varieties of Taqbaylit (or Kabyle), Tachenouit, Tachaouit, Tamzabit, Znati, and Tamasheq. It was given the status of a national language in 2003 and the status of an official language in the new Algerian constitution that was adopted in February 2016. UNICEF Algeria country report, October 2014. Equivalent of the ‘county’ in Britain. ONEF http://www.onef.org.dz/actualites_deperdition.php. Former Minister of National Education. World data on education http://www.ibe.unesco.org/Countries/WDE/2006/ARAB_ STATES/Algeria/Algeria.pdf. ‘the major objective of the reform is quality’ (Minister of NE 2014: 15). That is Internal Quality Assurance in addition to External Quality Assessment. Achieved through an agreement between the three partners: the PARE programme (2004–2006): Programme d’Appui à la Réforme du Système Educatif algérien (support for the reform of the Algerian education system). ‘it is highly difficult to make sense out of the whole changes brought to an educational structure closer to a non-system than to an articulated whole’ (Miliani, 2005: 56). National Conference of Universities extended to the socioeconomic sector and dedicated to the evaluation of the implementation of the LMD system. Fight for positions.

References Adamson, K. (2005) Utopia: Exploring the political origins of economic policy in Algeria. In M. A. Majumdar and M. Saad (eds.), Transition and Development in Algeria: Economic, Social and Cultural Challenges, 5–16. Bristol: Intellect. Benbouzid, B. (2006) Preface to Réforme de l’éducation et innovation pédagogique. Algiers, Algeria: UNESCO – ONPS. Benghebrit, N. (2014) Interview of Minister of National Education, in Educ-recherche, no. 9. Boumarafi, B. (1986) Development of University Libraries in Algeria. Published MLS thesis, Tunis. Gaulejac, V. (1994) La lutte des places. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer.

284

Education in the Arab World

Gordon, D. (1985) The Arabic language and national identity: The cases of Algeria and Lebanon. In J. Beer and E. Jacob (eds.), Language Policy and National Unity, 134–150. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Allanheld Publishers Mekdad, Y., Dahmani, A. and Louaj, M. (2014) Public spending on education and Economic Growth in Algeria: Causality test. International Journal of Business and Management 2(3): 55–70. Merrouche, O. (2006) The long term impact of French settlement on education in Algeria. Working Paper, Department of Economics, Uppsala University. Messekher, H. (2014) Cultural representations in Algerian English textbooks. In K. Graves and S. Garton (eds.), International Perspectives on Materials in ELT, 69–86. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Messekher, H. (2015) A linguistics landscape analysis of the socio-political demonstrations of Algiers: A politicized landscape. In R. Rudby and S. Ben Said (eds.), Conflict, Exclusion and Dissent in the Linguistic Landscape, 260–279. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Miliani, M. (2005) Languages policy in Algeria: Between convergence and diversity. In M. A. Majumdar and M. Saad (eds.), Transition and Development in Algeria, 131–143. Bristol: Intellect. Miliani, M. (2012) Teaching in higher education institutions in Algeria: A clash of pedagogies? International Journal of Pedagogies and Learning 7(3): 218–226. Miliani, M. (December 2013) Building congruence between internal quality assurance and external quality assessment: The Algerian experience. Journal of Higher Education and Science 3(3): 200–204. ISSN: 2146–5959. Roegiers, X. (2006) Le pilotage de la réforme des curriculums en Algérie. In Réforme de l’éducation et innovation pédagogique, 171–203. Algiers, Algeria: UNESCO – ONPS. Tawil, S. (2006) Le défi de la qualité de l’éducation en Algérie, La qualité et la pertinence de l’éducation: un défi mondial. In Réforme de l’éducation et innovation pédagogique, 27–50. Algiers, Algeria: UNESCO – ONPS. Vermeren, P. (2009) The North African educational challenge: From colonisation to the current alleged Islamist threat. Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies 14(2): 49–64. World data on education: http://www.ibe.unesco.org/Countries/WDE/2006/ARAB_ STATES/Algeria/Algeria.pdf.

14

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda Bradley J. Cook and Engy El-Refaee

Historical overview As one of the largest and most important countries in the Middle East and Africa, Egypt is looked to by much of the region for direction in everything from mass media to religious interpretation. The influence of Egyptian educational policy certainly does not terminate at Egypt’s borders. As other nations in the region emerge from their colonial experience and attempt to indigenize their educational systems, many look towards Egypt.

Post-Second World War Educational policy in Egypt since the Second World War has been a direct reflection of the political and social conditions of the country. Educational reform efforts since that time have been sincere but difficult to operationalize. The eradication of illiteracy remained a laudable goal in the post-war administration, which passed compulsory education laws designed to increase universal access to education, at least at the lower levels (Radwan, 1951). The abolition of student fees for elementary school in 1923 was also accompanied by a declaration of free education at the preparatory and secondary levels in 1943. Quantitative progress in education was also substantial during this period. Expenditures on education rose from 2.5 per cent of the national budget in 1920 to nearly 15 per cent by 1950 (see Radwan, 1951). Increased expenditures, compulsory education laws and the abolishment of fees illustrated the genuine desire of Egyptian policy makers to bridge the wide gap separating the ruler from the ruled and to promote ‘equality of opportunity’ (Matthews and Akrawi, 1950). It reflected policy makers’ faith that education could make a difference in

286

Education in the Arab World

their new democratic state. It might be expected that with increased educational opportunities, the masses of Egyptians could finally find a greater role in political participation. Educational research has widely documented the positive relationship between education and political participation (Faksh, 1980). However, in Egypt’s case, increased universal political participation was stymied for two reasons. First, the qualitative advances in educational policy did not directly translate into educational quality. The illiteracy campaigns that were so central to the government’s policy fell far short of the mark. Illiteracy rates remained alarmingly high – more than 77 per cent even by 1947 (see Faksh, 1980). Expansion efforts still meant that only 30 per cent of the eligible school age children in the country had access to education (Vatikiotis, 1985). Second, political participation remained firmly in the hands of the educated elite and the politically well connected. Proportionately, the quantitative progress of higher education was actually more impressive than that of the lower levels of education (Williamson, 1987). By 1950 there were three state universities opened and operating in Egypt: Cairo University, Alexandria and Ain Shams. In 1926 there had been just over 3,000 students enrolled in institutions of higher education. By 1946 that number had risen to over 15,000 (see Williamson, 1987). The University of Cairo itself had an enrolment of 10,478, over half of the country’s total enrolments in 1946 (see Matthews and Akrawi, 1950). It would be misleading to assume, however, that the accessibility of higher education was equitable. University education was still relatively expensive and thus limited to a minority who could afford it. Therefore, the country’s political participation, and therefore its direction, favoured the elite and the highly educated, reflecting the dichotomy between the needs of the masses and the needs of the highly educated. As in many developing nations, Egypt’s enthusiasm to eliminate illiteracy and provide wider educational access was not braced with good planning and financial resources. Officials implemented educational change without completely ascertaining the type of education best suited for the country. These policy makers also brought with them a vast array of their own inconsistent cognitions marked by ‘a crisis of identity, ambivalence of attitudes, and beliefs not only toward the traditional order of society, but also toward the new national order’ (Faksh, 1980). These leaders, struggling to define their own cultural identity and purposes, brought to the policy table an obscured vision of what the optimal educational solution for their country should be.

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

287

Many were heavily oriented towards the West and its institutions because they were products of them. At the same time nationalist leaders were engaged in borrowing and superimposing Western educational constructs on Egypt, they simultaneously ‘felt that they were rejected by the West – scorned, unappreciated, and “occupied”’ (Faksh, 1980). It was in this ambivalent, inconsistent state that ‘their nationalism was indecisive in character’ (Faksh, 1980). Consequently, this uncertainty in the identity of the leadership ‘increased their remoteness from the Egyptian masses’ (Lerner, 1958). High illiteracy rates, combined with the great stress of university education, exacerbated the imbalances of the various levels of the educational system. They also placed yet another wedge between the illiterate masses and the highly educated. Instead of creating an educational system that might have engendered greater political participation and greater national development, policy makers, in the end, formed a system that only served the interests of the elite. This, in turn, created further problems. The fact that the economy was not yet able to effectively absorb the growing number of university graduates produced ‘a large number of “intellectuals” who were foremost in their resentment of the system for its apparent lack of determination, and most active in the revolt against it’ (Safran, 1961). All of these factors contributed to a perilous socio-political situation. Taha Husayn, the noted Egyptian educator, predicted that a failure of the state to adequately address the educational needs of its constituents might ‘endanger the peace and the social system through a revolution of unpredictable magnitude, a revolution which if we are able to see how it would begin, we are unable to see how it would end’ (Husayn, 1975). It would not be long before Egypt would see such a revolution.

Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasser By 1952, Egypt was once again on the brink of upheaval. Strikes, student demonstrations and violence began to rend the country. The Muslim Brotherhood stood at the centre of the turmoil. Hassan al-Banna had authorized the organization of a subversive paramilitary organization whose intention was to wage war against the British and ‘protect the Islamic world from non-Muslim encroachment’ (Hopwood, 1991). But their violence became increasingly directed at Egyptians who did not promote the radical ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, particularly government officials. The government

288

Education in the Arab World

in turn violently suppressed Muslim Brotherhood activities. It was in one of these government crackdowns on the Muslim Brotherhood in which al-Banna himself was killed. It was in this volatile atmosphere that a small group of army officers came to meet and strategize on the only thing that could rescue their country – complete revolution. On the morning of 23 July 1952, the Free Officers, led by Colonel Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasser, executed a nearly flawless coup d’etat, a move that was destined to change the course of Egyptian history. In order to transform Egypt into the society he envisioned, Nasser knew that education had to be an important vehicle for socialist development. Many Egyptians, including Nasser, were convinced that the underdevelopment of the country was directly attributable to the failure of previous governments to provide an adequate system of education. The National Charter of 1962 strongly embodied a socialist approach to education, which was to properly promote principles of Pan Arabism, nationalism and socialism (Hopwood, 1991). Considerable attention was devoted to the expansion of education. Education expanded at a phenomenal rate. Primary school enrolments skyrocketed from 1.3 million in 1950 to 3.6 million in 1970 (Waterbury, 1983). During this same period, secondary enrolments rose from 181,789 to 293,991 (Williamson, 1987). However, the educational expansion during the Nasser period was neither uniform nor balanced (Abdel-Fadil, 1982). Nasser’s policies favouring secondary and university education were to place Egypt in the same situation it had been in before the revolution. Inadequate funds were dedicated to the lower levels of education, causing a serious problem of classroom overcrowding, as well as inefficient student-teacher ratios. Illiteracy remained extremely high at nearly 60 per cent even in 1969. Nasser placed much faith in higher education as a key to ‘building up the new, socialist, democratic and cooperative society’ (Nasser, 1959). Nasser’s address at the Alexandria University Union illustrated his strong sentiments towards higher education as a tool for developing the economic, social and political strength of Egypt and the Arab world: It is the universities which produce the leaders we need to take the lead in the fatherland. Factories alone, and even money and factories together cannot be of real use unless there are persons to operate them. The university staff are responsible for producing such persons. (Nasser, 1959)

In this same speech, Nasser highlighted, as he saw it, one of the primary problems with Egypt, ‘namely the separation of the educated class from the

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

289

rest of the people’ (Nasser, 1959). Nasser was highly aware of the destabilizing effects of unemployment. In fact, much of Nasser’s popularity was based on the perception that he could alleviate unemployment. With a population growth from 20 million in 1951 to more than 30 million by 1970, Nasser was convinced that only through education could the nation survive. Over 100,000 graduates were entering the work force each year, owing to the discontent of the growing masses. In a bold and (with hindsight) rash declaration in 1962, Nasser abolished fees associated with state-run institutions of higher education and guaranteed employment to all university graduates. Inadvertently, however, the very policies Nasser was to promote in the name of egalitarianism were to compound further the problems from which the state had hitherto been suffering. Not only young Egyptians but also Arabs from all over the Arab world flocked to the university system, nearly doubling the number of university students during the 1960s (Cleveland, 1994). The end result was a university system that was ill-prepared to deal with the deluge of students. Physical facilities were heavily taxed as were other resources such as textbooks, equipment and teachers were already in short supply. The most serious consequence of the expansion of education was the overproduction of graduates. With Nasser’s promise to employ all university graduates, the state bureaucracy became the nation’s primary employer since the private sector was not developed enough to absorb such large numbers. One of Nasser’s intentions in expanding education was to create a generation of scientists and technicians that could replace those lost in the nationalization process. In his 1962 charter, Nasser placed a great emphasis on science as ‘the weapon with which revolutionary triumph can be achieved’ (Hyde, 1978). However, most students in the university enrolled in fields which did little to further the scientific progress Nasser had envisioned. Most students enrolled in subjects relating to the humanities, law, commerce and other fields which do not necessarily lend themselves to the development of a national scientific base. In addition, non-technical graduates found it very difficult to find employment unless it was in the state bureaucracy. While the state could at least provide security, it could afford to pay only the lowest of salaries. High and hopeful expectations of lucrative employment of many college graduates were soon replaced by dissatisfaction and frustration. In the opinion of some analysts, guaranteed employment was perhaps one of the most harmful policies of Nasser’s administration. At the very least, it was a policy which Egypt today is still struggling to overcome.

290

Education in the Arab World

The Nasser period also illustrates a continuing theme in the history of modern Egyptian education. Like Muhammad Ali, over a hundred years before him, Nasser utilized education to build the state and achieve political ends. While Muhammad Ali’s reforms were very much aligned with Western modes of development, Nasser clearly wanted his modernization policies to be identified within Egyptian and pan-Arab ideology. Education was used as an important instrument of political socialization to further the goals of nationalist and socialist ideals. At the lower levels of education there were strong efforts to develop an identification with, and a loyalty to, the regime. Even at the university level a certain amount of political socialization was taking place, especially in certain faculties, such as politics and economics. Courses on ‘Arab Society’, ‘The July 23 Revolution’ and ‘Socialism’ were required of all students (Faksh, 1980). The intent of this sort of indoctrination was of course to instill a powerful sense of national pride and identification with the regime. But this control over curricula was also intended to form and create a generation of Egyptians who would ‘forego their individual ideologies for the sake of the national goals’ (Faksh, 1980). Nasser was well aware of the prominent role the religious establishment played in Egyptian society. He recognized from history that to alienate the Islamic dimension from the functions of state would cause inevitable clashes. Islam, in Nasser’s mind, had to be harnessed and controlled properly if the revolution was to gain the full confidence of the masses. One mistake previous governments had made in regard to religious scholars (ulama) was that they either dismissed them as a powerful motivating force or tried to dominate them. Nasser knew that Islam’s appeal was too strong to discount, yet he also knew that if allowed too much power, Islam would destabilize the socialist principles upon which his regime was built. Al-Azhar, Egypt’s oldest degree-granting university and renowned Sunni Islam’s most prestigious higher learning institution, had a long tradition of training the ulama and other religious intellectuals, had to be carefully, but discreetly, monitored. Law 103, passed in 1966, brought the alAzhar curriculum more in line with the state secular universities (Hyde, 1978). On the surface the reforms were couched in such a way that the ulama found them palatable. The state justified the reorganization in terms of creating greater job opportunities for al-Azhar graduates because standardization of curriculum would eliminate the disparity between state-run institutions and al-Azhar. Prior to 1961 there existed three faculties at al-Azhar, all of which were strictly religious in nature: Islamic law, Quranic studies and Arabic language and literature (Hyde, 1978). Article 34 of the new law added four new faculties which had a

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

291

notably nonreligious essence: medicine, engineering, agriculture and business administration (Boktor, 1963). Nasser was careful not to appear too secular in his reorganizational approach of al-Azhar. The cumulative effects of these new reforms, however, brought al-Azhar under the direct control of the state. The government controlled the university’s curriculum and the appointment of its administrators and teachers. The rector of al-Azhar, recognized as the religious leader of the Sunni Muslim world, was now a functionary of the state serving at the discretion of the president. Nasser did much to inspire a hope that a new day might dawn for Arabs in the modern world. In Egypt, Nasser succeeded in gaining political independence, revamping the inequities of land ownership and expanding educational opportunities. Yet, in the end, Nasser also did much to harm the long-term development of Egypt. His penchant for intervening in the affairs of other Arab countries often had deleterious effects on the pan-Arab goals he had outlined. He depleted Egypt’s wealth in external quests to advance Arab socialism and Arab unity. Nasser’s autocratic style stifled political participation and personal initiative. He created a large centralized bureaucracy that even today is so top heavy that even the simplest bureaucratic procedure can be ground away in gridlock. In terms of education, Nasser expanded educational access but failed to provide a parallel advancement in educational quality. His promise to provide a job to every university graduate compounded the inability of the Egyptian employment sectors to absorb the sharp influx of graduates. Nasser also used and manipulated institutional education to achieve political goals as opposed to engineering a system that would serve the best interests of the people or the long-term development of the nation. In the final years of his presidency, and after the Arab defeat in 1967 by Israel, Nasser struggled for political survival. By the time he died in 1970, the wounds he sought to heal were now deeper and the pride he sought to restore had been replaced by despair.

Anwar al-Sadat and the Infitah Nasser’s death marked a new era as Egypt tried to distance itself from Nasser’s socialist legacy. Anwar al-Sadat, an original member of the Free Officers corps who had taken part in the 1952 coup d’etat, succeeded Nasser as president of the republic. Sadat was faced with a herculean task of filling the void of Nasser’s cult of personality internationally, and consolidating his power position domestically.

292

Education in the Arab World

Sadat also inherited a heavy external debt, a scarcity of foreign capital, escalating unemployment and political turmoil. Once firmly in control of the nation, he forged stronger links with the West. He also encouraged a new open door economic policy, coined al-Infitah, which advocated private and foreign capital investment in order to revive the private sector. The policy however, provided little initial relief, exacerbated the discrepancy between the rich and the poor, and caused social unrest as the government reduced subsidies on food and fuel. The high tensions left by the 1967 war with Israel continued to drain the economy of hundreds of millions of dollars and Israel appeared unlikely to negotiate from their relative power position. The combination of an austere economic situation and the antipathy towards Israel caused an explosion of Egyptian student demonstrations all over the country. Marxist left wing students in particular were disaffected and criticized the state for lack of military action and harsh censorship laws which jailed thousands of students and journalists. Sadat was searching for a solution to the political situation with Israel, knowing that a posture of indefinite confrontation was unsustainable. The Egyptian educational system naturally suffered from scarcity of resources. During the Sadat period, the system was feeling the strain of unprecedented population growth and increased school enrolments. The quality of education spiralled and student dissatisfaction soared. In 1979, the population rate grew 2.9 per cent with 31.6 per cent under the age of twelve (Williamson, 1987), placing extreme pressure on textbooks and adequate educational facilities. With huge enrolments, instructor/student ratios were such that teachers at all levels could not afford to educate in any other form than through large formal lectures where students memorized their notes and regurgitated the information in a final exam. One teacher in the early 1980s said that the Egyptian universities could do little more than ‘produce a generation capable of emulation and obedience’ (Amir, 1983). In a survey of a thousand university students in 1978, 63 per cent considered higher education to be ‘on the verge of collapse’ (Sirag, 1978). In such an environment, it is not surprising that clear ideological divisions manifested themselves. Islamist elements continued to actively recruit students. The most notable activities were those of the militant Islamist groups, particularly Jamà’at al-Takfìr wa al-Hijra. The group called for society’s complete return to a utopian vision of Islam. Its leader, an agricultural student, asserted: I reject the Egyptian regime and the Egyptian reality in all its aspects since everything in it is in contradiction to the sharì‘a and belongs to heresy…. We

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

293

demand a return to natural simplicity and reject the so-called modern progress. (Hopwood, 1991)

Drawn to the appealing social vision offered by Islamists to unemployed youth, it was not long before students and university personnel dominated the ranks of the militant Islamic groups. With youthful zeal they pushed for social reform motivated by a combination of religious belief, social despair and economic deprivation. Sadat, with his Western orientation and US-brokered treaty with Israel, became the locus of their unrest. The danger posed by the clandestine Islamic opposition was quickly apparent to Sadat and by September 1981, he had more than a thousand individuals arrested for inciting insurrection (Cleveland, 1994). Not long after Sadat cracked down on the Islamist opposition, Sadat was assassinated during a military parade commemorating the 1973 war by radical members of the Islamic group, Jihad. The violent exchange between the state and Islamic militants had thus begun in full fury.

Hosni Mubarak and continued challenges to educational development Sadat’s vice president, Hosni Mubarak, was nominated by the Peoples’ Assembly the day after Sadat’s assassination and elected president on 13 October. Mubarak was somewhat of a background figure during Sadat’s administration, and from the outset of his presidency, Mubarak tread warily through the complexities of a nation fraught with economic and social turmoil. A balancer by nature, Mubarak sought a path that was a synthesis of both Nasserist and Sadatist policies; balancing the needs of the elite and the poor, between authoritarian control and liberalization. Mubarak, like Sadat before him, inherited a staggering task of economic development. By the end of the 1980s, Egypt faced crises in virtually all economic sectors. Problems of low productivity and poor economic management were compounded by the adverse effects of massive foreign debt, large population growth rates, high inflation and unemployment. According to World Bank figures, Egypt’s unemployment rate in the late 1990s was at 17.5 per cent with 78 per cent unemployment of Egyptians under the age of 28. What is particularly disturbing is that 79 per cent of those unemployed in Egypt had at least a high school or university education (Middle East Times, 1997). In order to avoid massive unemployment, Nasser

294

Education in the Arab World

had guaranteed all university graduates a job in government if they could not find one in the private sector. While there may have been some justification in the 1960s and 1970s for the government to employ all graduates, it is clear in the 1990s most government departments were grossly over staffed. Management experts estimated that some government sectors had between two and three times more employees than they need to carry out their functions (Al Ahram Weekly, 1993). Apart from the financial costs involved, guaranteed government employment bred inefficiencies and waste. The percentage of economically active Egyptians during this period was relatively small in proportion to the total population. In 1987, only 28.3 per cent of the total population were economically active. The participation rate of women, who constituted half of the total Egyptian population, was only about 5.6 per cent. This is largely explained in terms of socio-cultural factors, where Egyptian women are encouraged to stay at home and raise families. Simultaneously, almost 40 per cent of the population at that time were under the age of fifteen. This high proportion of children, as well as the small participation rate of women, boded ill for consumption, expenditure and investment (Al Ahram Weekly, 1993). It is hardly surprising that education has been directly influenced by the country’s massive economic challenges. Decades of underinvestment and surging population have strained public education beyond its capacity. While education adequately provided is absolutely critical for Egypt’s future economic growth and self-sufficiency, during the Mubarak era, Egypt invested 6 per cent of its gross domestic product (GDP) in education in contrast to 50 per cent on the military. Six per cent of GDP spent on education only translated to about $200 a year per pupil. University students got the lion’s share of the education budget but still only equalled about 0.04 per cent of the money of their Japanese counterparts at that time (The Economist, 1997). Investment in education, as a general rule, contributes to the productivity of human capital, which is an essential ingredient for higher incomes and sustained economic growth. As a comparative reference, countries like Saudi Arabia and Germany devoted 22 and 45 per cent of their GDPs respectively on education during that same time period. Education – particularly basic (primary and secondary) education – increased the productivity of the poor by providing them the skills necessary to participate fully in the economy and society, reducing fertility, improving health, strengthening civil institutions and building national capacity. Even with a half a century of universal free

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

295

education in Egypt, adult literacy during the Mubarak era stood at around 50 per cent. Typically, an Egyptian child completed four-and-a-half years of school compared to an Israeli child who averaged ten (The Economist, 1997). A survey conducted in 1994 of 10 to 17-year-olds who had finished at least five years of school found that barely one in twenty could calculate the volume of a cube (The Economist, 1997). Egyptian educator Taha Hussein coined the phrase: ‘Education is like water and air’, a birthright provided free to all citizens (Al Ahram Weekly, 1997). Since education is perceived by most Egyptians as the most accessible means of social mobility, the demand for education has been enormous. Physical facilities are strained beyond capacity in trying to keep up with increasing crowds. Some studies have shown that the country’s twelve national universities enrol up to five times the student capacity they were designed to accommodate, severely hampering academic standards and educational quality (Psacharopoulos and Sanyal, 1982). Enrolment in the national universities had a combined total of 875,611, representing an increase of 64.5 per cent from 1990 to 1997 (Arab Republic of Egypt, 1997). It was, and still is, not uncommon for lecture attendance to exceed 2,000, particularly in the more popular faculties such as Commerce or Arts. In view of many Egyptian educational leaders, the rapid expansion of higher education far outstripped the capabilities of instructors to prepare and implement appropriate curricula. Overexpansion of education coupled with the government’s avowed policy of guaranteed employment caused a rush towards higher education. This policy in turn has led to another development obstacle: ‘the problem of “credentialism”, the phenomenon of easily obtained degrees of little worth awarded in large numbers’ (McDonald, 1986). Egyptian students shied away from vocational and technical education, thus producing an overabundance of unmarketable degrees and insufficient technical labour needed to meet the demands of the economy. Still, many of those trained in technical and scientific areas lack basic skills and practical knowledge at levels required by industry (Shann and Cronin, 1988). White-collar jobs continue to be the goal of most graduates, causing an oversaturation of certain sectors. It is not uncommon to find fiveto-seven year waiting lists of job placements in certain sectors, whereas in 1982, the wait was only ten months long (Shann and Cronin, 1988). Since students fail to evaluate market need for certain skills, education for them actually shows a weak and even negative return in Egypt, particularly among the poor. In other words, the labour market seems to punish education, as well as poverty. Rates of unemployment are highest for those with intermediate education, next highest

296

Education in the Arab World

for graduates of higher education and lowest for those with no education (Fergany, 1995). The sheer number of students reduced the teacher to be little more than a transmitter of information and the student a passive recipient of it. An obstacle affecting education in Egypt, as in most other developing countries, is that education largely consists of theoretical rote learning with little emphasis on analytical or creative skills. ‘We are not teaching students to have a critical mind, that is the core of the problem’, said one Egyptian educator in the 1990s (Bulag, 1991). Mubarak’s National Project for Education recognized the drawbacks of rote learning as it relates to national development. It is high time for education to be channelled into a new concept … different [than] that of stuffing children’s minds with a certain amount of information…. If education is steered away from mere memorization and spoon feeding, great results [could] be achieved…. Each student will thus be capable of an immediate practice of work, [and] creating job opportunity…. contributing to [a] production increase and Egypt’s industrial, agricultural and commercial revival. If that could be fulfilled, a new generation of productivity would be brought about. (ARE Ministry of Education, 1995)

Unfortunately, the practical challenges of implementing this ‘new concept’ in any meaningful form, continues to hamper educational efficacy due to overcrowding. Intellectual passivity continues to be perpetuated with little classroom discussion or exercises promoting critical thinking skills. Further, while political authorities understand the socioeconomic advantages of an educated workforce, the complement of that is a polity better equipped to criticize the political status quo; an unpleasant reality. An extensive 1995 study of primary educational access illuminates even deeper fundamental challenges facing Egyptian educational development (Fergany, 1994). Available research indicates that primary education is the single largest contributor to economic growth among developing nations. The Fergany study strongly indicated a decline in primary educational access in Egypt, deterioration of efficiency and regression of basic literacy and numeracy skills. The study documented that since the mid-1980s, the rising trend of initial access to primary education has been hampered. ‘The level of access has not been able to break through the 90 per cent barrier. Indeed, access of girls to primary education is estimated to have declined particularly among poor urban areas’ (Fergany, 1995). The acquisition of basic literacy and numeracy skills were shown to be quite low, particularly in mathematics. Other conclusions relevant to primary education were:

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

297

a. Economic means of the household play a significant role in initial access to primary education. b. Education of parents, particularly mothers, is a critical determinant of access, completion of primary education, as well as acquisition of basic literacy skills. c. Private tutoring significantly increases the chances of completing primary education. Both a. and c. are of particular interest. Private tutoring became a hotly debated topic in Egypt and grew into an estimated $2 billion industry in the mid1990s. Teachers were paid so poorly (on average less than $100 per month) that they simply had to supplement their income with tutoring in order to make ends meet. If educational access is a function of the economic means of the household, and completion of primary education is influenced by private tutoring, many lower income children lose out on education benefits. Free schooling is supposedly guaranteed by the constitution, but it turned out that it cost 10 per cent of the average family income per child in the mid-to-late 1990s. This percentage continues to rise, making access to primary, secondary and higher education a luxury to those who can afford it. In 1997, two-thirds of primary students and nearly all secondary students took outside lessons (The Economist, 1997). Since education is not an altogether free service, low-income families consequently gave priority to male children. While enrolment percentages for females in urban areas were close to that of males (at around 95 per cent), enrolment of females in the rural areas of the Delta and Upper Egypt was 78 and 65 per cent, respectively (Ramzy, 1994). There appears to be a positive relationship between the exclusion of girls from primary education and relative poverty. While relatively non-poor districts in Egypt generally had less than 10 per cent of girls not enrolled in primary education, poor communities had a much higher rate of female exclusion. The poorest communities showed an average exclusion rate of nearly 50 per cent (Fergany, 1995). Despite equal rights of access to education, statistics revealed disparities between genders at all levels, particularly in higher education. The percentage of females to males at the primary level was 44.2, 41.6 per cent at the preparatory level, 38.5 per cent at the secondary level and 33.8 per cent at the university level. Illiteracy was estimated at 62.2 per cent in 1995 among females, as opposed to 37.8 per cent among males. In the rural areas of Egypt, the discrepancies were even more startling where 76.1 per cent of the females were illiterate (Fergany, 1995). In order to meet the high demand of higher education the state passed Law 101 in 1992 to allow the establishment of privately owned universities.

298

Education in the Arab World

Prior to the 1992, the American University in Cairo stood as the only private university in the country. Investors and educators saw Law 101 as a way to solve the problems plaguing the national higher educational system, which included limited course curricula, overcrowded classrooms, underpaid faculty, expensive but often necessary private tutoring and unfair grading procedures which some claim were often based upon the students’ or families’ personal connections. By the time the 1996–1997 academic year began, four private universities had been established: the Sixth of October University, Misr University for Science and Technology (MUST), Misr International University (MIU) and the October University for Modern Sciences and Arts (MSA). Supporters of the private universities claimed that they offered numerous advantages over their public counterparts. The fact that the private universities could restrict the number of students enrolled allowed class sizes to be manageable with teacherstudent ratios being below 1:15 (Mustafa, 1997). Defenders argued that private universities would not only raise the standard of university education in Egypt but also provide domestic job opportunities. The establishment of private universities initiated a firestorm of criticism. Opponents claim that the universities contradicted the constitutional right for free education. Opposition papers described the universities as part of the creeping privatization of Egypt arguing that the universities would be owned by investors whose primary interest was profit-making. Concerns over neocolonialism and cultural imperialism were expressed, where acceptance criteria included standardized test scores and an English language exam. In the process, the universities have sought affiliation with universities in the United States and Britain. Opponents also feared that private universities would relax their standards in order to attract rich kids. Critics accused the private universities of elitism and ‘triggering social envy’ where the rich could buy their mediocre sons and daughters a good education (Middle East Times, 1996). High salaries offered to faculty at private universities sparked additional concerns that the best professors would be lured away from the state sector depriving poor students the best teachers. Supporters argue that the universities are a good means of local investment and a safer alternative for parents who want to send their kids abroad. ‘Free education is not at stake’, noted one parent. ‘Most students in government universities take private lessons that cost thousands of pounds anyway’ (Middle East Times, 1996). Others continue to insist that ‘private universities are a germ in the body of Egyptian education’ (Middle East Times, 1996).

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

299

The future of Egypt’s private universities is uncertain both from an ideological perspective and a financial one as they struggle to cover the sizable investments poured into construction of elaborate campuses and administrations, while at the same time attempting to gain public acceptance. As of yet, they have done little to alleviate the burdens of the state system and in accomplishing their intended tasks.

Educational development in the post-Mubarak era Beginning in January 2011, millions of Egyptians from a wide range of socioeconomic and religious backgrounds began demanding political and economic reform as part of the larger Arab Spring protests triggered in Tunisia the prior year. Egyptians focused on the political, legal and economic policies of the Mubarak regime which had negatively impacted the country’s standard of living throughout the president’s 30-year-old rule. Alienation of the younger generation, increased levels of political corruption and economic exclusion were just some of the pent-up grievances many had towards the Mubarak administration. The protests resulted in severe crack-downs by the regime with tragic death tolls. Fearing more violence would damage the military’s long-term power and legitimacy, the military ultimately broke with Mubarak and forced him to leave office. Immediate to Mubarak’s ouster, instability within the political system ensued. Initially, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forced governed, after which the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi was elected president through a series of popular elections, eighteen months later in June 2012. Within a few short months, Morsi’s government began encountering increased opposition from the military, secularists and political activists. As mass protests and instability crescendoed, the military, headed by the former Minister of Defence, General Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, deposed Morsi, and later was elected to the presidency in 2014.

The new constitution and the 2014 plan for higher education In January 2014, a constitutional referendum was held in Egypt in support of the country’s efforts towards full democracy, economic development and political stability. The passing of the new constitution was approved by 98 per

300

Education in the Arab World

cent of Egyptians and is thought to be a watershed moment in Egypt’s unsteady political transition. As many Egyptians celebrated the various provisions in the constitution – including gender equality, political openness and religious freedom – there were also new provisions on education. Article 19 of the new constitution reaffirms the state’s responsibility to provide free education in public schools up through the secondary educational level, with the state spending no less than 4 per cent of its GDP on education in order to meet international standards over time. Article 20 commits to the development of technical education and professional training in keeping with the needs of the labour market. Article 21 specifies that no less than 2 per cent of the Gross National Product (GNP) will be spent on tertiary education. This article ensures the independence of universities and encourages independent, non-profit universities to be established by non-state actors. The constitution’s articles demonstrate the critical value placed on education and its connection to educational development. The enlarged protection of the right to an education is surely a constructive development. However, much depends on its implementation and translating these commitments to action. In support of the new constitution’s directives, Egypt announced in August 2014, a US$ 5.8 billion plan for higher education, to run in two phases from 2014 to 2022. The plan aims at producing more market-ready graduates and promoting a knowledge-based economy. This budget initiative and plan was approved by the Supreme Council of Universities, the body responsible for the planning, coordination and supervising universities in Egypt. The higher education budget allocation was to be obtained through new constitutional entitlements stipulated in Articles 19 and 21. The plan for higher education includes 61 projects and initiatives covering 12 higher education fields. The plan also intends to promote legislative reform and improved governance of higher education, restructuring of the national system, better harnessing of its human resource capacity, increasing access to universities across Egypt and expanding vocational and technical education (Sawahel, 2014).

Conclusion: Challenges of the reforms While the higher education plan might be considered a hopeful moment for many Egyptians, the challenges facing the educational system in Egypt in the post-Mubarak era are still plentiful with persistent, residual artefacts that have existed for decades.

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

301

Currently, the Egyptian higher education system consists of 19 public universities, 19 private universities and 131 private higher education institutions, as well as the al-Azhar University. In 2014, almost 2.8 million students were enrolled in higher education. Gross enrolment is expected to increase even further due to the growing demand for higher education. Despite the plan, the sheer volume of students will surely exacerbate the government’s inability to provide efficient, high-quality education to meet labour market needs in the coming decades. Worth noting is that, in 2014, Egypt ranked 118th out of 148 countries as measured by the Global Competitiveness Report in terms of higher education and training competitiveness (UNESCO, 2015). Egyptian universities continue to be plagued by a myriad of problems of their own making, including being operated under centralized and opaque governance. The state centralized strategy has caused numerous dysfunctions in the higher education system stifling institutional autonomy, creating rigidity in education and training programmes, failing to be responsive to student demands and inadequately addressing labour and economic needs. University budgets are often determined by the Ministries of Higher Education, Finance and Planning and by university presidents. Budget allocation mechanisms are not based on performance indicators, nor do they necessarily reflect the actual needs of the universities. University deans and heads of Egypt’s public universities are usually appointed by the country’s president and vetted by the intelligence services and appointed based on their political loyalty to the regime (Lindsey, 2012). In some regards, this helps contextualize the level of the public’s lack of confidence in government as reflected in Egypt ranking 94th out of 175 countries according to the 2014 Corruption Perception Index (Corruption Perception Index, 2014). Egypt’s Ministry of Education has played a crucial role in shaping the educational path of millions of Egyptians, while centrally controlling the curriculum. Academics are less free to structure their courses in ways that might be more innovative and effective to student learning. Even after the 2011 revolution, the Ministry of Education has kept an eye on ‘providing special state-approved learning materials; their content has tended to be very politicized, acting as tools with which to inculcate students with specific cultural values and understandings’ (Loveluck, 2012). Surely, the overcentralization of authority in Egypt’s universities present challenges to any positive reform agendas the country aspires for itself. Greater education decentralization can likely provide a more localized understanding of organizational, political and financial realities, and assist in tackling some of the more intractable problems.

302

Education in the Arab World

Since the revolution, education policy has also been characterized by leadership instability, having had six ministers of higher education in two years. The shifting policies and priorities of successive ministers of higher education leaves one to wonder about the degree of commitment by the government to coherent planning (Kindra, 2014). With each cabinet reshuffle, it is common that ministers announce their own budget plan, differing from the preceding one. In the end, the government seems to be sending distorted signals about planning goals and priorities. While lip service has been paid to increasing budgets, total government expenditure for education has effectively declined. Most efforts have focused on solving factional demands; almost 70 per cent of total government spending on higher education goes to wages. Non-academic expenditures absorb 50 per cent, leaving meagre funds for research, facilities and curricular improvements (Feteha, 2011). As a result, the country has suffered a major flight of scientists and researchers since the revolution (Clark and Al-Shaikhly, 2013). On a more positive note, there has recently been considerable attention given to expanding access to higher education across Egypt’s governorates. The secretary general of the Supreme Council of Universities is quoted: ‘we are in the phase of access rather than the phase of quality at this stage’ (El-Awady, 2013). Since the Arab Spring, seven new universities have been founded, largely by turning existing university branches into fully fledged universities. While this should have provided more access for students in governorates other than the densely populated Cairo, Giza, and Alexandria, access still remains insufficient for demand. In addition, graduates still do not meet the needs of the changing labour market. In 2012, over a third of graduates holding a university degree were unemployed (Helmy and Al-Ayouty, 2014). Ensuring higher educational access alone is never enough to achieve optimal social and economic development. There exist other intangible problems that impede success of educational reforms. A significant impediment in Egypt is a deeply rooted notion of guaranteeing public employment of university graduates, an expectation dating back to the Nasser era. As a result, the public sector is bloated, and graduates are underemployed. There has also long existed Egypt’s biased attitude against vocational training as an education of ‘second-choice’. Typically, students attending Egypt’s technical colleges are those who had failed to win a university place, due likely to social and financial constraints. Students of means have a greater chance of enrolling in general secondary education, rather than a technical one. In the 2010 Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

303

(OECD) report on Egypt’s higher education system, ‘the transition of students from vocational tracks of secondary education to general higher education push is one of the most significant challenges for education reform in Egypt’ (see Loveluck, 2012). The low-grade stigma of technical education effectively urges students to pursue a university education, but often the degree options these students select do little to lead to viable employment or economic stimulus. Egypt’s national educational system continues to struggle for survival against an onslaught of overwhelming political, social and economic problems as discussed previously. Further factors such as rapid urbanization, rampant population growth, inefficient allocation of resources and economic dependency, all have combined against the successful implementation of even the most carefully designed reform initiatives. Higher education in Egypt in particular is undergoing tremendous strain both ideologically, as well as infrastructurally. The Egyptian revolution was significantly influenced by those who had hopes for greater social justice and economic equality. Unfortunately, little has changed and progress on social and economic development continues to be hamstrung. Despite the various reform efforts made by the Ministry of Education in response to the demands of Egyptians, education continues a halfcentury of gradual decay. The current situation of Egypt’s education is quite bleak, and the problems are indeed identifiable from earlier eras of Egyptian educational history: high-density classes, unrealistically low wages for teachers, rigid conformist-style teaching techniques, deteriorating infrastructure, lack of student participation, an over-reliance on rote memorization and the parallel system of private tutoring. Successive ministers of education have implemented various reforms: schools built, pilot projects initiated, and policy papers and recommendations developed. However, few, if any, of these reforms have led to an appreciable impact on educational effectiveness.

References Abdel-Fadil, M. (1982) Educational expansion and income distribution in Egypt. In G. Abdel-Khalek and R. Tignor (eds.), The Political Economy of Income Distribution in Egypt. London: Holmes & Meier Publishers. Al Ahram Weekly (1993) 30 June, 1. Al Ahram Weekly (1997) 25 September, 15. Amir, M. (1983) The university and its problems in a rapidly changing world. Al Ahram al-Iqtasadi, 19 December.

304

Education in the Arab World

Arab Republic of Egypt (1997) Statistical Year Book: 1991–96. Cairo, Egypt: Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics. Arab Republic of Egypt, Ministry of Education (1995) Mubarak’s National Project: Educational Achievements in Four Years. Cairo, Egypt: Rose Al Youseff Printing. Boktor, A. (1963) Development and Expansion of Education in the U.A.R. Cairo, Egypt: The American University in Cairo Press. Bulag, B. (1991) Enrollment boom, rise of fundamentalism put’s Egypt’s universities under pressure. Chronicle of Higher Education, 12 June 1991: A31, 33. Clark, N. and Al-Shaikhly, S. (2013) Education in Egypt, World Education News & Reviews, http://wenr.wes.org/2013/11/education-in-egypt Cleveland, W. L. (1994) A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Corruption Perception Index (2014) transparency.org. https://www.transparency.org/ cpi2014/results El-Awady, N. (2013) Higher Education Still Suffering after the Revolution. University World News, 8 June, http://www.universityworldnews.com/article. php?story=20130606161959301 Faksh, M. (1980) The consequences of the introduction and spread of modern education: Education and national integration in Egypt. Middle East Studies 16(3): 42–55. Fergany, N. (1994) Survey of Access to Primary Education and Acquisition of Basic Literacy Skills in Three Governates of Egypt. Cairo, Egypt: Al Mishkat. Fergany, N. (1995) Strategic Issues of Education and Employment in Egypt. Cairo, Egypt: Al Mishkat. Feteha, A. (2011) Egyptian Education Needs Reform, Not Just Spending: Experts. Ahram Online, http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/3/12/14101/Business/Economy/ Egyptian-education-needs-reform,-not-just-spending.aspx Helmy, O. and Al-Ayouty, I. (2014) Employment generation in Egypt: A spatial approach. The Egyptian Center for Economic Studies, Working Paper No. 177. Hopwood, D. (1991) Egypt: Politics and Society 1945–90. London: George Allen & Unwin. Husayn, T. (1975) The Future of Culture in Egypt [Mustaqbal al-Thaqafah fi Misr]. New York: Octagon Books. Hyde, G. (1978) Education in Modern Egypt: Ideals and Realities. London: Routledge and Kegan. Kindra, G. S. (2014) Marketing in Developing Countries. New York: Routledge. Lerner, D. (1958) The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East. New York: The Free Press. Lindsey, U. (2012) Freedom and Reform at Egypt’s Universities. The Carnegie Papers, The Carnegie Endowment For International Peace. Loveluck, L. (2012) Education in Egypt: Key Challenges. Tech. Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House, March. Web.

Egypt: A Perpetual Reform Agenda

305

Matthews, R. D. and Akrawi, M. (1950) Education in Arab Countries of the Near East. Washington, DC: The American Council on Education. McDonald, M. (1986) Egyptian education and development. Journal of Arab Affairs 5(1): 65. Middle East Times (1996) 24 August, 3. Middle East Times (1997) 20 March, 11. Mustafa, H. (1997) Making the grade. Egypt Today, September, 86. Nasser, G. A. (1959) in a speech to the Alexandria University Union on 27 July 1959, U.A.R. Information Department: President Gamal Abdel-Nasser’s Speeches and Press Interviews. Psacharopoulos, G. and Sanyal, B. (1982) Student expectations and graduate market performance in Egypt. Higher Education 11: 27–49. Radwan A. A. A. (1951) Old and New Forces in Egyptian Education. New York: Columbia University Press. Ramzy, N. (1994) Al-Mara al Masriyya wa al-‘Adala al-Ijtima’iyya wa al-Iqtisadiyya. Cairo, Egypt: Dar al-Thaqafa. Safran, N. (1961) Egypt in Search of Political Community: An Analysis of the Intellectual and Political Evolution of Egypt, 1804–1952. London: Oxford University Press. Sawahel, W. (2014) Eight-year Egyptian plan for higher education. University World News, 29 August. Shann, M. H. and Cronin, J. M. (1988) Toward Reform of Egyptian Higher Education: Cairo University/Boston University Collaboration in Counterpart Training for the Third Education Project. Cairo, Egypt: Cairo University Press. Sirag, M. (1978) A journey of hope in the hearts of Egyptian youth. Sabah Al Khair, 2 February. The Economist (1997) 25 January, 66. UNESCO (2015) The Global Competitiveness Report. Geneva, Switzerland: World Economic Forum, 2014–15. USAID (2015) Education Overview for Egypt. https://www.usaid.gov/egypt/basiceducation. Vatikiotis, P. J. (1985) The History of Egypt. London. Weidenfield & Nicholson. Waterbury, J. (1983) The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy of Two Regimes. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Williamson, B. (1987) Education and Social Change in Egypt and Turkey. London: Macmillan.

15

Libya: Intentions and Realities Senussi Orafi

Libya is located in North Africa, and has a coast of about 2,000 kilometres (1,250 miles) on the Mediterranean Sea, and it has an area of 1.8 million square kilometres. Libya is the fourth largest among the countries of Africa and seventeenth among the countries of the world, and seven times the size of the United Kingdom. Libya neighbours include Egypt and Sudan on the east; Niger, Chad and Sudan on the south; and Algeria and Tunisia to the west. Based on the World Fact book 2011, Libya’s population is approximately 6.4 million, and there are about 1.7 million students, including about 270,000 students studying at higher education level. The majority of the population lives in the north, and the vast portion of the country is covered by the Sahara Desert. The official language in Libya is Arabic. Libya became independent in 1951 after forty years of occupation by European powers. The country had been an Italian colony until the defeat of the Axis forces in North Africa in 1942. From 1942 to 1951, it was under temporary British military rule. Under the monarchy (1951–1969), all Libyans were guaranteed the right to education. Schools at all levels were established, and old Koranic schools were reactivated and new ones were opened resulting in a heavy religious influence on Libyan education (Deeb and Deeb, 1982). The arrival of the Gaddafi regime in 1969, and the establishment of the modern Libyan state, brought with it considerable changes to the educational system. For example, the number of primary schools increased significantly and primary education became compulsory for all children in Libya. In the 1970s, an educational structure was introduced with four levels. Primary (six years), intermediate (three years), secondary (three years) and vocational (three years). Students studied a range of subjects such as Arabic language, Islamic religion, English language, French language, science and mathematics. The teaching workforce in Libyan schools in the 1970s and 1980s relied heavily on

308

Education in the Arab World

expatriate teachers from Egypt. Further significant changes took place in the 1990s, with the introduction of what is called the ‘New Educational Structure’. In this chapter, I present an overview on the key aspects related to the educational system in Libya including its structure, the key characteristics which shape its educational culture and the innovations that were introduced to this system. I also shed light on the current status of the educational system after the fall of the Gaddafi regime in 2011. I conclude this chapter with some implications and recommendation to enhance the quality of this educational system.

The structure of the educational system The first nine years of education are compulsory and free to every child in Libya. It is known as basic education, and children enrol at the age of six. It consists of six years of primary school and three years of secondary school. Each level at basic education has a number of subjects which students should learn and pass to move on to a higher level. Successful students can obtain the basic education certificate. When finishing primary education successfully, students can enrol in secondary education. When completing secondary education, students can enrol in one of the universities in Libya. During the Basic Education level, students study different school subjects such as science, mathematics, social science, Arabic language, English language, French language, history and computer science. This structure divided the educational system into five levels. These levels are illustrated in Table 15.1 Table 15.1 The education system in Libya since the 1990s Level

Description

Kindergarten

Lasts for two years and enrols children at the age of four and five.

Basic education (primary and preparatory)

Lasts for nine years – six years at the primary level and three years at the preparatory level. It enrols students from six to fifteen years of age.

Intermediate education (Secondary)

It includes three to four years of study and enrols the age group of sixteen to nineteen.

University education

This level includes universities, and higher technical and vocational centres. It lasts for three years for some centres and institutions and up to six years for some university faculties.

Advanced studies

This includes MA and PhD degrees.

Libya: Intentions and Realities

309

University education Higher education is governed by the Higher Education & Scientific Research Ministry (it was called the General Peoples’ Committee for Education & Scientific Research in Qaddafi’s regime). The higher education system is financed by government and is under the authority of the Higher Education Minister. Also, higher education in Libya is provided by universities. There are three types of qualifications (degrees) which are offered by universities: bachelor’s degree (undergraduate), master’s degree and PhD degree (graduate). The first degree offered is the bachelor’s degree (undergraduate) that requires four years of study in most programmes after obtaining the secondary school certificate. In some fields like dentistry, pharmacy, veterinary medicine, engineering and architecture, bachelor’s degree require five years of study, while in medicine and surgery the bachelor’s degree requires six years of study. Some universities offer programmes that lead to master’s degree in most specializations after obtaining the bachelor degree. Master’s degree requires on average 2–4 years of study (sometimes master’s degree require 5–6 years of study). In addition, obtaining a PhD degree in selected specializations and at certain universities requires three to four years of study. The first Libyan university was opened in Benghazi city in 1955, and it was called the Libyan University. The opening of the first Libyan university was a key achievement at the early stage of the independence. The faculty of Arts was the first faculty to be opened in the first Libyan university. Between 1962 and 1967, faculties of economics & commerce, law, sciences, agriculture, engineering and education were opened in the cities of Benghazi and Tripoli. The Libyan University system witnessed fundamental changes in the early 1970s with the establishment of faculties of medicine, Arabic and Islamic studies, petroleum engineering and mineralogy in Tripoli and Benghazi. Furthermore, the Libyan University was divided into two separate universities: the University of Tripoli (located in Tripoli) and the University of Benghazi (located in Benghazi). As a response to the increasing social and economic demands, more universities were established in different parts of the country to meet the rise in the number of students at university level. In 1999, there were fourteen universities with a total of ninety faculties. In addition by 1998/1999, fifty-one higher technical and vocational institutes were opened. During the last fifteen years, the Libyan university education system has seen a rapid increase in the number with a total of twelve universities which are spread across the country.

310

Education in the Arab World

The university education system is managed by the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (MHE&SR). Decisions of legislative nature are taken at the ministry level. However, all decisions regarding the allocation of the teaching staff, the courses to be taught and the distribution of the students are the responsibilities of the universities, but these decisions have to be in accordance with the policies set at the ministry level. Although the Ministry of Higher Education has made considerable efforts to enhance the status of University of education, this sector still faces many obstacles. A recent report by Tamtam et al. (2011) sheds light on the main obstacles facing Libyan higher education institutions. These obstacles are summarized as the following: • • • •

• • •

•

Lack of material resources. Inadequate strategic planning and absence of short-term objectives. Absence of good standards for selecting academic and administrative staff. Lack of training and development programmes for academic and administrative staff which in turn resulted in further deterioration of the quality of the system. Lack of a concept of quality assurance in the system. This has led to poor management of the system. The centralization of the decision-making process within universities led the absence of the individual and group initiatives. Unstable administration and constant change in the regulations and systems of the study programs in the institutions of higher learning make it difficult to develop strategic plans. The inconsistency between university programmes and the labour market. Many students graduate from universities but find no jobs in the labour market.

Libyan universities are still teaching-oriented universities. Staff members spend more hours focusing on teaching duties rather than conducting research projects or publishing research papers. According to data included in Eljarh’s (2011) report published in the Libya Herald, less than 1 per cent of Libya’s gross domestic product (GDP) was spent on research and development. Furthermore, a study conducted by the Benghazi University and Manchester Metropolitan University concluded that the School of Medicine in Tripoli produced 1.4 academic papers per 100 members of the academic staff during a year (statistics taken from the Libya Herald). This lack of research community has negatively affected Libya’s

Libya: Intentions and Realities

311

universities accreditation and made it hard for Libyan graduates and academic staff members to compete with international academic communities.

The key characteristics of the educational culture It is widely recognized that the educational process in any society is affected by the socio-cultural factors within that particular society (Coleman, 1996; Holliday, 1994; Shamim, 1996; Tudor, 2001). Teachers and students operate within a socio-cultural setting and their beliefs and expectations are influenced by the norms of that particular setting. When students and teachers come to a classroom, they bring with them beliefs and expectations about who does what inside the class, what to teach and how to teach. In this section, I shed light on the key characteristics of the Libyan educational culture. Libyan students often assume that their role in the classroom is to sit quietly and to memorize the information imparted by the teacher. It is considered rude and impolite to interrupt the teacher or argue with the teacher. Students try to be quiet as much as possible to show respect to their teacher. If a student has a question, he has to raise his hand to take the teacher’s permission to ask questions (Aldabbus, 2008). Students are seated in desks which are arranged in rows facing the front of the classroom, and normally participate in classroom activities when they are called upon by the teacher. Such assumptions about students’ role might prevent students from taking part in classroom activities where students’ active involvement is required. Teachers are often seen as the source of knowledge in the school curriculum and their role is to impart that knowledge to their students. In ELT teacher education in Libya, for example, the focus is mainly on increasing teachers’ knowledge in the English language (knowledge of grammar, vocabulary, phonetics and literature), and methodology is often considered to be secondary. The rationale behind focusing on developing teachers’ knowledge in English is that if teachers are well equipped with the knowledge of the target language, they will be in a better position to impart this knowledge to their students. This reflects deeper ideas in the culture generally about education being a process of knowledge transmission. Thus, teachers are often viewed as the sole authority in the classroom and therefore they should not be questioned or interrupted (Orafi and Borg, 2009). Also, the perception of teachers in Libya requires them to appear to be knowledgeable; the inability to answer students’ questions, for example, would

312

Education in the Arab World

be seen as a deficiency in the teacher as would any admission that they were not sure about any particular aspects in the school subjects. This obligation of giving precise and accurate answers might force some teachers to focus on acquiring knowledge about the school subject rather than developing their teaching skills. In addition, this responsibility might prevent Libyan teachers from adopting teaching methods which do not give them the sense of security to avoid any ambiguous questions asked by students while using these methods. Even further, some teachers may actively discourage students from asking questions altogether. As I mentioned previously, the educational process in any context is influenced by the socio-cultural factors that are prevalent within this particular context. Therefore, in order to understand the kind of behaviours described previously, we need to examine more broadly the socio-cultural factors that are inherited in the Libyan society. Libya is a highly conservative Islamic society, and many of the cultural norms that are common in the Libyan society stem from the principles of Islam (Deeb and Deeb, 1982). Many Libyan parents tend to send their children to Quranic schools at early ages. In these schools, children sit in circles where they compete to memorize and recite as many Quranic verses as they can. The Imam (the teacher) often reads aloud verses from the Quran, and children read aloud after the Imam trying to mimic the Imam’s pronunciation. Within these schools, children are taught that showing respect to adults is an important element of the Islamic religion, and therefore children are not encouraged to dispute and argue with people who are older than them. The influence of the Islamic religion extends into how parents raise their children. The Libyan family often emphasizes the importance of listening attentively to adults and respecting their opinions. Children often are not encouraged to participate in conversations or discussions particularly if these discussions are among adults. If children do not follow these rules, they are punished by their parents. The Libyan culture emphasizes the value of saving face over maintaining conversation. Even if you disagree with one’s points of view, it is considered as impolite to explicitly show your disagreement. In addition, within the Libyan culture, there is always separation between males and females. The reason for this is because males and females are not brought up together; there is always separation even within the families. As a result, females and males grow up without having close relationships. Therefore, in classrooms, it might be seen as a violation of the socio-cultural norms to work with the opposite sex. Even in mixed schools of males and females, interactions within the classroom usually

Libya: Intentions and Realities

313

occur among groups of the same sex. That is, males tend to speak with each other, while females also prefer to keep to themselves. Knowledge within the Libyan society is traditionally viewed as a set of facts not open for discussion and disagreement. The textbooks are highly regarded as an important source of knowledge. Students are supplied with textbooks about different school subjects and are expected to master and comprehend the content of these textbooks without questioning their credibility. According to a report by the Ministry of Education: The evaluation of the knowledgeable content of the Libyan curricula assures the education’s interest to supply students with knowledge and information to an extent made some teachers and parents think that the knowledgeable content of the curricula has exceeded the learners’ abilities. (The Libyan National Commission for Education, 2004: 64)

Thus, learning is often seen as an individual endeavour rather than a collective and dynamic process. Students compete to pass the exams, and those who achieve high grades in the exams are regarded highly by the Libyan society. Families tend to openly show their pride in children who pass the exams with high grades. In fact, a key public role teachers are expected to fulfil is to prepare students to pass the exams. If students cannot reach this goal, teachers will be held responsible for students’ failure. Exams play an important role within the Libyan society. It is often regarded that it is the teachers’ responsibility to make sure that their students can pass the exams. If students cannot achieve this goal, teachers will be blamed for not doing their job. This obligation may force teachers to teach the information that are tested in the exam and ignore the ones which are not. Students as well are pressured by the exams and expect their teachers to teach for the exam. Exams often focus on testing students’ memorization of the information imparted by the teachers. For example, in English language teaching, exams often focus on grammar memorization and vocabulary knowledge and ignore other language skills such as the oral skills (Al-Buseifi, 2003; Orafi, 2013; Orafi and Borg, 2009). This report by the Ministry of Education highlights the role of memorization within the Libyan educational culture: Education in Libya has a traditional character in methods and schemes. It is interested to supply students with information, but it does not care much for scientific thinking methods. Undoubtedly, the assurance on information learning by heart, for which the learner is awarded with high grades, is one of the obstacles of innovative thinking, and preparing students to knowledge production. (The Libyan National Commission for Education, 2004: 65)

314

Education in the Arab World

In summary, the social, cultural and religious factors that are inherent in the Libyan society play an important role in determining what goes on in Libyan classrooms. These factors in turn, influence who does what inside the classroom, what kinds of behaviours are acceptable, what is learned and how it is learned.

Major curriculum innovations During the late 1980s, the relationship between Libya and the West was characterized by political tensions. On the 15th of April 1986, American aircraft flying from bases in Britain and carriers in the Mediterranean bombed Libya, killing hundreds of people and destroying many buildings. This incident created resentment and anger towards the West across Libya (Almoghani, 2003; Elmajdob, 2004). As a result, the government of Libya decided to ban the teaching of English in schools and universities across the country. Teachers of English were ordered to give up teaching English. Some of these teachers were asked to teach other subjects such as history and social science. Others were given administrative responsibilities. English departments in universities were also shut down. Only students in their third and fourth year were allowed to continue their study after intense negotiations with the Libyan authorities. However, no new students were allowed to enrol in the English departments. The status of teaching English in Libya deteriorated considerably between the mid-1980s and the mid-1990s. The resources allocated to English language teaching were severely reduced, and English language teacher education was no longer provided. In fact, many Libyan English language teachers changed their careers. It was only in the mid-1990s that the Libyan government started to fully reintroduce English language teaching into its educational system. This process was beset by many problems and challenges. First, there was a shortage of Libyan English language teachers due to the closure of English language departments and English language training institutions who were the main suppliers of Libyan teachers of English. Second, many Libyan English language teachers had left English language teaching, and it was difficult for them to restart teaching after years of being away from the English language. Third, the reintroduction of English language teaching was not systematic and gradual, but it was unplanned and sudden. For example, many students who were at the time at the university level had not studied English when they did their

Libya: Intentions and Realities

315

secondary and intermediate levels of education. These students suddenly had to study English at the university level without any basic knowledge of English. A report by UNESCO summarizes the state of English language teaching during this period as follows: • The communicative approach to English language learning has not yet reached the Jamahiriya (Libya). • Schools lack the use of educational media; there is even no use of tape recorders and no testing of oral skills. Some schools have overhead projectors, but it seems that teachers do not have printed or blank transparencies or suitable pens to use them. • Each basic school class is taught English in the same classroom as the other subjects. There are no language laboratories or even specialist English teaching rooms. (UNESCO, 1996: 22–23) In the mid-1990s the country started to suffer the consequences of banning English language teaching. A key response by the Libyan government to this situation was the introduction of a new English curriculum in 1999–2000 to its preparatory and secondary levels of the education system. This curriculum is embodied in a series of textbooks called ‘English for Libya’. These textbooks were written by an ELT publishing company based in the United Kingdom with the cooperation of representatives of the National Education and Research Centre in Libya. The principles of this curriculum represented a significant shift for Libyan English language teachers and learners in terms of teaching methodology, curriculum materials and theories of language teaching and learning. This curriculum innovation required Libyan English language teachers and learners not only to change what they do regarding language teaching and learning, but also how they think about their work and the beliefs underpinning it. Teachers and students have to adopt new roles. For example, teachers have to view themselves as facilitators who should provide opportunities for the students to practise and use the language in meaningful situations. Students have to take more responsibility for language learning. Language learning is no longer seen as a matter of mastering grammar and vocabulary. The Ministry of Education in Libya utilized a top-down strategy (Chin and Benne, 1976) to introduce this curriculum innovation. Within this centralized approach, teachers had little say in the planning and the design of the innovation. They were simply required to implement the policies and decisions of the educational policy makers, curriculum designers and change

316

Education in the Arab World

agents. The decision to introduce the new curriculum was taken by the top levels at the Ministry of Education in Libya. Educators from the publishing company conducted briefing sessions for English language inspectors across Libya. These training sessions lasted about two weeks. After finishing these sessions, inspectors returned to their cities and conducted briefing sessions for the English language teachers across Libya. The focus of these sessions was on how to use the teachers’ book, with little attention to enabling teachers to understand the rationale behind this new curriculum. For example, in one of the cities, teachers were gathered in a big hall in a local university and were lectured by the inspectors about how to teach the curriculum. Some teachers refused to attend these sessions arguing that the inspectors are not qualified to teach the teachers. This created confusion which led the local educational authority in this city to ask some lecturers from the English department in the local university to participate in these sessions. These lecturers had no idea about the curriculum, and therefore they could not provide any support for the teachers. Consequently, the training sessions ended up teaching teachers about English phonetics and English grammar and writing. It should be noted here that what I described previously was typical of what happened during the introduction of this curriculum and other school curriculum innovations such as science, mathematics and computer science across Libya. There was no attention as to what this curriculum implies for English language teachers’ classroom practices. Nor was there any attention to teachers’ beliefs and other contextual factors. It should be mentioned too that participation in these sessions was compulsory for all the English language teachers in Libya. Thus, many of these teachers who participated in these sessions had not taught English since the ban on teaching English in 1986. In addition, many of these teachers expressed difficulties and frustration at being required to return to teaching after attending this short training program. Moreover, this new curriculum required both teachers and learners to adopt new assumptions about language learning, new teachers’ roles and new learners’ roles. For example, many of the curriculum activities view language learning as a dynamic process where students can develop their language skills by using the language in meaningful situations such as expressing suggestions, giving advice, reading a newspaper and writing letters. The learners are expected to assume some classroom responsibilities as well. For example, they are expected to actively participate in activities such as pair work, group work, role play and group discussion.

Libya: Intentions and Realities

317

Many of the curriculum activities also require teachers to adopt the role of a facilitator rather than the knower. The teachers’ job is to provide opportunities for the students to use the target language (Macfarlane, 2000). However, it is likely that even after these short training sessions many English language teachers still did not have a clear understanding of what was expected of them in their new role. Thus, these teachers may not have had the necessary skills to carry out their new roles. The reason for this is that many of English language teachers in Libya graduated from English department which focuses on enhancing students’ linguistic and literary knowledge about English. Teacher training and education are still considered to be secondary in most English language departments in Libya. As previously mentioned, the socio-cultural context where an educational innovation is to be implemented plays an important role in the acceptance or resistance of this particular innovation. For example, in the Libyan society, English language teachers are often regarded as source of knowledge about English language and therefore their responsibility is to impart that knowledge to their students. However, sharing this responsibility with the students might be seen by many teachers as a threat to their role as language teachers, and might be interpreted by many teachers as not fulfilling their responsibility towards their students. These assumptions about the role of the teacher which are inherent in the Libyan society might prevent Libyan teachers from adopting the teacher’s roles endorsed by this new curriculum and, consequently, hinder the successful implementation of this curriculum. Following the introduction of this curriculum, several concerns were raised about its implementation. In my informal discussion with different Libyan educational officials, they often blamed teachers for not being able to teach this curriculum. In one of these discussions, for example, a senior Libyan educational official argued that the curriculum is excellent, and that it is the teachers who do not know how to teach this curriculum. On their part, teachers often raised concerns that they faced obstacles during the implementation of this curriculum. Given the crucial role of the teachers in the implementation of curriculum innovations and, as Carless (2004: 640) argues, ‘to analyze an innovation’s success, it is necessary to learn how teachers are carrying it out in classrooms at schools where the innovative curriculum is supposedly being implemented’. Orafi and Borg (2009) studied how teachers of English implement the English language curriculum in Libya. More specifically, they investigated the characteristics of the teachers’ classroom practices and the extent to which

318

Education in the Arab World

these practices were congruent with the methodological principles endorsed by this curriculum. They also shed light on the rationales and the factors which had an impact on how teachers implement and make sense of this curriculum innovation. Using classroom observations and subsequent interviews with five teachers, findings revealed that teachers’ practices in most cases did not reflect the principles of the intended curriculum. Thus, although one of the curriculum aims is ‘for the students to communicate effectively and fluently with each other and to make talking in English a regular activity’ (Macfarlane, 2000: 3), classrooms were generally teacher centred and Arabic was the dominant language during classroom interaction. Teachers also spent considerable time correcting students’ grammatical and pronunciation mistakes. During the reading lessons, teachers spent substantial time reading word by word and sentence by sentence, explaining vocabulary, translating into Arabic and reading aloud. Little attention was given to activities included in the curriculum, such as working out the meaning of the words from the context, scanning the reading text for specific information, matching activities and the after-reading activities. Grammar items were taught in discrete activities without developing students’ abilities to use the grammar for communicative purposes. A similar pattern was evident in the teaching of speaking and listening. Activities which aimed to give the students the chance to speak the target language were either omitted completely or talked through by the teachers, with little student involvement. Pair work activities (a core component of the curriculum) were either skipped or carried out at the class level between the teacher and the students. The listening activities which were designed to enhance the students’ skill of prediction, listening for gist and to develop the students’ confidence and competence in comprehension were omitted altogether by all five teachers. While the curriculum considers the process of writing as important as the product of writing, and ‘students therefore are encouraged to work together, to help each other with note taking and editing, and to produce work with a communicative purpose’ (Macfarlane, 2000: 3), teachers either left out the writing activities or (in one case) asked the students to do these activities as homework. According to Orafi and Borg (2009), teachers’ practices reflected deeply held beliefs about the process of language teaching and learning that were contrary to those embedded in the curriculum. For example, the curriculum encourages purposeful reading activities such as skimming, scanning, matching and working out the meaning from the context. In fact, one of the principles which underlie the teaching of reading is that ‘it is possible to understand the gist of the text without having understood every word’ (English for Libya: Teachers’ book: 3).

Libya: Intentions and Realities

319

The beliefs about teaching reading the teachers expressed during the interviews were at odds with the curriculum’s approach to this aspect of language teaching. A common belief among the teachers was that the goal of reading is to develop accurate pronunciation. There was little evidence in the teachers’ comments that they were aware of the communicative orientation towards teaching reading embedded in the curriculum. In addition to beliefs about the process of language learning and teaching, Orafi and Borg’s (2009) study referred to other contextual factors which led to this limited uptake of the curriculum by these teachers. These factors included classroom expectations, the examination system, lack of teachers’ training and development and the role of the inspectors. Orafi’s and Borg’s (2009) findings were echoed in a more recent study by Altaieb and Omar (2015), who conducted a survey study to examine 345 teachers’ ideas about the obstacles they were during the implementation process. Results showed a number of factors that were considered major concerns by the teachers. These concerns included: teacher’s limited time for teaching CLT materials, insufficient funding, students’ low English proficiency, teachers’ lack of training in CLT, teachers’ lack of opportunities for in-service training in CLT, large classes, lack of support from colleagues and administrators, focusing on rote memorization in teaching and learning, students’ resistance because teachers are considered the knowledge transmitters, students’ lack of motivation for developing communicative competence and students’ resistance to class participation. Another major curriculum innovation which is worth mentioning here is the integration of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) into the Libyan basic education system (primary and secondary schools) and university education. This curriculum innovation was called (a computer for every student). Given the importance of ICT in enhancing the process of teaching and learning, the Ministry of Education in Libya launched a national policy for ICT in education in 2005 to enable access to ICT through the provision of computers and the internet to all Libyan students. More than 150,000 computers in nearly 5,000 computer laboratories were supplied and installed at various educational institutions, including higher education institutions. According to Hamdy (2007), the main aim of this policy is to improve the quality of education through ICT by: • Adopting modern techniques and methods in education. • Encouraging the scientific community to engage in research within the community.

320

Education in the Arab World

• Encouraging the private sector to get involved in funding specialist education. • Developing open and distance learning, as well as continued education. • Developing open and distance learning, and boosting the profile of higher education. To achieve the previously mentioned objectives, one major project sponsored by UNESCO and the Libyan government was created in the year 2005. This project involved the establishment of the Libyan Higher Education and Research Network (LHERN). The main goal of this project was to create a Local Area Network (LAN) within various university campuses and institutions. However, the implementation of ICT policy faced various challenges during the implementation process. These challenges are associated with: the cultural and linguistic background of students and instructors, and their awareness of and attitudes towards e-learning; the underdeveloped technological infrastructure and the often prohibitive cost of educational technologies; the lack of local expertise in curriculum development for e-learning; and the lack of educational management mechanisms to support e-learning initiatives (Rhema and Miliszewska, 2010). Rhema and Miliszewska go further to suggest: While computer laboratories are available in most Libyan higher institutions, the lack of adequate network facilities places serious restrictions on Internet access. The use of educational software within institutions is limited too, as there are very few products on the market that are available in Arabic, and the country’s lacks the capacity to develop its own products. Lastly, the technical support is almost unavailable in Libya (as the case in many developing countries), which leads to delays in installation, operation, and maintenance of equipment and software, and further discourages users. (430)

The Libyan educational system after 2011 revolution There is no doubt that many of the obstacles facing the Libyan educational system are the responsibility of more than forty years of the Gaddafi regime. During those years, there were no strategic goals and clear objectives to lead the educational system. All decisions related to the educational process were affected by policy and ideology of the Gaddafi regime. For example, Libyan students of all levels from primary schools to university had to study compulsory school subjects related to Gaddafi’s political philosophy and ideology. The structure

Libya: Intentions and Realities

321

of educational system and curricula were frequently changed according to the Gaddafi’s educational vision. All educational policy makers and leaders had to be loyal to Gaddafi’s regime, and many of them had nothing to do with the educational process. This policy in turn created a chaotic and unstable educational system. The new Libya faces significant challenges as it moves to democracy and begins the process of building a new, post-Muammar Gaddafi nation. One of the most important building blocks will be the improvement of the educational system. After decades of international isolation and underinvestment under the Gaddafi regime, the system needs support. Fortunately for Libya, the country sits on the largest proven oil deposits on the African continent (and among the top ten globally, contributing US$  132 billion annually to GDP), which means that with the right political leadership, the disarming of militias and the improvement of security, the question of funding is one of the less pressing concerns facing educational policy makers. The first two years after the fall of the Gaddafi regime have seen considerable efforts to improve the educational system in Libya. Curriculum input reflecting Gaddafi’s political loyalty and ideology was removed. To break international isolation and to modernize the educational system in the Libya, the Libyan authorities signed different international agreements sending thousands of Libyan students to pursue their studies both in vocational and higher education. For example, in the year 2012 an agreement was signed between the United Kingdom and the Libyan Board for Technical and Vocational Education with the aim of facilitating partnerships and exchanges between Libya and UK vocational education and training agencies in order to help build the necessary and appropriate industrial trades and technical skills capability and capacity for current and future social, economic and industry demands in Libya. However, since the year of 2014 the Libyan educational system has suffered serious drawbacks because of the country’s political instability. Libya now has two political bodies claiming to be the government of Libya. The Council of Deputies is internationally recognized as the legitimate government and is currently based in the eastern city of Tobruk. The General National Congress elected in 2012 is based in the capital of Libya Tripoli. Parts of Libya are outside of either government’s control, with various Islamists, rebel and tribal militias administering some cities and areas. Many of the country’s oil fields which provide the main national revenue for foreign currency were either damaged or closed. As a result of this political and economic instability, a civil war has erupted among various factions in different parts of Libya, such as Benghazi,

322

Education in the Arab World

Sirte, BenWalid, Sabha, Tawarga, Zawia and Derna. Thousands of people were either killed or had to escape their homes looking for shelter in safer parts of Libya. Many people had to find refuge in neighbouring countries such as Tunisia and Egypt. The country’s instability and civil war have had severe consequences on the infrastructure of the Libyan educational system. Thousands of educational institutions were severely damaged. Thousands of students are still without classes for more than two years. For example, the University of Benghazi which has more than sixty thousand students was badly burned and destroyed and became a battle field between the fighting forces in Benghazi city. Thousands of books, documents, student and staff records were lost. The local educational authorities had to find alternative study places in the public schools in safer parts of Benghazi city. Due to the large number of students, the study schedule was reduced to three days per week and three hours each day. However, in a city where random shelling and explosions are a daily routine, many parents refused to let their sons and daughters to resume classes and ordered them to stay home. Many of the displaced families had to suspend their children education because of lack of security. Some of the families who sought refuge in the neighbouring countries could not enrol their children in the educational system in these countries due to lack of documents or lack of financial support. Although there is still no clear statistics, the number dropouts had increased significantly. Thus, in previous years, Libya sent thousands of students to pursue their higher studies in many countries such as the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Canada, France, Malaysia and other Arab countries. Many of these students had to suspend their studies and come back home, or find part-time jobs to support themselves and their families due to the withdrawal of the financial support coming from the Libyan governments. Some foreign universities took further drastic actions, such as the suspension of enrolment applications coming from Libyan students due to the financial and political crisis in Libya.

Implications and recommendations Throughout this chapter, I provided an overview of the educational system in Libya. This overview included the structure of the Libyan educational system, the key characteristics of its educational culture, the different attempts aimed to reform the educational system and the current status of the Libyan educational

Libya: Intentions and Realities

323

system. I now proceed to present some recommendations to enhance the quality of the Libyan educational system. I highlight these recommendations in the following points: • Libya needs stability. Without political and economic stability, there will be no proper educational system. The different parties involved in the Libyan conflict have to realize that the current turmoil in Libya will have serious consequences on future generations of Libyans. • Given the right educational leadership and support from regional and international partners, Libya has the potential to transform its educational system into a force for a change. • Schools are not only a place where students sit for long hours receiving and memorizing information imparted to them by their teachers. Schools should also be a place where students are given chances to take much of the learning responsibilities, practise cooperative learning and build their own analytical and creative thinking. • Libyan educational policy makers should no longer think that the intended educational reform policy is a process that translates directly into reality. The attitudes and perceptions of those involved in the educational process, including teachers, students, school principals, educational leaders and parents, must be recognized well before the implementation of this educational reform policy. • It is vital for educational policy makers within the Libyan educational context to understand that any curriculum reform does not only mean introducing a new set of textbooks, but it also implies a change in the way teachers behave and think. Educational officials in Libya need to realize that in order for the intentions of any proposed curriculum reform to be implemented effectively, teachers and other stakeholders need the skills and knowledge which enable them to cope with the demands of this curriculum. • Teachers, students, school principals, educational policy makers and parents in Libya need the support to make the necessary adjustments required by any proposed educational innovation. Therefore, educational officials in Libya need to examine what the requirements embodied within the proposed innovation imply for all participants in the educational process, and provide the suitable support for these participants. • Inspectors play an important role within the Libyan educational system. They are responsible for monitoring the educational process and providing support and training for teachers. They often visit teachers in their classes

324

Education in the Arab World

to monitor teachers’ performance and to provide help and support for teachers. They also appraise teachers and submit reports on them. However, in the absence of proper training, inspectors often rely on their beliefs and experience to interpret demands of any proposed educational reform. These beliefs and experiences may not be in line with the principles of the proposed reform. This in turn may create frustration and confusion during the implementation process. One the one hand, teachers need guidance and support in order to understand the principles of the proposed reform; on the other hand, inspectors themselves may not understand what teachers need to understand, and how to help them understand it. In order for these inspectors to effectively help teachers in the implementation process, educational officials in Libya need to consider the provision of inspector training programmes. • It is the responsibility of the educational officials to consider the extent to which examinations and the aims of the school curriculum are aligned and make the necessary adjustments of the examination system. • Finally, in order to enter the world market with strong economy, Libya will need a commitment to rebuilding a higher education system that focuses highly on innovation and research.

References Aldabbus, S. (2008) An Investigation of the Impact of Language Games on Classroom Interaction and Pupil Learning in Libyan EFL Primary Classrooms. Unpublished PhD thesis, Newcastle University. Almoghani, M. (2003) Students’ Perceptions of Motivation in English Language Teaching in Libya. Unpublished PhD, University of Durham. Altaieb, S. and Omar, Y. (2015) Obstacles Libyan teachers of English encounter while implementing English language curriculum in Libyan high schools. Journal of Modern Review 7(9): 840–853. Al-Busefi, A. (2003) Difficulties in Learning Vocabulary with Reference to Libyan Secondary School Students. Unpublished MA thesis, Academy of Graduate Studies, Tripoli-Libya. Carless, D. (2004) Issues in teachers’ reinterpretation of a task-based innovation in primary schools. TESOL Quarterly 38(4): 639–662. Chin, R. and Benne, K. (1976) General strategies for effecting changes in human systems. In W. Bennis, K. Bennis and R. Chin (eds.), The Planning of Change, 22–45. New York: Rinehart and Winston.

Libya: Intentions and Realities

325

Coleman, H. (1996) Society and the Language Classroom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Deeb, K. M. and Deeb, J. M. (1982) Libya Since the Revolution: Aspects of Social and Political Development. New York: Praeger Publishers. Eljarh, M. (2011) The Research Reality in Libyan Higher Education. A Report published by the Libyan Herald, http://www.wordpress.com (accessed 15 April 2016). Elmajdob, A. (2004) The Roles Played by Relationships of Arab Expatriate Teachers in Libya: A Case Study. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Leeds. Hamdy, A. (2007) ICT in Education in Libya. Libya Country Report, http://www.infodev. org/en/Document.412.pdf (accessed 20 April 2016). Holliday, A. (1994) Appropriate Methodology and Social Context. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Macfarlane, M. (2000) English for Libya: Teachers’ Book. Reading, MA: Garnet Publishing Ltd. Orafi, S. (2013) Effective factors in the implementation of ELT curriculum innovations. Journal of Scientific Research 1: 14–21. Orafi, S. and Borg, S. (2009) Intensions and realities in implementing communicative curriculum reform. System 37: 243–253. Rhema, A. and Miliszeska, I. (2010) Towards E-Learning in higher education in Libyan. Issues in information Science and Information Technology 7: 424–437. Shamim, F. (1996) Learner resistance to innovation in classroom methodology. In H. Coleman (ed.), Society and the Language Classroom, 105–121. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tamtam, A., Gallanger, F., Olabi, A. and Naher, S. (2011) Higher education in Libya: System under stress. Social and Behavioural Science 29: 742–751. The Libyan National Commission for Education (2004) The Development of Education in the Great Jamahiriya: A National Report Presented to the International Conference on Education. Geneva, Switzerland. Tudor, I. (2001) The Dynamics of the Language Classroom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. UNESCO (1996). Education Advisory Mission to Libya. Paris.

16

Morocco: An Overview Martin Rose

Background In August 2013, King Mohamed VI addressed the nation on the subject of education. ‘I am indeed sad to note’, he said, ‘that the state of education is worse now than it was twenty years ago. … We still have a long, arduous journey ahead of us if we are to enable this sector to actually play its role as an engine for the achievement of economic and social advancement’ (MAP, 2014). The paradox of Moroccan education is that, like other countries in North Africa, it has contrived to combine, on the one hand, high levels of expenditure on education (around 5 per cent of GDP and over 20 per cent of government expenditure, for several decades) with indifferent performance. There has been steady progress towards the second Millennium Development Goal (MDG2) but, on the other hand, there is rampant illiteracy (79 per cent in 4th grade according to PIRLS in 2011) and, in HM the King’s widely accepted view, declining overall standards. This is the puzzle that needs solving.

Demography Morocco, once known as al-Maghreb al-Aqsa’, the ‘Furthest West’ is an outlier of the Arab world, and much of its large Berber, Tamazight-speaking population would baulk at its being described simply as an Arab country. The roots of its Arab-Berber identity, though they run eastward to the Arab Muslim heartlands, are just as firmly planted in inner West Africa and Iberia, and more recently in the large Moroccan expatriate communities of France, Belgium and the Netherlands. Morocco has close, if not always simple, relations with the European Union and a strong, turbulent relationship with France, the colonial power that ruled most of it from 1912 to 1955.

328

Education in the Arab World

Morocco’s population, like so much of the region, is young and growing. Of a total population, according to the 2014 census, of 33.8 million, about 33.5 per cent were under 18 and 10.1 per cent were under five. It will see continued growth of about 1 per cent per annum – the ‘Youth Bulge’ – until around 2030, when the primary school-age population will peak, with university-age population peaking a decade or so later (Bulletin Officiel, 2015; UNICEF, 2014). By 2050, while some other countries like Egypt and Libya, will still be approaching peak population, Morocco will have seen a drop of 13 per cent in its under-24s (WB, 2008). Other important aspects of Morocco’s human geography are its urbanization, at 60.1 per cent of the population, with continuing internal migration towards the towns, particularly the big coastal urban areas of Grand Casablanca-Settat (5 million), Rabat-Salé-Kenitra (3.2 million), Tangier-Tetouan-Al-Hoceima (2.1 million) and the three other cities – Marrakech, Fes and Agadir – with core populations of around a million (Bulletin Officiel, 2015). There is also considerable emigration, primarily to Spain and the three countries noted previously, with a net migration rate of 3.46 per thousand (IM, 2014). Much of this emigration is ‘illegal’; and (mostly young, male) Moroccans are noticeable among the present mass migration to Europe through Greece, as well as across the Mediterranean. Motivation is primarily economic: the lack of job prospects, closely associated with the failure of the education system, is an engine of migration. As the World Bank puts it drily: ‘One out of every three young Moroccans desires or plans to leave because of poor prospects’ (WB, 2012).

History Most of Morocco was a French protectorate for forty-three years, though the Mediterranean littoral and the Rif mountains behind it formed the Spanish zone, and Tangier had an international regime. Never technically a colony, the Sultan remaining sovereign though controlled by the French resident-general, French Morocco nevertheless found itself involuntary host to a large French and European population. By the end of the protectorate there were three times as many French civil servants in Morocco as there were British civil servants in the whole of India, with its population twenty times the size of Morocco’s (Porch, 1983). In 1936, Morocco’s European population was 206,500, or about 3.8 per cent of the total population of 5,405,000 (NID, 1942). This European population shaped education and education policy, taking up the vast majority of available resources. Education was highly differentiated, with most Muslim Moroccans

Morocco: An Overview

329

receiving at best a practical, low-level education designed to fit them for subaltern roles. French education policy was set in the first place by Georges Hardy, Maréchal Lyautey’s hand-picked educationalist, who was director of public instruction from 1919 to 1926. Hardy brought with him from French West Africa ‘an emphasis on ethnology and preservation of ethnic difference; … the French language as a tool of economic modernisation; a restricted pedagogy; a distrust of educated natives; a rigid and generalised view of native capabilities’. Under the influence of Lyautey’s romantic, authoritarian Orientalism, ‘the West African precedent would remain strong’ in Hardy’s system-design and management approach for Morocco, and in those of his successors (Segalla, 2009). At independence in 1956, Morocco boasted some 640 native university graduates (Segalla, 2009) including 19 doctors and 15 engineers. Illiteracy was around 80 per cent, and female illiteracy was close to universal (AbdelMoneim, 2016). This is hardly surprising, since even by 1950, despite a significant expansion in the years just before and after the Second World War, no more than 13 per cent of Moroccan children were being educated in French-run schools, and schools for Muslims received only about 20 per cent of the total education budget (Segalla, 2009). The legacy that independent Morocco received from its colonial power was very thin indeed, though there existed a small, francophone-educated class alongside the more traditionally educated Arabic-speaking graduates of the Qairouyine at Fes and the Yusufiya at Marrakech. Both these ancient and respected institutions were reformed into relative impotence by the French colonial authorities but remained the alma maters of a powerful traditional elite well into the 1970s (Eickelman, 1985, 2007).

Language and Literacy One of the most problematic aspects of the French legacy in education is language, with its closely associated problems of literacy. Morocco itself has its own spoken Arabic dialects, known collectively as Darija; and three main Berber dialects, regionally specific, called Tarifit (around 3 million speakers), Tashilhit (around 8 million) and Tamazight (around 3 million). Alongside these is the traditional language of education, religion and culture – classical Arabic, or FusHa; and a new standardized Tamazight which aims to conflate the three dialects, draws heavily on Tuareg to fill gaps, and is written in a custom-designed script called Tiffinagh used by no other written language

330

Education in the Arab World

in the world (Maddy-Weitzman, 2011). Modern Standard Arabic – a slightly simplified form of FusHa – is the official language of Morocco, with ‘Tamazight’, the standardized Berber language, also constitutionally recognized (the label ‘Tamazight’ is used synecdochically for all spoken Berber dialects as well, confusingly, as for the artificial common written language). French is the elite language of commerce, science education and secular culture. English and Spanish are also taught in school, the former becoming increasingly important (Coleman, 2015). After independence in 1955, the Arabization of the education system became a nationalist priority, symbolizing a break with the colonial past and the strengthening of ties with the Arab and Muslim worlds. It progressed in fits and starts, not least because of the acute shortage of Moroccan teachers. Many foreign Arab teachers were imported, especially from Egypt (bringing an Islamist baggage which is still active). Arabization was carefully paced and conscientiously planned at first, but implemented in its final stages in the mid1980s over a single generation of schoolchildren, in a great rush, with disastrous results in terms of educational achievement. As well as its negative impact on children in the public schools, Arabization is notable for what it left untouched – in other words, still in French – the lycées de mission, the private school sector, the science streams at secondary school and the elite science faculties of the universities. The Moroccan elite continues to educate its children, for the most part, in francophone institutions whose graduates have a preferential entry into high-level private sector jobs, and the general run of Moroccans are consigned to a less effective Arabic system (Vermeren, 2002, 2009). It is perhaps over-cynical to believe with Mohamed Chafik that the political architects of Morocco’s education system ‘wanted, as in Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World, to create a Beta class for the masses and an Alpha class for them and their children’, but this has arguably been an outcome of Arabization (Chafik, 2014). Meanwhile English is taught from the last year of collège onwards (i.e. from years 9–12), and is very popular; and Spanish is taught in the north, where the Spanish Protectorate left its own, albeit fading, linguistic legacy. In his 2013 speech, the king referred to the need to enhance foreign language teaching and opportunity, and English, French and Spanish versions of the Moroccan bac are being piloted. The demand for English in higher education is growing much stronger, too: the present minister of higher education said publically in 2013 that no Moroccan student who didn’t speak English could consider himself fully literate and went on to make English competence (at least in theory)

Morocco: An Overview

331

compulsory for those entering undergraduate engineering and science courses and for postgraduate study (Arbaoui, 2014). Far from being a unifying factor in Morocco, language is thus highly divisive. Reading and writing are taught in FusHa from the beginning of public primary schooling (as well as in religious preschool, or m’sid), a serious cultural rupture for Darija and Tamazight-speaking children. Many authorities believe that this enforced diglossia is a major contributor to illiteracy in Morocco. In PIRLS (2011) at grade 4, only 21 per cent of students reached the lower international benchmark in literacy (against an international median of 95 per cent), 7 per cent the intermediate (IM 80 per cent) and 1 per cent the advanced (IM 44 per cent). Thirty-three per cent of students had grades too low to be measured at all. Grade 6 students entered for the same test and naturally did better, with 61, 30 and 7 per cent respectively at the three levels – though this still represents 39 per cent illiteracy (percentages are cumulative), and even at this level 10 per cent of students performed below the threshold of measurability. At neither grade was there any significant attainment of the advanced international benchmark (PIRLS, 2011). There has been intense discussion of language in education, with the use in early years education of a form of written Darija eloquently advocated by, among others, the Zakoura Foundation, but strongly resisted in Parliament and government for reasons that are more political, religious and social than educational (Zakoura, 2013). This is despite the recognition that Darija is anyway widely used to support teaching in FusHa which is often simply not understood by pupils. The latest major government report on education reform in Morocco, the ‘Azziman Report’ of 2015, rejects the use of Darija in school. The final structural dimension of language use is a class divide. The French Protectorate authorities ‘failed to consider the existence of a complex Moroccan intellect hidden behind the epistemic curtain of mutually limited language proficiency’, and there is a sense in which this situation continues (Segalla, 2008). Pierre Vermeren writes that ‘linguistic competence is a social, economic and intellectual privilege …’ and it is one that, as King Mohamed VI observed in his 2013 speech, is not yet satisfactorily distributed. ‘It is necessary’, continues Vermeren, ‘to speak three or four languages at least, if one wants to succeed in your [sic] higher education or your professional life’ (Vermeren, 2008). The system of Lycées de Mission, French government lycées maintained after the end of the protectorate, still educates a significant segment of the upper class and provides a very narrow window of entry into elite opportunities: in 2014, 20,500 pupils were enrolled in this parallel system. In terms of social catchment, 45 per cent of

332

Education in the Arab World

Moroccan graduates from the Lycées de Mission since 1956 have come from 500 families; 34 per cent from 200 families; 27 per cent from 100 families and 15 per cent from 20 families (U’Hrou Hajar, 2008). The pupils at these institutions study in French, many (about 1,500 a year) take a French metropolitan baccalaureate, attend foreign universities (often French Grandes Ecoles) and dominate recruitment to management jobs in major enterprises. At Moroccan universities they are greatly advantaged in the study of elite science and mathematics subjects which are still today taught in French – a language-switch that can cause great difficulty for pupils of the largely Arabized public schools. One recent writer concludes: The implementation of Morocco’s language policy is in crisis. Insufficient attention has been given to the steps needed for the population to reach the desired levels of competence in Standard Arabic, Amazighe and French. Using Standard Arabic as the medium of instruction from Year 1 of primary school is not working and so consideration needs to be given to alternative – and possibly indirect – ways of developing competence in this language. Making use of the mother tongue offers such an alternative and in fact many teachers are already doing this on their own initiative. The first step must be to make people literate in their first languages and then gradually introduce them to Standard Arabic and other languages considered to be important. (Coleman, 2015)

Official literacy statistics are on the face of it much higher than PIRLS would suggest likely, with 71.8 per cent of Moroccans ‘literate’ in 2012 according to the National Literacy Survey (ENAM), and 81.5 per cent of 15–24-year-olds ‘literate’ in 2011 (World Bank). But the definition of literacy here is the conventional ‘can with understanding read and write a short, simple statement on their everyday life’, and literacy adequate for educational progression is considerably less widespread. More realistically, ANLCA, the Association Nationale pour la Lutte contre l’Analphabètisme, reported in 2012 that 28 per cent of those over the age of ten, and 38 per cent over the age of fifteen, were functionally illiterate (Monde, 2015). The lower figures attested by Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) and ANLCA are the ones that are significant for Morocco’s future.

The education system The Moroccan school system consists of a traditional sector which focuses at preschool but has ramifications throughout education; a large public education provision at all levels from preschool to university; a smaller but growing private

Morocco: An Overview

333

sector; and the French lycées de mission noted previously. The WEF Global Competitiveness Report 2015–16 was not very flattering in system quality, ranking Morocco 102/144 for overall quality of the education system and 104/144 for higher education and training (WEF, 2015–2016).

Traditional education Traditional education in Morocco begins (and mostly also ends) with the m’sid, which in its modern form is a preschool teaching reading, writing, arithmetic and a little Quran – memorization. Most pupils pass on to the public system for their primary education: a few remain, often transferring to more specialized ‘traditional’ m’sids for an education that centres on the memorization of the entire Quran and preparation for a religious career that may take successful students through the Qairouyyine University at Fes, though the religious education of the one remaining great urban madrasa has declined greatly in prestige and has drawn mostly rural, rather than urban, students since French reforms of the 1930s. After independence the m’sids became partially integrated into the national education system, dignified with the title ta’lim asli (‘original’ education). King Hassan II formalized a requirement for preschool education in a m’sid, renamed the system ta’lim asil (‘authentic’ education) and in 1968 appointed a state inspectorate. By 1980, there were 70,000 m’sids in Morocco and state inspection was hopelessly ineffective (Eickelman, 1985, 2007; Wagner and Lotfi, 1980). Writing in 1980, one authority commented that: The present-day msid resembles, in many ways, the modern conception of a preschool, though the materials and sometimes the strict pedagogical style seem different. Rather than supplanting the traditional schools, it would seem that modern Moroccan educational institutions have succeeded in adapting and integrating this once archaic pedagogy into a functioning and significant part of the overall educational system. The msid, which had remained the last segment of traditional education outside the sphere of influence of the central government, has finally become a part of the national educational system. (Wagner and Lotfi, 1980)

Whether or not this is an optimal solution to the challenge of literacy is highly debatable, and the literacy figures strongly indicate that it is not: Mohamed Chafik, director of the Collège Royale, once described the m’sid as ‘one of the principal causes of our civilizational retardation’ (Chafik, 2014). But in pragmatic terms, despite the growth of secular private preschool provision, the m’sid remains a significant element in the mix.

334

Education in the Arab World

Preschool education Morocco has one of the higher rates of preschool education in the region. UNESCO placed this at 67 per cent in 2010, but noted that without the m’sids it would be more like 10 per cent. The approach has been for the government to regulate this level but to leave actual provision to the private sector. In 2004, provision was ‘nearly 100 per cent private’, according to a government official. This leads, of course, to wide disparities of access, addressed in part under the Plan d’Urgence which addressed educational failings from 2009 to 2012, though provision remains thin and very uneven, with inevitable bias towards the urban and the better-off (UNESCO, 2007, 2010). The 2015 Azziman Report lays considerable stress on the extension of preschool education towards universality, and its integration into the primary level.

Public schools The public system is organized on a ‘6-3-3’ model, which is to say that it consists of a six-year compulsory primary stage (grades 1–6), followed by a three-year intermediate stage (grades 7–9) known as collège and three years (grades 10– 12) of secondary school (or lycée – not to be confused with the Lycée de Mission described previously). Primary education is free and universally available; intermediate and secondary are free but require the passing of exams for promotion. Progress from stage to stage is governed by these selective exams, culminating in the ‘bac’, the Moroccan school-leaving exam which acts as the filter for university entrance. Teaching throughout is generally traditional, with a high proportion of rote memorization and a very teacher-centred classroom. The exams are essentially tests of recall: ‘Memorisation and teaching to the exam became the most reasonable means for muddling through the large quantities of material for which the student was responsible in high-stakes exams’, as one analyst puts it, referring to the region as a whole, but with acute relevance to Morocco (Abdel Moneim, 2016). The primary sector is large at about four million children (85 per cent of Moroccan children are in the public system, under 15 per cent in private primary schools), and enrolment is high, at 117 per cent for boys and 110.3 per cent for girls – though the net attendance figures (96.8 and 95.6 per cent) indicate the troublingly high levels of redoublage, the repeating of years which is the bane of many French-influenced Arab education systems. Dropouts at primary run at 3.1 per cent, down from 6.1 per cent as recently as 2004. Progress

Morocco: An Overview

335

from primary to collège is a slight but not acute taper, with 1.46 million children in college and an enrolment rate that is rising fast, from 60.3 per cent in 2000 to 79.1 per cent in 2010. These figures hide a sharp urban-rural divide, with 97.4 per cent progression in town and 59.1 per cent in the country (UNESCO, 2011; UNICEF, 2014). Secondary school, consisting of one year of a core syllabus, the tronc commun, followed by two years of specialized streaming by subject, is smaller at 871,000, though it is growing fast and in 2010 absorbed 52.8 per cent of collège graduates as against 37.2 per cent in 2000. Within these figures is hidden a marked bias towards urban schools and a growing preponderance of girls. By this stage girls are numerically dominant: at primary, boys outnumbered girls by 1.04 to 1 in 2010 (down from 1.07 in 2000). At secondary this proportion reverses, dropping to 0.87 (down from 0.97 in 2000). Transfer to tertiary education is governed by the bac, success in which allows entrance to open faculties, though not automatically to elite faculties like medicine with a numerus clausus or to the Grandes Ecoles (the latter generally requiring two years of additional preparatory classes). The bac pass-rate has risen notably in recent years, from 42.5 per cent in 2009 to 57.3 per cent in 2012. Rising raw numbers combined with rising percentages means a swiftly growing university population: in 2000–2008 an average of 95,000 passed the bac each year. In 2009–2013 that figure hit an average of 164,000, with a peak of 210,000 in 2010. Given the ‘Youth Bulge’ working its way up the system, it can be assumed that university student numbers will grow dramatically, whatever restraints are applied to bac pass-rates, until about 2040 (Rose, 2015a).

Higher education The higher education system is expanding to meet this need but struggling to keep up with phenomenal growth rates. In 2009, the public universities had 293,600 students: by 2011 they had 543,300, an increase of 85 per cent in two years (UNESCO, 2011). The 2015/2016 student population is a little below 700,000, and Ministry of Higher Education projections show 800,000 public university students by 2020 – still twenty years or so before projected peak demand (ADB, 2013). With a devastating retirement profile for faculty already thinned by voluntary early retirement, (L’Economiste noted in 2015 that Morocco would need immediately to recruit 18,000 more university teachers on top of the current 12,000 if it was to meet the OECD mean student-faculty ratio), maintaining even the quality of today looks highly problematic.

336

Education in the Arab World

Morocco has fifteen public universities, though the number fluctuates with division and amalgamation: after a period of new institutions like the Universities of Settat and Beni Mellal, created by independence from mothercampuses (Al-Jadida and Marrakech), there have recently been amalgamations of the two universities in each of Rabat and Casablanca. New universities are planned from existing sub-campuses like that at Errachidia. There is also one public-private English language university in Al-Akhawayn, and a second, new institution, the Université Polytéchnique Mohamed VI at Beni Guérir, a partnership between the state and the Office Chérifien des Phosphates. Some sixty-one specialized colleges cater for the training of every profession from pilots to judges and architects to senior civil servants. Some of these are what are known as ‘Grandes Ecoles’ and they fall directly under the authority of the ministry whose senior cadres are being trained, rather than that of the Ministry of Higher Education. The system is under enormous strain, and reform is very difficult indeed while growth proceeds at the present rate; student-faculty ratios sag and per-capita budgets decline in a system that is effectively free to all who pass the bac. Institutions and faculties with restricted entry are in a position to maintain standards: those with unlimited access have an almost insuperable task. Choice of faculty is much coloured by a lack of language skills (one of the factors militating for the popularity of Islamic studies, a new discipline that replaced philosophy in most universities in the 1980s), and by the tradition of indiscriminate employment by the fonction publique – the civil service – of all graduates regardless of marks or subject. The latter tradition has definitively ended, as the fonction publique reached and passed saturation point, with recruitment progressively pruned after 1983, and graduates of Islamic studies are a large part of the body of unemployed. But more generally, Moroccans gravitate towards the humanities and social sciences, encouraged (by means of the protective walls around selective faculties) by a financially pressed government which grasps gratefully at the lower unit cost of these subjects. Some 74 per cent of all Moroccan students are in the humanities and social sciences, a figure only surpassed by Saudi Arabia and Palestine (WB, 2008). They make up the majority of the chômeurs diplomés, the graduate unemployed, and the minister of higher education, Lahcen Daoudi, said of them in 2015: ‘The fate of most humanities and law students is unemployment’ (FT, 2015). A part, but probably only a relatively small part, of the solution is the growing number of private tertiary institutions, mainly clustered in Rabat and Casablanca. These number around 200 and range from major and excellent

Morocco: An Overview

337

institutions like Mondiapolis at Casablanca, Universiapolis at Agadir and l’Université Internationale de Rabat, down to much smaller and often less effective businesses. In 2015–2016, 35,000 students (some 5 per cent of the total) were in private universities and colleges, and the government target is 20 per cent: private provision is seen as a major contributor to the education of Moroccans, its expansion urgently necessary given the alarming projections of growth cited previously. But the private sector has a long way to go before it can take any real strain off the public universities: for now it seems primarily to cream off the rich and able, in yet another manifestation of educational separatism. An official at the Ecole de Gouvernance et d’Economie, another elite institution of special status, comments drily that ‘the government is unable to introduce changes in the public system, so it has been compelled to find another solution. It’s easier to start small, new universities than to reform the big ones’ (FT, 2015). Like Tunisia and Algeria, Morocco has adopted the Bologna Process LMD system (2003), which is seen as key to internationalizing the country’s higher education sector (though it is also widely blamed for falling standards). This campaign of internationalization has set out to attract foreign investment in university partnerships, and has had some successes. Moroccan universities are involved in TEMPUS and Erasmus Mundus projects with European partners, and the country sends a great many students abroad – some 43,000 in 2013/2014. But it is clear that much of the internationalization is an elite phenomenon, with graduates of the Lycées de Mission and private institutions dominating study abroad. Furthermore, it is notable that not only are many of Morocco’s finest scholars living in the diaspora and researching in France, Spain and the Netherlands – but that a foothold abroad is also seen as necessary for scholars in Morocco with any kind of serious world-class scholarly aspiration. It is notable that one Moroccan university – Cadi Iyyad in Marrakech – appeared in the world’s top 1,000 universities in 2016 (THES, 2016). Academic citations ran at 1.5 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2010, down from 1.6 in 2000, suggesting a sluggishness in research confirmed by the three patents filed by Moroccan researchers in 2009 (WB, 2011; WIPO, 2014). Four million or so Moroccans with university degrees have emigrated, ‘taking their knowledge elsewhere’, with 8,000 Moroccan doctors practising across the world and 350 in Québec alone (ICEF, 2015).

Transnational students Morocco is both a sender and a receiver of transnational students. There is a steady traffic of Moroccan students abroad: 44,161 Moroccans studied abroad

338

Education in the Arab World

in 2012, 65.2 per cent of them in France, 7.3 per cent in Spain, 6.1 per cent in Germany and 4 per cent in Italy. In France, they always form the largest single bloc of foreigners, at 11.8 per cent of all overseas students in 2014/2015: they divide almost equally between undergraduate (45 per cent) and master’s (51 per cent), the balance (4 per cent) studying for doctorates, and are predominantly – about a third – in the STEM subjects (CF, 2015; IIE, 2015). On the other hand, there is a significant inflow of mainly African students into Morocco on government AMCI scholarships. This number has expanded from 1,040 in 1994 to over 10,000 today, testifying to Morocco’s thickening relationship with West African countries. Students focus in particular on engineering, law and medicine.

Vocational education Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) is often seen, as in many countries of the region, as a second-class educational route, with lower entry thresholds and lower outcomes, not enjoying parity of esteem. It should be providing a significant part of the answer to Morocco’s unemployment problems through the provision of workplace skills – a task capably fulfilled by some of the best institutions with special status, like ESITH, the textile trades college at Casablanca. The system generally is overseen by the Office de la Formation Professionelle et de la Promotion du Travail, which supervises the majority of the 237 institutions in the public sector. It is divided into four levels, with intakes ranging from primary school leavers to secondary (bac) graduates. Total numbers in 2010 were 290,000 and the population of the system was growing overall at about 9.5 per cent per year – but this masks a falling uptake of technical education at the secondary level and above, in tune with trends across the region. Outcomes of technical education are not entirely reassuring. The World Bank notes a disaggregated unemployment rate for TVET graduates of 19.7 per cent in 2011, and for short-course TVET graduates 25.2 per cent. These compare with a national unemployment rate of 10.2 per cent and a youth (15–24) rate of about 20.2 per cent. TVET graduates are on the face of it at least better placed in the labour market than ‘open enrolment’ public university graduates with 22.7 per cent unemployment, and secondary school leavers (19.2 per cent) but only marginally so – and the figures for TVET graduates rise significantly at three years after graduation, to 31.9 per cent (ADB, 2013).

Morocco: An Overview

339

Employment The test of a successful education system is – at least in developmental terms – its ability to get young people into the workforce with qualifications that employers respect and want. While this is a problem that requires both the education system and the labour market to adapt, in Morocco both are being slow to do so. Against a background of general unemployment of 9.5–10 per cent in late 2015, that of the educated (like other countries in North Africa) increases significantly with each stage of education reached. The Haut Commissariat au Plan reported in 2010 an alarming progression from 4 per cent unemployment among those with no education, to 19.2 per cent among those with the bac and 22.7 per cent for graduates of non-selective university faculties. This contrasts dramatically with a 5.4 per cent unemployment rate for graduates of the Grandes Ecoles and selective faculties (CES, 2011; Molina, 2014). The failure of the education system to create and market an effective workforce is notable, and owed in large part to the inherent conservatism of a system designed in colonial and immediate post-colonial times to provide general purpose graduates to the public sector. Today, only 5 per cent of young people are in public sector jobs, and recruitment has slowed to a snail’s pace. The change of direction started in 1983 under IMF dictate, when a previous annual intake of 30–50,000 graduates was reduced to a maximum of 15,000. Since then there has been a fractious imbalance between the contracting availability of public sector jobs and the insistent appetite of graduates for those posts. Well-paid, well-pensioned and frequently undemanding enough to allow a second job, the fonction publique has been an almost universal aspiration for the educated young, and while the graduate output of Morocco’s universities was small, was able to absorb it. The reduction of recruitment and the very rapid increase of student numbers form a toxic mix. Graduates demonstrate regularly close to Parliament in the centre of Rabat demanding ‘unconditional and uncompetitive absorption’ into the civil service, and the chômeur diplomé has become an all too familiar figure in Morocco, living as long as possible on family means while waiting doggedly for a public sector job that will probably never come. There is little visible interest in jobs relating to actual skillsets – the demand is, understandably enough, for a salary and work of any kind. This phenomenon is subject specific. As noted, unemployment for graduates of the Grandes Ecoles and selective faculties is only 5.4 per cent: the problem is concentrated heavily among humanities and social science

340

Education in the Arab World

graduates (75.4 per cent of the student body), and among these, more specifically, as Driss Guerraoui, the country’s leading expert on le chômage diplomé has observed, fully 80 per cent of the graduate unemployed are graduates in Arabic literature, Islamic studies, chemistry, biology and physics (Guerraoui, 2013). This list is worth unpacking briefly. That Arabic literature graduates flounder in the job-market testifies to a fast-changing linguistic landscape – as late as the 1970s they dominated the public service, and classical Arabic remained the language of the public administration. Islamic studies is a discipline for monolingual students of low aspiration; its introduction in the 1980s was designed to displace the teaching of philosophy which the king saw as radicalizing the country’s students: its employment prospects are dismal. And the three basic sciences are taught for the annual concours to recruit science teachers: the great majority who do not succeed in the concours are not suitably qualified for industry and tend to remain jobless. It is, in other words, a perfect example of the consequences of a non-adaptive education system in a fast-changing environment. As one commentator puts it: ‘The public sector not only regulates the education and training system – with very little involvement of employers – but is also its main client … as a result the education system has created signals for public sector hiring rather than equipping graduates with the employability capital needed to succeed in the wider labour market’ (WB, 2013a). In a fast-globalizing labour market where transversal skills are paramount and the public sector is contracting, this is a very fragile situation. The system, though it is changing up to a point, is still educating for the past. The skills acquired are not what employers need – and the labour market is chronically inefficient, rated 123rd out of 140 in the WEF’s 2015–2016 Global Competitiveness Survey (WEF, 2015–2016), while 31 per cent of Moroccan employers polled in 2008 cited the lack of suitable graduate skills as a major obstacle to starting and expanding businesses (WB, 2011). Future senior managers in the private sector are frequently recruited outside the country, from elite students at French institutions, using specialized job-fairs in Paris. A significant proportion of graduates tends to be employed in the informal sector, where conditions can be wretched, or prolong their studies at postgraduate level, simply deferring entering a hostile labour market without enhancing the skills that they bring to it. There are valiant and interesting experiments in career guidance and tracking going on at present (for example, Hassan I University at Settat is working with the African Development Bank on a graduate employment observatory

Morocco: An Overview

341

and carrying out detailed longitudinal studies of its graduates’ employment), but structural problems – above all the vast preponderance of students in the humanities and social sciences, ill-adapted for a private sector labour market – remain daunting. Morocco is slightly insulated from the enormity of problems in some its neighbours by having a relatively smaller public sector to begin with, though advantages are only relative – the World Bank reported in 2008 that the 10 per cent of the workforce then in the public sector absorbed 51 per cent of the government budget (WB, 2008). As the African Development Bank points out in a recent report on North Africa, ‘the disastrous quality of education produces a workforce which has neither the competences nor the basic knowledge which the labour market requires [emphasis added]’. It goes on: One of the deep, recurrent causes of unemployment is the poor relationship between graduates’ qualifications and employers’ needs. Graduates have a one-dimensional education characterised by limited competences, a narrow employment profile and weak mobility. Added to this is the fact that the rapid growth of the student population hasn’t always been followed by a proportionate development in terms of quality of teaching infrastructure, or of the creation of the necessary number of new jobs. (BAD, 2015)

Reform and its politics There has, of course, been recognition of the problems posed by the education system and a series of attempts to reform it going back decades. That they have been inconsistent is another point made obliquely but forcefully by the king in his 2013 speech: Unfortunately, the gains made since [the Plan d’Urgence’s] implementation was started have not been consolidated. On the contrary, some of its basic components, namely aspects related to syllabus change, primary school curriculum and high schools of excellence, have been dropped, without consulting or coordinating with the parties concerned. In view of the above, the current government should have capitalised on the positive experience gained in the field of education and training, especially as this is a crucial project that will span several decades. It hardly makes sense for each government to come with a new plan every five years, and disregard previous programmes, particularly as no government will ever have the time, during a single mandate, to fully implement its project. The education sector should, therefore, not be

342

Education in the Arab World

included in the sphere of purely political matters, nor should its management be subjected to outbidding tactics or party politics. Rather, it should be part of a cultural, economic and social approach aimed at training and preparing human resources who can be incorporated into a dynamic development process, through an efficient education system. (MAP, 2013)

This is an unequivocal reproof to the nation’s politicians, summing up in some frustration the zig-zag progress of education reform over several decades. That progress has combined altruism and narrow self-interest; understanding of the need for an educated labour force and fear of its political consequences; great imagination, and great fear of change; an impatient secular modernism; and an often fearful but pugnacious religious traditionalism. It has consisted of grandiose reports and sweeping statements, not all of which have led to effective action. Independence brought the need for a new educated class: there were few educated Moroccans in 1955, and there was a much greater need for technicians, engineers, lawyers, teachers, administrators and doctors. The first generation, the ‘independence generation’, was given unprecedented opportunities, at school and university, for the education they needed to fill the places of departing colonial civil servants and take their own part in the building of the nation: ‘These first decades constituted a big opportunity for young, literate, urban men’. Education became the engine of upward social mobility with financial support and effectively guaranteed jobs in the rapidly expanding civil service (Vermeren, 2002, 2008). The system itself did not at first change substantially: the small Moroccan elite around the new king saw no obvious reason to alter greatly the system from which they themselves had largely benefitted, and the old colonial system was simply expanded. By 1970, about half of Morocco’s children were attending school of some sort. National pride demanded that the system be Arabized, but in practical terms this meant importing teachers in large numbers from Egypt. Universities and Grandes Ecoles were created on the French model, and students were sent to France for higher and postgraduate education: the elite remained very French-orientated. Only in the 1970s did the direct French influence on public education – the large numbers of French teachers – begin to wane dramatically. Arabic replaced French in most of the nation’s classrooms and traditional classroom methods reasserted themselves – rote memorization and regurgitation were the fruit of this decolonization process, not just direct long-term inheritances from the Islamic past (Vermeren, 2002, 2008).

Morocco: An Overview

343

In the 1980s, the Arabization process in schools was completed on the watch of Education Minister Azzedine Laraki in an ill-planned and damaging haste. While the public classrooms changed, and ordinary Moroccans were cut off from the educational escalator that the system had hitherto provided, the elite retained its own educational privileges: ‘It is quite impossible for most students in Morocco’, writes Pierre Vermeren, ‘to be truly fluent in French and Arabic if they attend ordinary state schools. For such students there is practically no possibility to succeed at University, since all the scientific disciplines and medicine are taught exclusively in French’ (Vermeren, 2002, 2008). The post-independence window of opportunity closed with the 1970s. Student unrest in France in the late 1960s alarmed King Hassan II who famously declared of his own restive students and intellectuals, ‘If no one wants to till the soil, if we all become intellectuals, we shall have to eat pencils’. At the king’s instance, education was re-traditionalized, with new emphasis on Islamic Studies and m’sid Quranic schools. The universities entered a period of backpedalling and obscurantism from the early 1970s as student numbers were held down to spare a saturated public service and avoid corrosive graduate mass unemployment. In the 1980s the education system regressed, with falling enrolment at primary level, especially among boys. It was only in the 1990s that Morocco began to emerge from this dark period of educational stasis (Monjib, 2013). Starting in 1995, when a World Bank report excoriated the quality and state of Morocco’s education system and human capital, more systematic attempts at reform have been made. The Commission spéciale d’éducation et de formation (COSEF) reported to the king in 1999 in much the same terms as the World Bank, and was followed by the National Charter in 2000, a ringing declaration of education reform, extension and decentralization as national priorities. By 2005, the charter needed reinforcement from the Cadre stratégique pour le développement du système éducatif – the Strategic Framework – developed with Canada’s CIDA, but this was under-resourced and disappointing in its impact. By 2009, another new impetus was needed and was provided by the € 3 billion Plan d’Urgence – the Emergency Plan – which grew out of yet another negative report, this time from the powerful Conseil Economique et Sociale in 2008. The Plan d’Urgence was designed to run for three years (2009–2012) both to consolidate the real achievements of the period since the National Charter and to lay the foundation for the next programme, l’Ecole de Demain – Tomorrow’s School – which was to launch in 2012. Designed to enforce reform at institutional and local academy level through closely monitored contracts, it

344

Education in the Arab World

achieved some notable successes, but was in several respects a disappointment. In late 2013, the World Bank reported that the level of education quality remains low despite these reforms. The 2011 editions of the international Trends in Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) showed low learning achievement scores for Moroccan Grade 4 and Grade 8 students compared to those from other participating countries. In Grade 4 mathematics, for example, 74 per cent of Moroccan students did not reach even the lowest of four benchmark levels, while none at all reached the highest benchmark level. (WB, 2013)

The king’s intervention of August 2013 seemed to herald a new phase, making quite clear that delivery to date had been unsatisfactory. He appointed a technocratic minister of education in Rachid Belmokhtar, formerly president of the Englishlanguage University of al-Akhawayn, and he made clear his continuing interest in delivery. The Higher Council of Education was re-invigorated under the presidency of Omar Azziman, a former Minister of Justice and Ambassador to Spain, and charged with a wide-ranging review of education in Morocco. After a long period of reflection, it reported in late 2015. The Azziman Report is a resounding declaration of excellent and unexceptionable principles, noting progress to date but also persistent ‘chronic dysfunctions’. Notable is the commitment to extend language learning, so that Moroccan pupils have Arabic, Tamazight, French and English (the last, eventually, from the fourth year of primary). Equally notable is the fact that Darija goes entirely unmentioned: the risk of engrained diglossia, in other words, remains very great. Other guiding principles include the replacement of a culture of rote learning with one of critical thinking, personal project-work, knowledge, competences and IT – all in support of a knowledge-producing society. preschool and non-formal education receive laudable attention; the parity of esteem between academic and TVET streams is stressed (along with increased mobility between them). Autonomy under regionalization is stressed – ‘institutional autonomy is a central pivot of the educational system’ (Azziman, 2015).

Conclusion The Azziman Report proposes, albeit as statements of high principle, answers to many of the key problems and criticisms of recent years. The move from rote learning to critical thinking is absolutely crucial, as is the re-engineering

Morocco: An Overview

345

of the education system so that it becomes geared to a knowledge-producing society. Stress on addressing the many remaining inequities – the fact that despite massive horizontal extension, 79 per cent of urban boys but only 26 per cent of rural girls go to lower-secondary school, for instance – is crucial (WB, 2013b). So is renewed emphasis on non-formal education and adult literacy, on educating the handicapped, on validating TVET and on empowering schools at a local level. If adequately funded, this is all very positive. However, there are caveats to be entered. Above all, it is hard to see how Morocco’s disastrous literacy problems can be addressed without tackling the structural diglossia (or even triglossia) of the education system through allowing a role at primary for the mother-tongues. Just as important is the problem of the teaching profession, unionized, conservative (even at times Luddite) – but above all desperately understaffed. More than a third of all teachers in Morocco are over 50, and the retirement profile is accelerating dramatically, especially at lycée level, while training standards and entry levels are dropping to the point where ‘We have moved from targeted training to mass training’ (Nazih, 2016). The challenge is great, and the window of opportunity closing. But Morocco is vastly advantaged by the – still – small size of its education sector. One neighbour, Algeria, has almost 1.3 million students in its universities, double Morocco’s complement. Egypt’s education system is larger than the entire population of Tunisia. Morocco has still got a little leeway, although ‘peak education’ is approaching fast. The prescription is simple enough, and well expressed by Kamal Braham of the World Bank: Education is a long term investment that requires sustained efforts and consistent policies. Morocco has made impressive achievements in improving access to education but additional efforts are needed to ensure equal opportunities, particularly for girls and rural communities, and to improve the quality of learning. (WB, 2013b)

References Abdel-Moneim, Mohamed Alaa. (2016) A Political Economy of Arab Education: Policies and Comparative Perspectives. New York: Routledge. African Development Bank (2013) Analysis of the Education and Training Sector. Morocco, Tunis: ADB. Arbaoui, L. (2014). Morocco’s Minister of Higher Education: Students Must Master English to Access Science Universities, http://www.moroccoworldnews.

346

Education in the Arab World

com/2014/09/139305/moroccos-minister-of-higher-education-students-mustmaster-english-to-access-science-universities/. Azziman (2015) Pour une Ecole de l’Equité, de la Qualité et de la Promotion: Vision Stratégique de la Réforme 2015–2030. Rabat: Conseil Supérieur de l’Education, de la Formation et de la Recherche Scientifique. BAD (2015) Pour une réforme fondamentale des modes d’enseignement dans la région MENA, African Development Bank Working Paper. Bulletin Officiel (2015) Government of Morocco, Bulletin Officiel no. 6354, 23 April 2016. Campus France (2015) Maroc, http://ressources.campusfrance.org/publi_institu/etude_ prospect/stats_pays/fr/maroc_fr.pdf. CES (2011). Rapport du Conseil Economique et Social, Emploi des Jeunes. Rabat: CES. Chafik (2014). Dialogue avec Mohamed Chafiq: Un chanter de la diversité. In D. Ksikes and F. Ait Mous (eds.), Le metier d’Intellectuel, Dialogues avec quinze penseurs du Maroc. Casablanca: Les Presses de l’Université Citoyen. Coleman, Hywel (2015) Developing Language Skills in Morocco: A Review and Recommendations. Rabat: British Council. Eickelman, Dale F. (1985) Knowledge and Power in Morocco. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Eickelman, Dale F. (2007) Madrasas in Morocco: Their vanishing public role. In R. Hefner and M. Q. Zaman (eds.), Schooling Islam. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Guerraoui, D. (1–7 November 2013) Le chômage des jeunes et l’experience de recrutement dans la function publique, L’Observateur du Maroc 235. Hassi and Storti (2014) Vocational education in Morocco: Between internal and external performance indicators, http://library.iated.org/view/HASSI2012VOC. ICEF Monitor (25 April 2014) Sub-Saharan students in Morocco: Both welcomed and shunned, http://monitor.icef.com/2014/04/sub-saharan-students-in-morocco-bothwelcomed-and-shunned/. ICEF Monitor (9 February 2015) Morocco still aiming to boost higher education quality and access, http://monitor.icef.com/2015/02/morocco-still-aiming-boost-educationquality-access/. IIE (2015) Project atlas: France, http://www.iie.org/Services/Project-Atlas/France/ International-Students-In-France. Index Mundi (2014) http://www.indexmundi.com/morocco/demographics_profile. html. Maddy-Weitzman, B. (2011) The Berber Identity Movement and the Challenge to North African States. Austin: University of Texas Press. MAP (20 August 2013) HM the king delivers speech to nation on occasion of 60th anniversary of revolution of king and people, full text: Agence Marocaine de Presse, http://www.map.ma/en/activites-royales/hm-king-delivers-speech-nation-occasion60th-anniversary-revolution-king-and-peopl.

Morocco: An Overview

347

Molina, Juan Carlos Benitez, et al. (2014) Youth Transition to the Labour Market in Morocco. Chicago: Harris School of Public Policy, http://harris.uchicago.edu/sites/ default/files/2014%20Morocco%20IPP%20Paper_0.pdf. Monde (8 September 2015) Maroc: Près d’un tiers de la population toujours analphabète, http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2015/09/08/maroc-pres-d-untiers-de-la-population-toujours-analphabete_4748519_3212.html. Monjib, M. (March 2013) Haro sur les intellectuels, Zamane. Naval Intelligence Division (1942) Geographical Handbook to Morocco, vol. 2. London. Nazih, A. (9 February 2016) Formation des profs: n’importe qui fait n’importe quoi! L’Economiste, http://www.leconomiste.com/article/984258-formation-des-profsnimporte-qui-fait-n-importe-quoi#sthash.Iwc7ad9U.dpuf, http://www.leconomiste. com/article/984258-formation-des-profsn-importe-qui-fait-n-importe-quoi. PIRLS (2011) Assessment. Copyright © 2013 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA). TIMSS & PIRLS International Study Center, Lynch School of Education, Boston College. Porch, Douglas (1983) The Conquest of Morocco. New York: Knopf. Rose, M. (2015a) Education in North Africa Since Independence: Country Profile Morocco. Tunis: British Council. Rose, M. (2015b) Education in North Africa Since Independence: Report. Tunis: British Council. Rose, M. (2015c) Immunising the Mind: How Can Education Reform Contribute to Neutralising Violent Extremism? (working paper). London: British Council. Segalla, Spencer D. (2009) Moroccan Soul: French Education, Colonial Ethnology and Muslim Resistance, 1912–56. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. U’Hrou Hajar, Moha (2008) La Mission Française au Maroc vs La Mission de l’Ecole Marocaine, (no publication data, Er-Rachidia). UNESCO (February 2007) 2004 Policy Brief no. 20, Policy Brief on Early Childhood. UNESCO (2010) Education au Maroc: Analyse du Secteur. Rabat: UNESCO. UNESCO (2011) EFA/EPA Report 2011, http://planipolis/iiep/unesco.org/upload/ Morocco/Morocco_Rapport_EPT_2011.pdf. UNICEF (2014) Country Data, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/morocco_ statistics.html. Vermeren, P. (2002) Ecole, élite et pouvoir au Maroc et en Tunisie au XXe siècle, Rabat: Alizés. Vermeren, P. (2009) The North African Educational Challenge: From colonisation to the current alleged Islamist Threat. Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies 14(2): 49–64. Wagner, Daniel A. and Lotfi, Abdelhamid (1980) Traditional Islamic education in Morocco: Sociohistorical and psychological perspectives. Comparative Education Review 24(2): 238–251. WB (2008) The Road Not Travelled: Education Reform in the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank.

348

Education in the Arab World

WB (2011) Breaking Even or Breaking Through: Reaching Financial Sustainability While Providing High Quality Standards in Higher Education in the Middle East and North Africa. Marseilles: CMI/World Bank. WB (2012) Kingdom of Morocco, Promoting Youth Opportunities and Participation, Report No. 68731 – MOR. Washington, DC: World Bank. WB (2013a) Jobs for Shared Prosperity: Time for Action in the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. WB (11 September 2013b) Maintaining Momentum on Education Reform in Morocco, http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/09/11/maintaining-momentumon-education-reform-in-morocco. WIPO World Intellectual Property Indicators (2014) http://www.wipo.int/ipstats/en/ staistics/patents, http://www.wipo.int/edocs/pubdocs/en/wipo_pub_941_2014.pdf. World Economic Forum. (2015–2016) Global Competitiveness Index 2015–16, http://reports. orum.org/global-competitiveness-report-2015-2016/the-globalcompetitiveness-index-2015-2016/. Zakoura (2013) Le Chemin de la Reussite: Actes du Colloque International sur l’Education. Casablanca: Zakoura Foundation.

17

Sudan: An Overview David Johnson

Introduction The politics of post-independence education (1956–1964) During its independence in 1956, Sudan was reportedly the largest country in Africa as per a census. It had a population of 10,262,536 (Kitchen, 1962). Twothirds of the population were Arabic-speaking Muslims living in northern and central sectors, from whom came the country’s intellectual and governing elite. Meanwhile, a number of semi-nomadic groups speaking thirty-two separate languages and about 250 dialects lived south of the 12th parallel, in Bilad-alSudan, literally meaning the ‘land of the blacks’. The illiteracy rate at independence was comparatively low; perhaps because adult education was introduced into Sudan in 1939, with the primary emphasis being on increasing the literacy rate of the population. With respect to formal education, the post-colonial government placed high priority on the expansion of educational opportunities and standardization of the syllabus. It argued that ‘political unity must be protected for the long run by the gradual establishment of a common language, common cultural identity’, and as many believed, a common religion (Kitchen, 1962). In April 1957, it announced its decision to nationalize the Christian mission schools operating in the three southern provinces. Under British rule, 274 Roman Catholic schools and a smaller number of Protestant missions were virtually responsible for the provision of education in the south. As Britain made the case that mission schools were necessary because of a shortage of indigenous teaching staff, Sudanese nationalists were convinced that missionary education was part of a nefarious divide-and-rule policy. They argued that the missions were more concerned with religious conversions than

350

Education in the Arab World

with education and with the institutionalization of local vernacular languages through their transliteration into Latin script. The official justification for the reforms introduced in 1957 was that the mission schools – in contrast to parochial and other private schools in Europe and the United States – were offering a standard of education below that provided in state schools. A government minister at the time had this to say: The … aim is the unification of the two systems so that all may be offered the same opportunities and so that they may have the same school atmosphere. To achieve the ministry has entrusted to a committee of masters led by an expert in languages the task of writing booklets in the different southern dialects but in the Arabic alphabet as a first step towards teaching Arabic. We have also sent some masters to America to specialise in the science of languages and on their return they will carry on that work. (Sayyid Ziada Arbab; public address, October 1959)

For their part, Catholic mission schools argued that nationalization was a form of religious persecution. The government denied this pointing out that mission churches were open and that there was no intent to prevent them from carrying out their religious work. Although courses in Christianity were still taught by missionaries in the government schools for children requesting it, nationalized schools were placed under the supervision of a government-appointed director and the syllabus became increasingly more circumscribed. It was not therefore surprising that Friday was declared the official day of rest in the south as in the rest of the country rather than Sunday as before. Interestingly, criticisms of Britain’s educational policies in the Sudan were largely directed to their perceived political and religious spread and influence. There was no significant break with the methodology of teaching. In the established school system of the north, educational aims and techniques remained closely patterned on those introduced by Britain before independence. A number of British teachers were still employed in the state system, particularly as English, mathematics and science teachers at the upper level were in high demand. The implementation of new directives for instruction in Arabic at the elementary school level was delayed because of a shortage of qualified staff, especially in the south. English was introduced as a compulsory subject for ten hours per week at the intermediate level, and it became the language of instruction at the secondary and university level. Although the primary educational objectives in the first five years of independence were the consolidation and the unification of the system, there was also a concerted effort to build more schools to meet rising population needs.

Sudan: An Overview

351

The adoption of a five-year school expansion and consolidation programme in 1957 yielded impressive results and by 1960 an estimated 1.6 million Sudanese children of school age (nearly 17 per cent of the school-aged population) were attending school. A third of those were outside the state education system – in more than 1,000 supervised but sub-standard traditional khalwa religious schools of the Islamic north and the Christian village schools in the southern provinces, which gave only rudimentary instruction in reading, writing and arithmetic and in the Quran. School-leaving examinations were formal and centrally controlled and closely patterned on the British system. Indeed, the ‘Sudan School Certificate’ was a joint award of the University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate and the Sudan Examinations Council. Students who completed four years of elementary school were eligible to choose either academic or technical intermediate schools. When British educators first introduced the concept of technical education, there was considerable initial resistance to the warsha or workshop school. But this was rapidly overcome. There were twelve technical intermediate schools in operation in 1960 with 1,413 pupils and a long waiting list. The schools offered carpentry, metalwork, practical drawing, workshop technology, science and general subjects and the graduates filled vital needs in Sudan’s developing economy. On the other hand, the aim of the secondary academic school was, according to official Sudanese statements, ‘to meet the requirements of life in towns and to serve as a feeder to the university’ (Kitchen, 1962). By 1960, there were thirteen government secondary schools for boys and two for girls. The total enrolment was 5,603. The expansion of the school system benefitted girls but that did not necessarily ensure parity in enrolment. While all efforts to introduce education for Sudanese girls were heavily resisted before independence, attitudes by the time independence came seem to have changed. In 1924, there were only 5 elementary schools for girls but by 1945 there were nearly 100; and by 1958 there were nearly 213 elementary schools and 22 at the intermediate level. In 1960, official figures showed 42,935 girls in government elementary schools as compared with 116,998 boys and 490 girls attending secondary schools. Girls had access to higher education and were allowed to attend either the University of Khartoum, the Khartoum branch of Cairo University, one of the two teacher training schools for women or a nursing college. There were fifty-two women

352

Education in the Arab World

students enrolled at the University of Khartoum in 1960 and thirty at the Cairo University (Kitchen, 1962). The training of Sudanese teachers, the publication of educational texts and the testing of teaching materials for their suitability to local Sudanese conditions were functions of the Bakht-er-Ruda Institute, seventy miles outside of Khartoum. This institute was founded in 1934 originally to train elementary school masters for rural areas. It exists to this day; its functions as a curriculum development and testing institute, largely intact. In 1964, all missionaries were expelled from southern Sudan (Eprile, 1974), and educational provision in the south declined during the war.

The impact of war on education (1955–2005) Longstanding ethnic, regional and economic tensions fuelled two civil wars between the government and secessionist groups a year before independence. A mutiny of southern soldiers in 1955 that resulted in the deaths of over 300 northerners marked the start of the conflict. It intensified in 1958 after General Ibrahim Abboud seized power in a coup in Khartoum. It was under his rule that the ‘Islamization’ of the south deepened (Prendergast et al., 2002). By 1963, there was a full-fledged civil war. The 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement granted the southern states a unified administration under the auspices of the Southern Sudan Autonomous Region, and established tentative peace. According to Duffield et al. (2000), the agreement did not satisfy many southerners and in 1983 civil war reignited. The developmental capacity of the country was stunted as significant resources were diverted to security measures.

Education since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005–2015) The signing of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) brought peace and this together with the adoption of the Interim National Constitution (INC) provided a framework for sustained development and poverty reduction. The independence of South Sudan in July 2011 placed the country on the road to economic recovery. Indeed, between 2005 and 2010, gross domestic product (GDP) grew on average 7.05 per cent per annum, driven in part largely by an expanded oil extraction capacity. The Sudanese economy grew from $10 billion in 1999 to $53 billion in 2008. This was accompanied by a marked expansion of the public sector. Total government spending grew from 11 per cent of GDP in 2000 to 17 per cent of GDP in 2009.1

Sudan: An Overview

353

15 11% Percent

10 5%

5 0%

0 −2%

8%

8%

8% 6%

2%

−1%

Al

N

or

th em Q ad a Al rif Ja zi Ri rah ve rN Kh ile ar to um Si m a Ka r ss al Re a d W Se So hit a eN ut h ile K N or ord of th a So Kor n ut do he rn fan N D or a th er rfur n D ar fu W Blu r e es N te ile r no n D rth arf em ur Su da n

−5

0%

6%

14% 15% 12% 13%

State

Figure 17.1 Average annual increases in school enrolment between 2005 and 2009.

The positive impact of peace on education following the signing of the CPA is evidenced in the substantial increase in basic school enrolment since 2005, especially for the populations that were previously affected by conflict. According to the World Bank (2009), in comparison to an average annual increase of 4.2 per cent between 2000/2001 and 2004/2005, basic school enrolments increased by almost a million students between 2004/2005 and 2008/2009, which corresponds to an average annual growth of 5.7 per cent. School enrolments grew rapidly in most or all of the states affected by one of the three conflicts, particularly the three Darfur states in the western part, the Kordofan states and Blue Nile in the southern part, and Kassala and Red Sea in the eastern part of Sudan (see Figure 17.1).

Provision of educational services Government schools provide 95 per cent of the enrolments in basic education and almost 90 per cent of enrolments in higher education but only 24 per cent of all students in academic secondary schools. The non-government sector that includes the religious Khalwa schools, as well as fee-charging private schools, plays an important role in providing education at preschool level. They enrol as many as 38 per cent of all students. Since 2000/2001, the Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) has increased by 17 percentage points. This seems high and may be partly explained by improvements in data on preschool enrolments but could conceivably reflect a sharp expansion of coverage at this level.

354

Education in the Arab World

There has been increased access to basic education for vulnerable populations such as internally displaced persons (IDPs), nomadic communities and communities living in remote villages (UNICEF, 2008). While the coverage of basic education has increased significantly over the last eight years, it is still low when compared to other world regions. Again, this may be partly explained by unreliable data. Household surveys, for example, suggest that enrolment figures may be underestimated. The Ministry of General Education yearbooks gave the GER for basic education in the 2005–2006 year as 65 per cent, whereas the calculation through household surveys estimated it to be 86 per cent. Despite progress in overall access to basic education, there are large disparities in the GER across states. Some states have quite advanced education systems, whereas others lag far behind. Aside from regional disparities in education access, children in rural areas, girls and vulnerable groups (such as IDPs, disabled and nomads) are at a disadvantage. Urban children are 17 percentage-points more likely than rural children to access school, and boys are 8 percentage-points more likely to go to school than girls.

Out-of-school children According to the Sudan National Household Survey 2009, approximately 2.0 million children and adults, ages ten to nineteen, were out of school. Of those out of school, 1.2 million (17 per cent) had never attended school and the remaining children either had dropped out of school or completed school. Of those who have never attended school, 55 per cent lived in rural areas compared to 6 per cent in urban areas. Furthermore, 61 per cent of those out of school were rural girls. It is an important question whether the relatively low access of rural children is mostly a question of improving and possibly adapting the supply of schooling (by providing schooling that is free of charge, close to where children live and with feasible school hours and curriculum, etc.) or a question of raising the demand for schooling (by running campaigns sensitizing parents about the benefits of schooling and compensating families for the opportunity cost of schooling, as rural children are often engaged in productive activities in the field or in the home). In Sudan, it appears that for urban areas the largest problem is retention, whereas in rural areas focus must be on both access and retention (World Bank, 2012).

Sudan: An Overview

355

Student dropout, repetition and transition Repetition in basic education is fairly low. And despite high numbers of students dropping out of basic education, the data indicate relatively high transition rates between basic and secondary education (74 per cent in 2008–2009), and between secondary and higher education (about 69 per cent in 2010–2011). This suggests that most of the students exiting the education system do so within cycles (basic or secondary) and is not a result of student flow regulation between one cycle and the next. With such high transition rates, the current expansion in basic school enrolments is likely to result in considerable pressure on secondary education to accommodate a rapidly increasing number of basic school graduates seeking to continue their studies (World Bank, 2012).

Availability of teachers Teachers are unevenly distributed across schools. A comparison between the need for teachers, based on pupil numbers, and the supply of teachers in each school reveals a low correlation. The Global Partnership for Education, in its recent Education Sector Report (2012), describes this as the ‘degree of randomness’ in teacher deployment. System-wide, the degree of randomness is around 48 per cent, higher than most countries in the Middle East and North Africa. Teacher distribution is also uneven across states with, for example, very high randomness scores in Khartoum and relatively low scores in Red Sea.

Availability of textbooks The current official student–textbook ratio in Sudan is 2:1, but many schools have a shortage of and some completely lack textbooks. The average student– textbook ratio for mathematics and reading in four states (Blue Nile, North Darfur, Red Sea and South Kordofan) surveyed in 2009 was 3:1. Urban schools have slightly more access to textbooks than rural schools, while students in grade 5 have more access to textbooks than students in grade 1. In many schools, students do not have a textbook: in 50 per cent of urban grade 1 classrooms and in 15 per cent of grade 5 classrooms surveyed in the four states, there were no mathematics or reading textbooks available. The textbook shortage is worse in rural classrooms, where in 53 per cent of grade 1 classrooms and in 30 per cent of grade 5 classrooms, there were no mathematics or reading textbooks (World Bank, 2009).

356

Education in the Arab World

Condition of classrooms Lastly, the infrastructure of schools in Sudan is generally poor. The 2008 MoGE/UNICEF Baseline Survey found that half of classrooms in northern Sudan needed to be rehabilitated or completely replaced. A similar conclusion was reached from a survey conducted in 2009 (World Bank, 2009). The lack of adequate sanitation facilities and clean drinking water poses a problem in many schools. It is thought that half of the rural schools and 42 per cent of the urban schools have no source of safe drinking water.

Quality of education The author carried out a pilot study in 2014 into the quality of education in Sudan (Johnson et al., 2014). The main question was whether, and how well, students at the end of the third grade in school were able to read. The pilot study was carried out in Khartoum state ahead of a national learning assessment. Some of the findings from the pilot study are reported here. Published educational statistics in Sudan are neither up to date nor reliable, and there was insufficient published data from which a representative sample could be constructed. Consequently, the team had to collect educational statistics from scratch. Questionnaires were returned by all seven localities in Khartoum state that showed that the population of third grade students in Khartoum state in 2013/2014 was 130,467. The study employed a relatively intense methodology (individually administered assessments of twenty minutes per child for each of two tests); a decision was made to draw a sample size of 1 per cent through stratified proportional sampling. Of 1,300 students targeted, 1,169 students were assessed.

The number of grade 3 students who are unable to read We first look at the percentage of grade 3 students in Khartoum state who are unable to read at all and compare this to other countries in the Middle East and North Africa. In Khartoum, nearly 33 per cent of grade 3 students are unable to read. The result compares unfavourably with Yemen (27 per cent), Morocco (18 per cent), Jordan (20 per cent), Iraq (17 per cent) and Egypt (22 per cent) (see Table 17.1).

Sudan: An Overview

357

When we look more closely at the Sudan data (see Table 17.2), of the 32.8 per cent (384 out of 1,169) of grade 3 students in Khartoum who cannot read, the share of girls not able to read is 40.9 per cent compared to boys who make up 59.1 per cent of non-readers. When the data were examined by locality, a huge variation was found among educational outcomes across the seven localities in Khartoum state. In Umbada, for example, there are 98 non-readers (50 boys and 48 girls) who make up 25.5 per cent of the population of non-readers in the state; and in Sharg Alneel Table 17.1 The reading proficiencies of grade 3 students in Khartoum state compared to national averages in other countries in the Middle East and North Africa

Nonreaders (%)

Reading fluency (words read per minute)

Khartoum

33

19.7

36.2

18.7

74

Egypt

22

21.9

31.7

18.8

53.3

Iraq

17

21.5

26.7

13.5

56.7

Jordan

20

23.7

48.3

26.3

48.3

Morocco

18

27

24.8

33

56.2

Knowledge Reading of letters Listening comprehension and sounds comprehension (% correct) (% correct) (% correct)

Yemen

27

11.9

9.8

6.2

25.2

Regional Average

23

21.1

29.6

19.5

52.1

Table 17.2 Non-readers in Khartoum state by gender and school type Total non-readers 384 (32.8% of sample) Locality

Male

Non-readers in public schools

Female

Urban

Rural

Non-readers in private schools

Khartoum

18

5

20

0

3

Omdurman

19

16

10

25

–

Bahri

17

5

12

8

2

Sharg Alneel

32

37

37

15

17

Umbada

50

48

74

19

5

Karari

34

18

29

23

–

Jabal Awlya

57

28

55

26

4

Total

227 (59.1%) 157 (40.9%) 237 (61.7%) 116 (30.2%)

31 (2.6%)

358

Education in the Arab World

there are 69 non-readers (32 boys and 37 girls), accounting for 18 per cent of the total population of non-readers while in Bahri the share of non-readers is 5.7 per cent (22 students). It is a surprising finding that of the percentage of non-readers in the sample, a larger population attends schools in urban areas – 61.7 per cent compared to 30.2 per cent in rural schools (see Table 17.2). It is also interesting that of the percentage of non-readers, 2.6 per cent (31 out of 384) are found in private schools.

The reading fluency rates of grade 3 students in Sudan For those students who are able to read, the study concludes that they do not read in a pace fast enough to enable them to understand what they read. Students in Khartoum state on average read at a rate of 19.7 words per minute. That is too slow to allow students to comprehend what they read; the common understanding being that a student in grade 3 should be reading at least 40 words a minute to comprehend at least 80 per cent of what they read. When we look at the average reading rate (oral reading fluency) of grade 3 students across other countries in the Middle East and North Africa, those in Khartoum state read at a comparable rate; and as discussed, it is not sufficient. In Yemen, the average oral reading fluency rate is 11.9 per cent; it is 27 per cent in Morocco, 23.7 per cent in Jordan, 21.25 in Iraq, and 21.9 per cent in Egypt (see Table 17.1). Table 17.3 shows that 17.3 per cent of the sample read between 1 and 10 words a minute and 10.7 per cent read between 11 and 20 words a minute. Nearly 20 per cent of the sample read between 21 and 40 words a minute. Only 19 per cent of the sample read at a rate thought reasonable for this age group – over 41 words a minute. When this distribution is disaggregated by gender, Table 17.2 shows that girls read on average faster than boys (23.7 words per minute, compared to 15.3 words per minute for boys). There are also significant fewer non-readers among girls. However, both boys and girls fall far short of a reading fluency that might be considered reasonable to expect for their age and grade (over forty words per minute). Table 17.4 shows the average reading rate by gender, location and school. Girls read consistently faster than boys in all localities in Khartoum state apart from in Omdurman. The differences between the reading rate of girls and boys is particularly marked in Jabal Awliya, where girls read on average 30.8 words a minute compared to boys who read 12.9 words a minute. It is interesting to note

Sudan: An Overview

359

Table 17.3 Reading rate distributed by gender Male students Rate = 15.3

Female students Rate = 23.7

Total 19.7

Number

%

Number

%

Number

%

Zero

227

40.9

157

25.6

384

32.8