Education in East and Central Africa 9781472505415, 9781472593504, 9781472508157

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Education in East and Central Africa

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Available and forthcoming in the Education Around the World series Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, Colin Brock and Nafsika Alexiadou Education in East Asia, edited by Pei-tseng Jenny Hsieh Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, edited by Nadiya Ivanenko Education in Southern Africa, edited by Clive Harber Education in South-East Asia, edited by Lorraine Pe Symaco Education in West Central Asia, edited by Mah-E-Rukh Ahmed Education in North America, edited by D. E Mulcahy, D. G. Mulcahy and Roger Saul Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, edited by Emel Thomas Forthcoming titles: Education in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific, edited by Michael Crossley, Greg Hancock and Terra Sprague Education in the European Union: Volumes 1 and 2, edited by Trevor Corner Education in the United Kingdom, edited by Colin Brock Education in West Africa, edited by Emefa Takyi-Amoako

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Education in East and Central Africa Edited by Charl Wolhuter

Education Around the World

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Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC1B 3DP UK

1385 Broadway New York NY 10018 USA

www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury is a registered trade mark of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2014 © Charl Wolhuter and Contributors, 2014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Charl Wolhuter has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Volume Editor of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury Academic or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: ePDF: 978-1-4725-0815-7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Education in East and Central Africa / edited by Charl Wolhuter. pages cm ISBN 978-1-4725-0541-5 (hardback) -- ISBN 978-1-4725-1022-8 (epub) -- ISBN 978-1-47250815-7 (epdf) 1. Education--Africa, East. 2. Education--Africa, Central. I. Wolhuter, C. C. (Charl C.) LA1501.E3655 2014 370.9676--dc23 2013044910 Typeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN

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Contents Series Editor’s Preface Notes on the Contributors Introduction: Education in East and Central Africa: A Regional Overview Charl Wolhuter 1 Angola: An Overview Pedro Nsiangengo, Diasala Jacinto André and Charl C. Wolhuter 2 Burundi: Trends and Challenges Hermenegilde Rwantabagu 3 The Central African Republic: The Vicious Circle of Economic Underdevelopment and Dysfunctional Education Mossoa Lambert and Charl C. Wolhuter 4 Republic of Congo: Education and Labour Market Christophe Jalil Nordman and Mathias Kuépié 5 The Democratic Republic of the Congo: An Overview Rachel Nsimire Bigawa 6 Djibouti: Formal and Non-formal Education Rachel Solomon Tsehaye 7 Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé: Context, Analysis and Comparison Pierre Marie Njiale 8 Eritrea: Educational Development Pre- and Post-Independence Ravinder Rena 9 Ethiopia: An Overview Jana Zehle 10 The Republic of Gabon: An Overview Jacques Ginestié and Jean Sylvian Bekale Nze 11 Kenya: An Overview BO. Nyatuka 12 Rwanda: An Overview Wenceslas Nzabalirwa 13 Somalia: Succeeding in a Failed State Michael Brophy 14 South Sudan: An Overview Petrus J. du Toit 15 Tanzania: Revisiting Eastern and Central African Education Systems William A. L. Anangisye and Daniel Fussy 16 Uganda: An Overview Stephen Ndawula and David Henry Ngobi 17 Zambia: An Overview of Formal Education Gift Masaiti and Joseph Chita

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Index

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69 89 131 157 175 191 223 245 273 299 321 349 373 399 423 455

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Series Editor’s Preface This series will comprise nineteen volumes, between them looking at education in virtually every territory in the world. The initial volume, Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, aims to provide an insight to the field of international and comparative education. It looks at its history and development and then examines a number of major themes at scales from local to regional to global. It is important to bear such scales of observation in mind because the remainder of the series is inevitably regionally and nationally based. The identification of the regions within which to group countries has sometimes been a very simple task, elsewhere less so. Europe, for example has four volumes, and most of a fifth, and more than fifty countries. National statistics vary considerably in their availability and accuracy, and in any case date rapidly. Consequently the editors of each volume point the reader towards access to regional and international datasets, available online, that are regularly updated. A key purpose of the series is to give some visibility to a large number of countries that, for various reasons rarely, if ever, have coverage in the literature of this field. For this volume, Education in East and Central Africa, it has been a very difficult task to delimit the region. Some of the boundaries decided between it and neighbouring regions, West Africa and Southern Africa, are necessarily arbitrary. It also borders on another region that is culturally based, the Arab world, yet like West Africa it contains many Islamic communities. Another problem faced in gaining chapters for this region is the linguistic variety within it. Indeed the editor Professor Charl Wolhuter has had to undertake a great deal of translating himself. So I am especially grateful to him for sustaining the effort and coming up with a most valuable component of this worldwide series. Colin Brock Series Editor

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Notes on the Contributors William A. L. Anangisye is Associate Professor in Education in the School of Education at the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. He teaches courses in teacher education courses. He is widely published, including ‘Reflecting on Comparative Education Teaching in Tanzania: The Case of the University of Dar es Salaam’, in C. Wolhuter, N. Popov, B. Leutwyler and K. S. Ermenc (eds), Comparative Education at Universities World Wide, 3rd edition, Sofia: Bulgarian Comparative Education Society and Ljubljana University Press, Faculty of Arts, 2013. He also has over 20 articles published in scholarly journals. Rachel Nsimire Bigawa studied at the National Pedagogical Institute of Kinshasa (IPN-Kinshasa), DRC where she obtained a BA degree in Teaching English as a Foreign Language in 1978. She then studied at Aston University in Birmingham, England where she took a Master’s degree in Teaching English for Specific Purposes and graduated in 1987. From then she has taught English to university students both in DRC and in Burundi where she currently lives and works as a Linguistics and English Studies Lecturer at the ‘Ecole Normale Supérieure’, ENS. Her main academic interests include Linguistics, Applied Linguistics and Teacher Education. Michael Brophy has a Ph.D. in evaluation of distance teaching and a Master’s in science education from Keele University, also a postgraduate Diploma of Advanced Studies in Education from the University of Ulster. He has worked with DFID, the British Council and UNESCO as an education advisor to ministries of education in Africa, South America, the Middle East and Asia. From 1993 to 2012 he was Executive Director of the Africa Educational Trust where his work focused on supporting educational development in Africa, especially in fragile states. He has written extensively on education in conflict situations. In 2006 he was awarded the OBE for services to education in developing countries. Joseph Chita studied at the University of Zambia, the University of Oslo and the Akershus University College of Applied Sciences. He works for the University of Zambia as a Lecturer in the School of Education. His research interests are

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in Comparative Education, Indigenous Knowledge and Culture (Religion), Gender and Development. Andre Jacinto Diasala studied at the University of Leipzig, Germany and obtained a Licentiate in Mathematics and Physics Education for Secondary School. He specializes in the Analysis of Education Systems and Curriculum Planning for the International Institute of Educational Planning (IIEP) of UNESCO in Paris. He was a Physics teacher at a secondary school in Luanda. Since 2000 he has worked at the National Institute for Educational Development (INIDE) of Luanda. He is the author of several textbooks and teacher guides for Physics education. Petrus J. du Toit studied at the University of Stellenbosch and the University of South Africa. He obtained a doctorate in Educational Management at the University of Stellenbosch. Previously he was principal of a secondary school, senior lecturer in Comparative Education and Educational Management at the University of Stellenbosch and involved in teacher training in South Sudan for many years. Currently he is principal of a teacher training college in the Copperbelt Province of Zambia. He is the author of a number of books and articles on the History of Education and Educational Management. Daniel Fussy is an Assistant Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at Mkwawa University College of Education (a Constituent College of the University of Dar es Salaam). He holds a Master’s degree in Education from the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. He teaches educational foundation-related courses. His research interests reside in Teacher Professionalism, Research Productivity, Philosophy of Education, Higher Education and Development and Qualitative Research in Education. Jacques Ginestié is professor at Aix-Marseille University, Doctor in science and technology education. He is director of the École Supérieure du Professorat et de l’Éducation d’Aix-Marseille, director of the research unit ADEF and of the research federation SFERE-Provence. He is Chair-holder of the UNESCO Chair ‘Science and Technology Education and Teacher Training’, where he develops a large number of activities as researcher, international expert and manager of international project in the fields of education for all, science and technology education and technology and vocational education and training. He is the author of many papers in prestigious journals and many books.

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Mathias Kuépié studied at University of Yaoundé (Cameroon), at Institut de Formation et de Recherche Démographiques (IFORD) in Yaoundé and at University of Paris X Nanterre (France). He obtained a M.Sc. in Economics, a M.Sc. in demography and a PhD in Demography. He also benefitted from a Research Fellowship from the Centre de Recherche en Economie et Statistique (CREST) of INSEE (France). Mathias Kuépié is currently researcher at Centre d’Etudes de Populations, de Pauvreté et de Politiques Socio-Economiques (CEPS/INSTEAD), Luxembourg and associate researcher at Développement, Institutions et Mondialisation (DIAL), Paris. He is the author of many articles. Mossoa Lambert obtained a doctorate from the Université d’Aix-Marseille II (France) in 1984 and a Diplome d’Habilitation à Diriger des Recherches (HDR) from the Université Michel de Montaigne-Bordeaux III (France) in 2006. He is attached to the University of Bangui, Central African Republic, where he is director of the School of Doctoral Education, specializes in Geography Education and is managing a Research Unit on Sustainable Development of Rural Communities. Gift Masaiti studied at the University of Zambia, Hiroshima University and Huazhong University of Science and Technology. He holds a PhD in Education Economics. Previously he worked for the Ministry of Education. He is currently a lecturer in the School of Education at the University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia. His research interests include Financing of Education, Economics of Education and following trends in Religious Studies. Stephen Ndawula received a PhD in Educational Communication and Technology from Moi University, a Master of Education (Curriculum Studies) and a Bachelor of Education from Makerere University. Dr Ndawula has a wide teaching experience in primary, secondary and higher education. He was a Visiting Professor for a period of four months at the Center for the Study of International Cooperation in Education (CICE) Currently, Dr Ndawula is a lecturer and a researcher in Educational Technology and Curriculum Studies, and the coordinator for Educational Technology at Kyambogo University. Dr Ndawula has had several publications in peer-reviewed journals in Educational Technology. David Henry Ngobi is lecturer in the Faculty of Education, Kyambogo University, Uganda. Prior to being a lecturer at Kyambogo University he

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lectured at Makerere University and before that he was a teacher and principal at secondary schools in Uganda. He has completed research on, and has published on the topics of the role of the university in teacher education, the failure rate of education students, and student attitudes toward digital media in teaching and learning. Pierre Marie Njiale is a lecturer in the Faculty of Human Sciences at the University of Yaoundé 1, Cameroon. He studied at Laval University in Québec, Canada and at Paris V University in France. He is a member of the Francophone Association of Comparative Education (L’Association Francophone d’Education Comparée, AFEC) and Vice-President of Africain Education Comparée (RAFEC). He is the author of several scholarly publications on education in Central Africa. Christophe Jalil Nordman is research fellow at the French Institute of Research for Development (IRD), currently in post at DIAL, an IRD–University ParisDauphine research centre on development economics in Paris. He is also affiliated to IZA (Institute for the Study of Labour, Bonn) as a research fellow. He worked previously in the Department of Educational Studies of the University of Oxford (SKOPE), after receiving a PhD in Development Economics from University of Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne in 2002. His research focuses on the functioning of labour markets in developing countries. Pedro Nsiangengo holds a Licentiate in History of Education at the Higher Education Institute of Angola, a postgraduate qualification from the University of Aveiro in Portugal and a Master’s in Educational Administration from the same university. He is Director General of the National Education Research Institute of Angola. He was professor of History of Education and Philosophy of Education at Jean Piaget University in Angola. He works closely with Agostinio Neto University, Angola. He is the authors of books on History of Education and on the education system of Angola. Benard Omenge Nyatuka studied Master of Education in Comparative and International Education and Bachelor of Education at Egerton University and Kenyatta University, Kenya, respectively. At present he is pursuing a doctorate in Comparative Education at the University of South Africa. Currently he is a lecturer and subject head, Comparative and International Education in the Department of Educational Foundations at Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya. He is the author of various articles on education

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in refereed journals. Also, he has contributed several articles concerning education to the mainstream dailies in Kenya. Wenceslas Nzabalirwa studied at the National University of Rwanda and the University of Liège in Belgium where he obtained a PhD in Teacher Education. Previously he was a Lecturer and Senior Lecturer in Sociology of Education and Teaching Methodology at the National University of Rwanda. He was also a Senior Lecturer and Associate Professor in History of Education and Teaching Methodology at Kigali Institute of Education. Currently, he is the Academic Vice-Rector. He is the author of various book chapters and articles on Teacher Education and History of Education. Jean Sylvian Bekale Nze is a lecturer at the Teacher Training College for Technical and Professional Education in Senegal. He is president of RAIFFET (Réseau Africain des Institutions de Formation de l’Ensignants Techniques, Network of African Institutions for the Education of Technical Teachers). Professor Ravinder Rena is a profound Academician and distinguished scholar with more than 21 years of experience. He is currently working at the Department of Economics, University of the Western Cape, South Africa. He is also an Adjunct Professor of Economics at UGSM-Monarch Business School, Switzerland. He earned his PhD from the Department of Economics, Osmania University, India with an achievement of the best PhD Gold Medal. He also obtained five other degrees in Economics, Law and Education. He has written eight books and published over 100 articles in refereed journals of repute. His research interests are Economics of Education and Development Economics with a particular focus on Africa and Asia-Pacific. Hermenegilde Rwantabagu is a professor of Comparative Education in the University of Burundi. He holds a Master’s and a Doctorate in Comparative Education from the University of London Institute of Education. He has previously taught at teachers’ colleges in Burundi and at Kenyatta University in Nairobi. He was a visiting scholar at Waseda University in Japan and at the University of Sydney, Australia. His research interests are Teacher Education, Moral Education and Language in Education in Multilingual African Countries. Rachel Solomon Tsehaye works in the Institute of Research of Sociology and Economy of Education (IREDU) based in Dijon, France. Her PhD is in Sciences

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of Education. Her research focuses on the fields of intercultural sociology and anthropology and involves long-term surveys in the geographic frame of Africa. She first undertook a study of early childhood education in West Africa. She then spent a couple of years in East Africa, where she explored the universe of daily life, studying the motivations of schooling choice between oriental education (Madrasa, Koranic schools), occidental education (French and public schools) and familial education. Charl C. Wolhuter studied at the University of Johannesburg, the University of Pretoria, the University of South Africa and the University of Stellenbosch, South Africa. He obtained a doctorate in Comparative Education at the University of Stellenbosch. Previously he was a junior lecturer in History of Education and Comparative Education at the University of Pretoria and a senior lecturer in History of Education and Comparative Education at the University of Zululand. Currently he is professor in Comparative Education at the Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University, South Africa. In the winter semester of 2012 he was Visiting Professor of Comparative and International Education at Brock University, Ontario, Canada. He is the author of various books and articles on History of Education and Comparative Education. Jana Zehle studied at the University of Kiel, Hamburg and Leipzig. She obtained a doctorate in Special Needs Education at the University of Leipzig. Jana Zehle held a position as Assistant Professor at Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia and focused on her teaching and research on International and Intercultural Comparative Education in the area of special needs/inclusive education. Previously she joined Leipzig University as senior lecturer and researcher for inclusive education. She is the author of various books and articles on education, particularly, Comparative International Education, special needs/ inclusive education as well as interdisciplinary topics. Besides her academic work, she advised as consultant in national and international educational and development cooperation projects.

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Introduction

Education in East and Central Africa: A Regional Overview Charl Wolhuter

Most countries in Eastern and Central Africa gained independence around 1960 or soon after. The colonial past left them with education systems grossly underdeveloped. In 1960, gross primary school, secondary school and higher education enrolment levels in Africa were respectively 44 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent; and the adult literacy rate 9 per cent (Wolhuter and Van Niekerk, 2010). In the decades after independence the nations of Africa went on a massive educational expansion drive, and also attempted to reform their inherited education systems. This book tells the story of this project, as it played out itself in Eastern and Central Africa.

Angola Angola presents a very interesting and unique case study, not only because it is one of only two Lusophone countries (at times when the education systems of Sub-Saharan African countries still strongly resemble the education systems in the countries of their erstwhile colonial masters) in the set of national education systems surveyed in this book, but also because of the strong vocational orientation of education, especially at secondary education level. This orientation is related to the dedicated Marxist government of the first decades after independence. The pacification of Angola the past decade, and the promise of development which it resources in mineral deposits, fish resources and agricultural land hold, ensured not only that Angola was between 2000 and 2010 one of the ten fastest-growing economies in the world (Mills and Herbst, 2012: 3), but also resulted in an explosive growth in enrolments at all

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levels. At primary school level enrolments have almost increased threefold within the space of a decade, from 1,472,874 in 2001 to 4,189,853 in 2010. The Angolan case presents an interesting case study, to observe in coming years, as to the effectiveness of a strong vocational orientation in secondary education, to create an education system aligning the world of education with the world of work, and establishing an education system equipped to play its part in the development of a rapidly developing country, becoming at the same time part of a global community.

Burundi Burundi followed the general pattern of political evolution of the Eastern and Central African states, independence in the 1960s (1962) and democratization a few decades later. A result of the colonial heritage, and also of the small size and compact form of the country, the education system is still highly centralized, although in line with the movement towards democratization and the empowerment of civil society, moves have been afoot to get parents more involved in matters pertaining to the schools which their children attend. Other vestiges of the colonial education system are firstly that the indigenous language, Kirundi, could still not manage to make headway against French as the language of learning and teaching, and secondly the existence of high stakes primary school termination examinations. These examinations, which historically only a tiny minority passed, are a prerequisite to admission to secondary schools. Burundi made good progress with growth in primary education enrolments. The gross primary school enrolment ratio reached 71 per cent in 1990, when the war stopped progress and brought about a reversal, with the result that the gross enrolment ratio dropped to 41 per cent in 1997. Since then, invigorated by the Jomtien Declaration, the divergence of public funds from defence to education, and the abolishment of primary school fees in 2005, the gross primary school enrolment ratio has increased swiftly to reach 138 per cent in 2011. Secondary education expansion has followed on the heels of primary school expansion, facilitated by the policy of the creation of communal colleges and lycées (i.e. creation of schools by the lowest tiers in the hierarchy of political jurisdictions) and by starting to allow private education. Private education has mushroomed over the past 25 years. This includes higher education. The state

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university has 12,000 students, compared to 16,000 in private higher education institutions. Despite the rapid expansion of enrolments, inequalities along the dimensions of gender, ethnicity and geographical regions persist. The net enrolment ratio of girls, for example, is 50 per cent at primary school level and 30 per cent at secondary school level.

Central African Republic A landlocked country occupying 623,000 square kilometres and having no mineral deposits of note, the Central African Republic (CAR) became independent on 13 August 1960. It has been characterized by political instability and turmoil ever since. It could never have developed into a prosperous country. With a per capita GDP of US$350, the CAR is one of the poorest countries in the world, despite a – promising – positive economic growth rate amid times of conflict, including 4 per cent in 2006 and 2007. The CAR is one of the countries in the world worst affected by HIV/AIDS, with an infection rate estimated at 10.7 per cent for the population in the 15–49 years age range. Despite having made education a priority in the public budget, the education system still conveys the image of a multiplicity of glaring failures. Significant enrolment growths have taken place during the first three decades since independence, but in the wake of political turmoil the rate of expansion has slowed down after that. Even the achievement of the enrolment growth of 1960–90 was marred by the swift population growth. Today in the CAR, two out of every five children do not attend school, and seven out of every ten adults are not functionally literate. The failure rate is in the order of 25 per cent and the attrition rate 15 per cent per annum. The extent of the attrition rate can be appreciated in a longitudinal view of the attrition over the duration of the first three school cycles: of every 100 pupils entering the first year of schooling (Fondamental 1), only 12 per cent reach level 5 and only 7 per cent reach level 6. Infrastructure (school buildings) are in a state of disrepair, there is a chronic and acute shortage of textbooks and didactical materials, and the administrative, logistical and information collecting and capturing systems are dysfunctional. The education system and the world of work are not aligned, meaning the CAR has the dual problem of schooled unemployment as well as the lack of production of human capital required by the economy. The end result is that education cannot make its contribution to national development and society

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does not get its return on the resources invested in education. The system is plagued by inequality. Resources are very unevenly spread. In the Foundation 1 cycle, for example, in Bangui there are 109 pupils per teacher, compared to the national average of 199, but in the North and North-East there are more than 450 pupils per teacher. In some districts education is provided exclusively by parent-teachers.

Congo-Brazzaville Congo-Brazzaville has a substantial private education sector, offering education better in quality than that of the public sector. Yet still, the net secondary school enrolment ratio is less than 50 per cent, and student:teacher ratios in the country reach staggering levels: 63 in the case of primary schools, 76 in the case of junior secondary schools and 80 in the case of senior secondary schools. Inequalities between the gender and between rural and urban dwellers are also stark. The education system still carries the mark of the colonial times, when the system was devized to train civil servants. Thus only a minority of students are pursuing technical and vocational education. Schooled unemployment is high. Seventy-eight per cent of the workforce are in the informal sector, highlighting the mismatch between education and work even more. Yet despite this mismatch, rates of return to education on aggregate level is positive, equal for the two genders, and pertains to both formal and informal sectors. Rates of return is higher for senior secondary and higher education than for primary and junior secondary school, a reversal to the pattern usually reported elsewhere in Sub-Saharan Africa. The analyses of the impact of education on earnings also show that there is a convexity of education returns; in other words, the last years in secondary and tertiary schooling yield the highest returns, while those of primary education are generally lower. This convexity is also apparent in the informal sector, where education (albeit on another scale) is also an important determinant of earnings. These results point to poverty alleviation policies. In this regard, ‘primary education for all’ was one of the stated Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Meeting this goal by 2015 would certainly be helpful for Congo-Brazzaville, given the links between basic education and other social indicators (girls’ education, health, family planning, etc.). However the results of the rate of the return analysis shows it would be advisable not to neglect the expansion of secondary and higher education too.

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The Democratic Republic of the Congo The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was hastily brought to independence in 1960. One of the largest countries in Africa surface-wise and also with 66 million people one of the most populous. With a poor internal communication infrastructure, and cut off from the sea save for a narrow strip of land on the northern banks of the Congo river (even this river is not navigable to the sea, due to rapids downstream of Kinshasa), this country has been plagued by civil strife ever since independence. Even as most of the rest of Africa was politically pacified by the early 1990s and started to experience an economic upswing, the socio-political turmoil in the DRC gained momentum and ever smaller amounts of the public budget were allocated to education. The result is that even today 21 per cent of the population have had no schooling, and primary and secondary enrolments are falling, notwithstanding the existence of a substantial private school sector, supplementing the educational effort of the state. Schools do not have facilities needed to provide education, and failure and drop-out rates are high.

Djibouti Independence arrived late in Djibouti in 1977. The country also embarked on a post-independence education expansion programme. This programme at first concentrated on primary education. It was only as late as 2006 that the first (and still the only) university in the country was established. It also lodged a project known as CLAD (centre de linguistique appliquee de Dakar), aiming to indigenize the education system – for example, a key element of CLAD was to integrate local knowledge with the school curriculum. A combination of a hierarchical and caste system of school types exists. The two major types of school are the Francophone schools and the Arabophone schools. The former are seen as oriented to the modern world, while the latter are seen as nurturing tradition. The francophone sector contains two school types, the elitistic Roman Catholic private schools (exclusive because of their high school fees) and the public school system (which also charges school fees, though these are moderate). The Arabophone or Islam sector, too, consists of two types of school: the more prestigious Madrassas and the dugsi, or the school of the poorest of the poor. Parents’ choice of a school for their children is not determined by the parents’ predilection for the modern or for the traditional

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only, but their choice is also circumscribed by their socio-economic position and geographical location (the more selective school types are not so readily available in the more peripheral areas of the country). Djibouti could not yet capitalize on its strategic position on the crossways between East and West, and North and South, by becoming a second Dubai. Being a poor country, and with a high fertility rate of 4.22, pressure on school resources is high and rising all the time; and in a country with an unemployment rate of 60 per cent, 80 per cent of the population between the ages of 15 and 20 years are neither in education (i.e. studying) nor employed. Ninety-five per cent of the educational budget is needed to pay teachers’ salaries, which in any case are not high and which contributes to the low morale of teachers and the fact that teaching was not the first choice of many of those who are in the profession. Higher education has experienced a surge in enrolments in recent years, but at the expense of quality. The main challenges and constraints actually facing higher education can be summarized as follows: ageing academic staff; a persistent brain drain; lack of staff training in human capacity-building programmes; low salaries and high operating costs; quality deterioration due to almost complete reliance on household financing; outdated curricula and programmes; short-funding of infrastructure, laboratories and libraries; overcrowding of facilities; students’ limited access to textbooks and other learning materials; uncontrolled expansion in student numbers leading to a lowering in standards; and the fact that most private universities use staff from public universities who teach simultaneously in several universities, compounding the problems of providing quality instruction.

Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé Geographically, Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principe are two countries of the Central African region situated on the shores of the Gulf of Guinea of the Atlantic Ocean. Surface-wise, they are two tiny countries, their peculiar border configurations having been carved out by the forces of the colonial era. Equatorial Guinea covers only 28,051 square kilometres and has a population of 659,000; São Tomé and Principé is both surface- and population-wise even smaller: 1,001 square kilometres with 162,000 people. In the case of both countries independence came relatively late: in 1968 in the case of Equatorial Guinea and 1975 in the case of São Tomé and Principé. Since independence, the lines of educational development in the two countries have been divergent. The role of intellectuals (particularly Equatorial

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Guinean youth who received higher education in France in the years immediately prior to independence) in fomenting political turmoil and pushing for independence in the mid-1960s made the dictatorial ruler of Equatorial Guinea wary of the expansion of education. As a result, Equatorial Guinea became an exception to the rest of the African continent where the expansion of education was one of the top priorities of the post-independence era. In 1979, Theodoro Obiang Nguema took over as ruler. Schools were in a bad state, as was the economy of the country. The situation changed in the 1980s—reforms which resulted in the improvement of schools were initiated. The base of these reforms was a General Education Law passed in July 1981. The country embraced the Jomtien and Dakar Declaration’s vision of Education for All and the Millennium Development Goals. The fact that the country became a petroleum-exporting country as from 1996 made the expansion of education easier. Nonetheless the backlog developed in education is still visible today. In 2005 it was still estimated that 30 per cent of children between 6 and 15 years of age do not attend school. Secondary and higher education is still even more underdeveloped. In contrast, São Tomé and Principé has placed higher priority on education since the advent of independence. In 1976, a year after independence, a national forum of education was convened, setting the stage for post-independence educational expansion and reform. Educational expansion was given further impetus by a law of 1993 which made provision for the establishment of private educational institutions. In 2002, a Decade Plan for Education was adopted. Following many other African countries, this plan envisages the massification of primary education and the increase of access to education. The Education Sector Plan for 2005–15 set as its goal universal primary education by 2015. Major reforms in the following areas were envisaged in these documents: curriculum reform at primary school level, individual moulding of students, improvement of physical facilities, remedial assistance for disadvantaged students and the reorganization of primary education in sub-cycles.

Eritrea Eritrea also received its independence relatively late, in 1991. More interestingly, it received its independence from another African country, Ethiopia, to which the people of Eritrea had been forced into a political unity for some decades. The country also had a more complex history of educational development

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than was the case in most other countries of Africa. In pre-colonial times there existed a system of both Christian and Muslim religiously based schools, stemming from the long presence of both these religions in the territory. The Italian colonial period (1890–1941) saw the opening of a sprinkling of primary schools for Eritreans, as well as a system of education for the Italian colonists right up to university level. The British military administration, 1941–52, also saw the establishment of middle schools for Eritreans. In the federation time, from 1952, the Eritrean education system was merged with that of Ethiopia, including the enforcement of Amharic as the language. A war for independence broke out in 1975 and carried on until the advent of independence in 1991, flaring up again in 1998 because of a border dispute with Ethiopia. The war had a devastating effect on education, as resources were deflected from education to the war effort. Enrolments declined, and in 1991, 84 per cent of schools were in a state of serious disrepair. The new state’s government saw education as an instrument to speed up the modernization and the development of the country, and secured the help of the World Bank in the form of substantial financial assistance. However lofty their efforts, there still is a long way to go. The net primary school enrolment stands at 35 per cent and adult illiteracy at 70 per cent. Also fairly unique for the twenty-first century is the fact that Eritrea is a one-party state, with opposition parties not allowed. A decade ago the sole university of the country was closed and replaced with a set of colleges and institutes each providing training in a specific occupation. Students are allocated on the basis of their matriculation examination results into one of these. It would be interesting to note the subsequent development and success – or not – of this model, which could not prove itself in the erstwhile East bloc.

Ethiopia With a population totalling 82 million, Ethiopia is Africa’s second most populous country. Its educational roots lie in religious schools, stretching back to the first millennium ad. Both Christian Orthodox and Islam schools made their appearance. The government began to assume responsibility for education only at the beginning of the twentieth century. Haile Selassie I at that time instituted a four-year government elementary school. This was done against strong opposition from both organized religion (which saw it as trespassing on its territory) and society (which viewed the system of government schools as an

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unnecessary luxury and an institution taking children away from their homes, where their labour was needed). The Italian occupation of 1935–41 had a negative effect on schooling. Government schools were closed, and religious schools could operate only under very strongly circumscribed conditions. From 1941 education was under the influence of the British. Then the coup of 1974 resulted in a major educational change. A massive adult literacy project was lodged, the Amharic language was promoted in education, and it was attempted to link education with production, in a very Marxist fashion (‘cooperative education’). Another change took place in the post-revolutionary era since 1991. A democratized state and free market economic reforms resulted in economic growth (latest available figure 7 per cent per year), yet Ethiopia remains a very poor country. Education was expanded, and gross enrolment rates at primary school level now stand at 91.4 per cent, and at junior secondary level at 41 per cent for males and 38 per cent for females. Major educational challenges are the problem of securing educational access for rural inhabitants, for the pastoralist families, and for children with special educational needs and for marginalized children.

Gabon Gabon has the precarious economic profile of many African countries, namely its dependence on one export product. Oil accounts for 80 per cent of Gabon’s exports, 60 per cent of governmental income and 40 per cent of the country’s Gross National Product. To make matters worse, crude oil reserves are declining, and in the decades when exports were at their maximum, the government failed to invest in education. Gabon has a long history of religious schools, both Christian and Muslim. The public school system still bears the mark of the French heritage. A long history of inadequate investment in education, including the first decades after independence, resulted in an education system with gross problems. Internal efficiency is a big problem. Only 2 per cent of the first year in primary school intake successfully completes the (primary and secondary) school cycle in the prescribed number of years. Transition rates from primary to lower secondary school are very low. The quality of education is so low that the large number of children who exit the school system at the end of the primary school cycle soon lapse into illiteracy. For students leaving at any level, the mismatch between

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education and work is problematic. The most glaring gap in this regard is the inherited French model of classic education, versus the fact that the largest percentage of people in Gabon find their income in the informal economic sector. It is to be hoped that the government’s belated change to taking the education sector seriously will result in a sustained change for the better, and on a steep gradient at that.

Rwanda Rwanda was the terrain of one of the most horrendous civil wars ever to plague Africa – in fact it was downright genocide. The 1994 genocide resulted into the massive loss of an educated and skilled workforce. After the genocide, Rwanda inherited an education system which was destroyed in terms of human and material resources. As much as the 1994 events were negative and destructive, after 1994 Rwanda became a showcase because of its economic miracle and political stability and democracy. Education was looked at as a key instrument in bringing about the envisioned society. Vision 2020 envisions Rwanda as a knowledge society by 2020. Even secondary school attendance was made free and compulsory, and Rwanda now has eight public and 21 private institutions of higher education. Rwanda has continually increased the budget allocated to education and encouraged the participation of individual students and parents in meeting part of the cost of their education. Initiatives such the schools construction campaign during which parents, students, security forces and government officials have voluntarily built thousands of new classrooms across the country for nine and twelve years basic education, the goals of ‘one laptop per child’ and of an Early Childhood Education Centre in each village, and the change of the language of learning and teaching from French to English (to facilitate the country’s integration with the international world) makes Rwanda the national education system to watch with interest in the coming years.

Somalia Somalia is a fascinating case. When the colonial authorities attempted to introduce (Western) education in the territory, there was such an established system of (Muslim) schools of repute – some attracted students from far beyond Somalia

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– that they encountered active opposition from the people, and initially abandoned their efforts. It was only in the last ten years in the run-up to independence in 1960 that a substantial number of colonial schools opened their doors. Somalia made notable progress in education in the years after independence. When Siyaad Barre took over government in 1969, his adult literacy campaign, which reduced adult illiteracy from 95 per cent to 50 per cent, drew wide acclaim. However in the first years after the eruption of civil war in 1991, many of the gains in education were reversed. Somalia is now a unique country, a territory with three governments and, as a result, three education systems. To complicate matters, many umbrella organizations (from overseas) are also involved in setting up their own smallerscale educational operations. Amazingly, however, is that 1994 enrolments have increased, and dramatically at that.

South Sudan Sudan became independent in 1956, Africa’s biggest state in geographic size. The country consisted of a predominantly Muslim north and a predomin­ antly Christian south. The government of the independent country pursued a policy of vigorous Islamification, also of the education system. After one of Africa’s longest civil wars, the population of the south voted in a referendum overwhelmingly for independence from the north, and on 9 July 2011 South Sudan became independent as Africa’s youngest state. It had to build up an education system anew, out of nothing. During the civil war, school students were rounded up to become soldiers and schools were turned into barracks. Not only was it necessary to build and repair physical buildings, but new curricula had to be drafted, and the language of learning and teaching was changed from Arabic to English. An ambitious education restructuring and expansion plan was accepted back in 2005, when the civil war began to subside and a peace treaty was signed. At that stage 75 per cent of the adult population of South Sudan was illiterate, the gross primary school enrolment ratio was 22 per cent and only 7 per cent of primary school teachers were trained. In the case of South Sudan, the cliché could also – with veracity – be repeated, namely that much has been done in recent years, but the road to be travelled is still long. The net primary school enrolment ratio is now only about 50 per cent, and one-third of primary schools are still open-air. Female students make up only 37 per cent of primary school enrolments, 29 per cent of secondary school enrolments, and 18 per cent of university enrolments.

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Tanzania Tanzania, too, already had a heritage of both Koranic and Christian missionary schools at the onset of the colonial era. As in other African countries with a substantial European population, the colonial education system in Tanzania was characterized by racial segregation: separate schools, indeed separate education systems existed for children from European, Asian and African descent. These education systems were very unequal. A few years after independence, Tanzania lodged its ‘Education for Self-Reliance’ project, perhaps the most radical post-independence education reform effort in Africa, to break away from the colonial heritage and to build an education system based on the needs and the context of the country. The idea was that Education for Self-Reliance would bring about a developed, self-reliant and egalitarian society. This project failed to yield the envisioned results. In the wake of the neo-liberal economic revolution which kicked in globally in the early 1990s, and within the context of Tanzania’s political democratization and signing of a Structural Adjustment Programme Agreement with the World Bank (which led to the introduction of a free market economic system in Tanzania), Tanzania initiated another major education reform project in 1995, the Education and Training Programme. A private sector was now allowed, and private educational institutions bloomed. The other noteworthy aspects of post-independence education in Tanzania are the adult literacy campaign and the extension of access to primary education in the 1970s, the expansion of secondary education in the 1980s and the expansion of higher education in the 1990s and the 2000s. Finally, Tanzania is the one country in Africa which could develop one of the indigenous languages as its language of learning and teaching, up to the end of the primary school cycle, and also in some teacher training colleges. However, in the wake of the reforms of the past decade, many private schools heeded to the desires of many parents, and have reverted to English as language of learning and teaching, thus reversing the gains made in the first few decades after independence. Also, as part of the privatization package, educational inequality has risen again.

Uganda In many respects Uganda provides a superlative example of Africa’s educational state. With a fertility rate of a staggering 6.7, 56 per cent of the population is under the age of 18 years, placing education resources under severe pressure.

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Uganda is ethnically very diverse, with the Baganda, the largest ethnic group, making up a mere 16.9 per cent of the total population. The colonial heritage is still visible in the seven years primary school–four years O level–two years A level school ladder. Uganda was also plagued by civil war, which had a devastating effect on education. The end of this turmoil saw the expansion of primary education, from two million enrolments in 1986 to six million in 1999. In the 1990s an ambitious programme to universalize secondary education was lodged, while the number of public as well as private universities has also grown over the past 20 years. Finally Uganda has an impressive policy and programme to provide education for children with special needs.

Zambia Zambia became independent in 1964, with a mere 107 graduates (among them only four females) among its population, and a country without a university. The first ten years of independence were marked by economic growth and a corresponding expansion of education. While the country has, in the run-up to and advent of independence, been spared civil wars, the fall of the copper price in 1973 had a devastating effect on the economy and on the development of education in Zambia. For almost two full decades no progress economically and very little in the line of education took place. The advent of democracy in 1991, and the attendant free market reforms, brought a change for the better on the education line too. While Zambia spends much less (as a proportion of its Gross National Product) on education than neighbouring countries, the period since the mid-1990s has been characterized by educational expansion and reform, including decentralization and a policy welcoming the establishment of private education institutions.

Updating of information Education systems in the region covered by this volume are subjected to continual change. It is therefore apt to end this introductory chapter by giving the interested reader some guidance on sources for the latest data and information. ERIC (Education Resources Information Center) is an online library of education research and information, sponsored by the Institute of Education

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Sciences (IES) of the United States of America’s Department of Education. On ERIC’s website (www.eric.ed.gov) the titles, publication details, abstracts, and in many cases full texts too, of the latest scholarly publications pertaining to education in East and Central Africa can be obtained. The most up-to-date data on enrolments can be obtained from the website of UNESCO (www.uis.unesco. org) and the latest data on economic performance, from the annual publication of development indicators by the World Bank, is available at website http://data. worldbank.org/data-catalog/world-development-indicators/wdi-2012

References Mills, G. and Herbst, H. 2012. Africa’s Third Liberation. Rosebank: Penguin. Wolhuter, C. C. and Van Niekerk, M. P. 2010. ‘50 Years of Educational Reform and Expansion in Africa’. In V. Masemann, S. Majhanovich, N. Thruong and K. Janigan (eds) A Tribute to David. N. Wilson: Clamouring for a Better World. Rotterdam: Sense: 3–15.

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Angola: An Overview Pedro Nsiangengo, Diasala Jacinto André and Charl C. Wolhuter

Introduction Situated on the West Coast of Africa, Angola is geographically part of Central Africa, but for economic and geopolitical reasons, it is integrated into the Southern African community of countries. Therefore it is a member of both the Central African Economic Community (CAEC) and of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Furthermore, it is a member state of the African Union, the Community of Portuguese States and the Latin Union. Since 2006 Angola has been a member of OPEC (Oil Producing Exporting Countries).

Angola was a Portuguese colony which became independent on 11 November 1975 under the name of the People’s Republic of Angola, after a liberation war of 14 years (1961–75). The advent of independence was followed by a civil war lasting until 1991. Out of a population of seven million, 1.5 million had been killed and four million refugees created in the civil war of the 1980s (Mills and Herbst, 2012: 90). In 1991 the first multi-party elections took place, and in 1992 the name of the country was changed to the Republic of Angola. Even the 1992 elections did not herald a period of complete peace, and for the next ten years a low-intensity civil war lingered on, until on 4 April 2002 a peace treaty was signed by the warring parties, and the process of national reconstruction could commence in all seriousness. Angola was ravaged for three decades up until 2002. During this prolonged period of civil war, over 330,000 Angolans fled to neighbouring countries, and many more were displaced within Angola (Isaacs, 2007: 2). With a surface area of 1,246,450 square kilometres, it is the twenty-third largest country in the world, and, after Algeria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the third largest country in Africa. The country shares borders with

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the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the north (the Democratic Republic of the Congo cuts Angola off from its exclave, Cabinda, which is located to the north of the Democratic Republic of the Congo), Zambia in the east, Namibia in the south, and the Atlantic Ocean in the west. Angola has a Savannah climate. It has two seasons, a dry season running from May to October, and a rainy season from November to April. The country has extremely fertile soil, and has the promise to develop a highly productive agricultural sector. Furthermore, it is rich in mineral deposits. It produces two million barrels of oil per day, and has deposits of diamonds, magnesium, manganese, salt, mica, lead, tin, gold, silver and platinum. Finally it has a sea rich in fish, and the promise also exists to develop an industry based on the extraction and processing of marine resources. While there was a lethal economic meltdown from the advent of independence until the end of the civil war, there has been spectacular economic growth since the end of the civil war. Peace has also reopened Angola to international lending, enabling the government to invest in social services. According to the IMF, the Angolan economy grew by 14.7 per cent in 2005 (compared to 4.6 per cent for other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa) (Isaacs, 2007: 2). In that year, 2005, Angola had the second-fastest per capita Gross Domestic Product growth in the world (after Azerbaijan) (Mahajan, 2009: 38). Between 2000 and 2010, Angola was one of the six fastest-growing economies in the world (Mills and Herbst, 2012: 3). This spectacular economic growth reached a peak in 2007, when the economy grew by 22.7 per cent (Ibid.: 90). The economic growth notwithstanding, it is still plagued by a host of economic problems typical of African states. The economic base is too strongly reliant on only two minerals: diamonds and oil make up 60 per cent of the country’s sources of foreign revenue (Anon., 2008: 46). Despite good economic potential, Angola remains plagued by poverty and poor education. 43 per cent of the population still lives on less than US$1.25 per day (Mills and Herbst, 2012: 33). Archaeological evidence suggests that the first inhabitants of the area were Pygmees and Khoi-San. The Bantu arrived sometime during the first millennium ad. Having mastered the arts of mineral processing and making tools from minerals, they displaced the Pygmees, forcing them into the equatorial forests in the north of the country and Khoi-San to the arid parts. In 1482, the Portuguese navigator Diogo Cão first discovered the mouth of the River Congo and then Mbanza Congo, the capital of the ancient Congo Kingdom. This date represents the first contact between people in

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(the contemporary territory of) Angola and Europeans. Much later, another Portuguese, Paolo Dias de Novais, established the first colony in Luanda (1575) and conquered the Kingdom of Ndongo, whose king had the title of Ngola, and it is from this word that the country got its name. From the sixteenth century, the Portuguese were present in some of the coastal points of the present territory occupied by the state of Angola. During the nineteenth century the Portuguese extended their rule to the interior, and by the end of that century the country had established its present geographical borders. The population of Angola totals 18 million (Anon., 2013). As is the case with other countries of Africa, the population of Angola consists of a mosaic of ethnolinguistic groups: the Bantus (Bakongo, Ambundu, Ovimbundu, Cokwe, Nyaneka, Nkumbi, Hereros, Ngangela, Kuanyama), Euro-descendants and Khoi-San (Cuissis, Vuatu). This diversity is also reflected in the variety of languages spoken in Angola: Portuguese (the official language) and Bantu languages (Kikongo, Kimbundu, Umbundu, Cokwe, Nyaneka-kumbi, Nangela, Oxikwanyama, etc.). It should be noted that Kikongo, Cokwe and Oxikwanyama are transborder languages. All these peoples are determined to coexist in harmony in the same territory and in national unity. Prior to independence in 1975, Angola had a Portuguese colony (Euro-descendants) numbering approximately 350,000 (Bender and Yoder, 1974). Many fled in the run-up to independence and many left in the years after independence. Currently there are about 200,000 (Siza, 2013).

The socio- and politico-historical context of education Historians of education divide the historical development of education in Angola into three phases: 1. The pre-colonial period In traditional Angolan society, models of education adapted to the times and type of society. Some of them may appear like public educational institutions. A case in point is the initiation schools, especially of secret societies training medicine men and shamans, but also those training the diplomatic corps and the military. The advent of Europeans in 1482 heralded a symbiosis between traditional African education and Portuguese education and imported a foreign model of education.

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2. The colonial period This period could in turn be divided into four phases: a. The era of missionary education (1482–1845) characterized by education provided by Jesuits and Franciscans, both Roman Catholic missionary orders. The curriculum was basically to read, write and to calculate, and the rudiments of the Christian religion. b. The beginning and development of official primary education (1845– 1919) where the (Portuguese) government provided education, created primary schools, regulated education, and recruited, educated and paid teachers for Angolan schools. c. The development of public secondary schools (1919–62). In view of the development of Catholic seminaries, the government developed liceos – lay public secondary schools. d. The development of higher education (1962–75) which culminated in the establishment of the University of Angola. 3. The post-colonial period After independence Angola experiencing a protracted civil war, and the government opted for a Marxist-Leninist ideology. These factors led to a massive outflow of expatriates, and a change in socio-economic conditions, including education. Three decades of civil war have decimated the country’s infrastructure and education system, with large sections of the population still in dire straits, and high numbers of school-age children are out of school (Isaacs, 2007: 1). Nonetheless, a drive to massification of participation in education has taken place, though to the detriment of quality. This drive has gained momentum especially since the end of the civil war and the beginnings of moves to liberalize the economy. The government has also established a National Commission on Information Technology, now called the National IT Agency, which has been given the task of developing a national ICT policy.   As far as education is concerned, the post-independence period could be divided into two phases: a. A first wave of reforms, 1977–2010, which was determined by the Marxist-Leninist ideology. b. The establishment of a new system of education, a second reform initiative as from 2011, which will be discussed in this chapter.

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The structure of the education system According to the Basic Education Act (Act 13 of 2001, 31 December 2001), the education system of Angola will be structured as follows: a. Vertically there will be three levels: – Primary education, which is free and compulsory, six years (1st to 6th class) – Secondary education, six years divided into two cycles: first cycle (7th to 9th class) and second cycle (10th to 12th/13th class) Higher education, which includes undergraduate and postgraduate studies. Undergraduate courses are three years (Bachelors programmes) or four to six years (Licentiate programmes), depending on the field of study. Postgraduate studies comprise two types: professional postgraduate courses and academic postgraduate courses (two to three years Masters and four to five years Doctorate). Preceding these three levels is the pre-primary school sector (3–5-year-old children) consisting of Creches, Kindergartens and Initiation classes and which ensure that children are systematically and properly prepared for primary school. The initiation classes are for children who did not attend Creches or Kindergartens.

b. Horizontally there are the following subsystems: pre-primary schools, general education, special education, adult education, technical-professional education, and teacher education sector. c. As far as modes of education are concerned, there are pre-primary schools, special education and distance education.

Curriculum Initiation Classes The Initiation Classes are for children five years of age, who have not attended Creches or Kindergartens. The learning areas and the hours allocated to each are presented in Table 1.1.

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Table 1.1  The curriculum of the initiation classes Learning area

Hours per week

Linguistic communication and infant literature Numeracy skills Physical and social development Expression plasticene Expression music Psychomotoric skills Play Total

5 4 4 4 3 3 4 27

Primary school The primary school cycle is six years, and forms the base of general education. Attendance is free and compulsory. Specific objectives are the development of skills of communication, socialization, development of cognitive faculties, stimulation of an aesthetic spirit and the development of artistic creativity, and motoric and physical development by means of physical education and sports. The curriculum entails the continuation of the Portuguese language, another national language, Mathematics, Environmental Studies, Natural Science, History, Geography, Moral and Civic Education, Handicrafts, Music, and Physical Education. Which national language is included is determined by the region and the dominant language of that part of the country. The inclusion of a national language is an innovation in the curriculum and is still in the Table 1.2  Primary school curriculum: Number of prescribed hours per week per class per subject Subject

Portuguese National language Mathematics Environmental Studies Natural Science History Geography Moral and Civic Education Handicrafts Music Physical Education

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Number of hours per week First class

Second Third class class

Fourth Fifth class class

Sixth Class

9

9

9

9

8

8

7 3

7 3

7 3

7 3

6

6

1 2

1 2

1 2

1 2

4 2 2 2 2 1 2

4 2 2 2 2 1 2

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experimental stage. The number of hours prescribed for each of these per class per week is presented in Table 1.2.

First cycle of secondary school According to the Act of Basic Education, the objectives of education in the first cycle of secondary school are to consolidate, deepen and strengthen cognitive skills and habits and attitudes acquired during pre-primary and primary education in order to lay a basis for proceeding to senior secondary education. Students pursue their studies in the following areas: the Portuguese language, a foreign language (either French or English), Mathematics, Biology, Physics, Chemistry, Geography, History, Moral and Civic Education, Handicrafts, Manual Labour and Physical Education. The number of hours prescribed per week per subject per class is presented in Table 1.3. Table 1.3  Number of hours per subject per class per week prescribed for junior secondary schools Subject Portuguese Foreign language Mathematics Biology Physics Chemistry Geography History Moral and Civic Education Handicrafts Manual Labour Physical Education Total hours per week Total hours per year

Hours per week Seventh class

Eighth class

Ninth class

4 3 4 2 3 2 2 3 1 2 2 2 30 900

4 3 4 2 2 3 2 3 1 2 2 2 30 900

4 3 4 3 2 2 3 2 1 2 2 2 30 900

Second cycle of secondary education The objectives of education of the second cycle of secondary education are to prepare students for participation in the labour market and for study in institutions of higher education, to develop abstract and logical thinking and to apply scientific models to the problems of practical life.

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The second cycle of secondary education offers a course, General secondary education, a three-year programme (tenth to twelfth classes), for those destined for higher education. Students of General secondary education can follow one of four areas of specialization, namely Physical and Biological Sciences, Economic-Law Sciences, Humanities, and Visual Arts. The prescribed curriculum for each of these four areas, and the number of hours per week per subject, are presented in Tables 1.4, 1.5, 1.6 and 1.7. Table 1.4  Prescribed curriculum of senior secondary education: General education: Specialization: Physical and biological sciences Subjects

Hours per week Tenth class

General education: Portuguese Foreign language Mathematics Information Technology Physical Education Philosophy Specialization Field Education Physics Chemistry Biology Geology Business Studies Optional Subject Total per week Total per year

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3 3 4 4 2 4 4 4 2 30 900

Eleventh class Twelfth class 3 3 4

3 3 4

2 2

2 2

3 3 4 2 2 2 30 900

3 3 4 2 2 2 30 900

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Table 1.5  Prescribed curriculum of senior secondary education: General education: Specialization: Economic-law sciences Subjects

Hours per week Tenth class

General education: Portuguese 3 Foreign language 3 Mathematics 4 Information Technology 4 Physical Education 2 Philosophy Specialization Field Education Introduction to Law 3 Introduction to Economics 3 Geography 3 History 3 Economic and Social Development Business Studies 2 Optional Subject Total per week 30 Total per year 900

Eleventh class Twelfth class 3 3 5

3 3

2 2

2 2

3 2 3 3

2 3 3 3 4 2 2 29 870

2 2 30 900

Table 1.6  Prescribed curriculum of senior secondary education: General education: Specialization: Humanities Subjects

Hours per week Tenth class

General education: Portuguese Foreign language Mathematics Information Technology Physical Education Philosophy Specialization Field Education Foreign language History Geography Literature Business Studies Optional Subject Total per week Total per year

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Eleventh class Twelfth class

4 3 3 4 2

4 3 2

4 3

2 2

2 2

4 3 3

4 3 3 2 2 2 29 870

4 3 3 2 2 2 27 810

2 29 840

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Table 1.7  Prescribed curriculum of senior secondary education: General education: Specialization: Visual arts Subjects

Hours per week Tenth class

General education: Portuguese Foreign language Mathematics Information Technology Physical Education Philosophy Specialization Field Education Design Theory and Practice of Design Technical Drawing History of Art Artistic Expression Business Studies Optional Subject Total per week Total per year

4 3 3 4 2 3 3 2 3 2 290 870

Eleventh class Twelfth class 4 3

4 3

2 2

2 2

3 3 3 3 3 2 2 30 900

2 3 2 4 2 2 27 810

Apart from General secondary education, the option of a four-year Vocational secondary education programme also exists in the senior secondary cycle. The Vocational senior secondary school programme last three or four years, i.e. classes 10 to 12 or 13, depending on the field of study. The objective is to deliver a graduate who is ready to take up his/her position in the labour market, be it the public or private sector; in the industries, agriculture, health services, entertainment and sports; and at the same time being equipped for studying at a higher education institution. In view of the growing economy, vocational secondary education is expanding. At this moment there are ten areas of specialization: Administration and Services, Construction, Electricity, Electronics and Telecommunication, Information Science, Mechanics, Chemistry, Agriculture, Fish and Food Industry, Energy and Electrical Installations, Extractive Industries, and Health Services. The following might well be added in future: Accountancy and Management, Accountancy, Business Management, Secretarial Work, Project Design, Civil Construction, Electronics, Telecommunication, Energy and Electric Installations Information Science, Management of Information Systems, Refrigeration Industry, Metal Mechanics, Machines and Motors, Industrial Maintenance, Quality Control, Petro-chemistry, Industrial Electricity, Public Administration, Statistics and

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Planning, Plant Production (Agriculture), Animal Husbandry, Agricultural Management, Mining Geology, and Petroleum Production. The curricula for these courses are structured as follows: (i) a socio-cultural component, corresponding to General Education, (ii) a scientific component, corresponding to Technical Education, and (iii) a vocational component, which is technical, technological and practical. The third component typically consists of two to four subjects. For the area of Health Services, for example, the subjects are Nursing, Public Health, Radiology and Pharmacy.

Teacher education Different programmes for teacher education for pre-primary schools, primary schools and for first cycle of secondary school exist. Following the first wave of reform of the education system after the advent of independence in 1977, pre-service training of primary teachers took place through Intensive Teacher Training Courses, which later became Basic Teacher Training Courses. The courses were spread over two years, and aimed to train teachers for the first four grades that made up Level 1 of the education system that was in force until 2004. Students were recruited after Year 6 of Basic Education and were then trained, through the two-year teacher education course, to work in pre-primary and primary schools, from Year 1 through Year 4. Teacher Training Colleges took, and are still taking, students who passed the final year of Basic Education (that is the eighth school year) and enrol them for a four-year teacher education programme, which qualifies them to teach in pre-primary schools, primary schools and lower secondary schools (i.e. up to the eighth school year). Currently, for the education of teachers for the first cycle of secondary schools, eight options exist: Portuguese and Moral and Civic Education; French and Moral and Civic Education; English and Moral and Civic Education; Mathematics and Physics; Biology and Chemistry; Geography and History; Arts and Handicrafts; and Physical Education. Besides their academic speciality they also study Developmental Psychology; Special Needs Education; Educational Management and Sociology of Education; Theory of Education and Curriculum Development; and Hygiene and Health Education. An innovative initiative is the Training Colleges for Teachers of the Future (CTF). Teachers who qualified from the four-year Teacher Training College programmes described above have up to now mostly taken up posts at lower

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secondary schools, leaving primary schools, especially primary schools in rural areas, without qualified teachers. This is the need which the CTFs are attempting to address. The Aid for the Development of the People by the People (ADPP), a non-governmental organization (NGO), in collaboration with Angola’s Ministry of Education, has set up a network of secondary schools to train teachers to work in primary schools in the rural areas of Angola. The CTFs are involved in training a new type of teacher (Nsiangengo and Diasala, 2008). Although enrolments and therefore also the number of schools have grown very quickly in the past ten years, the lack of properly trained teachers who are willing to work in the rural, often very poor areas is a major handicap to the schooling of children living in these areas. The CTF programme, which started in 1995, aims to overcome this deficiency. It is the result of close collaboration between the government and its partners in the education sector. It also represents one of the measures of the national plan for the reconstruction of the Angolan education system (1995–2005), set up to rebuild the education system that was largely destroyed during the many years of conflict that Angola has witnessed. Today, the CTF comprises a powerful network of teacher training institutions (Nsianengo and Diasala, 2008). The final aim of the ADPP is to prepare primary teachers to work in the rural areas, which are often very poor. The specific objectives of this innovation are to: MM

MM

MM

MM

train teachers who are committed to educational development in primary schools in rural areas and are capable of teaching all of the subjects from the first to sixth grade; foster new attitudes, knowledge and competencies in teaching and learning; provide training that will enable the future teachers to work with poor and vulnerable populations in a rural environment; build schools and train teachers who can support community development through different types of activities (Nsianengo and Diasala, 2008).

These colleges therefore give teachers a much broader education than the conventional teacher education programmes which are limited to academic or theoretical education, or, at most, to theoretical education bolted onto practical education limited to the work of the teacher in the classroom. The CTFs aim to train the teachers not only to be competent within their schools, but also capable of making the link between school and life in general and assuming the role of community agents for development and, in so doing, be able to contribute to the reconstruction of the country (Nsianengo and Diasala, 2008).

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Nsiangengo and Diasala (2008) enumerate the key features of the CTF teacher education programmes as follows: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

A well-defined project, with strong political partnerships organized around a long-term vision. Colleges built in rural areas with housing for teachers and pupils. Training that lasts for two-and-a-half years, including one year of teaching practice that covers responsibility for both teaching and community-related activities. A realistic training curriculum, adapted to objectives that aim at linking theory and practice. Modern teaching methods. An educational project that is oriented towards community development and thus involved in the fight against poverty. Fostering a liking for the work and commitment to the service, as well as becoming active members of the community. The contribution of each CTF to in-service training of teachers already employed. New teachers trained in the CTFs who are resource persons for their colleagues and communities, innovators and agents for educational reform. Definite job opportunities for certified teachers who, on completion of their training, are posted to the primary schools in their home provinces – the MED and the Ministry of Public Administration, Employment and Social Security (MPAESS) are responsible for their appointment as teacher and civil servant, respectively.

The training programme lasts for 30 months, of which 19 months are spent in the college and 11 months in teaching practice in real-life classroom situations. The programme is made up of eight stages, and three teaching methods are used at each stage: individual study; lessons prepared by the teacher trainer; and practical experience. The symbiosis between theoretical education and practice is presented in Table 1.8. The first CTF was founded in 1995. Today, there are nine CTFs, with a capacity to train around 400 teachers each year. Since the first cohort of certified teachers in 1998, a total of 1,620 teachers have been trained, which has enabled more than 55,000 children to go to school. In 2005, 249 newly trained teachers came from these colleges and another 945 were in training there. In 2006, while 289 teachers completed their training, 645 new students enrolled in a CTF. By 2015, it is expected that 16 CTFs will have been set up, with the capacity to

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Table 1.8  Structure of Teacher education programme at CTFs Year 1

Year 2

Stage 1: Three months: The world in which we live Stage 2: Three months: Our country Angola Stage 3: One month: Let us continue building our school Stage 4: Five months: Teaching practice and further study Stage 5: Five months: Reinforcement: Portuguese, mathematics, natural sciences. Options: (the teacher’s second responsibility): health officer, promoter of women, community leader, entrepreneur Stage 6: Seven months: Teaching Practice, Part 1: The art and practice of teaching: – work as a teacher in a primary school – community work – further study Stage 6: Four months: Teaching practice, Part 2: The art and practice of teaching (continued) Stage 7: Two weeks: Teaching workshop Stage 8: Six weeks: Final examination

train 1,520 teachers each year, with 8,000 teachers trained. Most of the teachers trained until now (90 per cent) work in primary schools in semi-urban or rural areas, in more than half of the country’s municipalities and in all of the provinces. Another 10 per cent hold the post of assistant director for education in the rural schools where they work (Nsianengo and Diasala, 2008). Concerning the status of the practice, according to Benavente (2007), good practices can have different statuses. The CTFs are not the accidental product of a situation where a mixture of chance and circumstance enables an innovation to come to fruition. On the contrary, they are the result of a combination of both subjective and objective factors. Detailed analysis of the running of these colleges, their curriculum and the obstacles that they have had to overcome to succeed leads to label this practice with the twin status of ‘work in progress’ and ‘example’ (Nsianengo and Diasala, 2008). First of all, as an example, this practice makes achievable what seemed to be impossible or very difficult, thus widening the range of possibilities by showing that innovative solutions are not only creative but also realistic and thus viable. It also has the status of a work-inprogress as it is taking shape step by step and is thus being strengthened as time goes by. Starting with a clear vision, each successive step has been examined to enable the practice to progress and strengthen. As a pilot project that is limited in place or time, it can thus be developed into a long-term alternative on a wider scale. The political will shown by the government is also, and above all, the factor for success behind this good practice. This will has enabled the project to develop in an extraordinary manner and has led to a constant increase in the

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number of teachers trained in the new methods. In this way, we consider the practice also to be a lever for change (Nsiangengo and Diasala, 2008). The modern teaching method chosen encourages the learners to be auto­nomous and provides the trainee teachers with opportunities to learn by themselves and take responsibility for their own training. With this method, the students have access to a classroom equipped with computers connected to a computer library in the school that contains the entire training programme (Nsiangengo and Diasala, 2008). The timetable is divided into four approaches to training: (i) half to personal study; (ii) a quarter to classwork; (iii) a quarter to practical work; and (iv) continuous assessment. Thus, students plan their own studies during half of their training time and choose the topic on which they want to work. The assigned trainer marks the work as soon as it is ready. A quarter of the time is used in a more traditional, standard way, with classwork that can also consist of debates, films, practical projects, visits to craftsmen’s workshops or exercises on the cleanliness and hygiene of the surroundings. The aim is to foster a wide general culture in the future teachers. The content is taken from events worldwide and deals with various issues that are very often of current interest. Another quarter of the training time is spent on practical work, which is done either individually or in groups. Common exercises are listed in the school programme and cover music, visual arts, excursions and community life in the school. Finally, the learners assess their progress through the marking system: for each stage of the training they must obtain a minimum mark in each activity in order to go on to the next stage (Nsiangengo and Diasala, 2008).

Higher education Higher education in Angola commenced with the establishment of the University of Angola, which came into existence on 21 August 1962 (Act no. 44530). In 1985, the name of the university was changed to Agostinho Neto University. Angola has this one state university and one teacher education university, Universidade Jean Piaget de Angola. The rector is appointed by the president of the Republic and the directors of faculties and schools are appointed by the Minister of Education on the rector’s recommendation. During the 1990s private higher education institutions began to appear. The oldest of these private universities is the Universidade Católica de Angola (Catholic University of

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Angola). The Catholic University of Angola (CUA) was established in the early 1990s with the support of His Eminence Alexandre Cardinal do Nascimento and the Roman Catholic Church of Angola. Many of the private institutions do not offer higher education of the desired quality. After the signing of a peace accord between the major warring parties on 4 April 2002, the state could focus more on education, including higher education. Originally falling under the Ministry of Education, higher education followed a developmental course, falling successively under a Secretary for Higher Education, the Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology, and finally, since 2012, a Ministry of Higher Education. In 2009 the government created seven regional academies of higher education. By that year there were already seven public universities and ten private universities in Angola. The system has 80,000 students, of whom 52,000 study at public universities. The higher education system of Angola has the following types of higher education institutions: academies, universities, and polytechnics. In total there are 55 public institutions and 22 private institutions of higher education, with an academic profession complement of 2,731 at private institutions and 2,590 at public institutions. The student body consists of 72,833 at private institutions and 49,519 at public institutions (2011 figures).

Functioning of the system: Major problems Pre-primary education The main problem of education at this level is the lack of adequate space to provide access to pre-primary education to everyone. Secondly there is a lack of trained teachers. Nonetheless, in the space of a mere eleven years, from 1999 to 2010, gross pre-primary education enrolment ratios rose from 27 per cent to 104 per cent (UNESCO, 2013). (The presence of over-age children in pre-primary schools accounts for the figure of more than 100 per cent.)

Primary education Primary education, being free and obligatory, also has its share of problems. Enrolments swelled from 1,472,874 to 4,189,853 in the ten-year period 2001 to 2010, thanks to the pacification of the country, allowing more focus on

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education. Gross primary education enrolment ratios increased from 85 per cent in 1985 to 124 per cent in 2010 (UNESCO, 2013). (Large numbers of over-age children in primary schools account for a percentage over 100 – a common occurrence in developing countries.) However, this encouraging growth in enrolments was not accompanied by a corresponding growth in the supply of qualified teachers. There are also not enough inspectors to monitor the functioning of the system. Then there is also a gross shortage of adequate textbooks, not only in terms of production but also distribution. One result is inequality in education between the cities and the more peripheral rural areas. Achievement levels are not on standard – during the first years of primary school, students do not become literate.

Secondary education The problems experienced at primary education level persist at secondary education level, although less severely. In some subjects the shortage of suitably qualified teachers is, however, very severe. There is also the problem that, for the teaching of science and technology subjects, laboratories are inoperational. Gross secondary education enrolment ratios rose 13 per cent in 1998 to 18 per cent in 2002 to 31 per cent (UNESCO, 2013).

Special education Although there are 22 schools for children with special needs, and 687 inclusive education schools, the main problem in respect of this kind of education is the lack of pre-primary education for children with special needs.

Higher education Gross tertiary education enrolment ratios rose from a paltry 1 per cent in 1998 to 3 per cent in 2006 to 4 per cent in 2010 (UNESCO, 2013). During the seven-year period 1999 to 2006, higher education enrolments in Angola shot up from 7,900 to 49,000 – this 520 per cent growth was the largest in all the SADC (Southern African Development Community) (Mpinganjira, 2009: 556). A worrisome trend in higher education is the persistent drop in enrolment in basic fields of study (such as Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Biology, Portuguese, Medicine, Engineering, Agriculture and Veterinary Sciences). A second problem is the overloading of academic staff at public universities.

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This has a detrimental effect on the quality of education. One further result is that research productivity at public universities is very insignificant. Given the absence of research activity and the place of research in determining the quality of education at universities and the potential role of research in national development, the Minister of Higher Education has expressed concern about the lack of a culture of research at universities.

Conclusion The Angolan system of education, implemented in accordance with Act 13/01 of 31 December 2004 (Act on Basic Education) encountered an average annual increase in the number of teachers of 14.54 per cent per year. By 2011, the increase in enrolments (at primary and secondary school levels) since 2004 stood at a staggering 165.71 per cent. Education has expanded spectacularly over the past years. Efficiency and equity have also improved, although on all counts (access to all, efficiency and equality) formidable challenges remain. Since the advent of peace, more resources could be invested in education, to the benefit of all. To sum up, the education system of Angola has shown an explosive growth of enrolments at primary education level, while at secondary level it is characterized by a strong vocational orientation, in order to gear the education system for the needs of the country and the imperatives of a globalized world. Higher education has shown a spectacular growth too (albeit from a small basis) and the emergence of a strong private sector. The next major challenge is to enhance the quality of education at all levels. The position of languages in education in Angola could be questioned. Of all the Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Madagascar are the only three which have opted not to choose English as the official language. Even Mozambique, the other erstwhile Portuguese colony in the region, chose both Portuguese and English as official languages. The SADC operates a trilingual policy that recognizes English, French and Portuguese as its official languages. The SADC language policy does not accommodate the use of African languages spoken in these countries. The choice of European languages is a reflection of the legacy of the colonial experience as the stated languages were adopted from the previous colonial rulers. Although the organization has adopted a trilingual language policy, in practice English is the most dominant language in almost all contexts. English is thus gradually usurping the privileged position that Portuguese used

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to have in Angola due to the link between economic opportunity and language that has emerged in Angola (Mooko, 2009). The acquisition of English can be associated with the acquisition of some cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1990) or capital accumulation (Alexandre, 1972) which enables those individuals in Angola who function in this language to be more empowered to secure better jobs. Since English has become the super-international language of the world, it is considered as the de facto lingua franca in international gatherings. This is an influence that becomes easily entrenched in instances where there is no other common language that the countries can adopt for their operations. Nickerson (2005) provides a review of research on the use of English as a lingua franca in international business contexts. All these stand at odds with both the choice of Portuguese as national language and the position of languages in education in Angola, where Portuguese is a compulsory subject at both primary and secondary education level, and where English is but an optional second foreign language (students have a choice between English and French as foreign language). Then a foreign language is only offered from secondary school level, and also for only a limited number of hours per week.

Discussion One of the persistent challenges in education not only in Sub-Saharan Africa but worldwide is that of aligning the world of education with the world of work. Education systems and their output appear to be out of step with the demands of the economy and the labour market in many countries of the world (cf. Erasmus et al., 2003). Despite worldwide massive investments in education and education expansion since the middle of the twentieth century, unemployment remains high, and especially since the 1970s, the spectre of schooled unemployment has raised its head (cf. World Bank, 1988: 70–1; Blaug, 1973; Husén, 1979: 9, 18). Schooled unemployment has assumed such proportions that even educationists have started to become cynical about the value of education (Fägerlind and Saha, 1989: 4). Education and training systems appear to be out of step with the needs of economies. There is, for example, an oversupply of the wrong or outdated qualifications and skills, and/or an undersupply of skills required by a rapidly changing technology-based economy (cf. Blossfeld and Stockmann, 1999; Douthwaite, 1996: 13–29; Murnane and Levy, 1996: 3; Cappelli et al., 1997: 165). Even in a country such as Vietnam, where higher education expansion has only recently (after 1986) taken off, and which has (in terms of, for example, gross

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enrolment ratios) a very underdeveloped higher education system, graduate unemployment has begun to be a problem. 165,000 graduates are unemployed, constituting 17 per cent of the unemployed in Viet Nam (Pham, 2013). Comparative Education scholars have not found a solution to this challenge. In post-independence Sub-Saharan Africa four major strategies have been used (Wolhuter and Van Niekerk, 2012: 8). First, most states have inserted vocational subjects in the curriculum. A second initiative was the introduction of polytechnical education, whereby pupils spend a part of the school day on farms or in workshops – for example in Mali in 1962 or, on a more limited scale, the Business Education Partnership Agency in Zimbabwe (BEPAZ) project. Third, a more extreme form was to transform schools into production units, such as in Benin in 1971, or Education for Self-Reliance in Tanzania in 1967 (Roy-Campbell, 1992), or the Brigades, a private initiative in Botswana. Fourth, National Youth Community Services Schemes were introduced in countries such as Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Malawi and Nigeria. It should be added that these initiatives generally were not very successful (the Brigades of Botswana being a notable exception) and that in many cases governments found it impossible to implement these ambitious schemes (for reasons, see Durt, 1992). Of the cases surveyed in this volume, Angola presents the case of an education system with an exceptionally strong presence of a vocational element, and a very specific and diversified element at that, in programmes at the senior secondary school level. While this arrangement no doubt reflects the Angola government’s Marxist ideological leanings, within the context of the spectacular economic development of the country, this education system is an experiment to watch.

References Alexandre, P. 1972. An introduction to languages and language in Africa. London: Heinemann. Anon. 2008. ‘Angola marches toward riches and democracy’. The Economist 30, August 2008: 46. —2013. Angola 2013 Demographic Profile 2013. http://www.indexmundi.com/angola/ demographics_profile.html [accessed 6 August 2013]. Benavente, A. 2007. Les Bonnes pratiques: l’exception qui confirme la règle ou le phare qui riente le chemin à parcourir? [Good practices: the exception that proves the rule or the lever of change?]. Geneva: IBE. Bender, G. and Yoder, S. 1974. ‘Whites in Angola on the eve of independence. The Politics of numbers’. Africa Today 21(4): 23–7.

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Blaug, M. 1973. Education and the Employment Problem in Developing Countries. Geneva: International Labour Office. Blossfeld, H. P. and Stockmann, R. 1999. ‘The German dual system in comparative perspective’. International Journal of Sociology 28(4): 3–28. Bourdieu, P. 1990. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage Publications. Cappelli, P., Bassi, L., Katz, H., Knoke, D., Osterman, P. and Useem, M. 1997. Change at Work. New York: Oxford University Press. Douthwaite, R. J. 1996. Short Circuit: Strengthening Local Economies For Security in an Unstable World. Devon: Green Books. Durt, M. 1992. Bildungspolitik in Zimbabwe: vom ‘industrial training’ zu ‘Education for Production:’ Erfarhungen mit einem praxis-orientierten Bildungskonzept. Frankfurt: Iko. Erasmus, J. C., Wolhuter, C. C., Steyn, S. C., Mentz, P. J. and Van der Walt, J. L. 2003. Onderwys-/opleiding en ekonomiese aanvraag. KOERS 67(3): 329–50. Fägerlind, I. and Saha, L. J. 1989. Education and National Development: a comparative perspective. Oxford: Pergamon. Herbst, M. and Herbst, J. 2012. Africa’s Third Liberation. Rosebank: Penguin. Husén, T. 1979. The School in Question: A Comparative Study of the School and its Future in Western Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Isaacs, S. 2007. ICT in Education in Angola. Washington, DC: The World Bank. Mahajan, V. 2009. Africa Rising: How 900 Million Consumers Offer More than you Think. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. Mills, G. and Herbst, J. 2012. Africa’s Third Liberation. Johannesburg: Penguin South Africa. Mooko, T. 2009. ‘Language policy and practice in the multilingual Southern African development community’. Current Issues in Language Planning 10(2): 166–80. Mpinganjira, M. 2009. ‘Trade liberalisation in education services: opportunities and risks for SADC countries’. Educational Research and Reviews 4(11): 553–60. Murnane, R. J. and Levy, F. 1996. Teaching the New Basic Skills: Principles for Educating Children to Thrive in a Changing Economy. New York: Free Press. Nickerson, C. 2005. ‘English as a lingua franca in international business contexts’. English for Specific Purposes 24(4), 367–80. Nsiangengo, P. and Diasala, A. J. 2008. ‘Teacher training colleges in the rural areas of Angola’. Prospects: Quarterly Review of Comparative Education 38(2): 247–61. Pham, H. 2013. Graduate unemployment and ‘over education’ rising. Universityworldnews 13 July 2013. http://www.universityworldnews.com/article. php?story=20130711163808113 [accessed 17 August 2013]. Roy-Campbell, Z. M. 1992. ‘The politics of education in Tanzania: From colonialism to liberation’ in: H. Campbell and H. Stein (eds). Tanzania and the IMF: The dynamics of liberalization. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 147–69. Siza, R. 2013. José Eduardo Dos Santos diz que trabalhadores portugueses são bem-vidos em Angola. http://www.publico.pt/economic/noticia/

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jose-eduardo-dos-santos-diz-trabalhadores-portugueses-sao-bem-vindos-emangola [accessed 6 August 2013]. UNESCO. 2013. Statistics. http://www.uis.unesco.org [accessed 29 July 2013]. Wolhuter, C. C. and Van Niekerk, M. P. 2010. ‘50 Years of Educational Reform and Expansion in Africa’. In Masemann, V. Majhanovich, S., Thruong, N. and Janigan, K. (eds) A Tribute to David. N. Wilson: Clamouring for a Better World. Rotterdam: Sense: 3–15. World Bank. 1988. Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Policies for Adjustment, Revitalisation and Expansion. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

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Burundi: Trends and Challenges Hermenegilde Rwantabagu

Introduction Burundi is a republic in East-Central Africa. It achieved independence in 1962 after 40 years of Belgian colonial rule. From the latter it has inherited a number of characteristics as far as the education system is concerned. These are: an elitist and academic-oriented school system, a very centralized structure of administration and, until recently, a strong Roman Catholic influence in the creation and running of educational institutions. Following the country’s achievement of independent nationhood, great efforts have been deployed in the sense of expanding the school system at all levels while improving its relevance to the social, economic and cultural realities of the country. The Burundi Constitution, in line with article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, has proclaimed the principle of basic education for all and that of equality of access to higher levels of the school system, on the basis of talent and personal merit. On the quantitative side, the steady rise in primary enrolments since the 1960s has been recently boosted by the adoption of the double-shift pattern of instruction. With this practice, the stated objective of universal primary education by the year 2015 may be a target that is at hand. From the late 1960s, enrolments at secondary and tertiary levels have been rising beyond any expectations. Current trends at these two levels, especially with the multiplication of ‘Communal Colleges’ or locally managed junior secondary schools since 1990, are a clear sign to high challenges facing policymakers in the years ahead. At the qualitative level, the persistent dilemma remains as to whether the curriculum should be dominated by theoretically oriented knowledge or

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whether education should be utilitarian, that is practically oriented. On the other hand, the language of instruction issue remains a contentious one as for some, the mother tongue, Kirundi in this case, ‘as the language of cultural identity’, should be the dominant medium of teaching at the basic level at least, while for others, French as ‘the language of academic and professional promotion’ ought to be used more intensively and from an early age. In any attempt to design the framework for a solution to this ambiguous situation, the principles of balance and realism should prevail. Above all, it should be constantly borne in mind that education for all must not be achieved at the expense of quality and that, in a changing world, the chief aim of education is to prepare the young to become morally responsible, culturally adapted and professionally self-reliant. This can be realized only if there is a body of competent and motivated teachers.

Political history The traditional kingdom of Burundi entered the modern era when, by the end of the nineteenth century, it was incorporated into the German East Africa colony. At the end of the First World War and following the terms of the 1919 Treaty of Versailles, Burundi fell under Belgian administration first as a mandate and later as a trust territory respectively under the aegis the League of Nations and the United Nations (Gahama, 1983). Independent sovereignty was achieved in July 1962 while the country was a constitutional monarchy. The latter was abolished in November 1966 after four centuries of continued rule and a republican order was established. Of late, the people of Burundi have adopted a multiparty democratic system out of which emerged the present elected government. The recent inter-ethnic upheavals that have shaken the country like those recorded during the past three decades are the work of extremist and highly irresponsible elements at both ends of the ‘tribal continuum’. The past socio-political crises, far from being the source of deeper divisions, should help open people’s minds and hearts so that they can strive for unity and social cohesion through democratic participation and justice for all. In this perspective, education, at all levels, will be expected to play a leading role in transmitting the tenets of oneness, the rule of law and the strict respect for human rights. The democratization process that started with the 2005 elections has created a climate and a framework within which the school system has been

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expanding considerably, particularly with the campaign undertaken by local communities to build and equip primary and secondary schools in all parts of the country.

The formal education system The present administrative framework of the national education system has been established under the Education Act of July 1989 and by subsequent Ordinances and Regulations. The Act does not only set out the general aims of the entire education system as well as the structure and content of school instruction, level by level, it also determines the role of education support agencies such as the Inspectorate and Curriculum Development Bureaux. On the other hand, the Act defines the management structure of primary and of secondary or technical schools and, at the macro-level, the respective role and responsibilities of the state and of the Catholic and Protestant Churches in the overall financing and running of the school system. However, the Act does not dwell on the issue of pre-primary education which is, from the pedagogical point of view, of great relevance to primary education. Except for the initial stages of primary education, the general medium of instruction in the country is French.

The organizational framework of education The education system of Burundi is organized under the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research and the Ministry for Basic and Secondary Education. The Ministries are headed by Ministers who are in charge of the overall supervision of the school system and the implementation of general education policies. The Minister for Basic and Secondary Education wields considerable powers in such matters as the appointment or proposal of senior personnel, school headteachers and school inspectors and in many other areas. He presents new Education Bills and other major decisions to the Council of Ministers for their approval before they are eventually submitted to Parliament. The creation of new public or private educational institutions must be approved by him (Nzohabonayo, 2004). The Minister is assisted by a Director General, Departmental Directors and other heads of services. The education system of Burundi having inherited a very

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centralized administrative set-up, provincial Directors of Education act as bridges between the Ministry headquarters and local schools. The role of the Provincial Director of Education is to coordinate and supervise all educational matters within the province under his jurisdiction. He is in charge of the deployment of teaching personnel, the allocation of school materials and other key tasks. At the commune level, the Communal Directors’ responsibility is to ensure that schools are managed properly and according to governmental regulations. They also ensure quality of teaching through close monitoring and supervision of teachers as far as implementation of school curricula is concerned (Ministry of Education, 2010). At the local level, the primary or secondary school headteachers, assisted by parents’ committees, try to run their schools smoothly. In this respect, one of the positive developments that is worth noting is the increasing involvement of parents in the management of their own schools and in helping to seek solutions to local educational problems. Through separate Conventions signed with the Catholic Church and other religious organizations, the state and those bodies have created a framework of collaboration whereby the denominational schools enjoy particular rights and in such aspects as the organization of religious activities and the appointment of headteachers, while receiving substantial subsidies and teachers from the state. On the other hand, the church-run institutions have to comply strictly with governmental regulations and abide by its standards. In this respect, they must teach the official curriculum while regularly undergoing official inspection. As the quasi-sole financier of the education system and in a context of expansion, the government has been encouraging private groups and local communities to invest more and more in education, as its resources are already overstretched. Indeed, as one Burundian saying goes, ‘a child does not belong to one person’. This implies that education is too important to be the exclusive responsibility of one entity or institution in the country. It must rather be the common concern of all in a spirit of partnership and complementarity; all are called to participate positively in its development. This collaboration is essential if the aims of education are to be fully achieved. They are outlined in the following section.

The aims of education The current educational objectives are outlined in the 2009 Sectoral Plan for the Development of Education and Training. They concern mainly universal

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primary education, striking a balance between the output of technical and higher education and the requirements of the job market, improving the quality and relevance of the content, and the efficient utilization of available resources (Ministry of Education, 2009b). At the general level, the education system aims at developing harmoniously the physical, moral and intellectual dimensions of the personality of children and young people. On the other hand, the school intends to enhance the adaptation of the young to their national cultural context while preparing them to become responsible citizens and productive members of the community (Ministry of Education, 2010). By and large, the general aims tend to be reflected in the particular objectives assigned to the different levels of the school system. At the three levels, education has both general and professional objectives: to provide academic knowledge in view of further studies and lifelong education on the one hand, and to equip young people with pre-professional attitudes and aptitudes. Higher education is further expected to develop among students an inquisitive mind that is eager and prepared to engage in scientific research for community development.

The education of the education system Pre-school education Within traditional society, early childhood education was the responsibility of the family in its widest sense: parents, brothers and sisters, grandparents, uncles, aunts and the like. During the colonial period, missionaries have concentrated their action on the provision of primary, vocational and secondary education while pre-school education was totally overlooked. The same public attitude towards nursery education has remained unchanged even after the achievement of independence in 1962. Until 1980, nursery schools existed only in Bujumbura City and were organized in the shadow of primary schools, with no legal framework to streamline their operation. It is only within Decree no. 100/054 of 19 August 1998 that pre-school education is dealt with (Article 26). The latter outlines the aims of nursery education as well as the responsibilities of the Department of Pre-school Education. The aims of pre-school education are in line with the need to protect early childhood from neglect and to enhance the mental, social and emotional

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development of children while equipping them with basic skills for easy access and better success in primary education. The role of the Department of Pre-school Education is to coordinate all public and private nursery schools in the country, the elaboration and distribution of materials to schools, as well to ensure quality through proper supervision and follow-up. Pre-school education caters for children aged between 3 and 6 years. In 2007, the situation is as follows: there are 191 public schools, 166 private schools and classes, 197 ‘pre-schools centres’ and 11 ‘community centres’. The latter are supported by the NGO TWITEZIMBERE and Parents Associations. By 2010, there were 55,103 children in pre-school institutions (Ministry of Education, 2011b: 6). In terms of access, it is evident that there is a wide disparity between urban and rural areas in favour of the former, while, fortunately, the gap between boys’ and girls’ rates of participation is narrow. On the whole, pre-school education in Burundi has made some progress so far, as compared to the past decades, but the rate of access stands at only 2.6 per cent of the estimated population of 1 million young children. Hence, the government should invest more in this sector of education as a key element in its strategy to achieve universal primary education for all by the year 2015. In this respect, the state should put in place structures of supervision and coordination at provincial and communal levels so as to boost and monitor the provision of pre-school education in all parts of the country. Particular measures should be taken to train and deploy fairly a body of well-trained, equipped and motivated nursery teachers.

Primary education The primary level of education lasts six years and is subdivided into three stages of two years each. The average age of entry is six years while the leaving age is relative, depending on the number of years that one spends ‘marking time’ in grade 6 hoping to pass the Competitive National Examination that gives access to secondary education. About 96 per cent of primary-age children attend primary schools in the country. The curriculum of primary schools, which is elaborated by the Bureau for Primary Education, consists of the following subjects in order of importance (number of periods per week): French, Mathematics, Kirundi, Environmental Studies, Religion or Ethics, Art, Physical Education and Agriculture. One notices that as you move up the grades, French and Mathematics are given more

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and more emphasis to the detriment of Kirundi which loses ground. On the other hand, the time allocated to environmental studies seems to be constant throughout (Ministry of Education, 2010). In reality, the last two primary years have the tendency to be concentrated on the preparation of pupils for the ‘make or break’ National Examination that marks the passage from primary to secondary education. It bears on Mathematics, French, Kirundi and Environmental Studies. Success at that test constitutes a ‘passport’ to public secondary education. Traditionally, only about 10 per cent of candidates make it, while the remaining majority either repeat or join vocational institutions or the multitude of communal junior secondary schools that have been springing up in the country over the last 17 years or so. Among recent curricular innovations one may mention the introduction of English and Kiswahili from the first grade. Indeed, with the admission of Burundi as a member of the East African Community it is imperative that citizens become slowly competent and communicative in those two languages. In the face of massive classes and congested classrooms, passive and teacher-centred methods prevail, with little room for active and participatory methods. Primary enrolments have been steadily rising over the last 12 years with 706,642 pupils in 2000 and 1,772,879 pupils in 2010 (Ministry of Education, 2010: 14). This trend has been enhanced by the government’s decision to waive fees in all public primary schools by 2005 as well as the construction of 1,700 new classrooms since 2006 (Ministry of Education, 2011b: 6). On the whole, there is almost equal participation by boys and girls (Ministry of Education, 2011a: 28). At the policy level, the government’s decision to remove school fees at the primary level is a major step on the way to achieving universal primary education by the year 2015. As a matter of policy, the government’s objective is to realize what is known as ‘Basic Education’ for all, lasting nine years. The move to achieve primary education for all Long before the 1990 Jomtien Conference, the Government of Burundi had set a target of Universal Primary Schooling by the year 1988. To back up this policy, specific measures were adopted, namely: the double shift system, ‘collective promotion’, and the building of school infrastructures with parents’ participation. This explains how between 1980 and 1991 the Gross Enrolment Rate rose from 28 per cent to 71 per cent, that is a 43 per cent increase within 10 years (Ministry of Education, 1991).

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The socio-political crisis, characterized by an armed conflict which lasted for over a decade since 1993, destabilized the school system in many ways and compromised whatever gains had been achieved. Hence, the Gross Enrolment Rate plummeted from about 71 per cent in 1990 to 41 per cent by 1997. Indeed, throughout the civil war period, the government concentrated its resources on defence rather than on education, devoting 43 per cent of the state budget to the former and 13 per cent to the latter during the 2002–3 period. At the same time, the international donors focused their interventions on humanitarian assistance and conflict resolution activities, neglecting education altogether (World Bank, 2007: xxxvii). The restoration of stability in the country since 2005 has improved the situation as far as budgetary allocations to education are concerned. Hence, whereas in 2010 the defence sector was allocated 12 per cent of the state budget, education received 23.8 per cent, public health 9 per cent, gender and repatriation of refugees 3 per cent (Government of Burundi, 2009: 12). The excessive destruction of school facilities and equipment at the height of internal conflict, the loss and flight of many teachers, and the deplorable conditions in which internally displaced parents and children lived have forced the latter to abandon their schooling – hence the dismal state of the national education system by 2005 (Ministry of Education, 2005: 27). The implementation of the peace process from the 2004–5 period has created favourable conditions for the steady reconstruction of the educational edifice and the massive ‘return’ to school, reaching a gross enrolment rate of 130 per cent by 2009. The latter was enhanced by the improvement of the security situation nationwide and the governmental determination to rehabilitate the national education system. By 2005, an inter-ministerial committee elaborated a policy document: Strategic Framework for Economic Growth and the Fight Against Poverty (Republic of Burundi 2006: 27–33). The document highlighted the necessity for Burundi to enhance its human resources as a condition for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. To this end, the government adopted a policy aimed at restoring the pre-conflict level of performance for the school system. The objectives of that policy may be summarized as: raising the rates of enrolment at all levels, promoting girls’ access to education, suppression of regional disparities, and elimination of illiteracy (Republic of Burundi, 2006: 62). At the elementary level, the government has resolved to attain universal primary education by 2015 while improving quality at that level. To realize this objective, the decision was taken in 2005 to provide tuition free primary education in all public schools. The back-up measures to the above policy have

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been the building and rehabilitation of school infrastructure with particular emphasis on disadvantaged areas, the provision of books and other teaching materials, the training and retraining of an adequate body of teachers, the encouragement of private education, as well as the streamlining of the education planning and management structures for better efficiency of delivery, while a national task force has been set up to coordinate the programme (Mivuba, 2008: 25). The mobilization of resources for the EFA objective has been both internal and external. On the one hand, local populations have been encouraged to contribute in different ways to the construction and equipment of their own schools with assistance from the government (Rwantabagu, 2009b: 6). On the other hand, foreign bilateral and multilateral donors have given a hand by pooling their contributions within a Common Fund for the Promotion of Education in Burundi (Memorandum of Understanding, March 2008). Table 2.1 shows the evolution of primary schooling rates in Burundi from 1980 to 2011. Table 2.1  Evolution of primary education enrolment rates in Burundi (between 1980 and 2009) Year

Gross enrolment rate

Net enrolment rate

1980–1 1982–3 1988–9 1995–6 1999–2000 2002–3 2005–6 2008–9 2009–10 2010–11

28 41 71 41 63 77 101 130 134 138

18 32 53 22 44 56 72 89 94 96

Source: Ministry of Education, Planning Department (1980–2011).

The above table shows that over the recent years, the country has experienced a steady rise in primary education enrolments which were boosted by the suppression of school fees, from the 2005–6 school year. Concerning the gender balance in the EFA process, convergent sources indicate that the gap between boys and girls with regard to primary schooling has been narrowing over time. By 2006, the Net Primary Enrolment rate stood at 72 per cent, boys and girls accounting for 76 per cent and 73 per cent respectively (UNESCO, 2009: 325). The sensitization programmes targeting parents

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as well as such motivating factors as the World Food Programme-supported school feeding initiative have contributed to this remarkable increase in girls’ school attendance. In 2009, the net primary enrolment rate was estimated to be 89 per cent, girls accounting for 87.7 per cent (Ministry of Education, 2010: 21). Challenges and constraining conditions 1° Regional disparities The UNESCO Follow-Up Report on EFA for 2008 has highlighted the fact that the progress achieved in education in the wake of the Dakar Forum is rarely uniform across all the administrative regions of each country (UNESCO, 2008: 48). Burundi is no exception to this reality: one can observe that by 2005–6, there was a 67 per cent gap between the Gross Enrolment Rates of the most schooled and the least schooled provinces in the country: 141 per cent against 74 per cent (Ndayisaba, 2008: 11). The same disparities prevail between rural and urban environments, as the Ministry of Education indicates (2009a: 24–40). The same document reveals the existence of substantial intra-urban disparities, that is between privileged and disadvantaged urban neighbourhoods. In the same perspective, the completion rates in 2009 vary from 67 per cent in Bururi province to 25 per cent in Muyinga province, while the pupil-teacher ratio varies from 32 in Bujumbura City to 72 in Muyinga province (Ndayisaba, 2008: 12). 2° Hidden gender imbalances If the schooling rates for girls have steadily improved in Burundi over this decade, the national averages would tend to hide regional and rural-urban differences – hence the Gross Rates of Schooling in 2002–3 between 102 per cent in Bururi province and 43 per cent in Muyinga (Mivuba, 2009: 31). On the other hand, due to a number of socio-cultural and economic factors, the completion rates tend to be lower for girls (43 per cent) than for boys (46 per cent) (Ministry of Education, 2009a: 13). Significant gender gaps continue to prevail at the secondary and tertiary levels. Hence, only 29 per cent of all high school final year students are girls, whereas they represent 25 per cent of university students (Ndayisaba, 2008: 12). On the whole, deeply embedded parental attitudes towards girls’ education still constitute a major obstacle to overcome, particularly among rural populations as well as within underprivileged urban communities (Municipal Directorate of Education, 2010: 4).

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3° Vulnerable groups and communities In Burundi, as in other countries, a number of endogenous and exogenous factors tend to hamper the enjoyment of the right to education by specific social categories as well as some cultural minorities. Orphans and street children The AIDS pandemic as well as the protracted period of violent civil strife in Burundi have generated a large number of orphans, numbering about 700,000 in 2008 (Ndayisaba, 2008: 24). Despite the adoption of the free primary education measure, orphans and children from destitute families are still disadvantaged with regard to school attendance given the side costs that many cannot afford and the appalling conditions in which they live. The same reality prevails for street children, the majority of whom are homeless orphans. Despite the assistance provided by charitable organizations, the rate of participation in the EFA process by those two categories of children remains marginal (Ndayisaba, 2008: 20). On the whole, poverty, homelessness and malnutrition constitute a major obstacle to the achievement of EFA. The handicapped According to a UNICEF study conducted in 2008, some 10,558 handicapped children aged between 5 and 18 were recorded in Burundi. They comprised motor handicapped children (60 per cent), audio and visual handicapped children (23 per cent) and mentally handicapped children (17 per cent) (Ndayisaba, 2008: 14). Only 23 per cent of such children were enrolled in formal institutions of learning, while 1,421 were attending special institutions. The majority of special education centres in the country being in the hands of religious organizations, the state shows no signs of commitment to a substantial development of education for the handicapped children by the year 2015. This is evidenced by the lack of a specific policy aimed at improving the education of handicapped children, while there is no clear resource allocation for this sub-sector (Handicap International-Burundi, 2010). Indeed, as UNESCO has emphasized, it is only through real commitment by policy-makers that the right to education for the handicapped children can be fully implemented (UNESCO, 2009: 90). Child soldiers A recent survey in Burundi (Ndayisaba, 2008: 19) has revealed the existence of 14,000 child soldiers previously affiliated to rebel movements and to the

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national army. The process of demobilization that began in 2004 has reunited such children with their respective families, while few have enrolled as over-age candidates in primary schools. The most obvious need for such youth is to undergo moral and psychological rehabilitation programmes, together with vocational training for better socio-economic integration. The Batwa community The Batwa community in Burundi forms part of the wider population of Batwa living in the Great Lakes region of Central Africa. While no census has been taken, it is currently estimated that between 80,000 and 100,000 Batwa live in Burundi. They represent approximately 1.25 per cent of the total population (Rwantabagu, 2009a: 111). Having lost their ancestral forests decades ago due to clearing land for agricultural uses, the majority of the Burundian Batwa are landless and they have become labourers, potters, while some practise small-scale agriculture. Within Burundian society they have been traditionally subjected to political, economic and socio-cultural discrimination, but the 2005 Constitution provides for three Batwa representatives in both Senate and the National Assembly. As a socio-cultural category, the Batwa community has always been marginalized as far as school attendance is concerned. According to a recent study conducted by the present writer (Rwantabagu, 2009a: 116), the rate of schooling among the Batwa community remains very low: 12.5 per cent and 3 per cent, on average, respectively for primary and secondary education. As far as higher education is concerned, the representation of Batwa youth is almost non-existent. According to Nditije (2002: 50), the few gains achieved are unevenly distributed in favour of some regions where Christian Churches and NGOs have been active in improving housing and education in their favour, to the extent of creating exclusive Batwa elementary schools. But the official policy to waive elementary school fees for all children will not have improved the situation, as sending children to school and keeping them there requires further expenses and living conditions which the Batwa fail to fulfil. The challenge of quality The rapid expansion of enrolments within a context of limited material and human resources and with inadequate infrastructures has generated a serious problem of quality of learning which does compromise the whole concept of education as a human right. Data from the Ministry of Education (2009b: 50) indicate that between 2006 and 2009, there has been a steady increase in

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primary enrolments without a concomitant increase in classrooms. The same document explains that in those provinces like Bururi, Cankuzo and Makamba where special effort has been made in school construction, the pupil/classroom ratio falls below 60 and the quality of learning has been enhanced, as opposed to those provinces like Kirundo or Muyinga where the ratio remains close to 80 and above. According to the Ministry of Education (2009b: 59–76), quality indicators for Burundi primary education tend to be weak, with high grade-repeating rates (30 per cent) and drop-out rates (47 per cent). Not only are textbooks and other learning tools in short supply (one textbook for four pupils), but also a large proportion of teachers are non-qualified, while those who are professionally trained are unevenly distributed across the country. In addition, teachers are today facing the huge task of teaching overcrowded classes, over-age children, repatriated youth unfamiliar with the local medium of instruction, and a curriculum with new, unfamiliar subjects such as English and Kiswahili languages. The material conditions that prevail in the country with an average of four pupils per desk (11 in some communes), a national average of 81 pupils per classroom, are not conducive to quality learning. Hence, as Horiciubonye et al. (2009: 9) have noted, unfavourable learning conditions lead to lower success rates – one example being the average success rate at the 6th grade of primary school in Bujumbura City, which has dropped from over 75 per cent during the 1980s to 57.4 per cent in 2009. On the whole, recent data from the Ministry of Education (2011a: 31) indicate that the average primary completion rates are low.

Secondary education Secondary education consists of all the learning institutions situated between primary and tertiary education. They include: general secondary, pedagogical, technical and vocational schools. The first category of schools aim at imparting overall preparation for eventual access to higher education. The second group of institutions are responsible for the education and training of teachers for elementary schools. As to technical and vocational education, its aim is to complete the general education of students while preparing them directly for a specific professional activity. About 15 per cent of the relevant age group attend secondary level institutions. General secondary education Generally, secondary education lasts seven years, comprising four years of common general education for all, known as the ‘College’, and three years

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of pre-university education where students are, following the orientation test after the ‘College’, allocated to sections. The latter comprise of an Arts, a Science A and a Science B sections. The difference between these last two is that, in the second, more emphasis is put on Mathematics and Physics while the third stresses more natural sciences such as Biology and Chemistry. The school with a complete seven-year structure is known as a ‘Lycée’, while where only the first four years are available they speak of a ‘College’. Of late, the state has been encouraging and indeed assisting with teachers and equipment, the creation of colleges in many parts of country. The objective is to have at least one within each of the 100 or so communes, that is the lowest administrative unit in the country. The idea of multiplying such schools is noble as it provides more educational opportunities to a larger number of young people. On the other hand, given that most of them are situated in a rural environment but with no boarding facilities for students, the latters’ performance may be negatively affected (Rwantabagu, 2011a: 27). In addition, unless careful planning is undertaken, the proliferation of ‘Communal Colleges’ and ‘Lycées’ at the doorsteps of higher education is likely to create bottlenecks and problems as universities and higher institutions are unlikely to multiply at the same rate. The curriculum of general secondary schools is elaborated and developed by the Bureau for Secondary School Programmes (BEPES). It consists of the following subjects: French, Mathematics, Natural Sciences, English, History, Geography, Economics, Civics, Art, Agriculture and Technology, Religion and Ethics, and Physical Education. Naturally, at the upper secondary level, relevant subject clusters are emphasized, depending on whether one is in the Arts or Science section. On the other hand, following the inherited Belgian model, the secondary curriculum tends to remain substantially encylopedic in the sense that at all levels, students take a wide range of subjects and must have a balanced performance in the Arts and Sciences. At the end of the 10th year, that is after the four-year college, students are given a general orientation test, success at which determines the kind of lycée or technical studies that one will pursue thereafter. In the same manner, on completion of the general lycée studies, students sit for a ‘State Examination’ bearing on the major subjects of the curriculum. Successful candidates are oriented to various faculties or institutes of the university. However, the overall performance of students in school-based examinations is also taken into account for the orientation. The success rate at the State Examination stood at 45 per cent in 2006 (Ministry of Education, 2009b).

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The case of communal colleges and lycées In 2005–6, the country had 575 general secondary schools of which 81 were public, 397 communal and 97 private. Some provinces are more provided for in terms of high schools than others. These include Bujumbura Municipal Area, Bururi and Mwaro (CRIDIS, 2012: 31). One remarkable phenomenon has been the rapid increase in communal colleges and lycées. Their creation in 1990–1 was a response to the government’s policy to redress the imbalance observed in the distribution of secondary schools through the country. The initial aim was to establish at least one college in each of the country’s communes, the local population contributing with the building of infrastructure and the government providing equipments and paying teachers’ salaries. By 1993, the number of communal colleges had risen from five to 46 and in 2002–3 their number had reached 301, while today there are 297 operational communal colleges and complete lycées. At the national level, they tend to be unevenly distributed, some provinces being more privileged than others. At the institutional level, a ministerial underdepartment has been designed to deal exclusively with communal colleges and lycées. On the positive side, the creation of communal colleges has expanded considerably the intake of secondary schools. Indeed, today about one-third of primary school graduates have a chance to enter some sort of high school as compared to the previous rate of only 10 per cent. The present gross enrolment rate for secondary schooling stands close to 15 per cent as compared to under 5 per cent, 20 years ago (CRIDIS, 2012: 31). On the weak side, the creation and multiplication of communal colleges and lycées has occurred during a period of deep social-political crisis in Burundi which has weakened the capacity of the state and local communities in terms of catering for the needs of an expanding school system. Hence, most communal high schools have been experiencing acute shortages with regard to qualified, full-time teachers, adequate infrastructure, laboratory, libraries and other basic equipment. The outcome of this situation is the poor quality of those schools’ products as they compete to enter higher education with the graduates of betterendowed public and private secondary schools. Vocational education Within the Burundi context, vocational education refers to the lowest category of technically oriented institutions. Access to them does not require having passed the National Primary Leaving Examination. Any primary school-leaver may apply provided he/she is successful in a selection test set by the Department

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of Technical Education in the Ministry of Education (Ministry of Education, 2011b: 6). Very few institutions still fall within this type of school, many having been elevated to the level of technical establishments. Tailoring is the only section that is offered in vocational schools today. Graduates are awarded an A4 Certificate. The number of vocational sections at this level ought to be increased and diversified in order to cater for the training needs of young people. Technical education Technical education is provided in two types of institution: Middle-level Technical schools and Secondary Technical Schools. Middle-level Technical schools are short-cycle institutions that cater for students who have completed either the first year of secondary education and train for four years, or the second year and train for three years, or else those who have completed the college and train for two years. The courses that are organized at this stage include: Motor Vehicle Mechanics, Electrical Installation, Masonry, Carpentry, Agriculture, Secretarial Skills and Accountancy. On graduation, students are awarded an A3 Certificate. Secondary Technical schools admit students who are oriented there on successful completion of the college. The courses last either three years for such fields as Public Administration, Law, Management, Electromechanics, Secretarial Skills or four years for Home Economics and Social Work. On graduation, students are awarded an A2 Certificate. Unlike general secondary and pedagogical schools which are all directly run by the Ministry of Education, some technical schools are under the authority of different ministries depending on the type of personnel they train (CRIDIS, 2012: 34). Thus, schools for heath technicians and nurses come under the Ministry of Health, those for agricultural technicians and rural extension workers are under the Ministry of Agriculture, schools producing telecommunications technicians are run by the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, and so on. Often there is cooperation between these ministries and the Ministry of Education. The latter is in charge of curriculum design and development through the Bureau for Technical Education Programmes (BEET) and does also provide teachers for general subjects. The other ministries on their side are in charge of providing teachers for the specialized courses and take care of the daily management of the schools. On the whole, despite the progress achieved, technical education is still a marginal parent within the school system as a whole as compared, for example, with general secondary education. Hence, between 2000 and 2004,

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infrastructure for the last sector grew by 35 per cent while that for the technical sector grew only by 17 per cent. The same disparity prevails with regard to the provision of qualified teachers, which is the weakest aspect of technical education in the country (Ministry of Education 2004). The government is keen on the development of the technical education sector by setting up more and diversified institutions in order to respond to the increasing needs within the labour market. To this end, the state should take care to equip them with adequate learning materials while encouraging them to be partially self-financing so as to lighten the state’s financial burden. On the other hand, the private sector should be made aware of the importance of collaborating with these types of educational establishments in the production of the type of manpower needed in a changing world of work. Above all, one of the government’s priorities should be to train more and specialized national technical teachers and to make the Bureau for Technical Education Programmes more efficient by enriching it with more human and material resources. Private education The last 25 years have witnessed a steady growth of the private education sector (CRIDIS, 2012: 46). This development may be perceived as a response to the rising demand for education at all levels. It also reflects the need for quality, diversity and relevance that parents and learners may find in private rather than in public institutions. Hence, there is a wide variety of private nursery, primary, secondary, technical and tertiary institutions of learning. They range from those that are well-equipped and endowed with adequate human and material (infrastructure) resources to those that operate in difficult circumstances with inadequate means and resources. It is natural that those differences do affect the quality of learning as may be observed in students’ performance in national tests and examinations that are organized at various stages. Private institutions of learning tend to be concentrated in the capital city Bujumbura and in major inland towns like Gitega and Rumonge. In 2005–6, 73 out of 97 registered private secondary schools in the country were in Bujumbura City (Ministry of Education, 2011a: 24). Concerning private technical and vocational schools, they offer training in a variety of professional areas of the tertiary sector such as Management, Banking, Informatics and Accountancy. Very few offer courses in Construction, Electronics or Industrial Studies as these are expensive options. The expansion of the private sector in education has brought the government to regulate it through specific legal provisions such as Decree no. 100/081

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of August 2001 on the Modalities for the Promotion of Private Education, which outlines the framework within which private institutions function and are managed. According to the Decree and related legal instruments, the government offers incentives and support to the private sector such as the acquisition of land, free inspection, recognition of qualifications offered by those schools, cheap access to books and teaching materials produced by Ministry of Education agencies, and tax and customs facilities for imported materials. On the other hand, they must comply with pedagogical and other regulations as they apply to public educational establishments. Private education is a major component of the Burundian education system. It is a key partner of the state in its attempt to expand access to education for all and at all levels, as a human right. Therefore, the government should provide even more direct and indirect support to private institutions while ensuring close supervision so as to enhance quality and efficiency.

Higher education Higher education consists of a number of post-secondary institutions, of which the most important is the University of Burundi. The university was officially created in January 1964 under the name of the State University of Bujumbura, with a student population of about 200. The 1960s were years of steady growth and consolidation of courses. At the same time, the institution acquired and gradually occupied its own premises on the outskirts of Bujumbura City. It was during the 1970s, and precisely in June 1977, that the University of Burundi as a unitary institution was set up. This new structure resulted from the merger of the State University of Bujumbura, the National School of Administration and the Higher Normal (Pedagogical) School, the latter having been created in 1965 to train non-graduates as lower secondary school teachers (Mivuba, 2009: 101). It was also during the eventful 1970s that the university gradually acquired complete courses in various faculties and departments. Previously, students would take the first two years of their degree course in Bujumbura and complete the remaining two in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Belgium, France, and elsewhere. This has been a beneficial achievement as students are kept within the realities of their environment instead of being culturally alienated during their formative years. Today, with a population of close to 12,000 students, the University of Burundi is a fully fledged institution of higher learning with teaching programmes and

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infrastructures such as libraries that compare positively with any within Central and Eastern Africa (Rwantabagu, 2011b: 5). The University of Burundi is a public institution under the general authority of the Ministry of Higher Education. It is entirely financed by the state. However, it enjoys a substantial functional autonomy in such matters as the hiring and management of its academic staff and the granting of degrees and other academic awards. At the highest level, it is administered by a Council whose membership includes academics, lay persons and student representatives. The day-to-day management of the institution is the responsibility of a rector. He is assisted by vice-rector and by various Directors and heads of administrative services. On the other hand, a Rectoral Council, comprised of Deans of Faculties and Institutes, the Directors of the Academic and Research Services respectively as well as two student representatives, advises the rector on academic as well as on other relevant matters. The centre of academic life is the Faculty which has its own internal regulations. The Faculty Board, comprised of the teaching staff and student representatives, meets regularly to discuss matters of general and specific interest. In the new moves to gradually decentralize the management structure of the university, a substantial number of decisions will increasingly be taken at Faculty level, while the latter will also manage the budget that is allocated to it. Today, the University of Burundi has eight (NB: only seven listed) Faculties (Agriculture, Applied Sciences, Arts, Economics, Law, Medicine, and Psychology and Educational Sciences) and five institutes (the Higher Institute of Agriculture at Gitega town, Applied Pedagogy, Commerce, Physical Education and Sport, and Technology). The normal length of degree courses is four years, on successful completion of which students are awarded a ‘Licentiate’, which is the first degree. Such is the structure of studies in all faculties except for Agriculture and Applied Sciences, where students obtain an engineer’s degree after five years. For Medicine, the duration of studies is six years and, after passing examinations and defending a thesis, students are awarded a Doctorate in Medicine. As for institutes, those of Applied Pedagogy, Agriculture, Physical Education, and Technology award a Licentiate or its equivalent after four years. That of Commerce offers a University Diploma after two years. The Institute for Applied Pedagogy has been upgraded from a two-year diploma course to a five-year degree course, to prepare a large number of graduate secondary school teachers.

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It is of particular significance that the Centre for the Study of Languages in Burundi (CELAB) was established within the premises of the University of Burundi. CELAB was created with the support of the Francophone Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation (ACCT) and the French Government as a training centre for students and teachers of French in Anglophone countries of Eastern and Southern Africa. On a reciprocal basis, students of English from Burundi spend study periods in such universities as Makerere in Uganda. It is undeniable that these mutual visits between young Zambian, Kenyan, Burundian, Swazi, Ugandan and Tanzanian intellectuals may go a long way in promoting inter-African cultural relations and greater understanding among our nations. As noted above, the present university student population is about 12,000 (University of Burundi, 2012). With an annual intake of around 1,000 students, the numbers are bound to rise substantially during the foreseeable future, putting a further strain on already over-utilized academic and social infrastructures. Unlike the lower levels of the school system where pupils pay some though modest – fees, university studies are heavily subsidized by the government and students are granted a scholarship. Nevertheless, the non-academic services provided to boarding students tend to weigh heavily on the financial resources of the University of Burundi. Those resources could be used more profitably by providing the university with adequate academic infrastructure and equipment so as to enhance teaching and research. Indeed the latter is a poor parent within the University of Burundi, due mostly to poor funding. The rapid growth of enrolments during a period of socio-political unrest has happened when the infrastructure and the academic resources have not grown at the same rate. In the same way, the number of senior teachers (with a doctorate) has declined from 189 in 1986 to 116 today, some faculties and institutes being almost totally deprived of senior teachers (Midende, 2011: 64). The situation has a negative impact on the quality of teaching and supervision. Among the areas of university education where improvements ought to be undertaken we may mention the application of up-to-date university teaching methods so as to enhance the learning potential of students. On the other hand, there is an urgent need to develop, when conditions are favourable, graduate studies at master’s and doctoral levels, in all the faculties. This development would facilitate the acquisition of required academic qualifications by local teachers, while the university would equally benefit by having a more and more competent academic body. The University of Burundi is engaged a process of reform that is aimed at the adaptation of its curricula to contemporary realities and requirements of

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information technology with the reorganization of academic structures in line with the new developments in the European higher education space (Bologna Process). The creation of the Higher Teachers College (Ecole Normale Supérieure) in 1999 has come as a necessary complement to the University of Burundi in terms of training qualified secondary and technical school teachers. With a student body of 2,000, and wide academic facilities provided through Chinese bilateral cooperation, the college is bound to enhance the supply of competent, qualified teachers for a rapidly expanding secondary school sector. The college’s threeyear diploma course is being extended to a five-year degree course within the current reform, but it still faces an acute shortage of full-time senior academic personnel. While the higher education scene is dominated by the university, there exists a number of other tertiary-level institutions, many of which are privately run. They include the Higher Military Institute (ISCAM), where military training is undertaken concurrently with academic education. The latter is provided with the collaboration of university teachers. ISCAM is a degree-granting institution. The Major Seminary in Bujumbura, the capital, prepares young men for priesthood during a seven-year period. There, diplomas and other qualifications are awarded under the aegis of the well-established institutions in Rome such as the Urbaniana University. Within the private sector there exist two Higher Institutes for Management and Commercial Studies. They are still at the beginning stage in their development but they aspire to being able to grant degrees in cooperation with the University of Burundi. The last 15 years or so have witnessed the rapid growth of private universities. This has been a positive development as they relieved the University of Burundi from the pressure of the mass of high school graduates. On the other hand, private universities were created with little planning and inadequate resources. Indeed, the majority of them do not meet basic academic requirements such as adequate infrastructure, libraries, laboratories and, mostly, full-time senior teachers. They often rely on the University of Burundi for the provision of those resources, when it is already overstretched. The emergence of private universities in the country has created some kind of tolerated ‘disorder’ in higher education to which the newly created Commission for Higher Education should put an end for the benefit all students and the nation as a whole. On the other hand, Burundi University institutions will have to conform to the academic requirements of the Inter-University Council for East Africa. Table 2.2 illustrates recent trends in enrolments.

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Table 2.2  The situation of higher education in 2010 Status Public Private Total

Institutions 4 18 22

Female students 3110 7242 10352

Male students 9283 9634 18917

Total 12393 16876 29269

Teacher education From a historical perspective, teacher education in Africa operated along the ‘Euro-Medieval’ tradition whereby teachers were conceived as the right hands of Western missionaries in terms of helping to spread wide Christian morality through the message of evangelism. Concerning the structure and training curricula, teachers’ colleges were no more than a subtle extension of primary schools of which the student-teachers were the products. At the same time, secondary level teachers were university graduates, with little or no pedagogical training. All teachers enjoyed, however, a high social status and prestige within a largely illiterate environment (Rwantabagu, 2011: 14). Hence, upon the achievement of independent nationhood in 1962, Burundi like other African states inherited a duality between the training of primary and secondary school teachers. Within each of these broad categories, however, there existed a great deal of differentiation between graduate and non-graduate high school teachers and, on the other hand, at the elementary level, between those who attended four-year or seven-year training programmes, known respectively as ‘Ecoles Moyennes Pédagogiques’ and ‘Ecoles Normales’. The real implication of this situation is that training institutions have been producing for the same school system, and the same levels of schooling, different categories of actors, thus contributing to the fragmentation of the teaching profession. In Burundi, the adopted primary teacher education reform during the 1980s has created a six-year training structure, the Pedagogical Lycée, within which the first four years are devoted to general education, the remaining two years being focused on professional preparation. The negative effect of this new framework of training is that college graduates are precluded from access to higher education. The implication of this is that only candidates who ranked lowest at O level examinations and failed to secure admission to academic pre-university sections joined the teacher training courses (Rwantabagu, 2011: 28). By and large this situation tends to weaken the teaching profession and the school system at large, as A. H. Paal (1996: 8–9) has observed:

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In most Sub-Saharan countries, the level of general education for prospective teachers tends to be low. The academic quality of those recruited into teacher education programmes tends to be inadequate. Those who are not qualified for the pre-university or technical options fall into teacher training programmes with little motivation for the teaching profession and the training leading to it.

The same author goes on to say that such an inadequate pre-entry background results in trainees lacking the basic intellectual foundations upon which to build sustainable pedagogical knowledge and professional skills. As a partial remedy to this problem, Normal Schools have been recently set up, offering a four-year pedagogical training programme, beyond junior high school. Despite the ministerial decision taken in 1999 and which initiated a process of gradually converting Pedagogical Lycées into Normal Schools, the prevailing reality is that the integration process has not been completed and the two training structures do co-exist still, producing different categories of teachers, with different levels of competence. At the same time, Burundi high school teachers are trained in the university faculties and institutes, often with a solid academic grounding and a thin layer of professional initiation, except for the Institute for Applied Pedagogy which offers a more balanced five-year concurrent training programme. The university being unable to meet the rising demand for teachers in an expanding system, the government has recently established a Higher Normal School (Ecole Normale Supérieure) to which are admitted those unqualified to enter university and which trains diploma-level teachers for junior secondary classes (Ndayisaba, 2008: 8). It is worth highlighting that the establishment of the Higher Normal School with its new Applied Science Department has made it possible, for the first time, to train qualified technical school teachers. Whatever problems the institution may help to solve in the short term, it complicates matters still in the sense of reinforcing the fragmentation of teacher training structures and the weakening of the teaching profession at large. In this perspective, with regard to the training of high school teachers, whereas a process has been launched to extend the length of training at Higher Normal School from a three-year diploma course to a five-year degree course, the situation has de facto remained the same in some sections. In the same perspective, within the University of Burundi, the Faculties of Arts and Science offer watered-down, superficial pedagogical training for prospective high school teachers, while the latter are trained more systematically in concurrent four-year and five-year programmes, respectively, at the Faculty of Psychology and Education and the Institute for Physical Education and Sport and, on

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the other hand, at the Institute for Applied Pedagogy. The implication of this situation is that Burundi’s teacher training system is still marked by divisions and duplications of programmes, which constitute a destabilizing factor for the education system as a whole. a) The content of teacher education The curriculum and teaching methods in teacher training institutions is largely determined by the prevailing philosophies concerning what the ideal teacher should know and do. According to the spirit of the 1973 Primary Education Reform agenda, the elementary school teacher must acquire theoretical knowledge and skills that will enable him/her to adapt him/herself to various teaching conditions. In addition, the teacher must become a development agent within the school and the community at large. The curriculum of Primary Teachers’ Colleges comprises a general component made of general subjects such as French, Mathematics, National Language, English, Geography, History, Science, Civics, Physical Education and the like. It also contains a pedagogical or professional dimension, the components of which are subjects like Child Psychology, General and Special Methods, Principles of Education, History of Education and two weeks of teaching practice during the final year. A close look at the curricula offered both in Pedagogical Lycées and in Normal Schools reveals a clear predominance of general courses over professional disciplines, that is respectively 77 per cent against 23 per cent, on average. The present curriculum shows little sign of adaptation to current trends in educational research, nor does it reflect innovations such as the introduction of new teaching areas like Kiswahili, Social Ethics, English and HIV/AIDS Awareness, which are important in the contemporary context. Table 2.3 reveals indeed that general academic subjects considerably outweigh pedagogical (professional) ones in the curriculum of Primary Teachers Colleges, that is 128 to 23 weekly periods, on the whole. Table 2.3  The Curriculum of primary teachers colleges (Normal Schools) Pedagogical subjects

Year 1

Educational Psychology Principles of Education Teaching Methods Teaching Practice General subjects (Arts and Science)

– – – – 38

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Year 2 1 1 1 1 38

Year 3 3 1 1 3 28

Year 4 – 4 1 3 28

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In the Burundi contemporary setting, massive enrolments in schools and the phenomena of oversize classes has added more weight to the burden borne by teachers in terms of deploying extra psycho-pedagogical skills to deal constructively with children and young men with a wide variety of talents, backgrounds and learning disabilities. The curricula offered within teacher education programmes at the University of Burundi have been designed along the inherited encyclopedic, theoryoriented conception. Hence, within the faculties and institutes concerned, the contents of training put more emphasis on general education and on the theoretical subjects like General Psychology and the Principles of Education at the expense of practical teaching activities. The envisaged reform at the University of Burundi within curricula and academic structures may provide an opportunity for making the curriculum more practical and professionally oriented. With regard to the content of training, a recent study (Mivuba, 2005: 116) has shown that the curriculum offered at the Higher Normal School is more balanced in terms of theory and practice, general and professional disciplines. b) In-service education for teachers In-service education for teachers of all levels is an issue of great concern for education policy-makers. Indeed, Presidential Decree no. 100/053 of 19 August 1998 on the Teaching Profession Regulations states that every teacher has the right to continuous education on a regular basis (CRIDIS, 2012: 91). For primary school teachers, in-service programmes are organized by the Ministry of Education through its Primary Education Curriculum Development Bureau, UNICEF, the Inspectorate, Headteachers and the School Radio. The content of the training sessions which take place during the summer vacation period bears on the methodology of new disciplines such as English and Kiswahili since 2006, or on the reinforcement of the already acquired skills. The non-qualified teachers are given priority in terms of selection for training sessions. However, despite the official policy and proclamation to that effect, only 56.7 per cent have participated in in-service programmes (CRIDIS, 2012: 92). According to CRIDIS (2012: 92) there is a lack of clear planning as far as training sessions are concerned. In addition, there is over-reliance on external donors for funding the activities, while the choice of participants does not follow regular criteria. In-service training for secondary school teachers falls under the same regulations as that for elementary teachers. At that level, training sessions

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are organized by the Ministry of Education (Secondary School Curriculum Development Agency, the Inspectorate, the University of Burundi and the Higher Teachers College [ENS]) (CRIDIS, 2012: 100). Due to inadequate planning and funding, the capacity of the in-service programme for secondary school teachers remains limited. A survey conducted by CRIDIS (2012: 100) has revealed that 66 per cent of the teachers concerned have not participated in any such activity. This reality is compounded by regional differences in rates of attendance, both for secondary and primary school teachers. On the whole, in-service education for teachers is of paramount importance as it enhances their capacity to face up to new pedagogical constraints and challenges in a changing world. This was confirmed by teachers surveyed by CRIDIS (2012: 105), who admitted they had gained new competences after attending in-service training sessions. The government should, therefore, draw training plans while making adequate budgetary allocations and availing the necessary human and material resources. c) Recruitment and professional situation of teachers Over the last ten years (CRIDIS, 2012: 110), the rate of recruitment for new teachers has been steadily rising as an effect of the expanding enrolments at the primary and secondary levels. The trend is bound to continue as the school system tries to achieve some of its stated objectives, such as that of elementary education for all by the year 2015. The first criteria for recruiting a teacher is to have proper qualifications from a recognized training college. Nevertheless, teacher shortage may compel the authorities to hire non-qualified teachers, but in minimal proportions, as 91 per cent of primary school teachers are trained today. In Burundi, teachers are recruited at the level of the Provincial Directorate of Education, which is a decentralized structure for better management of the school system. The existence of Provincial Directorates of Education makes the recruitment process more rapid and efficient. Gender discrimination is non-existent in all parts of the country. However, problems emerge at the level of the deployment of teachers to places of their choice, for example for family reasons. It is worth noting that there exist obvious disparities between different communes and provinces, Bururi, Gitega and Bujumbura being privileged in terms of teacher availability over other provincial areas like Kayanza and Rutana, among others. Everywhere there is persistent shortage of science and technical teachers.

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A study conducted in 2012 (CRIDIS, 2012) has revealed that, at least at the secondary level, there is no substantial difference between men and women teachers (CRIDIS, 2012: 133). The working conditions of teachers refer to remuneration and other advantages. They also imply the material situation in which the teacher performs his/her duties, such as school equipment, libraries, housing, health care facilities, transport and the like. The career of teachers is jointly managed by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry for the Civil Service. Teachers’ salaries are set according to different levels of training and other seniority considerations. For public school teachers, salaries are paid each month, on a regular basis, although new teachers take longer to obtain their remuneration. The fact that one half of teachers (CRIDIS, 2012: 146) wish to embrace another career indicates that they are not satisfied with their professional situation, despite the special status granted to them by the government. Indeed, as P. Ntakimazi (2001: 8) has noted, most complain about their salary allocations as compared to other civil servants, poor housing conditions, overcrowded and ill-equipped classrooms, rare in-service training opportunities as well as dim promotion prospects. This is the reason why the teacher education institution and faculties are shunned by the best candidates. This an issue that the state should address by adopting proper measures and creating the best conditions so as to attract and maintain the most performing candidates into the teaching profession as a strategy to realize the dream of quality education for all.

Conclusion A national education system reflects the totality of a people’s realities and aspirations. The education system of Burundi has not been immune from the vicissitudes that the country has gone through since independence. As periods of political crisis and economic decline were followed by times of hope and growth, so the evolution of education as a whole has been marked by years of expansion and substantial reforms interspersed with spells of stagnation and even outright regression. On the whole, however, as seen above, tangible achievements have been realized both from the quantitative and qualitative viewpoints. The rates of participation for relevant age groups at the three levels of the school system have steadily increased over the years, although with some regional inequalities. One noteworthy development, in this respect, is the improvements made in terms

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of the schooling of girls. The rate of enrolments for girls is just under 50 per cent at the primary level and it stands at 30 per cent at the upper rungs of the school system. This picture, however, masks some internal imbalances, such as the girls’ tendency to drop out of school early and their heavy concentration in some secondary sections (pedagogical) and in short-cycle higher education institutions. In the same perspective, the creation of many Vocational Training Centres and, particularly, the encouragement of local authorities by the state to open communal colleges has gone a long way in helping to ease the problem of the bottleneck between primary and secondary education. At the qualitative level, the bureaus responsible for curriculum design and development: BEPEP (Primary), BEPES (Secondary) and BEET (Technical), despite their shortcomings, have accomplished some praiseworthy work, in adapting the content of education to the local context, in the preparation of textbooks and the in-service training of teachers. At higher education level, the gradual initiation of academics to the new principles and methods of university teaching is designed to enhance motivation and better learning among students and hence raise their rates of achievement. ‘We are living through a period of extraordinary change and expanding and improving education are key to adapting to change and confronting these challenges’ (World Bank 2011: v). Like elsewhere, worldwide, education in Burundi is on the move. In order to keep pace with the general evolution of society and changing learning needs, the education system ought to undergo regular adaptations in general, and in particular with regard to specific aspects. These concern such areas as the aims of education. Pre-primary education requires more attention, given its psycho-pedagogical importance, and it needs to be more formally recognized. In the same way, there is a need to diversify, improve and coordinate the initial efforts already deployed in the field of special education for various categories of disabled children. Particular attention, in this respect, ought to be paid to the appropriate training of special teachers and tutors. Results from empirical research conducted in the country have indicated that, within the present system, there is a glaring need to set up and properly equip with human power guidance and counselling services, particularly at the crucial secondary level of education, so as to enhance the student’s choice of appropriate academic and professional orientations. On the other hand, within Burundian and, indeed, African traditional society, some of the major principles that sustained indigenous education were

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continuity, flexibility, relevance and totality, that is embracing all the dimensions of personality. Taking inspiration from these old principles, care should be taken, implicitly, to reinforce vertical linkages and continuity through the various levels of the school system while maintaining horizontal ‘bridges’ with non-formal education structures. In the same way, it would be of immense benefit to young people if each stage of education was designed to be practically oriented, that is with a professional dimension in its content. At the university level, this would imply flexibility in the organization of courses so as to adapt students to the changing requirements within the world of work. At all levels, the rising generation should be made to acquire a ‘scientific and technological culture’ that is in tune with our times. In this respect, like any moving ‘machine’ the education system needs to be regularly checked, evaluated, revised and adjusted. In the past, efforts have been made to appraise the Burundi school system, both under the auspices of the Ministry of Education and other agencies. Among the latter, one should highlight the evaluation studies undertaken under the sponsorship of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which have helped to throw light on the internal efficiency and relevance of the education system, with special emphasis on the preparation of young people for the world of work. The proposed creation of a Centre for the Evaluation of the Education System should provide an institutional framework within which local and even foreign scholars, in consultation with those who are active in the field – teachers, inspectors and other educational administrators and planners – could monitor the general evolution and efficiency of she system, while pointing to the gaps and deficiencies that need to be attended to.

References CRIDIS. 2012. Analyse de la Question Enseignante au Burundi. Bujumbura: CRIDIS. Gahama, J. 1983. Le Burundi sous administration Belge: la période du mandat 1919–1932. Paris: Karthala/ACCT. Government of Burundi. 2009. The Finance Act for 2010. Bujumbura. Handicap International-Burundi. 2010. Report for 2010. Bujumbura Handicap International. Horicibonye, Y., Nizigiyimana, D., Gahungu, F. and Ndayisaba, J. 2009. The education system of Burundi. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. Midende, G. 2011. Analysis of the functioning and funding of Higher Education in Burundi. Bujumbura: OAG.

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Ministry of Education (MoE). 1991. Reports for 1980–1991. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —1999. Annual Report for 1999. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2004 Annual Reports 2000 to 2004. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2005. Report for 2005. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2010. Annual Report for 2010. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2011a. Indicators for Education in Burundi. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2011b. Joint Education Sector Review. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education Planning Department. 2009a. Primary Education Indicators per Commune. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2009b. Indicators for Education in Burundi. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. Mivuba, A. 2005. Retrospective Study on Education and Training in Burundi. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2008. Evaluation of the Burundi Education System. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. —2009. Evaluation of the Burundi Education System. Bujumbura: Action Aid. Municipal Directorate of Education. 2010. June 2010. Report. Bujumbura: Ministry of Education. Ndayisaba, J. 2008. Evaluation of the Mechanism for EFA Coordination. Bujumbura: UNESCO. Nditije, C. 2002. A study on the Situation of Batwa. Bujumbura: UNICEF. Ntakimazi, P. 2001. Report on Salaries and Working Conditions of Primary and Secondary School Teachers in Burundi. Bujumbura: International Alert. Nzohabonayo. C. 2004. Législation scolaire en vigueur au Burundi. Bujumbura: Ministère de l’Education. Paal, A. H. 1996. ‘Teacher education and training in Sub-Saharan Africa’, in UNESCO 2011. Teacher Education: Past, Present and Future. Dakar: UNESCO. —2008. World Follow-up. Report on EFA 2008. Paris: UNESCO. —2009. World Follow-up. Report on EFA 2009. Paris. UNESCO. Republic of Burundi. 2006. Strategic Framework for Economic Growth and the Fight Against Poverty. Bujumbura: Ministry of Planning. Rwantabagu, H. 2009a. Providing Primary Education for all in a Post-conflict Context: The Case of Burundi. Bujumbura: University of Burundi. —2009b. ‘Problems and prospects in the education of a marginal minority. The case of the Batwa community in Burundi’. Diaspora, Indigenous and Minority Education. 3(2): 110–17. —2011a. Education in Burundi: An Evolutionary Perspective. Bujumbura: University of Burundi. —2011b. Progress and Problems in Education in a Changing Urban Context: The Case of Burundi. Bujumbura: University of Burundi. University of Burundi Academic Services. 2012. Report for 2012. Bujumbura: University of Burundi.

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World Bank. 2007. The Education System of Burundi. Washington, DC: The World Bank. —2011. Learning For All: Investing in People’s Knowledge and Skills to Promote Development. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

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The Central African Republic: The Vicious Circle of Economic Underdevelopment and Dysfunctional Education Mossoa Lambert and Charl C.Wolhuter

Introduction A landlocked country situated at the heart of the African continent, with a population of more than 4 million people and covering an area of 623,000 square kilometres, the Central African Republic (CAR), also called Central Africa and in Sango (the local language) ‘Ködörö sêsé ti BêAfrica’, is a vast country without access to the sea, bordered by Sudan and South Sudan in the east, by Cameroon in the west, Chad in the north, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Congo-Brazzaville in the south. The southern border of the country is mainly the rivers Oubangui and Mboumou. Part of the northern section of the country constitutes the upper basin of the Chari river. Most of the Central African Republic consists of Sudano-Guinean Savanna, but it also includes a Sahelo-Sahelo-Sudanian zone in the north and an equatorial forest zone in the south. Two-thirds of the country lies in the basin of the Ubangi river, which flows south in the Congo, while the remaining third lies in the basin of the Chari, which flows north into Lake Chad. The country’s climate is mostly tropical, with a wet season from May to October and a dry season from November to April. The climate varies from region to region, with an equatorial climate in the south, inter-tropical from Carnot to Berbérati in the west, and desert towards Birao in the north. The dry season lasts eight to nine months, and there is a cool and stormy season on the highlands. The two large river systems gave the colony its name of ‘Oubangi-Chari’, ruled by the French since the end of the nineteenth century. The country

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became the CAR in 1958 and became independent on 13 August 1960. Since then the CAR has retained French as a common official language, used in the public administration, although Sango as the common vernacular has been built. CAR is a country of forests and savannah where the cultivation of agricultural crops (such as mealies, coffee and cotton) and mining (of diamonds and uranium) form the mainstay of the country’s exports. Historically, the country was first populated by the Pygmees, later followed by some Bantus and in the nineteenth century by a massive migration of other Bantu groups (Gbaya, Banda and others) coming in from Sudan, Congo and Chad, escaping from the slave trade. From the beginning of the second millennium ad the country became the terrain of peoples migrating from the north, in the process displacing many of the people who were settled there. Finding the land attractive, some of them stayed and today they form part of the demography of the CAR. Thus the country is characterized by an ethnic diversity. These ethnic groups, such the Gbaya, the Banda, the Yakoma, the Ngabaka, the Gbanziri, the Nzakara, the Zandé, the Sara, the Kabba, and the Mandja, live side by side with each other in an atmosphere of peace and mutual respect. Educationally, the CAR has been beset for decades by number of problems at all levels of education. The causes of these problems are manifold. The failure rate is in the order of 25 per cent and the attrition rate 15 per cent per annum. The extent of the attrition rate can be appreciated in a longitudinal view of the attrition over the duration of the first three school cycles: of every 100 pupils entering the first year of schooling (Fondamental 1), only 12 per cent reach level 5 and only 7 per cent reach level 6. Facing this problem, the government of the CAR has decided to address the problem of quality in education, for this reason. The Documents for a National Strategy for the Education Sector (Documents de la Stratégie Nationale du Secteur de l’Education, DSNSE) have been drafted and published. The need for the reform of the education system, with the twin imperatives of modernization and indiginization, has been a pressing concern for the entire duration of the fifty years since independence.

The context of the CAR education system After more than a decade of political instability, the education system of the CAR today finds itself in critical need of a vast and resolute reconstruction

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effort, not only by the government but also by the international community. Reconstruction possibilities are severely limited by the availability of funding.

The historical, political and socio-economic context The problems besetting the education section cannot be dissociated from the historical, political and socio-economic context of the country. These impact on the quality of education, availability of didactical materials, teacher education, access to education, and achievement levels. The political context: For the first three decades since the advent of independence, the CAR has been ruled by presidents or emperors, who were either unelected or who took power by force. At the end of the Cold War the country (as all other countries in the Global South) lost its trump card of playing off the West against the East for aid and favour, and international pressure was added to local discontent in pushing for change. The first multiparty elections took place in 1993, with the aid of resources provided by the country’s donors and with help from the United Nations. These elections were won by Ange-Félix Patassé. In the course of his term as president, he lost popular support and eventually, in 2003, he was overthrown by the Frenchbacked General François Bozize, who subsequently won a democratic election in May 2005 and a re-election in 2011. However, his rule was plagued by so much heavy corruption, underdevelopment, nepotism and authoritarianism that open rebellion erupted against his government. Eventually his government was overthrown by the Séléka Rebels on 24 March 2013. The rebel leader Djotodia proclaimed himself president after conquering the capital Bangui. Nicolas Tiangaye was allowed to continue as prime minister (a post in which he had been appointed shortly before the events of 24 March 2013); this arrangement was endorsed by the opposition and accepted by the Séléka Rebels. Subsequently Djotodia signed a decree for the formation of a council that would act as a transitional parliament. The council was tasked with electing a president to serve prior to elections in 18 months. The economic context: Despite its significant mineral and other resources, such as uranium reserves in Bakouma, crude oil, gold, diamonds, lumber and hydropower, as well as arable land, the Central African Republic is one of the poorest countries in the world. The CAR has experienced a long period of political instability and armed conflict, bad governance and poor socio-economic outcomes (World Bank, 2012) An estimated 64 per cent of the population is living under the poverty line (defined as living on less than

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US$1.25 per day) (Mills and Herbst, 2012: 33). CAR can therefore readily be characterized as one of the poorest countries in the world. Recurrent conflicts have led to a deterioration of all social indicators, making it unlikely that CAR could achieve most of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. In 2000 CAR was ranked 165 out of 173 in the human development index according to the UNDP Human Development Report (2002), with life expectancy at birth estimated at 44.3 years, well below the average for Sub-Saharan African countries (World Bank, 2012). The historical context: The colonial era bequeathed the CAR with a very selective and alien (to the needs and context of the CAR) education system. Up to today the education system still bears the stamp of the colonial education system and has not been adapted to the realities of the CAR. The entire education system is geared towards the production of a cadre of civil servants serving foreign (colonial metropole) interests. The education system does not nurture creativity, the development of imagination or autonomous, critical thinking. One of the consequences of the education system has been a continuing dependence upon France. A link between education and (CAR) society is visibly absent. The poor internal and external efficiency of education: As explained with the high failure and attrition rates, internal efficiency is one problem. The other part is the problem of getting school leavers into a productive life. This situation means that the CAR school is a real factory of unemployed people. This has lately been aggravated by the rise of a class of unemployed university graduates. Insufficient didactical materials: Both textbooks and teaching aids are in serious short supply. Finally, there are the problems of structure and of infrastructure: First there is the problem of access to education. There is a gross discrepancy between the supply of and the social demand for education, between urban and rural enrolment ratios, and between male and female enrolment ratios. The CAR therefore has a very high rate of adult unemployment. The absence of proper management of education. The administration and management of education is characterized by an absence not only of functionaries tasked with educational planning and research, but also of financial administration and accountability, of information systems and of intra-sectoral and inter-sectoral coordination. To the above internal difficulties could be added the external problems of pupils living in unfavourable social conditions. These include, for example, nutritional problems.

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The strong impact of population growth and of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS on the education system According to the World Bank and UNESCO, the population growth rate for the past six years was 2 per cent per year. Such a high population growth rate increases the potential demand for education tremendously. Therefore, it is predicted that in 2018 there will be 792,000 people between the ages of 6 and 11 years, three times the number of children of that age currently in the education system. Similarly, in the age group 12–15 years there will be a 33 per cent increase between 2003 and 2018. Despite this swift population growth, the CAR is one of the countries worst affected by HIV/AIDS, with an infection rate estimated at 10.7 per cent for the population in the 15–49 years age range. This has dire implications for the education system. It is estimated that by 2015, the number of HIV/AIDS caused orphans will reach the 220,000 number, or 15 per cent of the population in the age range 0–17 years. It is very difficult to supply these children with appropriate schooling. In the region 240 teachers die every year of HIV/AIDS, and more teachers have to be recruited and educated to keep the education system running.

The feeble resources for education, as a result of the poor, post-conflict economy With a per capita GDP of US$350, the CAR is one of the poorest countries in the world, this despite a positive economic growth rate amid times of conflict, including 4 per cent in 2006 and 2007. A non-petroleum producing country, but with a developing informal economic sector, the fiscus is very small, meaning very limited options for investment in education. This is aggravated by the lack of availability of foreign aid in recent years and decades (after the Cold War) and the huge foreign debt. Foreign aid equals only 2 per cent of the GDP, compared to an average of 6 per cent in other post-African countries. It should also be noted that although education represents 25 per cent of the public budget of the CAR, expenditure on education has declined by 14 per cent between 1996 and 2005. This is a result of a combination of fiscal pressure and competition with other budget priorities. Only 1.45 of the GDP is invested in education, compared to an average of 3.7 per cent for the African continent.

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The dual problems of schooled unemployment and the lack production of human capital required by the economy The economy of the CAR rests principally on two sectors. The first is an informal agricultural sector of subsistence farmers, wherein 86 per cent of the population tries to eke out a living. This sector absorbed 75 per cent of the new job-seekers between 1998 and 2003. However, this sector is the least productive (in terms of production per worker). The second sector, the modern, offers employment to only 8 per cent of salaried employees and 6 per cent of non-salaried employees. With regard to the general employment situation, the education system is not aligned to the needs of the economy. On the one side, productivity should be increased in the non-formal agricultural sector; on the other hand, the formal sector needs a small personnel complement, but with a good quality education. A large number of young people (70 per cent of the cohort) end up in the non-formal agricultural sector, without having completed the primary school cycle and being in effect illiterate. At the other end, the number of tertiary education students graduating each year is six times the number of available jobs. Research should be done to determine the exact needs of the economy, in order to get the education and the economic sectors in tandem. The poor alignment between education (in quantity and types of education specialities) and employment (in quantity and level of qualifications) exacerbates the unemployment and underemployment problems.

The marked social impact of basic education (Foundation 1 and 2) In the social sphere the substantial effect of basic education, especially on girls, should be noted. Here the effect on female health and, in turn, its effect on infantile mortality is referred to. For example, educated females have much better knowledge of the HIV/AIDS pandemic and how to protect themselves against it. The effects of a complete Foundation 1 and 2 education are much more than the additional effects brought about by secondary and higher education.

The stagnation of enrolment ratios in the past 15 years due to the socio-political situation Although the CAR was in 1990/91 a good 10 percentage points higher than the rest of Francophone Africa with regard to enrolment ratios, it fell some 10

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percentage points below the rest of Francophone Africa by 2004/05 (despite the fact that the gross primary school enrolment ratio increased slightly from 71 per cent in 1990/91 to 75 per cent in 2004/05). The stagnation in enrolment ratios can also be observed at other levels of education. At all levels of education there has been an increase in the private sector. At Foundation 1 level, 40 per cent of enrolments are at private institutions. At higher education level, in 2004/05 26 per cent of students were enrolled at private institutions, compared to 12 per cent in 1999/2000.

The gap between the Millennium Development Goals and the problems of access to schooling In the CAR, one child in every four never enters school (only 76 per cent of the cohort enters primary school) and many leave school before completion of the cycle (only 31 per cent of the age cohort successfully complete Foundation 1). Furthermore, some 32 per cent of the primary schools do not offer all the levels of study. Inequalities are stark. In 2004/05 there were in Foundation 1 13 boys for every 10 girls. At secondary school level, there were 13 boys for every 10 girls. Disparities according to socio-economic descent are as glaring. At primary school level there are twice as many pupils from favourable homes than pupils from poor households. At secondary school level, 85 per cent of pupils hail from the households falling in the top 20 per cent of income levels. An analysis of enrolments likewise shows important geographical inequalities. 66 per cent of the cohort complete the primary school cycle in Bangui, compared to 10 to 30 per cent in other geographic jurisdictions. This inequality between Bangui and the rest of the country has become aggravated by budget shifts in recent times. Foundation 1 has claimed 65 per cent of the public education budget in 1980, but this figure has dropped to 49 per cent in 2005 (the comparable figure in the rest of the world is in the region of 60 per cent). The proportion accorded to secondary education also compares unfavourably to the rest of the world: 28 per cent in the CAR compared to 23 per cent in the rest of the African continent. Higher education takes 3 per cent of public educational expenditure in the CAR, compared to a mean of 17 per cent in comparable countries. Per student expenditures on education are low, particularly at primary and secondary education levels. These are estimated to be 7 per cent of per capita

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GNP at Foundation 1 level, 17 per cent at Foundation 2 level, and 28 per cent at Secondary General level, significantly lower than the mean values in Africa. Per student expenditure on higher education level – 22.5 per cent of per capita GNP – is about the same as the mean in Africa. Mention should be made of the ‘PASEC Light’ tests conducted during May–June 2006. These are standard French and Mathematics tests written by the pupils of the first year in the Middle Course Cycle. Of the ten Francophone African countries where the tests were written, the achievement levels of the CAR pupils were the lowest.

An expensive system of education The education system of the CAR is characterized by a very high incidence of repeaters of grades. The percentage of repeaters is 30 per cent in Foundation 1 classes and in the region of 20 per cent in Foundation 2 and general secondary education classes. These figures imply a doubling of necessary resources. The initiative Fast Track aims to bring down these figures to 10 per cent in the Foundation 1 cycle. It also plans to bring down the pupil-to-teacher ratio from 92 to 71. This should, however, be reduced much more. The experience of other countries also points to a need for special measures for pupils with learning difficulties, as part of an effort to reduce failure rates.

Unadaptive policies, budgetary constraints and a massive shortage of teachers The large classes and the large-scale use of parents as substitute teachers point to a massive shortage of teachers. Compared to other countries in Africa, the salaries of teachers in the CAR are high: 7 times the per capita GNP for Foundation 1 teachers, and 7.5 for Collèges and 8.1 for Lycées (two forms of upper secondary schools). Due to budgetary constraints, more teachers cannot be employed. The result is large classes – at primary school level the pupil-to-teacher ratio stands at 91, and at secondary school level at 50. Other problems in this regard include the irregular payment of teachers’ salaries and the dependence on foreign aid for financing running expenses. An additional 1,200 teachers are needed every year in order to attain universal primary school attendance in 2015. The proportion of staff in administrative positions in the

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education system in the CAR is particularly high. This is especially pronounced at Foundation 1 level, where 26 per cent of staff are administrative, almost twice as high as the average for Africa (15 per cent). This represents a drain on resources which could have been spent on employing teachers. Remuneration levels are extremely differentiated. At Foundation 1 level, a teacher can earn as much as 15 times the salary of that of a parent-teacher. At secondary level, some teachers are at post-levels where their salaries are 4.4 times that of others. These varied salaries reflect the different training levels of teachers, the employment of parents as substitute teachers, the presence of expatriate teachers (from especially Benin and Niger), and the presence of trainee-teachers in classes, working back bursaries for studying, which they had obtained from government.

The shortage of human and material resources in classrooms On top of the shortage of teachers (if the parent-teachers are excluded the primary education pupil-teacher ratio comes to an astonishing 199), material resources are grossly insufficient. As an example, it could be stated that there is, on average, one textbook for ten pupils. Physical plants (school buildings) leave much to be desired. The risk of a mismatch between teacher allocation and number of pupils is high. At Foundation 1 level, 46 per cent of teacher appointments to schools are made without considering the number of pupils in those schools. The mean figure for other comparable countries is 26 per cent. At secondary level (Foundation 2 and Secondary General levels) the number is slightly better – 22 per cent, but still the risk is high. Resources are very unevenly spread. In the Foundation 1 cycle, for example, in Bangui there are 109 pupils per teacher, compared to the national average of 199, but in the north and north-east there are more than 450 pupils per teacher. In some districts education is provided exclusively by parent-teachers.

The functioning of the education system of the CAR The above remarks regarding education in the CAR will form the background for an analysis of the functioning of the system. The effect of the political context will be accentuated. The following paragraphs present and analyse the evolution

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of education and the effect on students as per level and type of education, for the period 1970–2005.

Pre-primary education Information about pre-primary education is difficult to obtain and is in any case not exhaustive. This phase is not compulsory and is provided for by both public and private schools. There are schools falling under the Ministry of Education as well as school falling under the Ministry of Social Affairs. From 1990 to 2005 enrolments have grown by 52 per cent, from 265,419 to 402,458. The pre-primary school enrolment ratio rose from 2 per cent in 2002 to 6 per cent in 2011 (UNESCO, 2013). Pre-primary enrolments are strongly concentrated in the capital of the CAR, Bangui. More than 80 per cent of pre-primary schools are in Bangui. Still only 14 per cent of the relevant cohort in Bangui are enrolled in pre-primary schools.

Primary education (Foundation 1, Fondamental 1) The inverse of the pattern in most Sub-Saharan African countries, in the CAR primary school enrolment growths in the 1980s and 1990s were minimal; the growth rates were an average of 2.4 per cent per year during the decade 1981/82 to 1990/91 and 1.7 per cent per year during the period 1993/94 to 2001/02. The 2002/03 school year was seriously perturbed by politico-military turmoil. A rise of the private school sector is noticeable. In 1998/99, 98 per cent of primary school enrolments were in public schools; by 2004/05 this figure had dropped to 90 per cent. A major part of these private schools are the community schools in villages. The primary school enrolment ratio increased from 78 per cent in 2001 to 94 per cent in 2011 (UNESCO, 2013).

Education at Foundation 2 (Fondamental 2; Collèges) level Since the advent of independence for the CAR in 1960 until 1980, this level of education has expanded considerably. Enrolments tripled in the 1970s, with an average annual growth rate of 12.5 per cent between 1972 and 1981. Then there was a slowdown of growth in the 1980s and 1990s. That was followed by a brutal interruption by the politico-military events of 2002/03, and growth came to a

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halt. The gross secondary school enrolment ratio stood at the low level of 12 per cent in 2001, and even by 2011, at 18 per cent (UNESCO, 2013).

Secondary general education After a forceful expansion drive in the 1970s, hardly any progress could be noted in the 1980s and 1990s. Since the dawn of the 2000s, growth has been impressive, with an enrolment growth of 23 per cent between 2002/03 and 2004/05. 92 per cent of enrolments are in public (government) schools. However, the private sector is expanding swiftly, if from a small base: the percentage of enrolments in private schools doubled from 4 per cent in 2002/03 to 8 per cent in 2004/05.

Technical and vocational education Technical and vocational education takes place in Technical Colleges by means of a three-year course leading to the Certificat d’Adaptation Professionelle (CAP). Technical and vocational education is also offered by the Technical Lycées. Their technical and vocational education leads to the Technical ‘Baccalauréat’ (BT). Apart from the Technical Colleges and the Technical Lycées, professional and vocational training is also provided by the CFPP and the Centres for Training; these do not fall under the Ministry of Education. Private colleges have increased and now make up 16 per cent of Technical Colleges. Technical Lycées are exclusively public sector.

Higher education The tertiary education enrolment ratio was a paltry 2 per cent in 2000, declining even further to 1 per cent by 2006, but increasing again to reach 3 per cent in 2011 (UNESCO, 2013). Higher education takes place at the University of Bangui (60 per cent of higher education enrolments; 80 per cent of public higher education enrolments). The only other university is the University of Euclid, an international university in Bangui. Secondly there are the public Grandes Ecoles and the private institutions. Since 1970 the growth of tertiary enrolments, while not stagnant, has been very modest, especially since 1990. In the public sector (Ecoles Normales Supérieures excluded), the average annual growth rate was 6 per cent in the 1970s, 10 per cent in the 1980s, and 3 per cent in the 1990s and the 2000s up to 2004. Since 2002, however, the growth rate has accelerated. In the public sector

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it has accelerated at an average rate of 6 per cent per year. In the private sector the expansion has been stronger – 20 per cent per year between 1999 and 2004.

Teacher education A variety of institutions provide education for primary school teachers: MM

MM

MM

MM

The Ecoles Normales d’Instituteurs (ENI) offer the Certificats d’Aptitude Pédagogique à l’Enseignement Fondamental 1 (CAPEF1), a two-year programme following the ‘baccalauréat’ (secondary school termination examination) The Centres Pédagogiques Régionaux (CPR) likewise offer a CAPEF1, an accelerated programme of nine months, with the help of the World Bank The Centre National de Formation Continue (CNFC) takes care of in-service training of teachers, by means of two-week courses during school holidays The projects of UNICEF: short programmes (15 days) for parent-teachers.

Secondary school teachers are educated in the Ecoles Normales Supérieures, and programmes culminate in the following diplomas: MM

MM

MM

The Certificat d’Aptitutes Professorales du Premier Cycle (CAPP), a programme after the ‘baccalauréat’, for teachers of lower secondary education. The Certificat d’Aptitudes Professorales à l’Enseignement Secondaire (CAPES) educating senior secondary (Secondaire Générale), a two-year programme after the Licentiate (first university degree) The Certificat d’Aptitudes Professorales à l’Enseignement Technique (CAPET) a two-year programme educating teachers in technical schools.

Teacher educators of primary school teachers are educated by the Ecole Normale Supérieure: MM

MM

MM

For Pedagogical Counsellors, a two-year course For Inspectors, a two-year course For Lecturers at the Ecoles Normales des Instituteurs, a four-year course.

Non-formal education Non-formal education in the CAR is provided for mainly by mon-governmental organizations. These are private organizations, frequently the work of some

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church denomination or multi-national cooperation agency. One partner is always a sector of the state, mainly the Ministry of Education. The state has also established two structures for the alphabetization of adults: the Centres d’Alphabétisation Fonctionelle and the Centres d’Education Permanente.

The administrative system and the pedagogy of the system In the education system of the CAR, a distinction should be made between the educational policies (which determine the mobilization and distribution of resources for and in the sector) and the administration which implements these policies. The two major domains of this implementation are first, the decentralization of the central administrative structure to regional units and ultimately to the level of individual schools with their human, physical infrastructure and financial administration structures, and second, the utilization of mobilized means by each school. Various institutional mechanisms exist for the running of the system.

Recruitment of teachers There are two categories of teachers in the CAR: MM

MM

Professional teachers: They are civil servants, and are recruited and employed according to policy by the National Ministry of Education in the CAR Lay teachers, i.e. parent-teachers, parents not educated as teachers but who volunteer to work as teachers. They are recruited by local structures and are remunerated according to local conditions. Their conditions of appointment and their remuneration therefore vary considerably from place to place in the CAR.

The Associations of Parents of Students (Associations des Parents d’Elèves, APE) Parents are the primary educators of their children and are therefore major stakeholders in the education project of the CAR. Faced with the difficulties which the state has in providing education, the APE has risen to the occasion to assist. Frequently, especially in rural areas, they pay the salaries of the

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parent-teachers, maintain and renovate school buildings, purchase furniture for schools as well as books, crayons, etc. judged to be urgent, and do other work to improve education.

The role of teacher trade unions The main mission of the teacher trade unions is to negotiate better working conditions for teachers employed by the National Ministry of Education. With their diverse actions (consultations, negotiations, labour action) they form a pressure group for the amelioration of conditions for professional teachers.

The reconstruction of the education system of the CAR After more than a decade of political instability, the CAR is now in need of a vast combined effort by the state and the international community to reconstruct the education system. It is within this context that the UNESCO office in Yaoundé (Cameroon) and the National Ministry of Education have drafted a programme to improve the education of teachers of Foundation 1 and 2 education cycles. Apart from other initiatives by the French Overseas Aid Organizations and the World Bank, there have also been projects to regroup and provide in-service education to personnel of the National Ministry of Education, especially with respect to planning, the economics of education and the financial administration of education. In January 2007, at a time when the socio-political turmoil in the country seemed to be subsiding, the l’Antenne-Projet under the auspices of UNESCO commenced, facilitating dialogue on the economic and social policies for the CAR. To guide the educational reform project in the CAR, the country should: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Embrace unequivocally the Millennium Development Goals Align education with development, the different actors should understand their roles, and should appreciate the benefits which will flow from a common effort Be prepared to make the sacrifices necessary to make the education system more efficient Lodge a vigorous action to develop the education system as part of the National Development Plan Engage in profound action to change the education system to ensure that it fulfils its mission. This will require a host of intermediate reforms. These

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cannot be accomplished within the parameters of the inherited colonial system. It is necessary to continue to explore possibilities to adapt the inherited system of education to the imperatives of development and to national realities. The administrative sub-system is need of profound change. Currently decisions are taken at points far from and out of feeling with the places where they are meant to be implemented. Furthermore, administrative capacity is severely limited. The system of information collection is totally ineffectual, and infrastructure frequently the object of acts of vandalism. The education system of the CAR is dysfunctional, also for the fact that those in the cockpit of the system (the Minister of Education and his immediate subordinates) are always part of an unstable and insecure structure. Especially Foundation 1 and 2 schools are permanently suffering from a shortage of human and physical resources on the one hand, and on the other, the persistent increase in student numbers. Even the higher education sector is beset with the same problems, and all these hamper the education sector’s capacity to fulfil its mission with respect to national development. The indigenous national language, Sango, is not developed as a language of learning and teaching, which means the education system is not capacitated to promote the values inherent in that language, and the national system cannot be the vehicle for cultural development based on the language and the culture it embodies. The education system is too elitist, too selective. The fact that the education system is not aligned with a fast-changing labour market constitutes a major problem. The situation in the non-formal sector is even more critical. This sector lacks initiatives. Although there are some adult education programmes, provided especially by religious organizations, the enhancement of the functional literacy levels of the adult population is in need of urgent attention. Faced with the gravity of the situation, Law 97.104 was adopted on 10 December 1997. It introduced notable modifications in the education system, improved communication channels between different role-players and gave recognition to the two official languages, French and Sango. The main categories of role-players are: MM

MM

Students: they are the prime beneficiaries of the educational project, they are also the centre point upon which all educational efforts converge Parents: the APE play a very important role in education. The family is the prime education sphere, and the child spends more time at home than at school

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MM

MM

MM

State institutions: they deliver education, and should help to see to the most profitable use of resources. Among the state institutions are also the National Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Rural Development, the Ministry of Public Works, the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of State Administration Associations of alumni of educational institutions also constitute a category of role-players. They are important in enunciating the problems besetting the education sector and in the building of civil society to take an interest in education Leaders of business and industry are important role-players not only because they donate financially and otherwise, but also because they are valuable when it comes to the definition of the objectives of education. This is especially important when keeping in mind the lack of pronunciation between education and work in the CAR. This problem explains a large part of the unemployment problem in the CAR. Leaders in industry and business should also play their part in deciding what the content of education should be and in the evaluation of the education system The public and private media should also take up their role in bringing about a national dialogue on education. It is only by means of such a dialogue, which should also include the organized labour unions of the teaching corps, that a national consensus required for the rebuilding of the education system will be effected. Any education reform project will be a long-term project requiring substantial financial layout.

Conclusion The CAR qualifies as a so-called ‘weak’ or even ‘failed’ state in the sense that the government are unable to deliver ‘political goods’ to the entire population (Giroux et al., 2008). These goods include, most importantly, security, but also benefits such as a functioning legal system, health care, education and critical infrastructure (Rotberg, 2004). The education system of the CAR remains a failing exercise, despite the priority which the government has accorded to education right from the advent of independence, to supply the country with a trained human resources pool. This system suffers from many dysfunctionalities, notably of physical infrastructure, didactical materials, logistical structures, human resources, financing and a lack of alignment between education and the job market and between

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education and national development. All of these are aggravated by – at least until recently – a staggering population growth. Finally, the education system of the CAR suffers from the lack of a veritable strategic vision, necessary for the development of the system in both the short and long term. In the CAR, two out of every five children do not attend school, and seven out of every ten adults are not functionally literate. The problem is not only a financial one, and even an injection of billions of Euros will not solve the problem overnight. A host of causal factors need to be addressed, such as the role of the integration of education with national development. The whole issue of globalization and its implications for education in the CAR has never been accorded any attention in policy debate and decisions. The same goes for the handling of the cultural and linguistic diversity of the country in the education system. A major reform effort is necessary in order to give the youth of the country a quality education – for example, the innovations put in place to develop adult literacy which entailed, inter alia, an active approach aiming at enabling the population to get a better grasp (understanding, calculating, budgeting, etc.) on their incomes and expenditures, their hygiene and health, their educational needs, etc. A clear formulation of strategic objectives in education is indispensable for the proper supply of education necessary for the future.

Discussion CAR is a micro-scale version of the educational problems besetting the entire Sub-Saharan African region. These include a persistent eluding universal adult literacy and universal primary school education, low secondary school enrolment ratios, and very low higher education enrolment ratios (cf. Wolhuter and Van Niekerk, 2010). These are compounded by low-quality education, high levels of internal inefficiency, and a problem in aligning the world of education with the world of work (Ibid.). But while at least most sub-Saharan African countries could succeed in raising primary and secondary education enrolment ratios and higher education enrolments substantially in the past 50 years since the advent of independence, progress in the CAR has been much more modest. Adult literacy rates have improved from 9 per cent in 1960 (aggregate figure for Africa); by 2002, only six African countries had adult literacy rates under 40 per cent (UNESCO, 2002). At independence in 1960, the gross primary education enrolment ratio in Africa stood at 44 per cent

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(for Sub-Saharan Africa the figure came to a paltry 36 per cent). The figure for Sub-Saharan Africa increased to 53 per cent in 1970, to 80 per cent in 1980, to 82 per cent in 2000 (Wolhuter and Van Niekerk, 2010: 11). Africa’s gross secondary school enrolment ratio stood at 5 per cent in 1960. In 1970, the aggregate gross secondary school enrolment ratio for Sub-Saharan Africa grew to 7 per cent, whence it doubled in the next decade, reaching 18 per cent in 1970 (UNESCO, 1999: 11–19). Tertiary enrolments have also grown miraculously. From 1960 to 1970 to 1980, higher education enrolment numbers in Africa increased from 22 million to 39 million to 76 million respectively (Coombs, 1985). In the decade 2000–10 the gross higher education enrolment ratio in sub-Saharan Africa increased from 4 to 7 per cent (UNESCO, 2013). Higher education enrolments in sub-Saharan Africa increased from 2,517,941 in 2000 to 5,632,684 in 2010 (Ibid.) If the elections planned for 18 months’ time in the CAR pan out, and the CAR could realize the economic potential of its arable land and rich mineral deposits, with its relatively small and easily containable population it might well be able to work it out on the education line too. Then the CAR case could prove to be an example for education in the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa. The swiftly expanding private education sector, in particular, could be something to watch.

References Coombs, P. H. 1985. The World Crisis in Education: The view from the eighties. New York: Oxford University Press. Giroux, J., Lanz, D. and Sgaitamatti, D. 2008. The Tormented Triangle: The regionalization of conflict in Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic. Np: Center for Security Studies and Swiss Peace. Mills, M. and Herbst, J. 2012. Africa’s Third Liberation. Rosebank: Penguin. Rotberg, R. I. 2004. When states fail: causes and consequences. Princeton: Princeton University Press. UNESCO. 1999. UNESCO Statistical Yearbook 1999. Paris: UNESCO. —2002. Promoting adult education in the context of life long learning. Paris: UNESCO. —2013. Statistics. http://www.uis.unesco.org [accessed 29 July 2013]. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 2002. ‘Human Development Report 2002’. New York: UNDP. Wolhuter, C. C. and Van Niekerk, M. P. 2010. ‘50 Years of Educational Reform and Expansion in Africa’. In V. Masemann, S. Majhanovich, N. Thruong and K.Janigan (eds) A Tribute to David. N. Wilson: Clamouring for a Better World. Rotterdam: Sense: 3–15.

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World Bank. 2012. Implementation, Completion and Results Report (IDA-35840 TF-50111) on a Credit in the Amount of SDR 13.3 Million (US$ 17.0 Million Equivalent) to the Central African Republic for a Multisectoral HIV/AIDS, Health, and Education Emergency Support Project (CR. 3584-CA). Washington, DC: The World Bank.

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Republic of Congo: Education and Labour Market Christophe Jalil Nordman and Mathias Kuépié

Introduction In developed countries, education is an important factor of productivity through research and innovation. Some countries like Japan or Korea have succeeded in boosting their development process without any natural resource, thanks to the quality of their human resource. Of course, education also has a positive impact on social indicators (reduction of fertility, child health and mortality, etc.). In Sub-Saharan Africa, the education system is inheritated from the colonial period and seems unable to encourage the development process. In fact, during the colonial period and after independence, the goal of African education systems was to train managers and employees for the administration. So, general training has been favoured at the expense of technical and vocational training. This practice has contributed to the congestion of the labour market because the needs of the administration for qualified personnel have been quickly met. Today, almost all young people leaving school at any level whatsoever are doomed either to unemployment, or to jobs unrelated to their training. General education does not encourage entrepreneurship and innovation. Ultimately, as noted in Kuépié, Nordman and Roubaud (2009), employment and education each follow their own dynamics. These inconsistent evolutions lead to a paradoxical situation where the lack of technicians and qualified engineers coexist with unemployment of young graduated people. The previous picture applies to the Republic of Congo, more so than anywhere else in Africa. Indeed, the results of the Congolese Household Survey (CNSEE, 2006) indicate that Congolese people are relatively highly educated, with an estimated net enrolment rate of 87 per cent in primary education and

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44 per cent in secondary education in 2005. In the population aged 15 and over, the literacy rate reaches 80 per cent, illustrating the fact that generalized school enrolment is not a new phenomenon. However, this good quantitative performance of the Congolese educational system is more nuanced when compared to qualitative indicators: about one-quarter of students enrolled in the first grade fail to reach the last year of primary education (CONFEMEN and MEPSA, 2009), and the level of knowledge exhibited by students is very weak (30 per cent scored 5/20 in the PASEC tests – Programme d’Analyse des Systèmes Educatifs de la CONFEMEN). Economically, the Republic of Congo has experienced a sustained economic growth, mostly due to the oil sector (GDP growth rate between 5 and 15 per cent from 2000 to 2009).1 Despite such a good economic performance, the poverty rate remains high, since close to half the population lives under the poverty threshold. This situation reflects the lack of redistribution or trickle-down mechanism. But it is also partly due to severe constraints in the labour market, and high levels of unemployment: a quarter of the working age population was unemployed in 2005, while the situation is even more worrisome in the two large cities of the country, where practically one out of three workingage persons was unemployed. The structure of the labour market is largely dominated by the informal sector (78 per cent), where workers are very likely to be poor (80 per cent). The public and formal private sectors tend to protect much more against poverty (they respectively cover only 5 and 10 per cent of the working poor), but offer very few insertion opportunities because they only represent 9 and 13 per cent respectively of all jobs. The aim of this study is to give a general picture of the education system in the Republic of Congo, both in terms of organization, internal structure, and efficiency in the labour market.

General description of the Republic of Congo Demographic indicators2 The Republic of Congo is a small country of Central Africa. It counts about 3.7 million inhabitants in the 2007 Census on a surface area of 342,000 square kilometres, so it is a relatively underpopulated country since the density is 11 persons per square kilometre. Around two-thirds of the population live in urban areas, mainly in Brazzaville, the political capital (60 per cent of the urban

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population) and Pointe-Noire, the main economic city (31 per cent). So the urban configuration of Congo-Brazzaville is characterized by the polarization on two main cities. This is a feature of most African countries where urban population is concentrated in just one or two big cites. There is no intermediate level between the countryside and the capital city. This configuration poses challenges in terms of planning, including in the field of education. The Congolese population is very young, since 49 per cent is under 20 years old and only 4.4 per cent is aged 60 or more. The importance of the young population raises the issue of demographic investment, in health, education, infrastructures, etc.

Economic indicators3 The Congolese economy has experienced strong growth over the last five years (between 5 and 8 per cent). This economy is however poorly diversified, since oil extraction represents 60 per cent of the GDP and 75 per cent of governement budget. The Congolese GDP per capita is around US$3500. But despite this relatively high level, poverty still affects half of the population. Surprisingly, this poverty affects massively the population living in the capital city Brazzaville (52 per cent), only a little less than those living in rural areas (59 per cent). PointeNoire appears to be less affected (32 per cent). To sum up, the Congolese context is charaterized by a very young age structure and a high economic growth rate which is mainly driven by oil extraction. There is also a high level of poverty and inequality, including in the capital city.

Organization of the educational system4 As in many countries, the Congolese educational system is organized in three levels5: primary education, secondary education and higher education. At each level, there are public schools and private schools.

Primary education The primary education lasts six years in Congo. The success at the end of this level is conditioned by the award of the Primary Graduate Certificate. The Millenium Development Goal (MDG) aim as far as education is concerned is the completion of primary school education by all children by 2015. But as we will see later, this

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objective is far from being achieved in Congo. In 2009 (the most recent year for which figures are available), there were 671,683 students in the Congolese primary education level. The different ratios of the primary education raise concerns: there are on average 63 pupils per class, so classrooms are overcrounded.

Secondary education The secondary school is subdivided into two sub-levels, first and second levels. In 2009, there were 206,237 pupils in the first level and 60,615 in the second. The first level of secondary school experiences the same difficulties as primary school. Classes are overcrowded with on average 76 pupils per classroom. At the end of the first level, students take an examination and, if they succeed, they obtain the undergraduate diploma and can move to the second level of secondary school. This level lasts normally three years and is sanctioned by the ‘baccalauréat’ diploma, which gives the possibility to access higher education. The number of pupils per classroom is also very important, 80 on average. Table 4.1  Some indicators of Congolese primary and secondary school levels Indicators Number of schools

Primary First level of secondary

Second level of secondary

3,224

960

89

Number of classrooms

15,920

5,886

758

Number of pedagogical classes

10,533

5,153

806

Number of seats

468,478 173,820

39,454

Number of pupils

671,683 206,237

60,615

Number of teachers

10,433

10,214

3,456

3,178

4,866

1,399

322,229

95,039

21,087

208.3

214.8

681.1

Number of pupils per classroom

42.2

35.0

80.0

Number of pupils per pedagogical class

63.8

40.0

75.2

Number of administrative staff Number of girls Number of pupils per school

Number of pupils per seat Number of pupils per teacher Number of pupils per administrative staff Number of girls per pupil

1.4

1.2

1.5

64.4

20.2

17.5

211.4

42.4

43.3

0.92

0.85

0.53

Source: Source Statistical Yearbook, 2009; author’s computations.

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On the importance of the private sector education In 2009, the private sector counted a non-neglible share of education supply, in primary schools as well as secondary. In primary schools, the private sector received 35 per cent of pupils. In secondary schools, it counted 34 and 28 per cent respectively for the first and second levels. So the private sector is an important actor of the Congolese educational system. This situation may reflect the failure of the public sector to respond to family demand, both in terms of quantity and quality. Actually, the private educational sector had a relatively high success rate at official examinations in 2009 compared to the public one: 84 per cent against 64 per cent for the primary certificate and 49 per cent against 24 per cent for the first level of secondary school. Data are not available for the ‘baccalauréat’ but we can imagine that a similar gap exists. We can link the academic performance of the private educational sector to its supervision ratio: 38 pupils per teacher in the primary private education, against 100 in the public one; respectively, 24 for private first level secondary education against 63 for public secondary education. Table 4.2  Some indicators of Congolese primary and secondary school levels, by sector Indicators

Primary Public

First level of Second level of secondary secondary

Private Public Private  Public Private

Number of schools

1,878

1,346

299

661

36

53

Number of classrooms

9,075

6,845

2,787

3,099

521

237

4,364

6,169

2,181

2,972

642

164

Number of pedagogical classes Number of seats

244,960 223,518

99,182 74,638 28,534 10,920

Number of pupils

434,170 237,513 136,714 69,523 43,811 16,804

Number of teachers

5,301

5,132

3,573

6,641

2,537

919

Number of administrative staff

2,101

1,077

2,338

2,528

1,106

293

Number of pupils per school

231.2

176.5

457.2

105.2 1217.0

317.1

Number of pupils per classroom

47.8

34.7

49.1

22.4

84.1

70.9

Number of pupils per pedagogical class Number of pupils per seat

99.5

38.5

62.7

23.4

68.2

102.5

1.8

1.1

1.4

0.9

1.5

1.5

Number of pupils per teacher

81.9

46.3

38.3

10.5

17.3

18.3

206.6

220.5

58.5

27.5

39.6

57.4

64.3

84

23.5

49.4

(*)

(*)

Number of pupils per administrative staff Percentage of graduates

Source: Source Statistical Yearbook, 2009; author’s computations. (*). 47.3 for the two sectors, not broken down by sector

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Higher education Higher education is also offered by both the public and private sectors, but the figures on the latter are not easy to find, so we only provide statistics for public higher education. In the Republic of Congo, there is only one university which has five faculties (Arts and Human Science, Social Science, Economics, Science, Law), three specialized high schools (Magistrature, Polytechnics, and Teacher Training) and three institutes (Management, Rural Development, Sport and Physical Education). In 2008, there were about 17,645 students in these different institutions (Table 4.3). Table 4.3  Distribution of students in Marian Gouaby University in 2008 Organization

Number

%

Faculty of Arts and Human Science

4,750

26.9

Faculty of Economics

3,739

21.2

Faculty of Law

2,622

14.9

Faculty of Science

2,280

12.9

Ecole Normale Supérieure

1,188

6.7

National Polytechnic High School

600

3.4

Faculty of Health Science

585

3.3

National School of Administration and Magistrature

509

2.9

Higher Institute of Management

500

2.8

Institute of Rural Development

443

2.5

Higher Institute of Physical Education and Sports

429

2.4

17,645

100.0

Total Source: Source Statistical Yearbook, 2009; author’s computations.

The distribution of students in the differents faculties and institutes shows that about two-thirds are concentrated in Arts and Human Science, Economics and Law. If we add the Faculty of Science, almost four-fifths of students are engaged in general training with no link to the needs of the labour market, as mentioned previously.

The vocational school Beside the general educational system, there is also the vocational training system, which receives pupils after primary education for the lower level, and after the first level of secondary school for the higher level. These schools train

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young people for various professions. Their general organization is similar to that of the secondary school: a first level ‘Centre de métiers’ (35 per cent of pupils) lasting four years and a second ‘Lycée professionnel’ (50 per cent of pupils), lasting three years (Table 4.4). There are also some specific schools which have their own curricula (11 per cent of pupils). For example the ‘Ecole Normale d’Instituteurs’, which trains primary school teachers, recruits students with ‘baccalauréat’ for a two-year training. In 2009, vocational training hosted 31,063 pupils, representing only 10 per cent of youth in the secondary educational system. The fact that vocational education represents only a small share of the educational system reflects the carelessness of this education sector by the authorities. In the introduction, we mentioned the fact that, in African countries, vocational training does not receive all the attention it deserves. Table 4.4  Indicator of vocational training Centres de métiers/ CET Number of schools

Lycée professionnel

Ecoles professionnelles

total

43

16

11

70

Number of classrooms 237

208

85

530

Number of students

10,960

16,816

3,284

31,060

% of pupils

35.3%

54.1%

10.6%

100.0%

Source: Source Statistical Yearbook, 2009; author’s computations.

Attendance rates of the educational system In the previous analyses, we focused on the education supply parameters. In this section we turn to the demand side. In other words, we analyse attendance ratios and rates which take into account both the effective and potential pupils. For this analysis, we use the Congolese Core welfare indicators survey of 2005.6 The aim of the survey was to measure a large set of indicators on labour market, education, health, poverty, etc.

Attendance in the primary education level The gross attendance ratio is very high in the Republic of Congo: 133 per cent for boys and 123 per cent for girls (Table 4.5). Whatever place of residence is considered (cities, semi-urban, rural), this ratio is more than 100 per cent. Gross

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attendance rate is above 100 per cent because many children begin school late or, more likely, repeat grades frequently. To give a more precise picture of the Congolese primary education, we should refer to the net attendance rate, which is based only on children of the primary school age group. The net ratio falls to 87 per cent for boys and 86 per cent for girls. It is higher in Brazzaville (92 per cent for boys and girls) and Pointe-Noire (90 and 91 per cent respectively) and lesser in the rural area (82 per cent for boys, 80 per cent for girls). So gender gap is very low in the Republic of Congo, both in urban and rural areas, at least regarding primary school. The achievement rate is about 73 per cent and is probably smaller in the rural area, but data are not available. Table 4.5  Gross enrolment ratios (TBS, in %) and net enrolment ratios (TNS, in %) of primary education Brazzaville

Pointe-Noire

Semi-urban

TBS

TBS

TBS

TNS

TNS

TNS

Rural area TBS

TNS

Total TBS

TNS

Boys

124.1 92.8

126.2 90.1

129.5 85.3

144.7 82.2

133.1 87.2

Girls

119.1 92.5

128.6 90.6

127.4 85.3

121

79.6

123.5 86.3

Total

121.5 92.6

127.3 90.3

128.4 85.3

132.8 80.9

128.3 86.8

Source: Enquête congolaise auprès des ménages (ECOM), 2005.

Attendance in the secondary education level At the secondary school, the gross enrolment ratios are about 65 per cent for boys and girls (Table 4.6). But when we focus on net ratio, this percentage falls to about 45 per cent for both sexes. If there is no secondary school gender inequality, there are high inequalities according to place of residence. In rural areas, only one-fifth of boys and girls of secondary age group are really attending the secondary school whereas there are more than two-thirds (66 per cent) in Brazzaville and more than a half (55 per cent) in Pointe-Noire. Table 4.6  Gross enrolment ratios (TBS in %) and net enrolment ratios (TNS in %) of secondary education Brazzaville

Pointe-Noire

Semi-urban

Rural area

Total

TBS

TNS

TBS

TNS

TBS

TNS

TBS

TNS

TBS

TNS

Boys

94.7

64.1

76.6

54.5

65

39.8

33.1

21.1

65.5

44.1

Girls

97.7

65.1

77.8

53.3

49.2

37.6

28.1

20.4

65.1

44.7

Total

96.2

64.6

77.3

53.9

56.9

38.7

30.8

20.8

65.3

44.4

Source: Enquête congolaise auprès des ménages (ECOM), 2005.

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Attendance in higher education The access to higher education is very limited and unequal: the gross enrolment ratio is 13 per cent for males and 7 per cent for females (Table 4.7). But the net ratio is respectively 3 per cent and 2 per cent. Unsurprisingly, it is in Brazzaville, where the unique public university is located, that attendance rates are the highest: gross ratios are 31 per cent for males and 15 per cent for females, and the net ernrolment ratios are 6 and 4 respectively. The important gap between gross and net rates depicts a situation where young people waste a lot of time at the university. It is a general feature of the Sub-Saharan African university system. Indeed, due to the lack of opportunity in the labour market, many young people prefer to stay as long as possible in the schoolinsg system. We observe that this phenomenom is true for males more than for females. Table 4.7  Gross enrolment ratios (TBS, in %) and net enrolment ratios (TNS, in %) of higher education Brazzaville Pointe-Noire Semi-urban

Rural area

TBS

TBS

TNS

TBS

TNS

TBS

TNS

TNS

Total TBS

TNS

Males

31

5.7

6.6

1.9

2

0.5

0

0

13.2

2.6

Females

15.5

4

5.3

2.3

2.5

0

0

0

 7.1

2

Total

23.4

4.9

5.9

2.1

2.3

0.2

0

0

10.1

2.3

Source: Enquête congolaise auprès des ménages (ECOM), 2005.

Linking individual education and earnings in the labour markets of Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire For this analysis, we use data from the Employment and Informal Sector Survey (EESIC) carried out in 2009 in the Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire urban centres by the National Center for Statistics and Economic Studies of the Republic of Congo (see CNSEE, 2009). The first phase7 of the survey covered 2,977 households (1,446 in Brazzaville and 1,531 in Pointe-Noire), thus representing a total of more than 10,000 people. An employment questionnaire was completed for all individuals older than 10 years. In reality, children who start working before the age of 15 are rare: out of 978 children aged 10–14, only 10 were found to be unemployed (4 people) or employed (6 people). Consequently, within the scope of this study, we focus on people aged 15 and older.

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Descriptive statistics on education8 in Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire In this section, we refine the analysis of education, by going beyond ratios and by extending the analysis to all the population aged 15 and over, not only young people. Even though the survey only concerns the two main cities, the results provide meaningful results for the Congolese urban labour market, since the two cities represent 90 per cent of the urban population. Educational level was determined by a set of questions asked to each household member about school attendance (current and past), the level of education reached, the number of completed years of schooling, qualifications obtained (contrasting general education and vocational training), the type of institution attended during the first year of schooling, as well as the level of education and employment status of the father of the interviewee. Overall statistics provided in Table 4.8 below and Figure 4.1 in the Appendix confirm that educational capital accumulation is considerable: the number of Brazzaville: Distribution of individuals aged 15 or over by education

.2

.15 Density

Density

.15

Point Noire: Distribution of individuals aged 15 or over by education

.2

.1

.05

.1

.05

0

0 0

5

10 15 20 Number of achieved years of education

25

0

5

10 15 20 Number of achieved years of education

25

Total: Distribution of individuals aged 15 or over by education

.2

Density

.15

.1

.05

0 0

5

10 15 20 Number of achieved years of education

25

Figure 4.1  Distribution of individuals aged 15 years and over by education and city Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo; authors’ calculations.

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Table 4.8  Educational level distribution, by city (age 15 and above, %) Overall Educational Level Reached

Brazzaville  Pointe-Noire

Total

No Education / Incomplete Primary School

15.63

19.61

16.97

Completed Primary School / Incomplete Secondary School Vocational Secondary Training

35.21

39.57

36.68

8.21

6.42

7.61

Completed 1st Level of Secondary School / Incomplete 2nd Level of Secondary School 2nd Level of Secondary School Completed

21.14

19.50

20.58

6.38

5.99

6.25

Higher Education

13.43

8.92

11.91

100.00

100.00

100.00

No Education / Incomplete Primary School

12.23

14.63

13.06

Completed Primary School / Incomplete Secondary School Vocational Secondary Training

29.35

36.11

31.68

6.44

6.48

6.46

Completed 1st Level of Secondary School / Incomplete 2nd Level of Secondary School 2nd Level of Secondary School Completed

24.43

22.27

23.68

8.37

7.25

7.98

Higher Education

19.17

13.27

17.14

100.00

100.00

100.00

No Education / Incomplete Primary School

18.76

24.48

20.66

Completed Primary School / Incomplete Secondary School Vocational Secondary Training

40.61

42.95

41.39

9.84

6.36

8.69

Completed 1st Level of Secondary School / Incomplete 2nd Level of Secondary School 2nd Level of Secondary School Completed

18.10

16.78

17.66

4.55

4.76

4.62

8.13

4.66

6.98

100.00

100.00

100.00

Total Men

Total Women

Higher Education Total

Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo; authors’ calculations.

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schooling years completed averages about nine years, and more than threequarters of individuals aged 15 and older (83 per cent) completed the primary level, 6 per cent succeeded in finishing the secondary level 2 (senior high school, which lasts three years) but didn’t go any further, and close to 12 per cent went on to higher education. Thus, a large proportion of individuals (20 per cent) fail to complete the senior level of secondary education once they reach it (i.e. a total of seven years of secondary schooling). It must be noted that individuals aged 15 and older are similarly distributed according to educational level in each city (Brazzaville, Pointe-Noire), while illiteracy (no education, or incomplete primary level) seems higher in Pointe-Noire9 (19 per cent in Pointe-Noire vs. 15 per cent in Brazzaville); conversely, the number of individuals who went on to pursue higher education studies is higher in Brazzaville (13 per cent vs. 9 per cent). Overall, these characteristics could indicate that the drop-out rate is high at the end of, and during, each educational level. Women are clearly at a disadvantage: over 20 per cent did not complete primary school (vs. 13 per cent of men) – this percentage reaches 24 per cent in Pointe-Noire – and only 7 per cent of them are enrolled in higher education programmes (vs. 17 per cent for men). This gender gap comes in contradiction with the gender equality we highlighted previously when dealing with attendance rates. But it should be mentioned that the previous population of interest was children and young people (between 6 and 20) whereas, here, we are dealing principally with adults (15 to 75). So the gender gap observed here reflects past inequalities in access to schooling. When broken down by age cohorts (table not included), we observe that, even until the age of 50, an overwhelming majority (about 88 per cent) completed the primary level. This reflects a long-standing schooling tradition in Congo. However in Africa, the dynamics of schooling has probably varied across countries. Based on similar 1-2-3 Surveys carried out in seven capital cities of West Africa in 2002–3, Kuépié, Nordman and Roubaud (2009) noted that, at one extreme, some cities (Lomé, Abidjan and Cotonou) had a longstanding schooling tradition, while, at the other extreme, education has started expanding only recently (Bamako, Niamey and, to some extent, Ouagadougou). The two Congolese cities clearly belong at the top of the first group. One last point must be made about the educational landscape: little weight is given to vocational training, which never exceeds 8 per cent among those older than 15, except for women in Brazzaville whose percentage is close to 10 per cent. This means that the educational system focuses more on general education than

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technical and vocational training. This is the case for most of Africa (see Kuépié et al., 2009).

Impact of education on labour market integration and earnings In this study, our methodological approach aims to estimate various econometric models in order to assess the effect of diverse educational dimensions (number of years of school attendance, type of schools attended, i.e. general studies or vocational training, and degrees received) on (i) circumstances of labour market integration (participation and choice of sector) and (ii) individual earnings resulting from the main activity. Incomes are estimated by applying a Mincer-type earnings model, taking into account the effect of sample selection on individuals’ participation and choice of sector. In addition, the data allow us to address the issue of potential endogeneity of the education variable in the earnings function through several techniques that use information on the family background of compensated workers. Econometric methods employed, as well as methodological discussions, can be found in Kuépié and Nordman (2011). In the first sub-section, we provide data on the link between labour market integration (unemployment, sector choice) and education. In the second sub-section, we give overall and sectoral earnings function results, and we examine synthetic results obtained from applying various econometric methodologies, particularly selectivity-adjusted earnings functions, and the education variable used as an endogenous explanatory variable (Kuépié and Nordman, 2011). Finally, in a third sub-section, we focus on comparing the two cities, on the basis of a set of estimates deemed most reliable for each city and sector.

Education, unemployment and labour market insertion The aim of this sub-section is to briefly observe the efficiency of education in terms of exit from unemployment and entering different segments of the labour market (formal/informal). Correlations between unemployment and educational level For the two cities in the Republic of Congo, the unemployment rate is lowest (12 per cent) among those who are least educated. It goes up to 19 per cent for those who completed primary or secondary education. It then decreases slightly

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(18 per cent) among those with at least one year of higher education. It thus appears that human capital does not prevent unemployment. This is particularly true in Brazzaville, where unemployment is generally higher (overall, 20 per cent vs. 15 per cent in Pointe-Noire), and increases rapidly with the level of education (from 11 per cent for those who never attended school to 22 per cent for those who completed senior high school). The trend is less linear in PointeNoire. For men in Brazzaville particularly, unemployment tends to initially increase with education level, then decreases slightly with the completion of senior high school and the start of higher education. In fact, this finding was already highlighted by Kuépié et al. (2013) in the cases of Cotonou, Dakar and Ouagadougou, where higher education had some effect on reducing the level of unemployment. This pattern could be explained by the fact that, being the country’s political capital, a large portion of public servants are located in Brazzaville, where more university graduates can be absorbed than in PointeNoire, where adequate employment opportunities would be more limited.10 As in most large African cities, youth unemployment is a serious concern in the Republic of Congo: almost one-third of the youth below the age of 30 that enter the labour market do not find jobs, whereas this rate drops by half among 30–49-year-old adults, and is only 6 per cent among those older than 50. This Table 4.9  Unemployment rate (as defined by the ILO), by level of education, gender and city (individuals aged 15 and older, in %)

Men

Women

Total

Men

Women

Total

No Education / Incomplete Primary 10 School Completed Primary School / 21 Incomplete Secondary School Vocational Secondary Training 24

Overall

Total

Men

Educational level reached

Pointe-Noire

Women

Brazzaville

12

11

15

13

14

12

13

12

21

21

11

20

15

17

21

19

31

28

11

23

16

19

29

24

33

21

12

21

16

13

29

19

Completed 1st Level of Secondary 14 School / Incomplete 2nd Level of Secondary School 2nd Level of Secondary School 19 Completed Higher Education 14

29

22

 9

25

14

16

27

19

30

19

15

25

17

15

29

18

Total

25

20

12

19

15

15

23

18

17

Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo ; authors’ calculations.

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35% Brazzaville

30%

Pointe-Noire

25%

Total

20% 15% 10% 5% 0 15–29 years

30–49 years

50 years and over

Figure 4.2  Unemployment rates (ILO definition) according to age groups (individuals aged 15 years and over, in %) Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo ; authors’ calculations.

only includes unemployment data as defined by the ILO, therefore referring to people actively seeking work. If the notion of unemployment is extended to include those who have given up looking for a job, the proportion of workingage youth who cannot find a job jumps to 42 per cent. It must be emphasized that for the overwhelming majority (88 per cent) of these young unemployed, this is the first attempt to look for a job (first-time job-seekers). Results from a logit model of the probability of unemployment (Table A2 in the Appendix), taking into consideration characteristics of both individuals and households – such as age, gender, migration status, family status, household income, the relationship between the person and the head of household and the household’s dependency rate – are similar to those of the descriptive analysis. All else remaining equal, individuals who did not reach the minimum education level seem less likely to be unemployed than those who have completed at least junior high school, and even less so than those who attended university, which probably reflects lower expectations to find better jobs within the first group. Controlling for all variables, the risk of unemployment among youth does not decrease. An efficient employment policy should therefore target this category of workers specifically. The fact that investments in human capital do not lead systematically to jobs reflects the deterioration of urban labour markets in Africa. This deterioration is due to the failure or absence of urban policies, which, when they do exist,

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often fail to support the creation of skilled jobs. In the case of the Congo, this is particularly odd because since the early 2000s, the country has experienced a sustained economic growth, mostly due to the oil sector. Resources generated could help establish a real programme to create sustainable jobs. Furthermore, the regression performed on the entire sample confirms that, even while taking into consideration observable characteristics of individuals and households, Brazzaville is confronted with a bigger unemployment challenge than Pointe-Noire, since the coefficient for that city’s indicator is negative and significant in Column 3 (Table A2 in the Appendix). Even if being unemployed shows that it is difficult to enter into one of the sectors of the labour market, employment fails to systematically protect against insecurity and vulnerability.11 In the next sections, we observe the relationship between education and the quality of jobs filled, in addition to its impact on unemployment. Qualitative balance in urban labour markets: matching education and employment The quantitative analysis of labour market balance reveals that educational investments fail to protect against a significant portion of unemployment, especially among the youth. Here we match the level of education with the quality of employment, which we proxy using the sector of activity (formal public sector, formal and informal private sectors). The level of education and the employment sector are very closely tied (Table 4.10). In both cities, close to 90 per cent of workers, who never started or completed their primary education, work in the informal sector. Eighty-three per cent of the working-age population that completed primary education but did not finish junior high school work in the informal sector, against only 58 per cent of those who did. Only 28 per cent of those who started university work in the informal sector, but this proportion varies widely across cities (22 per cent in Brazzaville vs. 42 per cent in Pointe-Noire). In the capital city, 65 per cent of workers who attended university end up in the public sector, against just 13 per cent in the formal private sector. Finally, there seems to be no real preference in the private sector for a trained workforce in large Congolese cities, which is a little surprising.

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Table 4.10  Distribution of the employed working age population, by education level and activity sector (age 15 and older, %) Overall

Total

Informal Sector

Total

Formal Private Sector

Informal Sector

Public Sector

Formal Private Sector

Public Sector

Total

Total

Pointe-Noire

Informal Sector

Completed 1st Level of Secondary School / Incomplete 2nd Level of Secondary School 2nd Level of Secondary School Completed Higher Education

Formal Private Sector

Public Sector

None Incomplete Primary School Completed primary school/ Incomplete Secondary 1 Vocational Secondary Training

Brazzaville

2.2

9.0

88.8

100.00

3.3

10.1

86.6

100.00

0.6

7.5

91.9

100.00

8.1

8.4

83.6

100.00

10.0

6.7

83.3

100.00

5.2

10.8

84.0

100.00

30.1

16.5

53.4

100.00

40.7

14.8

44.4

100.00

12.1

19.4

68.5

100.00

31.3

10.6

58.0

100.00

40.5

8.1

51.4

100.00

14.1

15.5

70.4

100.00

43.6

16.1

40.3

100.00

49.9

11.5

38.6

100.00

34.1

23.0

43.0

100.00

56.1

16.2

27.7

100.00

64.8

13.4

21.8

100.00

34.5

23.1

42.4

100.00

23.5

11.3

65.2

100.00

30.2

9.6

60.2

100.00

12.2

14.1

73.7

100.00

Republic of Congo: Education and Labour Market

Educational level reached

Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo; authors’ calculations.

105

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We then use a multinomial logit model to measure the net effect12 of education on distribution across sectors (Table A3 in the Appendix). Results show that, regardless of the city and the education level, one more year of schooling always tends to have more of an impact in terms of labour market integration, whereas increased education leads to fewer opportunities to pursue an activity in the informal sector. The lack of impact from years of education on access to the formal private sector is once again confirmed here. This result is not specific to Congo alone. Indeed, Kuépié et al. (2013) show that in 2002, in the cases of Ouagadougou, Bamako and Lomé, additional years of university attendance (i.e. over 13 years of schooling) had no effect on the probability to join the formal private sector rather than the informal sector. This finding could reflect the inability of formal private sector businesses in African countries to create highly skilled jobs for young university graduates. While the educational level plays an important role in access to the formal sector, so does the type of studies pursued. For instance, 44 per cent of those in Brazzaville who attended vocational training courses13 work in the informal sector, compared to over 50 per cent of those who reached the same level in higher education (completed at least junior high school, but did not go on to senior high school; see Table 4.10). When cities are examined separately, it appears that vocational training is a more efficient way to join the formal sector (public and private) than general education, particularly in Brazzaville. Indeed, more than half the workers employed in the capital city who attended vocational training courses work in the modern sector (55 per cent in Brazzaville, see Table 4.10). Conversely in Brazzaville, 48 per cent of those who completed the general studies curriculum in junior high school work in the modern sector. Furthermore, based on the sectoral choice equations (Table A3 in the Appendix), it appears that, as for unemployment, young people (between the ages of 15 and 29) find it more challenging to access the public sector than those aged 30–49, and even more so than those over the age of 50. Their only remaining option is the informal sector, where they are over-represented. This situation highlights the bottlenecks present in the Congolese civil service. While it used to be a natural opportunity for graduates, it now proves unable to satisfy an increased demand for jobs from the youth seeking to enter the labour market. The informal sector becomes their last refuge. Women are in the same situation as the youth: all else remaining equal, while they face the same risk of unemployment as men, the probability that they will find formal employment is nevertheless lower in both the public and the formal private sectors. This under-representation of women in the most rewarding sectors could reflect

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either straightforward discrimination against them in the labour market, or a rational choice on their part to join the informal sector, assuming this sector makes it easier for them to reconcile their work and family lives (see Kouamé, 1999; Nordman et al., 2011).

Impact of education on earnings Regression analyses of earnings are based on the two samples from both Republic of Congo cities. These estimates rely on the hourly, rather than monthly, log earnings, in order to take into consideration the heterogeneity of work duration in the various sectors. In addition to the educational level, we include migration status, family status, religion, seniority in main job, potential experience, gender and dummy variables of the employment sector of each person in the pooled sectoral regressions (taking as reference the informal sector).14 For a detailed presentation of econometric and specification techniques (in particular regarding sample selectivity and endogeneity of the education variable), one should refer to Kuépié and Nordman (2011).

Overall findings For an overview of education results, Figure 4.3 provides histograms of marginal education returns by sector and city, at the sample’s average schooling level. Estimates show that, across cities, marginal returns are highest in the formal private sector (12 per cent), with the public sector (8 per cent) and finally the informal sector (5 per cent) following behind. When broken down by city, the situation is more nuanced: in Pointe-Noire, education is more valued in the public sector, with a marginal return above 13 per cent. In the case of Brazzaville, it is however in the formal private sector that the return to education is highest (10 per cent), followed very closely, and surprisingly, by the informal sector (9 per cent). Conversely, the public sector falls behind the two other sectors (7 per cent). The high level of profitability in the formal private sector contradicts its low ability to integrate those who are highly educated. Indeed, previous analyses of sectoral preference have shown that a high level of education does not necessarily mean entry into the formal private sector. On the other hand, when individuals succeed against all odds in accessing this market, human capital becomes very important. In Kuépié and Nordman (2011), it is shown that earners received the best labour compensation in this sector. An effective poverty alleviation policy could aim to develop programmes that promote an

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Education in East and Central Africa All sectors Public scetor Private sector Informal sector

Figure 4.3  Marginal returns to education by sector of activity Note: These estimates stem from results reported in Table A8. The returns correspond to an endogenous or exogenous education variable depending on the results of the overidentification tests (see Annex I, Section A.3). For instance, a model with an exogenous education variable is systematically preferred when the instruments appear invalid for specific sectors and cities. Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo ; authors’ calculations.

expansion of the formal private sector, effectively opening it to skilled youth. Such a policy would be helpful in reducing youth unemployment, which, as previously indicated, is very high, while simultaneously fighting poverty, since this formal private sector pays its workers well.

Convexity of the returns to education Results show clearly that earnings and education form a non-linear relationship, with a convex shape. For almost all regressions provided in Tables A4 through A7 (Appendix), the linear model can be excluded.15 These convex marginal returns indicate that education increasingly affects compensation. In almost all cases, one additional completed year of senior high school (10–13 years) leads to a higher return than one year in junior high school (7–9 years) or in primary school (0–6 years). In this regard, the formal private sector appears at times to be an exception (Table A6 in the Appendix). This finding remains true for years of junior high school attendance, as compared to those in primary school, especially in the public and informal sectors (Tables A5 and A7 in the Appendix). In Figure 4.4, we provide the trend of predicted earnings in each sector, based on the number of completed years of schooling. In all these sectors, we observe that earnings remain constant overall until about the 8th year of schooling, after

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Public sector

Public sector

Public sector

109

Public sector

Figure 4.4  Earnings predictions from earnings functions Legend: in the vertical axis, hourly earnings in FCFA ; in the horizontal axis, number of achieved years of education. Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo; authors’ calculations from earnings functions in Tables 5.4 to 5.7.

which they start to increase faster. This overall pattern can be applied to each sector, albeit with slight changes. Convexity thus intervenes later for informal sector workers (around the 12th year of schooling). Based on these findings, the convex shape is, to a large extent, caused by the sharp increase in earnings that takes place when individuals complete higher education and start university, and mostly when informal sector workers complete their high school education. These results contradict the conventional human capital accumulation model, where marginal education returns are assumed to remain constant, or even decrease. This convexity is now regularly observed, first by Schultz (2004), whose work is based on household surveys carried out in six African countries (South Africa, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria), by Söderbom et al. (2006), using samples of wage-earners from manufacturing companies in Kenya

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and Tanzania, and by Kuépié et al. (2009) and Dimova, Nordman and Roubaud (2010), who exploited the 1-2-3 Surveys in several economic capitals of West Africa. This result is meaningful. Indeed, according to some, unless the high proportion of informal sector workers is taken into consideration, returns to primary schooling could be overestimated, while simultaneously underestimating higher education returns (Bennell, 1996). In this situation, convexity is highlighted for all sectors, including informal activities. Based on our estimates, not only is the marginal return to primary schooling lower than for secondary and higher education attendance in all sectors, but it is also lower in the informal sector than in the formal private sector (Tables A6 and A7 in the Appendix). Therefore, as assumed by Bennell (1996), excluding informal sector earnings would effectively lead to overestimating the returns to primary schooling. It is important to observe the increase in education returns when moving from one educational level to the next, because the notion that primary schooling is an effective tool to combat poverty relies partly on the assumption that the earnings function is concave, meaning that education received during the early years of schooling would be more profitable. Recommendations on measures required to promote primary education in Sub-Saharan Africa were based on this principle (Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2004). Yet, the literature offers several possible explanations for the emergence of convexity in education returns (Bennell, 1996, 2002; Schultz, 2004). For instance, a stronger growth in primary education could reduce its returns, as compared to following cycles. Another example is the weakening quality of primary education over time,16 which could affect estimates of returns (Behrman, Ross and Sabot, 2008). Some also mention the slower growth of the formal sector, which may have tightened the demand for an educated workforce and affected more dramatically those with less education.

Return differentials across genders and cohorts When estimating the order of magnitude of education returns using merged samples of men and women aged 15 and older, we rely on two important, and potentially restrictive, assumptions. First, by merging the data for both genders, we assume that the returns to individual characteristics are identical for men and women. This can be problematic, as women’s participation in the labour market often shows less continuity than men’s, especially in Africa; as a result, women can make a different use of their human capital in this market (see Nordman and Roubaud, 2009 for the situation in Madagascar).

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Therefore, we need to confirm that human capital compensation is different for each gender by estimating earnings functions using a set of interactions with the sex dummy so that the specification matches separate earnings functions. Results from this exercise are provided in Table A9 of the Appendix. In the case of education, the assertion that the education-gender cross-effects are null cannot be rejected (except for Brazzaville’s public sector, where the assertion can be rejected, but only at the 10 per cent threshold). Therefore, these tests and estimates, as well as similar tests described in Kuépié et al. (2009), largely corroborate the hypothesis of the same effects for both genders (pooling assumption).17 Overall, these results indicating little gender differentials in education returns are quite unexpected. Schultz (2002) analyses gender gaps in education returns in developing countries, and finds that these estimates tend to favour women.18 In Africa, estimates are provided by Vijverberg (1993) for Côte d’Ivoire, by Glick and Sahn (1997) and Siphambe and Thokweng-Bakwena (2001) for Guinea’s and Botswana’s public sectors, and more recently by Nordman and Roubaud (2009) for Madagascar. Although results provided by Appleton, Hoddinott and Krishnan (1999) for Côte d’lvoire, Ethiopia and Uganda are mixed, they nevertheless show that education returns for women are higher. In contrast, Cohen and House (1993) find that men’s education returns are higher in Sudan’s formal sector. In the case of the Republic of Congo on which we focus, two explanations come to mind for the similarity between each gender’s returns: first, our samples are representative of urban areas, where gender differentials in the labour market are probably less apparent than in rural areas.19 Second, the decrease in marginal education returns at all educational levels was mentioned to explain the higher returns for women (Schultz, 2002), since women tend to be less educated than men on average,20 and higher returns were often noted for lower educational levels. However, the convexity of marginal returns highlighted here is now likely to serve as a counterweight. We now wonder if it would be appropriate to include the youth and ‘seniors’, or more generally, individuals from different age cohorts, in the same regressions. Indeed, this exercise could create a problem if these two categories of people are compensated differently based on their observed characteristics due to different labour market circumstances when they are hired. In order to pool these individuals, one must assume that cohorts have no impact on the return to human capital. Since this assumption does not necessarily hold, we add flexibility by estimating cross-effect earnings functions using a dummy variable that indicates whether the person is older than 30 (senior). We perform a joint

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significance F test for coefficients of the interaction education-senior, and provide the results in Table A10 of the Appendix. For the public sector, the tests reject the hypothesis that education crossterms jointly equal zero in Brazzaville’s public sector, as well as for this sector’s estimate in both cities, whereas for the private formal and informal sectors, this hypothesis can never be rejected at the usual threshold. Therefore, the pooling effect assumption for these two cohorts does not appear to be very strong, at least for education. Based on the interaction terms, it is interesting to note that higher education returns are always larger for young people (interaction coefficients are generally negative at this educational level), particularly in Brazzaville’s public sector. This would indicate that the convexity of the previously observed earnings-education profile is sharper for young workers than for those who are older. Therefore, the young generation of workers would benefit most from increasing returns to the level of education. However, we should note that this pattern is less obvious in the private sectors (particularly in Pointe-Noire).

Conclusion This study sought to give a general description of the educational system in the Republic of Congo, both in terms of organization, internal structure, and efficiency in the labour market. Regarding the educational system, based on different reports and studies, we show that the system faces important challenges: overcrowded classes, important repetition rates, and the existence of a more efficient private system. It also exhibits some interesting features: high attendance rate (in primary and secondary levels) and the absence of gender inequality up to the secondary level for the youngest cohorts. Regarding the impact of education on labour market outcomes, we used first-hand data from the 2009 Congo’s Employment and Informal Sector Survey (EESIC). Our results indicate that education is also relatively widespread among adults in both cities. This phenomenon goes back a relatively long time, since even for the over-1950 generations, more than eight out of ten adults completed primary school. With regards to Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire’s labour markets, their characteristics are similar to those of other African cities: an oversized informal sector (where more than six out of ten working-age people have an activity), which could potentially turn into a poverty trap, and

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a high level of unemployment (especially among the youth), increasing with the level of education. For most of these youth, when the time comes to enter the labour market, the only choice is to remain unemployed or work in the informal sector. The analyses of the impact of education on earnings also show that there is a convexity of education returns – in other words, the last years in secondary and tertiary schooling yield the highest returns, while those of primary education are generally lower. This convexity is also apparent in the informal sector, where education (albeit on another scale) is also an important determinant of earnings. These results point to poverty alleviation policies. In this regard, ‘primary education for all’ was one of the stated Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Meeting this goal by 2015 would certainly be helpful for Congo-Brazzaville, given the links between basic education and other social indicators (girls’ education, health, family planning, etc.). However, in order for education to lead to significantly better wages on the labour market, and therefore help fight monetary poverty in urban areas, it is important to expand post-primary education, including higher education. This is even more imperative since, in the short term, the informal sector will remain the main source of employment for the youth wishing to enter the labour market. Yet, our results show that earnings in the informal sector, as much as (sometimes more) in the formal public and private sectors, increase with the number of years of schooling. For this reason, generalizing post-primary and higher education, even without formal employment opportunities, can help combat poverty in the short term.

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Appendix of tables Table A1  Summary statistics of individuals (15 years and over) having a paid job (mean distribution of the variables used in the regressions) Brazzaville Individual of Pointe-Noire Individual of Brazzaville Age Number of years of education Number of years of primary education Number of years of 1st level of secondary education Number of years of 2nd level of secondary education Number of years of higher education Potential experience Tenure in the current employment Public sector Private sector Woman Urban migrant Rural migrant Foreign migrant Married polygamous Cohabitation Single Divorced Widow Protestant Eglise de réveil Other Christian Muslim No religion Other religion Partner of the household head Son / daughter of the household head Other parent Dependency ratio of the household Father has between 1 to 5 years of schooling Father has between 6 to 9 years of schooling Father has between 10 to 25 years of schooling Father was wage executive Father was self-employed Unknown profession of the father

0.00 1.00 38.32 10.31 5.77 2.90 1.18 0.57 21.65 8.56 0.31 0.10 0.40 0.16 0.16 0.14 0.02 0.31 0.31 0.05 0.03 0.13 0.26 0.04 0.05 0.07 0.03 0.19 0.07 0.06 0.87 0.28 0.13 0.23 0.22 0.17 0.38

PointeNoire Total 1.00 0.00 35.85 9.60 5.71 2.66 1.04 0.35 19.69 6.95 0.13 0.13 0.39 0.29 0.18 0.11 0.01 0.28 0.31 0.06 0.04 0.25 0.22 0.03 0.02 0.09 0.09 0.19 0.09 0.05 0.94 0.28 0.20 0.23 0.17 0.14 0.36

0.37 0.63 37.41 10.05 5.75 2.81 1.13 0.49 20.93 7.97 0.25 0.11 0.39 0.21 0.17 0.13 0.01 0.30 0.31 0.05 0.04 0.17 0.25 0.03 0.04 0.08 0.06 0.19 0.08 0.06 0.89 0.28 0.15 0.23 0.20 0.16 0.37

Source: Enquête sur l’Emploi et le Secteur Informel au Congo (EESIC) 2009, Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, Republic of Congo; authors’ calculations.

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Table A2  Logit model of the probability (marginal effects) of being unemployed according to the ILO definition (individuals 15 years and over) (1)

(2)

(3)

Variables

Brazzaville Pointe-Noire Total

Reference: no schooling Completed primary school / Incomplete secondary school

0.022

0.009

0.012*

(0.014) 0.058* (0.031) 0.040**

(0.008) 0.041* (0.022) 0.018

(0.007) 0.043** (0.017) 0.026**

(0.019) 0.030 (0.024) 0.042* (0.022) –0.007 (0.007) 0.047*** (0.012) –0.023*** (0.007)

(0.011) 0.010 (0.015) 0.061** (0.026) –0.005 (0.006) 0.038*** (0.009) –0.006 (0.009)

1,817 0.386

1,971 0.379

(0.010) 0.018 (0.013) 0.044*** (0.015) –0.006 (0.005) 0.043*** (0.007) –0.016*** (0.005) –0.007* ( 0.004) 3,788 0.376

Vocational secondary school Completed 1st level of secondary school / Incomplete 2nd level of secon. School 2nd level of secondary school completed Higher education Woman 15–29 years 50 years and over Dummy for Pointe-Noire Observations Pseudo R-squared

Note: Standard errors are in parentheses. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively. Other explanatory variables introduced in the models are dummies for migratory status, for religion of the individuals, for the individual status in the household, and the household per-capita income and dependency ratio.

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Brazzaville Public

Formal private

Informal

Completed primary school / Incomplete secondary school

0.195***

–0.014

(0.074) 0.596*** (0.074) 0.492***

Vocational secondary school Completed 1st level of secondary school / Incomplete 2nd level of secon. School 2nd level of secondary school completed Higher education Woman 15–29 years 50 years and over Dummy for Pointe-Noire Observations Pseudo R-squared

Informal Public

Formal private

Informal

–0.181*** 0.200** 0.023

–0.223*** 0.178***

0.002

–0.180***

(0.030) –0.030 (0.031) –0.022

(0.069) –0.566*** (0.056) –0.471***

(0.072) –0.517*** (0.120) –0.448***

(0.047) 0.535*** (0.074) 0.424***

(0.023) –0.018 (0.029) 0.002

(0.044) –0.517*** (0.057) –0.426***

(0.075) 0.642***

(0.028) –0.052**

(0.064) (0.131) (0.044) –0.590*** 0.665*** 0.016

(0.103) (0.064) –0.681*** 0.636***

(0.025) –0.007

(0.053) –0.629***

(0.066) 0.700*** (0.054) –0.063** (0.029) –0.076*** (0.028) 0.176*** (0.041)

(0.026) –0.010 (0.029) –0.086*** (0.023) –0.009 (0.020) –0.027 (0.022)

(0.052) –0.691*** (0.038) 0.149*** (0.034) 0.085** (0.033) –0.149*** (0.046)

(0.074) –0.670*** (0.079) 0.070*** (0.027) 0.016 (0.025) –0.190*** (0.046)

(0.031) –0.003 (0.027) –0.075*** (0.016) –0.012 (0.015) 0.040* (0.022) 0.019 (0.012)

(0.041) –0.660*** (0.037) 0.102*** (0.021) 0.043** (0.020) –0.151*** (0.031) 0.095*** (0.018)

1,506 0.249

Public

(0.079) 0.532*** (0.158) 0.426***

(0.128) 0.681*** (0.119) –0.008 (0.015) –0.007 (0.014) 0.075*** (0.027)

Formal private

Total

(0.033) –0.015 (0.052) 0.022

(0.064) –0.010 (0.049) –0.061*** (0.022) –0.009 (0.021) 0.115*** (0.039)

1,729 0.151

(0.063) 0.664*** (0.055) –0.027* (0.015) –0.031** (0.014) 0.112*** (0.023) –0.114*** (0.013)

3,235 0.206

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Note: Standard errors are in parentheses. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively. Other explanatory variables introduced in the models are dummies for migratory status, for religion of the individuals, for the individual status in the household, and the household per-capita income and dependency ratio.

Education in East and Central Africa

Variables

Pointe-Noire

116

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Table A3  Impact of education on sector allocation (multinomial logit models, marginal effects)



Republic of Congo: Education and Labour Market

117

Table A4  Earnings functions with endogenous education and correction for selectivity (all sectors) Dependent variable: Log hourly earnings (1) Variables Education variables 0–6 years (primary)

(2)

(3)

Brazzaville Pointe-Noire Total 0.007 (0.044) 0.091*** (0.028) 0.054** (0.025) 0.116*** (0.019) 0.018* (0.010) –0.010 (0.020) 0.019* (0.010) –0.026 (0.032) 0.316*** (0.069) 0.236** (0.093) –0.112* (0.060) –0.034 (0.072)

0.052 (0.034) 0.070** (0.028) 0.133*** (0.032) 0.126*** (0.032) 0.016* (0.009) –0.011 (0.018) 0.026*** (0.009) –0.049* (0.028) 0.225*** (0.051) 0.163*** (0.058) –0.277*** (0.058) 0.229*** (0.072) –0.037 (0.022)

0.015 (0.024) 0.061*** (0.015) 0.074*** (0.017) 0.107*** (0.015) 0.020*** (0.007) –0.016 (0.013) 0.022*** (0.006) –0.037* (0.020) 0.278*** (0.044) 0.189*** (0.053) –0.216*** (0.038) 0.098* (0.051)

Constant

–1.779*** (0.263)

–2.003*** (0.276)

–1.755*** (0.156)

Observations R-squared Pseudo R-squared

1,368 0.235 0.220

1,517 0.215 0.201

2,885 0.216 0.209

7–9 years (secondary 1) 10–13 years (secondary 2) +13 years (higher education) Potential experience (Potential experience)2/100 Tenure in the current employment (Tenure in the current employment)2/100 Public sector Private formal sector Woman Inverse of Mill’s ratio Education regression residuals

Note: Additional explanatory variables introduced in the models are dummies for migratory status (rural, urban or foreign migrants), for family situation (single, married monogamous, married polygamous, widow, cohabitation, divorced) and for religion (catholic, protestant, muslim, other christian, ‘église de réveil’, no religion. The inverse of the Mill’s ratios stem from probit regressions of the probability to participate in paid employment for each city (with dependent variable a dummy indicating strictly positive earnings) including age and its squared value, sex, the number of years of schooling, migratory status, family situation, religion and two identifying variables, i.e. the household dependency ratio and the individuals’ family relationship with the household head. Standard errors (in parentheses) are estimated using 500 bootstrap replications. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively.

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Table A5  Earnings functions with endogenous education and correction for selectivity (Public sector) Dependent variable: Log hourly earnings (1) Variables Education variables 0–6 years (primary)

(2)

(3)

Brazzaville Pointe-Noire Ensemble –0.039 (0.137) 0.038 (0.095) 0.071 (0.046) 0.089* (0.053) 0.004 (0.030) 0.017 (0.054) 0.009 (0.012) –0.022 (0.036) 0.066 (0.080) 0.055 (0.195) –0.011 (0.036)

–0.051 (0.211) 0.249*** (0.087) 0.135 (0.089) 0.208*** (0.054) –0.005 (0.031) 0.040 (0.062) 0.022 (0.017) –0.039 (0.058) –0.168 (0.105) –0.200 (0.291) –0.089* (0.052)

–0.064 (0.100) 0.123* (0.068) 0.079** (0.040) 0.121*** (0.041) 0.005 (0.024) 0.019 (0.043) 0.014 (0.010) –0.033 (0.029) –0.015 (0.072) –0.012 (0.185) –0.031 (0.027)

Constant

–0.696 (1.198)

–1.710 (1.694)

–0.973 (0.999)

Observations

421

214

635

R-squared Pseudo R-squared

0.176 0.124

0.374 0.291

0.204 0.170

7–9 years (secondary 1) 10–13 years (secondary 2) +13 years (higher education) Potential experience (Potential experience)2/100 Tenure in the current employment (Tenure in the current employment)2/100 Woman Inverse of Mill’s ratio Education regression residuals

Note: Additional explanatory variables introduced in the models are dummies for migratory status (rural, urban or foreign migrants), for family situation (single, married monogamous, married polygamous, widow, cohabitation, divorced) and for religion (catholic, protestant, muslim, other christian, ‘église de réveil’, no religion. The inverse of the Mill’s ratios stem from probit regressions of the probability to participate in paid employment for each city (with dependent variable a dummy indicating strictly positive earnings) including age and its squared value, sex, the number of years of schooling, migratory status, family situation, religion and two identifying variables, i.e. the household dependency ratio and the individuals’ family relationship with the household head. Standard errors (in parentheses) are estimated using 500 bootstrap replications. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively.

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119

Table A6  Earnings functions with endogenous education and correction for selectivity (Formal private sector) Dependent variable: Log hourly earnings (1) Variables Education variables 0–6 years (primary)

(2)

(3)

Brazzaville Pointe-Noire Ensemble 0.252* (0.140) 0.080 (0.137) 0.102 (0.099) 0.249*** (0.090) –0.039 (0.042) 0.129 (0.100) 0.081** (0.038) –0.197 (0.152) 0.629** (0.311) –0.161 (0.202) –0.038 (0.077)

0.201* (0.105) 0.055 (0.068) 0.104 (0.082) 0.068 (0.050) 0.005 (0.024) 0.024 (0.050) 0.007 (0.027) 0.009 (0.087) –0.322* (0.176) 0.112 (0.363)

0.166*** (0.064) 0.051 (0.052) 0.119** (0.054) 0.134*** (0.047) 0.003 (0.016) 0.033 (0.032) 0.040* (0.020) –0.088 (0.063) –0.038 (0.157) –0.080 (0.198)

Constant

–3.420*** (0.943)

–1.942** (0.972)

–2.511*** (0.491)

Observations

140

200

340

R-squared Pseudo R-squared

0.424 0.298

0.339 0.249

0.294 0.238

7–9 years (secondary 1) 10–13 years (secondary 2) +13 years (higher education) Potential experience (Potential experience)2/100 Tenure in the current employment (Tenure in the current employment)2/100 Woman Inverse of Mill’s ratio Education regression residuals

Note: Additional explanatory variables introduced in the models are dummies for migratory status (rural, urban or foreign migrants), for family situation (single, married monogamous, married polygamous, widow, cohabitation, divorced) and for religion (catholic, protestant, muslim, other christian, ‘église de réveil’, no religion. The inverse of the Mill’s ratios stem from probit regressions of the probability to participate in paid employment for each city (with dependent variable a dummy indicating strictly positive earnings) including age and its squared value, sex, the number of years of schooling, migratory status, family situation, religion and two identifying variables, i.e. the household dependency ratio and the individuals’ family relationship with the household head. Standard errors (in parentheses) are estimated using 500 bootstrap replications. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively.

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Education in East and Central Africa

Table A7  Earnings functions with endogenous education and correction for selectivity (Informal sector) Dependent variable: Log hourly earnings (1) Variables Education variables 0–6 years (primary)

(2)

(3)

Brazzaville Pointe-Noire Ensemble –0.012 (0.047) 0.102*** (0.034) 0.013 (0.049) 0.206*** (0.074) 0.023* (0.012) –0.022 (0.022) 0.010 (0.013) 0.013 (0.042) –0.262*** (0.074) 0.045 (0.108)

0.013 (0.039) 0.024 (0.035) 0.086** (0.041) 0.064 (0.056) 0.018* (0.010) –0.016 (0.020) 0.026** (0.011) –0.052 (0.034) –0.265*** (0.073) –0.274*** (0.085) –0.003 (0.030)

0.003 (0.027) 0.048** (0.019) 0.053* (0.028) 0.116*** (0.044) 0.022*** (0.008) –0.024 (0.016) 0.018** (0.008) –0.016 (0.027) –0.266*** (0.049) –0.113* (0.068)

Constant

–1.567*** (0.317)

–1.797*** (0.332)

–1.682*** (0.187)

Observations R-squared Pseudo R-squared

807 0.121 0.0938

1,103 0.130 0.110

1,910 0.109 0.0976

7–9 years (secondary 1) 10–13 years (secondary 2) +13 years (higher education) Potential experience (Potential experience)2/100 Tenure in the current employment (Tenure in the current employment)2/100 Woman Inverse of Mill’s ratio Education regression residuals

Note: Additional explanatory variables introduced in the models are dummies for migratory status (rural, urban or foreign migrants), for family situation (single, married monogamous, married polygamous, widow, cohabitation, divorced) and for religion (catholic, protestant, muslim, other christian, ‘église de réveil’, no religion. The inverse of the Mill’s ratios stem from probit regressions of the probability to participate in paid employment for each city (with dependent variable a dummy indicating strictly positive earnings) including age and its squared value, sex, the number of years of schooling, migratory status, family situation, religion and two identifying variables, i.e. the household dependency ratio and the individuals’ family relationship with the household head. Standard errors (in parentheses) are estimated using 500 bootstrap replications. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively.

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121

Table A8  Marginal returns to education using alternative estimation methods Brazzaville Pointe Noire Ensemble All sectors OLS Selectivity corrected (Heckman method) Selectivity corrected + father education and occupation Selectivity corrected + Control function (FC)

0.092*** 0.091*** 0.086***

0.033* 0.037* 0.036*

0.058*** 0.061*** 0.057***

0.136***

0.070**

0.089***

0.066** 0.060** 0.057*

0.014 0.058 0.032

0.066** 0.060** 0.057*

0.071

0.135

0.071

0.059 0.066 0.073

0.118* 0.104 0.080

0.112** 0.119** 0.111**

0.102

0.224**

0.213***

0.100*** 0.102*** 0.092***

0.020 0.021 0.023

0.051*** 0.048*** 0.046**

0.162***

0.024

0.061**

Public sector OLS Selectivity corrected (Heckman method) Selectivity corrected + father education and occupation Selectivity corrected + Control function (FC) Formal private sector OLS Selectivity corrected (Heckman method) Selectivity corrected + father education and occupation Selectivity corrected + Control function (FC) Informal sector OLS Selectivity corrected (Heckman method) Selectivity corrected + father education and occupation Selectivity corrected + Control function (FC)

Note: Returns are calculated at the sample mean using the earnings models specifying education as a piecewise linear spline function as previously, and including the explanatory variables reported in Tables A4 to A7. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively.

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Table A9  Tests of crossed gender effects with education Dependent variable: Log hourly earnings Brazzaville X

X Sex *

Public sector Woman

0.471 (0.552) 0–6 years (primary) –0.031 (0.128) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.025 (0.099) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.098* (0.050) +13 years (higher 0.102* education) (0.052) Test of joint nullity of the 6.438 crossed sex dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2 0.0921

–0.0444 (0.157) –0.0794 (0.0716) –0.0479 (0.0509)

Pointe-Noire

Total

X

X Sex

0.167 (0.663) –0.057 (0.198) 0.275*** (0.090) 0.118 (0.099) 0.210*** (0.051) 1.154

0.249 (0.391) –0.063 –0.132 (0.102) (0.188) 0.113 0.0747 (0.073) (0.0838) 0.092** 0.0235 (0.043) (0.0804) 0.126*** (0.042) 3.514

*

0.764

X

X* Sex

–0.0369 (0.112) –0.0393 (0.0517) –0.0321 (0.0361)

0.319

Private formal sector Woman

1.088 (10.832) 0–6 years (primary) 0.300** (0.149) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.027 (0.126) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.074 (0.114) +13 years (higher 0.259** education) (0.107) Test of joint nullity of the 1.859 crossed sex dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2 0.762

–0.383 (2.135) 0.459 (0.747) 0.149 (0.378) –0.118 (0.290)

Informal sector Woman

–0.370 (0.450) 0–6 years (primary) –0.022 (0.071) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.109** (0.049) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.006 (0.062)

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0.0196 (0.0905) –0.0113 (0.0612) –0.00859 (0.0886)

–0.360 (1.430) 0.195 (0.193) 0.028 (0.084) 0.130 (0.086) 0.055 (0.052) 0.891

–0.064 (1.380) –0.0293 0.181** (0.269) (0.076) 0.129 0.005 (0.165) (0.057) –0.137 0.138** (0.177) (0.054) 0.106 0.118** (0.209) (0.049) 6.828

0.926

0.145

–0.144 (0.346) 0.024 (0.051) 0.014 (0.033) 0.082* (0.048)

–0.183 (0.260) 0.014 (0.038) 0.041 (0.026) 0.054 (0.036)

–0.0325 (0.0645) 0.0193 (0.0450) -0.00952 (0.0851)

–0.113 (0.252) 0.262* (0.139) –0.144 (0.131) 0.155 (0.123)

–0.0239 (0.0511) 0.0170 (0.0379) –0.0203 (0.0616)

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Republic of Congo: Education and Labour Market Brazzaville X

+13 years (higher education) Test of joint nullity of the crossed sex dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2

X Sex

Pointe-Noire

123 Total

X

X Sex

X

0.167* 0.212 (0.095) (0.167) 1.992

0.042 (0.060) 3.926

0.173 (0.116)

0.087* 0.201** (0.045) (0.101) 5.661

0.737

0.416

0.226

–0.132 (0.317) 0.064 (0.042) 0.063** (0.030) 0.135*** (0.035) 0.111*** (0.036) 4.380

–0.156 (0.248) 0.029 (0.031) 0.044** (0.020) 0.072*** (0.023) 0.102*** (0.017) 9.140

*

All sectors Woman

–0.250 (0.377) 0–6 years (primary) 0.017 (0.054) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.062* (0.038) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.043 (0.032) +13 years (higher 0.121*** education) (0.022) Test of joint nullity of the 6.976 crossed sex dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2 0.137

–0.0122 (0.0772) 0.0590 (0.0506) 0.0468 (0.0518) –0.00811 (0.0452)

0.357

*

–0.0333 (0.0608) 0.0130 (0.0425) –0.0168 (0.0549) 0.113* (0.0618)

X* Sex

–0.0333 (0.0483) 0.0395 (0.0319) 0.0107 (0.0392) 0.0462 (0.0350)

0.0577

Note: Sex is a dummy indicating a woman. Additional explanatory variables introduced in the models are reported in the notes of Tables A4 to A7. The earnings functions are estimated using an endogenous education variable depending on the case (with the control function method) and include a selectivity correction using the Lee (1993) method. Standard errors (in parentheses) are estimated using 500 bootstrap replications. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively.

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Table A10  Tests of crossed age effects with education Dependent variable: Log hourly earnings Brazzaville

Pointe-Noire

X

X

X Senior *

Public sector Senior

–0.732 (2.197) 0–6 years (primary) –0.010 (0.219) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.034 (0.100) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.069 (0.049) +13 years (higher 0.104** education) (0.049) Test of joint nullity of the 8.645 crossed age dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2 0.0706 Private formal sector 0.691 (1.415) 0–6 years (primary) 0.269 (0.210) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.004 (0.179) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.163 (0.113) +13 years (higher 0.268** education) (0.110) Test of joint nullity of the 2.340 crossed age dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2 0.674 Informal sector

0.158 (0.426) –0.0600 (0.152) 0.0476 (0.0761) –0.227*** (0.0833)

Senior

0.193 (0.490) 0–6 years (primary) 0.006 (0.066) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.085* (0.045) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.006 (0.061)

–0.163 (0.272) 0.279 (0.221) –0.150 (0.228) –0.164 (0.310)

–0.0581 (0.0944) 0.0403 (0.0670) 0.0261 (0.0947)

X Senior X

0.0157 (0.228) 0.164 (0.136) –0.144 (0.138) –0.124 (0.153)

0.929 (1.566) 0.007 (0.162) 0.090 (0.079) 0.082* (0.043) 0.131*** (0.040) 11.83

0.376

0.0186

1.734 (1.286) 0.312** (0.149) 0.048 (0.087) 0.099 (0.087) 0.043 (0.052) 4.233

0.900 (0.622) 0.235*** (0.080) 0.018 (0.067) 0.154** (0.063) 0.122*** (0.046) 3.239

0.375

Senior

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–0.673 (1.200) –0.019 (0.221) 0.158 (0.112) 0.152 (0.094) 0.207*** (0.057) 4.227

Ensemble

*

–0.182 (0.340) –0.004 (0.058) –0.007 (0.046) 0.082* (0.045)

–0.289 (0.247) 0.0432 (0.144) –0.0673 (0.148) 0.300* (0.177)

X* Senior

–0.207 (0.284) 0.0897 (0.0874) 0.00752 (0.0768) –0.193*** (0.0647)

–0.173 (0.124) 0.118 (0.0987) –0.128 (0.113) 0.128 (0.143)

0.519 –0.000 (0.273) –0.000903 0.010 (0.0639) (0.040) 0.0474 0.029 (0.0463) (0.025) –0.0264 0.054 (0.0976) (0.033)

–0.0245 (0.0526) 0.0424 (0.0380) –0.00735 (0.0731)

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Republic of Congo: Education and Labour Market

+13 years (higher education) Test of joint nullity of the crossed age dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2

125

Brazzaville

Pointe-Noire

X

X

X Senior X

0.234*** –0.168 (0.088) (0.182) 1.505

0.046 (0.055) 1.702

0.0655 (0.159)

0.826

0.790

0.830

0.110 (0.334) 0.063 (0.050) 0.052 (0.034) 0.140*** (0.032) 0.117*** (0.031) 1.662

0.088 (0.233) 0.027 (0.035) 0.047** (0.021) 0.075*** (0.020) 0.111*** (0.016) 2.477

X Senior *

Ensemble

*

X* Senior

0.117*** –0.0166 (0.043) (0.116) 1.479

All sectors Senior

0.084 (0.392) 0–6 years (primary) 0.018 (0.053) 7–9 years (secondary 1) 0.076** (0.035) 10–13 years (secondary 2) 0.051* (0.029) +13 years (higher 0.127*** education) (0.021) Test of joint nullity of the 6.773 crossed age dummyeducation coefficients Chi2 Prob>Chi2 0.148

–0.0380 (0.0764) 0.0395 (0.0485) 0.0313 (0.0616) –0.154** (0.0644)

0.798

–0.0334 (0.0623) 0.0395 (0.0391) –0.0412 (0.0709) 0.0764 (0.0971)

–0.0338 (0.0444) 0.0329 (0.0321) 0.00466 (0.0484) –0.0549 (0.0519)

0.649

Note: Senior is a dummy indicating whether the individuals are 30 years old or above. Additional explanatory variables introduced in the models are reported in the notes of Tables A4 to A7. The earnings functions are estimated using an endogenous education variable depending on the case (with the control function method) and include a selectivity correction using the Lee (1993)’s method. Standard errors (in parentheses) are estimated using 500 bootstrap replications. *, ** and *** mean coefficient significant at the 10 per cent, 5 per cent and 1 per cent respectively.

Notes 1 See CNSEE’s websites: www.cnsee.org and http://www.congo-siteportail.info [accessed 15 March 2013]. 2 For demographic indicators, figures are drawn from ‘Enquête Congolaise auprès des ménages pour l’évaluation de la pauvreté ECOM-2005‘ (www.cnsee.org). 3 Figures also come from ECOM-2005. 4 For the analysis of the Congolese educational system, we rely on ‘Annuaire Statistique du Congo 2009’ (www.cnsee.org) and ‘Le système éducatif Congolais: Diagnostic pour une revitalisation dans un contexte macroéconomique plus favorable’, Pôle de Dakar and World Bank, 2007.

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5 We do not mention nursery school which is not compulsory. 6 Another survey has been conducted in 2011 but, at the editing of this chapter, neither the data nor the report were available. 7 EESIC is a composite survey (household/business) with modules developed by DIAL researchers (see Amegashie et al., 2005; Razafindrakoto et al., 2009; Nordman and Roubaud, 2010). In its complete version, this is a system of three overlapping surveys, aimed at different statistical populations: individuals, production units, households. The first phase of the 1-2-3 Survey deals with employment, unemployment and working conditions for households and individuals (Phase 1: Employment Survey). It makes it possible to document and analyse how the labour market operates, and is used as a filter for the second phase, where a representative sample of Informal Production Units (IPUs) is surveyed. Thus, during the second phase of the survey (Phase 2: Informal Sector Survey), the heads of the IPUs identified in the first phase are surveyed: the survey aims to measure the main economic and productive characteristics of production units (production, added value, investment, financing), the main constraints encountered while developing the activity, and the type of support entrepreneurs in the informal sector expect from government services. Finally, in the third phase, a survey focusing on income and spending is carried out on a sub-sample of households selected during Phase 1, to estimate the weight of the formal and informal sectors in household consumption, by product and by type of household (Phase 3: Consumption, Formal and Informal Demand and Poverty Survey). Phase 3 also helps assess the living standard of households and monetary poverty, based on income or spending.In Congo Republic, only the two phases were conducted 8 Descriptive statistics on all variables used in this study are provided in Appendix, Table A1. 9 It must be noted that, according to CONFEMEN and MEPSA (2009), about 70 per cent of adults know how to read and write after having completed six years of schooling, with vast differentials across social groupings (urban, rural, male, female). 10 Indeed, while the public sector represents 30 per cent of jobs in Brazzaville, it only employs half that percentage in Pointe-Noire. 11 See Bocquier, Nordman and Vescovo’s (2010) study on employment vulnerability based on West Africa’s 1-2-3 Surveys. 12 We use the same set of control variables that was used to analyse unemployment. 13 Students who completed at least four years of vocational school, thereby receiving the professional ability certificate (certificat d’études professionnelles – CAP). 14 See details at bottom of Table A4 in the Appendix. 15 We have sought to know whether our findings are sensitive to the shape of the function by studying the effects of modelling the earnings-education profile in a second and third degree polynomial shape. The quadratic function systematically

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led to significant squared education coefficients, whereas the cubic shape seems less appropriate for the data. 16 In the case of the Congo, the PASEC report (CONFEMEN and MEPSA, 2009) shows that up to ten years of schooling are required in order for 100 per cent of individuals to actually learn how to read and write. 17 In the rare case where education leads to significant gender disparity in earnings, Brazzaville’s public sector reports better returns for men who attended university. But here too, the effects are weakly significant, which is probably due to the small sample size. 18 See also Dougherty (2003) for an explanation of this stylized fact. 19 See Nordman, Robilliard and Roubaud (2011) for an analysis of the effect of gender on labour earnings in urban West Africa. 20 This remains true here, particularly in the informal sectors of both cities, because women who hold a paid job completed 8.2 years of schooling, as opposed to 9.2 years for their male counterparts.

References Amegashie F., Brilleau A., Coulibaly S., Koriko O., Ouedraogo E., Roubaud F. and Torelli C. 2005. ‘Conceiving and implementing 1-2-3 surveys in the WAEMU – methodological lessons’, Statéco 99, 21–41. Appleton, S., Hoddinott, J. and Krishnan, P. 1999. ‘The gender wage gap in three African countries’, Economic Development and Cultural Change 47 (2), 289–312. Behrman, J. R., Ross, D. and Sabot, R. 2008. ‘Improving quality versus increasing quantity of schooling: estimates of rates of return from rural Pakistan’, Journal of Development Economic 85, 94–104. Bennell, P. 1996. ‘Rates of return on education: does the conventional pattern prevail in sub-Saharan Africa?’, World Development 24 (1), 183–99. —2002. ‘Hitting the target: doubling primary school enrollments in sub-Saharan Africa by 2015’, World Development 30 (7), 1179–94. Bocquier, P., Nordman, C. J. and Vescovo, A. 2010. ‘Employment vulnerability and earnings in urban West Africa’, World Development 38 (9), 1297–314. CNSEE. 2006. ECOM-2005, Congo Poverty Assessment Household Survey. Poverty Profile in the Congo in 2005. Final Analysis Report, 1–141. —2009. 1-2 Survey. Phase 1: Employment Survey. Pollster Manual, 1–30. CONFEMEN and MEPSA. 2009. PASEC Republic of Congo Report 2009. Primary Education in the Congo: Seeking Quality and Equity, 1–151. Cohen, B. and House, W. J. 1993. ‘Women’s urban labour market status in developing countries: how well do they fare in Khartoum, Sudan?’, Journal of Development Studies 29 (3), 461–83.

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Dimova, R., Nordman, C. J. and Roubaud, F. 2010. ‘Allocation of labor in urban West Africa: Insights from the pattern of labor supply and skill premium’, Review of Development Economics 14 (1), 160–78. Dougherty, C. 2003. ‘Why is the rate of return to schooling higher for women than for men?’, Center for Economic Performance Discussion Paper, no. 581 (August). Glick, P. and Sahn, D. E. 1997. ‘Gender and education impacts on employment and earnings in West Africa: Evidence from Guinea’, Economic Development and Cultural Change 45 (4), 793–823. Kouamé, A. 1999. Women’s Education and Employment in Abidjan, l’Harmattan, Collection Sociétés Africaines et Diaspora. Kuépié, M. and Nordman, C. J. 2011. ‘Education and Labour Markets in Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire (Congo-Brazzaville)’, Background paper for the Employment and Growth Study for the Republic of Congo. The World Bank; DIAL Research Paper DT/2011/11 (in French). Kuépié, M., Nordman, C. J. and Roubaud, F. 2009. ‘Education and earnings in urban West Africa’, Journal of Comparative Economics 37 (3), 491–515. —2013, ‘Education and Labour Market Outcomes’. In DeVreyer P. and Roubaud F. (eds) Urban Labour Markets in Sub-Saharan Africa, Chapter 5, Africa Development Forum. Washington, DC: World Bank. Lee, L.-F. 1983. ‘Generalized econometric models with selectivity’, Econometrica 51 (2), 507–12. Nordman, C. J., Robilliard, A.-S. and Roubaud, F. 2011. ‘Gender and ethnic earnings gaps in seven West African Cities’, Labour Economics, 18 Supplement 1, S132–S145. Nordman, C. J. and Roubaud, F. 2009. ‘Reassessing the gender wage gap in Madagascar: does labor force attachment really matter?’, Economic Development and Cultural Change 57(4), 785–808. —2010. ‘An Original Approach in Development Economics: 20 Years of Work on Measuring and Analyzing the Informal Economy in the Developing Countries’, DIALOGUE, 31, October: www.dial.prd.fr/dial_publications/PDF/Dialogue/ dialogue31gb.pdf [accessed 15 March 2013]. Psacharopoulos, G. and Patrinos, H. A. 2004. ‘Returns to investment in education: a further update’, Education Economics 12 (2), 111–34. Razafindrakoto, M., Roubaud, F. and Torelli, C. 2009. ‘Measuring employment and informal sectors: lessons from the 1-2-3 surveys in Africa’, Stateco 104, 11–34. Sahn, D. E. and Alderman, H. 1988. ‘The effects of human capital on wages and the determinants of labor supply in a developing country’, Journal of Development Economics 29, 157–83. Schultz, T. P. 2002. ‘Why governments should invest more to educate girls’, World Development 30 (2), 207–25. —2004. ‘Evidence of returns to schooling in Africa from household surveys: monitoring and restructuring the market for education’, Journal of African Economies 13, AERC Supplement, ii95–ii148.

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Siphambe, H. K. and Thokweng-Bakwena, M. 2001. ‘The wage gap between men and women in Botswana’s formal labour market’, Journal of African Economies 10 (2), 127–42. Söderbom, M., Teal, F., Wambugu, A. and Kahyarara, G. 2006. ‘Dynamics of returns to education in Kenyan and Tanzanian manufacturing’, Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics 68 (3), 261–88. Vijverberg, W. P. 1993. ‘Educational investments and returns for women and men in Côte d’Ivoire’, Journal of Human Resources 28 (4), 933–74. —1995. ‘Returns to schooling in non-farm self-employment: an econometric case study of Ghana’, World Development 23 (7), 1215–27. WAEMU. 2004a. ‘Employment, Unemployment and Work Circumstances in the Main Cities of the Seven Member States of the WAEMU. Main Outcomes of the 2001–2 1-2-3 Survey’, Ouagadougou, December. —2004b. ‘The Informal Sector in the Main Cities of the Seven Member States of the WAEMU: Performances, Insertion, Perspectives. Main Outcomes of the 2001–2 1-2-3 Survey’, Ouagadougou, December.

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5

The Democratic Republic of the Congo: An Overview Rachel Nsimire Bigawa

Introduction This paper describes the education system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and highlights the main issues it faces. It identifies the most pressing challenges and offers policy suggestions for creating a fair, effective and financially sustainable system. Some of the issues addressed include inequalities in access at the primary level, poor student learning outcomes generally, and a proliferation of administrative structures. However, there is little information or analysis on education and teacher training in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and as a result, this paper is limited to key issues collected from a few existing situational analyses. This paper, therefore, aims to highlight the main challenges facing the education system in the DRC in general and tries to explore future prospects in spite of many years of war and socio-economic crisis. The education system in the DRC is governed by three government ministries: MM

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Ministry of Primary, Secondary and Professional Education (MEPSP)1 Ministry of Higher and University Education (MESU)2 Ministry of Social Affairs and Non-formal Education (MAS)3

However, insufficient coordination and confused accountabilities between the ministries involved in the education sector create considerable difficulties. In the context of the decentralization process, the respective roles of the central and local authorities in the management of the sector will need to be redefined and the corresponding transfers of responsibilities and resources reorganized. In addition, the ministries responsible for education face severe shortages of

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human and financial resources, and generally lack the ability to respond to the scale of the problems they face. The splitting of responsibility for education among several ministries also causes an unhelpful dispersal of already thin levels of expertize.

General background A former Belgian colony, the DRC gained its independence on 30 June 1960; it used to be known as Congo-Kinshasa from 1960 to 1970 and as Zaire from 1971 to 1997. Situated in Central Africa in the Great Lakes region, the DRC is Africa’s largest country, after Sudan and Algeria, with an area covering over 2,345,000 square kilometres. Its population of over 60 million people is the fourth-largest in the continent after those of Nigeria, Egypt and Ethiopia. The main physical feature of the country is the Congo river which stretches along 2,900 miles (4,700 kilometres) through the heart of Africa. The river is impassable for 220 miles (350 kilometres) from its mouth on the Atlantic ocean, where treacherous rapids and cataracts prevent any form of navigation. Yet at the top of these rapids lies a 15-mile (24-kilometre) wide expanse known as Malebo Pool, which is the beginning of one of the longest stretches of navigable waterway in Africa. Kinshasa, the capital and largest city of the country, is located at Malebo Pool. The country’s only outlet to the Atlantic ocean is a narrow strip of land on the north bank of the Congo river. Confined in the Congo Basin, the DRC is endowed with natural and mineral resources including the world’s secondlargest tropical forest, fertile soil, abundant rainfall, and various mineral resources. The exploitation of copper, cobalt, diamonds, gold, zinc, other metals, and other common minerals has constituted over the years about 75 per cent of its exports and about 25 per cent of its GDP. It has the potential to grow all the major tropical agricultural commodities and to feed its large population and export its surplus products. The Congo river hydroelectric potential is estimated at equivalent to 13 per cent of the world’s hydroelectric potential. It has some of the most extensive primary rain forests in the world after those of Brazil. However, bad governance, ethnic conflicts, and inability to exert control over a vast area have eroded the country’s capacity to exploit its huge resources. The DRC lies on the Equator, with one-third of the country to the north and two-thirds to the south. The climate is hot and humid in the river basin and

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cool and dry in the southern highlands. South of the Equator, the rainy season lasts from October to May and north of the Equator, from April to November. Along the Equator, rainfall is fairly regular throughout the year. During the wet season, thunderstorms are often violent but seldom last more than a few hours. The average annual rainfall for the entire country is about 107 centimetres (42 inches). The population of the DRC is currently estimated at 66 million. As many as 250 ethnic groups have been distinguished and named. Although about 700 local languages and dialects are spoken, the linguistic variety is bridged both by the use of French and the intermediary national languages Kikongo, Tshiluba, Swahili and Lingala. Many Congolese can easily communicate in three, or even all four languages. Most of the population of the DRC is Christian. An estimated 55 per cent of Christians are Roman Catholic and 25 per cent are Protestant. Besides Roman Catholics and Protestants, there is a small Muslim community. About 10 per cent of the population belongs to the ‘Kimbanguist’ Church, an independent movement that began in 1921, inspired by the preaching of Simon Kimbangu.

Education historical background Before independence in 1960, education was largely in the hands of religious groups. The primary school system was well developed at independence; however, the secondary school system was limited, and higher education was almost non-existent in most regions of the country. The principal objective of this system was to train low-level administrators and clerks. Since independence, efforts have been made to increase access to education, and secondary as well as higher education has been made available to many more Congolese. According to estimates made in 2007, 21 per cent of the population had no schooling, 46 per cent had primary schooling, 30 per cent had secondary schooling, and 3 per cent had university schooling. At all levels of education, males greatly outnumber females. The largest state-run universities are the University of Kinshasa, the University of Lubumbashi, and the University of Kisangani. From its inception the educational system has favoured primary schools. During the colonial period, this was deemed the most appropriate type of education required to produce useful Congolese who were skilled but did not

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have the self-confidence to challenge the colonial system. By 1960, nearly 70 per cent of primary school-age children were enrolled in school, which made Belgium a leader in providing primary education for its subjects. More than half of all of these students, however, were enrolled in Standard I and II. Many never went further. About 40 per cent of those enrolled in primary school in 1960 completed this level of education. For boys the completion rate was 50 per cent and for girls it was 30 per cent. By 1978 gross enrolment rates were 90 per cent and by 1980 it reached 96 per cent and levelled off. Of these pupils, 99 per cent of males were enrolled, while 93 per cent of females of the appropriate age were enrolled. In 1990, there were approximately 4.6 million students enrolled in primary schools in the DRC; this figure climbed to more than 5.4 million by 1996. Roughly 42 per cent of these students were females. Clearly most people in the DRC feel that having a primary education is essential. At the secondary school level, 24 per cent of eligible students were enrolled in 1980. This percentage increased only slightly to 26 per cent by 1996. Of these students, 32 per cent of eligible males were in secondary school compared to 19 per cent of eligible females. As a result of civil war, conflict, and the collapse of the social sector, school enrolment rates and the overall quality of education in the DRC have dropped dramatically. Since 1986 the system of public financing has been in disarray; yet despite this, education provision has continued, albeit funded privately by individuals and families. While the administrative structure of the education system did survive the conflicts of 1996 and 1998–2002, this was not without a deterioration of the quality of provision at all levels, including training resources and buildings.

Pre-primary and Primary Education In 1995, there were 429 pre-primary schools in the DRC. They employed 768 pre-primary school teachers who taught 33,233 students. Of these 15,956 were males and 17,279 were females. Most of these schools were in the capital and large cities. During the colonial era, only 3 per cent of Congolese enrolled their children in such schools. Today, more people realize the value of such schools for their children’s development and support them. Pre-primary teaching in the DRC is mainly characterized by: MM

the difficulty of controlling this sector following the rapid development of kindergartens in large urban centres;

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the fate of the national languages in kindergartens in the face of parents’ preference for the French language; the persistence of traditional teaching methods due to the absence of workshops devoted to in-service training of teachers in pre-school teaching methods; the perseverance of theoretical teaching due to a lack of teaching materials and the training of teachers in the fabrication of didactic materials using local products; the non-existence of formal structures for the initial training of teachers, from which stems the perpetual lack of qualifications, the insufficiency of trained inspectors, all of which prevents the control of this education sub-sector.

As a result most rural pupils do not attend the kindergarten before reaching the primary school level. By 1995, the DRC had 1,885 primary schools and 121,054 primary school teachers. They taught some 5.4 million students, of whom approximately 3.2 million were males and approximately 2.2 million were females. There was a pupil-to-teacher ratio of 40 students per teacher in 1990, but the explosive growth in enrolment pushed this ratio up considerably by 1996. Fast growth forced the DRC to hire many unqualified teachers and try to upgrade them on the job. Provinces now require that primary school students pass a provincial primary graduates examination to certify that they are prepared to succeed to secondary school. Primary school lasts for six years from age six to 12, leading to the ‘Certificat d’Etudes primaires’ (CEP) which gives access to secondary education. After primary school, pupils can also begin short technical courses in trade and crafts. Primary school is divided into three two-year levels: an elementary level, a middle level and a terminal level. Pupils must gain an overall mark of 50 per cent to progress from one level to the next. School enrolment rates are declining. More than 4.4 million children (nearly half the school-age population) are not in school mostly due to problems of access, retention and affordability. This number includes 2.5 million girls and 400,000 displaced children. Although primary education is supposed to be free, parents are still liable for school fees. Poor teacher remuneration also affects learning. Less than 70 per cent of children are enrolled in primary school, with priority being given to boys. According to UNESCO, the literacy rate in the population over 15 was 54.1 per cent for women compared with 80.9 per cent for men from 2000–4.

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Secondary education There were two types of colonial secondary schools prior to 1960 in the DRC. Lower level secondary schools offered three- and four-year vocational education courses. A second type of secondary school offered six-year vocational programmes, as well as academic courses. Most programmes ended in terminal diplomas, while a few were stepping-stones into universities and institutions of higher education. The second or more advanced type of secondary schools, which offered six-year programmes, could be divided into two three-year programmes each. One set of courses was general education or academic classes. Schools offering these programmes were known as colleges. They usually were churchsponsored schools. Other schools offered both the academic programmes in the initial programmes and vocational classes in the advanced programmes. The vocations included administration and business, veterinary science and farming, surveying, and teaching. After the DRC won its independence, the first type of secondary school was either upgraded to a type two school or eliminated. Currently, secondary education (in either general or technical education) lasts from five to six years depending on the cycle. The long cycle (general and technical) lasts for six years from the age of twelve and only students who have passed the end of primary ‘Certificat d’Etudes Primaires’ may enrol. Those who complete the long cycle in a technical field and pass the ‘Diplôme d’Etat’ are eligible for admission to higher education. The short cycle (technical/vocational training) lasts for up to five years in areas such as trade and crafts, at the end of which a ‘Brevet’ is awarded. At the different schools students follow the same curriculum for the first two years before specializing later (IAU, 2005; World Bank, 2007). The short cycle programmes take place at either a College of Arts and Crafts or a Vocational School. In a college of arts and crafts the courses last up to three years. A Brevet in a subject specialization is awarded on successful completion. At a vocational school, the short cycle programme takes up to five years and consists of vocational and technical secondary courses. At the end of the course students are awarded the ‘Brevet de Fin d’Études Secondaires’ in professional fields or the ‘Diplôme de Fin d’Études Secondaires’ in technical fields. On completion of the short cycle students are expected to find employment. Long cycle programmes are of six years’ duration and are taken at Technical, General or Normal Schools. The final examination is the ‘Examen d’Etat’, taken

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over four days in each subject in the school programme. Students passing the examination with a minimum of 50 per cent receive a ‘Diplôme d’Etat’. Secondary school certificates are legalized by the ‘Commission d’Homologation’. The Commission ensures that courses offered in secondary schools are those approved by the Ministry of Education and comply with the state teaching course. Before 1968, pupils completing the long cycle were awarded a diploma from the school they attended. From 1968, pupils sat the ‘Examen d’Etat’ and were awarded the ‘Diplôme d’Etat de l’Enseignement Secondaire’. Pupils who obtained marks of between 40 and 50 per cent were awarded the ‘Certificat d’Etat’. Since 1972, the qualification awarded has been the ‘Diplôme d’Etat d’Études Secondaires’. Before 1976, pupils intending to continue to higher education sat the ‘Epreuve d’Orientation’. This consisted of examinations in general subjects as well as the pupil’s specialization. A minimum of 45 per cent was required in the student’s specialization subject. Successful pupils were awarded the ‘Certificat du Jury d’Enseignement Secondaire’. Completion of a ‘Propédeutique’ year gave access to higher education for pupils who failed the examination. The Propédeutique year in education indicates a foundation year preparing the student for further studies. The primary and secondary education sectors in the DRC currently face the following problems: MM

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Continued disintegration of infrastructure and insufficient financial support given to the education sector. Progressive decrease in the number of students attending schools. Low retention rate which is below 35 per cent at the end of primary school and a decrease in the quality of education. At the primary level, 50 per cent of students can neither read nor write. Obvious lack of books, didactic materials and pedagogical support. Inability of schools to monitor the teaching qualifications of teachers. No connection between the bachelor qualifications of those teaching and the area they are teaching in at the primary level. Non-qualification of teachers, especially in rural areas where the content does not provide job-related training within the curriculum for students. Small numbers of inspectors in the educational sector, who are often unmotivated by the lack of working tools, as well as the insufficiency of government finance to this sector. The section of the spending budget devoted to education is continuously decreasing. It decreased from 16.85 per cent in 1980 to 3.7 per cent in 1989 and then it increased a little to finally reach less than 10 per cent by 1997.

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Current budget devoted to elementary and secondary education is almost entirely consumed by the payment of wages (95 per cent). Only 5 per cent of the total amount is left for the operational costs of schools.

Higher education Prior to independence, DRC had two universities: Lovanium University in Kinshasa created in 1954 by the Catholic Church, and the Official University (Université Officielle du Congo) created by the state in 1956. The 1954–71 period was characterized by a certain degree of autonomy at the operational level. Lovanium University, affiliated with the Catholic Church, and the Protestant Autonomous University of Congo founded in Kisangani (Université Libre du Congo) in 1963, were governed by elected administrative boards. The official University of Congo in Lubumbashi enjoyed internal autonomy in spite of the control exercised over it by the Minister of Education. Fear of foreign dominance ended this arrangement, and in 1971 all universities were nationalized. The Université Nationale du Zaire was given control of all higher education for the next ten years. Following this period, universities were reorganized into specialized faculties with autonomy. The Advanced Institutes (Instituts Supérieurs) were reorganized in two main categories: Advanced Technical Institutes (Instituts Supérieurs Téchniques, IST) and Advanced Pedagogical Institutes (Instituts Supérieurs Pédagogiques, ISP). The Revolutionary Council (Conseil Révolutionnaire) became the only administrative body. Following 1981, each constituent institution within the UNAZA became autonomous. Two types of institutes resulted: universities on the one hand and higher education institutes on the other hand. Each type of institution is defined by law. They have their own boards from business, government, and faculty senates. The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research controls higher education in the DRC. Each university is headed by a rector, while institutes are headed by a director-general. Both have secretaries-general for academic and administrative affairs. Universities are divided into faculties and institutes into so-called sections. Faculties are headed by deans, while sections have section heads. Admissions standards are set by law, as are programmes leading to academic degrees. Before 1971 universities functioned independently, even though 80 per cent of their funding was from the central government. Overseas organizations completely controlled these institutions. For example, the University of Louvain in Belgium controlled the University of Lovanium in Kinshasa. Belgian

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professors established the curriculum. Institutes of higher education on the other hand were locally controlled. Instruction is based on the lecture method, or conducted through seminars in the upper or licence classes. Professors prepare lectures and seminars, while discussion sessions or ‘travaux pratiques’ are taught by graduate assistants who have their first degrees only. In 1985, there were 40,878 university students in the DRC. By 1996, this number more than doubled to 93,266 students. Between 1971 and 1976 the number of professors increased from 1,335 to 2,010. The student-to-faculty ratio was 13:1, but if only qualified faculty is considered the ratio is 50:1. Only a tiny fraction of the population of the DRC has ever earned the privilege of a university education. The issue of providing high-quality public service to a deserving public needs to be addressed squarely.

Private education In 1996, there were 263 private educational institutions. Some of these universities proved to be of good quality. Cases in point are the private Catholic Theology Schools of Kinshasa (Facultés Catholiques de Kinshasa), the Catholic University of Bukavu (Université Catholique de Bukavu), the Graben Catholic University in Butembo (Université Catholique du Graben), the Autonomous University of the Great Lakes in Goma (Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs), the Protestant University of Congo in Kinshasa (Université Protestante du Congo) and provincial universities, such as the Kongo University (Université du Kongo) – the former University of Lower-Zaire.

Current situation A paper published by Lututala Mumpasi and Ngondo a Pitshhandenge (2003) paints a dismal portrait of the education system in the DRC. They estimated that in 2001, 24 per cent of people aged 15 and over had never been to school, 39.1 per cent had dropped out of primary school and only 37 per cent reached secondary school. There was a pronounced gender difference in schooling, with 34.4 per cent of females over the age of 15 never attending school compared to 12.7 per cent for males. Only 26.6 per cent of females went to secondary school while the ratio for males was 48.1 per cent. The report noted that just 50.3 per

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cent of the primary school-age population was enrolled in school during the 2000/01 school year. The lack of adequate infrastructure and teaching staff and the inability of parents to afford school fees were the major reasons cited for the low level of attendance. The report said: ‘Classrooms are increasingly overcrowded and ill-equipped … and teachers are underpaid.’ Today, the DRC has a large and diversified higher education system, comprising both public and private institutions and depending to a large extent on household financing. This is a great strength, since higher education not only generates private benefits, but can also contribute to the economic and social development of the country through the development and diffusion of technological information. This may also play an important role in improving the quality of primary and secondary education through teacher training programmes, the development of new curricula and teaching-learning materials. However, the higher education sector in the DRC presents a picture of uncontrolled and imbalanced quantitative growth with a rapid deterioration in quality, operating in a confusing policy and legal framework. Creating an appropriate framework for the development of higher education is a prerequisite for the sector to play its role in promoting economic development as well as improving the quality of primary and secondary education. The main challenges and constraints actually facing higher education can be summarized as follows: MM

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Ageing academic staff Persistent brain drain Lack of staff training human capacity-building programme Low salaries and high operating costs Quality deterioration due to almost complete reliance on household financing Outdated curricula and programmes Short-funding of infrastructure, laboratories and libraries Overcrowding of facilities Students’ limited access to textbooks and other learning materials Uncontrolled expansion in student numbers leading to a lowering in standards Most private universities use staff from public universities who teach simultaneously in several universities, compounding the problems of providing quality instruction.

To address the above-mentioned problems, the government set up the ‘Pacte de Modernisation de l’Enseignement Supérieur’ (PADEM) which is the Ministry

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of Higher Education and Universities’ reform agenda that started in 2003 and demonstrates a clear resolution and approach to reform. The plan of action of PADEM involves developing human capacity, curriculum reform, institutional support (funding, infrastructure rehabilitation), adapting higher education and university structures, capacity-building in management and governance, improvement of students’ living conditions, constructing new campuses and providing equipment in order to cope with the growing student demographics and mobility of teachers and researchers (Mpala Lutebele, n.d.).

Organization of higher education Higher education has expanded greatly during the 1990s and many new establishments – public and private – have been created. Higher education is mainly provided by universities, higher teacher training institutes and higher technological institutes. It comes under the authority of the Ministry of Higher and University Education. Each institution has a University or Institute Council, an Administrative Committee, faculties (or sections) and departments. The University or Institute Council is the highest authority. It is composed of the Administration Committee, the deans, a faculty representative, a student representative, a representative of the administrative personnel and the head librarian. This body coordinates the academic and scientific policy of the institution. The Administration Committee is appointed by the central power. The Section or Faculty Council is exclusively concerned with the academic and scientific problems of the faculty or institute. It comprises full professors and department heads. The Department Council is the source of academic life in the universities. It comprises full professors who elect the department head. Several private institutions are also being established. Higher technical and vocational education is mainly provided in teachertraining and technological institutes. Studies generally last for three years and lead to the qualification of ‘Gradué’ for the first cycle. In institutions where the second cycle is organized, studies last for two more years and lead to the degree of ‘Licence’. As far as university studies are concerned, the first stage of higher education lasts for three years and leads to the title of ‘Gradué’. The second cycle lasts for two years and grants the ‘Licence’, except in Medicine and Veterinary Medicine where this stage lasts for three years and leads to the title of ‘Docteur en Médecine’ and ‘Docteur en Médecine Vétérinaire’. The third cycle mainly consists in a programme of higher studies leading to the ‘Diplôme d’Etudes supérieures’

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(DES). This programme lasts for two years and includes a certain number of courses and seminars, as well as the presentation of a dissertation. After obtaining the DES, the candidate can register in a doctoral programme and prepare the thesis. The next stage leads to the Doctorate which is conferred after a further four to seven years’ further study. At the Faculties of Medicine, doctors devote three or four years to a specialization in one of the medical fields, after which they obtain a ‘Diplôme de Spécialiste’. Most specialists become practitioners. Those who prefer to teach prepare an ‘Agrégation’. Requirements are the possession of the ‘Diplôme de Spécialiste’ with ‘distinction’ plus three to five years’ preparation. The degree is that of ‘Agrégé de l’Enseignement Supérieur en Médecine‘. In Veterinary Medicine, it leads to the ‘Agrégation de l’Enseignement Supérieur en Médecine Vétérinaire‘. University degrees can also be earned at night school through the ‘Centre Interdisciplinaire pour le Développement de l’Education Permanente’ (CIDEP). This institution offers in-service courses for civil servants, correspondence courses via mail, and a host of other services to the public. Many employer organizations find these services so useful that they back them financially. Distance learning is offered primarily through correspondence courses for rural students in isolated remote areas.

Access In the DRC, demand for access to higher education is growing, straining the resources of higher education institutions. Students have had to be admitted into institutions originally designed for fewer students and enrolments have escalated, but financial resources have not kept pace. Resources have actually declined due to, among other things, inflation, devaluation of the currency exchange rate, economic and political turmoil, and structural adjustment programmes, further stressing the financial stability of institutions and systems.

Gender As in most African educational institutions of higher education, gender imbalance is a common phenomenon. Cultural, sociological, economical, psychological, historical and political factors foster these inequalities. While a number of efforts are now underway to rectify gender imbalances, much still remains to be done. The gender imbalance in higher education in the DRC is acute in the more competitive faculties and departments and in the hard

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sciences, where female student participation is particularly low. The female student population in the natural sciences is consistently lower than that of male students. The pattern appears to be a universal phenomenon around the world, though the proportion of the disparity across countries can and does differ significantly. Female academic staff are even smaller in proportion than female students in DRC institutions of higher education. The gravity of the disparity is most severe in the academic ranks with some variations in different fields and disciplines. Gender issues in higher education are complex and deserve further study. Initiatives to foster gender equality continue to be plagued by subtle resistance, implicit and explicit oversight, a lack of serious recognition and ignorance.

Funding and financing The central reality for all African higher education systems at the beginning of the twenty-first century is severe financial crisis. Academe everywhere, even in wealthy industrialized nations, faces fiscal problems, but the magnitude of these problems is greater in Africa in general and in the DRC than anywhere else. In addition, higher education in the DRC suffers from the effects of scarce financial resources, aggravated, among other things by: MM

MM

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The pressures of expansion and ‘massification’ that have added large numbers of students. The economic problems facing the DRC make it difficult, if not impossible, to provide increased funding for higher education. A changed fiscal climate induced by multilateral lending agencies such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The inability of students to afford the tuition rates necessary for fiscal stability and in some cases an inability to impose tuition fees due to political or other pressure. Misallocation and poor prioritization of available financial resources, such as the tradition of providing free or highly subsidized accommodation to students and maintaining a large and cumbersome non-academic personnel and infrastructure, among others.

The paucity of the funding allocated to education by the central government in the DRC over recent years and the collapse of incomes countrywide occasioned an implosion of the education system. The decline of enrolment and achievement has been catastrophic. The consecutive economic crises the country endured resulted in the disengagement of the state from higher

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education. Education appropriations dwindled from 24.2 per cent in 1980 (7.4 per cent for higher education) to 7.9 per cent in 1988 (1.5 per cent for higher education). During the ‘political transition’ period, the ministry in charge of higher education created many university centres, public advanced technical and pedagogical institutes as a step toward the ‘redistribution’ of institutions throughout the country. Two modes of financing, state subsidies and institutional revenues, exist. State subsidies represent 90 per cent of education funding and cover salaries, operational expenses and grants. Institutional revenue, accounting for no more than 10 per cent of any institution’s budget, is composed essentially of admission fees and income from services. Institutions have no real say with regard to allocation of available resources or the possibility of disposing of their budget to take advantage of available opportunities.

Governance and management Higher education falls under the authority of the Ministry of Higher Education. Each institution has a University or Institute Council, an Administrative Committee, faculties (or sections) and departments. The University or Institute Council is the highest authority and comprises the Administration Committee, deans, a faculty representative, a student representative, a representative of the administrative personnel and the head librarian. This body coordinates the academic and scientific policy of the institution. The section/faculty council is exclusively concerned with the academic and scientific problems of the faculty or institute. It comprises full professors and department heads. The Department Council comprises full professors who elect the department head (International Association of Universities [IAU], 2005). Senior officials at institutions, such as senior academic staff and managers of administrative and technical staff, are appointed by the President of the Republic or by the minister in charge of higher education. The President of the DRC appoints the chancellor following nomination by the minister. With regard to the nomination of assistants, the administrative officers choose positions that require particular skills. University senior officers are usually chosen by the academic community but not necessarily from the institution (Lelo, 2003). The Ministry monitors the governance and management of higher education institutions and sets targets. These are set by the ‘Commission Permanente des Etudes’ (CPE) (Permanent Studies Committee).

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Teaching education Teachers’ qualifications The qualifications of teachers leave a lot to be desired. While at least 80 per cent of teachers at primary level are qualified in all provinces, a scant 32 per cent of teachers in secondary schools across the country are qualified to the required level for their post (varying from 87 per cent in Kinshasa to 5 per cent in Maniema) and only 20 per cent of those in higher education. A legal framework is in place to govern the recruitment and promotion of workers in the education sector, including the law regulating the civil service generally, and ordinances establishing the education inspectorate, the administration service for pre-primary, primary and secondary education, and the administrative staff at higher and university level. These laws are generally in compliance with the relevant international standards and establish rules and regulations for non-discriminatory and competitive recruitment, though they reflect their age in some respects: for example, by not establishing systems to guarantee representation of women among the administrative and teaching staff. More seriously, the legal rules are practically unknown among those responsible for management of staff in the education sector, and the principles established are routinely ignored in practice. The hiring and promotion of teachers, for example, are done in total violation of procedures established in the ‘loi-cadre de l’enseignement’; vacancies are almost never advertised, and competitive examinations never organized. Teacher training colleges exist in principle for both teaching and administrative staff, at school and university level, including the Primary and Secondary Teacher Training Institute (Institut de Formation des Cadres de l’Enseignement Primaire et Secondaire); the National Training Service (Service National de Formation, SERNAFOR), responsible for in-service training for existing staff; the National Institute for Professional Training (Institut National de Préparation Professionnelle), responsible for training administrative staff; and the University Pedagogical Service (Service de Pédagogie Universitaire). But since the withdrawal of donor support in 1991, the Teacher Training Institute has been paralysed due to lack of funds and does not fulfil its mandate for initial and continuing training for school teaching and inspectorate staff – a situation which explains the large percentage of unqualified teachers in the system. The other colleges also suffer from a lack of resources and lack effective programmes to ensure the services they are supposed to provide reach those who need them. Unfortunately, the GPRSP did not include the revitalization of these institutions within its remit.

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Primary school teachers are trained at the secondary school level in teacher training colleges. Instruction in primary schools is in the local language. Science and mathematics are only taught up to, but not beyond, the primary school level. Certified and trained teachers are supplemented by a legion of unqualified teachers who require on-the-job training on a massive scale. Graduates of ‘Ecoles Normales Secondaires’ provide education to students in upper primary schools, as well as lower secondary schools. The problem is that there are very few of these teachers in the system, and, due to the ‘brain drain‘ that siphons many of the most talented teachers off into industry to earn more money, the problem may grow worse in the future. Secondary school teachers are trained at the university and teacher training institutes. Three universities have departments that prepare future teachers for the ‘Agrégation de l’Enseignement Secondaire’ through one-year teacher training courses for students who already hold a final degree from a faculty. This course leads to the ‘Agrégation de l’Enseignement Secondaire du Degré Supérieur’. Teacher training institutes train ‘gradués’ and ‘licenciés’ in applied education. They teach lower and upper secondary classes as well. All instruction is in French. Upper secondary level teachers are provided by the 27 ‘Instituts Supérieurs Pédagogiques’. Higher technical and pedagogical institutes, which were established to train teachers, all in theory train teachers. In reality, specialists often fail to find jobs for which they are trained and teach other subjects. The rapid expansion of schools continues to force the DRC to staff many teaching positions with unqualified teachers. Teaching is not considered prestigious by youth, and this contributes to recruitment problems. Yet teaching is one area that offers hundreds of secure jobs yearly, so people continue to train. Some view these jobs as ‘stopgap’ employment that will temporarily tide them over until they can do better. High personnel mobility makes teaching in the DRC very unstable, and the turnover of teachers is a big issue.

Training of higher education teachers The third cycle mainly consists in a programme of higher studies leading to the ‘Diplôme d’Etudes supérieures’ (DES). This programme lasts for two years and includes a certain number of courses and seminars, as well as the presentation of a dissertation. After obtaining the DES, the candidate can register in a doctoral programme and prepare the thesis. The next stage leads to the Doctorate which is conferred after a further four to seven years’ study. At the Faculties of Medicine, doctors devote three or four years to a specialization in

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one of the medical fields, after which they obtain a ‘Diplôme de Spécialiste’. Most specialist doctors become practitioners. Those who prefer to teach prepare an ‘Agrégation’. Requirements are the possession of the Diplôme de Spécialiste with ‘distinction’ plus three to five years’ preparation. The degree is that of ‘Agrégé de l’Enseignement supérieur en Médecine’. In Veterinary Medicine, it leads to the ‘Agrégation de l’Enseignement supérieur en Médecine vétérinaire’. There are five ranks of teachers in higher education in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: assistant, project head, associate professor, professor and full professor. Assistants are required to hold a ‘Licence’ or its equivalent and are nominated for a two-year period, twice renewable. After four years and at least two publications in a scientific journal they are promoted to Project Head. Associate Professors are required to hold a first-level doctorate. Promotion requires four years from the previous level, together with several publications. There is also a ‘Service de Pédagogie Universitaire’ which organizes training sessions for higher education teachers (International Association of Universities [IAU], 2005).

Reforms to teaching and qualification structure Since 2002, the government has set about improving the education system, including teacher training. A UNESCO-sponsored project, Teacher Training in Sub-Saharan Africa (TTISSA), has been launched to provide distance learning for would-be teachers in 46 sub-Saharan countries. The development of TTISSA by UNESCO encourages distance learning for teachers through a range of resources, including television and radio. However, the lack of investment in schools, resources and curricula required to teach effectively within the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains a barrier to provide wide-ranging education for all. Currently, the education and teacher training systems are under severe strain. This is due to a shortage of financial resources and teaching staff, and problems associated with the conflict that has afflicted the country over the past decade and beyond. While efforts are being made to train more teachers and to counteract some of the effects of the civil war, it is presently unclear to what extent genuine reforms to teacher education and standards have been implemented in a consistent manner. The importance of a practical component has been recognized by those authorities responsible for current teacher training, and where possible has been included in the programmes. Unfortunately, such is the shortage of teaching staff that the practical component is not a priority. Indeed this shortage has

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enabled individuals without any appropriate training (e.g. university graduates) to enter the teaching profession.

Curriculum There have been some attempts to revise the curricula to reflect issues of the contemporary world, such as health, population and the environment, but there is a lack of financial and material resources to realize the developments on a wide scale. Pedagogical methods continue to be rather traditional, favouring rote learning.

In-service training The concept of in-service training does exist within Higher Institutes of Education (Instituts Supérieurs Pédagogiques). However, due to the lack of support, primarily financial, no system of continuing professional development has been implemented. Additionally, low levels of energy and free time on the part of the teachers hinder this element.

Efficiency To attain more efficiency, it is important that the supply of education inputs meets the rising demand for services. If the MDGs and Education for All (EFA) goals are to be met, there must be significant improvements in the education sector inputs to improve the quality of coverage and quality of services: (i) retaining, retraining and recruiting more teachers; (ii) constructing and rehabilitating learning spaces; (iii) providing learning materials, particularly textbooks. With regard to secondary level education, efforts are needed to ensure that students stay in school through the secondary level. This requires improvements in curriculum and the quality of instruction as well as the reduction of school fees.

Global challenges facing teacher education in the DRC Situational analyses of the education sector highlight many constraints affecting good performance of the education sector in the DRC. To this end, Mwabila (2006) identifies the following as being the most important challenges facing the education sector in general: MM

A relatively low coverage at the primary level, with huge inequalities in access co-existing with uncontrolled expansion at the secondary and university levels

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A serious deterioration in the quality of education at all levels Weak institutional capacities and poor strategic and operational management Low levels of expenditures and an inefficient and inequitable system of education funding.

As far as teacher education is concerned, Nomaye Madana (2003) identifies the following challenges as being the most significant: MM

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Little or no investment in infrastructure, laboratories and libraries for many years Low teachers’ salaries and lack of social consideration; as a result quality and motivation of the teaching force has deteriorated at all levels, leading to a decline in the number of qualified teachers The existing teaching force in public institutions is stretched across a large number of private institutions, thus affecting the quality of instruction in universities and other institutions of teacher education For the last 15 years relatively few students joined doctorate programmes; as a result most highly qualified teachers are beyond 50 years of age Low public funding of training activities to guarantee quality, resulting in high dependence on household financing coming essentially from students and their parents Lack of adequate infrastructure to cope with the increasing social demand for education Absence of computer equipment and use of ICTs in almost all the institutions of teacher education.

Teachers’ salaries, working conditions and status Teaching quality in the DRC is further compromised by extremely low salaries, which are irregularly paid, subject to problematic regional and functional disparities, and lack a system to recognize seniority. The system of regional salaries actually reinforces regional inequities and favours urban over rural areas, even though it is harder to recruit teachers and administrative staff away from the towns. Poor pay is matched by poor conditions of work and a lack of resources in the schools themselves, including teaching materials and books. Strikes are frequent in the sector as a result, especially at the outset of each academic year. Absenteeism is also a serious problem, with teachers simply failing to turn up to their posts on a regular basis.

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Any profession needs to have a highly motivated cadre of professionals who are dedicated to their job and derive satisfaction from the fact that their contribution is valued by the community they serve. However, this is not the case in the DRC in spite of efforts made by the government to raise teachers’ salary standards. Teaching does not currently appear to be very highly valued as a profession in the DRC. The low salaries and the inconsistent nature of funding for education have had an adverse impact on teachers’ motivation. The social advantages, such as paid health care, transport, accommodation and paid holidays, are not available to teachers. Furthermore, due to the lack of coordinated and implemented continuing professional development there are not many career progression routes available to teachers. Since this would likely require study at doctoral level which would require leaving the profession for a period of time, it is not a very attractive prospect. As well as having low levels of bursary funding for individuals, places are exceedingly scarce. Such is the low status of teaching in the DRC that those who qualify with teacher training qualifications often try to use these awards to gain employment outside the profession.

Quality assurance mechanisms Since 1981 there has been a national quality assurance framework that is structured round inspector visits. Individual institutions, both national and private, are governed by the same set of standards. The Ministry does provide support to higher education institutions in the development of institutional quality assurance policies and procedures. However, given the shortage of resources available for education and the current state of affairs in the DRC, it is likely that such processes are carried out on an informal and ad hoc basis.

Regional and international collaboration From a national perspective, importance is placed on regional collaboration. This is considered significant, especially in regard to the exchange between teachers to broaden their experiences. Universities are also encouraged to attend regional forums and conferences for experience exchange. Benefits are perceived in terms of financing, procuring equipment, performance training and student exchanges. Regional priorities have also impacted on aspects of national policy on higher education. Examples provided include the setting up of and participation

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in regional education authorities as well as a desire to modernize and improve the local higher education sector to align itself with regional trends. It is also reported that the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), too, have impacted on the shape of national policy and shaped projects in this sector. Through indirect cooperation with the Interuniversity Council of the French community of Belgium (CIUF) and the Flemish Interuniversity Council (VLIR), all Belgian universities play an active role in cooperation with Congolese universities. Furthermore, the Institute of Tropical Medicine (ITM), the Royal Museum for Central Africa (RMCA) and the Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences (IRSN/KBIN) have all devoted much of their cooperation efforts to working with institutions in the DRC. For instance, the IRSN/KBIN helps governments in African countries meet their obligation arising from the International Convention on Biodiversity to afford access to a list of their biodiversity initiatives. Since 2006, CIUF and VLIR have devised a joint strategy for university cooperation with the DRC. This cooperation focuses on seven university institutions and is primarily geared towards opening up these institutions and replenishing them with fresh academics. Special attention is paid to coordinating these activities, not only with scientific institutions within the framework of non-governmental cooperation, but also with governmental cooperation and the entire donor community. Starting in 2007, more resources were already earmarked for university and scientific cooperation with the DRC, and the aim is to continue increasing them in the future. In higher education, the Federal Republic of Germany awards postgraduate scholarships and hosts short-term and long-term lecturers on research visits. In addition, it helps improve working conditions at institutes of higher education and universities through individual donations of material and equipment as part of follow-on measures.

Research and publishing The organization of university research and publication benefited from special attention during their first years as authorities put in place appropriate structures to promote research. Each school was assigned a vice-dean in charge of research and new research centres were established. In 1978, the Permanent Commission for Research (Commission Permanente de la Recherche, CPR) and the Permanent Commission for Studies (Commission Permanente des Etudes, CPE) were created.

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The Zaire University Press, part of the Zaire National University, served as a point of reference within Africa, as well as abroad. Its mission has been impeded, however, by budgetary problems caused by insufficient funds, inconsistency in budget allocation, and the multiplicity of decision-making centres involved in budget management. Today, however, serious shortages of published materials, of books and journals, the lack of basic resources for teaching, the absence of simple laboratory equipment and supplies (such as chemicals) to do research and teaching, and, in some cases, delays of salary payments for months are just some of the common problems faced by research institutions in the country.

Strengths of the higher education system Despite the challenges mentioned above, the conflict and the resulting socioeconomic crisis of the last 15 years together with low funding of teacher education activities, the education system in the DRC continues to expand at all levels, albeit slowly. Student enrolment has grown at all levels and has been most rapid in higher education and the DRC has a relatively high coverage at tertiary level. Despite the fall in public financing, households have continued to finance education at all levels in both private and public institutions, thus reflecting the strong demand for education. In addition the government seems to be clearly determined to improve human resources in the education sector in order to impulse development in other sectors of the country. The decision to increase teachers’ salaries in 2005 signals the government’s intention to improve human resources as part of its emerging education strategy. This unequalled determination has been shown through the creation of numerous teacher education institutions for the primary level throughout the country. The training of secondary level teachers is carried out in 27 advanced pedagogical institutes (ISP), two technical pedagogical institutes (IST) and three universities with massive student enrolment. The infrastructure in these institutions does exist but needs rehabilitation. The strength of higher education including teacher education in the DRC is its dependence to a great extent on household financing. This is a great strength since universities and teacher education institutions can generate their own funds and thus contribute to the country’s socio-economic development. Higher education in the DRC has always played and will still play an important role in upgrading the quality of primary and secondary education through

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teacher training programmes and development of new curricula as well as teaching-learning materials. The Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) attempts to integrate strategic thinking in sector reform proposals with work on sector financing strategy. The PRSP technical teams are in the process of developing an initial Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF). To guide and secure efforts through policy commitment, a high-level inter-ministerial group is drafting a Letter of Education Sector Policy. This is expected to be endorsed by the three ministries involved in education, the Ministry of Budget, and the Ministry of Finance. The authorities are also aware that a comprehensive reform of public administration in education is required, and a new statute on teachers will need to be formulated. In 2003, the government drafted a framework for civil service reform with technical support from a multi-donor programme. This aims to define the key missions of priority ministries and public service agencies at central and provincial levels, and upgrade the skill levels and productivity of their staff. The first set of actions (2004–6) included: MM

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an audit of service delivery mechanisms, especially at the local level, covering health, education and justice; an operational audit of ministries to prepare their reorganization; and an obligatory retirement programme for staff who have passed the legal retirement age by end 2004 (World Bank, 2007).

For education, the PRSP paper makes provision to: MM

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restore infrastructure and equipment in schools, centres of higher education and universities; establish vocational training and promote technical, vocational and scientific skills to ensure adequacy of education with employment and deployment, and strengthen teacher training (Bloom, Canning and Chan, 2006).

Legal framework Many of the reforms needed in the education system can be accomplished without major reforms to the law. Nonetheless, an effort at legal reform is warranted to bring national laws into line with international standards and provide an up-to-date rule-based framework for the implementation of an

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education policy that is in line with Congo’s new commitments to democratic values. All constitutions since independence have provided for primary school education to be compulsory and for access to schools to be open to all without discrimination; these protections apply equally to private as to public schools. The transitional constitution of 2003 and the current 2006 constitution added to these provisions by enshrining the eradication of illiteracy as a national duty for which all necessary resources should be mobilized and a national plan developed. Yet no such plan has been adopted. Meanwhile, the framework law for the education system remains that adopted in 1986, during the period of one-party rule, and is ill adapted to the new circumstances of multi-party elections and competitive politics. Law reform should also pay attention to establishing a more logical and effective system of decentralization in the education system. Even though the 1986 framework law was adopted during the period of highly centralized rule from Kinshasa, it instituted a system of division of powers between national and provincial administrations in which policy would be set by the centre and its implementation split between national and provincial levels for pre-primary, primary and secondary school education, while remaining with central government for higher education and universities. These provisions were not initially matched by similar decentralization of other government responsibilities. The 2006 constitution, however, has advanced a greater degree of decentralization across the board. In practice, there is an overlap between two different public school administration systems: the one for ‘écoles non-conventionnées’, the public schools directly managed through the EPSP ministry’s bureaucracy, and the other for ‘écoles conventionnées’, or public schools managed through church organizations (mainly Catholic, Protestant and Kimbanguist) according to an agreement (convention) between the government and those church organizations. Each school administration system has differing levels of decentralization, which creates bureaucratic confusion and overload.

Conclusion The education system in the DRC has proved remarkably resilient in the face of economic crisis and armed conflict. Enrolment has grown at all levels but has been most rapid in higher education. During this period of conflict, the education sector

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was financed almost entirely by household contributions. The DRC is now faced with critical policy choices as it moves to a more efficient and equitable balance between public and private financing and in expanding and upgrading the quality of the system. The World Bank estimated in 2001/02 that in the DRC, primary teachers numbered 159,000 for 5.47 million pupils with 108,000 secondary teachers for 1.6 million pupils. This indicates that there is a low level of access to education and correspondingly high inequalities. In higher education there were 326 institutions with an approximate total of 200,000 students (World Bank, 2005). Massive increases in the number of students put almost unmanageable strains on the entire education system. Projected growth in demand suggests that this problem will grow worse in the future and needs immediate attention. The desire and hunger for education cannot and should not be halted, rather massive investment in teacher training is needed to improve the quality of education and massive construction of new schools is needed to house the growing army of future leaders and productive citizens of the DRC. There is still too much of an imbalance between primary, secondary and university enrolment. This needs correction to ensure a growing and prosperous middle class that has a stake in the system and will stabilize it. Teachers’ education must be upgraded, and retention and recruitment must become top priorities. The curriculum also needs to be rethought in light of the DRC’s current manpower needs. Teaching methods should be overhauled as well. Urban schools are currently favoured and efforts need to be made to correct this and shift more resources to neglected rural schools, while not allowing the quality of urban schools to decline as a result. The future health of education in the DRC will necessitate massive investment. Well-trained teachers who stay in the job because they are well-treated, valued and well-paid will not come easily to the DRC. This, however, is necessary to reach and maintain high educational standards. Under these conditions the DRC will be poised to reach its true potential as a regional giant, assuming that political stability occurs and war ends, ushering in a period of peace and prosperity and an end to kleptocracy.

Notes 1 Ministère de l’Enseignement Primaire, Secondaire et Professionnel. 2 Ministère de l’Enseignement Supérieur et Universitaire. 3 Ministère des Affaires Sociales et de l’Education Informelle.

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References Bloom, D. E., Canning, D. and Chan, K. 2006. Higher Education and Economic Development in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank. —2006. ‘Higher education and poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa,’ International Journal of Higher Education, Fall 45. International Association of Universities (IAU). 2005. World Higher Education Database. http://www.iau-aiu.net/ [accessed 4 June 2010]. Lelo, M. 2003. ‘Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire)’. In Teferra, D. and Altbach, P. G. (eds) African Higher Education: An International Reference Handbook. Bloomington: Indiana University Press 265–72. —2003. Country Higher Education Profile: Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire). International Network for Higher Education in Africa. Lututala Mumpasi, B and S. Ngondo a Pitshhandenge. 2003. Education Demand in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Background Information prepared for EFA Global Monitoring Report. Madana, N. 2003. Rapport d’Evaluation des Institutions de Formation des Enseignants en République Démocratique du Congo. Kinshasa: UNESCO Ministère de l’Enseignement Primaire et Secondaire Chargé de l’Alphabetisation. 2002. Plan National d’action de l’Education pour Tous (National Plan of Action for Education for All). Mpala-Lutebele, M. A. (no date). Le Pacte de Modernisation de l’Enseignement Supérieur et Universitaire en République Démocratique du Congo; Une stratégie de Développement Durable. (Modernisation of HE in DRC – A Strategy for Development). Mwabila, M. 2006. Note sur la Politique de Formation des Formateurs en République Démocratique du Congo. Initiative TTISSA, BREDA: Dakar, 7–9 March 2006. World Bank. 2005. Education in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Priorities for Regeneration. Washington, DC: World Bank. —2007. World Bank Educational Report, 2007. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Bank Education Statistics. 2007. Summary Education Profile: Democratic Republic of Congo.

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Djibouti: Formal and Non-formal Education Rachel Solomon Tsehaye

Introduction Djibouti presents an illustration of a context of schooling characterized by a succession of influences of an economic, social and cultural nature, typical of a number of countries. Two contextual forces which have shaped education in the country are the late arrival of decolonization (1977) and its geopolitical position, reserving for the country a special place in the global political scene. Another significant shaping force of (especially non-formal) education has been the implantation of the Islam religion in the country. Four schooling options have developed historically: public schooling, private schooling (Catholic or Arabophone), the madrasa and the dugsi. Concerning the economic context of the territory of Djibouti, the Djibouti Household Survey (Direction Statistique de Dijibouti, 2002) has established that 74.4 per cent of the population lives under the poverty line (US$1 per day). Education is one of the few ladders to social and economic mobility. Education options are however, closely related to socio-economic status. This chapter explores and explicates these two trends. To provide the framework for the exploration of these trends it is necessary to give a concise description of the Djibouti context. This will indicate the structural factors limiting the Djibouti education system.

Societal context of education in Djibouti The geopolitical and economic context Situated in the corner of Africa, Djibouti shares a border with Somalia in the south, Ethiopia in the west and Eritrea in the north. It lies at the crossroads

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of important international maritime routes, and within striking reach of the American and French military powers present in the region due to the Iraq conflict, and strategically located with respect to the Middle Eastern powder keg. Djibouti occupies 23,000 square kilometres of very inhospitable land: a desert landscape with a hot, semi-arid climate. Despite this, 77 per cent of the population of Djibouti is urbanized (Banque Mondiale, 2011). Its capital has the appearance of an artificial city implanted on a desert. It has not known the prosperity of, for example, Dubai. Pursuing grand visions of serving as a bridge between the African and Eurasian continents, capitalizing on its geostrategic location, the Djibouti economy is sustained by direct foreign investments, which in any case are very weak. These direct foreign investments mainly hail from the Council of Cooperation in the Gulf; however, the country compares very poorly with many of the other states in the region – for example, Djbouti contributes only 0.6 per cent of the GDP of the region. The weakness of direct foreign investments can be explained by Djibouti being a peripheral enclave little suitable for the establishment of business and industrial enterprises (geographically very far removed from any markets) as well as by the small size, low level of education and low productivity levels of the local workforce (EIF, Etude diagnostique de l’intégration commercial, March 2004). Exports are limited to tourism, salt, fisheries, cattle ranching and financial services. Foreign trade is mostly with the European Union, and the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), Saudi Arabia, the United Arabian Emirates, Japan, Singapore and, since 2009, China. Also providing some impetus into the economy are the foreign military bases (American and French), and investments from the United Arabian Emirates as part of a bilateral agreement between these two countries. The latter revolves around the development of an airport in Djibouti and the right of the Emirates to manage the airport for twenty years (EIF, 2004; Foch, 2010). These developments testify to Djibouti’s vision of becoming a regional and international commercial centre.

Socio-demographic context A strategy to reduce poverty, launched in January 2007, enabled Djibouti to benefit from financial aid. Furthermore, since September 2008 the country has benefited from American Aid in accordance with the African Growth and Opportunity Act of the USA. A figure of 74.4 per cent of the population live under the poverty line, with 42 per cent living in conditions of extreme

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poverty. The unemployment rate is 60 per cent. The informal economic sector is important – 15.5 per cent of adult males and 38 per cent of adult females work in the formal sector. The population of Djibouti is 905,000. Seventy per cent of the people live in the capital. Life expectancy is 58 years (Banque Mondiale, 2011). The over-65-year sector of the population is small – only 3 per cent of the total population. The 15–64-year age group represents the largest sector of the population (61 per cent of the total population). The low life expectancy could be explained by the incidence of diseases such as tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS (2.7 per cent) and malnutrition (20 per cent of the population). The arid climate of the country means very little arable land is available, and this explains the high incidence of malnutrition. The improvement of infrastructure in the urban areas has resulted in 80 per cent of the population now having access to potable water (39 per cent in their dwellings, 38 per cent from common taps), but 20 per cent still rely on wells and installations catching rain water. In rural areas, however, only 54 per cent of the population has access to potable drinking water. Fertility stands at the high figure of 4.22 and the prevalence of contraceptives at 17.8 per cent (EDIM, 2006); early marriage (before the age of 15 years) at 3.5 per cent of girls in rural areas and 2.8 per cent of girls in urban areas. At the age of 18 years, 11.5 per cent of girls are married. Ninety-four per cent of females aged 15 to 49 years have undergone genital mutilation, 80 per cent an extreme form of genital mutilation, as part of a cultural practice. The female adult literacy rate is 48.4 per cent in urban areas and 14.2 per cent in rural areas (PNUD, 2008).

Islam territory at the confluence of Africa and the Orient Between the tenth and the fifteenth centuries, the Islam religion penetrated the region (Dubois and Soumille, 2004: 26) which was inhabited by nomadic people, speaking Somali and Afar (Georget and Charpin, 1977). Today the population of Djibouti is a multi-ethnic society. Ninety-four per cent of the population is Muslim. Islam became the state religion in 1977, the year when the country attained its independence. At the same time, the country became a member of the League of Arab States and adopted a corresponding legal system. The country is therefore also classified by international organizations such as the World Bank as a country of the Middle Eastern-North African group. Although Arabic and French are the official languages of the state, they are the first languages of only a minority of Djiboutians (Rouaud, 1997). In the capital Somali is the first language of the majority of the population (Piguet,

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1999: 165). A civil war took place from 1991 to 2001, and that, together with the armed conflict in neighbouring countries resulting in an influx of refugees to Djibouti, have prevented the attainment of universal primary education, despite political and economical stabilization (with the signing of a Structural Adjustment Programme Agreement with the World Bank in 2001). The capital of Djibouti has, like other metropolises worldwide, assumed a cosmopolital character. The population includes African people from several nationalities – immigrant workers and political asylum-seekers from Ethiopia and Somalia and even from Uganda and Tanzania; Eurasians (investors from Dubai, workers from India, Pakistan and China, businesspeople from Lebanon) and from the West (Europeans – part of the European diaspora, mainly those in the military and their families).

Educational context In matters of educational politics, the state of Djibouti can draw on funds from a variety of governments (France, the United States of America, China, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Senegal) and institutions (French Development Agency, Ministry of Cooperation and Defense and Intergovernmental Agency of Francophone Countries, World Bank, UNESCO, UNICEF and USAID), and also from private banks. Historically public primary and secondary schools were strongly affiliated to missionary schools and activities (Dubois and Soumille, 2004), and have recently benefited from the implantation of foreign armed forces, notably those of the United States of America, and from investments from foreigners under the banner of humanitarian aid to the state. More than 40 per cent of the costs of the administration and management of the system of public education is covered by funds coming from foreign sources. Their contributions have permitted an expansion of access to education. In 2011, 59 per cent of the age group attended primary schools (Banque Mondiale, 2011). However, the heavy reliance on foreign funding raises the question of the adaption of educational practices and policies to the local socio-economic environment. This dependence on foreign funds has had a visibly strong influence on educational policies. For example, it can be seen in the existence of the double shift system (whereby two cohorts alternatively use the same classrooms and school buildings – one group in the morning and the other in the afternoon) which has a demonstrably negative effect on the quality of education offered. The World

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Bank and International Monetary Fund are known to be negative about the recruitment of more teachers, and their structural adjustment programmes invariably translate into a reduction in the amount of money available for education (Diop and Diouf, 1990: 133). In 2011 only 45.5 per cent of the cohort completed the primary school cycle, only 36 per cent went on to secondary education, while the gross enrolment ratio at the level of higher education was 4.9 per cent. If teachers are trying to maintain quality of education, the physical conditions render this difficult. Although education comprises 24 per cent of the public budget, contextual constraints, such as poor physical infrastructure, hamper the education effort. Education also suffers from the demographic pressure: the age group 0–14 years makes up 35 per cent of the total population of the country.

Education supply and models Different models of education have been proposed to the population of Djibouti. What follows is a short exposé of these, as well as an assessment of the achievements of the goals set out in the Minister of National Education and Higher Education’s Plan of 1999–2004, in the Education Acts and the general education goals as formulated by UNESCO (2006), and the Report, Diagnostic sectoriel pour la politique éducative by a team of experts of the Agence Française du Développement (2009).

Formal education Structure and extent of and disparities in schooling The formal education model is constituted by public and private schools. The private education sector constitutes 15 per cent of enrolments, and is a growing sector, especially since 2000, when Arabophone private education has been given recognition (Agence Française du Développement, 2009: 32). Private education is a palliative to the education system, in view of the deficiencies of the public education sector; and private education has contributed towards increasing enrolment ratios. This is especially so in the case of secondary education, where private education provides for 34 per cent of all enrolments. Seventy-five per cent of private secondary education students are enrolled in Arabophone schools.

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Formal education is composed of three levels: basic education (l’enseignement fondamental, i.e. pre-primary education, five years primary education and three years middle or college education); secondary education (three years general education or two years technical and vocational education) and higher education. The gross pre-primary school enrolment ratio stands at 3.75 per cent (2006) (Agence Française du Développement, 2009: 39), that of basic education at 72 per cent (2007) and that of secondary education at 21 per cent. From age 6 to 16 school attendance is free and obligatory. Children in non-formal education programmes and children of nomads may, however, be exempted (Section 15 of Act 16). ‘Free’ is also relative: parents are expected to buy the extensive new school manuals and are expected to contribute towards payment for the replacement and renovation of outdated stocks and infrastructure (Agence Française du Développement, 2009: 63). Parents contribute Franc Djibouti (FD) 2,993 per primary school student, FD 8,238 per secondary school student and FD 28,250 per higher education student (Ibid.: 157). Prior to 2006, pre-school education did not exist. Parents who intended to enrol their children in Koranic schools formed a pre-primary school network to prepare their children for these Koranic schools, so today a private pre-primary school system, created for this reason, exists; the pre-primary school enrolment ratio is 6.6 per cent (Agence Française du Développement, 2009: 31). Basic education is sanctioned by a termination certificate: Certificat de fin d’études de base (CEFEB). The failure rate of 11 per cent is an indication of the internal inefficiency of the system. In order to facilitate flow to middle education the final examinations of the fifth year have been replaced by pedagogical evaluation at the end of the primary school cycle, the Objectifs Terminaux d’Intégration (OTI). These qualitative evaluation measures concentrate on students’ command of French and Arabic and their mastery of mathematical skills. After middle school education only the best students may proceed to general lycée education. Secondary education is sanctioned by the termination examination and certificate, the ‘baccalauréat’; this qualification qualifies holders to enter higher education. Prior to 2006, Djibouti did not have a university in the full sense of the word, only the core higher education institution, which offered two-year degrees. Djiboutians had to resort to distance education (especially tele-education) and studying abroad, especially in France, but also in Senegal, the Emirates, Mauritania, Yemen and Saudi Arabia. The University of Djibouti was founded and in 2011 increased the number of programmes on offer. A private higher

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education sector does not exist. Access to higher education is conditioned by performance levels in secondary education, and by the financial position of families, as fees are high – in the region of 40,000 FD per year.

Objectives, methods and content: The reforms The education system of Djibouti still visibly carries the marks of the system put in place in the colonial era. This system has not been changed: French is still the language of learning and teaching, the structure and the duration of primary, secondary and higher education has remained unchanged. As the author Monique Chemiller-Gendreau (1986) has commented on education in Africa in general: ‘the programmes and the functioning of the education systems have not re-corrected themselves, and persist, despite reforms’ (free translation). As with many systems of education in Africa dealing with the colonial heritage, reform is needed on two fronts: programmes need to be adapted to the local socioeconomic context and at the same time to international exigencies, in times of globalization, which call for the standardization of education systems (Lange, 2003). External financing of education is generally dependent upon reforms in line with global exigencies. This double assignment is also the framework in which attempts at educational reform in independent Djibouti could be understood (Agence Française du Développement, 2009: 124). Post-independence education policies have proffered a vision of education which is inclusive, high quality, centred around attaining success by students. However, especially the absence of free schooling at higher levels of education has frustrated the achievement of these lofty objectives. Faced with the symptoms of inefficiency, coupled with a crisis of identity of values and goals of education, the Ministry of Education and Higher Education undertook a major think-tank exercise in 1999. On the basis of that collective reflection, the government decided to ‘create conditions favourable for the emergence of a new school’ and to subscribe to the Jomtien Declaration. Reform efforts have revolved around four axes: improving the quality of education, curricula reform (which was tested in pilot schools), improving the availability of materials, and the harmonization of the programmes of Arabophone private schools with those offered in mainline public schools. The primary school cycle has been increased from 5/6 years to an 8/9-year basic education cycle (MENESUP, 2010: 19). The bottleneck that had been created by termination examinations was obviated by the replacement of the examination at the end of the fifth year which determined entrance to middle schools, with the OTI

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pedagogical evaluation, as described above. This measure has resulted in a marked increase in the transition rate from primary to middle education (66 per cent in 2001) and also to the average years of schooling from 7.4 years to 9.6 years. Taking a position against the imported, alien model of education, plans for reform set as a goal the Djiboutization of the education system, such that texts used in schools should contain situations which students should be able to recognize (MENESUP, 2004: 34). Methods should be reformed likewise, and plans also set the aim of reducing failure rates. A pedagogical method, known as CLAD, was formulated. This method is based upon the integration of knowledge with the everyday experience of students, the evaluation of performance and remedial action. Instruction in Arabic and in the Koran, which is an alternative model of education to the formal lay governmental school model in Djibouti, was included in the plan. These schools were included in the plan in order to ‘strengthen membership of the Arabic-Islamic world’ (MENESUP, 2004: 109). Arabic, the second official language of Djibouti, was also included in the school curriculum from the first year of primary schooling, occupying six hours per week. The new model of education was also prescribed for Roman Catholic private schools. Other priorities include general secondary education, which has been hit by an influx as a result of the 40 per cent transition rate from middle schools to secondary education. The improvement in the quality of secondary education, the adaptation of programmes and the education of teachers have especially become objects of attention. The teaching profession is a particularly problematic aspect, as the teaching profession has lost much of its attraction. Teachers can no longer survive on poor remuneration levels, and it is not uncommon for teachers to practise a second occupation, such as driving buses or working as librarians, or to return to being a student in order to train for another occupation. The above outlined axes of contextualization give a glimpse of the large gap which exists between social, economic and educational realities on the one hand and on the other, the goals with respect to Education for All formulated in Jomtien in 1990, by delegates from 155 countries and 150 organizations. Geographical, financial and social difficulties prevent many from participating in education, resulting in low enrolment ratios and high drop-out rates.

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Non-formal education Non-formal education, in the context of Djibouti, consists of Koranic and Madrasa (also called Medersa) schools. Although rarely mentioned in reform plans and policy statements, these schools still represent an important part of the educational landscape of Djibouti.

Muslim education: History and modes Between the eleventh and the eighteenth centuries, Islamic education developed on two levels: Koranic schools (in Djibouti known as dugsi) and Madrasas (Affes, 1994). During this period, all the major villages in the Muslim parts of the world set up Madrasas – the first was in Baghdad in 1068 (Froelich, 1962). However, in the Horn of Africa, and in most parts of East Africa, religious education was the privilege of a political, economic, social, male elite, and thus it remained until the nineteenth century (Penrad, 2002). Islam constituted the main supplier of education in the region (Ibid.: 323). It is difficult to establish how many Koranic schools there are in Djibouti. Neither the Ministry of Education nor UNESCO keeps these statistics. A study by Easton and Peach (Akkari et al., 2001: 37) in 1997 in Mali estimated that the enrolments in these schools equal 25 per cent of the enrolments in the public schools. It could be extrapolated that in a country where Islam is the state religion, these schools contribute a very important part of the total education effort of the country. Islam education is seen as a religious initiation, leading to the reading of the Koran in the original Arabic (Aydin, 2005). Before the era of the Madrasa, this education took place in the mosques (original educational institutions) and also in the paper and book boutiques, which played an important part in the dissemination of knowledge (Ibid.). In rural parts there were also itinerant teachers of Islamic education (Vieille-Grosjean, 1999). Islamic education was not limited only to religious instruction or the ‘3 Rs’ – it was a holistic education encompassing the entire human being: body, rational faculties, spirit and sentiments (Gandolfi, 2002: 262).

The traditional Koranic school: The dugsi In the Khuttâb (from the verb kitâba, meaning to write), or dugsi in the Somali language (Mohamed-Abdi, 2003), education took place in the open air, under

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the shade of trees or in the street. At the age of four years, the student-disciples (boys and girls) received religious instruction with the aim of inducting them into the Muslim moral code and cultural practices. In order to achieve this goal, the student-disciple had to learn to recite by heart the Koran, which formed the principal text; as it was, as Sheik Anta Diop puts it, ‘it contains the sum total of everything: the past, the present and the future, the entire universe’ (Diop, 1960: 132). Instruction began with the teaching of the Arabic alphabet and the associated pronunciation. The learning method of repetition was followed. By the age of six years, students knew the entire Koran. The reciting of the Koran was considered an art, based on memorization (Affes, 1994), although a case could be made out, quoting Confucius, that ‘learning without reflecting on that which had been learned is a dangerous thing’. In the dugsi, instruction in the sciences did not exist. To summarize then, the Koranic schools transmitted a cognitive style different from Western schools. Stefania Gandolfi comments that ‘the result was shown in a strong capacity to memorise, but a feeble capacity to abstract thinking and reflecting’ (Gandolfi, 2002: 272).

The madrasa The madrasa, which etymologically means ‘the place of study’, was for a long time an elitist institution. It represents the secondary school level of the Koranic school, attended by students from the age of twelve years. The Djiboutian madrasa was established by teachers from Saudi Arabia and Yemen. Males and females are taught in gender-segregated schools. Arabic is the language of learning and teaching, and the Koran is the central part of the curriculum. The curriculum of the seven-year course consists of Arabic Grammar and Literature, Islam Law, the Theology and Traditions of the Prophet, and Mathematics. However, the quality of instruction in these depended on the education of the teacher. If the objective of the dugsi was to produce a good, faithful Muslim, the goal of the madrasa was more ambitious – to result in a erudite Muslim of a ‘clear spirit, capable of just reasoning’ (Ibn Khaloûn, as cited by Affes, 1994: 525). Faced with an absence of official recognition and financial support, Islamic higher education structures for graduates of the madrasa finally ceased to exist, and graduates who wish to pursue such studies have to proceed to an appropriate university in North Africa (Egypt), the Middle East (Saudi Arabia) or West Africa (Mauritania).

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Determinants of school choice: Investigation Context This section on the context of education in Djibouti will focus on the determinants of a person’s schooling chances in Djibouti. It should be borne in mind that there are two models of education in the country: the private Muslim schools, which give students a religious-cultural identity, and a secular education system (which could, in turn be divided into a public school sector, private Arabophone schools and private Roman Catholic schools) which are more receptive to Western cultural and educational influences. The first model has been inspired by the traditional orientation of the Islamic Middle East and the second by the economic and technological successes of the West. The price for the choice of one or the other is a particular kind of enculturation (Camilleri and Cohen-Emeriqu, 1999) and the abandonment of the frame of reference of the other (Thành Khôi, 1986), and it is appropriate to ask in a study such as this what kind of advantage families can derive from the choice of one or the other. Subsequently, therefore, the question as to the factors influencing school choice will be addressed.

Factors influencing the school choice of families: Problematic and hypotheses With school fees varying between 5,000 FD and 10,000 FD (Euro 25 to 50) per year, public schools are accessible for the majority of the population, in a country where the median family income is in the region of 45,000 FD per month. In contrast, private education is more unequal. For example, the private Catholic schools’ tariffs range from 20,000 FD to 66,000 FD per year and they are therefore not affordable for poor families. Most madrasas ask a fee of more than 20,000 FD per year. Finally, the dugsi is less expensive, and also without expenses such as school uniforms. The hypothesis that school choice is a function of socio-economic class should therefore be entertained. Also the religious convictions of parents do play a role. Islam schools, for example, arrange their programme to permit students to engage in the rites in the month of Ramadan. The quality of teachers many also be the object of special attention: both the public schools and the madrasas have mostly Djiboutian teachers, the Catholic

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schools have many French and Belgian expatriates as teachers and the dugsis have many Ethiopian and Somali teachers. The religious character of schools may also be part of a larger cultural complex and predisposition of schools influencing choice. The Afar and Somali people are nomadic people (Piguet, 1998) and have a long tradition of informal education and of oral education, where education takes place in the circle of the clan (Erny, 1978). The institutionalization of education made these people feel as if they were dispossessed of some of their responsibilities. The implementation of French as the language of learning and teaching in some schools may signal to some a distrust of local languages, as if such languages are deemed to be incapable of constructing, translating and transmitting knowledge (Thaành Khôi, 1986). No education is neutral (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990); these schools transmit an alien culture. With their linguistic codes schools favour a particular social class (Bernstein, 1975). Another disequilibrium is that between local knowledge and knowledge imported from outside, signalling a hierarchy of knowledge (Lewandowski, 2007: 609) – a distance between the teachers and the knowledge they profess on the one hand, and, on the other, the habitus of students. This is a case of cultural patrimony (Labov, 1976; Abdallah-Pretceille, 1982). Methods of teaching likewise are a transposition from outside to conditions (economically and otherwise) for which they were not devised in the first place. In this context it is likely that some families, especially those at a far distance from schools and from the modern urban and economic sector, regard education as alien and of no use. Education can thus contribute to reinforcing existing inequities in Djiboutian society, especially between children of various first language groups: Somali, Afar, French and Arabic. If the Catholic missionary schools attempted to convert and to ‘civilize’ the masses, colonial schools did work towards establishing an educated local elite to help put in place a colonial administration (Léon, 1991). A long time the privilege of an elite, the public school today pursues the ideal of Education for All. Because of the factors outlined above, all children do not have the same capacity to enter and to benefit from the education offered in schools (Perrenoud, 1993) and have a positive experience of the school (Dubet and Martucelli, 1996). In other words, although the Francophone schools profess to democratize access to schooling, in reality only a minority can be beneficiaries of this type of school (Vieille-Grosjean, 1998: 193). Only 62 per cent

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of children of the relevant age group now attend primary school (UNICEF, 2010). And while economic factors might play a major part, it is difficult not to hypothesize that some parents view the public school with suspicion, and are not convinced of the merit of the school as a vehicle for creating a meritocratic and just society. In these circumstances, the Koranic schools might become an attractive alternative, especially in as far as they appear to be a force for resistance against the cultural imperialism brought about by colonization (Akkari, 2004). In fact, inspired by the French model, these public schools brought with them and their curriculum, modes of assessment, school ethos, the semiprofessionals which they produced, etc., a whole new socio-economic order and an elite which is at odds with the traditional social system, which is a caste system and which has a social stratification based upon age groups (Meunier, 2008: 190–1). In this new social structure, speaking French is not only an advantage but a precondition. This erstwhile colonial language acquired, through education, a way to expand into a language of communication between ethnic and linguistic groups (lingua franca) much like Swahili, and also a means of communicating with the outside world, the language of the workplace and the language of state administration (Penrad, 2002). Thus the students who succeeded in the schools where the language of learning and teaching is English (the public schools and the Catholic private schools) become an elite. It could also be hypothesized that parents who opt for these kinds of schools for their children have in mind the acquisition of a particular social status and standing in society. And conversely, that those who resort to the madrasa and dugsi attempt to make a statement for the integration of their children in traditional society and culture.

Method In order to test the above hypotheses, the quantitative method of ethnographic research was employed. Observations and interviews were used to collect data. Parents were interviewed. Survey research, employing a questionnaire to collect data, could not be used because many parents are illiterate. Seventy-two interviews were conducted, with parents, students, teachers and school principals. Interviews were conducted with these parties at public schools, Catholic schools, madrasas and dugsis. Schools were located in a variety of localities – urban as well as rural. Students of both genders and of several age groups (in the adolescent life phase) were included.

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Interpretation of results Public schools: Between consensus and disqualification A content analysis of the interviews showed that parents send their children to the French schools (i.e. the public and the Catholic schools) for five reasons: 1. The need for food (historically many parents sent their children to school, motivated by the free food given to children at school). 2. The prospects of work in the modern economic sector. 3. The schools and the diplomas received at the end of the school cycle are a symbol of social prestige. 4. Imitation, of what the majority of people are doing. 5. The legitimacy these schools enjoy. In particular the language of instruction, namely French, exercises a strong attraction. Becoming conversant in this language maximizes the chances of success in society. Schooling in French schools is therefore frequently described as ‘an investment’, especially by parents who themselves did not have the privilege of attending these schools. These parents are often sacrificing themselves in order to give their children what they see as the key to social mobility and prestige.

The rival Francophone schools All the parents who sent their children to Catholic private schools had themselves been students at such schools. These parents attach great value to their children becoming fluent in French from a very young age. They are also motivated by the high quality of teachers, the high turnover of teaching staff notwithstanding. The parents and principals interviewed spoke of a hierarchy of schools. The public schools are seen as the ‘schools for the indigent’ and the private Catholic schools as those of the social and economic elite, of the professional classes.

The madrasa These schools are viewed as ‘second class’ by students in public schools. Their diplomas do not facilitate progress in the social hierarchy of Djibouti. These schools therefore enjoy little respect in the eyes of students of mainline schools. They see them as an effort in vain to make progress in society. The poor state of physical resources in these schools, the low levels of remuneration for teachers, the fact that many children cannot follow the instruction given and the resultant

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discipline problems, all aggravate the low standing of these schools in the judgement of those in the public schools. On the other side, the choice of the madrasa depends on the position of the father and mother in the family. Whereas mothers tend to opt for the public schools, the madrasa is more the choice of the father or the uncle. Often this results in double schooling, where the child attends both the public school and the madrasa.

The Koranic schools: The school of the poorest of the poor For the parents and teachers interviewed, those who send their children to the Koranic schools, these schools are seen as the custodians of the ‘tradition’ and the attendant morality. Double schooling (dugsi and public school attendance) is also motivated by the absence of pre-primary schools. Parents who can afford to send their children to more elite schools look down on the dugsi, deeming it to offer inferior education. For teachers at the Koranic schools, however, there is something irrational about sending children to attend both types of school: the Francophone schools are profane and allow – even positively encourage – students to question what is being taught; the Koranic schools teach students the sacred texts that are not to be challenged.

Conclusion This chapter has discussed the complex question of parents’ choice of a school for their children (public school, private Catholic school, madrasa or dugsi), and the difficulty of conducting research on this topic. A variety and a hierarchy of school types exist in Djibouti. On the one hand there are the elite Francophone schools which, by means of high fees, exclude many from access, and which are teaching an alien culture. On the other hand the Arabophone religious schools present an alternative. Although it appears as if Djibouti, for its size, offers a large variety of education for its people, the education system, on closer inspection, shows itself to be very unequal. The poor and those residing in peripheral areas, far from the city and towns, are especially disadvantaged. School choice is circumscribed by socioeconomic position and geographical locality. The type of school attended also has very visible implications for social and economic mobility and life chances. With French the language of government administration, the business world and the labour market, students graduating from Francophone schools have a

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distinct advantage over those who attend Arabophone schools. But the overall outcome of schooling is that 80 per cent of the population in the age group 15 to 20 years (representing 59 per cent of the total population of Djibouti) is neither in education nor employed. This is either a case of schools out of step with the needs of society, where a case could be made for deschooling à la Illich (1971) (Dubet, 2009), or the education system should be radically reformed. Education needs to be aligned, at the same time, to the needs of the world of work in Djibouti, the socio-economic realities of students and their families, and – in times of globalization – to international exigencies. The person graduating from the education should be able to, as the Anthropologist Jonathan Friedman puts it, proceed from the ‘local past’ to the ‘present global’ (Friedman, 2000). A sign of the opening of channels with the global world is that already 7 per cent of Djiboutians are using the internet, 3.7 per cent possess a personal computer and 18 per cent have a mobile telephone. The generation of ‘Petite Poucette’ (Serres, 2012) has arrived; this new world opened up by the ICT revolution makes possible a new future of intercultural existence and participation by all, as never before in history. The trend has finally made Kant’s ‘citizen of the world’ a reality.

References Abdallah-Pretceille, M. 1982. Des enfants non-francophones à l’école, Quel apprentissage? Quel français?, Coll. Cahiers de Pédagogie moderne, no. 66, Paris: Éd. Bourrelier/ Armand Colin. Affes, H. 1994. L’éducation dans l’Islam, Thèse de doctorat, Université des Sciences humaines de Strasbourg, 2 Tomes. Agence France du Développement. 2009. Le système éducatif djiboutien. Diagnostic sectoriel et perspectives pour la politique éducative. RESEN. Avril 2009. http://www.education.gov.dj/RESEN.pdf Akkari, A. 2004. ‘Socialization, learning and basic education in Koranic schools’, Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 9 (2), 1–22. Akkari, A., Sultanta, R. and Gurtner, J.-L. (dir.). 2001. Politiques et Stratégies éducatives, Peter Lang Edition, Bern. Aydin, Z. M. 2005. Repères pour une histoire de l’éducation dans la civilisation musulmane, Edition électronique, mise à jour le 5 Nov. 2005. URL: www.flwi.ugent. be/cie/mzaydin3.htm [accessed 29 March 2013]. Banque Mondiale. 2011. Statistiques 2011. http://www.banquemondiale.org/recherche/ [accessed 15 March 2013]. Bourdieu, P. and Passeron, J-C. 1999. La reproduction, Paris: Les Editions de Minuit.

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Camilleri, C. and Cohen-Emerique, M. 1999. Chocs de cultures: concepts et enjeux pratiques de l’interculturel, Paris: l’Harmattan. Chemillier-Gendreau, M. 1986. Le modèle et la représentation de l’Etat. In CoqueryVidroquery-Vidrovitch, C. and Forest, A. (eds) Décolonisations et nouvelles dépendances, Modèles et contre-modèles idéologiques et culturels dans le Tiers Monde, Presses Universitaires de Lille: 65–81. Diop, C. A. 1960. L’Afrique noire pré-coloniale. Paris: Présence Africaine. Diop, M. C. and Diouf, M. 1990. Le Sénégal sous Abdou Diouf. Paris, Karthala: Etat et Société. Direction Statistique de Dijibouti. 2002. Rapport de l’Enquête Djiboutienne Auprès des Ménages – EDAM IS 2002. Djibouti: Direction Statistiue de Djibouti. Dubet, F. 2009. Déscolariser la société. Sciences Humaines, no. 199. Dubet, F. and Martucelli, D. 1996. À l’école. Sociologie de l’expérience scolaire. Paris: Seuil. Dubois, C. and Soumille, P. 2004. Des Chrétiens à Djibouti en terre d’islam: XIXe-XXe siècles, Paris: Karthala. Enhanced Integrated Framework (EIF). 2004. For trade-related assistance for least developed countries. Etude diagnostique de l’intégration commerciale, March 2004. Erny, P. 1978. L’Enfant et son milieu en Afrique noire: essais sur l’éducation traditionnelle, Paris: Payot. Friedman, J. 2000. ‘Des racines et (dé)routes. Tropes pour trekkers’. L’Homme, 156: 187–206. Foch, A. 2010. ‘Djibouti, une nouvelle porte de l’Afrique? L’essor du secteur portuaire djiboutien’. Afrique contemporaine, 2010/12, no. 234: 73–92. Froehlich, J-C. 1962. Les musulmans d’Afrique Noire. Paris: Edition de l’Orante. Gandolfi, S. 2002. ‘L’enseignement islamique en Afrique noire’. Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines no. 169–170, Editions de l’EHESS: 261–75. Georget, J.-P. and Charpin. M. 1977. ‘Comparaison anthropologique entre les Afars et les Issas de Djibouti’. Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris 4 (4–2): 113–19. Illich, I. 1971. Une société sans école, Paris: Seuil. Labov, W. 1976. Sociolinguistique. Paris: Éd. de Minuit. Lange, M.-F. 2003. ‘École et mondialisation’. Cahiers d’études africaines [En ligne], 169–70 | 2003, mis en ligne le 20 décembre 2006, consulté le 29 mars 2013. http://etudesafricaines.revues.org/194 [accessed 29 March 2013]. Leon, A. 1991. Colonisation, Enseignement, Education, Paris, l’Harmattan. Lewandowski, S. 2007. ‘Les savoirs locaux au Burkina Faso’, Ethnologie française 4/2007 (Vol. 37): 605–13. Ministre de la Santé/DISED. 2006/7. Enquête Djiboutienne à Indicateurs Multiples – EDIM 2006, 2007. Djibouti: Ministre de la Santé/DISED. Minstre de l’éducation nationale et de l’enseignement superieur (MENESUP) Djibouti. Schéma directeur, 2010–19.

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MENESUP. 2004. La réforme de l’école, Bilan des réalisations, 1999–2004, Ed. MENESUP, November 2004. Meurnier, O. 2008. ‘École d’aujourd’hui et savoirs traditionnels’ (Niger, Réunion, Brésil), Cahiers internationaux de sociologie, 2008/2, no. 125, 307–29. DOI: 10.3917/ cis.125.0307. Mohamed, Abdi M. 2003. Retour vers les dugsi, écoles coraniques en Somalie. Cahiers d’études africaines [on line], 169–70 | 2003, mis en ligne le 21 December 2006. URL: http://etudesafricaines.revues.org/204 [accessed 29 March 2013]. Penrad, J.-C. 2002. Religieux et profane dans l’Ecole coranique, Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines no. 169–70, éditions de l’EHESS, 321–36. Perrenoud, P. 1993. ‘Curriculum: le formel, le réel, le caché’. In Housaye, J. La Pédagogie: une encyclopédie pour aujourd’hui, Paris: ESF, 61–76. Piguet, F. 1998. Des nomades entre la ville et les sables, La sédentarisation dans la Corne de l’Afrique. Paris: Karthala and IUED. PNUD. 2008. A propos de Djibouti. URL: http://www.dj.undp.org/abtdj.html [accessed 29 March 2013]. Rouaud, A. 1997. ‘Pour une histoire des Arabes de Djibouti, 1896–1977’. In Cahiers d’études + africaines. Vol. 37 no. 146. La Corne dans tous ses États: 319–48. Serres, M. 2012. Petite Poucette. Paris: les éditions le Pommier. Thành KhÔi, L. 1986. ‘L’enseignement en Afrique et le modèle européen’. In CoqueryVidrovitch, C. and Forest, A. (eds), Décolonisations et nouvelles dépendances, Modèles et contre-modèles idéologiques et culturels dans le Tiers Monde. Lille: Presses Universitaires de Lille, 229–43. Université de Sherbrooke. Perspectives Monde. http://perspective.usherbrooke.ca/ bilan/servlet/BMTendanceStatPays?langue=fr&codePays=DJI&codeStat=SP.URB. TOTL.IN.ZS&codeStat2=x [accessed 29 March 2013]. UNESCO. Principes et objectifs généraux de l’éducation. http://www.ibe.unesco.org/ fileadmin/user_upload/archive/Countries/WDE/2006/ARAB_STATES/Djibouti/ Djibouti.htm [accessed 29 March 2013]. UNICEF. 2010. Indicateurs statistiques. Djibouti. http://www.unicef.org/french/ infobycountry/djibouti_statistics.html [accessed 29 March 2013]. Vieille-Grosjean, H. 1998. Éduquer aujourd’hui en Afrique? Le Portique, no. 4 – 1999, Eduquer: un métier impossible?, 1999, [en ligne], mis en ligne le 11 March 2005. http://leportique.revues.org/document267.html [accessed 29 March 2013].

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Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé: Context, Analysis and Comparison Pierre Marie Njiale

Introduction As has been noted by a number of international organizations such as UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), the World Bank and UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund), the Sub-Saharan African countries have since the 1960s regarded education as one of the main instruments to effect economic and social development. Accordingly, political leaders have made education a budget priority. Reforms and innovations of structures, methods and content of education have been adopted and engaged with (Hallak, 1990). In allocating available resources, governments have undeniably accorded high priority to education. As a result, there has been considerable expansion of education (UNESCO, 2011; Lange 1998a; Lange and Martin, 1995). Each country’s education system is unique, carrying the imprint of its social and economic heritage. Evaluation of educational progress has always been a central preoccupation of international investigations into African countries (UNESCO, 2011) and of historical and comparative research (Lange, 1998a, 1998b; Lange and Martin, 1995). An understanding of the evolution of the education systems of Africa presupposes a response to a number of fundamental questions: MM

MM

MM

How have the legislators responded to the demand for education? How have enrolment ratios developed and what is the rate of internal efficiency? Under what conditions is the provision of education effective?

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What do students know? Are there enough teachers and are they well enough educated?

In order to answer these and other questions, it is necessary to give some background information pertaining to the context of Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé. It should be noted that with respect to both these countries, it is difficult to obtain recent and exact statistics. Empirical research on their education systems is equally sparse. Therefore this chapter will resort to data from the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (ISU, 2011). In this chapter the emphases will be laid on the similarities and differences and specificities between these two countries. The analyses will be based on data and information from UNESCO (2001), UNESCO Institute of Statistics (ISU, 2011), UNICEF (2010) and the World Bank. These studies were conducted during the past two decades, and contain interesting comparisons with other countries using conventional indicators to describe education systems. These studies were supplemented by articles published in scholarly journals. This chapter is structured as follows. After having surveyed the geographic and historic context of each of these two countries, the following aspects of their education systems will be the focus: the educational heritage, the evolution of schooling, education of girls, teachers and their working conditions, achievement levels and financing of education.

Geographical and historical context Departing from the premise that ‘the content of teaching, reforms of education and the historical evolution of education is an extension of the historical context in which the education system is situated’ (Hallak, 1990: 9), it is necessary to provide a brief description of the geographic and historical contexts of education in the two countries. Geographically, Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé are two countries of the Central African region situated on the shores of the Gulf of Guinea on the Atlantic ocean. Surface-wise, they are two tiny countries, their peculiar border configurations having been carved out by the forces of the colonial era. Also as a product of the forces of the colonial era, one is Spanishspeaking and the other Portuguese-speaking. European presence in the land of Equatorial Guinea reach back as far as the fifteenth century; between 1469 and

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1474, the Portuguese navigators explored the Bay of Biafra (De Castro et al., 2007). It was, in fact, a Portuguese navigator, Fernao de Poo, who discovered an island off the coast of Africa in 1492 and gave it its name. The part of the mainland closest to the island first became a Portuguese colony from 1474 to 1778, before it was ceded to the Spanish Empire in exchange for certain Spanish possessions located on the continent of the Americas – to be precise, South of Brazil, according to the Treaty of El Prado (De Castro et al., 2007). However it was not until 1858 that the Spanish actually occupied the country. The Isle of Fernao Poo was inhabited by several villages of slaves (van Slageren, 1972). The English presence on the island dates from 1827, when a refreshment station and a base for the combat of the slave trade was founded. During the same period, the Baptist Missionary Society (BMS) became active with evangelical work (van Slageren, 1999). Covering a surface area of 28,051 square kilometres, and with a population totalling 659,000, Equatorial Guinea is partly continental and partly island. The island part is made up of several islands, the main ones being the Isle of Bioko (formerly Fernando-Poo, covering 2,017 square kilometres) the Isle of Annobon (17 square kilometrs) and the Island of Corsico. The Isle of Bioko, of which Malabo is the capital, is situated 60 kilometres from the port of Douala in the Cameroon. The continental part, also known as Mbini, lies between Gabon and the Cameroon. It covers an area of 26,017 square kilometres. Equatorial Guinea attained independence in 1968. Its economic base since then has been agriculture and forestry. Thanks to deposits of oil and hydrocarbon fuels, it has also been, since 1996, an oil-producing country. Currently it produces in the region of 400,000 barrels of oil per day. Its economic growth rate increased from 3.3 per cent in 2004 to 4.6 per cent in 2009. The production of oil has permitted an optimistic view of the future to permeate the country. In 1985 Equatorial Guinea became part of the Franc-monetary area and therefore also became part of the Francophone world. Besides Spanish (being the first official language), French and Portuguese have become second and third official languages in 1998 and 2011 respectively. As indicated by the name, the Republic of São Tomé and Principé is composed of two principal islands located in the Atlantic ocean 300 kilometres off the coast of West Africa. The Island of São Tomé was discovered by Portuguese navigators in 1470 and the Island of Principé in 1472. The Island of São Tomé and its adjacent islands cover an area of 859 square kilometres, while the Island of Principé and its adjacent islands cover 142 square kilometres. The

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entire archipelago covers 1,001 square kilometres and has a total population of 160,000 people. It is the smallest state in Africa in terms of population and 43 per cent of the population is younger than 20 years. The Republic of São Tomé and Principé became independent in 1975 and adopted Portuguese as the official language. During the colonial era, the Portuguese colonial authorities developed an agricultural economy based upon the exportation of coffee, sugar and cocoa. To this day, the economy of the country remains dependent upon the exportation of these crops and, in equal measure, to foreign aid. All attempts at diversifying the economy have failed. The decade 1980–90 in particular was marked by extreme financial difficulties. The exports of coffee and cocoa were hit hard by the international recession. Since 1987, however, an annual growth rate of 5 per cent has been recorded. In the meantime, government expenditure has risen too, to attain 15 per cent of the gross national product. A crisis developed when substantially less public funds were available for spending on social sectors such as education. This was precipitated by a Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which the government signed with the World Bank, in exchange for the World Bank bailing out the country from terminal economic difficulties. A new constitution came into effect in 1990. The new constitution made provision for multi-party politics, i.e. more than one political party was allowed. In spite of efforts to improve economic conditions, São Tomé and Principé is still beset with a host of economic problems, of which the following could be cited: 70 per cent of the population live below the poverty line – especially in the rural areas where poverty is most severe; high rates of unemployment

Table 7.1  Contexts of Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé Contextual feature

Equatorial Guinea

São Tomé and Principé

Surface Population Capital Colonizing Power Year of Independence Expected longevity at birth Per capita GNP Per capita GNP growth rate Percentage of GNP spent on education Adult literacy rate

28,051 square kilometres 659,000 (2011) Malabo Spain 1968 54 years (2011) US$ 14,980 11% (2011) 4.8% (2009)

1,001 square kilometres 160,000 (2011) São Tomé Portugal 1975 65 years (2011) US$ 1,020 6% (2010) 6% (2010)

86.7%

75%

Source: UNICEF, 2010

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among the youth; and insufficient financial resources. In recent years promising economic per capita growth rates have been recorded: 4.5 per cent in 2010 and 4.3 per cent in 2011. Table 7.1 contains some facts pertaining to the contexts of Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé.

The educational heritage The historical evolution of education is important in order to gain an understanding of the development and ruptures in the development as it has resulted in the present educational edifice (Vial, 1995; Prost, 1981). Any attempt at an analysis of education should refer to the historical and societal contexts in which the education system has emerged. This too cannot escape the task of the study of education in Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé. As elsewhere in Africa, it was the activities of missionaries and the colonial authorities that introduced formal education. The Spanish and Portuguese colonial and educational models have shaped education in Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé respectively.

Primary education Existing since 1858 in Equatorial Guinea, its beginnings were at a time when education was a problematic issue for the colonial authorities. Preoccupied by the economic exploitation of the territory, the Spanish colonial masters were not interested in education. The situation remained thus until as late as 1959. The result was that the indigenous population was deprived of the privilege of education (De Castro et al., 2007); education was reserved for Spanish colonists. Education was not a priority under the colonial rule, and only a very rudimentary system eventually came into being. In the case of São Tomé and Principé, the objective of the elementary education system that developed in the colonial era was to train some personnel for lower-rung positions needed by the colonial administration. Very late in the colonial era, a centre for apprenticeship training and vocational education for adults came into being in Bata. Drivers, masons, carpenters and other tradespeople were educated. In Equatorial Guinea the language of learning and teaching was Spanish, which was also the language of commerce and of the colonial administration. For the missionary schools in Equatorial Guinea, most of which were of the Roman Catholic denomination, the objective of education was evangelization. In these

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schools students were taught to read, to write, to count and to pray, all in Spanish. During Spanish rule, 1858–1968, modern education was very limited and very sparse. At the end of the colonial period, from 1959 onwards, the colonial authorities attempted produce a local elite by sending young Guineans to Spain for university education. It was these graduates from Spain who pressed the issue of independence from Spain to international fora in the 1960s. In São Tomé and Principé, the first school dates from very early in the colonial era, in 1478. It should be remember that this colony was a transit station for slaves. Millions of Africans were deported from the continent from the harbours on these islands. This slave trade was in need of auxiliary Africans. In this context Africans from the mainland were imported. Missionary organizations (representing the Catholic and Evangelical Churches from Europe) also played a considerable part in the establishment of schools in the colony.

Post-independence development of education Upon receiving independence in 1968 and 1975 respectively, Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé inherited educational structures and systems designed to suit the colonial interests. These systems and their underlying ideologies had to be changed fundamentally. In Africa, as underscored by Geronimi (1973: 42), ‘Independence opened new horizons and required education systems more tailored for mass education participation, education for the emancipation of individuals and for the liberation of nations’. In this era, all over Africa education was a matter of necessity and a matter of priority. The course of education in Africa was charted by the plan adopted at the Addis Ababa conference of 1961.

Equatorial Guinea If it could be admitted that the expansion of education took place partly out of the exigencies of national development and partly from the social demand for education among the masses, then still independence did not herald better educational prospects for the majority of the people of Equatorial Guinea. Independence brought about no rupture in the education system, and the political history of the country goes a long way to explain the retarded development of education in the country.

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A few contextual factors should be kept in mind when attempting to understand the development of education in Equatorial Guinea after independence. The first is the tenacity of those controlling schools to maintain their power base. During the 1960s Equatorial Guinea went through a time of political turbulence and instability. To be precise, the year of 1968 saw the ascension of Francisco Macias Nguema to political leadership. He instituted a dictatorial regime with a cult of power built around himself. Under these circumstances, the quality of schools deteriorated. Education was for the president no priority, the entrenchment of his own power base mattered more than anything else. His distrust of education should be seen against the fact that it was the Spanisheducated intellectuals who drove the move to independence in the 1960s. So even to the detriment of economic growth and national development and modernization, there was no rush to expand education to the masses. Teacher education institutions were closed in 1971. Even organized religion became the target of the president, and it was prohibited in 1978. Education could therefore not make its contribution to the economic prosperity and social development of the youth. The result was that, compared to other Sub-Saharan African countries, Equatorial Guinea fell behind in education. Even up to today this backlog has not yet been erased. In 1979, Theodoro Obiang Nguema replaced his uncle as head of state. Schools were in a bad state, as was the economy of the country. The situation changed in the 1980s – reforms which resulted in improvements in schools were initiated. The base of these reforms was a General Education Law passed in July 1981. This Act stated that the aim of education would be ‘the integrated education of the individual, his harmonious development and preparation for the responsible exercise of his liberty’. The Act also stated that the African linguistic and cultural heritage would be valued. However, Spanish remained the sole language of learning and teaching in primary and secondary schools. The primary school cycle was extended to eight years. In spite of favourable changes in educational policy, internal efficiency in education remains low. The pass rate for the terminal examination of the primary school cycle is 30 per cent and only 65 per cent of the cohort enters the first year of primary education. Together with the low enrolment ratios right down to the recent past and the resultant exclusion of many from education, a substantial social demand for education has built up. In the decade of the 1990s and the 2000s, new trends in education emerged within the framework of the drive towards Universal Primary Education. For this project, the state was the only supplier of education and spearheaded

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the project. The Ministry of Education and Science exclusively controlled all educational activities and institutions. The new organizational structure makes provision for schooling on three levels: primary, secondary and higher. This reorganization and new drive should also be seen in view of the World Conference of Education which culminated in the Jomtien Declaration of 1990 and the follow-up conference in Dakar in 2000. The new plan declared primary education ‘free and compulsory’. Education was declared a right and a national priority, and a key factor in the moulding of national unity (UNICEF, 2010). Thanks to the copious proceeds from the sale of crude oil, the public budget’s allocation to education has risen steeply since 1996, and there has been a marked increase in enrolments. Between 1968 and 2008, pre-primary school enrolments increased from 17,000 to 40,000. Many new primary schools were established. By 2005 there were 884 primary schools and enrolments totalled 81,000 (UNICEF, 2010). In 2009, the gross primary school enrolment ratio reached 109 per cent. By 2008 this figure was 99 per cent. Yet this figure is marred by the fact that still 33.9 per cent of primary school students drop out of the school system before they have completed the primary school cycle, and by the fact that girls are still hampered in their access to primary education. In 2005 it was still estimated that 30 per cent of children 6–15 years of age do not attend school. The primary education reform programme which commenced in the year 2000 in Equatorial Guinea has been one of the central topics of educational politics. Since the dawn of the decade of the 2010s, this has been linked to the Millennium Development Goals. Spanish has remained the language of learning and teaching, and in an age of globalization has attained a new lease of life, and has been joined by French and Portuguese, as these two languages also became official languages of the country in 2011. Despite the demographic pressure (which always makes education appear to make no progress in a hare and tortoise race with growing population numbers), widespread and persistent poverty and social inequality, primary education does have a façade of significant progress. Secondary education, however, could not succeed to expand commensurately. The 300–500 students who pass the ‘baccalauréat’ (the secondary school termination examination) each year number far fewer than the needs of the country, which presents a severe handicap to the national development of the country and to the expansion of higher education. Vocational and technical education is another grave problem. Prior to 2000, the country had only two technical secondary schools. This is one of the reasons why Equatorial Guinea does not have a supply of technically educated workers.

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This has delayed development projects. With the intention to improve the situation, an Economy conference, ‘Guinea Horizon 2025’, was called at Bata in 2007. During the years 1991 to 1994, the Ministry of Higher Education sent secondary school graduates abroad, especially to Spain and Cuba, for higher education. Furthermore, distance higher education was established by means of a ‘Tele-University’ from Madrid to two centres in Equatorial Guinea, namely Bata and Malabo. The National University of Equatorial Guinea was created in 1995, in accordance with Act 12 of 1995, promulgated on 6 January 1995. The university has functioned since 1996. It has two campuses, one at Bata on the mainland and one at Malabo on Mbioko Island. The university is constituted of Faculties and Schools and is strongly organized around professional education. Primary school student teachers follow a three-year programme, culminating in a professional Licentiate (University Diploma). Since 2005, the University also offers Masters programmes, five-year programmes following the ‘baccalauréat’, i.e. the Secondary School Termination Examination. These Masters Degree programmes are offered in the following fields: Economics, Agriculture, Engineering, and Health. Enrolments at the university are low, but rising. Enrolments have increased from 1,700 in 2006 to 6,500 in 2011. The university has been a member of the Agency of Francophone Universities since June 2010, and in this way benefits from expertise in France, and also from Cuba, notably in the field of medicine.

Education in São Tomé and Principé Upon achieving independence in 1975, São Tomé and Principé inherited the Portuguese educational tradition, and an education system tailored to suit the interests of the colonial authorities and the missionaries. A national forum on education was called in 1976. This forum contemplated, inter alia, the insuff­icient education infrastructure, the shortage of qualified teachers and the absence of a long-term vision for education. These inadequacies made the formulation of a detailed strategy for education urgent. Prior to 1990, education in São Tomé and Principé was ruled rigorously by decree according to Act 53 of 1988. The new constitution promulgated in 1990 stipulated that education is an important public sector and plays a pivotal role in the development of the country and in the moulding of the individual

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alike. Article 54 of the Constitution stipulates that education will be orientated toward the uniformization of the culture which characterizes the islands. The objective will be to produce an individual who is ‘indispensible for the new society envisaged’. According to the structural plan, four basic axes of education will exist: MM

MM

MM

MM

General education Teacher education Technical, Special and Vocational education Alphabetization

General education is the main axis of the system. It entails mainline schools and technical schools. It stretches over three levels: pre-primary and primary, secondary, and pre-university. Primary education provides education for children 6 to 12 years of age and the primary school cycle is six years. The adoption of a law in 1993 which makes provision for private and cooperative education has permitted the establishment of private schools. In 2002, a Decade Plan for Education was adopted. Following many other African countries, this plan envisages the massification of primary education and the increase of access to education. The Education Sector Plan for 2005–15 set as its goal universal primary education by 2015. Major reforms in the following areas were envisaged in these documents: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Curriculum reform at primary school level Individual moulding of students Improvement of physical facilities Remedial assistance for disadvantaged students The reorganization of primary education in sub-cycles.

In general, the education system of São Tomé and Principé has registered a remarkable transformation in the decade of the 2000s. Figures point to a considerable progress despite modest increases in financial resources allocated to education. Between 1999 and 2008, gross secondary school enrolment ratios have risen from 10 per cent to 90 per cent (UNESCO, 2011). Primary school enrolments have increased spectacularly too: from 1,803 in 1974 to 14,290 in 1975, to 18,806 in 1980, to 38,548 in 1994. The gross primary school enrolment ratio stood at 133.8 per cent in 2008 (UNESCO, 2011). It is important to note that despite having an economy strongly dependent upon agriculture and foreign aid, the Republic of São Tomé and Principé has

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made sustained efforts to maintain and improve the education sector. The country is on the road to attain Education for All. Similarly, the Gender Parity Index in education is estimated to be 1.1; i.e. the country is past the point of gender parity (UNESCO, 2011). From primary education right up to higher education, the gross enrolment ratios of female students are higher than those of male students (UNESCO, 2011). This is much better than in the case of countries with a similar level of economic development. However, failure rates are high and represent an Achilles heel in the country’s education system, as can be seen from Table 7.2. Table 7.2  Repeating rate in first year of primary school in São Tomé and Principé Year

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

Repeating Rate

32.6

35.2

31.2

29.2

30.2

Source: UNESCO, 2007.

UNICEF and the World Bank have contributed substantially to financing teacher education in São Tomé and Principé. The Church has, since colonial days, played an important part in the provision of education. A continuity was that Portuguese remained the language of learning and teaching. Since 2000, French has been taught in schools under the title of a first foreign language.

The education of girls Access to education for girls is universally taken as an index of educational progress. In Africa, being a girl is a significant risk factor for non-participation in education. Mapto Kengne (2011: 5) reported that in all regions of Africa the participation rates in education of girls are less than that of boys and that their conditions of education are inferior to that of boys. In view of this, UNESCO (2011) recommends that the governments of Africa take special measures to increase the participation of girls in education. In Equatorial Guinea the inequality between the genders is clear. The gross enrolment ratio of boys at primary education level is higher than that of girls. It is estimated that 20 to 30 per cent of girls of school-going age in Equatorial Guinea are not in school (ISU, 2011). The objective of attaining education for all is rendered difficult by socio-economic conditions in the interior which hamper the chances of girls participating in education. In the interior, quality

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and equal education is also made difficult to attain by the fact that several classes at several levels are taught by one teacher. The reports by UNESCO (2011) and ISU (2011) testify to the difficulties that exist to increase participation in education by girls in Equatorial Guinea. According to ISU (2011) the Gender Parity Index for primary education in Equatorial Guinea has increased from 0.79 in 1988 to 0.95 in 2008. Certainly these figures point to definite progress, but it should be kept in mind that the country is far from the point of universal access to primary education. Therefore an initiative ‘Initiative educacion de las ninas’ (‘Initiative education for girls’) was lodged in 2006 by the government of Equatorial Guinea. The objective of this exercise was to eliminate the gender disparity in education. The initiative singles out the early drop-out from school by girls in order to get married, and puts in place measures to ensure they have access to all levels of education. In São Tomé and Principé, with a female/male primary education enrolment ratio of 97.5 per cent in 2010 and 100.6 per cent at secondary level, gender parity has virtually been reached.

The conditions of education and apprenticeship The project to universalize education entailed a massive mobilization of resources. Of course this effort also meant that acceptable conditions ensuring the attainment of successful achievement levels by students had to be created too. Published statistics (UNESCO, 2011; ISU, 2011) show that the projects in both Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé to supply students with a ‘minimum package of indispensable pedagogical material’ have shown success. In São Tomé and Principé, attendance at pre-primary schools has increased over the past decade, from 25 per cent in 1999 to 50 per cent in 2008. For this country the index of Education for All has reached 0.901, comparable to countries such as Cameroon and Morocco (UNESCO, 2011). Despite this progress, stark inequalities remain; enrolment ratios remain low in rural areas. In rural areas student-teacher ratios are high, and the quality of education offered is low (UNICEF, 2014). Equatorial Guinea, on the contrary, has difficulty in securing access and participation to education by all children of official school age. Net enrolment ratios are low. It is estimated that in 2008 only 30 per cent of children of the official age entered primary education (UNESCO, 2011: 51). According to

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UNESCO projections, Equatorial Guinea will not have attained universal primary school attendance in 2015. In Equatorial Guinea, as in São Tomé and Principé, a large percentage of the population – in the region of 80 per cent – live in rural areas and in poverty. The risks of abandonment of children and of failing grades in school are high. The incidence of repeaters in classes rates in the primary school cycle in the two countries are shown in Table 7.3. Table 7.3  Percentage of students who are repeaters of grades, in primary school classes Equatorial Guinea São Tomé and Principé

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

40 –

40 26

– 29

– 25

26 23

23

Source: UNCESCO, 2007.

According to published databases (UNESCO, 2011; ISU, 2011) a child in São Tomé and Principé has a much better chance of completing primary education than a child in Equatorial Guinea. São Tomé and Principé is closer to the ideal of universal primary education than Equatorial Guinea. For both countries, attaining universal primary school attendance by 2015 will require an enormous effort. To attain universal primary education for girls will require a major project and special measures. More funds will have to be invested in education, and the working conditions of teachers will have to be improved.

What do students know? Though absent from PISA and IEA studies, it could be stated that in both countries the quality of outcome of education leaves much to be desired. As underlined by Jarousse (2009), in the context of Africa the question of universal standards arises. In the absence of these, the results of locally administrated examinations, however, point to low achievements. In Equatorial Guinea, almost 20 per cent of students reach the eighth and final year of primary education without having mastered basic literacy and numeracy skills. The secondary school enrolment ratio stands at 28 per cent (2010). Only 300 to 500 students pass the secondary school termination examination each year.

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The teachers’ corps Teachers represent one of the major links in the education chain. A shortage of teachers or poorly educated teachers decreases the quality of education offered to students. In order to make education accessible to all in 2015, it is estimated that Sub-Saharan Africa will need 18 million additional teachers (UNESCO, 2011). It is within this context that teacher education policies assume utmost importance. Equatorial Guinea opened a ‘Centre for the Development of Education’ in 1971, the mission of which was to educate the teachers of Equatorial Guinea. This exercise, however, came to an early closure by the president of the country, when he perceived it as a threat to his power. Teacher education was further hampered by the budgetary constraints of the 1980s, and a shortage of qualified teachers accumulated. It was only in 1996 that a turnabout came. One of the main points of the Sectoral Plan for Education, 1999–2008, was the establishment of two centres for teacher education, one in Malabo and the other in Bata. In a period of four years, 2000 to 2004, some 2,000 teachers, 36 teacher mentors and 45 inspectors were recruited. Despite these efforts, the number of students per teacher remains high. In 2007, at primary education level, there were 70 pupils per teacher. Educational policies in São Tomé and Principé have not placed a priority on teacher education. However, the 2002 Education Sectoral Decennial Plan did make provision for the recruitment and education of more teachers. In both Equatorial Guinea and São Tomé and Principé, the authorities should pay more attention to the recruitment and education of teachers, as the quality of education suffers under the large pupil-teacher ratio.

Financing education The primary source of financing education remains the state, meaning that the amount of finance available is a function of national revenue and of foreign aid. If, during the 1980s and the early 1990s, public expenditure on education had been modest in Equatorial Guinea, there has been a boom since 1994, thanks to the rising oil price and the country becoming an oil-exporting nation. By 1999 public expenditure on education had risen to 4.6 per cent of the gross national income, and it is still rising all the time. Education has come to figure centrally in the national development project of Equatorial Guinea. Donations

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from UNICEF and domestic investment in education totalled US$ 5.2 million for the period 2000–5. As indicated above, this increased investment has not been enough to realize the goal of Education for All. As has been explained by UNESCO (2011), the outcome of education is not a linear function of the amount of educational expenditure only, but also the quality of expenditure. In São Tomé and Principé public expenditure on education increased significantly during the decade of the 1990s, and grew by 337.7 per cent between 1997 and 2001. However, the financial crisis of 2008 forced the government to reduce expenditure in 2009, and public expenditure on education fell by 15 per cent in 2009 (UNESCO, 2011: 129), Despite this setback, the government of São Tomé and Principé is still resolved to pursue its project of education for all. What could be concluded regarding the development of education? All depends upon how progress is defined. It may be observed, when taking figures such as enrolment ratios, that in São Tomé and Principé and Equatorial Guinea considerable efforts have been made to expand education. Certainly access to and participation in education have increased. Since 1960 spectacular progress has taken place, and as Vial (1995: 118) puts it, ‘the institutions of education are tributaries to the political, social, cultural and economic environment’. From this point of view, it could be concluded that the education systems of the two countries are still suffering from the colonial heritage. The Millennium Development Goals concerning education pose for them major challenges. For Equatorial Guinea, the education of girls and the battle against adult illiteracy constitute two particularly glaring challenges. In São Tomé and Principé, the low levels of investment in education risk compromising the achievement of universal primary education. Inequalities in access and achievement levels remain high. With its petroleum resources, Equatorial Guinea can develop a system of secondary and higher education capable of responding to the exigencies of the labour market and of a globalized world. Information and communication technologies should occupy an important place in education at all levels.

References De Castro, M. L. and de la Calle, M. L. 2007. La colonizacion Espagnola en Guinea Ecuatorial (1888–1900). Barcelona: Ceiba Editiones. Geronimi, C. 1973. L’avenir de l’éducation en Afrique, Revue Française de pédagogie, no. 22, 42–8.

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Hallak, J. 1990. Investir dans l’avenir. Définir les priorités de l’éducation dans le monde en développement. Paris: l’Harmattan, UNESCO-PNUD. Jarousse, J-P. 2009. De l’évaluation externe des systèmes éducatifs à la gestion locale de la qualité des apprentissages. Un regard sur les systèmes éducatifs africains. Revue international d’éducation. Sèvres. Colloque 12–14 March 2009. Lange, M. F. (dir). 1998a. L’école au Togo. Processus de scolarisation et institution de l’école en Afrique. Paris: Karthala. —1998b. L’école et les filles en Afrique. Scolarisation sous conditions. Paris: Karthala. Lange, M. F. and Martin, J. Y. 1995. ‘Les stratégies éducatives en Afrique subsaharienne. Le face à face Etat société civile’. Cahiers des sciences humaines, 31, 563–75. Mapto Kengne, V. 2011. Les filles sur le chemin de l’enseignement supérieur en Afrique subsaharienne. Thèse de Doctorat, Université de Montréal. Prost, A. 1981. Histoire de l’enseignement et de l’éducation. Paris: Editions Perrin. van Slageren, J. 2006. République Démocratique de São Tomé et Principé. Disponible sur http://www.uus.st/undp/inr2006/french/education.pdf [accessed 4 September 2012]. —2009. Les origines de l’église évangélique au Cameroun. Yaoundé: Editions Clé. UNESCO. 2011. Rapport mondial de suivi sur l’EPT. La crise cachée: les conflits armés et l’éducation. Paris: Editions UNESCO. UNESCO Institute of Statistics (ISU). 2011. Recueil de données mondiales sur l’éducation 2011. Statistiques comparées sur l’éducation dans le monde. Montréal: ISU. UNICEF. 2010. Equatorial Guinea. Unicef statistic. Disponible sur http://www.unicef. org/infobycontry [accessed 4 September 2012]. Vial, J. 1995. Histoire de l’éducation. Paris: PUF.

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Eritrea: Educational Development Pre- and Post-Independence Ravinder Rena

Introduction The increase in human population imposes rapid changes on the resources of a country. The scope and impact of such changes have multiple dimensions and implications that transcend geographic and cultural boundaries. The Human Development Report 1994 states that ‘to address the growing challenges of human security, a new development paradigm is needed that puts people at the centre of development, regards economic growth as a means and not an end, protects the life opportunities of future generations as well as present generations, and respects the natural systems on which all life depends’ (UNDP, 1994). In line with this, it is quite evident that education plays a dominant role as an effective instrument for large-scale achievement and revolution in all spheres of human endeavour. Purposeful education enables the individual to understand and study the real-life situation and to develop an opportunity for creating confidence in the minds of the younger generation, and provides a strong base for rational and value-oriented and nation-building progress (Myers and Harbison, 1965; Mingat and Tan, 1986; Rena, 2000). Education helps the youth preserve and change society, and also to understand, control and harness the forces of nature (Rena, 2006). Education further assists in the acceleration of economic growth (Rena, 2005). Education has long been recognized as a central element in the development process. It is a vital input in modernization where a young and developing country like Eritrea began its drive for social and economic development since its independence in 1991. Education has been perceived as a means not only

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for raising political and social consciousness, but also of increasing the number of skilled workers and raising the level of trained manpower (Woodhall, 1992; Rena, 2005, 2008; MoE, 2009). These benefits, together with the visible gains for individuals from education, stimulated an unprecedented growth of enrolment in schools, colleges and other institutions of higher learning. Substantial investment has been made in the Eritrean education sector for the past 22 years. The guiding purpose of the research on which this chapter is based is to explore the educational history of Eritrea at different periods. The chapter discusses the historical background, geography, political system, economy and health profile of the country. It covers the Eritrean education system during Italian, British and Ethiopian rule. It provides educational development in Eritrea after independence with certain goals to be achieved, presents the challenges for educational development and highlights the dynamics of higher education in the country. The methodology used in this chapter is essentially a descriptive analysis of data obtained from secondary sources, mainly government and/or Ministry of Education documents, survey reports, research articles, media accounts books and other published and unpublished materials on Eritrea.

Profile of Eritrea Eritrea is a country located in the Horn of Africa. Eritrea is the Italian form of the Greek name Erythraíā , meaning ‘red [land]‘. With its capital at Asmara, it is bordered by Sudan in the west, Ethiopia in the south, and Djibouti in the south-east. It lies between latitudes 12° and 18°N, and longitudes 36° and 44°E. The country is virtually bisected by a branch of the East African Rift. It has fertile lands to the west, descending to desert in the east. The north-eastern and eastern parts of Eritrea have an extensive coastline along the Red Sea, directly across from Saudi Arabia and Yemen. The nation has a total area of approximately 117,600 square kilometres (45,406 square miles) and includes the Dahlak Archipelago and several of the Hanish Islands.

Historical background The Kingdom of Aksum, covering much of modern-day Eritrea and northern Ethiopia, rose somewhere around the first or second centuries (Munro-Hay,

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1991) and adopted Christianity shortly after its formation. In medieval times much of Eritrea fell under the Medri Bahri Kingdom, with part being part of the Hamasien Republic. The creation of modern-day Eritrea is a result of the incorporation of independent kingdoms and various vassal states of the Ethiopian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, eventually resulting in the formation of Italian Eritrea. In 1947 Eritrea became part of a federation with Ethiopia, the Federation of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Subsequent annexation by Ethiopia led to the Eritrean War of Independence, ending with Eritrean independence in 1991 (CIA, 2012; Henze, 2005; Rena, 2005). Together with northern Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and the Red Sea coast of Sudan, Eritrea is considered the most likely location of the land known to the ancient Egyptians as Punt (or ‘Ta Netjeru’, meaning ‘God’s Land‘), whose first mention dates to the twenty-fifth century bc. The ancient Puntites were a nation of people that had close relations with Pharaonic Egypt during the times of Pharaoh Sahure and Queen Hatshepsut (Najovits, 2004; Rena, 2005). The history of Eritrea is tied to its strategic position on the Red Sea littoral, with a coastline that extends more than 1,000 kilometres. Many scientists believe that it is from this area that anatomically modern humans first expanded out of Africa (Walter et al., 2000). From across the seas came various invaders and colonizers, such as the South Arabians hailing from the present-day Yemen area, as well as the Ottoman Turks, the Portuguese from Goa (India), the Egyptians, the British and, in the nineteenth century, the Italians. Over the centuries, invaders also came from the neighbouring countries in Africa, including Egypt and Sudan to the west and north, as well as Ethiopia to the south. However, present-day Eritrea was largely affected by the Italian colonizers of the nineteenth century. In the period following the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, when European powers scrambled for territory in Africa and tried to establish coaling stations for their ships, Italy invaded Ethiopia and occupied Eritrea. On 1 January 1890, Eritrea officially became a colony of Italy. In 1936, it became a province of Italian East Africa (Africa Orientale Italiana), along with Ethiopia and Italian Somaliland. By 1941, Eritrea had about 760,000 inhabitants, including 70,000 Italians (Rena, 2005). Through the 1941 Battle of Keren, the British expelled the Italians and took over the administration of the country. The British continued to administer the territory under a UN Mandate until 1951, when Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia per UN Resolution 390A (V) under the prompting of the United States adopted in December 1950.

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The strategic importance of Eritrea, due to its Red Sea coastline and mineral resources, along with their shared history, was the main cause for the federation with Ethiopia, which in turn led to Eritrea’s annexation as Ethiopia’s 14th province in 1952. This was the culmination of a gradual process of takeover by the Ethiopian authorities, a process which included a 1959 edict establishing the compulsory teaching of Amharic, the main language of Ethiopia, in all Eritrean schools. The lack of regard for the Eritrean population led to the formation of an independence movement in the early 1960s (1961), which erupted into a thirty-year war against successive Ethiopian governments that ended in 1991. Following a UN-supervised referendum in Eritrea in which the Eritrean people overwhelmingly voted for independence, Eritrea declared its independence and gained international recognition in 1993.

Ethnic groups and languages Eritrea is a multi-ethnic country, with nine recognized ethnic groups. It has a population of around six million inhabitants. Most residents speak Afro-Asiatic languages, either of the Semitic or Cushitic branches. The de facto predominant languages are Tigrinya and Arabic, both of which belong to the Semitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic family. English is used in the government’s international communication and is the language of instruction in all formal education beyond the fifth grade. Among these communities, Tigrinya is the dominant ethnic group comprising about 55 per cent of the population, with the Tigre constituting around 30 per cent of inhabitants. In addition, there are a number of Nilo-Saharan-speaking Nilotic ethnic minorities. Most people in the territory adhere to Christianity and Islam (Hailemariam et al., 1999; Rena and Eyob, 2009) As of 2012 citizens of Eritrea speak many languages. The country has no official language as such, as the Constitution establishes the ‘equality of all Eritrean languages’, but Tigrinya and Arabic predominate in official usage. English and Italian are also widely understood. Most of the languages spoken in Eritrea stem from the Semitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family. The Semitic languages in Eritrea are Tigre, Tigrinya, the newly recognized Dahlik, and Arabic (spoken natively by the Rashaida Arabs). Other Afro-Asiatic languages belonging to the Cushitic branch are also widely spoken in the country. The latter include Afar, Beja, Blin and Saho. In addition, Nilo-Saharan languages (Kunama and Nara) are also spoken as a mother tongue by the Nilotic Kunama and Nara ethnic minority groups that live in the north and northwestern part of the country.

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Economy and health Like the economies of many other African countries, the economy is largely based on subsistence agriculture, with 65 per cent of the population involved in farming and herding. Drought has often created trouble in the farming areas (Tesfagiorgis, 1993; Rena, 2007). The Real GDP (2009 est.): $4.4 billion, and the annual growth rate (2009 est.): 3.6 per cent. The Eritrean-Ethiopian War severely hurt Eritrea’s economy. GDP growth in 1999 fell to less than 1 per cent, and GDP decreased by 8.2 per cent in 2000. In May 2000, the war resulted in some $600 million in property damage and loss, including losses of $225 million in livestock and 55,000 homes. The war also prevented the planting of crops in Eritrea’s most productive region, causing food production to drop by 62 per cent (Rena, 2006; CIA 2012). Even during the war, Eritrea developed its transportation infrastructure by asphalting new roads, improving its ports, and repairing war-damaged roads and bridges as a part of the Warsay Yika’alo Program. The most significant of these projects was the building of a coastal highway of more than 500 kilometres connecting Massawa with Asseb as well as the rehabilitation of the Eritrean Railway. The rail line now runs between the Port of Massawa and the capital Asmara. Eritrea has achieved significant improvements in healthcare and is one of the few countries to be on target to meet its Millennium Development Goal (MDG) targets in health, in particular child health. Life expectancy at birth has increased from 39.1 in 1960 to 59.5 years in 2008, maternal and child mortality rates have dropped dramatically and the health infrastructure has been expanded. Due to Eritrea’s relative isolation, information and resources are extremely limited and the World Health Organisation (WHO) found in 2008 average life expectancy to be slightly less than 63 years. Immunization and child nutrition has been tackled by working closely with schools in a multi-sectoral approach; the number of children vaccinated against measles almost doubled in seven years, from 40.7 per cent to 78.5 per cent, and the underweight prevalence among children decreased by 12 per cent in 1995–2002 (severe underweight prevalence by 28 per cent) (Pose and Samuels, 2010). The Eritrean government has banned female genital mutilation (FGM), saying the practice was painful and put women at risk of life-threatening health problems. However, Eritrea still faces many challenges. Despite number of physicians increasing from only 0.2 in 1993 to 0.5 in 2004 per 1000 population, this is

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still very low. Malaria and tuberculosis both are common in Eritrea. HIV prevalence among the 15–49 age group exceeds 2 per cent. The fertility rate is about five births per woman. A major cause of deaths of neonates is by severe infection. Per capita expenditure on health is low in Eritrea (WHO, nd; CIA 2012).

Political system Eritrea is a single-party state. Though its Constitution, adopted in 1997, stipulates that the state is a presidential republic with a unicameral parliamentary democracy, it has yet to be implemented. On 6 May 1998 a border dispute with Ethiopia led to the two-year-long Eritrean-Ethiopian War. The war resulted in the death of as many as 100,000 Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers, although specific casualty estimates are varied. Eritrea is run by the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). Other political groups are not allowed to organize, although the unimplemented Constitution of 1997 provides for the existence of multi-party politics. The National Assembly has 150 seats, of which 75 are occupied by the PFDJ. National elections have been periodically scheduled and cancelled; none have ever been held in the country. The president, Isaias Afewerki, has been in office since independence in 1993. In September 2001 the government closed down all of the nation’s privately owned print media, and outspoken critics of the government have been arrested and held without trial, according to various international observers, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. Eritrea is divided into six regions (zobas) and subdivided into districts (sub-zobas). The geographical extent of the regions is based on their respective hydrological properties. This a dual intent on the part of the Eritrean government: to provide each administration with sufficient control over its agricultural capacity, and to eliminate historical intra-regional conflicts.

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Table 8.1  List of cities in Eritrea by population: Cities in Eritrea Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

City

Population

Asmara Keren Teseney Mendefera Agordat Assab Massawa Adi Quala Senafe Dekemhare Segeneiti Nakfa Adi Keyh Barentu Beilul Edd Ghinda Mersa Fatuma Himbirti Nefasit

1984 Census

2010 estimate

475,385 126,149 52,531 22,184 15,948 31,037 15,441 14,465 14,019 17,290 13,328 N/A 8,691 2,541 N/A N/A 7,702 N/A N/A N/A

649,707 146,483 64,889 63,492 47,482 39,656 36,700 34,589 31,831 31,000 27,656 20,222 19,304 15,467 14,055 12,855 10,523 9,542 8,822 8,727

Region Maekel Anseba Gash-Barka Debub Gash-Barka Southern Red Sea Northern Red Sea Debub Debub Debub Debub Northern Red Sea Debub Gash-Barka Southern Red Sea Southern Red Sea Northern Red Sea Southern Red Sea Maekel Debub

Source: National Statistical Office, the state of Eritrea.

Education in Eritrea: Historical perspective When we closely look into the educational background of Eritrea, historically, to start with, it had the ‘traditional education’ which was heavily religion-oriented, whether Christian or Islamic. The following subsections provide a detailed account.

Traditional education Christian education Christian education was designed primarily for training in the priesthood, but served also to diffuse and preserve all aspects of Christian culture. Further, in the past, the church provided the primary level of education required for service in government (Amara, 1967: 4). Until the present decade, church schools were responsible for giving many children the opportunity to learn letters, now the

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task of the modern school system – i.e. ‘learning to read’ is the school of reading in which children learn ‘Ge’ez alphabet’ instruction. The Ge’ez language consists of 34 letters. The methods of instruction applied by the Orthodox Church include reading, writing and memorization (Rena, 2005). It is to be noted that many of the churches have had an outstanding track record of running several schools and clinics across the width and breadth of Eritrea since their establishment. Their many schools and orphanages have raised generations of citizens that have distinguished themselves as exemplars of personal character, integrity and civic virtue. Many products of these church schools are highly respected citizens in the professions and positions of leadership within Eritrea as well as in the diaspora.

Islamic education Islamic education in Eritrea was the only source of education for Eritrean Muslims. The function of Koran-oriented education was primarily to produce people who are well aquainted with the basic principles of Islam. The study of the Koran was, therefore, an essential starting point. The schools also provide basic and advanced Arabic grammar, higher levels of interpretation of Islamic religion, basic and advanced arithmetic, history and hygiene. The purpose of Islamic education was to teach Muslim children about the culture, heritage and brotherhood of Islam. Similar to church schools, the methods of learning were primarily based on listening, reading, oral recitation and memorization (Rena, 2005). Traditionally, however women were not encouraged to acquire education, among both Christian and Muslim communities in Eritrea. The traditional education system was, however, the main agent for the expansion of education. Before 1900 the priests and the sheiks were the only educated people. Religion was the core of the curriculum (Taye, 1992: 3–8). This religion-oriented education contributed little to the solution of the secular problems that confronted the people and the country. What is most important in the traditional education systems is the emphasis it placed up on obedience and subordination to authority. However, these days, the traditional schools are losing their importance because they cannot solve the problem of the present-day secular issues.

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Modern education in Eritrea Eritrean education – Italian colonial period (1890–1941) A formal European style of education was first introduced into Eritrea during the Italian colonial period. The first schools for Italians only were opened in 1896. There was only a very gradual opening up of education opportunity for Eritreans, beginning only after the First World War. It is reported that in 1923 there were only 523 Eritrean students enrolled in the country (Pankhurst, 1992; Rena, 2005). The purpose of Italian education in Eritrea was clear and narrow. It was to indoctrinate the Eritreans with devotion for Italy and a respect for Italian culture and civilization. These schools were opened for Eritreans to become worthy elements of the native troops, interpreters, clerks, telephone operators and typists. Allen (1953) pointed out that ‘there had been about twenty-five (25) schools in operation during the Italian colonisation. In addition Eritreans were allowed to learn or study up to grade four: this was extended to grade five at the end of the colonisation period. The medium of the instruction during this period was Italian.’ It is observed that in 1935, 2,472 students were enrolled. By 1939, the total number enrolled in Eritrea was 4,177 students. This shockingly small number of Eritrean students had further declined by 1941, by which time there were only 16 schools in operation. There were 152 teachers in these schools including 33 Italian elementary school teachers, 86 nuns and 27 Eritrean assistants. Moreover only one out of five students remained in these schools until the end of the school year (Rena, 2005).

Eritrean education – the British Military Administration (1941–52) During the British Military Administration schools were expanded rapidly. In 1941, a new educational system was established in Eritrea; Captain Kynaston Snell became the Director of Education and Mr Issac Teweldemedhine, an Eritrean who received his elementary school education at the Swedish Mission School, was appointed inspector of education. He had teaching experience before the Swedish Mission School was closed in 1932. Under the new education system many new schools were established and a system of teacher training was opened in 1943 to train elementary school teachers (Taye, 1992; Rena, 2005). In December 1934, there were 19 elementary schools. Regarding the expansion of elementary schools in Eritrea, Allen (1953) stated that 19 schools

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had been established in the first month of operation. However in December 1943, the number of schools had grown to 28 with 50 instructors, and the enrolment of pupils was considerably increased (Allen, 1953; Teshome, 1974: 48.). During this period, Tigrinya and Arabic became the media of instruction in Eritrean elementary schools. Issac Teweldemedhine and other Eritreans took the initiative of producing textbooks written in Tigrinya, because there were none written in this language. According to Trevaskis (1960), ‘Arabic textbooks for Eritrean elementary schools were obtained from Egypt and the Sudan’. By 1947, the first middle school was opened with 115 students; there were 59 primary schools in Eritrea with 4,906 students and 151 staff. In 1949, there were five middle schools with 504 students. The first seven Eritrean students were sent to Khartoum for secondary education. By 1950, there were 85 primary schools with total enrolment of 913 and 210 staff, and seven middle schools with 82 students. English had become the medium of school instruction (Trevaskis, 1960).

Eritrean education – Federation period (1952–62) During the Federation period with Ethiopia, the establishment of schools and progress of education were maintained. In addition to elementary and middle schools, two secondary schools, a vocational trade school and a nursing school were opened. In general, education during this period was limited to just the completion of middle school education (up to grade 8). The standard of education and the standard of English as a second language were maintained. According to the information available, in the Haile Selassie I and Prince Mekonen schools, together about 250 students were enrolled in 1956. Writing was considered an essential skill for academic success. But the high demands and expectations of Eritrean school children were not yet met. English, which was taught as a subject beginning in grade 5, continued to be a subject up to the end of grade 6 (Trevaskis, 1960; Rena, 2005). Using English as a medium of instruction from grade 7 onwards was likely to contribute to the decline of the standard of education in Eritrean schools. It was because the school children in Eritrea were expected to use their mother tongue outside classrooms and as media of instructions from grade 1 to 6 and from grade 7 onwards Amharic and English respectively. Hence, the students were expected to learn at least three languages.

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Eritrean education – Ethiopian period (November 1962–May 1991) As a result of Ethiopian annexation on 14 November 1962, the Eritrean educational system was merged into the Ethiopian educational system. Three terms a year were changed into two semesters a year. Middle school entrance examinations, which were given on the completion of grade 4, were dropped (Pankhurst, 1972). Elementary, middle and secondary education organized in three levels of four years each – i.e. 1–4 primary school, 5–6 middle school, 7–8 junior secondary school and 9–12 senior secondary school – were introduced. Therefore, from 1964 to 1991, a national school examination was taken on the completion of grade 6, 8 and 12. Moreover, Amharic language was introduced as a subject in some Eritrean schools in 1958 and gradually became the medium of instruction, first from grade 1 in 1962 and eventually extending from grades 1 to 6 (Rena, 2005). Thus the Ethiopian government substituted Amharic for Arabic and Tigrinya in Eritrean elementary schools. Eritrean elementary school children, especially Arabic and Tigrinya speakers, were denied the right to learn in their mother tongue. Arabic and Tigrinya textbooks were abolished from schools and some of the textbooks were burned. However, the use of Arabic and Tigrinya languages in regular academic settings was terminated (GoE, 1966: 50; Rena, 2005). In 1964, it was reported that there were 200 primary schools opened, enrolling over 42,000 students. There were also seven secondary schools, with almost 19,000 students operating, with a small evening programme, university extension and a TTC. There were also a surprising number of private schools and about 30,000 students enrolled in government schools. But after the heavy and fierce fighting began in areas surrounding Asmara in 1975, the number of schools and students dramatically dropped. Many students were massacred, subjected to mass imprisonment, detention, blockage of main roads, while others were forced to serve in the military or left their towns either to join the liberation fronts or to live as refugees throughout the world (Rena, 2005).

Eritrean education – post-independence period The devastating 30-year war for independence finally ended in May 1991. Unfortunately, the problems did not end then. The economy and infrastructure had collapsed and social services including education and health had disintegrated. The country’s human resources development was greatly hampered

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during the struggle as its youth were persecuted and displaced. The quality of education had deteriorated so much that there was a crisis in the system (Rena, 2005; Rena and Eyob, 2009), manifesting itself in an illiteracy rate of over 70 per cent, a very low attainment level among students and also among many teachers, an acute shortage of schools exacerbated by war damage, and a depressed state of Eritrean culture and language among the nine groups due to the imposition of Amharic language and culture inside and outside schools. The educational system in Eritrea shows all the symptoms of prolonged neglect under conditions of colonialism and war. At the time of independence in 1991, 84 per cent of the existing 190 schools were rated to be in serious disrepair. The remaining 16 per cent were far from providing a satisfactory learning environment (MoE, 1998). Disparity in the geographical distribution of schools was sharply marked. For instance, the number of secondary schools and students in the highlands was much higher than those in the lowland areas of Eritrea. Today, about 900 government and non-government schools are functioning; however, most of these schools need significant improvement, expansion and/or replacement. After independence, the government of Eritrea sought to reform the inherited educational system of the colonizers to make it compatible and efficient with the country’s progress to development. Education is perceived as a fundamental human right in Eritrea. The goals of the reform of education are: MM

MM

MM

MM

To minimize wastage of human power, resources, effort and time in the education system To open opportunities to all citizens to develop to their full potential, both professionally and personally Set employment-oriented opportunities at all educational levels Create competitive standards and quality of education and training in the education system, both globally and locally (MoE, 2003).

Transformation of education It is to be noted that in partnership with the World Bank, Eritrea has also made substantial investment in a plan intended to quickly raise the country’s skill levels. Over 50 million US dollars have been used to provide for undergraduate and postgraduate scholarships for almost 1,000 Eritreans, the recruitment of expatriate professionals (particularly from India) and training for members of the Eritrean civil service.

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Eritrea has achieved much in education; however, it still has a long way to go. According to the Ministry of Education report (MoE, 2002), the major deficiencies of the Eritrean school system are the following: overall access to education, which stands at 38 per cent, is low; opportunities for higher education are limited; and the products of the educational system are not well prepared for employment. Eritrea has embarked on a major expansion and overhaul of its educational system, the main goals of which are the following: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Universal primary and middle school education for all its school-age population A widely expanded integrated high school education, with a core as well as an enrichment curriculum with the flexibility to prepare students for university education as well as employment A wide network of vocational schools and community colleges A vision for up to eight universities located in various regions of the country, with a total enrolment of up to 20,000 students A flexible system for people to move from schooling to employment and back to school, if they so choose.

In its thorough discussion of the educational programme, the government has made education a top priority. It made this choice, keenly aware that it was making a decision on where it was going to put a substantial amount of the country’s resources, both domestic and external. The education system in Eritrea is also designed to promote private sector schooling, equal access for all groups (i.e. prevent gender discrimination, prevent ethnic discrimination, prevent class discrimination, etc.) and promote continuing education through formal and informal systems.

School education In Eritrea, there are five levels of education: pre-primary, primary, middle, secondary, and post-secondary. Education starts at the age of five with two years for social interaction and adjustment of behavioural reaction. Thereafter follow five years of elementary school at the age of seven until grade 5, during which the children learn to read and write, operations, mathematics, biography, geography, Eritrean history, singing, arts and sports. Primary education is followed by two years of middle school (grades 6 and 7), during which the above-mentioned subjects are explored more deeply.

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Finally there are four years of secondary school (grades 8 to 11), including subjects such as physics, chemistry, biology, history, geography, mathematics, English and civics. All the students in the country who complete their grade 11 have to go to Sawa (Warsai Yikealo Secondary School) where they learn grade 12 for one year and work towards the matriculation (national examination). Based on their performance in the exam, they are selected for the Eritrean Institute of Technology – Mai Nefhi and other colleges (tertiary level) situated in different parts of the country. There are nearly one million students in the primary, middle, secondary and tertiary education levels. The country spends about 2 per cent of its GDP on education and 7 per cent on health. There are approximately 900 schools in Eritrea and two universities (the University of Asmara and the Eritrea Institute of Technology [EIT]) as well as several smaller colleges and technical schools. Current centres of tertiary education in Eritrea include the College of Marine Biology, the College of Agriculture, the College of Arts and Social Sciences, the College of Business and Economics, and the College of Nursing and Health Technology (National Food Information System of Eritrea, 2005; Rena, 2007). Further, education in Eritrea is compulsory between 7 and 14 years of age. Important goals of Eritrea’s educational policy are to provide basic education in each of Eritrea’s mother tongues as well as to produce a society that is equipped with the necessary skills to function with a culture of self-reliance in the modern economy. The education infrastructure is currently inadequate to meet these needs. The net enrolment ratio at primary level in Eritrea was last reported at 34.89 per cent (2010), according to a World Bank report published in 2012 (World Bank, 2012). Student-teacher ratios are high: 45 to 1 at the elementary level and 54 to 1 at the secondary level. There are an average 63 students per classroom at the elementary level and 97 per classroom at the secondary level. Learning hours at school are often less than six hours per day. Skill shortages are present at all levels of the education system, and funding for and access to education varies significantly by gender and location. Illiteracy estimates for Eritrea range from around 40 per cent to as high as 70 per cent.

Technical education and vocational training After independence, various vocational training services were opened to meet the post-war reconstruction and development needs and to facilitate the reintegration of people disadvantaged by the decades-long conflict. The vocational

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training was given in three different certification levels: the Secondary School Certificate, Intermediate Certificate and Advanced Diploma Certificate. By 2006, the total enrolment in the Intermediate level reached around 15,000 and the Advanced level reached more than 2,000. Vocational training centres were opened in Agordat, Barentu, Belewkelew, Mendefera, Haykota and Mayatal to provide few-month courses for elderly farmers on improving their lives by introducing them to modern farming and other necessities. In January 2007, the National Centre of Vocational Training (NCVT) was established. This gives students who are unable to join the colleges a chance to develop various skills. Currently, the NCVT comprises four departments: Department of Agriculture, which provides courses on Animal Science, Soil and Water Conservation, Plant Science and Farm Irrigation; Department of Commerce, which provides Accounting, Secretarial Science, Store Management, Library Science and Archives; Department of Technical Skills, which provides Plumbing, Drafting, Surveying, Masonry, Electric Installation, Carpentry, Metalwork, Furniture Building; and Department of Light and Heavy Machinery. These departments provide one-year extensive training to their students, who are then provided with chances to work with different companies and ministries in the country. In the near future, this training centre will be expanded further and will host about 10,000 students. This comprises about one-fourth of the total number of students in the whole country. There was also a plan that all the ministries in Eritrea will also provide vocational training to equip staff members with necessary functional skills.1 In line with this, Asmara Commercial College, Teacher Training Institutes (TTI), and a number of other technical and vocational institutions play a major role in providing such training at different levels.

Higher education in Eritrea Higher education plays a major role in this age of globalization, information and communications technology (ICT). As a result, the government of Eritrea has invested heavily in higher education.

The University of Asmara The only higher education institution was the University of Asmara (UoA), which expanded with five Higher Education Colleges accommodating Degree,

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Diploma and Certificate programmes. Before the opening of these colleges, only 10–15 per cent of the total secondary school students were allowed to join the University of Asmara. In 16 years, the University of Asmara graduated more than 12,000 students (Rena and Eyob, 2009). Historically, the Missionary Congregation Piae Matres Nigritiae of the Comboni Sisters originally founded the University of Asmara in 1954 as the Holy Family University Institute. The University of Asmara was Eritrea’s first university and is located in the capital city, Asmara. The school was meant to provide for the local population, though its initial enrolment in the 1950s was entirely Italian. The university was originally founded in 1958, albeit under a different name, the Catholic College of Santa Famiglia. By 1964 the university had been renamed and began offering Associate Diploma programmes in the Arts, Commerce, and the Sciences. The institution limped along through the 1970s until 1979, when a new president pushed through a major reorganization of the curriculum and structure. The next years saw an increase in students from 300 to 2,700. New courses, staff, day and evening extension programmes and campus buildings revived the university, together with a bilateral agreement to exchange students and faculty with the University of Addis Ababa, particularly focusing on graduate training in Addis Ababa to produce faculty for Eritrea (Rena, 2007). Subsequently the university established the Colleges of Science, Arts and Language Studies, Business and Economics, Agriculture and Aquatic Sciences, as well as programmes in Engineering, Education, and Law, and also launched post-graduate programmes in English, Economics, Geography, Agriculture, etc. However, the university stopped accepting incoming students in the early 2000s. In 2002, the government issued a directive reconfiguring the university. This effectively shut down all of the university’s undergraduate programmes. Future students were not allowed to enrol and were directed to the EIT, which opened after the University of Asmara2 closed. High school graduates were not allowed to pick their course of study, and were assigned vocational programmes based on their performance in a matriculation examination; however, students in the military were granted a medical waiver from the exams. The government denied exit visas for those looking to study abroad, and university academics who wished to travel abroad required permission from the university president and the government (Rena, 2007). The university has been non-functional since the end of the academic year 2005/06. The university was ordered to close its doors supposedly due to student protests in

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2001 against alleged excessive government control of the university and lack of freedom in everyday life. However, over the last 22 years, there has been a phenomenal increase in enrolment. One of the remarkable developments in the education sector of Eritrea was the opening of the Eritrean Institute of Technology – Mai Nefhi and Orotta School of Medicine (both started in February, 2004). Further, colleges such as the Agricultural College – Hamalmalo, Marine Technology College – Massawa, College of Business and Economics – Halhale, College of Arts and Social Sciences – AdiKeyih, and other professional colleges were established in the country (Rena, 2008). With the opening of these colleges tertiary education in Eritrea has increased to 45 per cent. In the near future, these colleges will develop to fully fledged universities.

Eritrea Institute of Technology3 The government of Eritrea has embarked on major reforms on the educational system. The reforms are consistent with the general government’s policy of 2002 on quality, access, equity, and relevance of education in the country. In line with this, eight new colleges offering university-level programmes were established, beginning in 2003. The first of these was the EIT located at Mai Nefhi, about 25 kilometres south-west of Asmara, near the Mai Nefhi dam. The EIT has three colleges: Education, Engineering and Technology, and Science. EIT started to admit the first intake of about 5,500 students in January 2004. Currently the EIT at Mai Nefhi is the main college of higher studies in science, engineering and education in Eritrea. The number of faculties is increasing every year and the EIT facilities are getting better. The funding for EIT is basically external. However some funding is also provided by the Ministry of Education, Eritrea. The number of students graduating is also increasing every year. The faculty of the EIT consists of both national and expatriates. This has added colour to the overall culture of this institute. Moreover, it has created a platform of knowledge and experience exchange. The faculty members include professors, associate professors, assistant professors, lecturers, and graduate assistants.

Mission EIT aims to train men and women in the Education, Engineering and Technology, and Science professions to enable them to work as professionals

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in their respective fields with a level of competence compatible with national, regional and global requirements.

Aims and objectives The institute aims to produce responsible, competent, and highly cultured graduates. The main objectives of the institute are to: MM

MM

MM

Produce scientists and technologists who will contribute to the manpower needs of the country in various areas of economic and other activities Produce professional and pedagogic teachers that the evolving national education system needs Engage in scientific and practically oriented research endeavours to contribute to the development needs of the country and for the advancement of knowledge. (www.eit.edu.er)

College of Education The country has made Education for All and Millennium Development Goals basic priorities in the process of empowering citizens to fully participate in social and economic development. In the process of achieving these development priorities, the lack of competent staff has become an enormous challenge for the country. This challenge in turn has created the need for quality and relevant educational programmes in higher education establishments such as the EIT. The College of Education (CoE) at the EIT was, therefore, established to accomplish the mandates of educating professionals mainly for the education system.

Objectives In line with its vision and mission, the CoE has three sets of objectives: MM

MM

Facilitate the education of competent teachers for all levels of the school system, researchers for the education and social services sectors, leaders and counsellors for the education and social services sectors, and community service providers for the education and social services sectors Undertake relevant, quality and innovative research initiatives targeted to improving teaching, research, leadership, and community services, and staff development initiatives to sustain quality programmes.

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Lay down an encouraging learning and working environment for learners, staff and partners. (www.eit.edu.er)

College of Engineering and Technology The College of Engineering and Technology is composed of six departments: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Chemical Engineering Civil Engineering Computer Engineering Electrical and Electronics Engineering Mechanical Engineering Mining Engineering

Each department of the college is offering degree programmes and at least one related diploma programme in technology.

Goals The goal of the College of Engineering and Technology is to establish a fully fledged college having well-qualified and motivated academic staff, with bestquality teaching facilities, capable of producing well-qualified graduate engineers and technologists by creating an excellent teaching-learning environment. Besides this, the college aims at starting up postgraduate teaching programmes in several fields of engineering and also initiating research projects and programmes on relevant national issues. The college also aims at establishing a sustainable teaching, research and consultancy programme that would generate income to cover some portion of the annual budget.

Objectives The curricula of each department of the college have been set up in such a way as to address the current and projected national human resources needs of the country so that the graduates are qualified enough to work in various areas of engineering which are crucial for the economic and technological advancement of the country. Some of the short- and long-term objectives of the college are: MM

To train undergraduate and postgraduate students who are qualified enough to carry out professional engineering works in design and

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MM

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MM

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consultancy in manufacturing industries, communications technology, and in various civil and public works To have highly qualified and competent staff members in the various areas of engineering through efficient staff development and recruitment programmes To improve and develop sound, dynamic and flexible curricula which address national demands and also meet international standards To build up and upgrade the existing infrastructure, teaching and learning aids, laboratory and workshop facilities so as to improve the quality of teaching To expand the teaching programmes by starting new programmes both at degree and diploma level To upgrade the education programmes and initiate postgraduate programmes To improve the teaching and learning environment To build and develop research infrastructure and initiate research programmes aimed at addressing relevant national problems To initiate, upgrade and strengthen internal and external linkages of the college. (www.eit.edu.er)

College of Science The College of Science consists of seven departments: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Biology Chemistry Computer Science Earth Science Library and Information Science Mathematics Physics

Each department of the college is offering degree programmes.

Goals It is the goal of the College of Science to establish a fully fledged college having well-qualified and motivated academic staff, with best-quality teaching

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facilities, capable of producing well-qualified graduates in their respective field. Moreover, it aspires to equip students with up-to-date knowledge and skills.

Objectives The main guiding principles in developing the college’s objectives are the quality and relevance of teaching/learning, and research. Thus, the main focuses of its objectives are to: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Attract the brightest students, including as many female students as possible Recruit, motivate and retain highly qualified staff in all branches of the sciences, and upgrade the quality of staff through further training Design and develop curricula for new interdisciplinary areas that maintain standard science education and are relevant to national development Enhance the quality of teaching by strengthening teaching facilities Improve the teaching/learning environment by creating a conducive and welcoming atmosphere Strengthen the already existing research infrastructure so as to develop strong research tradition in the departments Establish and strengthen a meaningful partnership with the local and international linkages of the college. (www.eit.edu.er)

College of Business and Economics – Halhale The various colleges of higher education in the country have been showing steady progress in terms of accommodation capacity as well as educational facilities. Halhale College of Business and Economics, for instance, is one of the eight colleges that were established in 2004. Besides cultivating productive citizens who could become driving forces for the all-round nation-building process, the long-term objective of the colleges includes broadening the colleges’ research capacities and making them competitive centres of academic excellence. Previously located within the premises of the Eritrean Institute of Technology, the Halhale College moved to its current location in 2008 following the completion of the facilities that were under construction. In the early days, the college used to receive second-year students who had completed their freshman courses in the EIT. Regardless of the shortcomings it experienced during its preliminary stage, the college is now admitting students to freshman programmes depending on its own capacities. Although the different colleges used to collaborate between

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each other at the beginning, Halhale is now an autonomous college, the same as the other higher educational institutions. The college mainly depends on local resources for the preparation of the curriculum and also for other educational facilities. The curriculum that has been developed is mainly demand-driven, so as to meet the overall envisaged goals of the country. Nowadays, running a higher educational institution without having access to IT services hinders not only the smooth transfer of knowledge but also makes the educational institution closed and isolated, unable to cope with global dynamics or cultivate relations with international higher educational institutions. In order to upgrade the qualifications of the academic staff, the college has been sending its graduate assistants for scholarships abroad, primarily to China, India and Europe. The college has so far sent 13 graduate assistants for masters’ studies, following which the PhD program would be commenced so as to replace the expatriate staff members. The college has also begun postgraduate programmes in economics, and the other departments will follow suit as well. Like other tertiary institutions in Eritrea, the college has been extremely dependent on the government for its budgets. Nevertheless, there is a growing concern that most of these institutions, including the College of Business and Economics, are having to work ceaselessly to introduce income-generating schemes by providing evening training programmes and consultancy and research works, etc.4

Human capital development In 2010, more than 8,000 students graduated with degrees and diplomas gained over the previous three years from the existing seven colleges in different parts of the country, according to Dr Tadesse Mehari, executive director of the board of institutions of higher learning. He pointed out that over 3,000 nationals graduated with degrees and over 5,000 with diplomas. Accordingly, about 3,640 graduated from the Eritrean Institute of Technology, 561 from College of Science and Marine Technology, 632 from College of Arts and Social Science, 207 from Asmara College of Health Science, 32 from Orotta School of Medicine, 1,946 from Halhale College of Business and Economics and 1,136 from Hamelmalo College of Agriculture. Noting that higher educational opportunity has been expanded twofold thanks to the government’s substantial investment, Dr Tadesse noted that the number of graduates which was previously limited to about 1,000 has now multiplied with the opening of new colleges in various corners of the

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country. Postgraduate programmes are also in the process of being launched, he added. Moreover, Dr Tadesse pointed out that efforts would be stepped up to launch distance learning programmes, upgrade the quality of education and foster collaboration with partners. All colleges have been equipped with the necessary textbooks, computers, internet and library facilities, and endeavours are being stepped up to upgrade the competence of instructors. With the launching of postgraduate study, research and study activities would gain momentum, Dr Tadesse elaborated.5

Graduate studies To overcome the growing challenge of shortage of teachers and education experts, the need to educate the younger generation with undergraduate education is becoming very crucial. The vast numbers of these young graduates who come out of all institutions are thus the potential candidates for the Post Graduate Program (PGP) (www.eit.edu.er). Aiming to fulfil these goals, the institute has started PGPs in the following fields of studies: MM

MM

MM

MM

Master of Science Degree in Mathematics Master of Science Degree in Chemistry Master of Science Degree in Physics Master of Arts Degree in Educational Administration

Challenges for education development The government of Eritrea developed educational policy as a top priority of national development, which demands the emergence of a new class of trained youth blended with disciplined minds and skills instead of raw graduation. Despite the strenuous efforts made by the government in the development arena, self-reliance in human resources has not yet been achieved. Thanks to the educational reforms initiated in 2003, as discussed earlier, many colleges were established; however they need libraries and laboratories and other necessary infrastructure (MoE, 2003; Rena, 2006). Although, the country is on the way to having its own teachers at the middle and secondary levels, there is still a long way to go to achieve its manpower needs at the tertiary level, and greater challenges remain which are outlined below.

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Education in Eritrea has seen several challenges before attaining its present status. The Italians, the British and the Ethiopians have left their respective marks (Rena, 2005). The extensive educational reforms currently taking place at all levels are aimed at structuring education to respond to the development needs of the country and to enable Eritrea to participate appropriately in this twenty-first century characterized by globalization and widespread knowledge-based activities (MoE, 2006; Rena, 2007). The Eritrean education system faces challenges that are fairly common to other education systems in Sub-Saharan Africa. These are: limited access; low quality; doubtful relevance; inefficiencies; inadequate financial and non-financial resources; and poor delivery capacity. The government’s vision for addressing these pressing challenges is well articulated across key policy documents (GoE, 2003: 8). After Eritrea’s 30-year struggle for independence, the education system recovered, contributing to a steady increase of Net Enrolment Ratio (NER) at the elementary level from 24.8 per cent to 34.9 per cent between 1991 and 1998 (MoE, 2009). However, the subsequent border conflict with Ethiopia between 1998 and 2000 displaced many families and continuity of education for a number of children was disrupted. The ‘no-war no-peace’ situation following the border conflict negatively impacted the development of the country. With widespread poverty and limited access to social services, Eritrea ranked 177th out of 187 countries on the Human Development Index (UNDP, 2011). The prolonged emergencies have also affected education in Eritrea. While there was no concrete empirical explanation to support this trend, focus group discussions revealed that some families facing worsening economic situations kept children out of school to have them assist in income-generating activities (UNICEF, 2009). Many schools were also not child-friendly and learning environments remain poor, with very limited teaching and learning materials and inadequate school facilities. Some schools in the rural and remote areas conduct classes outdoors under trees, while other classrooms are overcrowded with children. Monitoring visits to some schools also showed a shortage of textbooks and reading materials for students as well as teaching guides for teachers. With only one year formal teacher training, many teachers struggle to apply child-centred pedagogy and conduct quality teaching, especially in the subject of English.6 Another of the major challenges of education in Eritrea is the unequal development among zobas (administrative regions). The enrolment is particularly low in Gash Barka, Southern Red Sea (SRS) and Northern Red Sea (NRS). Further, barriers to education in Eritrea include traditional taboos, school fees (for registration and materials), and the cost barriers of low-income

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households. Statistics suggest that between 39 and 57 per cent of school-age children attend primary school and 21 per cent attend secondary school. Student-teacher ratios are high: 45 to 1 at the elementary level and 54 to 1 at the secondary level. There are an average of 63 students per classroom at the elementary level and 97 per classroom at the secondary level. Learning hours at school are often less than four hours per day. Skill shortages are present at all levels of the education system, and funding for and access to education varies significantly by gender (with dropout rates much higher for girls) and location. The overall literacy rate in Eritrea is estimated to be about 67.8 per cent, with young adults aged 15–24, 89 per cent literate. The Ministry of Education plans to establish a university in every region in the future (MoE, 2009). Despite the scarcity of resources and the shortage of academic staff, the University of Asmara was re-established to resume its academic work on 10 October 1991 with a few hundred students and five faculties. Then it struggled to accommodate many more courses including Engineering, Pharmacy, Agriculture etc., and a greater population of students than it was originally designed to cater for. As stated earlier, despite the positive developments the university was closed in 2002. If Eritrea wants to develop its own manpower, it needs to restart the University of Asmara with the masters’ and other research programmes that are imperative for fostering the country’s manpower and economic development. Higher education is very expensive. The cost of providing instruction, laboratories and libraries and other accoutrements of higher education has gone up dramatically. Libraries and laboratories in particular now require major investments of resources (Altbach, 2007: 6). The new communications technologies, as well as keeping abreast of the dramatic growth in knowledge, are also costly, so Eritrea is trying to get loans from the World Bank and other international financial institutions. For example, US$200 million was sanctioned for the establishment and development of EIT. It also seeks financial assistance from its development partners such as UNDP, Norway, China, The Netherlands, etc. Besides, all the higher learning institutions are depending on expatriate teachers, particularly from India. It should be noted that more than 50 per cent of faculty members are expatriates, to whom the country needs to pay almost 8 to 10 times more than its own manpower. For a young and small nation like Eritrea, it would be a heavy burden (Rena, 2007). Overcrowded classrooms at tertiary level are a very serious issue; the pupil/ classroom ratio is 1:90 at EIT and most other colleges in the country. Although these higher learning institutions function through double shifting (morning

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and afternoon), yet they still cannot accommodate the many aspirants who seek higher education.

Nomadic education It is worth noting that these remote regions, also including Anseba, are inhabited by nomadic and semi-nomadic pastoralists who constitute about 36 per cent of the estimated 6 million population of Eritrea (Carr-Hill, 2005; Rena and Eyob, 2009). The lifestyle of nomadic populations is characterized by frequent movement in remote areas, searching for water and pasture for their families and animals. In harsh climate conditions, especially with the impact of climate change, movement is a necessity and an essential coping strategy for survival. When it comes to education, however, nomadic communities believe that the centralized education system – with its location of formal schools at a great distance, irrelevant curricula, rigid school calendars, and specific age of enrolment – does not match their needs. Therefore they do not send their children to school (MoE, 2008). Therefore, expansion of opportunities to formal education for the most marginalized children has been yet another challenge for MoE. Following the National Workshop on Nomadic Education in December 2008, the MoE drafted a nomadic education policy and initiated pilot interventions, selecting two communities each in four zobas. ‘Nomadic schools’ are formal schools designed to allow more flexibility in terms of the schools’ location, physical set-up, school calendar and daily schedule, teacher deployment and modification of the national curriculum at syllabus level, in order to meet the various needs of nomadic children. During the 2009/10 academic year, eight schools were established and 534 students were enrolled. Learning from this pilot experience, the number of nomadic schools expanded to 65, reaching 7,555 children (43 per cent girls) in the 2010/11 academic year (UNICEF, 2011).

Gender inequality Even if the positive relationship between economic development and the gender gap in education seems to be clear, the sense of causality remains uncertain (Kremer and Chen, 1999). Indeed, we can wonder if the gender gap in education is the cause or the consequence of underdevelopment. In order to highlight the relationship between girls’ education, growth and economic development, we examine the gender gap in education and its consequences, notably on income inequality (Rena, 2007).

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Gender disparity in the country is also a serious concern. While Eritrea is committed to achieving gender equality in primary education by 2015, more than half of school-age girls do not enjoy their right to education. Female participation at all levels is not encouraging; this is particularly so in higher education, where less than 20 per cent are entering into higher education. The data from the Ministry of Education shows that there are many reasons behind the low enrolment of female students (MoE, 2008). In the lowland areas where the Muslims are in the majority, many families tend to withdraw their female children from school early because they do not want them to go to the same school with the boys (Rena, 2007). There is also an issue of underage marriage. They do not want to send them to Sawa to complete their high school. Many prize-winning students tend to stop their education due to cultural and religious barriers. The absence of middle schools in Molki, Shambiko, Logo Anseba and Barka also has its role to play. The male students can rent a house in towns and go to school. Parents do not allow their female children to do the same. Above all, parents do not have faith in their female children to be as productive as their male counterparts, even after education. Nevertheless, in some of the schools, there is equal participation of both boys and girls and most of the prize-winners are female. It is felt that girls can compete with their male counterparts if they have equal chance to study. In the first semester of the academic year 2006/07, for example, in Sewra Elementary School, 47.6 per cent of the students were female. Around 55 per cent of those who stood from 1st to 5th were females (MoE, 2008; Rena, 2008). Furthermore, as they grow older, female students get weaker due to homerelated work. In Zoba Debub, for example, female enrolment is 35–9 per cent in middle school, dropping to 27–8 per cent in high school and further declining to less than 20 per cent at tertiary level. The distribution of middle and high school is lower than elementary, which forces students to travel long. Parents do not allow their female children to rent a house around the school; they do not buy them a cycle either. This ultimately encourages early marriages (Rena, 2007). Besides cultural stigmas, economic problems are additional reasons for their low enrolment. It is observed that if parents die of HIV/AIDs, the female children tend to take the responsibility for the family, which narrows their chances of succeeding in education. To overcome these challenges, children and youth need to have role models. The Ministry has been trying to train female teachers so that they will serve as role models to the students. However, most of the teachers in remote areas are males for many reasons. It is easier for female teachers to bring behavioural

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change in female students (MoE, 2009). There is anecdotal evidence that this method has brought an ideal change in some boarding schools, such as Maria Boarding School. This is not enough; government should create job opportunities and encourage women to participate in the educational development process.

Conclusion Church education in Eritrea played a predominant role in transmitting church literature from generation to generation. Memorization and recitation were the main strategies for mastering the reading ability. However, church education became instrumental in instilling submissiveness, blind obedience, uncritical acceptance of orders and a strong belief in fate, which hindered social transformation. Koranic schools played a similar role in the Muslim communities of Eritrean society. The government of Eritrea understood that the overall vision of Eritrea’s future progress is ultimately based on human capital formation, with education and health as key inputs. It is believed that through education the major Eritrean national development strategies could be achieved. Since independence, education is well organized in Eritrea. The government subsidizes tuition and studies relevant to the development of Eritrea and it has invested heavily in education and embarked on a wide-ranging programme designed to revitalize and develop the collapsed educational system. It has been realized that the previous educational system under the Derge regime was intentionally designed to reinforce colonial ideologies and political machination. Education has been viewed as a strategic tool for development; therefore, the content of the educational system needs to be reviewed carefully. The education system in Eritrea must be geared up not only to raise the general, social and scientific knowledge of the youth, but also must equip the youth/individual with skills that would enable him/her to lead a productive, sustainable life. However, like many countries, especially in Africa, Eritrea has been facing serious challenges such as: low quality; doubtful relevance; inefficiencies; inadequate financial and non-financial resources; and poor delivery capacity, etc. Above all, there is a gender disparity at every level of education. To bring about economic development and social justice, it should ensure equal participation of women in all sectors. The parents, society and the government should remember education is the gift that could be offered to Eritrean children irrespective of their gender (Rena, 2005; Rena and Eyob, 2009).

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After three decades of war before independence in 1991 and the recent border war with Ethiopia during 1998–2000, the demand for education in Eritrea has considerably increased. It is quite ambitious that parents have high expectations of the government to provide better opportunities for their children to be educated and equipped with dexterity for a better future. With international financial like UNDP, the World Bank and other governmental and non-governmental support, the Ministry of Education has recruited thousands of trained teachers/instructors/lecturers/professors particularly from India since 1996 to address the shortage of teachers and thus improve the quality of education in the country. The Ministry of Education has built many new schools and new colleges at different levels and supplies the books and necessary infrastructure to ensure that children have access to quality education in Eritrea. Evaluating the development of education in Eritrea during 22 years of its independence against the mission, objectives and goals the country set for itself, considerable progress has been made in education development despite scathing criticism of higher education systems associated with military training. Although there are many challenges remaining in the education system, the number of students and teachers has significantly increased since independence in 1991. Undoubtedly sustained peace is a vital precondition for continuous development on all levels in Eritrea. However, for more than a decade a ‘no war no peace’ situation has prevailed in the country as the border with Ethiopia was not demarcated completely. Therefore, a real danger exists that the fragile peace can again escalate into a full-out war with Ethiopia or continuous episodes of violence and instability. Ethiopia and Eritrea’s military build-up along their common border, Ethiopia’s periodic incursions and bombardment of contested border areas of Eritrea, are all ominous signs that war is threatening to again destroy what has been built up during the past 14 years. For the Government of the State of Eritrea and its entire people, the biggest single challenge for the future will be the establishment of a viable education system from the ashes of war and destruction, and providing quality education, based on sound values, through committed, well-supported and well-trained teachers.

Notes 1 www.shabait.com (2009) Eritrea At A Glance available at http://www.shabait.com/ about-eritrea/eritrea-at-a-glance/1213-eritrea-at-a-glance-v [accessed 12 January 2013].

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2 Surprisingly enough, the University of Asmara, the only university in the country and one with international accreditation, was ordered to close its doors in favour of the newly established colleges, none of which has a recognized international standing. The government however claims that the reason for the opening of the college was to achieve equal distribution of higher learning in areas away from the capital city of Asmara. Similar colleges were opened in other parts of the country. College enrolment has dramatically increased in the country as a result of the opening of these institutions. 3 http://eit.edu.er/ [accessed 12 January 2013]. 4 Ghebrehiwet, K. (2010) Halhale College of Business and Economics: In Pursuit of Academic Excellence, 16 July 2010: available at http://www.shabait.com/articles/ nation-building/2462-halhale-college-of-business-and-economics-in-pursuit-ofacademic-excellence [accessed 5 January 2012]. 5 Refer to http://www.shabait.com/news/local-news/4545-over-8000-studentsgraduated-within-3-years-report- [accessed 6 January 2013]. 6 Eritrea promotes teaching in mother tongue at elementary level, while English is taught at this level as one of the subjects.

References Allen, H. B. 1953. Rural Reconstruction in Action, New York: Cornell University Press. Altbach, P. G. 2007. Tradition and Transition: The International Imperative in Higher Education. The Netherlands: Sense Publishers. Amara, G. 1967. ‘The aims and purposes of church education’. Ethiopian Journal of Education, 1(1): 1–4. Carr-Hill. 2005. The education of nomadic peoples in East Africa: Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda: Synthesis Report, ADB/UNESCO–IIEP, Paris, 2005. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2012. Online data The World Factbook/Eritrea available at www.cia.gov [accessed 13 January 2013]. Government of Eritrea (GoE). 1966. Social and Economic Development of Eritrea Since 1962, Rome: Stabilimento Aristide Staderini. —2003. ‘Education Sector Improvement Project (ESIP) Environmental and Social Management Framework (ESMF)’, Document No. E737 (April). Asmara: The Government of Eritrea. Hailemariam, C., Kroon, S. and Walters, J. 1999. ‘Multilingualism and nation building: language and education in Eritrea'. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 20 (6): 474–93. [accessed 4 April 2012]. Henze, P. B. 2005. Layers of Time: A History of Ethiopia. London: Palgrave McMillan.

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Kremer, M. and Chen, D. 1999. ‘Income distribution dynamics with endogenous fertility’. American Economic Review, 89(2): 155–60. Mingat, A. and Tan, J. P. 1986. ‘Financing public higher education in developing countries: the potential role of loan schemes’. Higher Education 15: 283–97. Ministry of Education (MoE), 1998. Report on Education, Asmara: Ministry of Education. —2002. Concept Paper for A Rapid Transformation of the Eritrean Educational System. Asmara: Ministry of Education (unpublished). —2003. Government of the State Eritrea, Various Statistical Bulletins. —2006. ‘Tertiary Education in Eritrea: Issues, Policies, and Challenges’. Eritrea Profile, 13, (56 and 57) (Part I on 20 September); (Part II on 23 September). —2008. Summary Report: National Workshop on Nomadic Education in Eritrea. MoE: Asmara, (unpublished). —2009. Eritrea: Essential Education Indicators 2008/09. MoE: Asmara. Munro-Hay, S. 1991. Aksum: An African Civilization of Late Antiquity. London: Edinburgh: University Press. Myers, C. and Harbison, F. 1965. Education, Manpower and Economic Growth: Strategies of Human Resource Development. New York: McGraw-Hill. Najovits, S. 2004. Egypt, trunk of the tree, Volume 2. New York: Algora Publishing. National Food Information System of Eritrea. 2005. Line study on Livelihood Systems in Eritrea.pdf Baseline Study on Livelihood Systems in Eritrea. Pankhurst, R. 1972. ‘Education language and history: a historical background to post-war Ethiopia’. Ethiopian Journal of Education 7(1): 94. Pose, P. R. and Samuels, F. 2010. Progress in health in Eritrea: Cost-effective intersectoral interventions and a long-term perspective. London: Overseas Development Institute. Rena, R. 2000. Financing and Cost Recovery in Higher Education: A Study with Special Reference to Private Colleges in Andhra Pradesh. Thesis submitted for the award of Doctor of Philosophy in Economics, Department of Economics, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India. —2005. ‘Eritrean education – retrospect and prospect’. Eastern Africa Journal of Humanities and Sciences 5(2): 1–12. Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/ abstract=1288508 [accessed 2 February 2013]. —2006. ‘Education and youth in post independent Eritrea – an analytical study. The African Symposium 6 (3&4): 85–94. http://www2.ncsu.edu/ncsu/aern/ TAS6.3.4 [accessed 2 February 2013]. —2007. ‘Higher Education in Africa – a case of eritrea’. Journal of Educational Planning and Administration 21(2): 125–40. —2008. ‘Education in eritrea: developmental challenges’. International Journal of Scientific Research in Education 1(1), 41–53. http://www.ijsre.com [accessed 2 February 2013]. Rena, R. and Eyob, K. 2009. Eritrean Educational Reforms– Issues, Perspectives and Policy Implications. Hyderabad (India): The ICFAI University Press.

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Taye, A. 1992. A Historical Survey of State Education in Eritrea. Asmara: Educational Materials Production and Distribution Agency (EMPDA). Tesfagiorgis, G. H. 1993. Emergent Eritrea: Challenges of Economic Development. Asmara: The Red Sea Press. Teshome, G. W. 1974. ‘Education in Eritrea: 1941–62’. Ethiopian Journal of Education, 6(2). Trevaskis, G. K. N. 1960. A Colony in Transition: 1941–1952. London: Oxford University Press. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 1994. Human Development Report 1994. New York: Oxford University Press. —2011. Human Development Report 2011. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2009. Situation Analysis of Women and Children in Eritrea. UNICEF, Asmara (unpublished). —2011. Eritrea Education in Emergencies and Post-Crisis Transition 2011. Programme Report available at http://www.educationandtransition.org/wp-content/ uploads/2007/04/2011_Eritrea_EEPCT_report.pdf [assessed 14 January 2013]. Walter, R. C., Buffler, R. T., Bruggemann, J. H., Guillaume, M. M., Berhe, S. M., Negassi, B., Libsekal, Y., Cheng, H., Edwards, R. L., von Cosel, R., Neraudeau, D. and Gagnon, M. (May 2000). ‘Early human occupation of the Red Sea coast of Eritrea during the last interglacial’. Nature 405 (6782): 65–9. doi:10.1038/35011048. Available at http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v405/n6782/full/405065a0.html [assessed 7 January 2013]. WHO (nd). Health profile at Eritrea WHO Country Office. afro.who.int [accessed 2 February 2013]. Woodhall, M. 1992. ‘Student loans in developing countries: feasibility, experience and prospects for reform’. Higher Education 23 (4): 347–56. World Bank. 2012. World Development Indicators’. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

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Ethiopia: An Overview Jana Zehle

Facts about the country Ethiopia is the second most populous country in Africa. According to the Census 2012 the population numbers 82.5 million, of which 16 per cent (11.4 million) live in urban and 84 per cent (59.8 million) in rural areas. Sixty-five million of the population live in the highland temperate part of the country while approximately 12 million inhabit the lowlands that cover 60 per cent of the country’s land mass. The main occupation in the highlands is farming – meaning rain-dependent agriculture using basic methods and tools, e.g. farming with wooden ploughs – while the lowlands are mostly occupied by a pastoral and agro-pastoral population. The population growth rate for 2011 was 3.19 per cent (CIA, 2012). Having invested in human resources and physical infrastructure the economy has achieved a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth of 8 per cent in the year 2011/12 (EIU, 2011). Despite this growth which is related to the exploitation of natural resources in Ethiopia and a land distribution policy opening the territory to foreign investors, Ethiopia remains one of the poorest countries in the world with nearly half of the population living below the poverty threshold of 1.25US$ per day. Ethiopia is ranked 174 out of 182 countries on the Human Development Index (HDI). The Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction Program (SDPRB) forms the basis for the second poverty reduction strategy, known as the Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty (PASDEP) which was implemented during the period 2005/06 to 9/10 Georgian Calender (G.C.). The achievements of the PASDEP and lessons drawn from its implementation are the bases for conceiving the next five-year Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) for 2010/11 to 2014/15 G.C. The GTP is directed towards Ethiopia’s long-term vision ‘to become a country where

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democratic rule, good governance and social justice reign upon the involvement and free will of its peoples and once extricating itself from poverty to become a middle-income economy’ (MoFED 2010: 7). Under the former centralized Derg1-Regime (1974–91) Ethiopia’s regional and woreda2 governments were marginalized. After the overthrow of the Derg Regime through the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) was established and decentralization was adopted as a cornerstone for building a multi-ethnic democratic country. It is estimated that approximately 90 different ethnic groups live in Ethiopia and about 85 different languages are spoken. Ethiopia has never been a colonial state; however, for a short time the country suffered a homicidal suppression through the Italian Invasion (1935– 41). In 1974 the Emperor Haile Selassi I was forced to sign over power to the Provisional Military Administration Council, Derg, and Ethiopia became a Socialist People’s Republic. In 1991, following the declaration of failure of the former Derg Regime, EPRDF-leader Meles Zenawi became prime minister and head of the government of the FDRE with nine federal states and two city states.

Education in Ethiopia Structure In Ethiopia primary education lasts eight years and is divided into two cycles, first cycle (grades 1 to 4) and second cycle (grades 5 to 8). It is then followed by secondary school, again divided into first cycle (grades 9 and 10) and second cycle (grades 11 and 12). After grade 10 the students have to pass the Ethiopian General Secondary Education Certificate Examination (EGSECE) in order to continue their education in grades 11 and 12, which serve as preparation for university after they have passed another examination, the Ethiopian Higher Education Entrance Certificate Examination (EHEECE). Students who are not continuing the second cycle of secondary school might join the Technical and Vocational Education Training (TVET) programme or the teacher training college. In addition, the Ministry of Education (MoE) sets kindergarten education as a requirement for young children at the beginning of their education. The following graphic offers an overview of the structure of the education system in Ethiopia.

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Pre-School

1

2

3

General Secondary Education

Primary Education

1 2 3 4

2nd cycle

9

10

1st cycle

E G S E C E

TVET Level 1-5

Preparatory Secondary Education

KG 11 12

ABE 1 2 3

2nd cycle KG ABE PSLCE EGSECE TVET EHEECE

- Kindergarten - Alternative Basic Education - Primary School Leaving Certificate Examination - Ethiopian General Secondary Education Certificate Examination - Technical and Vocational Education Training - Ethiopian Higher Education Entrance Certificate Examination

E H E E C E

1 2 3 1-4 1-6

Postgraduate Degree Program MA PHD MSc 12 1234

Ethiopia: An Overview

1st cycle

5 6 7 8

P S L C E

Undergraduate Degree Program

Figure 9.1  Structure of the education system in Ethiopia Source: MoE, 2011: 4

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Historical overview Ethiopia’s education system developed parallel to its religion. Christianity spread from 330 ad onwards. Until the end of the nineteenth century the education system was based upon the Orthodox Church and a limited number of Koran schools. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has very little in common with other Orthodox Churches such as the Greek. In the fourth century under power of the Aksum king Ezana, Christianity became the leading religion. Under the influence of a group of ejected Syrian monks the monophysitic church is believed to have been established. This form of belief stresses the holy nature of Christ and the purity of Mary. Contrary to the monophysitic church are the dyophysitic beliefs of the Greek Orthodox Church or the Catholic Church, which stress both the holy and human qualities of Christ. Other monophysitic or non-chalcedonic (referring to the ecumenical council of Chalkedan 451) churches are the Armenian, Syrian and Indian Thomas Churches. Religious instruction in the Ethiopian context is characterized as being ‘conservative in thought and deed’, and, students were educated to ‘levels based on repetition and memorization’ (Teshome, 1979). The first government school, the Minilik II School, was established in 1908. The development of the education system can be divided into five phases: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Pre-War Phase (1908–35) Italian Occupation Phase (1935–41) Post-War Phase (1941–74) Revolutionary Phase (1974–91) Post-Revolutionary Phase (since 1991)

The pre-war phase (1908–35) Under the government of Emperor Minilik II, the idea of governmental responsibility for the education of the people was born. Minilik II handed responsibility for education to the Egyptian Coptic teacher Professor Hanna Saleb (Mayrhofer, 2001). The Coptic Orthodox Church dates back to the Alexandrian Egyptian Christianity of the ancient world, founded by the Evangelist Johannes Marcus in the first century ad. Like the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, the Coptic Orthodox Church is a non-chalcedonic, monophysitic church. With this diplomatic move Minilik II succeeded in reducing the resistance of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church which might otherwise have regarded it as government interference and a religious threat. Minilik’s decision ‘minimize[ed] the fear

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that foreign teachers might engage in religious propaganda’ (Teshome, 1979: 31). Simultaneously missionaries started to open schools. Under the rule of Emperor Haile Selassi I a four-year primary school was financed with taxation revenue. The establishment of a government education system was regarded by the majority of the people as a ‘useless luxury’ (Mayrhofer, 2001). Behind this view stood and still stands the problem that children have to contribute their part to the family’s household, through practical work or financial and material contributions from daily labour. Girls in particular carry the main duties of the household. Therefore, the government education system was and still is confronted with certain demands: 1. to transfer and stimulate knowledge and abilities applicable to the daily life of peasants; and 2. to offer opportunities to use the acquired abilities of reading, writing and counting in out-of-school settings.

The Italian occupation phase (1935–41) During the Italian occupation, under the command of Marshall Badoglio all government schools were closed and missionary schools operated under radical regulations. Italian soldiers and a few Ethiopian citizens, mainly nuns and priests, were trained as assistant teachers, to teach 4,000 students. Lessons were held in Italian and misused for political reasons: the fascist salute, for example, was obligatory. Furthermore, as demonstrated by Pankhurst, ‘75 per cent of the young graduates, young intellectuals who were to have been the administrators and technicians of modern Ethiopia were murdered’ (Pankhurst cited in Teshome, 1979: 48). Sylvia Pankhurst summarizes the influence of the Italian occupation as ‘the schools of Ethiopia were closed and genuine education for the Ethiopians terminated … The educational system suffered a terrible setback as a result of the Italian occupation’ (Ibid: 45).

The post-war phase (1941–74) After Ethiopia’s liberation the education system was stimulated, following the example set by Europe. Through the signing of the British-Ethiopian contract (31 January 1942), the Ethiopian government was obliged to learn from the influence of British counsellors in the educational sector. In addition to reopened government schools, many donor-funded schools, such as the Sandford School, were founded. Following the signing of the Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement in

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1944 Great Britain resigned its immanent influence over Ethiopia’s policy, and Sweden and the USA took over most duties and privileges. Through counsellors from SIDA, UNICEF, UNESCO and the World Bank, the West has left an indelible mark on the Ethiopian education system. Tekeste Negash describes the relationship between the World Bank and so-called developing countries as ‘Who pays the piper calls the tune’ (Tekeste, 1996: 27). His final judgement reads: ‘We have seen that aid and loan were extended first by the United Kingdom and later by the United States … [This] has caused teachers and students alike to see education as a matter of securing certificates’ (Tekeste, 1996: 146). The policy of certificates and exams still rules the educational system from primary through to university level.

The revolutionary phase (1974–91) The ascent to power of the Provisional Military Administration Council (PMAC) – or Derg – was followed, in December 1974, by the ‘Development through Cooperation Campaign’ (Semetscha). More than 5,600 teachers, students, politicians and civil servants and 1,000 soldiers were actively engaged in the literacy campaign. The success of the literacy campaign has been criticized because it was carried out exclusively in the Amharic language and therefore for the minority. High expenses in the defence budget due to the ongoing civil war in the north of Ethiopia and the invasion of Somalia meant that targets in place for school construction, production and distribution of learning materials and training of teachers were only partly realized.

The post-revolutionary phase (since 1991) In 1994, under the government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia a ‘New Education and Training Policy’ was declared. Government schools, public schools and private schools exist alongside each other. Federal, regional and local governments share the responsibility for the provision of general education. The federal government plays the dominant role in the provision of post-secondary education, while also setting standards and providing overall policy guidance, monitoring and evaluation for the entire sector. The regional government is responsible for the oversight of the training of primary school teachers, for providing primary school textbooks and for adapting the primary syllabus to local conditions. Woreda governments are responsible for the payment and recruitment of primary and secondary school teachers, as well as their supervision and training.

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The education system is divided into five levels: Central level ‘Ministry of Education’

Regional level ‘Education offices’

Zonal level ‘Educational offices’

Woreda level ‘Educational Bureaus’

School level ‘Record offices’

Figure 9.2  Levels of the educational system in Ethiopia Source: Zehle, 2010: 25

The division of power between the federal and regional executive bodies has been clearly demarcated in proclamation no. 4/87. This hierarchical division also implies problems, e.g. decisions taken at the central level are not always carried out in the expected sense on the lower level. In addition there is significant variability in the availability and infrastructure among the 11 regions. The responsibilities for education management are summarized in the following table: Since the declaration of the New Education and Training Policy, the Ethiopian government has developed and implemented four successive so-called ‘Five Year Education Sector Development Plans’ (ESDP I-IV). The first ESDP, ESDP I (1997/98 to 2001/02) derived its goals and strategies directly from the aforementioned Education and Training Policy. Based on the national ESDP which is developed by participants of the MoE, REBs, universities, sector ministries, development partners, local and international NGOs, private sectors and the civic society, each region prepares its own detailed ESDP plan to fulfil the goals set by the five-year education programme. In the current ESDP IV it is stressed that Ethiopia has made significant progress in education. Access at all levels of

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Table 9.1  Educational management in Ethiopia Area of Education Responsibility Policy

Ministry of Education

Contributes to national policy (e.g. through twice-yearly Education Management Conference); makes plans for regions on basis of national policy; formulates regional policy Standard setting Sets standards Implementation of standards Examinations Preparation Implementation of national and examination supervision of national examination Curriculum Sets curriculum Preparation for secondary of primary and higher and junior education, secondary assist in curriculum preparation of other school curricula Inspection Inspects schools Teachers Sets standards Pays teachers, and required recruits qualifications, teachers trains and trains secondary primary teachers and teachers posts them to regions Teaching and Bulk Provision of text learning procurement books and materials materials

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Proposes and contributes to national policy

Regional Education Bureau

Zone Education Department

Woreda Office

Proposes plans to Regional Education Bureau

Makes proposals in certain areas to Zones

Implementation Implementation of standards of standards Implementation Implementation and and supervision supervision of national of national examination examination Provides Ensures imple­ feedback and mentation of implements curriculum curriculum in schools and provides feedback

Pays primary teachers, in-service training

Pays primary teachers, in-service training

Distribution of materials

Distribution of materials

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Ministry of Education

Regional Education Bureau

231 Zone Education Department

School Establishes Establishes Establishes establishment higher schools schools and education and junior vocational institutions, colleges, training licenses licenses centres private higher private institutions, schools sets standards for institutions Data Collects national Collects regional Compiles zonal school data data census data and assists in system development

Woreda Office

Establishes schools and vocational training centres

Compiles Woreda data

Source: Ayelew, 2000

the education system has increased at a rapid rate in line with a sharp increase in the number of teachers, schools and institutions, according to the Education Statistics Annual Abstract (ESAA) for 2012/11 published by the Education Management Information System (EMIS) of the MoE. The General Enrolment Rate (GER) in the pre-school programme for four- to six-year-olds was 5.2 per cent (38,2741 children), with significant disparities between urban areas (e.g. Addis Ababa 87.5 per cent or 11,7057 children) and rural areas (e.g. Afar 1 per cent or 1,145 children) (MoE 2011: 22). The pre-school programme as part of Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) has emerged as one of the priorities for the education sector in Ethiopia, because of its fundamental importance for the overall development and learning success of the individual child. ECCE thus plays a crucial role for the attainment of the Education for All (EFA) goals and for the Millennium goals. The National Education and Training Policy (1994) states that ‘… kindergarten will focus on all-round development of the child in preparation for formal schooling’ (TGoE, 1994: 14). This policy recognizes already the importance of ECCE. The history of ECCE goes far into the past and was related to the traditional Ethiopian Orthodox Church, restricted to male children. The first ‘modern’ kindergarten was introduced during the

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reign of Emperor Minilik II in 1900. Since then the expansion of kindergarten has been slow, and between 1900 and 1974 only 77 kindergartens opened in Ethiopia. Under the Derg Regime the number of kindergartens increased to 912 and then remained stagnant until the beginning of this millennium. As part of its Education and Training Policy the government of Ethiopia has developed a comprehensive Early Childhood Development Policy Framework and a Strategic Operational Plan in collaboration with different ministries, namely the MoE, Ministry of Health (MoH), Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MoWA) and experts and consultancies from the university and NGOs and GOs. The focus of the new ECCE policy is on: MM

MM

MM

MM

Parental education Health and early stimulation Community based pre-schools Non-formal school readiness, such as child-to-child modality.

There still remain many challenges for ECCE practice in Ethiopia: high fees, lack of trained pre-school teachers, differences in standards, exclusion of children from low socio-economic backgrounds, and hardly any educational services for children of pre-school age in rural areas (most ECCE programmes are limited to children from age four to six with education and care for children below this age being left to their parents). Generally low awareness for the value of ECCE can be regarded as another major reason for low enrolment rates in pre-school programmes. The GER for primary schools is 96.4 per cent at national level, 124 per cent for the first cycle of primary school and 66.1 per cent for the second cycle. For both cycles the gender disparity in favour of male students and the disparities among the regions are obvious. However, the average annual growth rate is highest for the most disadvantaged national states, regarding development in the educational sector, with Afar at 23.5 per cent and Somali at 18.8 per cent, while nationally the annual growth rate has increased by 4.5 per cent (MoE 2011: 23ff.). Grade repetition (8.55 per cent) and dropout (13.1 per cent, 19.9 per cent for grade 1) remain serious problems within the primary school sector in Ethiopia and raise questions about its quality. To realize the objective of UPE, ESDP III envisages provision of basic education through alternative modes, particularly in remote areas. Most Alternative Basic Education (ABE) activities are accomplished in Basic Education Centres, and are designed to enrol the same age group as regular primary education. ABE lasts three years only. ABE enrolments are included in the data on GER on

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primary level and contribute an additional 4–5 per cent to this GER nationwide (MoE 2011: 39). Adult and non-formal education is to be distinguished from ABE. It is intended to address the primary education needs of adults and learners in general who are significantly older than the presumed average primary ages between seven and 14. As adult and non-formal education is provided by NGOs, there is no reliable data available on enrolment rates through the MoE. As already mentioned, secondary school education is also provided in two cycles, first cycle (grades 9 and 10) and second cycle (grades 11 and 12). National examination (EGSECE) occurs after grade 10 to certify completion of general secondary education and to select those students that qualify for the next higher level, namely second cycle, TVET or CTE. The GER for secondary school education, first cycle, is 38.4 per cent (34.9 per cent female and 41.9 per cent male students), amounting to 1,461,918 students country-wide. Again, considerable discrepancies between the regions can be noticed. While Addis Ababa, the capital, has the highest GER for secondary school education, the more remote and rural areas, Afar, Somalia and SNNPR, are far behind. In the preparatory programme of the secondary school second cycle, there is a GER of 9.4 per cent (6.9 per cent or 118,645 female students, and 8.1 per cent or 169,571 male students, totalling 288,216 students). With a Gender Parity Index (GPI) of 0.83 for first cycle and 0.71 for second cycle in secondary school, the gender gap within tertiary education is foreseeable. A regional comparison for second cycle secondary schools makes little sense because most of these schools are found in the more populated centres in the country (MoE 2011: 46).

Teacher education Referring to Figure 10.1, Colleges of Teacher Education (CTEs) and Technical Vocational Education Training institutions (TVETs) are not classified under the higher education sector. Since 2005/06 the education and training of teachers has changed from a 12+1 diploma to a 10+3 diploma programme for primary school teachers. Secondary school teachers study at university or at a CTE that is affiliated to a university. Primary school teachers who were educated and trained under the former system at Teacher Training Institutes (TTIs) with a 10+1 program (see Zehle, 2010: 25ff.) are encouraged to upgrade their educational status in evening or summer courses offered by 32 CTEs all over the country. As teachers and

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teacher education play a crucial role in the quality of schooling and education in general, a brief account of the history of teacher education and training will be given. In the following, the history of teachers’ education and training in Ethiopia will be summarized following the chronology of the previous chapter on the Educational System of Ethiopia

The pre-war phase (1908–35) Little is known about the education and training of teachers during the Pre-War Phase. Since the beginning of government education, most of the employed teachers were foreigners. Local clergymen were assigned from the ‘Patriarchate office’ to teach Ge’ez language and ethics in the schools.

The phase of Italian occupation (1935–41) Teachers’ education and training during the phase of Italian occupation was completely suspended.

The post-war phase (1941–74) The Italian occupation caused a shortage of teachers. This deplorable state of affairs urgently demanded the opening of a Teacher Training Institution. Accordingly, in 1944, one classroom was allocated for a ‘Normal College’ at Minilik II School and 32 candidates were admitted. The candidates were selected from those who had completed grade 6 and passed an entrance exam. The training was designed to be completed in two years and of the 32 candidates, 23 graduated in July 1946 with a 3rd Grade Certificate and began their teaching profession from grade 1 up to grade 8. The subjects taught in the training programme were English, Amharic, Psychology, History of Education and Philosophy, Morals and Ethics, and Pedagogy for Primary Schools. By 1964 another four teacher training institutions had been opened: Harar Teacher Training School, Haile Selassi I School, Debre Birhan Community Teacher Training School and, with support of UNESCO, Majete Community Teacher Training School. Nevertheless the demand for trained teachers could not be fulfilled with the number of teachers trained in the teacher training institutes, and the assignment of untrained teachers from different professions was common practice. A study conducted in the year 1966 revealed that 62.4 per cent of primary school teachers were not trained.

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The newly established Ministry of Education and Arts prescribed that the training period should be two years and that the candidates should have successfully completed grade 10. To increase the quality of teacher training a curriculum was designed in 1966 by an expert group, whose members came from the Ministry of Education and Arts, from the Haile Selassi University, from USAID and UNESCO. It was intended that the teachers who graduated from the teacher training institutions would be able to teach all subjects at primary level. Thus, the teachers were assigned to teach on the basis of either a multi-grade approach, to teach one subject at all grades, or on the basis of self-contained classroom approaches, where they teach all subjects. Two types of credentials were given to the students who successfully completed their training: a certificate from the Ministry of Education and Arts confirming that the National Leaving Certificate had been passed, and a diploma from the institution. In parallel a strategy was designed to upgrade untrained teachers in primary schools, divided into: MM

MM

MM

MM

A programme to upgrade teachers whose school education is below grade 8 in order to attain grade 8 and complete primary school education A programme to upgrade teachers who finished school education at grade 9 in order to attain grade 11 Professional improvement for teachers who completed grade 12 Separate training programmes in Home Economics, Sports, and Productive Technology.

During the period 1969 to 1974, all TTIs in Ethiopia adapted this uniform curriculum. The subjects taught in the training programme were English, Amharic, Psychology, Education, Morality and Ethics, Science, Rural Science, Social Studies, Home Economics, Productive Technology, Arts, Music, and Sports. There were various criteria to select students for the TTI programme: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Completion of grade 10 with high scores Passing an entrance interview Passing an entrance written exam Good health Age above 18.

The major incentive for joining the teacher training programme was a relatively better salary in comparison to other civil servants and the high respect which society had for the teaching profession. After completing the teacher training

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in one year and acquiring the above-mentioned certificate and diploma, the teachers had a one-year probation period. As civil servants and practising teachers they were licensed as teachers through the Ministry of Education and Arts. During this period the number of unqualified teachers in primary schools decreased from 62.4 per cent (1966) to 4.8 per cent (1974). With the support of UNESCO and UNDP the Bahir Dar Pedagogical Academy was established to train qualified and practising primary teachers to become instructors at the TTIs.

The revolutionary phase (1974–91) The first period of the revolutionary phase (1974–9) was dominated by the ‘Development through Cooperation Campaign’ (‘Semetscha’) in December 1974. As a consequence, the teacher training institutions closed down their training service while at the same time the number of primary school students increased significantly. To offset the shortage of teachers and to provide students in primary school with teachers, students who completed grades 9, 10, 11 and 12 were given a few days of training to be ‘qualified’ to teach in primary school. This short-term training was later developed to a primary strategy to ensure primary education coverage in the country. The government paid 100 Birr salary with the expectation that the remaining additional allowance would be covered by the primary school students and their families. However, as the families were not able to cover these allowances, the strategy to ensure primary education was discontinued in 1979. At this time 7,100 unqualified primary school teachers were employed. Many of them were said to have no interest in, nor commitment to, the teaching profession, and accordingly the quality of teaching declined, as did respect for the teaching profession. From 1979 to 1991, the teacher training institutions recommenced their activity with a one-year programme compromising 17 subjects. The selection criteria for the students from grades 9 to 12 were their entrance exam results, their orientation towards the Marxist ideology and the ‘Semetscha’, as well as their participation in – political – youth associations. To cover the high demand of primary school teachers, students who completed grade 12 were employed after one month’s training. They were paid 182 Birr per month. Later this training was extended to three months and the salary adjusted to that of qualified teachers. Further teacher training institutes were opened in Jimma, Hawassa, Dessie, Nekemte, Robe, Gondar, Nazareth, Gambella and Arba Minch.

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The post-revolutionary phase (since 1991) With regard to teachers’ education and training the ‘New Education and Training Policy’ of 1994 declared that: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

candidates for teacher education and training should be chosen on the basis of their competence, diligence, physical fitness, mental health and professional tendency teacher education and training should consider the students’ general knowledge, attitudes and professional ethics teachers should only teach at the levels they are certificated for professional development of teachers should be ensured through providing in-service training the programme of teacher education and training institutions and colleges should consider their students’ background and knowledge level special attention should be given to encourage participation of women. (Zehle, 2010)

Besides teacher education, technical and vocational education is another option for students leaving secondary school after grade 10 to continue their education. The main objective of the TVET sub-sector, as stated in the ESDP IV ‘… is to train middle level human power and transfer demanded technologies and by doing so, to contribute to poverty reduction and sustainable development’ (MoE 2010: 52). TVET provides training in so-called ‘market-oriented programs based on the demand of industry’ for grade 10 graduates as well as for employees and school-leavers. There are 496 government and non-government TVET institutions in the country and additionally non-formal TVET centres offering short-term training. The GER is 371,347, indicating a steady increase of 17.6 per cent over the last five years. Female enrolment constitutes 46.2 per cent of the total enrolment, meaning female students are still under-represented; however the balance at the national level is reasonably good.

Higher education Higher education in Ethiopia has a relatively short history dating back to 1950, the founding year of the University College of Addis Ababa, later on Haile Selassi I University (1962) and since 1975 Addis Ababa University. The aforementioned Education and Training Policy (1994) emphasizes the linkage between higher education and the country’s overall development. Particularly in the last ten

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years, higher education has expanded considerably in Ethiopia and one milestone in this development was the Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation no. 351/2003, setting as the first objective to ‘… Produce, in the required number and quality, skilled manpower that may serve the country in different professions’ (FDRE, 2003: 6). Proclamation no. 351/2003 provides the framework for the planning of the higher education subsector under ESDP III. Further emphasis was put in ESDP III on the relevance of academic programmes: a 70:30 per cent undergraduate professional mix in favour of 70 per cent science and technology and 30 per cent social/human sciences. In 2010/11, 22 public universities were in existence as well as a sizeable number of accredited non-governmental higher education institutions. The total enrolments for undergraduate and graduate students in higher education in all programmes (regular, evening, summer and distance) is 467,843 students, including 79,314 (17 per cent) enrolments in non-government higher education institutions. Postgraduate PhD programmes encompass 789 students, in governmental institutions for higher education, only. On the postgraduate Masters level 18,486 students are enrolled in governmental institutes for higher education, and 875 in non-governmental ones, and finally on undergraduate level a total of 447,693 students are enrolled, 369,254 in governmental and 78,439 in non-governmental HEIs. Within the last five years enrolment in undergraduate university studies has more than doubled. At the same time there has also been a considerable increase in postgraduate enrolment; however, the number still remains small. Another concern is the low enrolment of female students: 120,924 on undergraduate degree programmes (27 per cent), 2,683 on postgraduate Masters programmes (13.9 per cent) and 99 on postgraduate PhD programmes (12.6 per cent) (MoE, 2010: 59ff.). Further concerns and challenges which higher education in Ethiopia is facing include the shortage of qualified staff in public and private institutions (partly compensated for through recruitment of expatriates); the lack of resources and facilities; the inadequate level of management and leadership in higher education; and finally, open and distance education lags behind expectations and the Ethiopian Open University has not yet been created (MoE, 2010: 61).

Education and diversity Ethiopia is characterized at the beginning of this article as a diverse, multiethnic country. Key documents were signed and national and international policies adopted in order to address equity in access to general education.

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However, access to education is still a challenge for various groups, especially for students living a pastoral lifestyle and for students with disabilities, although the MoE has established a Special Support and Inclusive Education Directorate to promote access to education for both these groups. Pastoralists in Ethiopia can be mainly found in the eastern part of the country, Afar and Somali, in SNNPR as well as in Gambela and Benishangul Gumuz. Pastoralists’ lifestyle is characterized through livestock herding which requires mobility in arid and semi-arid areas, to search for water and pasture, as well as to preserve the regeneration of natural resources. Beyond this, pastoral production is labour-intensive and requires the participation of the young. As mobility and young people’s labour are crucial to pastoral production, the conventional provision of school education compels pastoralists to a trade-off between school education and pastoral production/indigenous education. School education for pastoralists has been neglected until recently in Ethiopia. Within the New Education and Training Policy (1994), access, quality, relevance and equity of the education system and the provision of education to all citizens has been emphasized, as well as the commitment to offer special support to marginalized groups and marginalized areas that have hitherto been deprived of educational services. ESDP III has given due consideration to mainstream pastoralist education in all sub-sectors of the education system. However, the GER in primary schools still remains low in the areas where pastoralists are highly represented, e.g. the Afar and Somali regions. In other areas high GER, like SNNPR (127 per cent) do not provide any information about the percentages of school enrolment within the regional state mainly on enrolment of pastoralist students’ enrolment. The fact of low school participation of pastoralists is observed in several African and Asian countries, and has been attributed to the inadequate provision of education which responds appropriately to pastoralists’ way of life and to their need to retain flexibility in dealing with changing and possibly adverse circumstances. The conventional provision of school education – in permanent buildings with day classes throughout the academic year – compels pastoralists to decide either for school education or the pastoral lifestyle (CarrHill and Peart, 2005). Consequently, the ESDP III devoted, for the first time, a full section on the issues of primary education for pastoralists and agropastoralists, reaffirming the need for alternative approaches and strategies: localization of curriculum for more relevance, employment and training of local facilitators selected by their community, development of communitybased boarding schools, hostels, permanent village schools and mobile schools.

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ABE was adopted by the Ethiopian government following a study in 2000 on ‘Alternative Routes to Basic Primary Education’ as a key strategy to increase enrolment also of pastoralist students. ABE is considered ‘important as an emergency short-term measure for achieving universal primary education by 2015, and in reaching the hard-to-reach remote rural and dispersed communities, pastoralists, semi-agriculturalist societies’ (MoE, 2005), and the current ESDP IV – which focuses on quality, equity, and inclusion of marginalized groups – reveals that the objective is to transform the existing ABE centres into regular schools, where possible (MoE, 2010). It suggests that the real concern is not to develop adapted and flexible primary education for pastoralists in the long term, but first of all to attract and integrate them into the education system, and achieve UPE. Tirussew (2005) states that ‘there is a general tendency to think of persons with disabilities as weak, hopeless, dependent, and unable to learn and a subject of charity. The misconceptions of causal attribution added to the misunderstanding of the capabilities of persons with disabilities’ (Tirussew, 2005: 7) and their exclusion from education in the past. Only a few special schools were established by missionaries, e.g. in Dembi Dollo (Western Ethiopia) – the first special school for students with visual impairment – in 1917. The Education and Training Policy from 1994 draws attention to the education of children with special educational needs (SEN). The total number of students with SEN is 55,492 in primary schools, and 5,297 in secondary schools; however, the number of SEN students who are currently enrolled in schools is expected to exceed this figure (MoE, 2011: 37). Further, this figure of 55,492 and 5,297 students only considers students with visual impairments, hearing impairments, physical impairments as well as intellectual disabilities – students with learning disabilities and behavioural-emotional disorders are omitted. Students with SEN are enrolled in special schools, special units within schools or in mainstream education. The curriculum for the undergraduate programme in SEN and Inclusive Education (IE) 2012 reveals that there are about 101 schools for deaf students, 49 schools for students with visual impairments and 31 classes for students with intellectual disabilities, run by governmental and non-governmental organizations. Thus, SEN educational provision is offered at 181 schools in Ethiopia compared to 2,349 primary and 1,517 secondary schools operating within the country (AAU, 2012). It is further indicated that only 1.9 per cent of the primary school-age population (seven to eighteen years) with SEN has access to education. To reduce the existing lack of educational provision for students with SEN and to improve access and quality education

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for marginalized children and children with SEN, various universities and all CTEs in the country have started programmes to train experts, teachers and practitioners in the field of SEN and IE at Diploma, BA, MA and PhD level. Meanwhile, SEN and IE still face challenges, such as: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

very limited access to formal education by children with SEN limited awareness within the education sector and among teaching staff about SEN cooperation between the MoE, other ministries, and different partners is not well developed existing special classes are understaffed and have inadequate instructional materials there are still insufficient and inappropriate opportunities for teacher training an adequate support system for students with SEN is not yet in place, e.g. resource centres and adaptive technologies. (MoE, 2010: 75)

The MoE has adopted a SEN and IE strategy on providing education within the existing structure and within the framework of IE based on the Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action which has been adopted by the Ethiopian government. Articles 2 and 7 clearly demand an educational setting which welcomes all children and respects differences: ‘… that ordinary school should accommodate all children regardless of their physical, intellectual, emotional, social, linguistic or other requirements. It further states that educational policies should stipulate that children with disabilities attend their neighborhood schools …’ ‘… that all children should learn together, wherever possible, regardless of any difficulties or differences they may have. Inclusive schools must recognize and respond to the diverse needs of their students, accommodating both different styles and rates of learning and ensuring quality education to all through appropriate curricula, organizational arrangements, teaching strategies, resource use and partnerships with communities.’ (UNESCO, 1994)

The shift towards IE in the country will widen the opportunity for all children to have access to education in regular schools in their community. Currently the educational structure for students with SEN follows five routes: MM

MM

special day schools special boarding or residential schools

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special classes within regular school settings inclusive schools where students with SEN attend class together with their peers and special support is offered regular schools where students with SEN attend class together with their peers without any special support being offered. (Tirussew, cited in Teferra 2005: 86)

Conclusion This article has attempted to give an overview of institutionalized education which can look back to a long-lasting history and was related mainly to religious education until the end of the nineteenth century. It is since then that government educational institutions have been established and that different educational sectors have been expanded from ECCE to tertiary education. The New Education and Training Policy (1994) is a key document for the current education policy. The pivotal contribution of education to sustainable development in the country, to reduce poverty and to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is underlined in various national documents (ESDP, GTP, PASDEP, SDPRP). The article also draws attention to relevant implications for the education sector. The majority of the Ethiopian population lives in rural areas where access to education is challenging. In addition pastoralist groups living in different areas of Ethiopia require a reorganization of the school system and the national curriculum which are currently not compatible with their lifestyle. Children with SEN and marginalized children are still neglected within the Ethiopian education system. Lack of awareness for their needs and lack of trained experts in the field are the main reason for their being still partly excluded from educational provision.

Notes 1 Derg is the Amharic translation for PMAC. 2 Woreda is a local district. 3 According to the Ethiopian way of quoting the first name is mentioned first, the second name (the father’s name) plays a subsidiary role in addressing and communicating as well as in referring.

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References Addis Ababa University (AAU). 2012. ‘Department of Special Needs Education and Inclusive Education. College of Education. 2012’. Undergraduate Program in Special Needs and Inclusive Education. Program Document. Draft. Addis Ababa. Ayalew Shibeshi. 2000. ‘Education in Ethiopia: An Overview’, in Fellner, C. (ed.) Ethiopia: An Introduction into culture, economics, politics, and cooperation: Frankfurt am Main: Brandes and Absel, 95–106. Carr-Hill, R. and Peart, E. 2005. The Education of Nomadic Peoples in East Africa. African Development Bank. Paris: UNESCO. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2012. The World Factbook. www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2002.html [accessed 25 July 2012]. Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). 2011. Country Report Ethiopia December 2011. www.eiu.com [accessed 30 December 2011]. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia FDRE. 1995. The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Proclamation no. 1/1995. Addis Ababa: Federal Negarit Gazeta. —2003. Higher Education. Proclamation no 351/2003. Addis Ababa: Federal Negarit Gazeta. Mayrhofer, W. 2001. ‘The history of education in a (nearly) forgotten country: The case of Ethiopia’. In Wartenberg, D. and Mayrhofer, W. (eds) Education in Ethiopia. Hamburg, 138–65. Ministry of Education (MoE). 2005. Education Sector Development Program III. Addis Ababa: FDRE Ministry of Education. —2010. Education Sector Development Program IV. Addis Ababa: FDRE Ministry of Education. —2011. Annual Education Statistical Abstracts 2010/11. Addis Ababa: FDRE Ministry of Education. Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED). 2010. Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) 2010/11–2014/15 Draft. Addis Ababa: FDRE Ministry of Finance and Economic Development. Teferra, T. 2005. Disability in Ethiopia: Issues, Insights and Implications. Addis Ababa University Press. Tekeste Negash. 1996. Rethinking Ethiopia. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitute. Teshome, W. G. 1979. Education in Ethiopia Prospect and Retrospect. Michigan: University of Michigan Press. Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGoE). 1994. Education and Training Policy. Addis Ababa. UNESCO. 1994. Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action on Special Needs Education. Paris: UNESCO. Zehle, J. 2010. Dropout in First Grade as an Indicator for Learning Difficulties in Ethiopian Government Schools. Berlin: Logos.

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The Republic of Gabon: An Overview Jacques Ginestié and Jean Sylvain Bekale Nze

Preamble It is very difficult to obtain reliable information on the Gabonese educational system because there are no official public statistics. The data come from two different sources. The first type is obtained from the databases of major international organizations (UN, UNESCO, UNDP, World Bank, etc.). The second type was established by field surveys in different studies conducted in the country at the request of these large organizations or the government of Gabon. Many intersections have been made to reduce the risk of error, but given the low reliability of all, there is still an irreducible margin of error. This margin is not likely to alter the proposed analysis even if it limits its scope. The exploitation of these data falls exclusively within the responsibility of the authors and does not commit anyone else.

Introduction: Societal context Gabon is a country located in Central Africa in the Gulf of Guinea, straddling the Equator. Covering an area of 267,667 square kilometres, Gabon is bounded to the north by Cameroon, to the north-west by Equatorial Guinea, to the east and south by the Congo and to the west by the Atlantic ocean bordering over 800 kilometres of coastline. Gabon is a country where the forest flora and fauna are still well preserved, with 85 per cent of the territory covered by equatorial forest. Nearly 50 per cent of the 1.5 million population is under 25 years (see Figure 10.1 data provided by UNESCO, 2011). Mainly concentrated in the capital, Libreville, with an official census around 600,000 inhabitants but probably closer to 750,000, and three or four provincial centres of under 50,000

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90 – 94

Hommes

Femmes

80 – 84 70 – 74 60 – 64 50 – 54 40 – 44 30 – 34 20 – 24 10 – 14 0–4 –100

–50

0

50

100

Figure 10.1  Pyramid of ages for Gabon Source: UNO, 2011

inhabitants, the demography of the country has changed significantly over the last 20 years; the population, predominantly rural during the last century, is rapidly evolving with a strong growth, rejuvenation and intensive urbanization. These changes are having a significant impact on the development of the Gabonese educational system that is finding it difficult to adapt (Nations Unies, 2011). French is the official language of the country, spoken by 80 per cent of the population. There are about 50 different ethnic groups who speak 50 different languages, mainly from the Bantu groups. Gabon is a former French colony which gained independence in 1960. It belongs to the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC). Gabon’s economy is primarily based on the export of raw materials, especially oil (with an important potential for deep-water operation), minerals (iron, manganese, rare metals), wood, representing the majority of the country’s income. Oil revenues account for 80 per cent of exports, 60 per cent of the state’s income and 40 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP), but the sector has been declining since 1997. With a GDP per capita of $16,000, Gabon is located above the African average (75th in the world ranking); despite its economic strengths, the country is ranked in 2011 only 106th out of 187 on the human development index (ref. UNESCO, 2011), and the distribution of wealth is uneven: whereas

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11.5 per cent of the population has an income higher than $40,000 per household per year, 27 per cent have an income of less than $6,000. Large companies that exploit the natural resources of Gabon occupy the economic front of society, but this is not where the majority of people live and meet their daily needs. For this, there are a lot of small jobs carried out by artisans and small traders from Gabon but also immigrants from West and Central Africa. They offer their services at reasonable prices, adapted to the resources of their clients. So, in Gabon, there is a double standard of consumption: a European standard, where prices are comparable to those in Europe, and an African standard, which enables the poorest to live (Banque Mondiale, 2010). The Gabonese educational system is largely structured according to the French model, inherited from colonization. The post-colonization era is characterized by extensive cooperation substitution and many young French teachers taking charge of the Gabonese educational system. In the late 1980s, France gradually withdrew from cooperation substitution, leaving a partnership cooperation to replace the French cooperators with Gabonese teachers. Footprint French is still widely visible at all levels. Largely based on the same model of republican elitism that existed in France until the late 1970s, the Gabonese school is primarily a public, secular and free school. There is also a long tradition of private religious education, provided by the Catholic Church and Protestant missions, and later some Muslim institutions. It is only recently that private institutions have been developed that operate at all levels of schooling, most of the time as a palliative for the shortcomings of the state in terms of provision of education and training. A system of scholarships and financial aid allows parents to cover tuition fees for children in the public system, but many private schools charge disproportionately high rates compared to the scale of local revenues. The Gabonese educational system is organized quite conventionally with a pre-school (attended by only a few), a primary school and a secondary education organized in two levels, the junior high school and the upper high school. Higher education is organized through three universities in the country and a set of higher institutions with varying degrees of specialization, including technological and professional training. The training of teachers is provided by two normal schools for the first degree and two teacher training colleges in the second degree: the first, ENS, trains teachers in general subjects, while the second, ENSETP, trains teachers of technical and vocational education. The issue of development and structuring of the Gabonese educational system is particularly worrying. The country now finds itself in the situation of fast population growth, with a growing youth sector who cannot find

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jobs to fulfil their expectations. Poorly organized, with very low efficiency, primary school struggles to provide basic education for all. The secondary school amplifies this lack of efficiency; a large percentage of pupils leave the educational system without any kind of diploma or qualification. Without real structure of employment, with an economy based mainly on the activities of the informal sector, it is difficult to organize a range of training courses tailored to the aspirations of the youth and realistic view of opportunities. These difficulties are compounded by territorial management that confuses largely political planning and response to people’s needs, so although it is perfectly legitimate for the state of Gabon to provide education for all children where they live, we can only note the paucity of educational opportunities and training in the capital. Finally, the organization of the training and recruitment of teachers is far below the needs of the country, both quantitatively and qualitatively. The pyramid shows quantitatively the incorporation of each of the age groups of children and adolescents enrolled. In Gabon, the very young population and the numbers of the same age are constantly increasing. The numbers of the same age have doubled in 20 years, but we can observe a slowdown over the past five years. We can thus consider that there are approximately over 40,000 children each year (roughly as many girls as boys) entering the educational system; all elements of analysis given below are based on this estimation. The level of education of the Gabonese population is rather high (Ginestié, 2010). The table below shows the distribution of the population according to the level of education. Nearly 87 per cent of the population attends primary school or higher. Schooling is slightly better for males (88.1 per cent) than females (85.7 per cent). Differentiation by gender is much more sensitive at the higher level; there are more males (18.1 per cent) who have a high school education than females (8.2 per cent) and almost more than double for higher education. Note also that this number has been rising steadily since the late 1990s (it was 84 per cent in 1998). Because Gabon provides very little information to worldwide statistical databases, it is very difficult to obtain reliable statistics on its educational system. The data used in this paper are taken from various official documents emanating from the Gabonese government and are complemented by the few existing data. Establishing a system of statistical data is a recurring problem in this country and it seems that the local authorities have many difficulties in putting in place the structures for collecting and processing reliable information on which any educational policy could be based.

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Pre-primary education Presently, about 10 per cent of five-year-old children are enrolled in pre-primary schools, mainly in the capital and the major regional centres. From a qualitative point of view, the pre-school is more a kindergarten than a school for structured learning. During his last annual report on education, the Minister of Education has undertaken to reorganize this sector. A new pre-primary school will have two main purposes: (1) building the child’s first social relationships at school and beyond, initiating early relationships in the world such as in relation to culture (and thus ethnic groups and Gabonese multi-ethnic society), the contemporary context and modes of expression; (2) developing early learning to initiate complex processes such as reading, writing and numeracy.

The elementary school The elementary school is organized into six grades – from Preparatory Course 1 (CP1) to Middle Course 2 (CM2) – hosting about 220,000 children between, in theory, six and 12 years. The enrolment rate is a strong point of the Gabonese educational system, with 94 per cent of children (the same for male and female) attending elementary school. There has been a significant growth of enrolments over the past 15 years. In the late 1990s, the enrolment rate was rather low. Since then the government has focused on increasing the accessibility and reducing the early drop-out of school. Despite these excellent results in quantitative terms, the Gabonese situation is rather worrying. Here two indicators that reflect weak quality could be looked at: repetition rates and illiteracy. The school system is rather inefficient with a high proportion of children outside the age range of 6–12 years in primary school. Loss is very important throughout primary school. At the end, no more than 8 per cent of children follow normal schooling in the prescribed number of years. It is common for a child to repeat several times during their schooling, creating a significant shift in ages for the same grade and contributing to excessive overloading of classes. Thus, instead of lasting six years, primary school lasts seven years for the majority, or even eight or nine years or more for a significant number of children. This highly elitist system turns out to be counterproductive from the standpoint of basic education. The high rate of school failures leads to a loss of

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interest in studies, reducing the level of education of the population and access to secondary education. The illiteracy rate is another qualitative indicator of the effectiveness of the Gabonese educational system. While the country has made many efforts to enhance access to schooling, adult illiteracy stands at 12 per cent. Women are more affected by illiteracy (women represent 66 per cent of illiterates). However, these rates are one of the lowest of Sub-Saharan countries (UNESCO, 2011). At the same time, it seems that the problem is in terms of sustainable literacy: children who leave school early are likely to lose the knowledge they have acquired and become illiterate quickly. In fact, despite considerable efforts made over the past 20 years, students leave primary school with significant gaps regarding basic skills (reading, writing and arithmetic), as well as accumulating significant delays in their schooling. From an early age, young Gabonese face a selection system whereby failure leads to a significant number being excluded from school. The fact that there is no system of widely developed vocational training turns this failure at school into failure of social integration. Excluded young people will swell the ranks of the unemployed, supported by the family structure. They then find themselves in informal activities. Gabon has had many difficulties to cope with in terms of demographic developments during the 1990s and early 2000s. These changes have reshaped a country that no longer has much in common with the Gabon that existed at the time of independence. The urbanization of the population, its rejuvenation and overall growth have had a major impact on the educational geography of the country. During these years, the country has also had a major economic crisis due to the lower cost of raw materials, particularly oil, which has significantly reduced the country’s resources. In addition, policy planning has largely continued to favour territorial coverage with little relation to demographic realities. For example, the standardization of construction norms for schools by the Ministry of National Education has led to building institutions unsuited to local conditions, in areas too large or too small to serve poor rural communities and insufficient to serve urban areas in full expansion. Indeed, mass compulsory education is dominated by an increase in numbers of children per class. This ratio is around 45–50 pupils per class in primary education. This is the average and there are huge variations. In provinces that have undergone massive rural depopulation (Estuary, Ngounié, Nyanga, Woleu-Ntem, among others), the ratio is well below this national standard, while in the main cities (Libreville, Port-Gentil, Franceville), the ratio exceeds 70 pupils per class.

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In challenging educational conditions, it is difficult to ensure a quality education and the efficiency of the educational system suffers (Ginestié et al., 2006). One reason for the ineffectiveness of the school system is due to the very small number of teachers and their poor training or lack of training. With ratios of about 2.2 teachers per 100 pupils, Gabon is far behind countries such as Egypt (4.5) and Tunisia (4.6). For several years, the country has massively recruited teachers on the basis of graduation from high school followed by training classes with only a few weeks’ experience (Nations Unies, 2011). The needs are so great that many municipalities recruit substitutes and place them in schools without training, and without really taking care of their education or skills. Furthermore, teachers’ salaries are very low, and it is not uncommon to find people who have several jobs and devote only a minor part of their time to their business. Teachers’ absenteeism is a major problem that weakens the capacity to provide an educational service to the challenges listed, including the school’s basic qualities for all children. Public education has a very bad reputation with very bad results, exacerbated by overcrowded classrooms and ineffective organization. This leads some parents with high-level social positions to turn to private education for their children. In these schools, the fees are very high, well beyond the reach of an average salary. Private education enrols about 29 per cent of children. It is divided into two different types. The first category relates to confessional education (20 per cent of pupils), schools under the authority of the Catholic Church, representing the majority of these schools (14 per cent of pupils). The second category of institutions is formed on the basis of private funds (9 per cent of pupils). The quality of teaching is very variable, ranging from poor to excellent. Without strict supervision by the state in a system where corruption can obtain licenses in defiance of all rules of quality education, childcare, and even safety, many establishments are schools only in name. Confessional schools, however, offer quality education. Some are concerned about social diversity and accept students without parental funding to ensure the education of other children in disadvantaged or rural areas without a public school. There are still some schools funded by the Embassy of France with French teachers, operating under the principle of cooperation substitution, but they are disappearing. The elementary school does not supply secondary education in favourable conditions. Pupils leave school with low levels of proficiency in terms of basic skills (reading, writing and arithmetic). From a young age, Gabonese children

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face a system of selection by failure. This system is amplified in the secondary school.

The secondary school The junior secondary school The junior high school in Gabon is a four-year model. Accessing secondary education has always been conditioned by a successful competitive entrance examination in sixth grade; this contest was abolished as recently in 2012. This major evolution is part of the policy for generalization of access to basic secondary education for all, but it is premature to assess the effects on the flow of students and success in junior high school. In the current state, about one out of every two children is admitted to lower secondary education, approximately 25,000 children. These very low numbers lead to a significant number of children stopping their education. However, given the high rate of repetition in primary school and delays, it is not, strictly speaking, early exits – the average exit age from the primary school is a little over 14 years. However, these early exits affect girls more than boys (more than 4 per cent difference between the two genders). Two-thirds of students attend a public college. The private sector is based on two categories of establishment. Sixty per cent of private schools are privileged institutions, with quality coaching, reduced staff by grade, and qualified personnel. School organization is strongly influenced by the organizational model of college in France and tuition costs are very high (around 3,000 Euros per year or more). The other 40 per cent of private institutions are also generally very expensive, although with lower rates (around 1,500 Euros per year). Pupilteacher ratios are high, teachers poorly trained and quality poor. There are two levels of orientation: the first at the end of the second year, the second at the end of the fourth year. The first orientates pupils from general education to vocationally based short courses that, in principle, lead to the acquisition of a certificate of competence for access to jobs of low skill level (workers, employees). About 10,000 pupils leave the general educational system to follow vocationally oriented courses. The second orientates pupils to different routes into upper secondary education, general high school to vocational high school. This system of orientation dictates the academic selection of pupils all through the lower secondary school. These fields favour academic knowledge, with a large emphasis given to teaching abstract concepts and their variation

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in exercises. This rather dogmatic approach leaves little space for active steps to develop education focusing on problem-solving, pupils’ engagement and knowledge construction from contextualized situations. The model is a widely dogmatic pattern by statement of knowledge, and learning by repeating a summary of the lessons and by carrying out exercises. The evaluation is essentially summative with a predilection for a cumulative increase of knowledge. This educational model is particularly effective for selecting between students but highly inefficient in terms of learning, especially in the perspective of education for all (Rwehera, 2004). The Gabonese educational system is in transition towards mass access to lower secondary education. The number of pupils admitted to the course of study has almost doubled in less than 15 years. This increase is of course related to population growth, but not only that. There is, in recent years, a willingness to open secondary education to a broader student population. The removal of the entrance examination will accelerate this process. This trend, however, is not easy to manage. An increase in the number of pupils is not the only solution. From a quantitative point of view, it is necessary to build settlements to accommodate all the new pupils, and to recruit and train teachers who will support them. We will return later to this question of the means, whether infrastructure or teachers. From a qualitative point of view, the main challenge is to change the current system which exaggerates the weight of the selection to a system of basic education for all, which gives the opportunity for every child to acquire the same foundation of basic knowledge. If we consider the final examination of lower secondary (BEPC), we observe an increase in the number of candidates, but the success rate has remained fairly constant for more than ten years – around 45 per cent of applicants. At the end, one in four children meets the common knowledge base required; the vast majority are already out of the educational system, most of them without a diploma or qualification, returning to a social system that offers them only very little opportunity employment. Thus, school failure is almost always translated by a social failure that can quickly become explosive. Private education, particularly that which is organized on the European model and standard, provides an alternative for children from favoured backgrounds. Private education reinforces a consolidation of social divisions without real opportunities for intergenerational social advancement. In this sense, the Gabonese educational system is an excellent example of the need to consider the articulation of education for all and vocational training for everyone. We have seen how the system in Gabon has resulted in a drastic

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selection between pupils in primary school and then to lower secondary school. This is also a social selection. Access to quality education is reserved for a small minority of children of favoured social status. It is this same minority who are admitted to upper secondary education.

The upper high school Three ways are offered after the lower secondary school: the general, the technological, and the vocational. In this section, we will only consider the general and the technological ways; we will develop a separate section for vocational education. Few pupils enjoy access to this level of education, about one in five, but the selection has mainly occurred upstream, at the point of transition from lower secondary to upper secondary education. The implications are rather drastic for the choice of the kind of courses. There is a strong hierarchy between sciences and literature, in general education, and between general technology education and the specific areas of industrial technologies or administrative technologies. The best pupils study sciences or technology education courses while the poorer performers follow the other courses. The upper high school is organized over three years and the end of school is sanctioned by a final examination, the general secondary examination called in French ‘baccalauréat’, which may be taken across many specialities. If we observe this examination over the last 20 years, we can note a strong evolution of the number of candidates: about 5,000 in 1994 to about 15,000 in 2010. This change reflects the significant on-going effort to improve access to secondary education for young Gabonese. However, this trend is largely tempered by several factors. The overall number of applicants has tripled in 20 years, but about a quarter of the candidates are those who are freely sitting the examination without any form of schooling. A study conducted a few years ago showed that these candidates were former students of upper secondary education who, having failed, retried their luck to pass this examination, considered a passport to access to higher education. It is therefore only 11,000 pupils who are enrolled in a public or private institution that sit the examination and less than 10 per cent of them have a normal education, without repetition, and arrive at the end of their studies at the correct age. This represents only 2 per cent of a population of the same age group. This very bad rate marks the absence of efficiency of the school system. The success rate for this examination has been fairly stable for over fifteen years, at around 45 per cent of candidates, meaning that slightly fewer than 7,000 candidates pass this examination.

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The distribution of students between different areas of specialism shows a predominance of literature studies (42 per cent of pupils) and economics and social sciences (35.7 per cent of pupils). Science studies represent 22 per cent and technology education about 0.3 per cent. Students in science (27 per cent of all admitted) or technology (0.4 per cent of all students admitted) subjects perform better than those in the literary tract (36.7 per cent of all admitted) or economics and social sciences (35.9 per cent of all admitted). These low numbers of graduates from upper secondary education, their late arrival at the end of these studies with significant variations in age, and the high proportion of graduates in the fields of literature and economics and social sciences, are all indicators of chronic weaknesses of the Gabonese educational system. Nearly one out of two pupils is enrolled in a religious or secular private school. In general, the success rates of pupils in private schools are better than public schools, with some exceptions of large public schools in Libreville, including the school Leon Mba. Given the costs of private education, it strengthens social discrimination at play in the Gabonese educational system. These private institutions are organized along European standards, with particularly low student-teacher ratios, e.g. some schools have classes of fifteen pupils when the average for public education amounts to nearly 60 pupils per class. This differentiation also applies to equipment, whether the use of ICT or work practices equipment, or school supplies, including textbooks. In addition, the standards of coaching are frequently higher, with better-trained teachers, and it is in these institutions that we find the highest proportion of teachers trained in Europe or Quebec. Discrimination by means of socio-economic descent is a strong reality in Gabon. In public education, there is a sub-chronic management that takes two forms: in urban areas, classrooms are overcrowded (often well over 60 students per class) and in rural areas, lessons are often assigned to monitors or underqualified contractors. Selection that occurs throughout the curriculum through repetition doubles as a selective access when changing setting, the entry into the first year of lower secondary education or upper secondary education. School organization is largely inadequate to the needs of countries and contexts. Teaching contents are largely inadequate to educational frameworks, academic disciplines are too prominent, and based on an inadequate hierarchy of school subjects. It is completely ineffective in regard to the issues of mass access to different socio-economic strata. The foundations of the general educational system are based on an excessive selection of the elite at the expense of education for all. This discrimination is deeply unequal and mainly based on

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family resources and what they can devote to the education of their children. This discrimination increases more and more; as long as pupils advance in the educational system, the distinction between high-level private institutions and free public education reinforces such discrimination.

The technical and vocational education and training The description of the general educational system in Gabon shows a significant management problem of student flows, with massive outflow of young people at all important stages of schooling. These outputs are not necessarily a problem as long as they lead students into technical and vocational education and training (TVET) organizations that allow them to acquire skills and find employment. This is what we now consider through the structuring of TVET in Gabon. The definition of a TVET system is complex. There is a close link between the training offered, the recognition of such training through a qualification recognized by the professional community and their suitability to the job market as defined by the business needs (Ginestié et al., 2004). The relationship between the socio-professional sector and the TVET system is largely based on a value system that recognizes a qualification as corresponding to a specific job category. This value system of qualifications reflects directly on the valuation of the TVET system. It is a dynamic system that must evolve to adapt to socio-professional structures. The regulation of this system entails analysing the evolution of jobs and the development of qualifications in order to predict changes. This dynamic regulation can be coordinated at the highest level of socio-political organizations. To operate regulations, coordinators need reliable indicators of trends mentioned above. This must also allow dynamic vocational training in a perspective of lifelong training, to provide opportunities for adaptation to changes in skills and trades (Ginestié, 2010). Structuring a TVET system is largely constrained by the economic and socioprofessional structure of the country (Ginestié et al., 2011). Highly dependent on oil production, Gabon’s economy is struggling to develop other sectors as evidenced by the low share of agriculture in the economy, the low level of industrialization outside activities serving the oil industry, and fluctuations in trade and industry. Economic stability of the country depends largely on its ability to develop sectors that do not depend directly on the exploitation of raw materials. For now, the stability comes from public employment representing

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almost one in two jobs. Indeed, the exaggeration of public employment creates an imbalance between consumer demand and the country’s inability to meet this demand. In general, the rate of employment is particularly low; ten years ago, it accounted for just 10 per cent of the population and about a third of the workforce, and more recently available data confirm this trend. The number of young people without qualifications is particularly important; nearly 85 per cent of the active population (this figure is almost identical to the labour force) have a level of education below or equal to graduation from lower secondary education. Organizing the system of recognition of qualifications for the issue of certificates implies a structuring of the social division of labour. In Gabon, the situation is very heterogeneous, regardless of the sector or skill levels. Large companies, regardless of their sector of activity, are structured: the positions, duties, salary levels are defined and identifiable. They are so easy, as in any professional sector organized to define their needs both from a qualitative point of view and quantitatively. Virtually all executives of these companies have been formed, wholly or partially, in Europe or North America, by modern methods of management, organization and management companies. The problem arises for other companies, medium-sized or small. Between large structured companies and small neighbourhoods shops, the standard of professionalism is not strictly equal. A large part of the economy is based on the informal sector. Here, companies are similar in most cases to family organizations and many at the limit of marginality. In any event, they escape any form of standardized structure and survive often through a system of corruption. Obviously, it is in the informal sector that all young people excluded from school find a job. This area actually employs a large labour corps, unskilled and beyond any form of social control. This vulnerable population can expect little recognition of their employment, have very low incomes and generally do not live in dignity. Work accidents or occupational diseases are common and are not subject to any recognition, let alone support, and the informal sector enterprises do not contribute to any social insurance or pay taxes. The majority of the country’s real economy thus escapes the construction of the country. This system is also especially hard for young women who are largely excluded from such jobs (Ginestié, 2010). The primary sector is divided between highly structured large farms (SUCAF, for example) and almost disorganized agricultural production by smallholders.

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The disaffection for basic agriculture is confirmed by three indicators: the decline of the rural population, aging, and low income (the average income per capita in rural areas is only about 20 per cent of the average per capita income of entire Gabon). The exploitation of raw materials is generally well organized and creates many direct and indirect jobs. These jobs are subject to the uncertainties of the market and the profitability of their operations: the example of the oil sector reflects these uncertainties. There are not really any processing companies, as Gabon exports the majority of its raw materials to import manufactured goods it needs. If the jobs related to maintenance are fairly well structured in services to major corporations (e.g. industrial maintenance) or follow lines of branded products (after-sales service of new cars, for example), they are totally disorganized in services to individuals and are largely in the informal sector; technological developments make it increasingly difficult to maintain operations beyond and skills in this area. Generally, Gabon sorely lacks skilled manpower in terms of workers, technicians and middle managers and relies heavily on foreign labour. The tertiary sector is very unevenly developed. One of every two jobs in Gabon is in public employment and the share of administrative jobs is very important. In terms of business administration, public or private, the request is essentially an application of intermediate qualifications. ICT development largely modifies the missions and functions of personnel to more skilled, capable of initiative, able to use more sophisticated software. The retail sector is very dynamic in Gabon, but this is where the informal sector occupies a very important place. Beside organized shops, there is a large part of the business that defies organization. Many activities are poorly developed in Gabon. The health and social sector is largely undeveloped beyond the common business of medicine. The tourism sector, despite a huge natural potential, is virtually non-existent. The area of service to users is very unevenly developed, some are exclusively swathes of the informal sector, proving increasingly inadequate in light of technological developments. The challenge is to design a TVET system to enable young people to gain a qualification to practise a trade that will allow them to live in dignity from the fruits of their work. It also aims to structure the labour market, levels of qualification and recognition; it is equally structuring the workplace. Defining professional training assumes an analysis of the occupations intending pupils who participate. Gabon does not have reliable structures

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of work analysis, to identify the job market or to define their nature. In fact, in the absence of reliable indicators, the definition of jobs has a local value, limited to immediate needs and easily formulated by companies. We are seeing a lot of variability in these descriptions between big structured companies and informal sector enterprises. Descriptions that do exist are mostly those used by the French as the official register of trades and jobs (ORTJ). There is no competent institution able to do this work of identification and description. The main reference is the definition of employment in large industrial groups and is neglected for the informal sector. Similarly, the curricula implemented in these TVET programmes are still largely those of French national education. The institute is responsible for teaching their national adaptation to the local context but without great means and without identification skills needed to carry out this heavy task successfully (Ginestié, 2004). TVET in Gabon is structured according to the skill levels involved. Vocational education supports low-skilled,workers, technicians and employees; technical education is a gateway to higher technical training and engineering schools.

Vocational training Vocational education prepares young people for three professional qualifications: Certificate of Professional Competence (CAP), Certificate of Professional Study (BEP) and Vocational Training Certificate (CFP). These three degrees are prepared in three different institutions but are at the same level of qualification corresponding to functions of skilled workers in the primary and secondary sectors or employees in the service sector. The continuation schools offer a career path after two years of lower secondary school education for four years. Access to these courses is restricted to students whose educational level is considered insufficient to pursue general secondary education but still enough to be kept in the school system. These courses focus on some trades such as working with mechanical power equipment, fabricated metal products, plastics and composites, body, electromechanical; civil engineering (design and building construction, sanitation, electricity building); woodwork (cabinet layout, furniture, upholstery, carpentry, joinery) and the tertiary economic sector (accounting, management, secretarial, office, trade). The CAP is also accessible by way of social and occupational integration of young school dropouts in the Project of Practice Schools for Insertion and Development (EPID). This route is in full development in Gabon with the creation of EPID through the whole territory. The aim is to help young

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unemployed or those who are ‘getting by’ in the informal sector to return to a system of education and training to acquire basic education, learn a trade (rather than at the artisanal level) and obtain certification. It is an organization for remediation implemented to compensate for the massive failure at the end of primary school and re-educate an idle population. The National Agency for Education and Professional Development (ANFPP) offers courses which are organized over nine months, part of which is internship. The level of these courses depends directly on the nature of the training level at the end of primary school for the training; they go up a level at the end of lower secondary school for courses in electrical engineering. The job families covered by these programmes comprise industrial training for mechanical engineering (mainly industrial maintenance and manufacturing), electrical engineering (mainly electrical), engineering (mainly masonry), and tertiary (secretariat, office work and accounting). A second comparable organization, the Agency for In-service Education (AFP), depending on the services of national education, covers nearly the same fields of expertise and is intended for the same population of young out of school. These professional ways accommodate a very small number of pupils. There are about 3,000 pupils in these training courses throughout the country, less than half attending a vocational school. The numbers fell drastically in the late 1990s with a significant degradation of conditions for receiving the young. The host institutions had insufficient resources, there were not enough teachers – especially trained teachers, qualifications did not meet any professional skills and had no recognition from employers. These professional ways became a default choice for students excluded from the general school system.

Technical education Two major structures organize training of upper secondary education, the first leading to a ‘baccalauréat’ and preparing for further study in higher education, the second leading to a technician qualification and aiming for immediate employability. The technological secondary study examinations are organized after three years in high school. The examinations can be take in the following two fields: technological, industrial (mechanical engineering, industrial maintenance, electronic engineering, electrical engineering, civil engineering) and tertiary economic sector (action and communication administrative, accounting and management, action and communication commercial).

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The technician level is attested by a technician certificate (BT), which is prepared three years after the first year of upper secondary education. Prepared trades include the industrial sector (mechanical engineering, woodwork, electrical engineering, vehicles, computers, etc.) and the tertiary sector (communication and office administration, accounting and information technology, business management and IT). For the latter, the National School of Commerce (ENC Port-Gentil) also offers these courses, organized in four years, and delivers the national diploma in business studies (CDED). These formations are closely related to the workplace and are based on extensive periods of work placements. In 2006 Gabon had three technical high schools (Owendo, Port-Gentil and Franceville), and the National School of Commerce (Port-Gentil). The training offered was grossly unbalanced in relation to the needs and demographics of the country. At this time, fewer than 5,000 pupils are enrolled in these technical high schools, with more than 4,000 in Owendo. The geographical situation shows a great heterogeneity and it is a good indicator of the Gabonese situation. On the one hand, coverage for Libreville and its suburbs is grossly inadequate, as evidenced by the sheer size of the school in Owendo; on the other hand, territorial coverage leads to very small units that are struggling to provide the necessary variety of specialities. Distribution between specialities is also very heterogeneous. Graduates of technology education schools represent only a quarter of the graduates of secondary education. In addition, 75 per cent of these graduates of secondary technological education are in tertiary sectors; the secondary sector is drastically underdeveloped. This sector needs further development and the Gabonese government is planning some strong efforts towards this end, but more time is needed to build some high schools and to train specialized teachers. We can outline the curriculum of a typical pupil. Primary school is entered at the age of seven years, he repeats usually once or twice, so that instead of leaving primary school at 11–12 years, he usually leaves at the age of 14–15 years. He then enters lower secondary school, but he will repeat again once during the cycle and finish at the age of 18–19. His career in high school will be no better and he will be 22 years old or more when he presents himself for the first time for the secondary study examination. As he will try it several times before succeeding, he will enter into a university at 23–4 years, reaching the age of about 28 years for short courses, more than 30 years for others. However, there is usually little chance that such a student will follow this difficult path, he will

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get too discouraged and will drop out of the system along the way. A student who goes through the system without repeating once is an exception and it is mainly these students who are found in these courses of elite higher education in Gabon. If there is no doubt about the value of this elite, one may wonder about the damage caused by such selection.

Higher education Gabon has a university system in four main sectors (health, law and economy, science and technology, humanities) and a set of institutes and Higher Education College. Universities enrol students in a course that is classic, with the LMD qualification structure (licentiate, master, and doctorate). The largest student flows are reflected in the courses offered in humanities by the University Omar Bongo in Libreville. Also based in Libreville, faculties of health, law and economy offer quality higher education with a high rate of selection at the end of the first year. The faculty of science and technology, located at Masuko (Franceville), with very few students, does not really offer a complete curriculum. With few research laboratories and its geographic isolation, related to difficulties in implementing sustainable teams of teachers and researchers, it is a real limit to the development of high-level scientific fields, with the exception of those related to biology with high-level laboratories which have, through international cooperation, an excellent level of education and research. The development of institutes can offer training courses organized in two or three years of studies; mainly in technology and vocationally oriented, they relate to the training of intermediaries between engineers and workers in the industrial sector, between management executives and administrative staff in the tertiary sector. It is in this last area that these formations are more developed in terms of numbers of students admitted and open institutions. The recent opening of the Technological Institute of Owendo aims to rebalance the workforce, including the benefit of industries. Almost all of these institutes are located in Libreville. They are very popular with young people, who prefer these channels rather than professionalizing university deemed too general and uncertain about the professional development of their diplomas. Four major diplomas are awarded at the end of a short vocational higher education: the Technician Certificate (BTS), Diploma of Engineering Technology (DIT), University Diploma of Technology (DUT) and Higher Technician Diploma

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(DTS). Theoretically, the first three are accessible from an initial training course while the fourth is reserved for in-service training courses. In fact, many students present the diploma prepared by their institution and enrol for another degree as a free candidate. Many higher education public or private institutes integrate the two types of courses: initial training and continuing education. The higher education colleges welcome the best Gabonese students in the elitist educational system of the country, out of the regular higher educational system. Covering the major branches of administration and some specific technology areas, such schools practise a strong selection at the entrance, and offer preferential study conditions and high quality teaching and administrative staff. Professional masters degrees are quite limited in terms of the sectors covered and focus around two degrees: the engineering degree and specialized graduate degree. All other courses at this level relate to professional schools directly linked to the main branches of the civil service of the Gabonese administration. Students are generally paid and enjoy probationary official status, which guarantees their employment in the public sector at the end of their training. In general, the Gabonese university system is grossly insufficient to cover the country’s needs for executives and middle managers. The most chronic weakness concerns science and technology subjects which have only a few dozen students. To overcome this chronic deficit would require the building of universities and the recruitment of teachers and researchers. The country has developed a particularly ambitious policy of grants abroad. This scholarship scheme provides over 5,000 young Gabonese with the means to continue their studies abroad and obtain a qualification that is not prepared in the country. This plan is a kind of old tradition, giving opportunity to the young to study in a European or North American university, but it is very expensive; it costs more than 60 million dollars per year. It should be noted that in some specialized areas, this system allows the training of specialists who join the top teams in the North (Europe or North America). This allows the course to strengthen the technological and economic development of the country, especially as the rate of return of these students is very important, in the order of 85 per cent. Although it has enabled the youth to be trained in areas that are not provided in the country, the allocation of these grants raises questions. In particular, we note many instances of students sent in identical formations, often in the same university; rather than sending thirty students to train in the same speciality, it would be cheaper and more beneficial to offer this training locally. It is surprising to see that some training

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provided locally has very small uptake, as the country sends dozens of students to train in the same field abroad. The evolution of university systems in the North has significantly raised the level of requirements and, in agreement with the analysis of the educational system, it is increasingly difficult for Gabonese students to find host establishments. In the last 15 years, many private institutions have opened their doors in Morocco, Senegal and Ivory Coast, often with Gabonese capital and specializing in hosting Gabonese students. The quality of training in these institutions is largely insufficient; it appears that their sole purpose is to capture some of the windfall represented by this grants scheme. In recent years, this system of grants has been subject to scrutiny and a rethinking of the allocation procedures, especially in regard to the level of specialization and training required; hence there is the political will to change the system to more efficiently reflect the needs of the country, local resources (and their development), the quality of training offered and the candidates against the requirements of host institutions.

From today to tomorrow, a long way of evolution The Gabonese educational system has a number of chronic weaknesses that cannot be compensated by its strengths. We noted above many of these weaknesses. The pre-school is only available for a few hundred children aged five. The children enter primary school late, rather than six to seven years. Repetition rates beyond the acceptable unduly lengthen time spent in primary school; they give rise to a sense of failure in children and prove costly in terms of overcrowding in classes and workload of teachers. The chronic sub-coaching takes two forms: in urban areas, classrooms are overcrowded, while in rural areas they are assigned to under-qualified instructors. The qualification of teachers is too low, especially regarding the fundamentals of the job. The generalization of the selection, often in the form of contest, is unfair and creates bottlenecks that are increasing the failure mechanisms and withdrawals from the process. This selection system is continuously bypassed or diverted, generating many dishonest practices (e.g. forgery of administrative documents or the use of networks of relationships). The extreme weakness of vocational training structures, at any level whatsoever, offers no prospect of opportunities for students. The educational contents are inadequate with educational frameworks and needs of the country, particularly in terms of massive access to primary and lower secondary education. Upper secondary education and higher education

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are designed in terms of the formation of small elites, which fail to cater for significant numbers of pupils and students. Vocational training has little relationship with the current needs of the economic environment, despite some promising experiences in recent years. There are big gaps to manage the flow of students longitudinally (curriculum since his/her entry into preschool until his/her exit with a qualification) or transversely (distribution of students in the different routes of education). Finally, the overhaul of the system of financing education abroad, which is very expensive and sometimes totally unjustified, is necessary and urgent. We can summarize the map of the Gabonese educational system with the next figure (cf. Figure 10.1). Each area is significant for the number of pupils at each stage of the educational system. This is the general structure of the Gabonese educational system that must be redesigned and rebuilt. This reorganization must tackle several deep hurts. The first concerns the coverage by linking the two imperatives: to develop territorial coverage that makes real the access to quality education throughout the country, and to increase the education access in regional centres and particularly in Libreville and its suburbs. This is based on a construction of schools by building 1,000 pre-school classes and 500 in the primary sector, but also more than 2,000 at lower secondary level and nearly 500 at upper secondary level and also around 2,000 for teaching short vocational and over 1,000 for technical education. This requires very large investments to be planned over several years; this is the direction chosen by the government in launching a major plan to improve its educational system from the state general work of education and many work committees which were held between 2008 and 2010. The second concern is about the quality of education. Improvement is based on a complete paradigm shift from a school based on the selection and exclusion excessively towards inclusive school and coaching to success. This requires rethinking the curriculum and disciplinary organizations, methods of assessment and management of the flow of students and teaching methods. A part of this evolution depends on the authorities’ decision; another part depends on the teachers. Their number sufficiency requires massive recruitment plans to support the opening of new classes and to decongest classes that are overcrowded. There is a need to recruit and train nearly 8,000 teachers for pre-school and primary education and 7,000 teachers for secondary and TVET; that means about 1,500 teachers each year for the next ten years. The main difficulty is of course the issue of training to recruit teachers. The future educational system plans by government are outlined in Figure 10.2.

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26 years 25 years 24 years 23 years

Senior engineers

Means of educating advanced level technicians BTS, DTC, DIT, DUT

Higher technicia n certificate

27 years

Licence Master Engineer

28 years

Doctors

DEUG - DUES Bac + 2

29 years

Doctorat

266

Technicians

17 years

Second cycle of college

Without qualification P

18 years

ANFP

19 years

Profess ion route al

20 years

Means of educating workers for mid level occupations BTS, DTC DIT, DUT

Technic certificaian te

21 years

General and technology school

22 years

15 years First cycle of college 14 years

ANFP

P

16 years

End of schooling

13 years 12 years

Primary school

11 years 10 years 9 years 8 years 7 years 6 years 5 years

Pre-primary school cycle

ANFPP = Association for professional education DEUG = Diploma in general university study DEUS = Diploma in science university study

Figure 10.1  Graphic representation of the Gabonese educational system in 2008

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Doctors 26 years

Senior engineers

Doctorat 25 years 24 years 23 years

Master

Means of educating advanced level technicians BTS, DTC, DIT, DUT

Master prof.

22 years 21 years Licence 20 years

Licence prof.

Technicians

19 years 18 years

Technician certificate

17 years 16 years

School professional

15 years 14 years

Professional route

General and technology school

School professional

Means of educating workers for mid level occupations

ANFPP

Second cycle of college

13 years 12 years

First cycle of college

11 years 10 years 9 years

Primary school

8 years 7 years 6 years Pre-primary school cycle 5 years

ANFPP = Association for professional education

Figure 10.2  Graphic representation of the Gabonese educational system in 2025

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Beyond investment and policy effort to grant over several years, the success of such a programme depends on the training of teachers and thus structuring the system of teacher training. This is what we will now examine.

Teacher training Teacher training is provided by three types of institution: the École Normale Supérieure (ENS), the École Normale Supérieure de l’Enseignement Technique (ENSET) and the École Normale d’Instituteur (ENI). The ENS, based in Libreville, educates students to be teachers of lower secondary education inspectors, or teachers of upper secondary education. The training of teachers of lower secondary education is organized in two years after the second year of study (four years of study); the training of teachers of upper secondary education is organized in two years after the fourth year of university (six years of study). The ENSET, also based in Libreville, trains teachers for TVET, whether vocational or technical education. The training usually begins after the end of school for two successive cycles, the first three years of vocational education, and the second in two years for technical education. There are four ENI and two primary educational centres (CPP) to train teachers. Teachers of public schools are trained in both ENI (Libreville and Franceville), or both (CPP Oyem and Mouila). The other two ENI, based in Libreville, welcome prospective teachers of catholic (ENIC) and protestant (ENIP) private schools. The training is organized in two years after upper secondary education. Historically, these institutions have little relationship to each other; a recent project to regroup them in a university of educational sciences has been launched but struggles to see the day. Each of these institutions is a very small establishment, which develops its own training strategies without overall coordination and no real sharing of skills. The variation in the courses’ duration is a good example of this diversity. The ENS is probably the most important in terms of number of teachers and teacher researchers, but its size puts it in the category of small colleges. None of these institutions is actually structured as a teaching and research university. This primarily concerns the ENI and CPP that are vocational schools, administered as departments of the Ministry of National Education. The ENS and ENSET are closest to the university structure but their structural (no permanent administration), functional (no long-term project, no

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clear contract with the Ministry of Higher Education) and policies (unstable steering bodies and modes of appointment of officials) weaknesses are defining the limits to their development. Despite a display of structures organizing the life of each institution, the reality is quite different from what is advertised. On the one hand, boards rarely meet and form no constructive notice of the institutional policy or regulation implementing the actions undertaken. On the other hand, most strategic administrative functions are performed by teachers full of good will but who are not trained to provide the operational structures of the administrative and technical services. This lack of structure is resulting in an explosion in micro-local organizations without viability, not generating any dynamic, leaving it to individual initiatives too fragile to sign up in time and for structuring institutions. This lack of institutionalization is the first source of inefficiency. In terms of equipment, the situation of individual institutions is very heterogeneous but generally well below what is necessary to ensure a quality education. Documentation centres are poorly equipped, the available literature textbooks are mainly French, Belgian or Quebec provided by publishers or partners. There is very little literature on education, regardless of the scientific field, and institutions have few or no subscriptions to scientific journals. Without reliable internet connections, no institution has a policy of developing information systems to facilitate the use of ICT in training, in particular to address the information gaps. The recruitment plan for the next ten years is as follows: MM

MM

MM

3,900 teachers from pre-primary, or 390 per year 4,000 primary teachers, or 400 per year 7,000 teachers of general secondary, technical and vocational, or 700 per year.

This massive training, is quite difficult in practice. It implies a large pool of graduates of secondary education that does not actually exist in Gabon. It also requires capacities that are not currently operating to support a significant increase in charges. It also requires a renovation of structures and organizations of teacher training in particular methods, approaches and content. The National Pedagogical Institute (IPN) is in principle responsible for educational planning. In its current form, the IPN is responsible for developing, designing and editing resources for education and training. This mission consists of several components:

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MM

MM

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Design and implementation of educational programmes for school, college and high school as well as all accompanying documents (official instructions, equipment guides) Design, writing and editing of textbooks and resources for teachers Coordination of research in education.

In many cases, the work is limited to adapting curricula from North countries. This exercise has many limitations and often leads to unusable resources. Recently, the IPN has developed a policy of publishing textbooks. This orientation is essential for the country to develop a fully contextualized teacher training which is open to the world. Beyond the production of resources, it is clear that the IPN is not configured to play the role of energizing educational research. The future of university science education should overcome some difficulties in this area also.

Conclusion and perspectives After many years of inaction which saw its educational system deteriorate slowly but surely, the Gabonese government has now for several years pursued a programme of reconstruction and development of the school. Many studies and important work commissions of experts have identified challenges and explored possible solutions. There is no doubt that the country has the resources to conduct a programme of this magnitude, particularly to ensure implementation beyond Libreville. The magnitude of the task has led to a reorganization and concentration of missions in a single Ministry of National Education, Higher Education and Technical and Vocational Training, Head of Culture, Youth and Sports. Assisted by two deputy ministers, the Minister responsible for driving this evolution has a strong heritage component and an equally important aspect of recruitment, training and qualification of teachers. The stakes are high for a large country with large, sparsely populated areas and a major urban concentration in the capital. If this profound transformation of the educational system is unsuccessful, Gabon is likely to increase the social divide with its youth, creating the conditions for social unrest that may increase the level of violence in a generally peaceful society. The country, rich in raw materials, has failed in the eight or nine decades during which its resources were at their highest – including oil production

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– to invest in the development of its educational system. While the financial returns were important, the lack of investment in education has led to a deterioration of the school system, rendering it particularly unfair and inequitable. Until the mid-2000s, schooling has only amplified Gabon’s social differences, excluding the vast majority of students by enhancing feelings of failure that have had a very important impact on the mindset and attitudes of youth. The prevalence of corruption at all levels has left the unpleasant impression of a favoured school class, organized for the elite of the administration, offering access to a high standard of education denied to the rest of the population. It seems that in recent years, a real desire to change this policy is at work. The magnitude of the task, the extent of the investments to be made, problems to deal with regarding quality of education are testing the limits of political action. It is probably premature to make an assessment of the outcome of this, but the direction seems to be good, even if the programmes are having trouble getting started.

References Banque Mondiale. 2010. Indicateurs du développement en Afrique. Silencieuse et fatale, la corruption discrète entrave les efforts de développement de l’Afrique. Washington, DC: World Bank. Ginestié, J. 2004. Schéma directeur de développement du système gabonais d’enseignements technologiques et de formations professionnelles. In Direction de l’enseignement supérieur (ed.), Libreville: Ministère de l’Enseignement Supérieur, de la Recherche et de l’Innovation Technologique, 95. —2010. De la formation professionnelle à l’emploi, une possible adéquation? In Ministère de l’enseignement technique et de la formation professionnelle (ed.), Forum International Formation-Emploi (CD-Rom). Libreville: METFP. Ginestié, J., Balonzi, O. and Kohowalla, R.-P. 2006. Une éducation générale pour tous, une qualification professionnelle pour chacun. Libreville: Ministère de l’enseignement supérieur de la recherche et de l’innovation technologique Éditions. Ginestié, J., Huot-Marchand, H. and Delahaies, L. 2011. L’EFTP en Afrique Subsaharienne: Rapport en vue de la préparation de la contribution régionale au 3e congrès mondial sur l’EFTP. In BREDA (ed.), Vol. 1. Dakar: UNESCO, Bureau Régional pour l’éducation en Afrique, 42. Ginestié, J., Mendene M’Ekwa, F. and Ondo Eva, J. 2004. Quel système d’enseignement technologique et de formation professionnelle pour le Gabon? Libreville: Ministère de l’enseignement supérieur de la recherche et de l’innovation technologique Éditions.

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Nations Unies. 2011. Objectifs du Millénaire pour le développement. Rapport 2011. New York: Organisation des Nations Unies. Rwehera, M. 2004. Éducation, développement et pauvreté en Afrique subsaharienne. In Bureau international d’éducation (ed.), Curriculum, compétences et lutte contre la pauvreté en Afrique SubSaharienne. Genève: UNESCO, 1–13. UNESCO. 2011. L’éducation pour tous en Afrique subsaharienne en 2010. Rapport pour la réunion du Groupe de Haut Niveau. Dakar: BREDA, 35.

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Kenya: An Overview B. O. Nyatuka

Introduction The promulgation of the new Constitution, the country’s Vision 2030 development plan, attempts to embrace globalization and internationalization of education, especially with the acknowledgement of information and communication technologies are the major factors and forces informing decision-making in the education sector in Kenya today. The quest to achieve both the Education for All and Millennium Development Goals, and a number of emerging issues, also explain the country’s resolve to address the persistent challenges facing education which are to do with access, retention, equity, quality and relevance, among others. More recently, through a special issue of Kenya Gazette Notice dated 28 January 2012, the Minister for Education established the Task Force on the Re-alignment of Education Sector to the Constitution (ROK, 2012a). Its terms of reference included analysing the implication of the new Constitution on education and reviewing the relevance and responsiveness of the education curriculum to Vision 2030, access and equity. The Education Bill (2012), which seeks to enact new laws to guide education in the country, is now before Parliament and has drawn a lot from the report of the task force. Meanwhile, the government has already realigned quite a number of aspects and education services to the new Constitution, including inducting and posting the relevant human resources to the 47 counties in the country, thereby decentralizing the services formerly effected from Kenya’s capital, Nairobi.

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Historical background Since 1963, when Kenya gained its independence from Britain, a number of efforts have been made to tailor the provision of education to the social, economic and political needs of its citizens as well as attempting to embrace the emerging ideals of the regional and international communities. To achieve this, a number of task forces, education commissions and national committees have been set up, including the Educational Commission of 1964, National Education Committee on Educational Objectives and Policies (1976), Presidential Working Party on Establishment of a Second University (1981), Presidential Working Committee on Education and Training for the Next Decade and Beyond (1988), Commission of Inquiry into the Education System in Kenya (1999) and the Task Force on Special Needs Education (2003). Kenya adopted the British education system after independence whereby students spend seven years in primary school, four in secondary school, two in high school and a minimum of three years at the university. Critics of this system of education argued that much of the content was foreign; it was examination-oriented and only produced people for the white-collar jobs (Sifuna and Otiende, 1994; Bogonko, 1992), hence the numerous aforementioned intervention measures to remedy such shortcomings. It is worth noting, however, that while some of the recommendations to improve the theory and practice of education were implemented, others never lived to see the light of the day. Nevertheless, during the two decades that the 7:4:2:3 system of education was in existence, it produced the human resources that were much needed in the various sectors of the economy (Eshiwani, 1993). Enrolment of learners at all levels rose steadily and so did the relevant infrastructural facilities, albeit the persistent challenges involving access, retention, quality, relevance, equity and financing of education. The second President of the Republic of Kenya, Daniel Arap Moi was behind the introduction of the current 8.4.4 system of education in 1985 in which eight years are spent in primary school, four in secondary school and at least four years in university. Though the 8.4.4 education system initially laid emphasis on enabling school graduates at all levels to either be self-employed or secure employment in the informal sector (MoE, 2011a), a number of curriculum reviews have seen the technical subjects suffer a major blow since all of them, especially at the secondary level, remain optional and the number of examinable subjects drastically trimmed (Daily Nation, 2002: 20–1). A growing number of experts in various fields now want the system revised,

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arguing that it was never piloted and has failed to produce graduates who could join the technical fields and drive the various industries Kenya needs to compete globally. Opinion on the new system of education is, however, divided across the Kenyan populace. The National Alliance of the Rainbow Coalition which saw President Mwai Kibaki come to power in 2002 had in its manifesto the provision of Free Primary Education (FPE). Indeed, FPE was introduced in 2003 and was a commitment to realize Universal Primary Education (UPE) by 2005, Education for All (EFA) as well as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (MoE, 2011b). The current coalition government that brings together both the Party of National Unity (PNU) as well as the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) has seen the introduction of subsidized secondary education with effect from January 2008, following the level of success witnessed in the introduction of the FPE. In 2008, the government also prepared the Kenya Vision 2030, a development plan to accelerate the transformation of the country into a fast industrializing middleincome nation by the year 2030 (ROK, 2009b: ii). Under its social pillar, the Vision intends to provide a globally competitive and quality education, training and research for development. Due to its political goodwill, the government saw the promulgation of the new Constitution (2010d) which articulates on a variety of issues in education at the national, regional and international arenas. In particular, Article 53 (1) of the Constitution’s Bill of Rights stipulates that every child has the right to free and compulsory basic education (ROK, 2010d).

Geography The Republic of Kenya lies between 5º N and 5º S latitude and between 24º and 31º E longitude (ROK, 2010b). The equator almost bisects it. Its land area is 580,367 square kilometres, of which land occupies 569,140 square kilometres while water covers the remaining 11,227 square kilometres. To the north it is bordered by Ethiopia, Somalia (north-east), Tanzania (south), Uganda and Lake Victoria (west), South Sudan (north-west) and the Indian Ocean (east). The country has a wide variety of physical features, among them the Great Rift Valley in which Africa’s highest mountains lie. They include Kilimanjaro, Kenya and Elgon. Lakes Nakuru and Magadi, numerous rivers as well as wildlife reserves remain key tourist attractions while Kakamega and Mau forests are relics of a rain forest and largest forest complex in East Africa, respectively (Geography of Kenya, 2012).

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Socio-demographic features As per the 2009 Population and Housing Census (ROK, 2010a), Kenya had 38,610,458 people of whom 19,417,639 were female and 19,192,458 male. Population by ethnic affiliation showed that the Kikuyu were 6,622,576, Luhya 5,338,666, Kalenjin 4,967,328, Luo 4,044,440, Kamba 3,893,157 and Somali 2,385,572. Others included Kisii 2,205,669, Mijikenda 1,960,574 and Meru 1,658,108. The rest of the population comprised of Kenyan Arabs, Asians, Europeans as well as Americans. About 14.1 million people attending school in 2009, distributed as follows: pre- school (2.2 million or 16 per cent), primary (9.4 million or 67 per cent), secondary (1.8 million or 13 per cent), tertiary institutions (290,000 or 2 per cent), universities (198,000 or 1 per cent), youth polytechnics (35,000 or 0.2 per cent), non-formal education (15,000 or 0.1 per cent), while 142,000 (1 per cent) were attending basic literacy classes (ROK, 2010a). Accordingly, about 6.1 million (17 per cent) of those aged three years and above had never been to school. Of the children who were out of school in the formal education system, 2.1 million or 58 per cent were supposed to be in pre-primary, 1.9 million or 23 per cent in primary and 2.7 million or 76 per cent in secondary school. With regard to gender, the proportion of boys to girls in primary, secondary, tertiary and university education was 1 to 0.95, 0.87, 1.13 and 0.72, in that order (ROK, 2010a). Life expectancy of a female and male Kenyan is 59 and 56 years, respectively (Daily Nation, 22 February 2012: 2–3). Regional disparities in access to school remain a challenge. For example, a boy stands a 26 per cent chance of going to school if he was born in Marsabit compared to Migori, Nyeri and Nairobi counties (Daily Nation, 24 February 2012: 4).

Language There are as many languages spoken in Kenya as the number of ethnic groups and nationalities. Article 7 (3) of the Constitution reiterates the role of the state in promoting and protecting this diversity of language. Accordingly, it should endeavour to foster the development and use of the indigenous languages, Kenyan Sign Language, Braille and other forms of communication and technologies accessible to persons with disabilities (ROK, 2010d: 15). While Article 7 (1) stipulates that Kiswahili and English are the official languages, the former remains the national language. Whereas languages of the

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various ethnic groups are taught in the lower grades of primary schools (up to Class Three) as Mother Tongue (ROK, 2002), Kiswahili and English are offered as compulsory and examinable subjects up to secondary school level. However, they remain optional at the tertiary and university levels.

Religion There is no state religion in Kenya (ROK, 2010a: 15) and according to ROK (2010a), 48 per cent of Kenyans belong to the Protestant Church while 24 per cent and 11 per cent are Catholic and Muslim, respectively. Those who reported to belong to other religions were 4,559,584, including Hindu 53,393, while traditionalists were 635,352. 922,128 did not belong to any religion. Religious studies form part of the syllabi in learning institutions in Kenya, with Christian, Islamic and Hindu Religious Education being taught and nationally examined at the primary school level. They are offered as optional subjects at the secondary, tertiary as well as university levels (ROK, 2007a; ROK, 2002).

Political system Kenya holds general elections every five years. The legislature comprises the National Assembly and the President. The current Parliament has 210 elected MPs, 12 nominated and two ex officio members who include the Attorney General and the Speaker. The executive consists of the President, Vice President, the Cabinet and the civil servants who execute and implement laws, handle the general administration of the country, including internal as well as external affairs (Kiruthu et al., 2009). Article 4 (2) of the new Constitution stipulates that Kenya shall be a multi-party democratic state founded on the national values and principles of governance which include patriotism, national unity, the rule of law, human dignity, equity, social justice, sharing and devolution of power. Others are inclusiveness, equality, human rights, good governance, integrity, non-discrimination and protection of the marginalized, transparency, accountability and sustainable development (ROK, 2010d: 16). Article 93 (1) provides for the establishment of a Parliament of Kenya which consists of the National Assembly and the Senate. While the National Assembly represents the people of the constituencies and special interests,

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the Senate serves to protect the interest of the counties and their governments (ROK, 2010d: 64). The National Assembly shall consist of 290 members who are elected by duly registered voters of their constituencies, 12 members nominated by the parliamentary political parties according to their proportion of members to represent special interests including the youth, persons with disabilities and workers. In addition, there shall be 47 women, each represented by the registered voters of the counties (ROK, 2010d). The Senate shall consists of 47 members elected by registered voters of the counties, 16 women members to be nominated by political parties and two members each to represent the youth and persons with disabilities (ROK, 2010d: 64). Article 130 (1) provides for the National Executive comprising of the President, Deputy President, Attorney-General and no fewer than 14 and not more than 22 Cabinet Secretaries, but who shall not be Members of Parliament (ROK, 2010: 95). Among the Cabinet Secretaries, one shall be in charge of education. Under the devolved governments, Article 176 (1) of the Constitution provides for the establishment of county governments whereby each county shall consist of an assembly and executive. Article 174 of the Constitution outlines one of the objects of devolved governments as promoting social and economic development and the provision of proximate, easily accessible services to the people of Kenya. These services include education. Other aspects of the devolved government include facilitating the decentralization of state organs, their functions and services; protecting and promoting the interests and rights of minorities and marginalized communities; fostering national unity by recognizing diversity and giving powers of self-governance to the people as well as enhancing their participation (ROK, 2010d). The county assembly shall consist of members elected by registered voters of wards, a number of special seat members considered necessary to ensure that not more than two-thirds of membership of the assembly are of the same gender and a number of marginalized groups, including persons with disabilities as well as the youth (ROK, 2010d: 114). The county executive committee shall consist of the Governor, Deputy Governor and members appointed by the governor but with the approval of the assembly, from among persons who are not members of the assembly. Functions of the county executive include managing and coordinating the functions of the county administration and its departments, including education, and to implement county legislation, among others (ROK, 2010d: 118).

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Economy Kenya is predominantly an agricultural economy. About 75 per cent of Kenya’s population is employed in agriculture with half of the sector’s output being subsistence production. The agricultural sector contributed 22 per cent and 23 per cent of the GDP in 2007 and 2008, respectively (ROK, 2009a). The principal cash crops include tea, horticultural produce and coffee. In 2008, tea, flowers and coffee jointly accounted for 45 per cent of the total export earnings. In its economic pillar, Kenya Vision 2030 has identified tourism, agriculture, manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade, business process outsourcing and financial services sectors to deliver the anticipated 10 per cent economic growth rate annually (ROK, 2009b: iv, 28). The service sector in Kenya, which is dominated by tourism, contributes about 63 per cent of the GDP, thus becoming its largest foreign exchange earner. On the other hand, the manufacturing sector accounted for 11 per cent of the total GDP in 2008. Other major sectors of Kenya’s economy include telecommun­ications, transport as well as construction. It is documented that a significant portion of Kenya’s foreign inflows is from remittances by non-resident Kenyans who work, especially in the USA, Middle East, Europe and Asia. Kenya is considered the main alternative location to South Africa for major corporations seeking to do business in Africa (Economy of Kenya, 2012). However, the consistently poor growth performance of the Kenyan economy has failed to keep pace with population growth, a situation that has been attributed to external shocks and internal structural problems, including world recession, bad weather and poor infrastructure. This has contributed to deterioration in the overall welfare of the population. In particular, the economy has been unable to create jobs at a rate to match the rising labour force, a bulk of which constitutes the youth who have acquired a wide range of knowledge as well as skills (ROK, 2009a). According to ROK (2010a), the country is adding about 1 million people to its population every year, thereby presenting a big challenge for sustainable socio-economic development. Although there was remarkable growth from 2003 and which peaked at an impressive 7.1 per cent in 2007, real GDP growth nose-dived to a mere 1.7 per cent in 2008 due to both domestic and external shocks including high food and fuel prices, drought, global financial crisis and post-election violence following the heavily disputed presidential results (ROK, 2009a). A report on poverty levels prepared by the Ministry of Planning, Development and Vision 2030 among counties in 2011 revealed that 46 per cent of Kenya’s population live in

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poverty. Accordingly, more than half of the people in 23 of the 47 counties in the country live below the poverty line, which is taken to be $2 or 160 Kenyan Shillings per day (Daily Nation, 24 February 2012: 4). It is most unlikely that children from such socio-economic backgrounds will have access to education, let alone quality education, if deliberate efforts are not made by all the relevant stakeholders to assist them.

System of education National goals of education The Kenyan Constitution reports of education commissions and task forces, emerging global issues, social, economic and political aspirations including the country’s Vision 2030 form the basis upon which the national goals of education are formulated. In turn, objectives of education at all levels of schooling are derived from the following eight national goals (ROK, 2008b; ROK, 2006c; ROK, 2002). Education should promote: MM

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Nationalism, patriotism and national unity – education should help the youth acquire the sense of nationhood and live together peacefully in order to make a positive contribution to the nation (ROK, 2010d; ROK, 1964) Social, economic, technological and industrial needs for national development.

With regard to the social needs, education should prepare children to adapt to a silent social revolution in the face of rapid modernization (ROK, 1999). In order to meet the country’s economic needs, in its dream of a modern and independent economy, education should equip citizens with the relevant skills, knowledge, expertise as well as personal qualities. In addition, Kenya recognizes the rapid industrial and technological changes, especially taking place in the developed countries, hence the need to provide the learners with the required skills, knowledge, values and attitudes to face these global trends (ROK, 2009b). MM

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Individual development and self-fulfilment – education should help children to develop fully their potential, interests and abilities, bearing in mind that a vital consideration of individual development is characterbuilding (ROK, 2010d) Moral and religious values – to enhance the acquisition of these vital

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values and help the children remain self-disciplined, self-reliant and well-integrated citizens, education should facilitate the development of appropriate knowledge, skills as well as attitudes (ROK, 2010d; ROK, 2009b) Social equality and responsibility – the education system should offer equal opportunities for all. Thus children should be exposed to varied and challenging opportunities for both collective activities and corporate social services, irrespective of such considerations as gender, (dis)ability or geographical environment (ROK, 2010d; ROK, 2009b; ROK, 1999; ROK, 1964) Respect for and development of varied cultures –to be able to blend the best traditional values with the contemporary ones, in order to build a stable and modern society, the youth of Kenya need an understanding of the past and present cultures (ROK, 2010d; ROK, 1964) International consciousness – education should enable the youth to take up membership in the international community and the obligations, responsibilities, rights and benefits that come with it (ROK, 2010d; ROK, 2009b) Positive attitudes towards good health and environmental protection – education should lead the youth to appreciate the value of a healthy environment as well as foster relevant attitudes towards environmental conservation and management (ROK, 2010d; ROK, 2009b).

Structure of education and curriculum The Kenya Institute of Curriculum Development (KICD), formerly known as Kenya Institute of Education (KIE), is a state corporation whose functions include conducting research and developing curricula for all levels of education below university as well as conducting in-service and orientation programmes for curriculum implementers (KIE, 2012).The pre-school, primary and secondary curricula are presented below.

Pre-school education Children who attend this level are normally aged 3–6 and take two to three years before they join primary school at Class One. Until 2012, the government had neither been hiring nor paying salaries to teachers at this level. Thus only those families who were able to afford it could send their children to the pre-schools. There are also inadequate physical facilities as well as teaching and learning

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materials to serve the needs of such children (ROK, 2006b). However, in the 2012/13 financial year, the government has set aside funds to be channelled towards catering for salaries for teachers at this cycle of learning in the public facilities (Daily Nation, 15 June 2012: 4). As stipulated in the Kenya Vision 2030 (ROK, 2009b), the government plans to integrate early childhood education into primary school learning in order to lay a solid foundation for the country’s overall education and training. It also intends to increase the Gross Enrolment Rate. The Ministry of Education has specified parameters to be implemented so as to create a non-coercive learning and needs-satisfying environment (ROK, 2006a). Children in pre-schools are supposed to learn literacy and numeracy, among other areas. The literacy skills include listening, speaking, reading and writing. Speaking includes being able to recite vowels, the alphabet and to pronounce three-letter words. Reading entails being able to read letters of the alphabet, own name and match pictures with words, while writing includes the ability to write in print (ROK, 2006a). On the other hand, numeracy involves measurement, classification and numbers. In measurement, children are supposed to measure, approximate and estimate. Classification includes classifying objects according to different properties, while numbers entail performing tasks to show an understanding of numbers and numeration. As contained in the Education Bill (2012), early learning is important to encourage linguistic and symbolic literacy as well as acquaintance with technology as a means of communication. It also stipulates that the language of instruction shall be the local language of the catchment area. Accordingly, early childhood development education should include child protection, communication skills, manipulative skills, play and simulation, health and nutrition, as well as an awareness of the immediate environment (ROK, 2012b ).

Primary education The introduction of FPE in 2003 has led to increased enrolment but without commensurate increase in both infrastructure and personnel, leading to overstretched facilities, overcrowding and high teacher-to-pupil ratios, thereby compromising the quality of education at this level (ROK, 2009b). Under FPE, schools are expected to enrol all children of school age without discrimination. Thus they are expected to cater for children from various socio-economic backgrounds, including street children and those with special needs and disabilities. According to the ROK (2010c), there were 8,831,413 pupils enrolled in primary schools in 2009.

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FPE allows children of school age to access and to complete primary education without payment of levies or charges, especially those in urban slums, poor rural areas and the arid as well as semi-arid lands (ASALs). But while the government meets the cost of basic teaching and learning materials, wages for essential non-teaching staff, teacher salaries and co-curricular activities, the parents are still responsible for the cost of school uniforms, meals, healthcare, boarding facilities and transport to and from schools (MoE, 2011b: 7). In areas worst hit by poverty, particularly the ASALs, the government, however, endeavours to supplement parents’ efforts in managing low-cost boarding schools and school feeding programmes. According to the revised primary school syllabus (ROK, 2002), pupils are supposed to learn English, Kiswahili, Mother Tongue, Physical Education and Creative Arts. Other subjects include Mathematics, Science, Social and Religious Studies. The revision was informed by stakeholders’ outcry over overload in the curriculum which was a burden to the government and households. This saw a reduction in the number of subjects themselves as well as content in the different areas (ROK, 2002: iii). The rationalization of the primary curriculum, however, also resulted in some new learning areas. For instance, apart from Geography, History and Civics, Social Studies includes some aspects of environmental and business education. Similarly, home science, agriculture and some aspects of technology and environmental education were integrated to become Science. In order to be in line with the changing needs of society, the curriculum incorporated vital emerging issues like drug abuse, HIV/AIDS pandemic, environmental education, life skills, peace studies, gender, human rights, child’s rights, moral values and social responsibility (ROK, 2008a).

Secondary education Secondary school education remains vital in providing the relevant knowledge, attitudes and skills required for the development of any nation. The Kenya Vision 2030 development plan recognizes this fact, especially in its bid to achieve its economic and social goals (ROK, 2009b: 78–9). The Vision also reiterates the need to reform the secondary school curricula if Kenya is to be a regional centre of research and development in new technologies. Although enrolment rates have been steadily increasing at all levels since 2002, the transition rates have, however, remained relatively low over the same period. Transition from primary to secondary education went up from 42 per cent in 2002 to 60 per cent in 2006 (ROK, 2009b: 82). One of the factors limiting

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enrolment at this level is inadequate facilities to cater for the growing student population. To this end, the government endeavours to establish and equip science laboratories in all secondary schools in an effort to give prominence to the science subjects. Other measures include constructing new secondary schools, providing financial support to learners including tuition waivers and bursaries for the vulnerable, hiring more qualified teachers and striving to raise the transition rates from primary to secondary level (ROK, 2009b). Attempts are also being made to attain gender parity and regional equity in enrolment at this level. Critics of the curriculum at this cycle of schooling argue that it is broad, inflexible and that it is assessed through examinations which demand memorization of facts at the expense of development of high-order cognitive skills such as reasoning and problem-solving (ROK, 2009b). The secondary school curricula has, however, undergone a series of reviews since 1992. In addition to mathematics, the following groups of subjects are being offered in Kenyan secondary schools (ROK, 2007). MM

MM

MM

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Languages: English, Kiswahili, French, German and Arabic Sciences: Biology, Physics and Chemistry Humanities: History and Government, Geography, Christian Religious Education (CRE), Islamic Religious Education (IRE) and Hindu Religious Education (HRE) Technical and vocational subjects: Art and Design, Aviation Technology, Computer Studies, Business Studies, Agriculture, Home Science and Music.

Informed by the fact that a number of emerging issues impact significantly on career choices today, the government now advises on the need to expose learners to life skills, ICT, environmental consciousness, entrepreneurship, equity, employability, work ethics, lifelong education, community involvement and volunteerism (ROK, 2007a).

Assessment and learner achievement levels The Kenya National Examinations Council (KNEC), an autonomous government agency established through an Act of Parliament in 1980, is charged with the responsibility of evaluating the levels of academic achievement among learners in primary, secondary and tertiary levels. As its core functions, the body registers candidates, develops, administers and processes exams. It also awards certificates to those who meet the specified requirements, carries out research on the curriculum and equates certificates from other examining bodies (KNEC, 2012).

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At Class Eight, pupils sit for the Kenya Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE) examination. The five papers taken include English, Kiswahili, Mathematics, Science and Social Studies, which translate to a total of 500 marks. There are notable inequalities in performance with respect to individual subjects, gender, regions, type of school, among others (The Standard, 2011: 7). Generally, privately owned schools tend to perform better compared to the public ones. In the 2011 KCPE results, the average mark in English was 47.10 out of the possible 100, Kiswahili: 41.46 and Social Studies: 62.45. Mathematics registered a mean mark of 52.18 with the girls scoring 49.94 compared to the boys’ 54.28. The number of candidates who scooped the pass mark of 250 and above was 48 per cent, a drop from the previous year when it was 49.38 per cent. The quality of performance in the languages has been declining in the last few years, a situation being linked to the use of sheng, an adulteration of English and Kiswahili, especially in the urban areas (The Standard, 2011: 8). While the best performing county posted a mean mark of 274.67, the last one had 218.01. It is also worth noting that counties with lower poverty levels tended to perform better in comparison with their counterparts where amounts of poverty were higher. Fourteen counties, especially in the ASALs, had significantly fewer girls than boys. For instance, Garissa County had 29 per cent of its candidates being girls while the rest were boys. Mandera and Wajir had 70 per cent and 68 per cent boys (The Standard, 2012: 10). An interesting emerging trend in the history of the KCPE examination is that of some counties presenting more girls than boys. Such was the case with Vihiga, Embu, Nyandarua and Nairobi counties (The Standard, 2012: 10). At the secondary school level, candidates sit for the Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education (KCSE) examination at Form Four. It is KNEC’s requirement that a candidate takes a minimum of seven examinable subjects (ROK, 2007: 37), selected from the following groupings: MM

MM

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Group I: English, Kiswahili and Mathematics Group II: Biology, Physics and Chemistry Group III: History and Government, Geography, CRE, IRE and HRE Group IV: Home Science, Art and Design, Agriculture, Aviation Technology and Computer Studies. Group V: French, German, Arabic, Music and Business Studies.

For purposes of certification, a student is required to take all the subjects in group I and at least two from groups II and one from III, respectively.

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The remaining one or more subjects is/are selected from Groups II, III, IV and V. In the 2011 KCSE exam, there were 411,783 students, of whom 229,171 were boys and 182,612 girls. Thus the ratio of girls to boys was 44:55. Like in the KCPE exams, inequalities in gender, individual subjects, regions and types of school remain conspicuous. Most national schools tend to perform better than their county and day ones. The performance in English stood at 36.42 per cent in 2011 (Daily Nation, 1 March 2012: 2). The fact that it is the medium of instruction, a national language and also counts in admission to university makes the situation worrying. According to ROK (2010c), the 334,883 candidates who took the KCSE examination in 2009 registered a mean of 39.3 per cent in English and Kiswahili (38.6 per cent). The use of sheng has been perennially blamed for this scenario. However, academic achievement in the rest of the subjects is no better. The worst hit seem to be mathematics, biology, chemistry as well physics. In the 2009 KCSE mathematics results, for instance, students posted an overall mean of 21.1 per cent with the girls and boys registering 18.1 per cent and 23.6 per cent, respectively. While the mean marks in biology, chemistry and physics were 27.2 per cent, 19.1 per cent and 31.3 per cent, respectively, girls scored 25.2 per cent, 17.6 per cent and 29.1 per cent, in that order. On the other hand, boys registered average marks of 29.1 per cent, 20.4 per cent and 31.9 per cent in biology, chemistry and physics, in that order. Thus, it is evident that although the general academic achievement in the KCSE is dismal, boys tend to perform better compared to the girls, especially in mathematics, sciences and technical subjects.

Methods of instruction One of the major criticisms of the Kenyan education system is that it promotes rote learning, memorization and is examination-oriented. Thus it tends to lay more emphasis on the academic component of the curriculum compared to being practically oriented as well. Walaba (2004: 125) observes that even the examinations given to the candidates are cognitive, confessional and contentoriented, hence recommends that future ones should be more analytical, attitudinal and life-centred. According to Uwezo (2011) and ROK (2010e), Kenya faces the challenge of providing a conducive learning environment that will ensure child-centred and rights-based teaching methods and a qualitative education capable of producing creative, healthy, confident and peace-loving citizens. In recognition of this

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fact, the Ministry of Education recently launched the child-friendly schools (CFSs) initiative in all the primary schools. In a CFS, a child-centred approach is supposed to be used so as to improve the quality of teaching and learning in classrooms through motivation and empowering of learners, teachers, parents and the community as well (Florez, 2011; ROK, 2010e). At the secondary school level, the Strengthening Mathematics and Science in Secondary Education (SMASSE) project was launched in 1998 to help improve the teaching and learning, hence academic achievement in these disciplines, which has largely remained dismal for decades (Education News, 2012: 2). As a strategy to institutionalize and regularize in-service training for the teachers of mathematics and sciences, the SMASSE project has established the Centre for Mathematics, Science and Technology Education in Africa (CEMASTEA). This is an institution under the Ministry of Education mandated to offer in-service courses in pedagogy for teachers of mathematics and science so as to improve their teaching practices. Since 2010, SMASSE activities have been expanded to the teacher training colleges and are being rolled out in primary schools. Additionally, KICD, KEMI and the Kenya Institute of Special Education (KISE) are all being reformed in an attempt to offer superior skills and approaches to teaching and learning and hence add value to the quality of learning (Education News, 2012: 2).

Administration and management The Education Act (1980) provides for the establishment of School Management Committees (SMCs) and Boards of Governors (BOGs) to advise on matters relating to the management of primary and secondary schools, respectively. Among the key roles of the SMCs and BOGs include working closely with other partners in advocacy and creating awareness on delivery of education. In particular, they should mobilize community members to help provide essential facilities in schools, purchase instructional materials and involve parents and communities in making decisions on school expenditure (MoE, 2011b). Despite the crucial role played by the Parents-Teachers Associations (PTAs), including raising funds for infrastructural development, purchasing teaching and learning materials and sending children to school, their authority is diluted as the current law recognizes BOGs as bona fide school managers. To manage both primary and secondary schools at the district level, the Education Act stipulates that a District Education Board (DEB) be established consisting of not less than 10 nor more than 15 members. Of these, three shall be nominated by the managers or sponsors of the school or groups of schools

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in respect of which the board has jurisdiction; one nominated by any registered trade union to represent the interests of teachers, and not more than six shall be appointed by the Minister for Education to represent other interests. However, a number of the SMC, BOG and PTA members lack the capacity to discharge their responsibilities diligently due to low educational levels and failure to keep abreast with education trends nationally and even globally, among other reasons. Indeed, among the terms of reference of the task force on the realignment of the education sector to the Constitution was to review the education system in Kenya in relation to institutional management and governance in schools as well as the human capacity in education at all levels (ROK, 2012a). The Basic Education Bill (2012) stipulates that the Education Cabinet Secretary shall be responsible for the overall governance and management of education but may entrust this to any agency, body, organ or institution as may be appropriate, either at the national or county levels. Such structures of governance shall encourage cooperation and collaboration among all the stakeholders; decentralize decision-making; enhance the culture of democracy, accountability and transparency; and ensure effective and efficient delivery of education at all levels. In the envisaged Education Act, there shall be a National Education Board to advise the Education Cabinet Secretary on policy matters, monitor and evaluate the implementation and effectiveness of all education policies in the Department of Education and related departments and work closely with the Quality Assurance and Standards Commission and other stakeholders to promote standards in education and training. The body shall also be charged with putting measures in place to ensure all children attend and remain in school to complete basic education requirements (ROK, 2012d). The proposed law addresses various aspects of devolution, including the establishment of the County Education Boards (CEBs) to interpret and implement education and training policies and initiatives at the county level. Unlike in the current education act, chairmanship of CEBs will be drawn from professional educationalists. The BOGs have been rebranded Boards of Management with intent to include representatives from both gender and the disadvantaged. The Bill also recognizes the PTA in the management of educational and training institutions and in conferring powers with distinct duties and responsibilities (ROK, 2012b). In line with the new Constitution, the government has already posted County Directors of Education (CDEs) to the 47 counties in the country to

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effect education policies and assist in the collection and preservation of a data bank at the grassroots, besides ensuring that resources for setting up and enhancing infrastructure in schools are properly used. They are also expected to facilitate the supply and maintenance of instructional materials in schools and colleges, besides working closely with the KNEC and KICD in the management of examinations and curriculum delivery, respectively (Education News, 2012: 1–2). Through an amendment by legal notice number 163 of 2011 of the Education Act, the Kenya Education Staff Institute was renamed the Kenya Education Management Institute (KEMI) to reconfigure it towards becoming a modern and relevant capacity-building agency (Daily Nation, 17 July 2012: 34). The institute undertakes to improve the quality of education by enhancing the capacity of education managers through effective and efficient training, research and consultancy. The institute now offers exceptional courses in education management, financial management, performance management, ICT integration, interpretation of the Constitution and county management, among others (Daily Nation, 20 July 2012: 35).

Teacher education Article 237 (1) of the Constitution provides for the establishment of the Teachers Service Commission (TSC), whose functions are to register and employ trained teachers, recruit, promote, transfer, discipline and terminate the employment of teachers. The commission is also mandated to review both the demand for and the supply of teachers and standards of education and training of persons entering the teaching service as well as advise the national government on matters relating to the teaching profession (ROK, 2010d). In line with the new Constitution, the TSC has recruited, employed, inducted and posted County Education Directors (CEDs) to the 47 counties. Their roles include being in charge of facilitating the commission to decentralize the management of teachers; oversee the implementation of performance contract targets; coordinate remuneration of staff and teachers to ensure the payroll is professionally managed; carry out standard assessment in schools, and induct teachers on emerging issues on curriculum delivery and implementation (Education News, 2012: 1–2). The TSC has about 270,000 teachers on its payroll, serving in primary and post-primary institutions. Teachers are only recruited when vacancies

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in schools arise, hence demand-driven. However, the teachers’ levels of training differs, as there are Form Four graduates who hold Primary One (P1), P2 and diploma teacher certificates after two to three years of pre-service training as well as degree-holders, with the majority of them teaching at the secondary and post-secondary institutions (MoE, 2004). The introduction of both FPE (2003) and subsidized secondary education (2008) has seen more learners enrol in schools, a figure that is not commensurate with that of teachers, thereby threatening the quality of education. Despite the shortage of teachers in schools, there are many trained and qualified teachers who are not employed by the TSC due to government budgetary constraints. Further, there is inequitable distribution of teachers with very low pupilto-teacher ratios in the rural and marginalized regions including ASALs. There is also the challenge of equipping the teachers with the appropriate knowledge, attitudes and skills as opposed to giving instructions (MoE, 2004). According to Kafu (2011), teachers seem not to understand themselves and their role in the profession other than instructional responsibilities, thereby demeaning their stature, integrity and image both in the profession and society at large. Other issues to be addressed in the teaching profession include poor conditions of service compared to other professionals in other professions; inadequate, obsolete and dilapidated facilities and resources for preparing teachers; poor management of teacher education; and globalization, which has prompted increased cost of financing teacher education (Kafu 2006, 2011). In its effort to reform teacher education, the government has increased entry requirements to pre-service primary teacher training from a minimum of grade D+ to C and availing opportunities for further studies to enhance teachers’ academic and pedagogical competencies. In addition, teachers are now being recruited based on their competence in the subjects they intend to teach as opposed to the mean grade scored. Professional sharing of ideas and growth among teachers is now highly encouraged, as well as mounting in-service programmes to prepare teachers to cope with the curriculum changes and emerging challenges in teaching, including the use of ICTs (Kafu 2006, 2011; MoE, 2004). Both the Kenya Vision 2030 and the envisaged education act endeavour to produce teachers with a different mindset that focuses on core educational outcomes, and puts emphasis on subject mastery and pedagogical skills (ROK, 2012b).

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Special needs education Special needs education (SNE) is recognized by the government as a vital subsector for accelerating the attainment of both EFA and the MDGs. Sessional Paper No. 1 of 2005 outlines the need to provide quality education that is accessible and relevant to all children, including those with special needs (ROK, 2009c: 7; ROK, 2009b). About 4 per cent of the Kenyan population in 2009 had some form of disability categorized as visual impairment, hearing impairment, speech and language difficulties, physical disabilities, mental disabilities, self-care difficulties, among others (ROK, 2010a). Special needs currently includes learners with cerebral palsy, epilepsy, Downs Syndrome, autism, emotional and behavioral disorders. Others include the gifted and talented, deaf-blind, orphaned, abused, those living on the streets, heading households, nomadic and internally displaced (ROK, 2009c). Article 54 (1) of the Constitution stipulates that a person with any disability is entitled to access educational institutions and facilities for persons with disabilities that are integrated into society to the extent compatible with the interests of the person (ROK, 2010d: 39). In 2008, there were 1,341 special needs units and 114 public special needs schools as well as vocational and technical institutions. However, these facilities were inadequate to offer equal access to education by all the affected children (ROK, 2009c). Similarly, although the number of learners with special needs rose from 26,885 in 2003 to 45,000 in 2008, it compares poorly with the proportion in general education (ROK, 2009c: 14). But the government faces challenges in the provision of education services for persons with special needs and disabilities such as inadequate data on children with special educational needs and disabilities, lack of appropriate tools and skills for early identification and assessment, inadequate physical infrastructure, teaching and learning materials and facilities that are appropriate for SNE learners, inadequate skilled human resource and inappropriate placement of children with special needs and disabilities (ROK, 2009c). According to ROK (2009b: 84), the country faces constraints in terms of physical facilities to cater for children with special talents and that a complex web of issues, including gender inequality, creates barriers within the mainstream education, social and economic life to learners with special needs and disabilities. Accordingly, to address disparities between male and female students, socio-economic groups and regions, measures should be taken to address the needs of learners with special needs. The gender policy in education singles out special needs and disabilities as an area of specific focus

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and emphasizes the need to provide a flexible curriculum, trained personnel, equipment and facilities as well as ensuring an accommodative physical infrastructure for the learners. It also reiterates the need to create awareness of the causes of special needs and disabilities, particularly in rural areas, and to reinforce coordination of early intervention and assessment of children with special needs and disabilities (ROK, 2007b). The Kenya Institute of Special Education (KISE) is a semi-autonomous government agency of the Ministry of Education, established through legal notice number 17 of 1986 to, among others, develop and review programmes in special needs and disabilities at all levels, implement government policies related to special needs and disabilities, and advise the government on matters related to special needs and disabilities. The policy on special needs in education addresses issues of equity, access, relevance, attitude, stigma, discrimination, taboos, skills, quality, poverty, physical environment and facilities to improve learning in all schools (ROK, 2009c). Some gains achieved in addressing special needs and disabilities among children include the enactment of the Disability Act (2003), increased funding and support to teacher training for SNE at the Kenya Institute of Special Education (ROK, 2009c). The Children’s Act (2001) harmonizes all the existing laws and policies on children into one document aimed at improving the wellbeing of all children irrespective of whether they are disabled or not (ROK, 2001).

Technical and vocational education All the newly industrializing countries are known to devote heavy amounts of resources to scientific research, technical capabilities of the workforce and raising the quality of teaching maths, science and technology in schools, polytechnics and universities. Thus, one of the foundations for Kenya Vision 2030 is science, technology and innovation (STI), which is to be intensified in order to raise productivity and efficiency levels across the economic, social and political pillars (ROK, 2009b). Some of the critical challenges facing the realization of Vision 2030 include meeting the relevant human resource requirements, including ensuring that the education provided is of high-quality standards and that its contents are appropriate to the needs of the economy and society. Indeed, matching skills to the market demand is a challenge at all levels, yet many primary and secondary

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students who cannot proceed with formal education are absorbed by the technical, vocational and entrepreneurship training (TVET) institutions (ROK, 2009b). Further, training at this level is hindered by inadequate facilities as well as institutions. According to CHE (2003), females are grossly under-represented in maths, science and technology-related courses in the TVET institutions. This is clearly demonstrated by the 2009 KCSE analysis in metalwork, electricity as well as building and construction – that is, before those students taking these subjects cleared from secondary schools following the government’s directive that they be offered only in post-secondary institutions of learning. Accordingly, of the 227 candidates who sat for metalwork, only two of them were females while 225 were male. On the other hand, 193 students took building and construction, out of whom six were girls and 187 boys. Similarly, a total of 216 candidates took the electricity exam, out of whom two were girls while 214 were boys. Also conspicuous in the same analysis was the gender difference in terms of achievement. Whereas girls scored mean marks of 51.0, 42.0 and 66.5 in metalwork, building and construction and electricity, respectively, boys posted mean scores of 60.9, 50.3 and 59.5, in that order. The government seeks to address the challenges of access and equity, both of which are most acute at the TVET institutions as well as university levels. Such efforts involve revising the curricula for university and the TVET institutions to include more science and technology, promoting e-learning, encouraging partnership between the government and the private sector, and increasing funding to these institutions (ROK, 2009b). Apart from the envisaged curricula, the MOHEST Bill (2012) stipulates that the main objective of TVET shall be to develop and effectively coordinate a system capable of producing quality skilled human resource with the right attitudes and values required for growth and prosperity of various sectors of the economy. The Bill also recognizes ICT as an essential tool for promoting teaching, learning and research in education (ROK, 2012b).

Higher education Higher education in Kenya currently falls under the Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology (MOHEST), which was created through Presidential Circular No. 1 of May 2008 (MOHEST, 2012). It has the mandate to formulate, promote and coordinate policies and strategies in the three major

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areas of higher education: research, science and technology, as well as technical, industrial, vocational and entrepreneurship training. There are seven public universities in Kenya with several constituent colleges, 12 of which were set to be elevated to fully fledged universities by the close of 2012 in a bid to address the ever-increasing demand for higher education (MOHEST, 2012). Public universities include the University of Nairobi, Kenyatta, Egerton, Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Moi, Maseno and Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology. In addition, there are over 20 private universities in Kenya. However, enrolment of students is skewed in favour of the public universities. For instance, in the 2009/10 academic year, there were 122,700 students registered in the public universities compared to only 20,089 in the private ones (ROK, 2010c). Of those in the public universities, undergraduates were 108,528, postgraduate: 7,054, while 7,118 pursued Diploma programmes. Other challenges facing higher education in Kenya include those to do with access, governance, quality, relevance, equity, HIV/AIDS, drug and substance abuse, as well as financing (CHE, 2003). As per ROK (2009b), there is a serious shortage of capacity at the university level, as slightly over 30 per cent of those with minimum entry requirements can be admitted. In particular, high cost continues to limit access to these institutions for a large number of qualified students. Accordingly, efforts should be made to raise the transition rate from secondary level to university to 15 per cent by 2012, de-link admissions from availability of the bed spaces, support the development of private universities and introduce open and distance learning so as to enhance access to university education, especially to the financially disadvantaged groups (ROK 2009b: CHE, 2003). There are also glaring disparities in enrolment at the higher education institutions with regard to the courses or subjects being taken, whereby the humanities and social sciences attract more students compared to the pure and natural sciences as well as technology-based ones. For example, in the 2009/10 academic year, the University of Nairobi, Kenya’s largest and oldest institution of higher learning, had 290 students studying computer science, architecture (332), medicine (2,556) and engineering (2,343). On the other hand, there were 5,923 students taking arts subjects, 4,881 studying commerce, while education (arts option) had 3,665 students (ROK 2010c). While enrolment in both the public and private universities has been steadily growing since the 1990s, gender and regional inequalities still exist. Socio-cultural factors continue to inhibit especially girls and women from successful completion at this level (ROK, 2010c; CHE, 2003). The establishment of self-sponsored programmes in 1998 mainly accounts for this phenomenal growth (CHE, 2003).

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Among the measures taken to boost enrolment of women at the public universities is that of affirmative action. For instance, those students who sat for the 2011 KCSE exam will have women admitted at two points less than their male counterparts (Daily Nation, 2012: 72). Accordingly, while women will be admitted with a minimum grade of B plain of 61 points, men’s will be 63 points. Similarly, candidates with disabilities will be admitted with as many as five points less than the entry cut-off point for the rest of the students. But affirmative action is riddled with controversy. Although it has made positive impacts on the lives of many women and other minority groups, it should be shown whether that is the best way to eliminate discrimination in society (Onkware, 2007: 112). Accordingly, if unqualified women benefit at the expense of qualified men, this is likely to generate tension between the sexes as men are likely to view themselves as being discriminated against. Funding of research is quite low at the higher institutions of learning in Kenya, constituting less than 0.5 per cent of GDP (CHE, 2003). Poor staff remuneration has also led to an exodus of high-calibre teaching and research staff from universities to provide consultancies, NGOs and independent research firms, as well as foreign countries. Research shows that university teaching staff spend 55 per cent of their time on consultancy and research elsewhere and only 10 per cent within the universities (CHE, 2003). Among the suggestions to enhance quality and access to universities include the need to continually review academic resources of the universities to ensure they are adequate and appropriate to the programmes being offered and strengthening internal governing organs such as councils and senates. Others are to develop curricula that are sensitive to the industry, technological development and society, as well as promoting collaboration between government, universities and public research institutions to ensure adequate funding for research and development (ROK, 2009b; CHE, 2003). And, just like the Ministry of Education, MOHEST is in the process of finalizing a relevant policy and legislative framework to realign the human capital development needs of the country to the Constitution and Kenya Vision 2030 (ROK, 2012b).

Conclusion Kenya has made gigantic strides in the education sector since independence, including phenomenal student enrolment at all levels of schooling, expansion of relevant infrastructure and reviewing curricula to be in tandem with both

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national and international trends. However, there remain formidable issues to be tackled, including dismal achievement in key subjects; disparities involving gender, regions, children with special needs and disabilities, institutions of learning; shortage of teaching staff which compromises quality; and making the cost of education affordable and relevant to the envisaged goals.

References Bogonko S. N. 1992. Reflection of Education in East Africa. Nairobi: Oxford University Press. Commission for Higher Education (CHE). 2003. Re-engineering University Education for National Development. A Report of Symposium on University Education. Nairobi: CHE. Daily Nation, 17 December 2001. Nairobi: Nation Media Group Ltd, 20–1. —7 January 2002. Nairobi: Nation Media Group Ltd. —22 February 2012. Nairobi: Nation Media Group Ltd, 2–3. —24 February 2012. Nairobi: Nation Media Group Ltd, 4. —2 March 2012. Nairobi: Nation Media Group Ltd. —15 June 2012. Nairobi: Nation Media Group Ltd, 4. —20 July 2012. Nairobi: Nation Media Group Ltd, 72. Economy of Kenya. 2012. http: // wikipedia.org/ wiki/Economy – of – Kenya [accessed 8 July 2012]. Education News, 20 June 2012. Radical Changes for Teachers in County System. Nairobi: Shrend Publishers and Supplies Ltd, 1–2. —22 July 2012. TSC Told to Review Promotion Policy. Nairobi: Shrend Publishers and Supplies Ltd, 2. Eshiwani, G. S. 1993. Education in Kenya Since Independence. Nairobi: EAEP. Florez, A. (ed.). 2011. Active Schools: Our Convictions for Improving the Quality of Education. Washington, DC: FHI 360. Geography of Kenya. 2012. http:// en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/ Geography -of Kenya http:// www.Kenyan-jobs.com/2011/03/task-http://www.Kenyan-jobs.com/2011/03/taskforce-realignment- education -sector- constitution- career opportunities/ [accessed 10 July 2012]. Kafu, P. 2006. ‘Challenges of teacher education in the 21st century: the Kenyan experience’. The Educator, 1 (1), 9–16. —2011. ‘Teacher education in Kenya: emerging issues’. International Journal of Curriculum and Instruction, 1(1), 43–52. Kenya Institute of Education (KIE). 2012. http://www.kie.ac.ke/http://www.kie.ac.ke/ [accessed 10 July 2012]. Kenya Institute of Special Education (KISE). 2012. http://WWW.KISE.CO.KE/http:// www.kise.co.ke/ [accessed 8 July 2012].

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Kenya National Examinations Council (KNEC). 2012 http://WWW.KNEC.AC.KE/ http://www.knec.ac.ke/ [accessed 7 July 2012]. Kiruthu, F., Kapiyo, J. and Kimori, W. 2009.The Evolving World: A History and Government Course. Nairobi: Oxford University Press. MoE. 2004. Quality and Role of the Teacher http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/Kenya.pdfhttp://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/Kenya.pdf [accessed 1 July 2012]. —2011a. Education in Kenya: An Introduction. http://www.Kenya.advisor.com/ education-in-kenya.htmlhttp://www.Kenya.advisor.com/education-in-kenya.html [accessed 1 July 2012]. —2011b. Education Service Delivery in Kenya: Roles and Responsibilities of Duty Bearers and Stakeholders. Nairobi: Ministry of Education. MOHEST. 2012. http://www.scienceandtechnology.go.ke/ [accessed 25 June 2012]. Onkware, K. 2007. ‘The moral status of affirmative action’. Journal of Science, Technology, Education and Management, 1 (2), 105–13. Republic of Kenya (ROK). 1999. Totally Intergrated Quality Education and Training (TIQET): Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Education System of Kenya. Nairobi: Government Printer. —2001. Kenya Gazette Supplement No. 95 of 2001: Children’s Act. Nairobi: Government Printer. —2002. Primary Education Syllabus. Nairobi: Kenya Institute of Education. —2006a. Guide on Competencies in Literacy, Numeracy and Life Skills for Pre- School and Primary Schools in Kenya. Nairobi: Kenya Institute of Education. —2006b. National Early Childhood Development Policy Framework. Nairobi. Government Printer. —2006c. Secondary Education Syllabus. Nairobi: Kenya Institute of Education. —2007a. Careers Guide Book for Schools. Nairobi: Ministry of Education. —2007b. Gender Policy in Education. Nairobi. Ministry of Education. —2008a. Primary Life Skills Education: Teacher’s Handbook. Nairobi. Kenya Institute of Education. —2008b. Secondary Education Syllabus. Nairobi. Kenya Institute of Education. —2009a. Economic Survey 2009. Nairobi: Kenya National Bureau of Statistics. —2009b. Kenya Vision 2030. Nairobi: Ministry of Planning and National Development/ National Economic and Social Council. —2009c. The National Special Needs Education Policy Framework. Nairobi: Ministry of Education. —2010a. 2009 Kenya Population and Housing Census (Volume II): Population and Household Distribution by Socio- Economic Characteristics. Nairobi: Kenya National Bureau of Statistics. —2010b. Kenya Demographic and Health Survey 2008–2009. Nairobi: USAID/Kenya National Bureau of Statistics. —2010c. Statistical Abstract. Nairobi: Kenya National Bureau of Statistics.

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—2010d. The Constitution of Kenya. Nairobi: Government Printer. —2010e. Child Friendly Manual. Nairobi: Ministry of Education. —2012a. Report of the Task Force on the Re-alignment of Education Sector to the Constitution. Nairobi: Ministry of Education. —2012b. The Basic Education Bill: A Policy Framework for Education and Training: Reforming Education and Training in Kenya. Nairobi: Ministry of Education. Sifuna, D. N and Otiende, J. E. 1994. An Introductory History of Education. Nairobi: Nairobi University Press. The Standard, 29 December 2012. Nairobi: Standard Group Ltd. Teachers Service Commission (TSC). 2012. http://3www.tsc.gv/services/history3.php [accessed 8 July 2012]. Uwezo 2011. Are Our Children Learning? Annual Assessment Report. Nairobi: Uwezo Net. Walaba, A. A. 2004. ‘Impact of academic examinations in African secondary schools with special reference to christian religious education in Kenya’. Journal of Education and Human Resources, 2(2), 117–26.

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12

Rwanda: An Overview Wenceslas Nzabalirwa

Introduction Rwanda, like many other developing countries in Africa, faces the challenge of eradicating poverty, enhancing gender equity and expanding access to education without compromising quality as well as sustainable growth and development. The education sector is recognized as the key player in addressing these challenges. Indeed, Rwanda is committed to investing in the development of human resources in order to meet the major objective of Vision 2020 (MINECOFIN, 2000) which is to create a knowledge-based and technology-led economy. This chapter analyses the education system in Rwanda since 1994. It also points out policies and strategies that have been developed to improve education even though their implementation largely depends on the socio-economic conditions which impact the opportunities for establishing an open and wide education system. The development of this chapter was informed by the large and abundant literature that exists on the topic. It was also enriched by the deep knowledge and long experience that the author has on the Rwanda education system. The chapter is divided into six sections. After a brief presentation of the Rwandan historical and political background, the chapter outlines the national philosophy, goals and key policies of education. It then describes the structure of education and highlights the curriculum contents, the evaluation and accreditation procedures at primary and secondary education levels. Furthermore, the administration and management of education as well as the teacher training system are presented. The chapter concludes by recapitulating the issues, challenges and hopes of the Rwandan education system in the process of reconstruction and transformation of the country.

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Historical and political background Until 1994, the educational opportunities for the Rwandan population were extremely limited. The education system was very selective and elitist. There was a discriminative quota system for entry into schools. Social group and region were used as criteria rather than academic performance. During the conflict, the situation worsened. Teachers and other educated people as well as students were singled out for assassination. Schools were destroyed and few teachers survived. Little documentation or school supplies remained. Hundreds of thousands of households were left headed by children (Obura, 2003). The conflict left the education system infrastructure devastated and the human resources decimated. As a result, there was a strong need to rebuild the education system by establishing a post-conflict education policy which promotes national unity and reconciliation, as well as a humanitarian culture of inclusion, tolerance and mutual respect. After the genocide, most primary schools and more than half of pre-conflict secondary schools reopened. Access to education expanded dramatically, and the Nine-Year Basic Education Policy was established and implemented in 2010. The programme contributed to an increase of the primary completion rate from 52.4 per cent in 2008 to 79 per cent in 2011 (MINEDUC, 2012b). Currently, free basic education has been extended from nine years to 12 years. With regard to higher education, there are currently eight public and 21 private (and accredited) higher learning institutions in Rwanda. Between 1963 and 1993, the National University of Rwanda (NUR) graduates were roughly estimated at 1,900 (USAID, 2012); today, Rwandan university enrolment exceeds 70,000 (National Council for Higher Education [NCHE], 2011). Rwanda places education at the centre of the national economic change and development. Through its Vision 2020, Rwanda is committed to build a knowledge-based and technology-led economy. The Education Sector Policy is implemented through the Education Sector Strategic Plan which reflects the Vision 2020 and its Education Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS), recognizing the key role that education can play to improve social and economic well-being of the populace: ‘To reduce poverty and in turn improve the well-being of its population. Within this context, the aim of education is to combat ignorance and illiteracy and to provide human resources useful for the socio-economic development of Rwanda through the education system’ (MINECOFIN, 2007).

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National philosophy and goals of education The philosophy of education in Rwanda hinges on three issues. First, Rwandans are viewed as the major resource on which the country puts a great emphasis to transform its human capital into wealth. Second, education is considered as a human right to be provided to all. Third, education is considered as a tool for moulding the desired Rwanda citizen characterized by national unity, work and patriotism (EAC, 2011: 21). The mission of the Ministry of Education in Rwanda is to transform the citizens into skilled human capital for social and economic development by ensuring equitable access to quality education focusing on combating illiteracy, promotion of science and technology, fostering critical thinking and positive values (MINEDUC, 2012a). The education sector’s major priorities are embedded in the Long-Term Strategy and Financial Framework (LTSFF) 2006–15 on the one hand, and in the Education Sector Strategic Plan (ESSP) 2008–12 on the other. The major priorities of the education sector include quality education and promotion of science and technology with special attention to ICT at all levels of education. In order to achieve these priorities: MM

MM

MM

Education has to be made a major pillar for development Technical and vocational schools and ICT need to be well spread in all parts of the country In-service training has to be provided to all workers, public and private, with a view to adding value for market both at national and international levels, which will empower all Rwandans engaged in lifelong learning and, thus, lead to sustainable development.

According to article 2 of the Organic Law no. 20/2003 of 03/08/2003 organizing education in Rwanda, the general goals of education are as follows: a. To educate the citizen in such a way that he/she is not characterized by any form of discrimination or favouritism. b. To promote the culture of peace, tolerance, justice, respect of human rights, solidarity and democracy. c. To provide each Rwandan citizen with a complete education based on cultural and moral values, knowledge, physical, social and professional welfare in order to promote competence and good behaviour and to build the nation for its sustainable development based on protecting and exploiting the environment.

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d. To promote science, technology and research. e. To encourage the Rwandan citizen to like work, perform it well, to be committed to good quality of work and give priority to competence. f. To prepare for the country the necessary, competent and sufficient human resources at each level of its duties in accordance with the country’s development scale. g. To educate the Rwandan to have freedom of thought, be innovative, have abilities to acquire and analyse ideas from other people and give his/her own ideas to others, to be patriotic and encourage him/her to know what is happening elsewhere in the world. h. To advocate for the elimination of all obstacles that hinder the education of girls and women as well as of all those who clearly need special attention. Rwanda has also developed quite a number of policies to cater for various needs of the population and the economy. Some of the key policies (MINEDUC, 2012b) are briefly presented below.

Education programmes Twelve Years Basic Education policy Nine Years Basic Education (9YBE) programme was introduced in 2009 and it has been extended to Twelve Years Basic Education (12YBE) programme. This means that secondary education is now free and mandatory and thus has resulted in an increase in enrolments at secondary school level. The Twelve Years Basic Education programme aims at providing education to all children for 12 years, comprised of six years of primary education and six years of lower and advanced secondary education without paying school fees. This means all children of school age must go to school. Also children must remain in school and complete their education within the set number of years. Reducing repetition and dropout rates are the key driving aspects of this programme.

Early Childhood Development policy Children are Rwanda’s national treasure. Therefore, to achieve its national development goals, it is essential to ensure that all children attain their developmental potential. The national vision for the integrated development of infants and young children starts from pre-conception to six years of age. Therefore, Rwanda’s Early Childhood Development (ECD) vision is that all infants and

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young children will achieve their full developmental potential, that is mentally, physically, socially and emotionally. The plan is to build a pre-school in each village, which is the smallest entity of the Rwandan administrative structure. This means that 14,953 ECD schools will be built countrywide. In order to respond to the demand for teachers, Kigali Institute of Education (KIE) will create a new option in each of the 13 teacher training centres (TTCs) to train the required number of pre-school teachers. In addition, KIE has developed a Bachelor of Education in ECD which will provide ECD schools with qualified teacher educators.

Higher education policy Through higher education policy, Rwanda has set out its roadmap for higher education, specifically the contribution it is expected to make to the economy and the society. Enhancing this contribution is critical to Rwanda in realizing Vision 2020. The higher education sector consists of 29 public and private institutions at post-secondary level (NCHE, 2011). However, the challenge for higher learning institutions (HLIs) is to adopt their strategy for implementing the policy by providing a graduate labour force with the knowledge, skills and attitudes needed to drive the socio-economic development of the country, and engaging in relevant research that meets the needs of the economy and communities for consultancy and other services. For Rwanda to compete effectively in the global economy, increasing access to higher education is a priority. However, equally important is the need to improve the quality so that graduates have the requisite transferable skills. It will be ensured that graduates meet labour demands and that academic staff transform their approach, consistent with a more student-centred, practically oriented philosophy. HLIs are to place an emphasis on industrial attachment and practical work in their courses (MINECOFIN, 2007).

Technical and Vocational Education and Training policy Rwanda has also prioritized vocational and technical education. Keen to link training programmes with actual work, it has developed an integrated Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) policy and established the Workforce Development policy (WDA) to oversee the implementation of the TVET policy. The overall objective of the TVET policy is to provide the economy with qualified and competitive workers and to train citizens able to participate in

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sustainable growth and poverty reduction by ensuring training opportunities to all social groups without discrimination. To achieve the goals of democratization and social, cultural and economic development, the empowerment of people to contribute to environmentally sound sustainable development is decisive. Specific Objectives are (EAC, 2010): MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Assure guidance and counselling, planning, coordination, monitoring and evaluation of TVET activities Provide theoretical and practical trainings in all sectors matching with the needs of enterprises and international standards Satisfy quantitative and qualitative needs of priority sectors by training required manpower for the relevant qualification areas Provide graduates with the required professional skills, i.e. ensure their employability and develop their ability to learn with autonomy during their professional life without any form of discrimination and prepare them for self-employment Develop work values and attitudes of individuals towards professionalism expressed in quality, efficiency, creativity, adaptability, commitment, responsibility and accountability, the spirit of service and genuine love of well-done work.

The TVET system focuses on vocational training in areas like building and construction, plumbing, tourism and hairdressing. The system has multiple entry and exit points, allowing students to join and leave at different stages depending on their experience, and aims to empower them with hands-on skills that directly respond to industry needs. The system allows students to upgrade from the vocational training level to technical education and from diploma to degree level. According to the WDA Director General, ‘The beauty of this system really is that after every level, a student is skilled enough to join the labour market, or he or she may decide to upgrade up to the university level. Most importantly, TVET is not a reserve for only those without university education. The system also provides a window of opportunity to university graduates who wish to acquire practical skills’ (MINEDUC, 2010a).

Information and communication technology Rwanda recognizes the role that information and communication technologies (ICTs) can play in accelerating the socio-economic development of the country towards an information and knowledge economy. The Government

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of Rwanda (GoR) believes that Rwanda is equally placed to take advantage of these technologies to facilitate its socio-economic development process (GoR, 2000). Rwanda is making a name internationally using cutting-edge ICT technology and programming across all its ministries, including education. Some primary and secondary schools, particularly those identified as ‘centres of excellence’ in scientific education, are furnished with internet-connected computers, which help both students and teachers in their research work. Alternative energy sources are also being considered for schools that have no electricity to help widen access to ICT. The One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) project’s ultimate goal is to help many Rwandan youngsters own computers and have access to the life-changing possibilities that the internet and computing skills can bring.

Girls’ education policy The vision of this policy is to develop a society free from gender disparities in all sectors of development and an education system where all children (girls and boys) have equal access to quality education. The mission of this policy is to provide an enabling environment for the promotion of gender equality in education and training. It is intended to establish guiding principles in Rwanda’s endeavours to eliminate gender disparity as one of the priorities for government and stakeholder action. A leading example of gender bias elimination strategy is observed in the fact that more than 50 per cent women are represented in the Parliament, and in any public sector where voting is needed, the policy requires 30 per cent representation of women (Ojuru, 2012).

Special Needs Education policy The mission of the sub-sector is to support, guide, coordinate, regulate and promote quality education to all educationally disadvantaged learners for national integration, individual and national development. For example, all public constructions now require sensitivity to different special needs cases and they also go to school together with others, such as in KIE where you find blind, deaf and physically disabled students, as well as in Gatagara, Butare (Frères de la Charité). At KIE, a Bachelor of Education programme in Special Needs Education is being developed and a comprehensive Centre for Inclusive Education is being established (KIE, 2011).

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Structure of education The Rwanda Education System is organized into pre-primary/nursery education, primary education, secondary education and higher education. Primary and lower secondary make up 9YBE. Primary, lower secondary and upper secondary make up Twelve Years Basic Education. 12YBE is free and compulsory. After completion of secondary education, students enter higher institutions of learning. Pre-primary/nursery education begins at the age of three and lasts three years. It is not compulsory and is managed by parents. Primary education starts at the age of six/seven years and lasts six years. After primary education, pupils start lower secondary, which lasts three years. Upper secondary education is organized into options including general secondary education and professional or technical education. Also, upper secondary education lasts three years, after which graduates can pursue studies in higher institutions of learning. Rwanda operates on a 6-3-3-4 system as follows: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Preschool – 3 years Primary school – 6 years Secondary ordinary level – 3 years Secondary advanced level – 3 years University bachelor’s degree – 4 years.

This structure is different from the structures of education in other Partner States of East African Community (EAC) as shown in Table 12.1 below: Table 12.1  The education structure (years) of EAC Partner States Country

Early childhood/ Pre-primary

Primary

Secondary

Tertiary

Burundi Kenya Rwanda Tanzania Uganda

3 2 3 2 3

6 8 6 7 7

7–8 4 6 6 6

4 4 4 4 4

Source: EAC, 2011

At the end of primary education, Rwandan pupils take the national primary leaving examination in the main subjects. Those who obtain high marks are admitted in ‘schools of excellence’; others go to nine years basic education. The

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Nine Years Basic Education programme which started in 2009 was introduced by the government mainly to trim the rate of secondary school dropouts, as pupils now attend the first part of their secondary studies at the schools where they completed primary education (Kagire, 2009). With the school year 2012, Rwanda implemented the 12YBE programme. This means that students who successfully pass senior 3 (Ordinary level) exams get automatically enrolled into senior 4 (Advanced level) (Rwirahira, 2012). Providing 12 years basic education is part of the Ministry of Education’s seven-year plan (MINEDUC, 2012). With the Twelve Years Basic Education programme, every Rwandan child has the right to study the first 12 grades, which is primary and secondary education, free of charge (Munyaneza, 2011). Rwanda’s tertiary institutions enrol students in graduate, undergraduate, diploma and certificate programmes. PhD programmes are almost non-existent and are usually pursued abroad in foreign institutions. Today, there are 29 public and private institutions at post-secondary level in Rwanda (NCHE, 2011). Among them, seven are public and awarding Bachelor’s degrees in different areas. These include: National University of Rwanda (NUR), Kigali Institute of Science and Technology (KIST), Kigali Institute of Education (KIE), Kigali Health Institute (KHI), School of Finance and Banking (ISFB), Institute of Agriculture and Animal Husbandry (ISAE) and Umutara Polytechnic (UP). The Bachelor’s degree certificate is considered as the basic academic level to be eligible for the Rwandan professional job market. A project of one comprehensive university system has been initiated and was scheduled for launch in September 2012, at the beginning of the academic year 2012/13. The single ‘University of Rwanda’ will be composed of all the above-named public higher learning institutions as campuses of the university. A broadly based University of Rwanda (multi-campus University of Rwanda) will enhance quality of education by facilitating the harmonization of the programmes, sharing of resources, and reduction of costs. There are also intermediate public institutions which offer Higher National Diplomas in Education, Technology, Human Health, as well as Animal Health and Nursing. The number of private higher learning institutions has been rapidly expanding since 1994. Twelve private institutions are accredited by NCHE to award Bachelor’s degrees (NCHE, 2011).

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Curriculum contents From 1994, the curriculum contents at all levels of the Rwandan education system have been regularly reviewed and adapted to the needs of the country. Below are summaries of the contents which are taught at pre-primary, primary and secondary school levels.

Pre-primary Psycho-motor (growing and caring) development, Intellectual (language and cognitive) development; Social affective (social and emotional) development.

Primary Languages, Mathematics, Social Economic Management and Natural Sciences, Arts, Culture and Technology, Life Orientation.

Lower primary Kinyarwanda, Mathematics, English, Social Studies, Sports, Religious Education, Music, Fine Art, Cultural Activities, Practical Work, Clubs.

Upper primary Kinyarwanda, English, Religious Education, Mathematics, Social Studies, Science and Technology, Sports, Music, Fine Art, Cultural Activities, Practical Work, Clubs.

Secondary (Ordinary level) English, Mathematics, Kiswahili, Science (Biology, Physics, Chemistry), Computer Science, History, Geography, Entrepreneurship, Political Education, French, Creative Performance (Music, Drama and Fine Arts), Agriculture, Sports, Cultural Activities, Clubs and Religious Education.

Secondary (Advanced level) Mathematics, Physics, Computer Science, Entrepreneurship, General Paper, Technical Drawing, Biology, Chemistry, Kinyarwanda, English, Kiswahili,

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French, Literature, History, Geography, Economics, Accounting, Secretarial Studies, Fine Arts, Drama, Sport, Cultural Activities, Clubs, Religious Education. There are two official languages of instruction throughout the educational system: Kinyarwanda at lower primary education and English at upper primary education, secondary education and university. In October 2008, Rwanda declared English to be the official language of instruction, opening Rwanda to the world opportunities. The shift came after the country became a member of the East African Community, and member states embarked on the process of harmonizing their education curricula, considering English as the language of instruction. It was also a precursor to Rwanda joining the British Commonwealth in November 2009. The change was also planned to enable Rwandans to compete in the international business and finance community where English is the dominant language, as well as to provide a gateway to the global knowledge economy. French, spoken by a considerable proportion of Rwandans, remains one of the official languages in the country, and schools continue to include it as a subject. The use of both French and English in Rwanda will be of advantage to citizens in the competitive business markets (MINEDUC, 2010a).

Evaluation procedures and accreditation At primary and secondary education levels, all internal examinations are organized by the school authorities. Evaluation at these levels in schools include: homework, exercises, weekly/monthly mid-term tests and end-of-term examinations. These examinations are set, conducted/invigilated and marked by teachers in their respective schools. End-of-term external examinations for some primary and secondary schools are set at the District level, but are conducted/invigilated and marked by teachers from respective schools. End of primary, Ordinary and Advanced level examinations are set, administered and marked by the Rwanda Education Board (REB). The successful TTC candidates are awarded a Primary Teacher Education Certificate that allows them to become primary school teachers. The successful TVET candidates are awarded Rwanda Advanced Certificates that allow them to join the work market in their respective domain. Advanced level technical and vocational examinations are set, administered and marked by the Work Force Development Authority (WDA). The aims and objectives of National Secondary Level Examinations are threefold:

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310 MM

MM

MM

To ensure the learners’ knowledge level and ensure that the national curriculum is effectively implemented To enhance the efforts for effective teaching and learning through feedback To indicate the extent to which the learner has acquired the knowledge of the subject by the use of marks/grades which can be used for placements, promotions and selections for tertiary studies.

Administration, management and governance Policy of decentralization Rwanda has chosen the path of decentralization as a way of empowering the population – women and men, girls and boys – to participate in the development of activities that affect them, including education. On the one hand, central government is responsible for policy formulation and national planning, for setting education standards and norms, monitoring and evaluation, curriculum development and approval of educational materials produced. Local government, on the other hand, is responsible for the execution of policy, planning and follow-up of education activities at district/province level and the general administration of schools (EAC, 2011). The roles and responsibilities of the Ministry of Education (MINEDUC) include: MM

MM

MM

Set policies, laws, norms and standards for the education sector Undertake planning, monitoring and evaluation at the national level Prepare guidelines for District education strategic plans.

Rwanda Education Board The REB commenced its activities on 20 July 2011. REB emerged after combining the Rwanda National Examination Council (RNEC), the Teacher Service Commission (TSC), the Students Financing Agency for Rwanda SFAR), the Inspectorate General of Education (IGE) and the National Curriculum Development Centre (NCDC). These agencies were respectively replaced by the departments falling under REB: Examinations and Accreditation Department; Teacher Education, Management and Professionalization Department; Higher Education Student Loan Department; Education Quality and Standards Department; Curricula and

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Pedagogical Materials Department, and ICT in Education and Open Distance e-Learning Department. Whereas the MINEDUC is primarily in charge of policy elaboration, REB is very much concerned with implementation of policies. According to Rutayisire (2012), the new body: […] was a part a broader Government policy because Rwanda is concerned with efficiency in service delivery especially in the Public Service. The Ministry of Education had agencies in charge of implementing policies and all these had both administrative and financial autonomy and they operated independent of each other. You could find a policy on teacher training, a policy on curriculum development and a policy on examination which were implemented independently. The Government came to a conclusion that there is a need for synergy and integration in policy implementation. This synergy should be created within a framework of one institution rather than having many agencies under one ministry.

Rutayisire emphasized that REB is not a sum total of the above-stated individual agencies but a whole, an amalgamation of all the different services that were previously offered separately and that are currently integrated in a unique framework. REB will focus on redefining the curriculum because it has been noticed that there has been a gap between what is taught and what is needed in the labour market. REB will sit with the public and private sectors or employers in general and discuss the critical skills they need in students in order to redesign a curriculum to serve the market and contribute to the human capital component in the nation’s development. REB Departments play an important role in the implementation of education policies within the country as outlined below. The Examinations and Accreditation Department is responsible for national examinations for primary and secondary levels; rules regulating the conduct of examinations and for all purposes incidental thereto; transparency, justice in examination administration and other related issues; awarding certificates/ diploma to successful candidates; placement of successful candidates in different schools or institutions and the corresponding subject options in accordance with their potential abilities; equivalence of diplomas and certificates issued in Rwanda and elsewhere in accordance with this law; consultation with those in charge of national education programmes and those in charge of schools on matters concerning the implementation of school curriculum. The Teacher Education, Management and Professionalization Department is responsible for teacher training management and development; the aim is to improve on the quality of primary and secondary education in Rwanda.

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The Higher Education Student Loan Department is responsible for giving loans to students who qualify for university and higher learning institutions studies. The Education Quality and Standards Department is responsible for ensuring the fulfilment of the quality standards of pre-primary, primary and secondary education. The Curricula and Pedagogical Materials Department is responsible for producing high-quality curricula and other materials for schools; ensuring proper distribution of materials to schools; ensuring that materials are used effectively by teachers and learners; developing research skills for professional staff, using ICT; establishing partnership with similar institutions outside Rwanda. The ICT in Education and Open Distance e-Learning Department is responsible for ensuring the integration of ICT in education in general and, particularly, in the teaching and learning activities at all levels of the Rwandan education system. In addition to these five departments, at District level education officials are responsible for implementation of the education sector policy and strategic plan including EDPRS; preparing District education strategic plans; preparing budgets and MTEF; monitoring and evaluation for all activities in the education sector; recruitment of teachers and giving information of teachers employed to MINEDUC; monitoring of NGO activities and reporting back to MINEDUC; transfer of teachers within the District; monitoring of school finance and use of capitation grant, teachers’ salaries, school feeding, and technical education; monitoring of School Improvement Plans; organization of District Joint Reviews.

Teacher training in Rwanda Structure, programmes and management In Rwanda, primary school teachers are trained in 13 Primary Teacher Training Colleges (PTTCs) after completing the lower secondary education. The programme takes three years and includes training in subjects taken in primary schools. There is specialization in core subjects and students choose from the following sections: MM

MM

Section/Combination of Mathematics-Science-Education (MSE) Section/Combination of Social Studies Education (SSE)

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Section/Combination of Languages Education (Kinyarwanda-EnglishFrench-Education).

Teacher training is organized into pre-service and in-service models. Pre-service teachers are trained at three levels: Bachelors degree, Diploma and Certificate. In the ongoing teacher education management and professionalization (TEMP) reforms, KIE has been mandated to oversee the rest of teacher training institutions to ensure appropriate curriculum assessment and quality assurance. Its core mission is to train secondary school teachers and primary college tutors. Teachers for lower secondary school undergo a two-year programme at either Kavumu (Teachers for Science subjects) or Rukara (Teachers for Languages and Social Sciences subjects) Colleges of Education through face-to-face training, which they start after secondary school education. KIE, which is responsible for teacher training education, also offers teacher training through distance education to teachers who are already teaching in the lower secondary. It produces the following categories of teachers (Nzabalirwa, 2010): MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Teachers of Advanced level with Bachelors degree of Education in Science Teachers of Advanced level with Bachelors degree of Education in Arts and Languages Teachers of Advanced level with Bachelors degree of Education in Social Sciences and Business Studies Tutors of TTCs with Bachelors degree of Education in Primary Teacher Education Teachers of Ordinary level with Diploma in Education in Science Teachers of Ordinary level with Diploma in Education in Arts and Languages Teachers of Ordinary level with Diploma in Education in Social Sciences Teachers of Primary schools with a Primary Teacher Education Certificate.

The KIE Distance Training Programme (DTP) is coordinated into 10 district teacher coordinating centres which award a Diploma in Education certificate as for Colleges of Education. Nursery teachers are, however, not trained in any specific professional training institution. This creates a gap which needs to be bridged, especially with the establishment of an ECD policy and curriculum. In order to bridge the gap, KIE will establish an option of ECD in every TTC. For TTCs, a number of different types of subject are taught at this level: MM

Core subjects: English, Mathematics, History, Biology, Geography, Chemistry, Physics, ICT, Entrepreneurship, Kinyarwanda and French

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Professional courses: Foundations of Education, Education Psychology, Teaching Methods and Internships Culture subjects: Music, Drama, Dance and Fine Arts.

The number of hours needed to acquire knowledge, skills and values are 2,400 for a two-year diploma course; 4,800 for a degree course over four years; 2,400 for the distance learning equivalent to the diploma course; and TTC three years: total hours per week 40 (core subjects 34 hours, elective subjects 4 hours, extracurricular activities 2 hours). In Rwanda, the MINEDUC regulates teachers through the REB’s Department of Teacher Education, Management and Professionalization (TEMP) which is in charge of teacher management, professionalism and in-service training. TEMP works in collaboration with the District Officers in charge of education (DEOs). Teachers for public schools are recruited and paid by the District. The task of coordination and supervision rests on TEMP. Teachers’ salaries depend on their level of qualifications. Placement of teachers in primary and secondary schools is the responsibility of Districts in consultation with TEMP. These teachers are paid by the respective Districts, whereas those employed in private schools are paid by the owners. The salaries range from 39,380 to 113,044 in Rwandan Francs (RwF). Nursery schools are run by parents who recruit teachers and pay their salaries. Teachers are employed by public, public subsidized (mainly religious congregations) and private schools. Rwanda has structured programmes of Continuous Professional Development (CPD) and Distance Learning (DL) to respond to the needs of professional development within its teaching force. These include opportunities for continuing education and training, in-service programmes, and specialized training for teachers. There are also specialized professional seminars and workshops which usually focus on school management, teaching methods, language skills, the teaching of special subjects with emphasis on practical aspects. Rwanda gets support for teacher development from stakeholders and partners and these include professional associations and NGOs which complement the Government in provision of professional support within the parameters laid down in a national framework for CPD. Teachers in Rwanda also have continuing education and training opportunities through attending courses for higher qualifications, attending professional seminars and workshops on new and emerging issues within the education system. These include: school management, teaching methods, language skills,

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the teaching of science subjects, ICT, HIV/AIDS, gender, environment, human rights, unity and reconciliation, among others. Below are the institutions which train teachers for primary, secondary schools, and TTCs. Table 12.2  Institutions that undertake teacher training in Rwanda Public MM

MM

MM

MM

1 Institute of Education: Kigali Institute of Education (KIE) 2 Colleges: Kavumu College of Education and Rukara College of Education 10 Distance Teacher Training Centres (In-services Secondary School teachers) 13 Primary Teacher Colleges (PTCs). These colleges are distributed across the country.

Private MM

MM

Institute of Agriculture, Technology and Education of Kibungo (INATEK) University of Adventist of Central Africa (UACA)

Source: Drawn up by the author

Teacher motivation To improve the working conditions of teachers, Rwanda has made numerous efforts including the establishment of the Teacher Service Commission (TSC), which was renamed Teacher Education, Management and Professionalization Department (TEMPD) with the institutionalization of REB in 2011, the introduction of medical insurance system (RAMA), the establishment of savings and credit cooperative ‘Umwalimu SACCO’ and the introduction of the premium of 12,500 RwF monthly to individual teachers especially in primary schools (MINEDUC, 2010b). Until December 2011, a primary school teacher with a secondary school education level (A2) was getting a take-home salary of 39,500 RwF, undergraduates (A1) were earning 98,000 RwF and degree-holders with education qualification 113,000 RwF. However, since 2006, the premium amount was released to the administration of primary schools under the government ‘capitation grant’ component and distributed to teachers. From the beginning of the school year 2012, the premium amount has been included in the payroll of primary school teachers, plus an increment of 10 per cent to their net salary (MINEDUC, 2006). Other measures to motivate teachers as proposed by the then Minister of Education (Kwizera, 2011) include building teachers’ living quarters at their

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respective schools. Also loan waivers have been suggested for teachers who stay longer in the profession as a technique to convince them to stay in the teaching profession. Nzabalirwa and Nkiliye (2012) recommended strategies which can lead to enhancement of the socio-economic conditions of teachers, especially of primary and secondary education levels. These include the facilitation of access to bank loans, access to transportation and housing facilities, regular annual appraisal and promotion, access to update resources such as ICT and accessories, among others. In a country like Rwanda, teachers are recognized as being at the forefront of the development of high-competence human resources. In this respect, REB through its TDEMP Department is establishing policies related to the registration and licensing of teachers as well as the process of assessing teacher continuous professional development. For that purpose, the following two important tools are under preparation: terms and conditions of service for primary and secondary school teachers, and teacher appraisal and evaluation system. Indeed, the terms and conditions of service are necessary for the teaching profession that aspires to develop, manage and retain highquality teachers. They act as guide to fairly treat teachers in their professional development as well as motivation for teachers to take teaching as a valuable profession that offers livelihood and carrier path (REB, 2012a). In addition, the evaluation system provides teachers with meaningful appraisals that encourage professional learning and growth. The evaluation system is also designed to foster teacher development and identify opportunities for additional support where required (REB, 2012b).

Conclusion In Rwanda, education is a top priority because we consider it the key for unlocking our development objectives. All studies have shown that investments in human capital have invariably produced high economic returns. We have no doubt that education empowers people, enlightens them, and in the end creates wealth for them. (Kagame, 2010)

I cannot conclude this work without emphasizing what the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, said when he was highlighting the key role to be played by the education system in the economic and social development of Rwanda. A country is as good as its education system. The education system is the mirror of any society. Rwanda envisages education as the blueprint of its economic

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development policy. The Rwanda Vision 2020 and its EDPRS stipulates that the education sector is premised to contribute towards economic development and poverty reduction by making education more relevant for social and economic progress. The Rwanda national philosophy for development emphasizes the vital values of entrepreneurship, inclusion, job creation and love of work as opposed to the traditional ones of initiation, exclusion, job-seeking and mediocrity. . The 1994 genocide resulted into the massive loss of an educated and skilled workforce. After the genocide, Rwanda inherited an education system which was destroyed in terms of human and material resources. The first priority has been to rebuild the education system considered as the engine of the economic development. The country introduced a fee-free primary and secondary education in which school fees have been abolished and replaced by a capitation grant. Technical and vocational education has been reinforced. Students at all levels of the education system have been empowered with ICT skills. The education of girls has been prioritized and recognized as a key component in improving economic and social well-being of the population as it contributes to the achievement of critical social objectives such as decreased fertility and infant mortality, increased child health and improved productivity. Inclusive education has been recognized as a key milestone to attain education for all, and particular attention has been paid to strengthening education for pupils with special needs. Rwanda has restructured its educational system in order to enhance the efficiency in education service delivery, especially in the public service. The Rwanda Education Board (REB) was established in order to address the need for synergy and integration in policy implementation. This synergy will be created within a framework of REB as one institution rather than having many agencies under one Ministry of Education. Rwanda has reviewed its educational programmes to make them consistent with the national philosophy and values. In this respect, programmes that promote development skills including life skills and social cohesion were established. Apart from the core subjects, the teaching of HIV/AIDS and life skills was initiated in school lessons. Science, Technology and ICT have been introduced in schools in order to enable students to think critically and scientifically. At primary education level, pupils are taught to observe the surrounding environment and encouraged to learn by handling different objects. A subject named ‘Science and Elementary Technology’ has been incorporated into the programmes.

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With regard to the language policy, apart from the mother tongue of Kinyarwanda, English, French and Kiswahili are taught in all primary and secondary schools as curriculum subjects. The path of multilingualism is beneficial to the Rwandan youth considering the characteristics and the context of the job market in the region To respond to the need of the ‘massification’ of the education system at all levels, the teacher training system has been restructured; institutions of training teachers of pre-primary, primary, secondary schools and TTCs have been established. Despite the tremendous efforts mobilized by Rwanda to strengthen its education system, there is still a big challenge to be addressed: the ongoing improvement of programmes and increase of enrolments of students are not always accompanied by an adequate provision of required resources and facilities necessary to guarantee the quality of education. Alternative strategies have been implemented: these include the training of teachers through the distance learning model and the distribution of ‘Science Kits’ in secondary schools and TTCs. Finally, the awareness of the Rwandan population with regard to the importance of education is a great promise for the future of the education system. This is shown by the increasing participation of parents in the cost of education of their children. The consciousness of the population is also demonstrated through schools construction campaign, during which new classrooms for nine and twelve years free education are built across the country. Nearly all of the new classrooms were built voluntarily by parents, students, security forces and government officials.

References EAC. 2010. National stakeholders’ workshop. Kigali: EAC. —2011. Regional report of the East African education systems and training curricula. Arusha: EAC Secretariat. Government of Rwanda (GoR). 2000. An integrated socio-economic and ICT policy and strategies for accelerated development. Available at http://www.uneca.org/aisi/ nici/.../rwanda/rwanpap3.htm [accessed 27 May 2012]. Kagame. 2010. Achievements 2003–2010. Available at http://www.Mineduc.gov.rw/ [accessed 19 May 2012]. Kagire, E. 2009. Rwanda: Nine-Year Basic Education Kicks Off. Available at http://allafrica.com/stories/200902030276.html [accessed 1 May 2012].

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Kigali Institute of Education (KIE). 2011. Prospectus 2011–12. Kigali: KIE. Kwizera, C. 2011. Rwanda Government to increase teachers’ salaries. Available at in2eastafrica.net/Rwanda-gov’t-to-increase-teachers-salaries/ 3 May 2012. MINECOFIN. 2000. Rwanda Vision 2020. Kigali : MINECOFIN. —2007. Economic development and poverty reduction strategy. Kigali: MINECOFIN. MINEDUC. 2006. Rwanda strategy financing framework. Available at http://www. planipolis.iiep.unesco.org/ [accessed 13 May 2012]. —2010a. Achievements 2003–2010. Available at http://www.Mineduc.gov.rw/ [accessed 24 May 2012]. —2010b. Rwanda teachers management policy. Available at http://www.planipolis.iiep. unesco.org/ [accessed 15 May 2012]. —2012a. Mission of the Ministry of Education. Available at http://www.mineduc.gov. rw, [accessed 12 June 2012]. —2012b. Education sector policy. Available at http://www.mineduc.gov.rw/spip.php, [accessed 15 June 2012]. Munyaneza, E. 2011. Rwanda: Government to Launch 12-Year Basic Education Programme Today. Available at http://allafrica.com/stories/201108010804.html [accessed 1 May 2012]. NCHE. 2011. Strategic plan 2012–2017. Kigali: NCHE. Nzabalirwa, W. 2010. ‘Teacher Training in Rwanda’. In Karras K. G. and Wolhuter C. C., International Handbook on Teacher Education Wolrdwide. Issues and challenges for teacher education, Athens: Atrapos Publishers, 823–42. Nzabalirwa, W., and Nkiliye, I. 2012. ‘A study on the socioeconomic conditions of teachers in primary and secondary schools in Rwanda: case study of Bugesera, Nyarugenge and Ruhango districts’. Rwandan Journal of Education, Issue 1, 74–86. Obura, A. 2003 Never again: educational reconstruction in Rwanda. Available at www. unesco.org/iiep/PDF/pubs/Rwanda Neveragain.pdf [accessed 11 March 2012]. Ojuru, E. 2012. Education, not parliamentary seats, will empower women. Available at focus.rw/wp/2012/03/education-not-parliamentary-seats-empower-women, [accessed 24 June 2012]. REB. 2012a. Terms and conditions of service for primary and secondary schools. Kigali: REB. —2012b. Teacher appraisal and evaluation system. Kigali: REB. Rutayisire, J. 2012. ‘New lease of life for Rwanda’s education system’, Outlook, Issue 3: January-March 2012: 7. Rwirahira, R. 2012. 12-year basic education program to start in February. Available at http://focus.rw/wp/2012/01/02-year-basic-education-program-to-start-in-february/ [accessed 1 May 2012]. USAID. 2012. Bac.kground note: Rwanda. Available at www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2861. htm [accessed 9 May 2012].

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Somalia: Succeeding in a Failed State Michael Brophy

Somalia: Background Somalia forms the horn of the region known as the Horn of Africa. It covers an area of almost 640,000 square kilometres and has 2,340 kilometres of borders and coastline, sharing borders with Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya. Somalia holds a strategic position in the region with coastlines along both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean (CIA, 2012). It has a population estimated at 9.3 million but with life expectancy at 51 years, an infant mortality rate of 108 per 1,000 live births and with 33 per cent of children under five suffering malnutrition, it is one of the poorest countries in the world (World Bank, 2012). The climate and terrain range from mainly arid and relatively barren lands in the north to comparatively arable soils and moderate climates in the south, although all regions are prone to drought and famine. The majority of the Somali people live in rural areas with up to 65 per cent being considered or considering themselves as nomads or nomadic pastoralists (Lewis, 1998; Lewis, 2008; Carr-Hill and Ondijo, 2001). Livestock, mainly camels, sheep and goats, are the main source of income for the majority of people in the north and parts of the central regions, with agriculture being important in the south and fishing along the coastal areas. There is limited industry and what exists is mainly aimed at the local market, for example furniture and soft drinks. There are unexploited reserves of uranium, iron, gypsum, bauxite and copper and likely reserves of natural gas and oil (CIA, 2012). Somalis are unique in the region in that they share the same language, religion and culture, although Somali communities are divided into clans which in turn are subdivided, for example into tribal families and tribes. Lewis has defined a Somalia tribe as having its own specific name and tribal mark and traditions and occupying a common territory within which it considers itself

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and is considered by others to be the land-holding unit (Lewis, 1998). Clan communities, therefore, traditionally live in certain areas and locations, even within towns and cities. Prehistoric cave paintings in Laas Geel in Somaliland show that people have been living in the region for at least 5,000 years and the predominance of paintings of cattle and other animals indicates that livestock even then was important. Somali tradition has it that their ancestors migrated from the Arabian Peninsula over a thousand years ago (Bradbury, 2008). Arab and Persian trading settlements were established more than 1,000 years ago at coastal settlements such as Zeila in the north and in Mogadishu, Merca and Brava in the south. Lewis has also noted that Somalis played a role in the holy wars of the late Middle Ages between Christian Ethiopia and the surrounding Islamic Sultanates (Lewis, 2008). In more recent times the region was occupied and then partitioned between Britain, France and Italy through a series of treaties between 1827 and 1897, with the area controlled by Britain becoming British Somaliland. The intended purpose of the British government was to use Somaliland to provide food to its garrison in Aden. There was a protracted war against the colonial powers in the north from 1900 to 1920, with Somalis led by Sayyad Mahammed Abdalla Hassan fighting against the British, Italians and Ethiopians. Later during the Second World War there was also fighting in Somalia, only this time it was between the colonial powers, Britain and Italy. After the defeat of the Italian troops in 1941, a British administration was established throughout both Somalia and Somaliland. Then in 1950 Somalia was placed under UN Trusteeship, the former Italian colonies in the south and north-east were allocated to Italy to administer, and the former British Protectorate was placed under British administration. The Ogaden, although populated mainly by Somalis, was returned to Ethiopia. Both Somalia and Somaliland achieved independence in 1960 but after only a few days of separate status they joined to form the Somali Republic. Nine years of democratic government followed, only to be overthrown by a military coup which led to the long period of dictatorship by General Syaad Barre. Following his eventual overthrow in 1991 the country descended into civil war, one which has continued for over 20 years. Over those years Somalia has become known as the classic example of a failed state. However what is overlooked by many observers is that there are now at least three different ‘states’ existing within the territory of the former Somali Republic, two of which have stable governments and have definitely not failed. Bradbury (2008) and Lewis (2008) have written about the formation of the ‘state’ of Somaliland and the declaration of independence in 1991. Somaliland

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has been ‘independent’ for over 20 years. Presidents have been changed by free elections, as has the governing party, and the elections have been praised by independent international observers. However, it has never been formally recognized as a state by any other country. Lewis has referred to it as a ‘selfgoverning outpost of democracy in Africa’ (Ibid.). Despite the difficulties faced by its lack of international recognition it has been remarkably successful. Since breaking with Somalia, the people of Somaliland have successfully managed a process of reconciliation and created a constitutionally based government and public administration that has restored law and order, overseen demobilisation and held three democratic elections. ( Bradbury, 2008: 4)

While Somaliland has declared independence from Somalia, Puntland in the north-east took a slightly different route in 1998 by remaining within Somalia but forming a locally self-governing state, namely the Puntland State of Somalia. Like Somaliland it has been more stable than the south and central regions. It has also been able to progress both economically and socially and has made significant progress in establishing a constitutionally based government and public administration. After almost 20 years of independent development with a relatively stable environment and government structures in Somaliland and with 15 years of similar relative stability and progress in Puntland, but conflict in the south, it is important to be aware that there is no single education system in Somalia. There are at least three different autonomous systems, each at a different stage of development.

History of education in Somalia Education in Somalia did not simply begin with the arrival of the colonial powers. Centres of Islamic study such as those in Harere and Zeila had been in existence for many hundreds of years and scholars had been attracted to them from the whole region and beyond (Cassanelli and Abdikadir, 2007). Local Sufi religious orders had also introduced popular religious writings in Arabic along with the latest developments in Islamic thought and liturgical practices. When the colonial authorities tried to introduce Western education, they found that while some Somalis were eager to learn English and Italian to be able to gain employment, they faced strong resistance from others, especially Islamic leaders who were involved with the religious institutions. There was also a

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worry that the new colonial education was seeking to convert young people to Christianity. Indeed much of the subsequent educational history of Somalia involved competition for the ‘hearts and minds’ of the local population between advocates of two distinct educational models, the Islamic and Western. The struggle over how best to educate the local populace is thus not simply a recent phenomenon. (Ibid.)

While the British authorities prohibited Christian missionaries in British Somaliland in the north-west, there were attempts to establish a number of schools in 1920. These were to be funded in part by a livestock tax. However an attempt to build a school in Burco resulted in a riot and the death of the local district commissioner. The project was subsequently abandoned (Ibid.). A second attempt to build schools was made in 1938. This time the new Director of Education, Randall Ellison tried to open primary schools where Somali and not Arabic would be the medium of instruction. This approach drew intense criticism from local religious leaders and his efforts led to a riot in Burao in 1939 in which three people were killed (Olden, 2008). Meanwhile in the south, although Christian missionaries were similarly discouraged by the Italian authorities, a number of Catholic elementary schools were established. Secular schools were also established but were generally segregated for Europeans and Somalis. With the defeat of the Italian forces by the British in 1941, Britain became responsible for the administration of both the former Italian Somalia and British Somaliland. The authorities tried to do this with as little funding and human resources as possible and often left huge areas of Somalia to be ‘governed’ by one or two junior officers. They had little time or thought for education, as Hanley has described in an autobiographical book (Hanley, 1971). However towards the end of the war, the British authorities once again began to address education. During the period of the British Military Administration (1941–50) almost 30 elementary schools were established in the south and a school for girls was opened in 1949. Schools were also opened in Somaliland in Hargeisa, Berbera and Burco, this time with grants from the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund. The Somaliland authorities also launched a concerted campaign by radio and mobile cinema to promote educational development (Cassanelli and Abdukadi, 2007). By the time of independence in 1960 there were 38 elementary schools for boys in Somaliland and only three for girls. There were also 12 intermediate and two secondary schools all for boys. In the south between 1950 and

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1960, during the now Italian Trusteeship Administration, over 100 new schools were built (Ibid.). At independence in 1960, the Republic of Somalia therefore inherited just over 200 primary and 12 secondary schools of disparate origins and standards, using different languages of instruction, curricula and teaching methods (UNICEF, n.d.). The immediate problem, therefore, was the integration of the very different Italian and British colonial education systems. In 1965 the Ministry decided that Arabic would be the medium of instruction in elementary schools and English in intermediate and secondary schools. However four years later in 1969 there was a military coup. The Syaad Barre government which took over is best known for its very successful national literacy campaigns which are reputed to have raised the literacy rates from 5 per cent to 50 per cent of the population over 15 years of age. (Ibid.). It is also remember for its 1972 establishment of an official script for the Somali language (Lewis, 2008). The regime nationalized private schools and made education free and compulsory for all (6–14-year-old) children. Despite these very successful initiatives, the educational reforms of the 1970s were not sustained and by the late 1980s the formal education system was starved of resources; by the outbreak of the civil war in 1991 education was already in turmoil.

The Somali education system today Given the current political situation in Somalia it is not surprising that the existing education structures are complicated. There is no single government in control of the whole country and so there is no single education system. Rather there are different systems in different parts of the country. Somaliland has its own Ministry of Education with its own individual policies, plans, structures, schools and curricula (MoE SL, 2012: 1). Puntland also has its own Ministry with its policies, plans, structures, schools and curricula (MoE PL, 2012: 1, 2). Similarly South and Central Somalia has a ministry with policies, plans, structures and schools (MoEHE SCS, 2012). However, at present in the Central and South regions a major proportion of the education system is managed not by the Ministry but by what are known as Education Umbrella organizations which also have their own often individual structures, curricula, examinations and certificates. There are areas of commonality, for example Somaliland and Puntland and most regions of Central and South have a 12-year school cycle with the first

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eight years being primary and the second four being secondary schooling. In both Somaliland and Puntland grades 1 to 4 are seen as ‘lower primary’ and grades 5 to 8 as ‘upper primary’ and in both systems the pupils sit primary school leaving examinations at the end of grade 8. In Somaliland and Puntland, although the students follow similar eight-year primary and four-year secondary systems, they sit for different examinations and receive different certificates issued respectively by the Somaliland National Examination Board (SNEB) and the other by the Puntland National Examination Board (PNEB). Figures for classification of schools in South and Central Somalia are difficult to interpret; the Ministry has noted that the statistics on the number and type of schools are based on reports from various field assessment ‘which are not always consistent with facts’ (MoEHE SCS, 2012) and therefore the classification of schools into either early childhood, primary or secondary is felt by the Ministry to be ‘unhelpful’. In Somalia, perhaps more than in most countries, it is also important to distinguish between the current situation on the ground and what the different ministries, donors and organizations have set out as targets for the future. This is particularly important at present, given that the ministries in all three regions in 2012 published four- or five-year strategic plans.

The aims of education All three ministries make specific references in their strategic plans to the importance of education being based on sound Islamic principles. In the plans for Somaliland and Puntland references are also made to the importance of achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The delivery of good-quality primary education to as many of the age group as possible is given the highest priority in Somaliland, which also stresses the importance of equitable primary education for girls. In Puntland the plan gives ‘paramount priority’ to primary education, one in which all children will ‘receive a high-quality education across all eight primary grades’ (MoE PL, 2012: 1). The South and Central Somalia report does not refer specifically to the MDGs but does make clear that its main aim is to improve access, quality, and gender equity in education generally. In addition to striving to achieve the MDGs for education and stressing the importance of education being based on sound Islamic principles, there is also some agreement across the ministries on the general purposes and major objectives for education, although again there are differences. All three plans refer to the importance of education in helping to achieve personal, social and economic

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development. The Somaliland plan also refers to its role in preventing conflict and promoting social cohesion, while the Puntland plan refers to the role of education in promoting civic responsibility and aiding social and economic progress. However Puntland’s plan would seem to place a stronger emphasis on the importance of education in equipping school-leavers with ‘marketable skills’ and in enabling them to obtain employment or self-employment. The plan for South and Central is phrased in more general terms, specifying a ‘broad-based’ education system, but does refer to the development of students’ marketable skills. The Somaliland plan would appear to place less stress on developing marketable skills than either Puntland or South and Central. It does refer to developing these at secondary and TVET level but at the same time it refers to secondary education being the foundation for higher education. The lower stress on marketable skills is perhaps explained later in the plan where it refers to there being only ‘marginal opportunities’ for employment within the formal sectors. The plan is also somewhat critical of donors’ concerns and their various attempts at ‘quick fix solutions’ for putting youths into employment through short-term youth promotion, livelihoods training and ‘fighting piracy’ projects (MoEHE SL, 2012a).

The management of education There has been significant progress in Somali education over the past decade, especially in Somaliland and Puntland. In 2011–12 all three ministries developed coherent and reasonably consistent strategic plans and policies. In the past a major problem has been the multiplicity of strategic plans and policies, often prepared by short-term external consultancies and with the ministry and community having little more than token input. This has led to what the MoE in Somaliland sees as poor linkages between policy and planning documents and the actual policy and strategic implementation in the field. A second problem with planning, management and delivery of education has centred around the shortage of people with the qualifications and experience needed to work at middle and senior levels in the ministries. Although this problem is not specific to education, it has seriously affected the three ministries and education in general. Up to 2011 all three ministries were staffed predominantly by men who had worked in education before the start of the civil war, usually in middle to senior positions. They were recruited partly on their qualifications and experience and partly on their commitment to their specific communities, especially commitment during the civil war. From 2000 onwards they were

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almost all at an age when they would normally have retired. However, with no pension schemes in place they have remained in post as long as physically possible, also there were no qualified or experienced younger people to replace them. The first local graduates were yet to finish their diplomas and degrees and even then they were mainly young people who had gone straight to university from secondary schools with no teaching or management experience. Attempts were made to recruit well-qualified educationalist from the Diaspora but these were largely unsuccessful, in part because of the security situation, in part because of the conditions affecting a Diaspora’s refugee status if they returned to work in Somalia, and in part because as refugees very few had been able to gain experience at middle or senior level management in the education systems of their host countries (Brophy, Cliffe and Abraham, 1997). Since 1993 there have been a number of relatively small-scale interventions by donors which were aimed at improving the capacity of the ministries of education. Most have had limited success. In 2010 the European Union launched the Integrated Capacity Development for Somalia Education Administration (ICDSEA) programme, which was perhaps the largest capacitybuilding programme so far (EU, 2011). It was initially managed by UNICEF in cooperation with two UK education organizations, the Africa Educational Trust (AET) and the Centre for British Teachers (CFBT). With the funding available and working in cooperation with the ministries, this programme has been able to recruit small teams of international Diaspora consultants who had postgraduate qualifications and experience in working in education outside of Somalia. It also recruited and supported larger teams of young Somali education graduates as interns. Through an in-service on-the-job training programme being managed by the Islamic University in Uganda (IUIU), the interns, along with ministry and university staff, have been offered the opportunity to study for postgraduate education qualifications. Approximately 80 interns and staff are currently studying on the programme, which will lead to a master’s degree in educational management. The current Strategic Plans prepared by the ministries were developed with assistance from these teams, leading to the hope that the ICDSEA programme and its successors will help to improve the capacity and delivery of all three ministries.

Ministry structure and staff Partly due to the influence of ICDSEA, all three ministries are currently in a state of transition. Somaliland and Puntland both have a single minister responsible

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for general and higher education. In South and Central there are separate ministers for General Education and Higher Education. The ministers are supported by a deputy or vice minister. Ministerial appointments are political. The senior public servant is the Director General who is responsible for the management of the ministry and for the supervision of departmental directors. The numbers and responsibilities of directors are in a state of flux because of the restructuring process. For example, some new departments such as a Quality Assurance and Standards Department have been established. In addition to the central staff in Somaliland and Puntland there are also Regional Education Officers (REOs) who are responsible for the management and coordination of education for a particular region and District Education Officers (DEOs) for supervision at the lower district levels. They should be supported at the school level by Community Education Committees (CECs). However, in many schools community participation is marginal and often inactive. While some donors are critical of the work of the ministries and the lack of capacity of MoE central and regional staff, there is general agreement that there has been significant progress in education over the past decade, especially in Somaliland and Puntland The most recent UNICEF Primary Education Census for Somaliland (MoEHE SL, 2012: 2), for example, reports almost 200,000 children in primary or Primary Alternative Education (PAE) centres in Somaliland, with the numbers in primaries alone increasing from 108,895 to 184,682, i.e. over the past seven years a 70 per cent increase. There was a similar increase in Puntland, with the numbers accessing primary education increasing from 64,545 to 91,450 over five years, a 42 per cent increase (MoE PL, 2012–13) It is difficult to get accurate figures for gross enrolment rates (GER) in Somalia. A European Union Education Identification study has reported that the GER for primary education for Somalia overall is 38 per cent for boys and 25 per cent for girls (EU, 2011). It suggests that for Somaliland the GER for primary education is almost 60 per cent and only slightly lower for Puntland. However, the UNICEF census gives a GER of 44 per cent for Somaliland (38 per cent for girls) and 41 per cent for Puntland (37 per cent for girls). The difference may be because of different estimates used for the primary school-age population. Sesnan has suggested that the true GERs are likely to be significantly higher since there are many additional refuge children temporarily in schools in northern Kenya (Sesnan, 2012). What does stand out, however, is the progress that has been made in Somaliland and Puntland since 1994 when, to quote a 2003 USAID Education

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Sector Assessment, ‘School enrolment had reached its lowest point, with most if not all schools destroyed, materials unavailable and teachers and students abandoning education’ (Cummings and Van Tonninger, 2003). The GER for primary education in Somaliland has risen progressively from 1998, when it was only 13 per cent, to 44 per cent in 2012. Similarly in Puntland it has risen from 11 per cent in 1998 to41 per cent in 2012. While the achievements are impressive, as the Ministry in Somaliland has admitted, for Somalia generally achieving 100 per cent enrolment of school-age children by 2015 is ‘no more than a noble aspiration’ (MoEHE SL, 2012: 1).

Primary education From the figures above it is clear that over the past decade major progress has been made in primary education. All three ministries see increasing access to and improving the quality of primary education as their top priority. Most major donors have also identified this as their priority for education. For example, the 2011 EU Identification Study recommended that approximately 28 per cent out of its allocation for education in 2001–15 should be spent on primary education, 18 per cent on secondary education and 7 per cent on higher education. (EU, 2012). The emphasis on primary education is in part due to the direct link between enrolment and completion with the achievement of MDG targets. It may also reflect the political concerns of the governments and their wish to meet the basic needs and expectations of both the communities and international donors. External donor funding is still vital for all three regions and ministries. For example, the MoE in Somaliland has estimated that donors’ and international agencies’ spending on education is approximately ten times that of the government. However, when free primary education was introduced in Somaliland in 2011, an estimated 10,000 children were refused entry into primary education because of the lack of classrooms (MoEHE SL, 2012: 1) The Ministry has calculated that free primary education will mean a growth of 25,000 in the number of children entering primary school each year with a corresponding need for over 600 new classrooms per year (Ibid.). It will be impossible for this to happen without major external funding. In South and Central Somalia, in addition to trying to meet the growing demand for primary education the Ministry is also faced with the additional problem that nearly 75 per cent of the existing schools lack basic physical facilities and many existing buildings are too damaged or unsafe for use (MoEHE SCS, 2012). Providing classrooms, facilities and qualified teachers to meet the growing demand for

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primary education are the major problems facing primary education in all regions. There have been sustained efforts to meet the need for extra primary schools and classrooms and donors such as the EU, UNICEF and UNHCR have supported the construction or rehabilitation of classrooms and other facilities including wells and latrines. By 2011 there were almost 900 primary schools in Somaliland (MoEHE SL, 2012: 2) and over 400 in Puntland (MoE PL, 2012: 3). The majority of schools are in rural areas, 54 per cent in Somaliland and 61 per cent in Puntland. However the majority of pupils are in schools in urban areas, approximately 70 per cent in Somaliland.

The quality of primary education A second major problem facing the education ministries is the relatively poor quality of education in many public primary schools. The reasons given include overcrowded schools, lack of facilities including classroom furniture, running water and latrines, shortage of teaching and learning materials, bad teaching practices and lack of interest from poorly qualified and underpaid teachers (MoEHE SL, 2012: 1; MoE PL, 2012: 1 and 2; MoEHE SCS, 2012). Because the standards in the public schools are perceived to be low, many parents have chosen to send their children to fee-paying private schools. In Somaliland, for instance, as many as 20 per cent of primary schools are private (MoEHE SL, 2012: 1). Monthly fees for private schools range between US$5 and US$30 per child. For a family with five children this can become a major financial burden, with girls being those most likely to lose out. There is some justification for the negative perceptions about the quality of education in primary schools. Large numbers of children do fail to complete the full eight years of primary education. In Somaliland, for instance, only around 20 per cent of the children who start grade 1 manage to complete the eighth grade and obtain a primary school leaving certificate (Ibid.). Anecdotal evidence suggests that relatively large numbers of pupils, especially girls, also drop out between grade 5 and grade 8 in Puntland. Schools in some areas are indeed overcrowded, especially those in urban areas. Data from the UNICEF Census studies in Somaliland and Puntland suggest that schools in urban areas have on average three times the number of pupils of schools than schools in rural areas, with some schools having been forced to introduce a double shift system. Many primary schools also lack basic facilities, especially in the South and Central. Over the past decade a major part of the funding from donors has been

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used for construction and the provision of facilities including water supply and latrines, but the yearly increase in the numbers of children enrolling in primary schools makes it difficult even for donors to catch up with the demand. Agencies and INGOs have also supported the provision of teaching and learning materials to schools. UNICEF and UNESCO, for instance, with funding from a number of donors including the UK DFID, have played a key role in the development and supply of primary textbooks. However, they too find the increasing numbers difficult to deal with and some donors are even hesitant to continue to provide funding for what to them may seem like a never-ending demand for textbooks. A recent study on Measuring Learning Achievements (MLA) in grade 4 in Somaliland and Puntland (Hicks, 2012) reported that the results for literacy (in Somali) were reasonable, with 30 per cent of the pupils doing well and able to cope with their main literacy learning needs and a further 38 per cent managing. Approximately one-third were not meeting the standards required in grade 4. The results for reading were better than those achieved at the same level in Uganda. However, writing skills were a lot lower, with only 25 per cent able to write even short four-line paragraphs. Results for numeracy were even poorer, with only 19 per cent of the pupils doing well. A further 30 per cent were ‘struggling’ with numeracy but were within reach of being able to catch up. However, over 50 per cent of the pupils were ‘largely innumerate’. The MLA report notes that the basic mathematics concepts that should be mastered in the first 18 months of schooling were not being mastered by the middle of grade 4 and that ‘The basic concepts in maths are not being effectively taught’. The results for Puntland were better than those for Somaliland and boys did slightly better than girls (Ibid.).

Primary teachers The results of the MLA study go some way to reinforcing the view that poor teaching practices and the lack of committed qualified teachers are a hindrance to the development of high-quality primary education. Before reviewing the qualifications of the primary teachers it is important to note the difference in the Somali system between a ‘Qualified Teacher’ and a ‘Certified Teacher’. A qualified teacher is someone who has the basic academic requirements to become a teacher, but he or she has not necessarily undertaken any specific teacher training. A certified teacher is a qualified teacher who has also completed the required number of years of teacher training. An unqualified teacher is someone that is neither qualified nor certified but is teaching in a school.

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At the primary level, teachers generally teach specific subjects rather than all subjects to one class and despite a significant number of professional development programmes there is still a general lack of adequately trained teachers. Combining the data from the UNICEF Census (UNICEF, n.d.) studies for Somaliland and Puntland (MoEHE SL, 2012b; MoE PL, 2012–13) we find that in 2012 between the two regions there were 10,108 primary teachers. Of those 3,529 (35 per cent) were certified teachers. A further 3,631 (36 per cent) were qualified but untrained and 2,948 (29 per cent) were unqualified, that is they had neither the required academic qualifications nor training. In summary, 65 per cent of primary teachers in Somaliland and Puntland are not certified teachers and so have not been trained to teach. However since 2006 there has been a 43 per cent increase in the total number of teachers in Somaliland and a 91 per cent increase in Puntland. Surprisingly the profiles for the two regions are very different. Forty-nine per cent of primary teachers in Somaliland are certified and have both the necessary academic and training qualifications. Less than 3 per cent of the teachers are reported as being qualified but not certified. However almost half (49 per cent) of teachers are unqualified. By contrast in Puntland only 15 per cent of primary teachers are certified and 83 per cent are qualified but not certified. However there, only 1 per cent of primary teachers are unqualified. Somaliland breaks down with equal proportions (49 per cent) of certified and unqualified teachers. Puntland has a much lower proportion of certified teachers (15 per cent), and also 1 per cent who are unqualified. In Somaliland and Puntland combined 1,482 (15 per cent) of primary school teacher are female, 16 per cent in Somaliland and 13 per cent in Puntland. Thirty-three per cent of the female teachers are certified, which is almost equal to the proportion of male teachers who are certified. However with over 120,000 girls in primaries in Somaliland and Puntland, it means that there is only one trained female teacher in primary schools for every 250 girl pupils. It is important to emphasize that significant progress has been made in primary education over the past decade; for example, Pupil Teacher Ratios (PTRs) in both Somaliland and Puntland are among the lowest of any low income country, with PTRs of 21:1 in Puntland and 31:1 in Somaliland, although – as already noted – ratios can be much higher in urban areas. Hundreds of new schools have been built and in both Somaliland and Puntland there are agreed national curricula which provide a broad-based education, including Islamic Education, Somali, Arabic, English, Mathematics, Science and Social Science. The lack of a single agreed curriculum in Somaliland’s Education Sector Strategic Plan 2012–16 (SCS) is seen by the ministry there as one of the main reasons

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why there is still ‘apparent confusion’ and poor quality in that education sector (MoEHE SCS, 2012). In theory – although not always in practice – at primary level there are 34 teaching periods a week, each of 45 minutes, and a minimum of 36 teaching weeks a year. Somali is the medium of instruction in the majority of schools. Arabic and English were introduced as subjects in either grade 4 or grade 5 although English is now being introduced in grade 2. There are also a large number of primary schools, especially in SCS where Arabic is the medium of instruction. Almost all of these are managed by the education umbrellas and some by international NGOs. In 2012 only six schools, three primary, one intermediate and two secondary, were directly managed by the Ministry.

Secondary education The rapid expansion of primary education, the introduction in 2011 of free primary education in Somaliland and the intention to provide primary schooling for all children have had a knock-on effect and raised serious problems for the provision of secondary education. As previously noted, there is a four-year system in secondary, with years 1 and 2 as junior or lower secondary and years 3 and 4 as senior secondary. Students who complete all four years sit for the relevant Form 4 leaving examination either in Somaliland, Puntland or through one of the education umbrella organizations in SCS. There has already been a massive growth in secondary education, however there is no accurate GER figure for secondary schooling. A 2006 study by UNESCO suggested that it was as low as 7 per cent in 2007 (UNESCO, 2014) but there has been a significant increase in numbers enrolled since then. For 2011/12 the Ministry in Somaliland reported a secondary student enrolment of 36,400 in 100 schools, of which 63 were public schools and 37 were private (MoE SL, 2012). In Puntland the equivalent figures were 11,979 students and 53 public secondary schools (MoE PL, 2012a). There is limited data for the South and Central; a study for the EU-funded SAPIS Secondary Education Programme has collected data on 193 secondaries which between them have over 28,000 pupils. These schools are managed through the local education umbrella groups. The data suggests there are at least 340 secondary schools across the three regions with a total number of around 76,000 pupils and on average a secondary school has 225 pupils. However, the range varies considerably, with under 100 pupils in some schools and more than 1,000 in others. With the enrolment in primary education increasing year on year, the ministries are under extreme pressure to increase the number of secondary places.

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Secondary education is the fastest-growing sector in education and is seen as being pivotal in driving change within society. It is seen not only as promoting individual development but also as equipping young people with the relevant skills and attitudes needed for employment. In Somaliland and Puntland it is also seen as playing a role in promoting social cohesion and national patriotism. The curricula are of a general academic nature but there are plans to make them more closely related to skills needed for economic development. However, with the majority of secondary students aiming for university, it is proving difficult to achieve a balance between the two, especially with some universities lowering their entry qualifications to attract as many students as can afford the fees. The other main problems facing secondary education are similar to those facing the primary sector, namely shortage of schools and classrooms, lack of qualified and trained teachers, and gender inequity at both the learner and teaching levels. There are some additional problems relating to the subject areas such as mathematics and science and to the language or languages of instruction.

Secondary teachers In 2011/12 there was a combined total of 1,719 secondary teachers for 48,379 students in Somaliland and Puntland (MoEHE SL, 2012: 2). This would give a PTR of 28:1 (30:1 for Somaliland and 23:1 for Puntland). The majority of secondary teachers are qualified and about 50 per cent are trained as teachers mostly through the Amoud, Hargeisa and East Africa Universities. There are a substantial number of private schools and a large number of teachers in the public schools also teach in these private schools or run private tuition classes. There is concern within the ministries about the teaching effectiveness of these teachers in their ‘normal’ classes in the public schools. Almost all secondary teachers, both in public and private schools, continue to use a didactic teacher-centred approach with very little child-centred or practical activities. English is the medium of instruction in the government schools in Somaliland and Puntland but many private schools use Arabic and curricula and textbooks from nearby Arab countries. This has caused some problems for the ministries with the harmonization of the curriculum, the setting and marking of the secondary leaving examinations and the recognition of certificates. The low level of English language of both students and teachers is also a concern. English was originally introduced as a subject in primary grade 4 or 5 and very few students were able reach the level needed to use it as the language of instruction

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at secondary level. As noted earlier, it has now been introduced at grade 2 level. Teachers’ levels of English are also low and in reality most subjects are taught in a mixture of Somali and English, with the concepts generally being explained in Somali while for most subjects the textbooks are in English. In order to improve students’ levels of English a special ‘English Language Bridging Course’ has been introduced whereby students starting secondary undertake a six-week intensive English course prior to starting their normal schooling. This has had some success, especially for Form 1 students. There is also a widespread problem with the teaching of science and mathematics, which is generally considered to be particularly poor, with little if any practical work being carried out in science. It is thought to be due in part to the teachers’ lack of experience of practical work in their own school days and even at college or university, but also in part to the shortage of science laboratories, facilities and equipment – although when these have been introduced, laboratories and equipment often lie unused. There has been a significant number of in-service workshops to promote practical work in science which to date have had limited success in changing teaching habits. Furthermore the cost of building and equipping science laboratories in every secondary school has been prohibitive. In an attempt to overcome this second problem in 2010/11 Mobile Sciences Units (MSUs) were introduced on a pilot basis in Somaliland and Puntland. Each mobile unit is managed by a well-qualified laboratory technician and has the equipment and materials needed to carry out group practical work in 10 to 12 schools. Feedback from students and teachers has been positive and a small-scale evaluation has indicated an increasing number of practical lessons in these schools and better student understanding of related science concepts (Nkata, 2011).

Gender equity in secondary schools The ministries, donors and international agencies have all tried to improve gender equity at secondary level. There have been some improvements and successes but progress has been slow and there is still some way to go before this is likely to be achieved for students and a very long way to go before it is likely to be achieved for teachers. Data available for Somaliland and Puntland indicate that over the past four years the proportion of girls in secondary schools has increased from around 28 per cent to 32 per cent. However the proportion of teachers remains very low. Only 26 (2 per cent) out of 1,202 of the secondary teachers in Somaliland are female. In Puntland the figure is 16 out of 517 teachers (3 per cent). There is also a problem that even when young women have

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qualified and trained as secondary teachers, secondary school headmasters are reluctant to recruit them (MoEHE SL 2012: 2). A number of approaches have been used to try to increase the numbers and proportion of girls. Girl Friendly Spaces (GFS), which provide a study area and sheltered latrines, have been introduced in over 20 secondaries. Scholarships are also being provided for disadvantaged girls who wish to train, and vouchers for after-hours classes for girls where the girls in a school can use their individual vouchers to choose and pay for extra lessons. Although these initiatives are relatively new, there is some evidence that they are making an impact on girls’ self-confidence and attitudes to education and are encouraging girls to remain in secondary education (Nkata, 2011 ).

Technical and vocational education Since the civil war, technical and vocational education (TVET) and non-formal education have been the poor part of the education system across Somali. Priority has gone to primary education with secondary starting to gain attention since 2000. TVET has only recently started to gain attention (USAID, 2012; EU, 2012). The reasons for what some would call the neglect of TVET include: (i) donors’ reluctance to fund it because of the high capital costs and a concern that in conflict situations expensive technical training institutes can be destroyed and the equipment stolen; (ii) the international and MDG focus on basic education meant that the limited funding that was available was directed mainly to achieving goals at the primary level; (iii) the limited and marginal opportunities for paid employment within the formal sector; (iv) the almost total absence of certified or qualified TVET trainers; and (v) the low value placed on technical skills by students, parents and employers compared to a high value placed on academic skills. Referring to the neglect of TVET in SCS, the ministry has reported that the existing curriculum in TVET has not been revised or updated for almost thirty years. However, there is now a growing interest in TVET with the rehabilitation of polytechnics and TVET centres, even in Mogadishu. In the Puntland 2012–16 Strategic Plan for Education, TVET and non-formal education come only after primary and secondary education in the list of priorities. Donors such as the EU and USAid are providing substantial funding for TVET and there are plans to build new TVET centres across Somaliland and Puntland. There are still concerns about its implementation, especially about the teaching and technical skills of the trainers. There are also concerns as to whether or not paid employment will be available for the skills and numbers planned. Many

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of the current TVET centres are privately owned and managed by Diaspora or development partners. Currently ministries have limited control over what and how the students are taught. There are no standardized curricula for any skills subject, the standard and level of qualifications awarded vary from location to location, and there is duplication of work, with the same students enrolled and counted on two or more programmes. The EU has recently (2012) agreed funding for the establishment of a technical and vocational qualifications authority with the aim of establishing a qualifications framework and standards for certification. However, one lingering concern expressed by the Ministry in Somaliland is that a substantial amount of the input into TVET has been donor-driven, sometimes for specific purposes such as ‘fighting piracy’, and has focused on short-term training and ‘quick fix solutions’ around thematic concepts such as youth promotion and livelihoods rather than developing the skills needed for employment (MoEHE SL, 2012: 1).

Non-formal education Non-formal education (NFE) in Somalia both gains and suffers from memories of the successful literacy programme introduced in the mid-1970s during the era of the Syaad Barre dictatorship. In this programme students from universities and colleges were sent to live in nomadic and rural communities to teach basic literacy to children and adults. Through the programme the literacy rate reached 55 per cent in 1980 (Bekalo et al., 2003); a comparable figure for 2011 would be 20 per cent. For most older people this is not only their memory but also their understanding of what is meant by non-formal education. In contrast, many international agencies supporting education in Somalia take a different perspective and see NFE as being more than basic literacy; for them it is an alternative approach to primary schooling. In NFE generally there has been a proliferation of names and acronyms, including Basic Literacy, Functional Literacy, Visual Literacy and Real Literacies. Similarly the acronym ABE can stand for Adult Basic Education, Alternative Basic Education or Accelerated Basic Education depending on the organisations involved (Easton et al., 2003; Brophy, 2014). The Somaliland Strategic Education Plan, for example, refers to ABE (Alternative Basic Education), AABE (Accelerated Alternative Basic Education) and ALP (Accelerated Learning Programme). The different names, aims and acronyms used and the many different NFE programmes and projects have raised concerns and sometimes confusion within the ministries, especially since the programmes and projects often have different purposes, target different age groups and use different

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materials and delivery methods. For example, Save the Children Alliance has developed an Education for Nomadic and Pastoralist Children programme in Somaliland to deliver an Accelerated Basic Education (ABE) to children through ABE centres and mobile schools. In contrast, the Somali Distance Education for Literacy (SOMDEL) programme of the Africa Educational Trust (AET) and the BBC World Service Trust has used a three-way distance learning approach for literacy for young people (15–25 years old) who had missed out on education (Brophy and Page, 2007). In the Puntland Strategic Education Plan, NFE programmes include vocational skills training, adult literacy, community health education and agricultural extension activities but not Accelerated Basic Education (ABE), which the ministry categorizes as belonging to its formal primary education programme. It sees ABE as being an alternative approach which enables nomadic children and youths to participate in the formal primary education system. In contrast, in Somaliland Accelerated Basic Education (ABE) is included under the ministry’s Non-formal Basic Education (NFBE) programme. In their current Strategic Plans the ministries in Somaliland and Puntland are both endeavouring to develop single programmes for NFE, which will use the same curriculum and have the same examination and certification process. The difficulty is that if such programmes are to succeed they will have to cover a number of very different target groups, and with learners studying on programmes which may well have different aims and purposes. The Somaliland MoE, for instance, has identified three different needs: (i) an Accelerated Basic Education programme for disadvantaged children aged 6 to 14, particularly those in nomadic and pastoralist communities; (ii) an Accelerated Basic Education programme for young people aged 14 to 18 who have missed out education; and (iii) a Basic Literacy programme for adults and young adults between 15 and 45 years old, especially girls and young women. The objectives, materials and teaching methods for an Accelerated Basic Education programme for 14 to 18-year-olds are unlikely to be the same as those needed for an ABE programme for 6 to 14-year-olds, nor are they likely to suit the literacy needs of 15 to 45-year-olds girl and young women. One concern about NFE programmes, especially among boys, is that NFE qualifications have lower status in the community and with employers than those from the formal sector. Ministries have also expressed concern over this point. One reason may be the very low financial input into NFE compared to the input into formal education. For example, in Puntland 68 per cent of the planned education budget for 2012–16 is allocated to primary education, 14 per

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cent to secondary and 9 per cent to TVET; only 3 per cent is allocated to NFE. Similarly in Somaliland 71 per cent of the planned education budget for 2012–16 is allocated to primary education, 3.2 per cent to NFE. Low grade 8 examination results in 2011 for the first pupils from ABE schools in Somaliland has added to this concern, with a total of 115 ABE learners (69 per cent) achieving a pass grade compared with 9,571 (89 per cent) of pupils from formal primaries. These results prompted the Somaliland National Examinations Board to establish a committee to review the performance of ABE pupils (Daud, 2011). It should be remembered however that since it is an accelerated programme, ABE pupils sit for the grade 8 primary leaving examinations after completing only six levels of the ABE programme. Since this was the first intake of ABE students, the numbers completing were low. However, nomadic and pastoralist children are targeted as the major group to benefit from ABE and with pastoral nomads estimated to make up around two-thirds of the Somali population, one might expect that there would be much larger numbers of children following these courses. A recent study of nomadic pastoralist communities (CARR) found that while 22 per cent of children in the communities studied had taken up formal schooling, fewer than 2 per cent were reported as having been to either a mobile school, an intensive course, an ABE course, a vocational training course or to any other type of NFE course. Perhaps this should not be surprising if only around 3 per cent of the education budget is allocated for NFE.

Higher education Higher education has been one of the major growth areas in Somalia with many universities, as education generally, having a strong input from the Diaspora (Bradbury, 2008; Lindley, 2006). Over 60 universities are listed on Wikipedia. Commenting on the growth of universities in Somaliland, the ministry has noted that eight years ago there were only three universities in Somaliland with a few thousand students, by 2011 there were twenty with an enrolment of 15,400 students, 32 per cent being female (MoEHE SL, 2012a). In Puntland in 2011 there were eight universities listed by the ministry which between them had 4,058 students (19 per cent female). The ministry also lists six colleges as institutes of higher education, which between them have a further 1,260 students, 23 per cent female (MoE PL, 2012: 1). There are three main concerns for the ministries: (i) the poor quality of the facilities and teaching in many of these new universities; (ii) the ability of

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the job market to absorb the large numbers of young people graduating with what in some cases are dubious degrees; and (iii) the high cost of studying at the higher education level. The most popular courses are business and IT programmes, with students perhaps seeing these as the paths most likely to lead to employment either in Somalia or overseas. To address the issues of the poor quality and lack of recognition of qualifications from some universities, the ministries in Somaliland and Puntland have established new governing bodies for higher education institutions. In Puntland this is the Commission of Higher Education and Directorate of Quality Assurance and Standards. In Somaliland it is the Commission for Higher Education, which was established by the President in Somaliland in 2011. From the charters it would seem that the Somaliland Commission has a slightly greater autonomy as it is theoretically outside of the Ministry in order to ensure there is a clear separation of the roles and responsibilities of the Commission and those of the Higher Education Ministry. However, both commissions were established for similar purposes – namely, to audit and evaluate all higher education institutions and to establish quality assurance standards and accreditation systems. While there are some universities with dubious standards, there are others which have a relatively good standard. These would include – although would not be limited to – Mogadishu University in SCS, Amoud and Hargeisa universities in Somaliland and East Africa University in Puntland. One thing these particular universities have in common is that they have been established, or in some cases re-established, for more than ten years, so they have had time to develop their facilities and courses. Mogadishu University, for example, was established in 1999. The university website (https://www.mogadishuuniversity. com) reports that it has seven faculties, including faculties of Nursing, Education and Political Sciences and Information. In 2012 it received full accreditation as a university with the Board of the Intergovernmental Organization EDU. Similarly Amoud University in Somaliland was established in 1998 (Bradbury, 2008). It started with 66 students, and by 2011 it had 2,504 students enrolled in nine faculties all of which offer degree programmes – these include a medical faculty that has a close link with King’s Medical College in the UK. In 2011 over 300 students graduated with degrees and almost another 200 with diplomas (http://amouduniversity.org). In spite of the fact that there are good universities such as those in Mogadishu and Amoud, there is a major problem with the proliferation of small, often selfdeclared universities offering degrees and diplomas with very limited academic credence and which are simply adding to the pool of ‘graduates’ seeking

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employment. The governments are trying to address this, but if the system is not changed it has the potential to lead to student unrest.

Examinations and certification During the government of Syaad Barre there was a single national examination system in Somalia with centralized primary and secondary school leaving examinations, which, though flawed, were generally accepted by the community. However, in the later years of the Barre Government there was a loss of respect and trust in the examination system due to increasing amount of cheating, poor record-keeping and a growing mistrust in the validity of the examinations and the marking system. After the collapse of the regime, individual schools introduced school-based examinations and some private schools entered candidates for overseas examinations. With the majority of primary school children sitting only school-based examinations, the few secondary schools that then existed were forced to devise their own entry examinations. In their turn, colleges and universities also set their own entry examinations for secondary leavers. The system was to a large extent outside the control of the MoEs. It was open to fraud and lacked validity, with the level set by school’s own teachers and the papers testing only the parts of the curriculum that the teachers in that school knew they had taught. In Somaliland the Ministry of Education formally introduced a national Grade 8 (Primary Leaving) examination with some financial and technical support from UNICEF and UNESCO-PEER. The support was mainly for examination setting and marking and not for the more problematic areas of sitting and invigilation. Just under 1,000 pupils sat for the Grade 8 examinations in 1999 (Hicks, 2010). The following year the Centre for British Teachers (CFBT) provided equivalent financial and technical support for the Form 4 Secondary Leaving examinations. Just under 300 (277) candidates sat for the first Form 4 examinations. The first centralized examinations in Puntland took place in 2003 for approximately 350 students. In SCS school leaving examinations continued to be delivered through education umbrella groups such as the Somalia Association for Formal Education (SAFE), initially with each group providing examinations for schools within their umbrella. The numbers sitting for examinations grew slowly over the following five or six years. However, cheating was common, teachers and invigilators were poorly trained and marking and moderation were of low quality (Page, 2010).

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In 2005, following an appeal by the President of Somaliland, the UK Department for International Development (DFID) agreed to provide substantial funding to enable the MoE to establish and manage a valid and reliable examination system. The grant included funding to support both the development and the running of Grade 8 and Form 4 examinations. The funds, which were delivered through an international NGO (AET), also supported the construction, equipping and staffing of the Somaliland National Examination and Certification Board (SLNECB). Similar support and funding was extended to Puntland in 2008, with some limited funding for assistance for examinations in SCS. Over the past seven to eight years there have been major improvements in the examination systems and in the quality of the examinations in Somaliland and Puntland. Examination setters, markers, supervisors and invigilators are trained on an annual basis. Examinations are set against approved ministry syllabi and incidences of cheating have been dramatically reduced, and in the few instances when they have occurred have been publicly and transparently dealt with by the ministries (GGACC, 2011–12: 1, 2; Chege, 2011). By 2012 the SLNECB and the Puntland State Examination Board (PSEB) were responsible for setting, moderating, marking and certifying their own national Grade 8 and Form 4 examinations as well as setting and managing a range of examinations for non-formal, vocational and professional qualifications. Secondary School Leaving Certificates awarded by the national examination boards in Somaliland and Puntland were also internationally recognized and accepted for university entrance in over ten countries including Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sudan and Yemen. The improvement in quality and standard of examinations and the international acceptance of Somali certificates have had a strong positive knock-on effect upon education generally, with parents and students aware that both local and international scholarships are ‘pegged to good performance’ in the national examinations (MoE PL, 2010). The numbers of students enrolling for examinations have increased dramatically. In Somaliland the numbers enrolling for Form 4 examinations in 2012 increased to 6,400 – a 28 per cent increase in one year. Similarly the numbers enrolling for Puntland Form 4 exams increased to 1,738 – a 14 per cent increase. Although there were Form 4 secondary exams delivered through education umbrella groups, there have been no national Form 4 secondary leaving examinations in SCS. However in 2011 the ministry introduced an examination for the specific purpose of selecting candidates for overseas scholarships.

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Almost 1,000 Somali students attended these scholarship candidate examinations, 500 in Mogadishu and 459 students in Somali embassies in Nairobi and Addis Ababa. The examinations covered a range of subjects including Physics, Mathematics, Biology, Chemistry, Social Studies and Islamic study and were offered in both English and Arabic (MoEHE website). This has led to some tension, as the umbrella groups’ examination results and certificates were not accepted by the ministry. All three ministries are keen to expand and further improve their examination systems. Plans for the future include additional training and capacity-building for the examination centre and regional staff, enlargement and improvement of item banks and improved analysis of current and past examination papers and questions. As noted earlier, the numbers sitting for the Grade 8 and Form 4 exams have increased substantially with corresponding increases in the cost of printing, distributing, invigilating and marking. There are also substantial costs for the provision of security for examination papers before and during the examinations and for the safe delivery and return of papers from remote and insecure or contested regions. Donors have provided substantial funding for the development of the examination systems for almost ten years. While they are generally willing to continue to support the development and improvement of the exams and examination systems, they are reluctant to continue to provide funding for staff salaries or for transport, security and invigilation. With limited government funding available, one alternative for the ministries is to increase the fees paid by the students. While this may be acceptable at the secondary level, there are concerns about the charging of fees for the Grade 8 examinations, especially when primary education is free.

Conclusion Given that there has been over 20 years of conflict and near-total destruction of the economy and infrastructures including education, the achievements of the Somali people and governments in education since 1991 have been impressive. Substantial progress has been made in primary, secondary and higher education. Progress in TVET and NFE has been more limited. Most of the credit for the achievements must go to the people and governments in the three ‘states’, Somaliland, Puntland and more recently South and Central, and to the Somalia Diaspora who have contributed significantly to the reconstruction of the entire education system. Donors such as the European Union, USAID,

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DFID, Danida and from Arabia and the Gulf States as well as UN agencies such as UNICEF, UNESCO and UNHCR and international and local NGOs have all made significant contributions, but it was mainly through local efforts that the education system has been reconstructed, or perhaps – given the level of destruction – one could say resurrected. It may be a cliché to say that much remains to be done. Given the per capita income, however, it would be unrealistic to expect a fully self-financing education system at any time within the foreseeable future. There is and will be a continuing need for support to education from the international community. The management capacity of the ministries in Somaliland and Puntland has greatly improved over the past few years. However, given that neither government is internationally recognized, it remains difficult for governments and bilateral international donors to provide direct funding for the ministries. Funding continues to be channelled mainly through UN and international agencies and NGOs. There is no doubt, however, that the ministries are capable of, and should be, playing a much more active role in decision-making, with more ownership and accountability for externally funded education programmes.

References Bekalo, S. A., Brophy, M. and Welford A. G. 2003. ‘The development of education in post-conflict Somaliland’. International Journal of Educational Development 23: 459–75. Bradbury, M. 2008. Becoming Somaliland. London: Progresso. Brophy, M. 2003. Non-formal and Adult Education, Coping in Conflict British Assocation for Literacy in Development (BALID). http.//www.balid.org.uk/pdfs/Non-formal_and_ Adult_Education-Coping_in_Conflict.pdf [accessed 29 September 2012]. Brophy, M., Cliffe, L. and Abraham, T. 1997. ‘Somalia education project feasibility study (scholarships) final report to the European Commission Somalia Unit’, London. Brophy, M. and Page, E. 2007. ‘Radio literacy and life skills for out-of-school youth in Somalia’. Journal of International Cooperation 10(1, 2): 135–47. Carr-Hill, R. and Ondijo, D. 2001. Assessment of the Education, Livelihoods. Nairobi: Living Conditions and Welfare of Somalia Pastoralists, Nairobi: Horn Relief. Cassanelli, L. and Abdikadir, F. S. 2007. ‘Somalia: education in transition’. International Journal of Somali Studies, Vol. 7. Chege, P. 2011. ‘Report of Conduct of Somaliland 2011 Grade 8 and Form 4 Examinations’. Nairobi: FACSS Project, AET Nairobi.

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CIA. Fact Book Somalia 2012. Cummings, K. C. and Van Tonninger, L. R. 2003. Somalia Education Sector Assessment, Basic Education Policy Support (BEPS). Washington, DC: Creative Associates. Daud, A. F. 2011. Minutes of Examination Board Meeting, Addendum: Analysis of ABE Results 2011. Hargeisa: Somaliland National Examination and Certification Board. Easton, P., Sidikou, M., Aoki, A. and Crouch, L. 2003. Rethinking World Bank Policy and Practice in Support of Adult and Non-formal Education. HDNED EFA/Adult Outreach, World Bank Working Paper. Washington, DC: The World Bank. European Union (EU). 2012. Somali Unit Development Note, EU Delegation to the Republic of Kenya- Somalia Unit, Nairobi: np. GGACC. 2011. Good Governance and Anti-Corruption Commission Concept Paper for Inspection of Examinations. Hargeisa: np. —2011–12. Good Governance and Anti-Corruption Commissio Inspection Report of Examinations by GGACC. Hargeisa: np. Hanley, G. 1971. Warriors and Strangers. London: Hamish Hamilton. Hicks, R. 2010. The Impact of Donor Support to National Examination Systems in Somalia and Somaliland. London: AET London. —2012. Measuring Learning Achievement (MLA) in Grade 4 in Puntland and Somaliland. Nairobi: AET Nairobi. Lewis, I. M. 1998. People of the Horn of Africa. London: Haan Associates. —2008. Understanding Somalia and Somaliland. London: Hurst Publishers Ltd. Lindley, A. 2006. ‘The Influence of Migration, Remittances and Diaspora Donations on Education in Somali Society’. In Maimbo, S. (ed.) Remittances and Economic Development in Somalia: An Overview. World Bank Social Development Papers/ Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, No. 38: 9–18. Washington, DC: The World Bank. Ministry of Education, Culture and Higher Education. 2012. ‘Mini-Education Strategic Plan 2012–15’, Ministry of Education, Culture and Higher Education, South/Central Somalia and Galmudug State. Np. Ministry of Education Puntland (MoE PL). 2010. ‘Report on Examination Results for Primary and Secondary Schools 2009/2010’. Garowe: Puntland State Examination Board, Ministry of Education. —2011, ‘Primary School Census Statistics Yearbook, Volume I, Technical Report’. Garowe: Ministry of Education, Puntland State of Somalia. —2012a, ‘Education Sector Strategic Plan 2012–16’, Garowe: Ministry of Education. —2012b, ‘Puntland Education Policy Paper (PEPP)’. Garowe: Ministry of Education Puntland. Ministry of Education and Higher Education, Somaliland (MoEHE SCS). 2012, ‘Somaliland’s Education Sector Strategic Plan 2012–16’. Hargeisa: Ministry of Education and Higher Education.

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Ministry of Education and Higher Education, Somaliland (MoEHE SL). 2012a, ‘Somaliland’s Education Sector Strategic Plan 2012–16’. Hargeisa: Ministry of Education and Higher Education. —2012b, ‘Somaliland 2011/12 Primary School Census Statistics Yearbook Volume I, Technical report’. Hargeisa: Ministry of Education and Higher Education. Nkata. D. 2011. ‘Mid-term review of Strengthening Access and Participation in Secondary Education’. Kampala, (SAPIS) Project. Olden, A. 2008. ‘Somali opposition to government education: R. E. Ellison and the Berbera school affair 1938–40’. History of Education 37: 71–90. Page, E. 2010, ‘A study of the purposes behind the Somaliland secondary exams and the implications, if any, for fragile states’. Dissertation for MA in Educational Planning, Economics and International Development, Institute of Education, University of London. Sesnan, B. 2012, Personal communication, September. UNICEF. (no date). Despite All Odds, Nairobi: UNICEF Somalia Unit. USAID. 2012. Somali Youth Leaders Initiative (SYLI), USAid and mercy Corps Build and Improve Schools in Somaliland 2012 www.usaid.gov/…//somali-youth-leadersinitative [accessed 29 September 2012]. World Bank. 2006. ‘Somalia from Resilience Towards Recovery and Development Report No 34356 – SO Poverty Reduction and Economic Management 2’, Country Department for Somalia, Africa Region. Washington, DC: The World Bank. —2012. ‘Country Brief: Somalia’. Washington, DC: The World Bank. http:// go.worldbank.org/791OT3500 [accessed 29 September 2012].

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South Sudan: An Overview Petrus J. du Toit

Political background The combined Anglo-Egyptian Condominium rule over Sudan from 1898 to independence on 1 January 1956 greatly influenced and laid the foundation for the present-day Sudan. Instrumental in an understanding of Sudan’s history was the British colonial policy of divide and rule, implemented through their so-called ‘Southern Policy’ in the Sudan. Through that, they isolated the south from northern influences, which in turn strengthened and perpetuated existing differences. After the withdrawal of Britain, Sudan had been at war with itself: from 1955 to 1972 and again from 1982 to 2005. The status of education in the country at present cannot be isolated from the long history of political vulnerability and exclusion that has been experienced by the people of South Sudan. In most cases, the education system had been a key tool used by the Northern ruling elite for perpetuating the socio-economic and political marginalizing of the majority of rural communities in Southern Sudan (Wheeler, cited in Pierli et al., 1998: 21). The main reason why the South took up arms against the North can be attributed to the imposition of Sharia or Islamic law on them. There was a shared resistance in being forced to become both ‘Muslim’ and ‘Arab’ (Sommers, 2005: 41; Hakim, 2011: 10). The second civil war ended when an armistice was declared in 2002. A final peace treaty (the Comprehensive Peace Agreement or CPA) was signed in Naivasha, Kenya on 9 January 2005 between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). It granted Southern Sudan autonomy for six years, after which a referendum was scheduled for January 2011 in which the people in the South had to decide either for secession from the North or a unified state (Africa Bureau Education Division, 2004: 6; Refugees into Teaching, 2007: 4; Watchlist, 2007).

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The CPA made provision for a two-system model in which the North and the South would share power, resources and wealth. An interim national constitution would make provision for the restructuring of the GoS and replace it with a Government of National Unity (GoNU) and a separate semi-autonomous authority in the South, known as the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS). In January 2011 the proposed referendum was held in South Sudan. The result was an overwhelming 99 per cent of voters in favour of secession from North Sudan. Thus the Republic of South Sudan (RoSS) became an independent country at midnight on 9 July 2011, with Salva Kiir Mayardit as first elected president (Geography of South Sudan, 2011).

History of education Christian missionaries established the first formal elementary schools in South Sudan in 1901. The missions saw education as a tool in evangelizing and uplifting the people and for establishing Christian values and principles in the communities. They did this through establishing village or bush schools all over South Sudan that provided basic literacy and numeracy and focused on teaching the Bible and on evangelizing the pupils. Those simple village schools, though often disregarded when evaluated from an educational perspective, became a powerful tool in contributing to changing the face of the country forever (Wheeler, cited in Pierli et al., 1998: 14; Hakim, 2011: 14). During the colonial period the mission organizations in the South became more and more dependent on government grants to enable them to continue in providing education. However, Britain chose mostly to invest in infrastructure in the North. The South received very limited resources for development of any kind. In 1956, the meagre educational legacy of the colonial period was clearly indicated by the fact that the South had less than 8 per cent share of the schools and corresponding enrolment figures, although 25 per cent of the total population (Sudan-Education, 1991: 1; Deng: 4; World Bank, 2010). In 1956, the newly elected central government’s policy was to construct a Sudan with Arabic and Islam as the cornerstones for unity and nationhood. The ruling elite in the North wanted to eliminate the different cultures, languages and religions of the South, especially through the education system. All schools were nationalized in 1957 and had to follow the national curriculum, based on the Koran and Islamic teachings and with Arabic replacing English as medium of instruction. The government also sent a large number of Arabic-speaking

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Muslim Northerners as teachers to the South. The missionaries were viewed as a divisive factor and many restrictions were placed on them, which culminated in February 1964 when all foreign missionaries were expelled from the Sudan. This increased the already huge disparity in education between the North and the South and continued throughout the ensuing years (Deng, 2003: 4; Sommers, 2005: 61; Education in the Southern Sudan, 2009: 3; Hakim, 2011: 14–15). During the second civil war teachers and pupils were recruited into the different armies and Northern forces either turned schools in the South into garrisons or deliberately destroyed them. These events left the Southern Sudanese as one of the most under-educated populations in the world. The overwhelming majority of Southern Sudanese children and youth had little access to education of any kind. By the end of the second civil war Southern Sudan was almost entirely devoid of reliable education facilities of any reasonable quality and left with almost no qualified teachers or resources to build up an education system again (Brophy, 2003: 2; Sommers, 2005: 15, 123). The newly appointed Government of South Sudan had a daunting task in providing, restructuring and improving the quality of education in the period of peace after 2005. The challenges they faced were tremendous: MM

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One of the highest illiteracy rates in the world (75 per cent). Women had an estimated illiteracy rate of 90 per cent Only about 484,000 of the estimated 2. 2 million children of school-going age were in school (22 per cent), making it one of the countries with the least access to primary education in the world About 60 per cent of the pupils in school at any given time were in grades 1 and 2 and only about 12 per cent of those reached the upper grades past grade 2 By 2004, less than 2 per cent of children entering in grade 1 completed all eight years of primary education 11 per cent of girls of school age had access to a school The dropout rates were the highest in the world Schools were devoid of even the most basic teaching and learning resources In 2003, there was no single unified curriculum in existence, with each region opting for the curriculum of the country closest to it About 43 per cent of all classes were taught outdoors and only about 20 per cent of all classes had permanent buildings

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Only 7 per cent of teachers had any professional teacher training Female teachers constituted only about 7 per cent of all teachers.

(AD GENTES, 2008; Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2007: 3–4, 6, 8; Deng, 2003: 10–11; Aruai, 2003–4: 6–8; Sudan Millennium Development Goals, 2004: 56; UNICEF, 2008: 17)

Main goals and priorities Under its new regional government the Secretariat of Education in South Sudan was transformed into the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (MoEST) in September 2005. The sole purpose of MoEST was to put into place a necessary framework to implement the ideals of making education accessible to all as spelled out in the World Education Forum held in Dakar in April 2000, the Sudan Millennium Development Goals formulated in 2004 and encapsulated in the interim constitution of South Sudan (UNESCO, 2000–1: 8; USAID, 2006). Since 2005 MoEST was involved with intensive policy development, which was encapsulated in the very ambitious South Sudan Development Plan (SSDP) and the Education Sector Strategic Plan. In this they set out the following broad goals and priorities for the development of education in the country: MM

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To increase the primary school Net Enrolment Ratio (NER) to 63 per cent by 2013 To double the secondary school NER from 4 per cent to 8 per cent To expand the coverage of literacy and alternative education programmes by enrolling 15 per cent of out of school youth annually in alternative education systems To reduce the ratio of textbooks to primary school children from 1:4 to 1:1 by 2015 for both primary and secondary school To construct 4,000 primary school classrooms with latrines To construct 800 community schools and 80 boarding schools for girls To construct 67 new secondary schools (and 10 ‘model’ secondary schools, one for each state) by 2013 To strengthen equity and school retention through a capitation grant for primary and secondary schools, as well as providing bursaries for 5,000 girls To recruit an additional 23,400 primary school and 1,400 secondary school teachers by 2013

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To reduce the qualified teacher-to-student ratio from 1:117 to 1:50 To provide in-service and pre-service training for an additional 7,000 primary school and 900 secondary school teachers.

These are indeed demanding targets that try to address the challenge of rapidly expanding access to education, while at the same time trying to improve the quality of education (UNESCO, 2011: 10; Eade, 2012).

Progress between 2005 and 2010 Enrolment Primary education By the beginning of 2005 there were about 484,000 of an estimated 2.04 million children of school-going age (6 to 13 years old) in school (23 per cent). In 2010, 1.4 million pupils enrolled in primary schools in the South Sudan, but due to large numbers of over-aged pupils in the school system (86 per cent) and the large number of repeaters the Net Enrolment Rate for 2010 was only 44 per cent (UNICEF, 2006a: 1; Beck, 2006c; Sudan Tribune, 2007a; GoSS, 2010: 20; GoSS, 2011: 16, 40, 42). By 2010 the new government and their partners almost succeeded in achieving its first aim of getting almost 50 per cent of its children of schoolgoing age into primary schools. This truly was a major accomplishment.

Secondary education The total enrolment of pupils in secondary education rose dramatically by 47 per cent during the three years that official figures became available, from 23,522 in 2008 to 34,487 in 2010. However, the NER figure indicates that only 1.6 per cent of the potential secondary school population between 14 and 17 years of age were actually enrolled in secondary schools in 2010 (GoSS, 2011: 21, 63–4).

Alternative Education System The Alternative Education System (AES) is a non-formal system of education, launched in 2008, that aims at increasing learning opportunities and literacy among those who did not have the opportunity to go to school during the years of war.

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AES takes students through an accelerated learning programme (ALP) so that they can complete P1–P8 in four years’ time. About 68 per cent of the AES students were involved in the ALP programme in 2010, and 20 per cent in literacy programmes. The rest were involved in a variety of other programmes which included, among others, training in agriculture and forestry and English courses (GoSS, 2011: 85). The enrolment for AES increased from 84,915 in 2008 to 182,934 in 2010. This represents a huge increase in the process of battling illiteracy and in empowering a great segment of the population (GoSS, 2011: 26).

Higher education Prior to 2005 South Sudan had three universities that were relocated to Khartoum during the second civil war. After the signing of the CPA some faculties and students were moved back to the South (UNMIS, 2012). By 2011 the following public universities were in operation in the South Sudan: University of Juba (Juba, established in 1977), University of Bahr-El Ghazal (Wau, established in 1991), Upper Nile University (Malakal, established in 1991), Dr John Garang Memorial University (Bor, established in 2006); Rumbek University (Rumbek, established in 2010) and the University of Northern Bahr El-Ghazal (Aweil, established in 2011) (GoSS, 2011: 8; Wikipedia, 2011). The total enrolment at these universities during 2009 was 5,076 males and 1,415 females, with a total of 6,491 students (GoSS, 2011: 8). About 70,000 students wrote entrance examinations in 2010 to apply for acceptance at universities in South Sudan in 2011. This gives a clear indication of the tremendous pressure experienced by GoSS in trying to meet the demand for higher education in this fledging nation (Akec, 2011; RoSS, 2011a).

Provision of physical facilities Learning spaces In a 2010 survey the number of learning spaces (permanent and semipermanent classrooms) increased to 10,447 for primary schools (an almost 300 per cent increase since 2006) and 803 for secondary schools. Between 2008 and 2010 alone, almost 5,000 new structures were erected. This has made it possible to absorb the surge in enrolment while reducing the pupil-classroom ratio, from 194:1 to 134:1 in the primary schools and to 43:1 in the secondary schools (GoSS, 2011: 18, 23–4; UNESCO, 2011: 8).

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In spite of the tremendous growth in the number of learning spaces from 2006 to 2010, the majority of primary schools in Southern Sudan are still so called ‘open air’ schools, catering for approximately one-third of all the pupils in school. That includes tents, trees and semi-permanent structures (GoSS, 2011: 18, 23–4).

Water and sanitation In the 2006 survey it was found that only 40 per cent of primary schools had clean drinking water. This improved to 61 per cent of schools by 2010 (GoSS and UNICEF, 2006: 29; GoSS, 2011: 55). Equally disturbing was their finding in 2006 that a mere 31 per cent had access to adequate sanitation facilities (toilets or latrines). Again this also improved to 48 per cent of all primary schools in 2010 (GoSS and UNICEF, 2006: 34; UNICEF, 2006a: 1; Beck, 2006b; GoSS, 2011: 56). Although the Government of South Sudan made great progress in increasing enrolment and in providing and upgrading physical facilities between 2005 and 2011, there is still a long way to go to fully meet the educational goals they set for themselves.

Equity and equality Barriers to equity and equality Since 2005 MoEST has succeeded in substantially increasing enrolment and access to education. However, the issues of equity and equality remain big challenges. In 2010 the repetition figures and dropout rates for males and females were on average 9 per cent and 27 per cent per grade respectively in primary schools. These figures alone clearly signify huge problems in terms of quality and efficiency (GoSS, 2011: 58–9). The fact that only about 30 per cent of all pupils were in grade 4 and higher in 2010 and that the primary completion rate was 1.3 per cent, are clear indications that the retention rate will have to improve dramatically for South Sudan to raise the level of the general education of its population (GoSS, 2011: 39, 59–60). The children from internally displaced families (IDPs), children from refugee families returning to South Sudan, vulnerable children and girls experience more difficulties and barriers than other children in attending school. They are usually also more likely to drop out or repeat grades.

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Access for children of internally displaced persons and refugees The refugee situation in the Sudan is quite unusual because of the huge number of people involved, as well as the geographic scope of the internal displacement. It has been estimated that 85 per cent of all South Sudanese were forcefully displaced between 1987 and 2002 alone (Sommers, 2005: 40). An estimated 2 million people have returned to South Sudan since the peace agreement. By 2011, however, the education system did not have the capacity to absorb all the children of returnees. Apart from shortages of teachers, classrooms and textbooks, returning students face a number of other problems. One of their most important problems will be the language of instruction. Those coming from the North and Egypt were in Arab-speaking schools and would need extra English classes in order to cope in schools in the South (UNESCO, 2011: 17). Providing access and quality education to the fast-growing number of children from IDPs and refugee families returning to their home provinces and towns clearly presents another major challenge for the Republic of South Sudan.

Access of vulnerable children South Sudan pursues an inclusive education system and the Education Act takes cognizance of children with special needs. In the 2010 survey 32,769 pupils were identified with special needs (2.3 per cent of the total enrolled in primary schools). Of those identified with special needs, the biggest needs were pupils with poor vision (36.4 per cent) and learning difficulties (27.6 per cent) (GoSS, 2011: 45). A further group of 23,809 (1.7 per cent of the total) were demobilized soldiers. The social and emotional challenges created in schools, as well as the challenges for such children to adapt in a structured school system, are obvious (GoSS, 2011: 45–6). A staggering 158,243 (11.3 per cent of pupils) were classified as orphans. Equally challenging is the emotional trauma of losing loved ones through the war and the effect on their ability to learn and to progress without any family support systems (GoSS, 2011: 46).

Gender inequality Situation in 2005 According to a report issued in 2004, only 500 girls in Southern Sudan were finishing primary school each year at that stage (that is less than 1 per cent

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of girls of school-going age) (Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2007: 4). This is clearly confirmed by the School Based Assessment of 2003 that found that 89 per cent of girls of school-going age had no access to primary schools. By that stage girls made up only 27 per cent of the total enrolment of pupils in primary schools. The disparity between boys and girls was even more pronounced in secondary education, where girls were only 1.2 per cent of the total enrolment in 2003 (JAM, 2005a: 43; Sudan Millennium Development Goals, 2004: 61).

Strategy to improve gender inequality The Education Sector Plan of the New Sudan of 2004 planned to address the problem of gender inequality in primary education in South Sudan in the following ways: To increase enrolment of girls from 11 per cent to 35 per cent out of the school-age group To reduce the dropout rate by 30 per cent To increase the number of Community Village Schools for girls to over 800 To make women the focus of adult literacy programmes To support and expand pre-school programmes, focusing on girls To establish and support more boarding facilities for girls To make schools safer for girls and more girl-friendly To develop a scholarship policy to benefit girls going to secondary school To adopt a gender-sensitive teacher training structure, including recruiting more female students for training To appoint more female teachers and more female head teachers. (Sudan Millennium Development Goals, 2004: 62–4; JAM, 2005b). MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

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MM

MM

MM

In 2005 the Joint Assessment Mission of the Government of Southern Sudan endorsed the Education Sector Plan and adjusted it to fully meet gender equity goals by 2011 (Joint Assessment Mission Sudan, 2005b).

Situation in 2010 The GoSS succeeded in turning the situation around quite dramatically by 2010. According to the 2010 survey, girls formed 37 per cent of the total enrolment for primary schools and they also succeeded in raising the NER figure for girls to 37.1 per cent. In the secondary schools and in higher education the picture also improved quite substantially, with girls forming 29 per cent of the total

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enrolment in secondary schools and 18 per cent at universities. However, in 2010 the NER figure was still only 1.3 per cent for girls in secondary schools in the South (GoSS, 2011: 40, 62, 63, 93).

Curriculum issues Establishing a unified curriculum In 1992 the SPLM began writing a new curriculum and textbooks for South Sudan. In the beginning, they encountered a lot of resistance as most schools were using curricula of neighbouring countries. Teachers listed no fewer than 15 different curricula in use in the schools, also causing a wide variety of pedagogies and teaching practices across the nation. The result was that by 2006 only about 48 per cent of primary schools were using parts of the New Sudan Curriculum (Sommers, 2005: 89, 196; Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2007: 3). After 2005 a group was appointed to rewrite and improve on the curriculum drawn up during the war years. They wanted to ensure that the new curriculum would be well represented and all-inclusive of all the tribes and areas in the South. The new primary school curriculum was fully introduced in schools in the South in 2007 and by 2010, 95 per cent of primary schools were using it (Wheeler, 2009; GoSS, 2011: 55). In April 2008 the new curriculum for secondary education in Southern Sudan was fully introduced, including arrangements for South Sudan to write its own national examinations. However, by 2010 still only 21 per cent of schools preferred the South Sudan curriculum and then only 12 per cent for the final S4 year. The majority of secondary schools used the North Sudan curriculum up to S3 and then 63 per cent of schools switched over to the Uganda curriculum for the S4 examination. In all probability, trust still needs to be built in the relevancy and wider acceptability of the South Sudan curriculum (Wheeler, 2009; GoSS, 2011: 74–5).

Language of instruction The language of instruction in schools in the South remains a problem for many teachers and pupils. Historically, English was used as the medium of instruction in Sudan People’s Revolution Army (SPLA) controlled areas and Arabic in garrison

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towns up to 2005. In the 2006 survey it was found that 21 per cent of the teachers in the South received their school education and training in Arabic (GoSS and UNICEF, 2006: 43; Watchlist, 2007). In July 2007, GoSS cancelled the use of Arabic as medium of instruction in all schools in Southern Sudan, replacing it officially with English. However, this could not be applied immediately, as Arabic needs to be gradually phased out (Sudan Tribune, 2007b). The situation in 2010 was that Arabic was only used as the medium of instruction in about 6 per cent of primary schools up to P4, and in about 13 per cent of schools in P6 to P8. English was the dominant medium of instruction with about 61 per cent of schools using it from P1 to P3 and more than 85 per cent of schools in P4 to P8. About 33 per cent of schools were using the mother tongue as the medium of instruction up to P3 level (GoSS, 2011: 54). It is clear that at the time of independence in 2011, English had already successfully replaced Arabic as medium of instruction in primary schools in South Sudan.

Teaching and learning materials Textbooks are regarded as one of the most decisive inputs in determining the quality of basic education. Where the textbook-to-pupil ratio is low, researchers found that the learning process tends toward rote learning with little understanding of the information (UNESCO, 2000–1: 21). A survey conducted in 2002 found that there were only some textbooks in 16 per cent of the schools in South Sudan and that half of the schools did not even have any teacher guides available (Brophy, 2003: 5). In 2006 GoSS and supporting organizations provided 3.8 million textbooks, teachers’ guides, and basic school supplies to primary schools in Southern Sudan. This is obviously an ongoing process (Beck, 2006a, 2006c; UNICEF, 2006b). In the 2009 survey the average textbook-to pupil-ratios in primary schools for the following key subjects were as follows: English 1:3; Mathematics 1:3; Science 1:4; Social Studies 1:4 (GoSS, 2011: 42). It was still far from the ideal situation, but a greatly improved one.

Teaching methods In South Sudan the traditional ‘teacher-centred’ model is still the most common way of teaching, focusing on inputs by the teacher. With a lack of resources and

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physical facilities, as well as a lack of training in how to facilitate learning, the teachers remain the main sources of knowledge. The most common methodology is still to dictate information and/or write it on blackboards. Pupils then copy this in their exercise books, learn it by heart and write tests on the work. Especially in the higher grades, tests and examinations are mostly overemphasized (Refugees into Teaching, 2007: 9; SSTAP, 2011: 117). Some of the most important aims of any education system are to cultivate numeracy, literacy and learning. However, the compilers of the Education for All Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO, 2011: 8) believe that ‘… many of the children [in South Sudan] reaching fourth grade or higher of basic education will not have mastered even the most basic reading and numeracy skills’.

Teachers: Provision, training and conditions of service Provisioning of teachers Primary school teachers In 2006 there were 17,920 primary school teachers in South Sudan. By 2010 there was a substantial increase of teachers but at the same time the teacher-topupil ratio increased from 1:42 to 1:53. This was due to the highly successful ‘Go to school’ campaign that was launched in 2006. This resulted in a tremendous growth of 87 per cent in the Gross Enrolment Rate by 2010. However, the growth in the number of teachers during that period was only 49 per cent (Kirk, 2009: 9; GoSS and UNICEF, 2006: 4, 42; GoSS, 2011: 16–17, 20). The disproportionately low number of female teachers remains one of the biggest obstacles for promoting education among girls. By 2005 there were still only 546 female teachers (7 per cent of the total) in primary schools in South Sudan. By 2010 great progress had been made and the number of female teachers increased substantially to 3,286 (12 per cent of the total) (Watchlist, 2007; Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2007: 6; GoSS, 2011: 17). The picture that emerged from surveys on the qualifications of teachers has not changed much between 2002 and 2010. In a 2002 survey it was found that only 7 per cent had at least one year of pre-service training or longer, 48 per cent received some form of in-service training and 45 per cent of teachers were not trained at all (Watchlist, 2003; Brophy, 2003: 5). Although there was a huge increase in the number of teachers from 2005 to 2010, there was little progress made in terms of the proportion of qualified teachers.

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The number of teachers that can be regarded as fully trained only slightly increased from 7 per cent to 8 per cent. This implies that large numbers of untrained teachers were appointed to handle the increase in enrolment (GoSS, 2011: 48). It is clear that enormous in-service training is urgently needed, with 55 per cent of the teachers in 2010 having no form of teacher training at all, and more than 50 per cent with insufficient academic qualifications. Furthermore, large numbers of additionally trained teachers are needed to reduce the teacher-topupil ratios and meet the challenge of the continuously increasing enrolment (GoSS, 2011: 44, 53).

Secondary education There was no reliable data available about the provision of teachers in secondary education in the South before 2008. However, the surveys of 2008 to 2010 showed a great increase in the number of teachers from 1,407 to 2,067 (GoSS, 2011: 7, 45; GoSS, 2011: 22). The provision of secondary school teachers seems quite sufficient in 2010 with a favourable teacher-to-pupil ratio of 1:15. The trend in the low proportion of female teachers found in primary education is continued in secondary education with only between 10–11 per cent being female teachers (GoSS, 2011: 22). A surprisingly high number of secondary school teachers were graduated by 2010, namely 53 per cent. Adding to that the 39 per cent with secondary school qualifications gave 92 per cent of teachers with an acceptable academic level as a basis for further professional in-service and pre-service training (GoSS, 2011: 70). About 61 per cent of secondary school teachers had some form of professional teacher training. This left at least 39 per cent in need of in-service training to upgrade their professional qualifications to an acceptable level. Added to that is the expected large increase in enrolment in secondary schools in the very near future, which would require an equally high extra demand for trained teachers (GoSS, 2011: 22, 69–70).

Upgrading and training of teachers Primary education The target MoEST set itself in 2006 to reach at least 50 per cent of the present teachers in primary schools through intensive in-service courses, as well as recruiting and providing pre-service training to at least an additional 25,000 teachers in Southern Sudan by 2011, was a mammoth task. At that stage, the

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existing government teacher training institutes in Southern Sudan could only produce about 2,500 teachers per year. By 2009 it was already clear that the target was too optimistic and the training output far below the expectations (Hewison, 2009: 3). Therefore, the long-term planning to increase the capacity of pre-service and in-service training systems remained absolutely critical. In the short term, supplementary programmes were planned to meet the immediate demand as far as possible. This included the recruiting of volunteer teachers from among Sudanese refugees in neighbouring countries, fast-track training, pre-service training through State Teacher Training Institutes (STTI), in-service training through County Education Centres (CEC), intensive English courses, remote teaching through the radio, recruitment of female teachers and teacher refresher courses (USAID, 2006; GoSS, 2006–7; Kirk, 2008: 9; GoSS, 2011: 53). The minimum qualification for primary school teachers is a Grade lll Primary Certificate that can be completed over two years full-time at STTIs or over four years part-time through CECs (INEE Information Centre, 2006: 13; Hewison, 2009: 6; Academy for Educational Development, 2008). According to the 2009 survey, there were eight County Education Centres and 12 State Teacher Training Institutes in operation with a total enrolment in all forms of training of 2,445 students, of which 24.3 per cent were female (GoSS, 2010: 53). In spite of the tremendous progress made regarding teacher training, it is clear that the targets for teacher training are not even closely met yet. However, the greatly increased proportion of female students in training for primary education is a welcome improvement.

Teacher training for secondary education Students are required to graduate from a university programme in order to qualify for teaching in secondary schools in Southern Sudan. One of the following courses may be taken for training: MM

MM

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A two-year programme leading to a Diploma in Education A four-year programme leading to a B.Ed. degree A one-year postgraduate Diploma in Education.

The curricula for these programmes were drawn up in the North and by the end of 2009 the South still had no official curriculum of its own for the training of secondary school teachers.

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In the 2009 official survey of GoSS it was found that at the three functioning universities at that stage, there were 1,922 male and 391 (17 per cent) female students in education programmes (GoSS, 2011: 53). In comparison to primary education, the fairly large number of students being trained for secondary education at universities also bodes well for the future of secondary education in the country (GoSS, 2011: 52; Hewison, 2009: 8, 13, 21).

Conditions of service Physical conditions of teaching and class sizes Teaching that has to take place in makeshift structures, churches, cattle camps, and under trees or in confined, overcrowded classrooms, with inadequate seating and often lacking in even the most basic resources, must have an effect on how teachers perceive themselves and on the quality of education. In such classrooms, the least interactive methods of teaching mostly still predominate (Refugees into Teaching, 2007: 9). In 2010, the teacher-to-pupil ratio was on average 1:53. However, in terms of permanent and semi-permanent learning spaces available, the average classroom size was 134. These very large classes in primary education must put tremendous pressure on teachers to maintain discipline and produce quality education (GoSS, 2011: 18, 23–4, 51). In secondary education the teacher-to-pupil ratio was much more favourable, namely 1:15 in 2010. Furthermore, almost 80 per cent of all learning spaces for secondary education were permanent in 2010, with an average class size of 43 pupils. However, the same exponential growth experienced in the enrolment in primary education will affect secondary education within the next couple of years (GoSS, 2011: 23–4, 73).

Compensation The recruitment and retention of well-qualified teachers have a lot to do with working conditions, including a government’s willingness and capacity to provide decent and regular compensation. In South Sudan this remains a huge challenge. During the war period almost all schools in Southern Sudan were run by teachers on a voluntary basis. In 2004 it was found that in 89 per cent of the schools the teachers received anything from US$2 to US$90 per year. However,

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they were looked after by their communities who helped them with preparing land for planting crops and contributing groundnuts and grain to keep teachers in the classroom (Sudan Millennium Development Goals, 2004: 58; Vuni, 2008). The lack of a comprehensive database on teachers made the managing of resources very difficult and planning for teacher training and the deployment of teachers almost impossible. The comprehensive teacher head count that was completed in June 2008 made it possible for MoEST to establish a system through which most practising teachers could be paid accurately and on time (Kirk, 2008: 9–10; GoSS, 2011: 25; Hewison, 2009: 16). In 2010, 60 per cent of all primary school teachers and 67 per cent of all secondary school teachers that were employed received salaries, while the rest were still mostly unpaid volunteer teachers (GoSS, 2011: 49, 71). It is clear that by 2011 the education sector was still relying very heavily on volunteer teachers, without whose contribution and services the provision of education would have been virtually impossible. However, a lack of reasonable compensation mostly causes a lack of motivation and commitment and creates problems in providing education in a sustainable way. In many cases it also contributes to a very poor standard of education.

Language of instruction In 2006 English officially replaced Arabic as the medium of instruction in South Sudan. This was and still remains a huge challenge for many teachers and pupils. Especially in the areas bordering North Sudan, most of the teachers regard Arabic almost as their mother tongue and Juba or Southern Arabic is still the preferred lingua franca for most South Sudanese. In April 2006 out of total of 17,000 primary school teachers in the South, only 5 per cent were trained through the medium of English. English classes for teachers were established in several towns throughout the South and agencies anticipate that the transition from Arabic to English will be a gradual process (Watchlist, 2007; Hewison, 2009: 9, 19).

Security and safety Security remains a problem in many areas of Southern Sudan. From January to September 2009 alone, 2,000 people were killed and 250,000 people displaced due to inter-tribal conflict (Jimbo, 2009: 17). Banditry and the still-extensive presence of land mines that obstruct movement of people

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and goods in certain areas are adding to the insecurity. Since the beginning of 2011 the sporadic bombing of the North and attacks of Northern militia on border towns in South Sudan are also contributing to a general sense of insecurity and instability. Security is a very vital precondition for stability and sustainability for the provision of education in an area. The chances of attracting and retaining qualified teachers in areas of insecurity are very slight.

Administrative and management structures The education system Since 2005, the education system officially changed to the following: MM

MM

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Early Childhood Development education: 3 years for ages 3–5 Primary education: 8 years for ages 6–13 Secondary education: 4 years for ages 14–18 Tertiary education : 4 years The Alternative Education System compresses eight years of formal (primary) education into four years and offers flexible entry and exit points for children, youth, and adults that missed out on primary education (SSTAP, 2011; RoSS, 2011b).

Primary education is free in the public schools to South Sudanese children between the ages of six and 13 years of age. On completion of primary education pupils are awarded the Basic School Leaving Certificate, which is regarded as an important tool in gaining employment and necessary for those wishing to proceed to secondary education (Eade, 2012). Secondary school pupils passing a recognized School Certificate and who achieve more than 50 per cent in six or more subjects are eligible for university entrance. In an attempt to standardize the wide range of certification currently on offer to South Sudan’s secondary schools, the GoSS has produced a new certificate intended to provide a common curriculum for all South Sudan’s Schools (Eade, 2012).

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Administrative structure for the education system National education ministries There are three cabinet positions in the Cabinet of the Republic of South Sudan that impact on education. Each is led by a full cabinet minister, namely the Ministry of General Education and Instruction; the Ministry of Higher Education, Research, Science and Technology; and the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports. Only the first-mentioned Ministry will be discussed as it is directly responsible for pre-primary, primary and secondary education, as well as for teacher training. The Ministry of General Education and Instruction is subdivided into the following Directorates: MM

MM

MM

MM

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MM

Administration and Finance (Administration and Finance; Procurement) Planning and Budgeting (Planning and Budgeting; Physical Construction; School Feeding) General Education (Early Childhood Education; Primary Education; Alternative Education; Secondary Education; Technical Education) Gender and Social Change (Gender Equality and Social Change; Special Needs Education) Innovation and Quality Promotion (Innovation and Quality Promotion; Human Resource Development; Teacher Education; Curriculum Development) Secretariat of Examination. (RoSS, 2011b)

State Ministries of Education There are ten States/provinces in the Republic of South Sudan, each with the following administrative structure for education. Each State Ministry of Education (SMoE) is headed by a State Minister of Education, supported by a Director General of Education as executive head. The State Ministries of Education have five directorates, each headed by a State Director of Education, namely: MM

MM

MM

Directorate of Planning and Budgeting Directorate of Administration and Finance Directorate of Quality Promotion and Innovation The Directorate is subdivided into the following Divisions: – Curriculum Development and Examinations Division – School Inspection and Standards Division

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Directorate of General Education The Directorate consists of the following Divisions: – General Education Division – Alternative Education Systems Division Directorate of Gender Equity and Social Change. (SSTAP, 2011: 1–8, 51–6)

County Education Offices The ten provinces are all subdivided into counties (districts). In total there are 86 counties in the country, each with a County Education Office. Each County Education Office is headed by a County Education Director.

Payam Education Offices The counties, in their turn, are all subdivided into payams (more or less the equivalent of municipalities), each with a Payam Education Office. These offices are headed by a Payam Education Officer.

Boma Offices Education offices are also established at the Boma level (small villages or small towns) that are mostly located at the main primary school of the Boma (referred to as the ‘Boma Full Primary School’). The head teachers of such schools fulfil the coordinating functions of the office (SSTAP, 2011: 51–6).

School management system MoEST developed a document in which they gave indicators to guide schools in their overall development planning. This document also gives a clear indication of the management structures they want to put in place in all schools in the country for their proper functioning and for delivering education of an acceptable standard. The broad management and administrative structure that should be implemented by all schools should consist of the following:

A Board of Governors or School Management Committee A Board of Governors (BoG), consisting of the school principal and one or two staff members, as well as a number of parents elected by the parents, has overall authority in the following management areas:

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Financial Academic control Discipline Co-curricular activities Teacher and student welfare.

Parents and Teachers Association This serves as a forum for parents and teachers to interact and improve communication, as well as a mechanism for serving the school community more effectively.

Head Teachers The Head Teacher is the administrative and academic head of the school and generally responsible for every aspect of the school, including the staff and students. The Head Teacher is assisted by a Deputy Head Teacher(s) for administrative purposes and Heads of Department for academic purposes.

Students’ organization and development The Ministry of Education prescribed that class monitors and a students’ representative committee (prefect council) should be elected democratically. The prefect council shall be headed by a head girl and/or boy. This group of students shall assist the school administration in its day-to-day running of the school. The prefect body shall be freely elected by the students themselves. They should also form an integral part of the school management body (especially in the secondary school) (South Sudan Education Cluster, 2012).

Conclusion After decades of war the demand for education in South Sudan is extremely high and continues to rise. Parents now have high expectations of the government to provide opportunities for their children to be educated and equipped for a better future. With international financial and other support, the RoSS can provide the trained teachers, build the necessary classrooms and supply the books and infrastructure to ensure that children have access to quality education. South Sudan made enormous progress in almost all aspects of the provision of education from 2005, as they literally had to start from almost nothing and

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build up a system of education out of the ashes of the longest and certainly one of the most devastating civil wars in Africa. Evaluating the development of education in South Sudan between the signing of the CPA in 2005 and independence in 2011 against the goals they set for themselves, one can agree with Stephen Akot Wol, University President of Bahr-El-Ghazal University, stating: ‘I think we have been succeeding in the last six years in terms of school expansions to most areas in the south. Although there are some problems and shortages of schools, materials and qualified manpower, we can say the last six years were a success’ (UNMIS, 2012). Undoubtedly sustained peace is a vital precondition for continuous development on all levels in South Sudan. However, there is a real danger that the fragile peace can again escalate into a full-out war with North Sudan or continuous episodes of violence and instability. The North and South’s military build-up along their common border, the North’s periodic incursions and bombardment of contested border areas in the South, are all ominous signs that war is threatening to again destroy what has been built up during the past six years. Other threats to peace are long-running inter-tribal disputes linked to scarcity of resources, disputes over land and water, cattle raiding and political rivalry. However, the Education for All Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO, 2011: 10, 21) spelled out another possible high road to the future: ‘Putting in place an education system that equips South Sudan’s children with the skills, competencies and attitudes they will need to build a better future for their country is the starting point for a break with the past.’ For the Government of South Sudan and its entire people, the biggest single challenge for the future will be the establishment of a viable education system from the ashes left after the war, and providing quality education, based on sound values through committed, well-supported and well-trained teachers.

References Academy for Educational Development. 2008. ‘Southern Sudan Technical Assistance Program (TAP)’. Quarterly Report, October–December 2007. AD GENTES. 2008. Capuchins will help financing a Teacher Training Center, 14 February 2008. http://adgentessouthernsudan.blogspot.com [accessed 14 February 2012]. Africa Bureau Education Division. 2004. ‘Monitoring and Evaluation for the Africa Bureau Education Division’. Country Report – Sudan, 2004.

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Akec, J. 2011. South Sudan: The role of universities in nation-building (Part I of II), 6 June 2011. http://www.newsudanvision.com [accessed 15 March 2012]. Aruai, I. C. 2003–4. A high risk of not achieving the set EFA goals: a critical examination of education challenges, policies and strategies in the SPLM administered areas. Background paper prepared for All Global Monitoring Report 2003/4. Gender and education for all: The leap to equality, 2003–04. (Serial Number: 2004ED/EFA/MRT/PI/15). Beck, R. 2006a. ‘Getting children to school in southern Sudan’. UNICEF Newsletter, 30 June 2006a. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/sudan_34784.html [accessed 15 March 2012]. —2006b. ‘Far-reaching survey assesses learning spaces in post-war Southern Sudan’. UNICEF Newsletter, 10 November 2006b. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ sudan_36557.html [accessed 15 March 2012]. —2006c. ‘Basic school supplies reach children and teachers in post-war Southern Sudan’. UNICEF Newsletter, 20 December 2006c. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/sudan_37825.html [accessed 15 March 2012]. Brophy, M. 2003. Progress to universal primary education in southern Sudan: a short country case study. Background paper prepared for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2003/4. Gender and Education for All: The Leap to Equality. Paris: UNESCO 2003. http://www.unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001467/146755e.pdf [accessed 25 April 2009]. Deng, L. B. 2003. Education in Southern Sudan: war, status and challenges of achieving Education for All goals. Background paper prepared for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2003/4. Gender and Education for All: The leap to equality. UNESCO, 2003. (Serial number: 2004/ED/EFA/MRT/ PI/17). Eade, R. 2012. Education in South Sudan. http://thames.me.uk/ECS/EDUCATION%20 IN%20SOUTH%20SUDAN.pdf [accessed 1 February 2012]. Education in the Southern Sudan. (2009, covering the period between 1927 and 1962). http://www- 1.unipv.it/webarchaf/Comboniani/college/storgen/M.%20O.%20Bashir [accessed on 25 August 2009]. Geography of South Sudan. 2011. http://geography.about.com/od/sudanmaps/a/southsudan-geography.htm [accessed on 15 October 2011]. Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS). (2006–7). Ministry of Education, Science and Technology: Policy Framework, 2006–7. www.moets.gov.sd [accessed February– June 2012]. —2011. Education Statistics for Southern Sudan. National Statistical Booklet 2010. Juba: np. —2012. Education Statistics for Southern Sudan 2009. National Statistical Booklet. Juba: np. Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) and UNICEF. 2006. Rapid Assessment of Learning Spaces Southern Sudan. Juba: np.

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Hakim, L. I. 2011. Democracy and Schools in Southern Sudan: A study of the role of primary schools in promoting democracy. Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement for Master Degree in Multicultural and International Education (MIE), April 2011. Hewison, M. 2009. The status of teacher professional development in Southern Sudan. Management Systems International, Washington, DC: np. INEE Information Centre. (2006). Teacher compensation. A challenge for south Sudan. 2006. http://www.ineesite.org/uploads/documents/store/doc-1-Sudan-ppt-from2006-roundtable.ppt [accessed 3 March 2009]. Jimbo, P. 2009. Jonglei State’s insecurity episode. Southern Sudan Magazine, October 2009. Joint Assessment Mission (JAM) Sudan. 2005a. Volume 1. Synthesis. Framework for sustained peace, development and poverty eradication, 18 March, 2005. np. —2005b. Volume 2. Cluster costing and matrices, March 18, 2005b. Kirk, J. 2009. Teacher management issues in fragile states: Illustrative examples from Afghanistan and Southern Sudan. Background paper prepared for the Education for All Monitoring Report 2009. Overcoming Inequality: why governance matters, 2008. (Serial Number: 2009/ED/EFA/MRT/PI/11). Pierli, F., Ratti, M. T. and Wheeler, A. C. (eds). 1998. Gateway to the Heart of Africa. Missionary Pioneers in Sudan. Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines Publications Africa. Refugees into Teaching. 2007. Analysis report on Teacher Training system in Sudan. UK NARIC’s contribution to the Refugees into Teaching Project, June 2007. http:// www.refugeesintoteaching.org.uk [accessed 22 March 2009]. Republic of South Sudan (RoSS). 2011a. Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology: Policy Framework, 2011. www.goss.org [accessed 28 March 2009]. —2011b. Directorate of Planning & Budgeting, Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology. www.goss.org Sommers, M. 2005. Islands of education. Schooling, civil war and the Southern Sudanese (1983–2004). Paris: International Institute for Educational Planning. UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001431/143160e.pdf, http://www.unesco.org/ iiep [accessed 20 February 2009]. South Sudan Education Cluster. (2012). Basic Standards for Schools. Key Tools and Resources. https://sites.google.com/site/southsudaneducationcluster/key-tools-andresources [accessed on 30 April 2012]. South Sudan Technical Assistance Program (SSTAP). 2011. Resource Guide for the Republic of South Sudan Ministry of General Education and Instruction and State Ministries of Education. Sudan – Education. 1991. http://www.country-data.com/cgi-bin/query/r-13365.html [accessed February–June 2012]. Sudan Millennium Development Goals. 2004. Interim Unified Report. December 2004. http://www.infodev.org [accessed 10 March 2009].

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Sudan Tribune. 2007a. 850,000 children are enrolled in south Sudan schools – UN. http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article21110 [accessed 10 March 2009]. —2007b. South Sudan cancels Arabic curriculum. http://www.sudantribune.com/spip. php?article22839 [accessed 10 March 2009]. UNESCO. (2000–1). ‘Sudan Basic Education Sub-sector Study. Final Report, 2000–01’. (Serial number: ED/BAS/PE/2004/CONF.1/H/7). —2011. Education for All Global Monitoring Report. Policy Paper on Education for an independent South Sudan. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ images/0019/001930/193052E.pdf [accessed 5 March 2012]. —2014. ‘UNESCO Statistics’. www.uis.unesco.org [accessed 11 February 2014]. UNICEF. 2006a. Southern Sudan. Quarterly Report on Education, January–March 2006a. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/files/UNICEF_Southern-Sudan_ Quarterly-Report_Jan-Mar_2006.pdf [20 February 2009]. —2006b. Southern Sudan goes to school. 1 April 2006b. http://www.unicef.org/media/ media_31990.html [accessed 20 February 2009]. —2008. A Report of the study on socio-economic and cultural barriers to schooling in Southern Sudan. Final Report, November 2008. United Missions in Sudan (UNMIS). 2012. Back to School. http://unmis.unmissions. org/Default.aspx?ctl=Details&tabid=598&mid=2748&ItemID=12093 [accessed 4 April 2012]. USAID. 2006. EQUIP2. SSTAP meets demand for teachers. http://www.equip123.net/ webarticles//anmviewer.asp?a=535&z=28 [accessed 12 February 2012]. Vuni, I. 2008. USAID launches peace solidarity with South Sudan. Sudan Tribune, 7 April 2008. http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article26663 [accessed 7 March 2009]. Watchlist. 2003. Sudan: Report, January 2003. http://www.watchlist.org/ [accessed 9 March 2009]. —2007. Sudan’s children at crossroads. An urgent need for protection. April 2007. http://www.watchlist.org/ [accessed 9 March 2009]. Wheeler, S. 2009. South Sudan charts own course in education, 30 January 2009. http:// www.newera.com.na/article.php?articleid=2087 [accessed 25 February 2012]. Wikipedia. 2011. List of universities in South Sudan, 22 November 2011. http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_universities_in_South_Sudan [accessed 7 March 2012]. Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children. 2007. From the ground up: Education and livelihoods in Southern Sudan. January 2007. http://www. womenscommission.org [accessed 10 March 2009]. World Bank. 2010. Key indicators for Southern Sudan. http://siteresources.worldbank. org/INTSUDAN/Resources/Key-Indicators-SS.pdf [accessed 20 March 2012].

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Tanzania: Revisiting Eastern and Central African Education Systems William A. L. Anangisye and Daniel Fussy

Introduction Generally, the educational foundations laid by African traditional or indigenous education systems in the pre-external world contact period tend to be sidelined. Rarely are education values inherited from the pre-colonial education system acknowledged in different levels of education. For example, the craft of oral storytelling as a teaching technique widely used in lower levels of education owes much to the African traditional education (Pence and Schafer, 2006; Anangisye, 2008). In Tanzania, such traditional roots tend to be ignored because the current education system is, to a large extent, premised on the formal education system introduced by the German and British colonial powers. Historically, such education was designed to perpetuate colonial values as well as address and meet colonial demands. This formal colonial education was only provided to a handful of select Africans in Tanganyika and Zanzibar. In the post-independence periods in 1961 and 1963 for Tanganyika and Zanzibar, respectively, the two nations embarked on concerted efforts to overhaul the education system oriented towards meeting the needs of the colonial powers. These efforts became even more meaningful when the two nations forged the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar on 26 April 1964. Even at this early stage, it was admitted that the education push in the country had to acknowledge the beliefs and values of Africans. This became even more pronounced in the aftermath of the 1967 Arusha Declaration that gave birth to the Education for Self-Reliance (ESR) policy. This educational drive geared towards building an egalitarian society was premised on the African values of communalism, rather than the Western-derived values of individualism. This educational orientation,

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much in line with the argument of this chapter, sought to redress the common belief among colonial administrations that Africa’s education slate was not tabula rasa by making the African values centre-stage in the promotion of populist education for national development. This chapter revisits the development and trends of the education system in Tanzania. In particular, the chapter draws on different key educational issues under the following sub-sections: introduction; background to education developments; basic structures of education; goals and purposes of education; nature of curriculum; school management; nature of teacher education, recruitment and supply; remunerations; education professionalism; and the conclusion.

Historical and political background to education A better grasp of education developments in Tanzania or Africa in general is both retrospective and prospective in character. To begin with, education development in Tanzania has a long-standing history, dating to the pre-contact with the external world period for the societies that had later become part of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, which joined together in 1964 to forge a United Republic of Tanzania. During this often-ignored period there were non-formal systems of education based on traditional beliefs and values, which were instrumental in shaping and defining the socio-economic dispensation of the pre-colonial societies in the country. Nyerere (1968a: 45) was alluding to this scenario when he pointed out: The fact that pre-colonial Africa did not have [formal] ‘schools’ – except for short periods of initiation in some tribes – did not mean that the children were not educated. They learned by living and doing. In the homes and on the farms they were taught the skills of the society, and the behaviour expected of its members. They learned the kind of grasses which were suitable for which purposes, the work which had to be done on the crops, or the case which had to be given to animals, by joining with their elders in this work. They learned the tribal history, and the tribe’s relationship with other tribes and with the spirits …

Despite the obvious shortcomings, education during this period sought to address the development needs of the majority of Tanzanians. This education drive also benefited from elements of traditional or informal education prevalent in the socio-cultural milieu of the country, also going by the name of indigenous education. This form of education was problem- or needs-based, responding to

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the essential needs of society. Some of these elements have survived in the current education system in terms of the preservation and transmission of cultural heritage, environmental education, language, and moral values education. More importantly, the concept of Education for All (EFA), now being universally promoted through the United Nations and which has been adopted in Tanzania, also draws on the indigenous education framework that seeks to promote the interests of the wider society (Anangisye, 2008). The informal education system in Sub-Saharan Africa was, however, disrupted by the imposition and establishment of foreign cultures or externally induced formal education designed primarily to facilitate the exploitation of the colonized peoples. The initial formal aspects in Tanganyika’s education were introduced by the Arabs, who started Koranic schools following their settlement on the East African coast of the Indian Ocean (Lawuo, 1978). The core mission of these Koranic schools was to introduce and spread Islam and Arabic culture. Contrary to the Eurocentric views, formal education in Africa was not introduced by the Western world, since by then Arabic influence had helped to establish such formal education in East, West and North Africa. Colonial intervention with its Western-oriented education was a mere furtherance of the steps in formal education already started by the Arabs. In particular, Christian missionaries provided formal education in a more elaborate way on both the coastal and interior hinterland areas as part of bringing the ‘light’ to the ‘dark’ continent; they strongly believed Africa was still backward. In this respect, it is argued that Western education, which had had far-reaching implications on the current foundations of the education system in Tanzania in particular and Africa in general, can be said to have been greatly influenced by the missionary efforts coupled with those of the colonial authorities, which provided such education alongside the religious institutions from the 1880s in the case of Tanzania. Apart from the often-overlooked pre-colonial period, the current education system developments in Tanzania (then Tanganyika) also draw upon various historical and political periods, which will now briefly be discussed.

The colonial education period 1840s–1961 This period was characterized by colonial government intent on using education in servicing the exploitative colonial economy and social relations, as well as an ideological tool for legitimizing and justifying colonialism (Mushi, 2009). This period begins with the German education system in the 1880s. German colon­ ialists established colonial education foundations at elementary, secondary and

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vocational levels. During this era, the provision of formal education was the responsibility of the missionaries and the German government. To accomplish their mission to Africa in general and Tanganyika in particular, the German missionaries invested in education. Notable contributions came from Rev. Johanness Ludwing Krapf in East Africa, especially Zanzibar. Generally, the establishment of Western forms of education in Africa was aimed at getting Africans receptive to colonialism in addition to providing the basic knowledge and skills necessary in facilitating colonial rule and economic development. However, such initiatives in Tanzania were also met by fierce resistance, often clamped down through the use of force. Subsequent German rule in the 1880s allowed for two complementary education approaches: one provided directly by the colonial government and one provided by the missionaries, who had actually preceded the colonial government schools. The missionaries largely provided religious formal education with a dose of religious induction; the German colonial administration, on the other hand, ‘had a tradition of [providing] secular state education’ (Illife, 1979: 208). On Mainland Tanzania, the establishment of Tanga State School in the 1890s is one product of the colonial administration. Also, despite resistance in some African societies, Kiswahili was formalized as an official language of instruction in these colonial schools. German colonial initiatives in education were brought to a sudden halt following its defeat in the First World War in 1919. The defeat of the Germans led to the break-up of what was known as German East Africa (Deutsch-Ostafrika) made up of then Tanganyika, Burundi and Rwanda, with Britain being given the larger country to run as a protectorate (Burundi and Rwanda went to Belgium). This development ushered in the British mode of colonial education in the Tanganyika territory. The British Colonial Education Policy informed the subsequent development and innovations of formal schooling in Tanganyika. However, as Thompson (1968) suggests, education in this part of the British Empire was not necessarily a priority area for the British government. Nevertheless, it did make efforts to provide Tanganyikans with formal education, albeit on a limited scale. Central to all British campaigns towards education for African in its colonies was the introduction of the Philosophy of Adaptation, or simply the Educational Philosophy for the African dependencies, essentially aimed at providing education according the people’s needs. Although the philosophy seems relevant and timely, the colonial curriculum was in actual fact not sensitive to learners’ environment since it was tailored primarily to respond to the overriding interests of the colonial enterprise. Indeed, as it will be demonstrated in the

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subsequent sections, colonial education was not relevant to the particular needs of pupils in the colonized territories (Nyerere, 1968). Like under the German colonial education framework, the British colonial establishment and religious institutions provided education between 1919 and 1961 to the local populations. Alongside the government-owned schools, there were Christian and Muslim-owned schools (Anangisye, 2011). However, in the 42 years of British colonial education policy in the Tanganyika territory from 1919 to 1961 only a tiny percentage of African children benefitted from colonial education. The selective nature of the beneficiaries made colonial education discriminatory. In his first speech to the UN Legislative Council, Nyerere (1966) noted that only 30 per cent of children of primary school age were in Tanganyika’s schools in 1954 under the British rule. For the post-primary education the situation was even worse as there were almost no such opportunities at the secondary or higher levels for the few that managed to get an education at the elementary level. Moreover, under the British colonial education framework there were what Mbilinyi (1979) calls ‘separate racial school systems’. The Africans were at the bottom of the pile, followed by Asians, with the Europeans at the top of the ladder. This gradation was also reflected in the quality of education provided. These separate education systems had implications for access, equity, gender, infrastructure and management. For example, the 1946 net expenditure on education was 2, 10 and 30 per cent for 105,050 African, 792 European and 8,824 Asian students, respectively. Although the African students far outstripped students from other races, they received the least budget (Mbunda, 1978). Both German and British colonial administrations used education as an instrument of oppression and exploitation of Tanzania, which drew Tanzania into the web of world capitalist economy (Nguni, 2005; Rodney, 1976). As such, their policies, even in the provision of education to the local inhabitants, were geared towards training the few Africans who could help run and tap resources for the colonizing home country. In his famous book, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Rodney (1976: 264) argues that ‘colonial schooling was education for subordination, exploitation, the creation of mental confusion, and the development of underdevelopment’. This kind of education was driven by the colonial education policy aimed at the perpetuation of imperialist goals that exploited the colonized peoples. Under this situation of selective and targeted education for Africans, education for every African child was not on the colonial agenda.

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The independence period 1961–90 At independence in 1961 and 1963, Tanzania and Zanzibar, respectively, inherited British colonial education legacies that had left these new governments with a Herculean task. Access to higher education and other levels of education was limited to a few Tanganyikans and Zanzibaris. In 1961, Tanganyika, for example, had about 486,470 pupils enrolled in about 3,238 public primary schools, and taught by 9,190 teachers (Mbunda, 1978: 74). On the whole, the inherited colonial education system was grossly inadequate and inappropriate in nature and character (Nyerere, 1968). The newly independent country inherited an elitist and racially divisive education, geared towards providing book knowledge far removed from the substantive needs of the Tanzania society (Mbunda, 1978: 56–9). Thus, the post-independence African government had to make a decisive break with the colonial education legacy and transform education into a weapon with which to promote national development, unity and identity (Nguni, 2005). The initial phase of this transformation was from 1961 to 1967. This period was devoted to restructuring the education system to bring about egalitarianism in education (Mushi, 2009). The second phase, from 1967 to 1990, saw the country embrace more radical reforms aimed at promoting education for self-reliance in line with the country’s chosen path of socialism through the Arusha Declaration as the nation strived to build an egalitarian society based on equal opportunities, national unity and identity to expedite economic development (Mushi, 2009; Nguni, 2005). In the subsequent 1967 period, the country adopted the Education for Self-Reliance Policy and took various steps aimed at realizing the envisaged education goals. In 1970, the Nationwide Adult Education Campaign (NAEC) was launched in a bid to eradicate widespread illiteracy. This campaign helped to cut illiteracy from 70 per cent in 1961 to 39 per cent in 1975. Also, pupil enrolment in primary education dramatically increased in the 1970s and 1980s. Consequently, the next target was to expand secondary education from the 1980s onwards to ensure that the primary school leavers were absorbed in these schools. The third phase – 1990 to the 2000s – witnessed radical reforms in the education sector, from early childhood to higher education. Up to this point, education had been regarded as one of the key factors to achieve fast political, economic and social development along socialist lines. However, the political and economic reforms in the post-1990s period, reforms that started with the economic upheavals of the 1980s, meant that Tanzania also had to revisit its education policy and orientation as well.

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These education reforms and innovations in Tanzania owe much to the 1995 Education and Training Policy (ETP). This policy created opportunities to invest in the sector of education that had been transformed into a public institution only as the state privatized the privately run schools in the post-1967 period to get rid of segregation and preferential treatment for certain segments of society. Under this more robust policy a wide spectrum of stakeholders was again invited to invest and participate in the running of educational institutions in the country under liberalized, not centralist socialist, policies. The expansion of the stakeholders’ base resulted in the dramatic expansion of education facilities at all levels, from early childhood to tertiary education levels.

The present period starting from 2000 to date Finally, the post-2000 period has been characterized by the struggle and need to raise the quality of education to allow Tanzania to meet the competitiveness that the increasingly globalized world creates. The challenge for Tanzania has been finding the best way of streamlining the education system for the country to promote quality education on a wider scale while at the same time tackling pertinent issues that have to do with access and equity. In fact, the Tanzanian government is striving to use education as an instrument for the development and building of a competitive skilled human power crucial in the production of quality products that can compete on the global market (Nguni, 2005).

Basic structures of education in Tanzania The structure of the formal education and training system on mainland Tanzania is 2–7–4–2–3+ (for pre-school, primary, Ordinary level and Advanced level secondary, and tertiary education). This structure is clearly spelled out in the 1995 Education and Training Policy, emphasizing the importance of early childhood (or pre-primary) education, primary education, secondary education and tertiary and higher education in the promotion of quality education in Tanzania.

Pre-primary education For many years post-independence, pre-primary education was not seen as a priority sector in Tanzania. Registered day-care centres and nursery schools

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supervised by the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare and Ministry of Education, respectively, did exist, but they were run without a specific national agenda or tangible policy. In the 1980s, Tanzania reached a turning point and has since not looked back. This change has a lot to do with the recommendations of the 1982 Makweta Report produced as part of the Presidential Commission on Education. This report prompted the ruling party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and its government to intervene to revamp and overhaul the country’s education system. The report identified several snags in the education sector, including pre-primary education, which needed to be addressed as a matter of urgency. However, it was the institution of the 1995 Education and Training Policy that introduced initiatives to make pre-primary education an integral part and mainstay of the country’s education system (Mtahabwa, 2009). This policy led to the redefinition of the education objectives to inform the management of pre-primary education in the country. Based on this policy document, pre-primary education was geared to achieving the following aims and objectives: a. Encouraging and promoting the overall personality development of the child, that is, his or her physical, mental and social characteristics and capabilities. b. Identifying children with abnormal patterns of development or educational potentials and devising special programmes for them. c. Moulding the character of the child and enabling him/her to acquire acceptable norms of social conduct and behaviour. d. Helping the child acquire, appreciate, respect and develop pride in the family, his or her cultural backgrounds, moral values, customs and traditions as well as national ethic, identity and pride. e. Providing the child with opportunities to acquire and develop communication, numerical and manipulative skills. f. Preparing the child for primary school education. (URT, 1995: 3–4) On mainland Tanzania, this level of education caters for children aged five and six. The cycle of pre-primary education is two years. There are no examinations necessary to proceed to the next level. Basically, pre-primary education prepares children for primary education. However, its significance is in promoting the children’s physical, mental, moral, emotional and cultural development. Zanzibar, on the other hand, has early childhood education as a matter of priority in the Education Policy. In the Zanzibar archipelago of Unguja and

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Pemba (Zanzibar’s main islands) early childhood education is divided into nursery, junior and senior levels, with the corresponding ages of 4–5, 5–6 and 6–7, respectively (Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar [RGZ], 2007). Both public and private sectors invest in the early childhood education sector of Zanzibar just as they do on the mainland. Officially, the medium of instruction in these pre-primary institutions is Kiswahili and the curriculum package includes the following subjects: Mathematics, Kiswahili, Environmental Studies, Arts, Religious Education, Games, Sports, and Handicraft. However, in the private sector, there are pre-primary schools which use English as a medium of instruction. It is also true with international and English-medium schools. Due to exorbitant costs, these schools are limited to children usually from affluent backgrounds and largely in the urban settings.

Primary education Primary education in Tanzania is a seven-year post-pre-primary education cycle. It is universal and compulsory for school-age children aged seven to 13. The primary school cycle runs from Standard I to VII when pupils sit for the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) that allows them to qualify for secondary school. This primary education is aimed at achieving several different aims and objectives (URT, 1995; 2001), which include: a. Enabling every child to understand and appreciate his or her human person as well as acquire, value, respect and enrich our common cultural background and moral values, social customs and traditions as well as national unity, identity, ethic and pride. b. Providing an opportunity to every child and enabling him/her to acquire, appreciate and effectively use Kiswahili as well as respect the language as a symbol of national unity, identity and pride. c. Enabling every child to understand the fundamentals of the country’s Constitution as well as the human and civil rights, obligations and responsibilities of every citizen. d. Enabling every child to acquire basic learning tools of literacy, communication, numeracy and problem-solving as well as basic learning content of integrated relevant knowledge, skills and attitudes needed for survival and development to full capacity. e. Providing every child with the foundations of self-initiative, self-advancement and self-confidence.

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f. Preparing the child for second level education (i.e. secondary, vocational, technical and continuing education). g. Preparing the child to enter the world of work. (URT, 1995: 5) These objectives generally inform the management and operation of primary education in Tanzania. Traditionally, the medium of instruction is Kiswahili. However, English-medium and international primary schools use English as a language of instruction for all subjects except during Kiswahili lessons. Examinations are administered in Standard IV (Grade IV) and in the final year of the primary education cycle, Standard VII. Both examinations assess pupils’ levels of acquisition of knowledge, abilities and skills in Mathematics, General Knowledge, and Languages (Kiswahili and English). The PSLE offered in Standard VII is usually used as the benchmark in the selection of suitable candidates to join secondary education. Private primary schools usually conduct aptitude tests to pick their students.

Secondary education Tanzania’s education system places secondary education third. Secondary education in this structure consists of two sequential cycles – ‘O’ and ‘A’ levels – aimed at achieving the following aims and objectives: a. Consolidating and broadening the scope of baseline ideas, knowledge, skills and principles acquired and developed at the primary education level. b. Further enhancing the development and appreciation of national unity, identity and ethic, personal integrity, respect for and readiness to work, human rights, cultural and moral values, customs, traditions and civic responsibilities and obligations. c. Developing of competency in linguistic ability and effective use of communication skills in Kiswahili and in at least one foreign language. d. Providing opportunities for the acquisition of knowledge, skills, attitudes and understanding in prescribed or selected fields of study. e. Preparing students for tertiary and higher education, vocational, technical and professional training. f. Inculcating a sense and ability for self-study, self-confidence and self-advancement in new frontiers of science and technology, academic and occupational knowledge, and skills.

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g. Preparing the student to join the world of work. (URT, 1995, 6–7) The Ordinary level (O-level) secondary education runs for four years, from Form One to Four, followed by two years of Advanced level (A-level) secondary education, from Form Five to Six. The official school age is 14–17 for O-level, and 18–19 for A-level. Qualification to O-level secondary schools is largely based on a pre-set national cut-off points obtained in the PSLE. A-level admission is based on prescribed performance level in the relevant credits in the Certificate of Secondary Education Examination (CSEE) subjects necessary for certain A-level subject combinations (URT, 2010). Science subjects (Chemistry, Physics, Biology, Basic Mathematics, and Agriculture), Art subjects (Geography, Civics, and History), Language subjects (English, Kiswahili, and French), and Economics subjects (Commerce and Book-Keeping) are taught in secondary schools. At O-level, students are obliged to take a minimum of seven subjects, including compulsory subjects Biology, Basic Mathematics, Civics, English, and Kiswahili, At A-level, they are required to take three science-based or arts-based subjects. English is the medium of instruction in Tanzania’s secondary schools.

University and tertiary education University education in Tanzania has a recent history, since the University College Dar es Salaam (UCD) was only incepted in 1961, initially as a constituent college of the University of London before it became part of the University of East Africa (UEA). In 1970, the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM) was established by an Act of Parliament. In the 1980s, the then Faculty of Agriculture of the University of Dar es Salaam was transformed into the country’s second university called Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA). In the 1990s, the Open University of Tanzania (OUT) was established as a public institution. Today, there are more than 50 institutions of higher learning in Tanzania offering university education. Such higher education runs for three or more years, and the official attending age is 20–24. Candidates primarily have A-level qualifications or equivalent tertiary qualifications. This level strives to churn out high-level manpower, who are well-educated, knowledgeable and with different perspectives and skills in the socio-economic, cultural, scientific and technological fields (URT, 2010). Both public and private sectors are involved in the provision of university education in Tanzania after many years of state monopoly.

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According to the United Republic of Tanzania (1995: 12), tertiary and higher education seeks to attain the following major objectives: a. Enabling people with the requisite baseline qualifications to access and benefit from opportunities. b. Preparing middle- and high-level professional human resource for service in the different sectors of the economy. c. Providing opportunities for intellectual, scientific and technological excellence and high level performance. d. Preparing the students to join the world of work. These objectives guide the provision of higher education in Tanzania. Like in other countries, higher education – particularly university education – is seen as the primary engine that can help guide the country’s socio-economic development.

Education goals and priorities in Tanzania’s policy documents Virtually all government policy documents on education define education as an instrumental development tool. The 1995 Education and Training Policy’s (ETP) main goals and priorities for education in terms of underlying values and purposes emphasize: a. The creation of true partnerships between the state and the other education providers including private persons, by encouraging them to establish and manage schools and other training institutions. b. Co-operation with the private sector in the provision of education, including proactive initiatives such as the training of more and betterqualified teachers, priority land allocation for building schools. c. Widening financial support to education, including the efficient utilization of available resources, cost-sharing and liberalization of services supportive of the system. d. Decentralization and streamlining of the management of education to schools, communities, districts and regions. e. Quality control and assurance measures, including curriculum review examination reforms, teacher management support and inspection. f. Holistic and integrative approach to facilitate mobility between formal and non-formal education.

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g. Broadening access and ensuring equity by gender, disability, geographical location and class. h. Reorienting basic education and vocational training towards self-employment. (URT, 2001: 4–5) Whereas these goals and priorities focus on basic education, they are also relevant to other levels of the education system. What the country appears to underscore generally in promoting education is the importance of education in poverty alleviation. In the face of policy reforms, the government’s role has shifted from being a key, or even sole, player to a facilitator in the process of providing education at all levels in the country. This shift has allowed other stakeholders to pick up the gauntlet and help expand education opportunities from pre-primary to higher education, hence making education available to more Tanzanians than ever before and at all levels.

Equity issues in education Social status Since independence on 9 December 1961, the Government of Tanzania vowed to build a nation based on egalitarian principles. In the education sector, the aim was to create opportunities for every Tanzanian child to access and participate in education. As a result, the government worked towards purging the country’s education system of discriminatory tendencies in the education of segments of the Tanzania populace. As the majority of Tanzanians were poor, and hence could not afford to pay schools fees and other educational requirements, the government was forced to abolish school fees at all levels, including primary and secondary education. Moreover, the nationalization of educational institutions such as schools and colleges in the post-1967 Arusha Declaration period allowed Tanzanians from different walks of life, religious creeds, class and racial backgrounds to benefit from the education that reserved a right of admission based on certain principles. Also, the education for self-reliance that dominated this pre-1990s period was geared towards producing in the country’s education system selfless Tanzanians instilled with the spirit of nation-building. Of course, the political and economic liberalization of the 1990s following the fall of the Iron Curtain, as the Cold War came to an end, changed the country’s course not only in terms of politics or economic slant, but also

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educational orientation. An unstoppable wave of private investment in the education sector flowed into all levels of education throughout the country, from pre-school to university level. The English medium schools and those run by religious institutions have been attracting a lot of interest from mediumincome families in the country. Some affluent parents even send their children abroad (Anangisye, 2010b). Now it is no longer sufficient merely to get an education, as many Tanzanian parents increasingly strive to ensure their children obtain a quality education. However, the issue of quality education in Tanzania is strongly linked with an ability to afford it. On this point, Anangisye argues: Due to poverty, a wide cross-section of the local community does not have other alternatives as a solution to poor QBE for their children. Instead, they are forced into the locally affordable and available option. Indeed, to them the notion of choice is not ideal… (Anangisye, 2010b: 129)

In the past, even children from economically disadvantaged backgrounds could attend quality schools if they qualified to go there. These days, many of the children from poor households go to schools, including community-based schools, which face a chronic shortage of qualified teachers, textbooks and desks. Generally, the teaching and learning environment in these schools is poor and unsuitable for lessons; inevitably these shoddy conditions contribute to illiteracy and poor numeracy skills among pupils even after their completing the primary education cycle (Kironde, 2001). Children from affluent or socially and economically stable families do not face this problem.

Gender In Tanzania, as in many other Sub-Saharan countries, gender imbalance in education is an issue of great concern. Colonial education overlooked the education of girls. In fact, for Tanzania the number of girls who had seen the inside of a classroom was insignificant at independence in 1960 and for a few years afterwards (see, for example, Mbunda, 1978). Since then there has been a struggle to increase the number of girls in schools. Despite the problems encountered in achieving gender parity, a significant improvement is evident at the primary education level, as Table 15.1 illustrates: Indeed, thanks to the post-independence government efforts, the number of girls enrolled in primary schools has significantly improved. However, the situation higher up the education ladder remains a source of grave concern.

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Table 15.1  Primary school gender representation, 1961–2011 by year, % Years

Female

1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

– –

687,238 (19.42%) 1,734,011(49.36%) 2,407,244 (49.31%) 4,203,646 (50.26%)

Total enrolment 486,470 902,619 3,538,183 3,512,347 4,881,588 8,363,386

Source: URT (2011b: 19; 1982: 44–5)

At the secondary school level, the proportion of girls stood at 44.8 per cent in 2011, which was still low. But the biggest problem has to do with institutions of higher learning. The enrolment of girls stood at 37.5 per cent (URT, 2011: 157) despite various efforts aimed at giving preferential treatment to girls and even consideration of lower cut-off points. These statistics confirm that more efforts towards gender parity in education at the higher levels are still necessary.

Disability Since independence, disability has been a hurdle to accessing and effectively participating in all levels of education for Tanzanians with special needs. In consequence, the government has been striving to redress the situation by taking various measures. In 1989, the government established a Special Education Unit in the office of the Chief Education Officer (CEO). Essentially, the unit was charged with the responsibility of overseeing and coordinating special education programmes in the country. More specifically, the unit had to perform the following functions in the promotion of special needs education in Tanzania (URT, 2005): a. Planning and supervising the expansion and consolidation of special education services. b. Planning and supervising assessments and placement of children with special education needs. c. Coordinating examinations and selection of children with special education needs for post-primary education. d. Coordinating curricula and training programmes for children with special education needs. e. Recommending and ordering equipment and materials for children with special education needs.

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f. Liaising with associations of and societies for children with special education needs. g. Coordinating programmes for houseparent and teacher aids. h. Printing and distributing teaching and learning materials for children with special education needs. i. Liaising with other ministries, departments and donor agencies which help in the provision of special education service in strengthening and expanding special education services. Presently, more than 150 schools cater for children with special education needs in different parts of the country. The categories of children with disabilities include the blind and visually impaired, the deaf and the hearing-impaired, the intellectually impaired/mentally handicapped, physically handicapped, the deaf-blind and autistic children/children with autism. Nevertheless, children with special needs in education face several challenges. Fifty years after independence, many children with special needs in Tanzania still go without education in different parts of the country. Some parents still hide their children with disabilities at home so that they cannot be taken to school. Many people are still negative towards disabled children (Shewedi, 2011). Moreover, the infrastructure is largely unfriendly to the disabled. In fact, many schools and colleges in Tanzania are unfriendly to students with disabilities. Also, schools with students who have special needs do not have qualified and competent teachers (URT, 1995).

Curriculum, assessment and teaching methods in schools The curriculum currently in use is based on Competence-Based Curriculum (CBC). The CBC was introduced in 2005 to help enhance the Tanzanian education system. The curriculum is influenced by different factors, including exemplary fast-growing socio-economic dynamics, meeting learning as well as career choices and making school-leavers capable of being engaged in formal and informal sectors of employment (URT, 2010). In particular, CBC advocates participatory teaching and learning techniques which call for full and active involvement of the learner in the teaching and learning process. To meet the objectives of the competence-based curriculum, the approach in the teaching and learning process depends on teachers being capable of explaining how knowledge and skills are applied in real-life situations (Westera,

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2001). Thus, the competence-based approach should transcend regurgitation by promoting creativity, innovative skills, inquisitive minds that doubt and question on-going practices (Tilya and Mafumiko, 2010). As teachers act as facilitators or coaches, with students treated as junior colleagues, some of them can contribute meaningfully, through respectful dialogue, to the knowledge structure (Mulder, 2004). The teacher initiates the learning process by presenting some information, situation or event to students and encouraging them to go beyond the information provided to reach their own conclusions and make generalizations, discovering and making new conjunctures (Tilya and Mafumiko, 2010). The advantages of CBC to learners notwithstanding, there are problems associated with its implementation in Tanzania (Nara, 2011; Mpate, 2012). Teachers nationwide are not properly inducted on what constitutes CBC. Also, the majority of teachers were not oriented to the curriculum. About seven years since its inception, many teachers were still ignorant about the special needs curriculum. Moreover, most of the teachers for special needs education had no opportunities to attend and participate in teacher professional development programmes. Indeed, many of these teachers lack opportunities to learn about CBC. The CBC encourages the use of participatory teaching methods (URT, 1995). Participatory teaching methods encourage interaction between teacher, students, the content and the environment in which learning occurs (Ndabi and Waane, 1993). Indeed, the method provides opportunities for students to share concepts and skills with their teacher as well as their colleagues. Participatory teaching methods include questions-and-answers, brainstorming, role-play, field trips, experimentation, group discussions, concept map, jigsaw puzzles and value clarification (Ndabi and Waane, 1993). However, the implementation of CBC in Tanzania has not been trouble-free. Many teachers and educationists largely depend on long-established habits. In fact, some recent studies found that teachers in primary, secondary schools, vocational training colleges as well as in universities still use the lecture-citation method. Where participatory methods have been deployed, students have been encouraged to work in groups of five or six, largely discussing questions without proper direction. Indeed, Tilya and Mafumiko (2010: 38) found that the participatory approach in learning situations was poorly utilized by many teachers in Tanzania, as the students in groups were told to discuss issues that were ‘so mundane, too simple and often [constituted] a waste of time for both students and teachers’. In a study conducted in Tanga region, Shemwelekwa

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(2008) found that teachers largely used lecture-citation methods to deliver the content despite the curriculum requiring then to use participatory methods. Also, Ogondieck conducted a study among vocational training centres in Dar es Salaam in 2005 to investigate the problems undermining the implementation of Competence-Based Education and Training in the country. The study found that lecture-citation remained the most dominant method despite the government’s efforts to limit its application in the country’s educational institutions (Ogondieck, 2005). Both formative and summative assessments are conducted in Tanzania’s education system. Formative assessments are conducted internally by schools/ institutions and are part of continuous assessment. Summative assessments, on the other hand, are conducted by the National Examination Council of Tanzania (NECTA) during final examinations. NECTA examinations for primary, secondary and tertiary levels are also used in the selection of students in need to progress to the next education level. Universities use coursework and university examinations to test the students’ level of knowledge. The management and governance of schools in Tanzania depend on the school-based management (SBM) system. The SBM was adopted in Tanzania on the assumption that schools are aware of their local problems and, thus, can easily address them at that level (URT, 1995). School-based management in Tanzania has decentralized authority and responsibilities. School heads are expected to be empowered to exercise autonomy in their decision-making and strengthen school committees as the school heads were made directly answerable to their respective school committees/boards (Nguni, 2005). Furthermore, SBM encourages the active participation of various stakeholders in the running of school affairs involving teachers, pupils, parents and the larger community. In principle, under SBM parents and students are active participants in the running of the school, college or university, not just teachers.

Teacher education, recruitment, supply, remuneration and professionalism Teacher education in Tanzania is currently run and managed by both the public and the private sectors. Graduates from these institutions acquire degrees, diplomas, or certificates (Grade III A). Certificate and diploma programmes fall under the Teacher Education Directorate of the Ministry of Education and follow a standardized curriculum, whereas the degree programmes are

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organized by institutions of higher learning or universities using autonomous curricula. Individual university senates and the Tanzania Commission for Universities (TCU) approve the teacher education curriculum programmes for undergraduate degree programmes. The first is the Certificate Programme (Grade A) in education. This two-year full-time study at college needs candidates who have completed seven years of primary education and four years of secondary education (O-level) with a minimum of Division IV in the CSEE. Sometimes students with Division Zero (the worst performance) are admitted to in-teacher training programmes (Anangisye, 2010a). The 1995 Education and Training Policy, on the other hand, demands a Division I up to III CSEE qualification (URT, 1995). In reality, most of the candidates with such qualifications progress to the A-level secondary school, whether at public or public secondary schools. Thus, the colleges have to make do with the poor performers. The medium of instruction in these colleges is Kiswahili. Also, the curriculum package includes academic and professional studies as well as the teaching practice component. The teaching practice duration has been shortened to cut costs the government is unable to foot. The graduates from these colleges qualify to teach in primary schools despite their initial questionable education credentials. The second programme is the Diploma in Education. This two-year full-time college study is for candidates who have completed seven years of primary school and secondary education up to the A-level with a minimum of Division III in the Advanced Certificate of Secondary Education Examination (ACSEE). The medium of instruction at these colleges is English. The students are exposed to academic and professional studies as well as teaching practice during their training. Even at this level, there are students with Divisions IV or Division Zero enrolled in these diploma programmes. The mushrooming of university colleges has shrunk the pool from which the students are selected, hence the selection of even ill-qualified candidates to fill the void. Thirdly there is a degree programme in teacher education. At university level, there are three undergraduate programmes for secondary school teachers (particularly at the A-level) and tutors for teacher education colleges. The programmes are Bachelor of Arts with Education (BA Ed), Bachelor of Science with Education (BSc Ed), and Bachelor of Education (B Ed). From 1968 to 1990, teachers benefited from three-years of training; from 1990 the duration was extended to four years, before the length of study was trimmed back to three years in 2005. At the university level, teachers are prepared in the subject matter,

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professional studies and field experience. Normally, a student teacher pursuing an undergraduate degree has to conduct a research project. In Tanzania, especially at the public universities/university colleges, the student teachers hardly undertake such field research. Essentially, there are two major approaches to teacher education programmes. The first approach is conventional in nature and character. The conventional approach is a traditional college-based teacher training programme (Anangisye, 2010a: 904). The second approach relates to unconventional teacher education orientation. This latter notion has to do with an alternative approach to meeting teacher demand, taking various forms: distance teacher education programmes, village teacher education programmes, and crash programmes (Anangisye, 2010a: 914). These forms are common at all levels of teacher education programmes. Whereas the village teacher education and crash programmes prepared teachers for primary and secondary schools respectively, the distance teacher education approach helps to prepare graduate teachers through the Open University of Tanzania (OUT). After successful completion of their teacher education programmes, certificate, diploma and degree teaching graduates get government postings to different schools. Indeed, the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training (MoEVT) posts graduates to public schools and teacher colleges. The private sector also benefits from teachers trained in public-owned teacher training facilities. In fact, the low salaries coupled with poor working conditions on offer in public secondary schools force many teachers to opt for employment in privately owned institutions. Many government-owned schools, especially those in the rural areas, have poor social amenities such as water, housing, fuel and electricity. In consequence, many public-owned schools face an acute shortage of teachers despite many years of producing and recruiting teachers. In Tanzania, teachers at all levels complain about poor salaries. The salary for elementary, secondary and even tertiary education level teachers is generally deemed uneconomical due to inflationary trends and high costs of living. The teachers continue to lament about the big difference in the monthly salaries for teachers and other professionals such as lawyers and medical doctors. In fact, the majority of the students opt for teaching as their last resort or because of the guaranteed employment on graduation. Otherwise, teaching in Tanzania at present generally attracts under-achievers, with the situation aggravated by the poor remuneration the government is able to offer them. Mhando (2006) notes that the government offers teachers poor perks that cannot compete with those fellow teachers who quit teaching to embrace more lucrative professions

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in other fields. As such, there have recently been threats to stage strikes, due to teachers’ dissatisfaction with salaries. The status of the teaching profession in Tanzania remains very low; teaching, as a career, is treated as the last refuge by many Tanzanians, who end up being teachers primarily due to lack of viable alternatives. Generally, many parents and families often tell their children or relatives who had performed poorly in their secondary examination to join teaching since they had flunked (i.e. ‘umefeli hata kwenda ualimu’). As better-qualified candidates shun teaching, Tanzania’s teacher training colleges have been absorbing academically weak students for many years. Accusatory fingers have been raised against the government for failing to accord the teaching profession the status it deserves in comparison to other professions in the medical, legal and engineering fields (Anangisye, 2010a; Mhando, 2006). In addition, teachers’ practices in schools are questionable. Some teachers engage in private activities or side-kicks (private tuitions, business, farm work) during official hours. These divided responsibilities reduce their effectiveness in teaching and accountability. Such lack of committment in turn contributes to the lowering of teaching standards and the status of the teaching profession in general. Other forms of teachers’ misconduct such as sexually abusing female students (by male teachers), drunkenness, wearing inappropriate clothes, corruption and mismanagement of funds allocated to buy teaching and learning facilities, largely done by school/department/section heads, further erodes the credibility of the teaching profession (Anangisye and Barrett, 2005). Once a new teacher is posted to a workstation, there is usually no follow-up to see whether s/he is performing. It is becoming increasingly important that the government give such teachers their subsistence allowances and economic salaries and other perks paid promptly contrary to the present practice, which contributes to the frustrations among the teachers. Furthermore, in the classrooms, new teachers still struggling to learn the ropes of the profession lack proper guidance and supervision. Once such teachers arrive at their new workstations, they are shown the staff room and classes and the baptism of fire then commences. There are no systematic procedures established by the government to manage new teachers in the profession. Also, many school managers and leaders lack supervisory skills with which to mentor and nurture new teachers. Although the MoEVT, through its School Inspectorate Department, inspects schools, such inspections are done only once per year. Even then, the schools that benefit from such inspections are mostly within reachable distance. On the whole, such inspections conducted are inadequate

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when it comes to effectively supporting teachers professionally (Mhando, 2006). Sometimes, the inspectors do not even know what to inspect.

Concluding remarks Despite the perpetuation of geographical disparity in access to education, Christian missionary activities were responsible for much of the foundations of education development in Tanzania. Several different primary and secondary schools and colleges of teacher education that the government of Tanzania feel proud of today were inherited from religious-based institutions during the nationalization of privately owned educational institutions in the 1960s to improve access to education not based on exclusionary or discriminatory practices. The current system of education has been modified as a result of reforms instituted back in the 1960s when the country adopted the Education for Self-Reliance Policy in 1967, coupled with the inevitable changes in the 1990s when the government ushered in the 1995 Education and Training Policy – an open-door policy that ended the monopoly of the state in the provision of education. Today, individuals, civil societies and religious-based organizations are investing and providing education in the country. In comparative terms, public schools generally suffer from a lack of quality education and the state of the majority of these schools is deplorable, with many in a state of disrepair and facing chronic shortages of teaching and learning resources. The privately owned schools are relatively doing much better since they tend to be better supported financially. In the meantime, the government supervises the education industry through the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training, which is in charge of all education matters including management, curriculum development, assessment and evaluation, and inspectorate. The current structure of education in Tanzania generally seeks to develop quality human capital equipped with skills and knowledge urgently needed to push forward the development of the country through education. In fact, every level was made terminal in the 1960s because each level was considered to be capable of equipping school-leavers with the knowledge and skills they needed to function in the real world. In reality, however, given the nature and character of Tanzania’s curriculum and limitations inherent in the entire education system, the terminal doctrine has not worked so far. The education system appears designed to educate Tanzanians towards waged or salaried employment, not self-employment, entrepreneurship and innovation. In this regard, it can be argued that the current curriculum does not

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differ significantly from the curriculum that both Tanganyika and Zanzibar in 1961 and 1963, respectively, inherited from the British colonial education system. As such, the Education for Self-Reliance (ESR) adopted since 1967 appears to have failed to change the mindset of products of schools, colleges and universities who still suffer from the white-collar job syndrome. Perhaps it is time the country started making education responsive to the particular socio-economic needs of the country in the same way the traditional, or informal, education that now appears outdated helped to educate useful members of society. Moreover, it is also pertinent to consider how the particular needs of Tanzanian society can be gauged and integrated at every level of the country’s education system. Indeed, countries such as Japan did not embrace modernity at the expense of their traditional norms and values. Tanzania can pick a leaf from this global economic giant.

References Anangisye, W. A. L. 2008. ‘Moral Education and Character Development: Learning from African the African Indigenous Education framework’. Journal of Adult Education, 16: 1–23. —2010a. ‘Genesis, Developments, Practices, and Problems of Teacher Training: The Experience from Tanzania’. In Karras, K. and Wolhuter, C. C. (eds) International Handbook of Teachers Education World-wide. Athens: Atrapos Editions, 899–920. —2010b. ‘Revisiting the alternative responses to the perceived “decline” in basic education in Tanzania’. KEDI Journal of Educational Policy, 7 (1): 115–38. —2011. ‘Churches and Mosques Partnership in Tanzania: a historical perspective on secular education development’. International Journal of Education, Science and Public Policy for Africa, 1 (1): 54–69. Anangisye, W. A. L. and Barrett, A. M. (2005). ‘Professional identity and misconduct: perspective of Tanzanian teachers’. Southern African Review of Education with Production, 11, 5–22. Illife, J. 1979. A modern history of Tanganyika. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kironde, J. M. L. 2001. ‘Aspects of Quality in Education in Tanzania’. In Lwaitama, A. F., Mtalo, E. G. and Mboma, L. (eds). The Multi-dimensional Crisis of Education in Tanzania: Debate and Action. Dar es Salaam: Jamana Printers Limited, 29–39. Lawuo, Z. E. 1978. ‘The Beginning and Development of Western Education in Tanganyika – The German Period’. In Ishumi, A. G. M. and Mmari, G. R. V. (eds) The Educational Process: Theory and Practice with a Focus on Tanzania and other countries. Dar es Salaam: Department of Education, University of Dar es Salaam, 42–64. Mbilinyi, M. 1979. ‘History of Formal Schooling in Tanzania’. In Hinzen, H. and

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Hundsdorfer, V. H. (eds). The Tanzanian Experience: Education for Liberation and Development. London: Evans Brothers Limited: 76–87. Mbunda, F. L. 1978. ‘Development and Trends in Primary Education in Mainland Tanzania’. In Ishumi, A. G. M. and Mmari, G. R. V. (eds) The Educational Process: Theory and Practice with a Focus on Tanzania and Other Countries. Dar es Salaam: Department of Education, University of Dar es Salaam, 65–85. Mhando, E. 2006. First meeting of national coordinators for UNESCO’s teacher training initiative for Sub-Saharan Africa. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ images/0014/001453/145390E.pdf [accessed 20 April 2012]. Mpate, H. M. 2012. ‘Implementation of Biology Competence Based Curriculum in Secondary Schools in Tanzania: Challenges and the Future Prospects’. Unpublished master’s dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. Mtahabwa, L. 2009. ‘Early child development and care in Tanzania: challenges for the future’. Early Child Development and Care 179 (1): 55–67. Mulder, M. 2004. ‘Education, competence and performance: On training and development in the agri-food complex’. Inaugural Address. Wageningen: Wageningen University. Mushi, P. A. K. 2009. History and development of education in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press. Nara, A. T. 2011. ‘Assessing the Impact of Competence-Based Curriculum on Students’ Learning Habits in Tanzania: A Case Study of Selected Government Secondary Schools in Kinondoni Municipality, Dar es Salaam’. Unpublished master’s dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. Ndabi, D. M. and Waane, S. A. C. 1993. School quality and performance. Paper prepared for TADREG workshop on quality and equity issues in Tanzania education policy and practice: Insight from recent research. Dar es Salaam, December 15–16. Nguni, S. C. 2005. ‘Transformational Leadership in Tanzanian Education’. Unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Amsterdam. Nyerere, J. K. 1966. Freedom and Unity: A selection from writings and speeches 1952–65. Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press. —1968a. Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. —1968b. ‘Education for Self-Reliance’. In Resnick, I. N. (ed.), Tanzania: Revolution by Education. Arusha: Longmans of Tanzania Limited, 49–70. Ogondieck, W. M. 2005. ‘Innovations in Vocational Education and Training: The Implementation of the Competence Based Education and Training in Dar es Salaam and Dodoma Vocational Training Centre’. Unpublished M.Ed. Science dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. Pence, A. and Schafer, J. 2006. ‘Indigenous knowledge and early childhood development in Africa: the early childhood development virtual university’. Journal of Education in International Development 2 (3): 1–16. Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar (RGZ). 2007. ‘Education situation analysis 2007, Vol. 1. Ministry of Education and Vocational Training & Zanzibar Education

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Development Consortium’. http://planipolis.iiep.unesco.org/upload/Tanzania per cent20UR/Zanzibar/Zanzibar-Education-Situation-analysis-2007.pdf [accessed 10 July 2012]. Rodney, W. 1976. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House. Shemwelekwa, R. 2008. ‘The Effectiveness of Adoption of Competence Based Education for Teaching and Learning Mathematics in Secondary Schools in Tanzania’. Unpublished master’s dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. Shewedi, S. E. 2011. ‘Parents’ Negative Attitude Towards the Education of their Special Needs Children in Tanzania: The Case Study of Moshi Selected Integrated Primary Schools’. Unpublished master’s dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. Tilya, F. and Mafumiko, F. 2010. ‘The compatibility between teaching methods and competence-based curriculum in Tanzania’. Papers in Education and Development 29: 37–56. Thompson, A. R. 1968. ‘Ideas Underlying British Colonial Education Policy in Tanganyika’. In Resnick, I. N. (ed.) Tanzania: Revolution by Education. Arusha: Longmans of Tanzania Limited, 15–32. United Republic of Tanzania (URT). 1982. Report of the Presidential Commission on Education. Dar es Salaam: Printpak/MTUU. —1982. Basic Facts about Education in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education. —1995. Education and Training Policy, Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Culture. —2001. Basic Education Master Plan (BEMP). ‘Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Vocational Training’. http://www.mwanza.go.tz/kurasa/nyaraka_mbalimbali/ BEMP.pdf [accessed 4 July 2012]. —2005. ‘Special Education unit. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Vocational Training’. http://www. 216.15.191.173/ceo/special_education.html [accessed 21 August 2012]. —2010. English Language Syllabus for Advanced Secondary Education. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Vocational Training. —2011. Basic Education Statistics in Tanzania (BEST) 2007–2011: Revised National Data. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education – Press ‘A’. Westera, W. 2001. ‘Competences in education: a confusion of tongues’. Journal of Curriculum Studies 33(1): 75–88.

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Uganda: An Overview Stephen Ndawula and David Henry Ngobi

Introduction Uganda is located in the heart of Sub-Saharan Africa and lies astride  the Equator. The total area of the country is about 241,039 square kilometres, of which about 43,942 square kilometres are covered by freshwater bodies  and swamps. Uganda is a country strategically positioned within East and Central Africa, a region that includes some of Africa’s most economically important and resource-rich countries with a substantial market and great future potential. The country is landlocked and borders the Sudan to the north, the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the west, Kenya to the east, and Tanzania and Rwanda to the south.

Societal context Population size Today, the total population of Uganda is 34 million. Fifty-six per cent of the population is below 18 years. The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) is 6.7 children (World Bank, 2011). The same report has mentioned the high fertility rate in Uganda. Causes identified for this include: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

High unmet need for family planning of 41 per cent Low contraceptive use of 24 per cent High desired family size of 5.6 for men and 4.8 for women High teenage pregnancy of 25 per cent Male gender child preference by couples.

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The World Bank report further mentions a high mortality rate being caused by the following: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Maternal mortality is 435 per 100,000 live births Under-five mortality is 137 per 1,000 live births Infant mortality is 76 per 1,000 live births Malaria Respiratory infections.

The causes of child mortality in Uganda include birth-related (more than one-third of infants are at high risk), preventable diseases (malaria, diarrhoea, measles, pneumonia), malnutrition and low full immunization. Major causes of maternal mortality include severe bleeding, infections, unsafe abortion, eclampsia and obstructed labour.

Economy and labour force Uganda is one of the world’s poorest countries. In spite of high GDP growth rates recorded in recent years, most of the population lives in poverty. Agriculture is the most important sector of the economy, employing over 80 per cent of the workforce, with coffee being the main source of foreign trade. The country boasts substantial natural resources including fertile soils, regular rainfalls, small deposits of copper, gold, and recently discovered oil. The total labour force increased from 10.9 million people in 2005/6 to 13.4 million people in 2009/10. The unemployment rate was 9.5 per cent for the urban population and 3.0 per cent for the rural population, and overall unemployment was 4.2 per cent in 2009/10. The majority (66 per cent) of the population is engaged in agriculture, which is highly labour-intensive.

Household characteristics Seventy-nine per cent of the population in rural areas use kerosene lantern (Tadooba) for lighting. Forty-one per cent of the population in urban areas use electricity. In 2005/06, 10 per cent of households used the bush as toilet facility, 86 per cent used pit latrines and 1 per cent used flushing toilets.

Welfare and poverty In 2005/06, 31.1 per cent of the population lived below US$1 per day which

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declined to 24.5 per cent in 2009/10, implying that in 2009, 7.5 million people were living under the poverty level.

Age structure 49.9 per cent of the population falls in the age group 0–14 years, 48.1 per cent in the 15–64 age group, and 2.1 per cent of the population are 65 years of age and older. This age profile shows the results of the effects of the high fertility rate excess mortality due to AIDS, which lowers life expectancy, high infant mortality, higher death rates, lower population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age and sex than would otherwise be expected.

Ethnic groups The ethnic composition of the population is as follows: Baganda 16.9 per cent, Banyakole 9.5 per cent, Basoga 8.4 per cent, Bakiga 6.9 per cent, Iteso 6.4 per cent, Langi 6.1 per cent, Acholi 4.7 per cent, Bagisu 4.6 per cent, Lugbara 4.2 per cent, Bunyoro 2.7 per cent, other 29.6 per cent (2002 census) (MoE GoU, 2011).

Religion 41.9 per cent of the population are Roman Catholics, 42 per cent Protestants (Anglican 35.9 per cent, Pentecostal 4.6 per cent, Seventh-Day Adventist 1.5 per cent), 12.1 per cent are Muslims, 3 per cent adhere to other religions, while 0.9 per cent have no religious affiliation (2002 census).

Languages English is the official national language, which is taught in schools, used in courts of law and by most newspapers and some radio broadcasts. Ganda or Luganda are the most widely used of the Niger-Congo languages, preferred for native language publications in the capital and may be taught in lower grades of schools. Other Niger-Congo languages, Nilo-Saharan languages, Swahili and Arabic are also spoken by sections of the population.

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Literacy According to the 2002 census (most recent) 66.8 per cent of the adult population is literate. The adult male and female literacy rates are respectively 76.8 per cent and 57.7 per cent (2002 census). The youth literacy rate (people in 15–24 age group) in Uganda was last reported at 87.41 in 2010, according to a World Bank report released in 2011.

The education system in Uganda The education system in Uganda consists of pre-primary, primary, secondary and post-secondary or tertiary education. This follows a 2–7–6–3 approach, that is two years in pre-primary, seven in primary, six in secondary (4 years O-level, 2 years A-level), then three years in university, with the exception of students of medicine who range between five and six years’ training.

Pre-primary and primary education The pre-primary and primary education department is part of the Directorate of Basic Education and is headed by the assistant commissioners for the pre-primary and primary sections. Pre-primary education refers to the initial stage of organized instruction, designed primarily to introduce very young children to a school-type environment. The demand for pre-primary education is still low and only about 10 per cent of the total school-going children pass through pre-primary schools in Uganda. There has so far been lack of government control over this sector resulting in questionable trends regarding the content and quality of the curriculum, teaching methods, facilities, age of entry, quality of teachers and school charges, to mention but a few. However, recently, after the restructuring of the Ministry of Education and Sports (MoES), a Department of Pre-Primary and Primary Education (PPED) has been created under a Commissioner with two assistants each in charge of primary and pre-primary respectively. As a result of a joint effort between MoES, Kyambogo University and the National Curriculum Development Centre (NCDC), with support from UNICEF, a list of pre-primary schools has been generated and a pre-primary school curriculum has been produced. The demand for primary education has radically increased with the introduction in 1997 of free primary education for four children in every family.

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This saw school enrolment increase from two million pupils in 1986 to over six million by 1999 after the introduction of Universal Primary Education in 1996. There are variations, however, between urban and rural areas, with the former having more permanent schools and better teaching and instructional materials than the latter. The current population in primary schools is estimated to be over seven million children. The pupil-to-teacher ratio stands at 48.6 (World Bank, 2011). Primary education provides children with basic reading, writing (Literacy 1 and 2 respectively) especially in lower classes, English Language, Mathematics skills, Physical Education, Art, and Music (PAPE I and II respectively), then Science and Health Education, Social Studies.

Special needs education Although all children have a right to be educated, this right was not easy to be implemented earlier. Children with disabilities were neither being catered for nor considered worthy of education. Uganda, like all developing countries, saw the need to develop the activities of special education to meet the needs of children with disabilities. In the beginning, the provision of special education was purely in the hands of the non-governmental organizations (NGOs), who were mainly missionaries and some families who needed to educate their children or relatives. The development of services for persons with disabilities was either hindered or accelerated by the preconceptions a community had concerning the target group. The Ugandan government did not pass any legislation as regards the education of persons with disability before 1980. People with disabilities were taken as sick, possessed or cast. This greatly affected the delivery of educational services to them. The Ministry of Education then established a sector of Special Education within its structure in 1983. The section was run by one person and was under-funded. Most of the activities conducted at that time still depended on the NGOs. The Kajubi Commission was set up in 1987 and submitted a report in 1989 stressing the need for support for special education activities by government in the country. This was reflected later in the 1992 Government White Paper on Education. Since then, the government has increasingly provided support for special education. Through the Jomtien Declaration of 1990, world leaders pledged to ensure the right to education for all regardless of individual differences. The World

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Declaration on Education for All, Article 1, reads that ‘every person, child, youth and adult shall be able to benefit from educational opportunities designed to meet their basic learning needs’. Uganda is a signatory to this agreement. This influenced the educational provision for children with special needs in Uganda and meant that even children with special needs were to benefit or be catered for under the educational provision in the country. In 1994 came the Salamanca Agreement. This marked a milestone in the provision of educational services to all children with special needs. The Salamanca Agreement came at a time when Uganda was finalizing work on her constitution. Article 30 of the 1995 Constitution provides for the rights to education for all. Article 35 of the same constitution states that ‘Persons with disabilities have a right to respect and human dignity, and the State and Society shall take appropriate measures to ensure that they realize their full mental and physical potential’. Subsequent development came with the declaration of Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1996 and its implementation in 1997. A Special Needs Education (SNE)/Education Assessment Resource Services (EARS) programme was established by the Ministry of Education and Sports (MoES). Its objective was to provide a comprehensive programme of assistance to learners between the ages of 0 to 18 years who have special educational needs, and to provide the necessary support to these learners, parents, teachers and other service providers. The aim was to provide equal educational opportunities to all children with special needs. Since the establishment of this programme, Centres have been built in 45 districts with district support and funded by DANIDA. It is assumed that the remaining 11 districts will have their plans included in the local government development plan and EARS will therefore be constructed under the same arrangement. With restructuring of the MoES in 1999, a fully fledged department known as Special Needs Education/Guidance and Counselling has been established and staffed. The single member of staff that it had in 1983 has now been replaced by a team of fourteen, namely: MM

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Commissioner Assistant Commissioner, Special Education Assistant Commissioner, Guidance and Counselling Two Principal Education Officers Two Senior Education Officers Two Education Officers One personal secretary

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One steno secretary One copy typist One office messenger One driver.

Arising from the April 2001 ESR, the department was charged with the responsibility of devising an affordable policy framework for educationally disadvantaged children. A task force was formed immediately and three studies were commissioned and final reports submitted to the task force. Two consultation workshops have been conducted, one at Masaka for South Western Region and the other at Sports View Hotel Kireka for Central Region. A draft policy is in place and has been discussed by Sector Policy and Management (SPM) Working Group, the Education Sector Consultative Committee (ESSC). Education Funding Agencies (EFAG) submitted comments on the document on 4 October 2002. Three more regional awareness/consultative workshops were conducted with an objective of receiving more views and gaining more consensuses about the policy. The policy was finally presented, discussed and passed with amendments during the October 2002 Education Sector Review (ESR). The SNE/EARS programme has constructed 45 office blocks and furnished them in 45 districts. In the same districts, three staff houses have also been built. Six so-called small homes have been constructed. These are houses where the children can live during school times and go to their homes either on weekends or school holidays. The small homes are equipped with bunk beds and mattresses. These small homes are mainly for children with hearing impairment and are located at: MM

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Kapchorwa Demostration School in Kapchorwa District Rutsya Primary School in Mbarara District Laroo Primary School in Gulu Ojwina Primary School in Lira District Toroma Girls Primary School in Katakwi District Rukoki Model Primary School in Kasese District.

Resource rooms were also established. These are classrooms with specialized equipment and educational materials where children with special learning needs can be withdrawn for extra-specialized teaching based on their needs. The following schools/units had resource rooms constructed for them: MM

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Tukore Invalids Salvation Primary School in Mbarara District Arua Primary School in Arua District

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Badadiri Primary School in Mbale District Father Hilders Primary School in Soroti District Nakatunya Primary School in Soroti District Mpondwe Primary School in Kasese District Agururu Primary School in Tororo District Kyambogo Primary School in Kampala District Entebbe Children’s Welfare Unit in Wakiso District Gulu Prison in Gulu District Luwero Boys Primary School in Luwero District Iganga Dem. School in Iganga District Buckley High School in Iganga District Magale Primary School in Mbale District.

Under School Facility Grant (SFG) and School Completion Grant (SCF), structural plans have been designed to cater for the needs of children with disability, for example by providing them with ramps, large doors and disability-friendly toilets. The government promised the construction of two Special Primary Schools for 2003/04. A stakeholders meeting was held to select the sites. The following districts were chosen: Gulu district for children with motor impairment and Mukono district for children with visual impairment. The following items have been procured and distributed to districts/units/ special schools: MM

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Double cabin pick-ups for 45 districts to facilitate the movement of the staff 1653 bicycles were procured and distributed to teachers referred to as Special Needs Education Coordinators (SNECOs) Eight Shown down tables and Bell balls have been procured and distributed to schools/units for children with visual impairment to promote sports activities 600 volumes of Braille books for P.5–7 have been procured and distributed to schools/units for children with visual impairment 600 Braille kits were procured and distributed to schools supporting learners with visual impairment 600 more Braille kits are in the procuring process for students in secondary schools 40 units of vocational toolboxes are in the procuring process to support vocational training

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Under Cycle 4 some textbooks are being Brailled at Uganda National Institute of Special Education (UNISE) for students who are blind.

A budget line of 389 million shillings was allocated under Medium Term Budget Framework (MTBF) to fund some of the activities in the department during 2002/2003. Ninety-two Special Schools and Units catering for 2,100 children with disabilities are receiving subvention grants. This is to enable them provide for items such as specialized scholastic materials, simple medicines and feeding. Kyambogo University is the only university in Uganda which trains teachers for children with special needs. The Faculty of Special Needs and Community Habilitation offers training at Bachelors Degree, Diploma and Certificate levels. A course in Sign Language is also being conducted. Materials for people with special needs such as white canes for the blind are being produced in the production unit at the faculty.

Secondary education in Uganda In Uganda, secondary education was started by the missionaries, led by the Anglicans and the French Catholics. Mission schools were established in Uganda in the 1890s, and in 1924 the colonial government established the first secondary schools for Africans. By 1950 the colonial government operated only three of the 50 secondary schools for Africans. These were King’s College Budo, Gayaza High School for Girls and Mengo Secondary School. Three other schools were privately funded and 47 were operated by religious organizations. From 1962 to 1971, the government of Uganda built 156 secondary schools and a further 326 between 1980 and 1985. Following the overthrow of the UPC Government of Apollo Milton Obote in 1985 and during the short-lived government of Tito Okello Lutwa from 1985 to 1986, the quality of education in government-aided secondary schools dropped due to civil war, dilapidated school infrastructure, poor remuneration of teachers and under-funding in the education sector. Uganda’s education system lost value and by 1990 adult literacy nationwide was estimated at 50 per cent. The tough economic conditions led to mass exodus of teachers to neighbouring countries such as Kenya, Botswana and South Africa, where teachers were better paid. This scenario led to the growth of many private schools between 1986 and the 1990s. Secondary education became very expensive and there was a very high dropout rate.

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In 1989 the government of Uganda under the National Resistance Movement, a commission under Professor Senteza Kajubi was set up to review the education system in Uganda and the relevance of its curriculum. The commission came up with a document entitled the Government White Paper in Education 1992. The white paper adopted the recommendation of the commission to make teaching of core sciences subjects like physics, chemistry and biology compulsory alongside the traditionally compulsory subjects of English and mathematics. The aim was to enable the graduates of secondary schools to obtain the skills that would enable them to live in the changing economy; the commission further recommended the universalizing of secondary education, the abolition of school fees in secondary schools, and the establishment of one secondary school in every subcounty (seed schools) to make secondary education accessible and affordable to all. In 2007, following the recommendation endorsed and adopted in the Government White Paper, the government of Uganda introduced the universal post-primary education and training (UPPET) or universal secondary education (USE) by making secondary education free from Senior 1 to Senior 4. Under this scheme the government remits Ugsh 41,000 per child per term. In 2012 the government again rolled out free education for students in Senior 5 under a programme called Universal Post O-level Education and Training (UPOLET), Uganda thereby becoming the first country in Sub-Saharan Africa to begin the implementation of free secondary education. Under the secondary scheme, students who achieve aggregate 28 and below in primary leaving exams will study free for four years and those who achieve aggregate 59 and below in Uganda Certificate of Education are eligible to study free for two years, Senior 5 and 6, in public schools and participating private schools. The government also signed a memorandum of understanding between private schools who wish to implement free secondary education. Under this programme the government remits the equivalent of US$52 per student spread over the three school terms. Parents, on the other hand, have to provide the students with uniforms, stationary and meals. Currently, 917 government-aided schools and 882 private schools are participating in USE and UPOLET programmes. According to the directorate of basic and secondary education at the MoES, the scheme led to an increase in enrolment from 50 per cent to 62 per cent and the number of O-level candidates in the country increased by 54 per cent in 2011. The directorate further said that the government has increased funding for secondary schools to recruit more teachers. Under the APL project funded

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by African Development Bank, each school under the project has been allocated 347,800,000 to construct more classrooms, a library and twelve stance toilets. Funds are also provided for the constructions of laboratories and purchase of textbooks to secondary schools. A recent study also found that the secondary school scheme had particularly increased public school enrolment of the girl child from poor households from 10.6 per cent in 2005 to 15 per cent in 2009. The enrolment shot up from a few hundred in 2006 to 3,000 students in 2012, of which 45 per cent were girls and 55 per cent boys. In addition the system created more jobs, as many schools were built as a result. However, critics of this programme say the USE scheme has not improved education; for instance, a UN report said Africa had the worst secondary school enrolment rate in the world, with only 34 per cent of school-age children enrolled in class. Girls and poor young people comprised the greater portion of those denied access to secondary education due to financial and cultural constraints. In a study conducted by survey for war-affected youth, the enrolment ratio of girls in the Kitgum district of northern Uganda stood at 8 per cent only (SWAY, cited in Blattman et al., 2008). This study is confirmed by the 2010 Oversea Development Institute report that the education system in Uganda has not improved. This report can be summed up by what Wanyama said, that insufficient teachers and lack of equipment to meet the growing class size make the quality of the USE product poor. To crown it all, the performance of USE schools in national examinations conducted by Uganda National Examination Board (UNEB) over the last five years has been very low. The poor performance in USE rural schools has led to migration of students from rural USE schools to urban private schools.

Private schools in Uganda In Uganda private schools were first established in 1925 on the initiative of African teachers. Initially, these schools were not accorded the due attention from the colonial government in terms of funding, professional supervision and advice. Reuben Ssebbanja was the first teacher to open up a private school at Degeya near Bombo in Luwero district. Ssebbanja had graduated as a teacher at Mukono teacher training school which was then run by the Church Missionary Society in 1911, but by 1925 he detached himself from that church (Ssekamwa, 1997). Aggrey Memorial School was another private school established in Uganda at Bunamwaya in 1942.

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What prompted some Ugandans to establish private schools? The following are some of the reasons why some Ugandans pioneered the establishment of private schools in Uganda. First and foremost, the protestant and Roman catholic missionaries did not give Ugandan teachers the chance to have a say in the direction of schools, so that Ugandans who had good and progressive ideas as to how education should be in Uganda had no platform to air and implement their ideas. Second, the pioneers of these schools were not content with the curriculum of the colonial masters, which emphasized too much reading, writing and arithmetic at all levels of the education structure. Consequently students who gained their qualifications in those schools left without any other skills to use in everyday life. Therefore pioneers of private schools in Uganda began to set up schools determined to teach practical skills combined with academic knowledge to pupils and students. Third, the early pioneers of private schools wanted to provide further education facilities for children of Uganda. There were many children who did not get access to good schools since these were mainly for the sons and daughters of the chiefs. Fourth, the pioneers of private schools in Uganda hated being rubbished by the European missionaries. They were men with ideas along with determination to pursue a logical conclusion of what they had decided to do. Fifth, the rigid moral code which missionaries applied to both the teachers and students was another reason as to why pioneers decided to start their own schools. In their drive to promote Christian doctrines in the country, the missionaries demanded strict compliance with Christian practices by the teachers and pupils. The teachers had to act as a good example to be followed by their students and by the public at large. Further, private schools were not in support of denominational education, on the grounds that this would cause disunity among Ugandans. Roman Catholic, Protestant and Muslim children were made to look at themselves as if they did not belong to one country by attending separate schools in terms of their religions. The pioneers deemed it necessary for Ugandans who joined schools to learn to use English to help them understand the white man. But missionaries were insisting that English had to be taught from primary year five onward.

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Current requirements for establishing a private school according to the Uganda Education Act, 2008 1. In Uganda it is mandatory that anyone establishing a private education institution applies to the Permanent Secretary, Chief Administrative Officer or Town Clerk, to be approved as a suitable applicant. This applicant shall be of good repute with the required funds to run the type of institution proposed to be established. The forwarded application seeks advice and approval of the ministry responsible for education, district or urban council, as the case may be, in respect of the following matters: a. Whether the proposed school forms or will form part of the education development plan prepared or approved by the committee responsible for education for a given area. b. Whether the proposed school meets or will meet the educational needs of the country or area, as the case may be. 2. An application for establishing a private school by the prospective school owner shall be supported by at least three persons of high integrity and good standing in the area of the applicant where the education institution is to be established. 3. Before the application is approved, the prospective school owner shall be required to fulfil the following: a. Have the building plans, lease offers, agreements and land titles for the proposed new school or for extension or alterations to some existing building, as the case may be, approved by the district education committees. b. Have the completed buildings inspected and approved by the appropriate authorities. c. Undertake to engage a head teacher who, in the opinion of the Permanent Secretary, chief administrative officer or town clerk, is suitable for the type of school he intends to establish. d. Satisfy the Permanent Secretary, chief administrative officer or town clerk, that the teachers to be engaged in the education institution are eligible to teach in the type of school he or she intends to establish and the facilities for it are adequate for the school it purports to be. e. Ensure that the physical, health and moral welfare of the pupils are or will be adequately provided for. f. Undertake that the school will not refuse admission to any pupil on any discriminatory grounds.

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g. Ensure that the school environment is conducive for pupils with special needs. h. In case of registering a school, show evidence of landownership. i. Satisfy the Permanent Secretary, chief administrative officer or town clerk, that the terms and conditions of service of employment for teaching and non-teaching staff are adequate. 4. For the purpose of this section, buildings in semi-permanent material shall be acceptable as suitable if they are approved by the appropriate authorities.

Registration of private schools If, after a period of two school years, the Permanent Secretary, chief administrative officer or town clerk, is satisfied: a. That the school provisionally licensed is properly run and organized, then he or she shall issue a certificate of registration and classification; b. That all or any of the conditions set under this Act have not been fulfilled, he or she may: i. Extend the provisional licence for a further period not exceeding one school year; or ii. Order the school to be closed.

Register of private schools The Permanent Secretary, chief administrative officer or town clerk, shall maintain a register of private schools classified by him or her under section 33 in which he or she shall enter the particulars of every private education institution classified by him or her.

Management of private schools 1. Every school owner shall manage his or her school in such way that the objectives of education as specified in this Act are observed. 2. The school owner may charge such school dues as the management committee or board of governors may prescribe from time to time. 3. The Minister or district education officer may from time to time issue instructions to school owners on aspects of management of schools with a view to safeguarding the interests of the pupils and every school owner shall comply with such instructions.

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4. Every school owner shall establish for his or her school a board of governors or a management committee, in accordance with the regulations 5. Every school owner shall prepare an annual budget estimate of his or her school and shall, on request made by an inspector of schools or an officer of the Ministry responsible for education, make it available for inspection.

Higher education in Uganda In Uganda, universities and other post-secondary institutions constitute higher education. Higher education was initiated by the Europeans, who were the colonial masters of Uganda. By 2011, Uganda had 29 universities, of which five are public and 24 are private. Makerere is the oldest university, initially established in 1922 as a technical school. By then the institution was known as the Uganda Technical College. It had begun with 14 students doing Carpentry, Building and Mechanics to supply low-cost labour to the colonial government and the missionaries. Later in 1949, it became a university college specially related to the College of London. In 1963 Makerere was established as the University of East Africa, marking the end of the special relationship with the University of London, and starting the degrees of the University of East Africa. In 1970 Makerere became an independent national University of the Republic of Uganda. With its 22 faculties now merged into eight colleges, Makerere University has a student population of about 4,000 and is the largest university in Uganda. Makerere University is one of Africa’s most impressive examples of institutional reform in higher education (World Bank, 2001). Mbarara University of Science and Technology (MUST) is a public university founded in 1989 to address the shortage of scientists in Uganda and to instil a sense of community service in its students. MUST was the second public university to be founded in Uganda. Kyambogo University is the second-largest university in the country, established on 18 July 2003 as a public university by merging three institutions. The university has six faculties with a total student enrolment of around 16,547. Before the merger of Kyambogo University in 2003, all Bachelors Degree programmes were affiliated to Makerere University. Gulu University is located in Gulu Municipality and was established at the same time as Kyambogo University in 2003. The main campus of Gulu University is located approximately 320 kilometres by road north of Kampala. Busitema University (BU) is the latest of the public universities in Uganda

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founded in 2007 with a main focus on the instruction of agriculture-related study programmes. The higher education curriculum in Uganda has undergone reforms in line with modernization and globalization. Through strengthening Information and Communication Technology (ICT) to suit the current demands and expectations, higher education is being challenged by new opportunities relating to appropriate technologies accessed by students. Using technology to enhance student learning in universities has become an important area for discussion and study. ICT devices are recently emerging technologies that have become an integral part of higher education system. The donor projects have greatly extended assistance to support use of ICT in universities. Government funding for higher education has been declining over the years due in large part to the financial constraints brought about by the exceptional growth at the lower levels of education. Higher education received about 10 per cent of a total ministry budget of Ushs, 619.93 billion, in the 2004/05 budget year (MoES, 2005), a rate that has remained more or less constant since the mid-1990s despite the massive enrolment increases. The revenue support for higher education and the great expansion of enrolments are through cost-sharing and private sponsorship. The government sponsors 4,000 students (about one-fifth of total university entrants). These students, who are fully financed by the government (tuition fees, room and board), attend only public universities. A fee collected from students by the university is retained for university-wide activities (supplementing staff salaries, staff development and research) and the remainder is sent to the incomegenerating units (faculties and institutes.) The distribution amounts are set by the University Council and vary according to the university. The total collection from students’ fees is too meagre to accomplish the funding of higher education. For example, since 2000 Makerere University gets approximately UGX 300 million (equivalent to approx. US$ 17,000) annually as students’ contribution to support research. As a solution, public universities have taken initiatives to bridge the deficit through sponsorship (donor agents). Currently Uganda has a number of donor agencies that sponsor higher education in both private and public institutions. The African Virtual University (AVU) jointly with the African Development Bank (ADB) has funded the ICT-supported distance teacher education programmes for in-service student teachers at public universities in Uganda. AVU has set up a satellite station at Kyambogo for on-line communication. AVU intends to use SMS (text messaging) as one way students can access tutor

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support for their on-line programmes. Being a ‘virtual’, AVU is not meant to have a campus or faculty of its own in Uganda; instead it utilizes facilities, programmes and courses offered by other member universities. On-line modules have been accomplished and can be accessed from OER @AVU [Open Education Resources @ AVU].

Vocational education in Uganda In Uganda vocational education aims to prepare people for specific careers at various levels from a trade, craft, technician or professional position in engineering, accountancy, nursing, medicine, architecture, pharmacy, law etc. Craft vocation, which is usually based on manual or practical activities (traditionally non-academic), is sometimes referred to as technical education. Vocational education is provided to children in preparation for jobs or an occupation that does not require a certificate qualification.

Evolution of vocational education in Uganda Vocational education in Uganda was introduced by the Christian missionaries (1877–96) with the aim of teaching some Ugandans basic practical skills in the fields of carpentry, brick-laying etc., which would supplement the activities of the Church and improve the welfare of the natives and prepare them for world society economically and politically, although the scheme faced hardships such as prohibitive costs, shortage of manpower (teachers) and language barriers. It also lacked scholastic material infrastructure and other resources necessary for education. Therefore the work done was always of low quality, partly due to the challenges already examined above. However the government intervention into education system (1925), by grading schools, provided a step towards improving the technical schools. The Phelps-Stokes Education Commission (1924–7) contributed significantly to the development of vocational education during pre-independence times, as it recommended the curriculum be reorganized (adapted) and made relevant to the needs of the Uganda community. In response, attempts were made to vocationalize education at primary school level, the teaching of agriculture, art and craft was started and continued up to the 1950s, and the government set up central schools to teach agriculture, typing, handicrafts and other practical skills at the post-primary level.

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From the above background the government of Uganda has put in place commissions of education whose terms of reference are intended to explore ways of making formal education relevant to the needs of the people of Uganda in support of vocational education. The Kajubi Commission of 1987–9 observed that since education at all levels was too academic and theoretically oriented, students did not learn the necessary skills and knowledge to make them independent productive members of the society. Learners resort to white-collar jobs and are ill prepared for earning a living using their hands, thus the education system had been producing job-seekers rather than job-makers (GoU, 1992). The commission also observed the fact that vocational subjects are expensive and require special teachers, equipment, buildings, workshops and laboratories. By 1938, after successfully completing the secondary school course and passing the examination, students would proceed to Makerere College, an international college for East Africa; vocational education was to be provided by technical schools and gradually courses to commercial studies were phased out of secondary school. This was because the missionaries and articulate African opinion considered practical and manual education as inadequate preparation for leadership and the career needs of the students.

Agriculture and technical education in Uganda Agricultural education In 1940 there was a government senior agricultural officer in charge of development of agriculture in schools. Agriculture was taught in missionary schools, which included keeping school gardens. Students graduating from farm schools were not demonstrators but were followed by their instructors to monitor their progress and give further help. In 1948 a conference of head teachers advised that each school should be attached to a post-primary class that would give training in agriculture and handicrafts to pupils. As a result secondary schools developed school farms, extended gardens and increased the amount of agricultural training. Land conservation and crop rotation were practised, new crops introduced, pruning of plants and pest control were carried out. Nonetheless, the move included no exciting agricultural methods and was fully characterized with labour-intensive techniques. It was also one avenue for punishing pupils who misbehaved in school by tasking them to dig in the school garden. This was a common form of punishment administered to pupils, which made the discipline unpopular

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among learners. This kind of punishment created hatred for agriculture among children, since it was for those who could not excel in academic subjects. Therefore learners considered people who cultivated land as wrong-doers or failures in life. Parents also hoped that their children should get qualifications and ‘good jobs’ that were superior to cultivation. The prices for agricultural produces kept fluctuating despite the high input costs. Perhaps if the prices had kept rising it would have attracted parents to encourage their children to study agriculture. The time allocated to agriculture on the timetable gave a feeling that academic education is more important. For instance, more time was allocated to academic work and when it came to national exams, agriculture was hardly considered. It should be noted that in 1950 the education department started a system of farm schools where pupils completing primary education with no other place to go to attended to round off their education for two years. They learnt crops and animal husbandry, carpentry and smith work, arithmetic and simplified instructions in costing and accounting. However some farm schools made simple tools and seeds available to trainees on completion of their training course and initial advisory services which lasted for a year. But by 1960 the future of these farm schools was declining and farm schools were reduced to only two: Bukalasa and Arapai. Administrators at higher levels were trained at Makerere University faculty of agriculture. District farm institutions were developed to provide short courses to farmers in each district and also follow them up. At the moment key agricultural research and training institutions in Uganda include Makerere University, Kyambogo University, Mbarara Zonal Agricultural Research and Development Institute (MBAZARDI), Kawanda Agricultural Research Institute, National Crops Resources Research Institute at Namulonge, Wakiso District, Arapai Agricultural College, Bukalasa Agricultural College, Mbuye Farm School and National Agricultural Research Organization at Entebbe.

Technical education When technical education was being introduced in Uganda, people had a feeling that it was meant for low achievers in schools. They looked on the technical schools as an institution for those who had no mental capacity for a regular education. Kampala technical was one of the pioneer institutions, opened in 1954. It offered courses for technical teacher trainees so as to reduce the shortage of African technical instructors. Even though opportunities were

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offered to Ugandans in technical training education, the trainees were always few due to the following reasons: MM

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The low social status accorded to graduates of technical institutions discouraged many to take up technical training. In 1957 students of Kampala technical institution went on strike because of inadequate technical courses, complaining that the institute teachers and their courses were not up to standard.

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To stimulate intellectual and technical growth of learners in order for them to make productive members of the society To produce craftsmen and women to meet the demands of industry, agriculture and commerce To facilitate interpretation, application and translation of basic knowledge into productive work To inculcate an appreciation of labour and environment as a resource for utilization and conservation of environmental heritage To refine or improve and consolidate the indigenous artistic and technological skills in order to produce objects of cultural value To encourage the learners to engage in productive activities which make them self-reliant.

Aims of vocational education in teacher education institutions MM

MM

MM

To produce a teacher who can vocationalize the curriculum by strengthening the practical aspects in the existing subjects To produce a teacher who can serve both classroom and the community with academic and practical skills To produce a teacher who appreciate the role of a multi-classroom teacher who can solve practical problems and use the local resources creatively

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To produce a teacher who is familiar with the use of various tools and possesses indigenous skills.

The need for vocational education in Uganda Education is considered an investment as it equips people with occupation skills. The skills acquired have enabled human beings to utilize the environment for survival and suitably live in it. Vocational education is therefore useful as it helps: 1. To earn a living. 2. To use the environment for survival and conserve it. 3. To be creative and originate skills and work that can make one become a job creator. The role of the school should therefore: MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

Form learning on the needs of children and therefore make them problemsolving oriented Make education meaningful to the parents as they see their children participate practically in practical activities at home Make teaching and learning practical, participatory and pupil-centred Endeavour to identify the child’s potential and develop it for maximum utility for individual and societal progress Initiate income-generating projects, e.g. vegetable growing, poultry keeping and tree planting, to enable emulate them in their home Make children utilize all the knowledge acquired in any subject for survival, e.g. in language one can write stories or articles in magazine to earn a living. In PE you can encourage children to become sportsmen, in music one can compose a song and sell it Help to reduce the rural-urban migration by emphasizing creativity Initiate positive attitudes and values for the environment.

Hindrances to provision of vocational education in Uganda MM

MM

Vocational education is expensive in terms of learning materials. Lack of provision of appropriate materials makes it difficult for many vocational schools to function well The nature of an education system which has been white-collar job-oriented has created a negative attitude towards vocational education courses. People

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MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

MM

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think that vocational education is for children who are academically weak, hence parents and learners have a negative attitude towards it The practical aspects are less emphasized in the curriculum as depicted by time or hours located for practical work. All teaching in our education system is examination-oriented. Most of the vocation education subjects are not examined, thus less attention is given to teaching them There is a lack of teachers and instructors in areas of vocational education. This makes the implementation of the curriculum difficult. Levels of motivation for vocational work are limited to both teachers and students. What is generally carried out is co-curricular (extra) activity Vocational skills require that the student has capital in order for him/her to utilize them effectively; many people have a problem securing the capital funds to buy equipment Graduates expect a lot from the government after qualifying yet they are not recruited by government in employment There are no built structures in many schools for vocational education instruction. Lessons are conducted under trees Officials who are meant to implement vocational education programmes are taken up by embezzlement, e.g. the percentage of UPE for vocational education is never used up in any schools Production through vocational/technical education by someone who went through academic assessment procedures that are poorly correlated with market demand in many cases It takes a long process for a student to join higher education through vocational/technical education Gender inequality – females tends to be seriously under-represented in vocational education VET tends to be certificate-led rather than labour market-led Poor management of the training process, because most training programmes are based on time spent rather than on skills acquired and this results in wastage of resources.

However some achievements have been registered by the government of Uganda in an effort to vocationalize the education system, including: MM

Vocationalizing pre-primary and primary school curriculum with introduction of Integrated Production Skills, CAPEs I and II (Creative Arts and Physical Education), although it has not been examined at PLE .This creates the danger of teachers avoiding teaching it

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In addition to the above, secondary education curriculum has been revised with an emphasis on vocational subjects as recommended by the Kajubi Report 1987 and the 1992 Government White Paper on Education (Stage 2) R.116 326 Also the revision of the PTC curriculum, which was implemented in 2013, is aiming at solving most of the challenges that vocational education for a long time has faced in primary schools through the introduction of Integrated Production Skills (IPS) with components of Art and Design, Home Economics, Entrepreneurship, Agriculture and cross-cutting issues such as gender and HIV. Although this is examined it has not yet been made a core subject.

References Birungi Zinomuhangi Medad. 2001. ‘History of Education Kyambogo University’, unpublished August 2011. Blattman, C., Carlson, L. L. M. and Mazukara, D. 2008. ‘The State of Female Youth in Uganda: Findings from the survey of war-affected youth (SWAY)’ www. swayuganda.org [accessed 11 February 2014]. Government of Uganda (GoU). 1992. The Government White Paper on Education. Np. ‘Education for National Integration and Development’ KAMPALA, April 1992. Ministry of Education and Sports (MoES). 2005. Education Sector Annual Performance Report. http://www.education.go.ug/Final per cent20ESAPR2005.htm [accessed 27 April 2006]. Ministry of Health, Government of Uganda (MoE GoE). 2011. ‘2011 AIDS Indicator Survey’. Kampala: Ministry of Health. Ssekamwa, J. C. 1997. History and Development of Education in Uganda. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. The Education (Pre-primary, Primary and Post-primary) Act. 2008. UPPC, Entebbe. Uganda Bureau of Statistics. 2014. http://www.ubos.org [accessed 11 February 2014]. World Bank. 2011. ‘A Chance to Learn: Knowledge and Finance for Education in Sub-Saharan Africa’. Washington: World Bank, Sector Assistance Strategy, Regional Human Development Family, Africa Region.

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17

Zambia: An Overview of Formal Education Gift Masaiti and Joseph Chita

Introduction Zambia attained its political independence from Britain in 1964. Before this period there were 75 years of colonial administration during which most of the provision of education was mainly in the hands of missionaries (Simposya, 2003). At independence there were already two education systems running parallel on racial lines: well-financed, for colonial masters, and poorly financed and basic for the natives (Simposya, 2003). After independence, the decade which followed (1964–74) is still considered by many researchers as a period of relative success in development of the country’s infrastructure, and also social-economic gains (Kelly, 1991; Carmody, 2004). It is within this period that Zambia realized formal education up to university level. In 1975, Zambia’s economic fortunes plummeted with the world decline in the price of copper, Zambia’s main export. The next 15 years saw negligible GDP growth, high rates of joblessness and the increasing inability of the state to finance basic health, sanitation and education services for its citizens (Gillies, 2010). In the context of education commentators, they called the provision as ‘education in the declining economy’. In 1991, Zambia reverted to a multiparty system of government. The state of Zambia’s education sector in 1991 was influenced by the copper crisis, Zambia’s subsequent economic decline, the deterioration of government institutions and services, and the increasing demand for education (Gillies, 2010). Embroiled in debt, in early the 2000s Zambia’s economy began to grow and the country reached HIPC (Highly Indebted Poor Country) Completion Point, releasing it from 15 years of the restrictions and ‘conditionalities’ of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), as well as the majority of its external debt. After this relief we see that the education system became relatively better,

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though major challenges still remained the hallmark of the education system in Zambia (Gillies, 2010). Currently, Zambia’s education system comprises pre-schools, basic schools, high schools, teacher training, technical education, entrepreneurial and vocational training, and universities (MoE, 2009). Several bodies, such as the Ministry of Education (MoE) and the Ministry of Science, Technology and Vocational Training (MSTVT), regulate the education system in Zambia. At the primary level, free and compulsory education is not a constitutional right, although Zambia has agreed to implement its education programme within the frameworks of human rights, the Education for All (EFA) platforms and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (UNDP, 2011). Under the existing Free Primary Education Policy, education is free up to grade 7. This does not mean, however, that it comes without costs or is equitably accessible. Parents still have to bear indirect costs due to charges such as parent-teacher association fees (UNDP, 2011). The increased participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in providing basic schools and expanded frontline delivery systems through decentralization and de-concentration has redefined accountability among stakeholders (UNDP, 2011). The private sector is mostly focused on urban areas; at present it owns a good number of pre-schools, primary and secondary schools, and is becoming increasingly active in entrepreneurial and vocational training and university education (UNDP, 2011). We now attempt to outline in relative detail the historical and political background, current basic structures, goals and priorities, equity issues, curriculum, teacher issues and other main salient issues pertaining to the current education system.

Historical and political background in context of education Zambia’s political background can be discussed under the following historical periods: pre-colonial (before 1890); BSA Co rule (1890 to 1924); colonial era (1924 to 1964); and post-colonial periods (1964 to the present) (Mwanakatwe, 1968; Carmody, 2004). Thus, before the advent of any foreign rule prior to the 1890s, traditional chiefs ruled. In this regard, the chiefs had the mandate to run the affairs of the various chiefdoms. In 1890, the British South African Company (BSA Co) took over the governance of Northern Rhodesia (present Zambia) through the Lochner Treaty (Rotberg, 1965).

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The treaty gave the BSA Co free land in what later became known as NorthWestern Rhodesia. Upon taking over the administration of the territory, the BSA Co introduced a foreign and different pattern of government. The country was divided into North-Eastern and North-Western Rhodesia in 1895 for administrative purposes. In 1911, the two artificial parts were merged to be become Northern Rhodesia under the British Administrator, Sir Lawrence Wallace (Roberts, 1981). In 1924, the British Crown, as agreed upon with the BSA Co, assumed the administration of the country in order to make it a protectorate, the first Governor being Sir Herbert James Stanley on 1 April 1924 (Mwanakatwe, 1968). The British Colonial Office took over the administration of the territory from the BSA Co. Unlike the BSA Co, the British colonial state administration was more elaborate. Under the British Colonial Office in London was the Governor of Northern Rhodesia, who was assisted by the Secretary of State at the capital (Mwanakatwe, 1968). Others included the Provincial Commissioners at Provincial headquarters and District Commissioners, District Officers and Assistant District Officers at district and sub-district centres. There was a High Court Judge assisted by other judges, Magistrates and Assistant Magistrates at lower levels to provide judicial services, a Legislative Council (Legco) and European settler representatives for Africans to ensure some checks and balances (Roberts, 1981). Additionally, there were Native Authorities built around chiefs through which the colonial state administered the people (Roberts, 1981). During colonial rule, Zambia was administered through ‘indirect rule’ whereby chiefs assumed subordinate roles. As such, there was a creation of Western educated auxiliary elite and recourse to chiefs and other so-called traditional authorities to help administer the colony (Chipungu, 1992). As a way of financing the administration of the territory, measures such as native taxation were introduced. In 1953, Northern Rhodesia became part of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland by an Order in Council and Sir Roy Welensky, a Rhodesian politician, was very instrumental in the creation of the federation. The federation lasted for ten years, with Zambia becoming independent under the leadership of Kenneth Kaunda’s United National Independence Party (UNIP) in 1964 (Chipungu, 1992). Zambia became an independent nation in 1964 with a multi-party democracy up to 1972, when it changed to a one-party system of governance. This lasted up to 1991 when the country reverted to a multi-party system of democratic

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governance (Noorjer and Siakanomba, 2008). From 1964 to 1991, Zambia was ruled by UNIP under the one-party state, which had its own policies anchored on humanism. When the winds of democratic change swept through Africa and Zambia in particular, the one-party state of Kenneth Kaunda was not spared and thus, a new regime was ushered into office (Movement for Multi Party Democracy – MMD) under Frederick Chiluba. The Chiluba regime undertook a massive privatization policy, which had far-reaching implications for the nation. The MMD was in power for 20 years (during which three presidents presided over Zambia, Chiluba, Mwanawasa, and finally Banda) paving the way for the Patriotic Front government, which succeeded the MMD in 2011. All these political parties have had their own agendas, which undoubtedly has had an impact on the provision of education in Zambia. What then does the history of education in Zambia look like?

History of education in Zambia Discussing educational development in Zambia without mentioning the missionaries is incomplete. Had it not been for the missionaries, primary and secondary education could have delayed coming to Zambia much longer than was the case (Simposya, 2003). Thus, Zambia owes a great deal to the early missionaries for its educational system. The missionaries laid the foundation on which Zambia continued to build (Simposya, 2003). What has been largely referred to as formal education began with the advent of mission Christianity in Zambia in the nineteenth century; missionaries had set off to spread Christianity in Central Africa and Zambia in particular after the death of David Livingstone in 1873 at Chitambo village in Zambia. Following Livingstone’s death, Zambia was opened up to missionary influence (Snelson, 1974). The first school to be established was at Sefula, where Frederick Arnot, a Brethren missionary, founded a school in 1883. Arnot taught the alphabet, numbers and the New Testament (Carmody, 2004). Though the school was short-lived, it introduced a concept which laid a foundation for formal education in Zambia. The missionaries founded schools in the different areas they worked from. The founding of these schools was driven by the motive of evangelization and nurturing church leadership (Snelson, 1974). It is worth noting that though the missionaries had this aim, differences in approach and emphasis on education differed among them. As such, few missionaries had well-defined educational policies and in instances where such

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a policy existed, implementation was dependent on the individual missionary on site (Carmody, 2001). For example, the success story of Fr. Moreau and the plough in Chikuni does not entail that all Jesuit schools prioritized agriculture (Carmody, 2001). Carmody (2004) notes that by 1924, there were 15 missionary societies in the territory, practically all of which operated schools. Missionary education in this period was aimed at religious literacy. In the area of education, the BSA Co largely neglected education and this is evidenced from the fact that the company only established one school, Barotse National School (Carmody, 2004). It should be noted that this school was founded in 1906 and its establishment had resulted from the failure of Collard and PEMS to provide education, which had an element of teaching the English language (Carmody, 2004). It goes without saying that with only one school under the BSA Co, the company had no financial obligation to education, which was largely in the hands of the missionaries. The BSA Co further made proclamations, the most important being the 1921 proclamation on native schools, which was to have a bearing on education in the territory. After 1924 with the takeover of the governance of the territory, Sir Herbert Stanley created a sub-department of Native Education, under the department of Native Affairs, and G. C. Latham was appointed Director (Snelson, 1974). The aspirations of the government were well expressed in the 1924–5 report as far as education was concerned: In view of the diversity of educational ideas and principles among the Missions and of the very different standards demanded by them, the Government has decided that the time has come to co-ordinate and supervise the education of the native. The services of the missions will continue to be utilized, but it is proposed to exercise sole control over them and, by encouraging the societies to appoint trained educationists in a supervisory capacity, by giving financial grants in aid of salaries of certified teachers, by assisting in the establishment of boarding schools and by other similar means, to produce in course of time a higher standard and a greater uniformity…. Progress may be slow but it can be said that a new era is beginning as regards Native education in the territory. (Colonial Office Annual Report, 1926: 6)

It was from these beginning that the Native School code was formulated, dwelling on the code that had been developed by the General Missionary Conference. The Native School code addressed, among other issues, teacher education and training, salaries and curriculum. Thus by 1931, the education system was still dominated by the missionary societies but the government was beginning to have influence on education in the territory (Snelson, 1974).

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In the federation period in which Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and Nyasaland (Malawi) were under the same federal administration, education was segregated according to ‘colour’. Coombe (1968) opines that the federal era (1953–63) education was organized in a segregated manner based on the ideas of separate development impeded in the federation agenda. The European schools were well funded, provided with good learning facilities, and sufficiently staffed with qualified teachers. African schools, on the other hand, were pathetically neglected in many respects. They were poorly funded, staffed with ill-qualified teachers, under-staffed and with poor learning facilities. The result was that Africans’ education lagged behind in development (Simposya, 2003). This resulted in limited funding going towards African education as compared to European education. It is worth noting that with the first secondary school being founded in 1939 (Munali Secondary School), the federal period (after 1956) saw many secondary and trade schools being established. The idea behind the beginning of secondary schools was to meet the urgent need of the growing number of upper primary schools for qualified teachers and of the government departments for bettertrained clerical workers and technicians (Coombe, 1968). It was indeed this education which contributed to the rise of nationalism. Mwanakatwe (1974) argues that education was an important tool in the political history of Zambia. The role of education in dislodging colonialism has been well documented. Zambia became an independent nation on 24 October 1964, rich in material and financial resources, but almost destitute in developed human resources. In the laconic words of a subsequent government report: ‘The educational system which Zambia inherited at independence was by no means adequate to serve her manpower interests‘ (GRZ, 1966: 30). The education statistics revealed that at independence: Only 110,200 Africans had completed six years in primary schools, and only 32,000 had completed the full primary course of eight years. At the secondary level, although over 8,000 Africans were enrolled in schools, only 4,420 had passed the Junior Secondary (Form II) Examination, and a mere 961 had passed the School Certificate Examination (UN/ECA/FAO, 1964). Only 107 had graduated from university, of whom only 4 were female (GRZ, 1966a). These figures underscored the urgent need to expand education at all levels. They also serve to explain why ‘the basic objective of all educational programmes after Independence was to lay the foundation for the provision after 1970 of some of the much needed trained manpower in all fields of technical and economic activity’. (Mwanakatwe, 1968: 59)

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As for higher education, like other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, Zambia did not have a clear and well-defined formal system of higher education during the colonial period. The advent of political independence in 1964 led to a rapid development of higher education system that included the university, institutes of technology, secondary and primary teachers’ colleges, trades training institutes, agricultural and natural resources training colleges, to mention but a few. Some of these institutions were not in the higher education category in the true sense of the term because they admitted candidates who never completed full secondary education. The goal behind quantitative expansion of higher education was to meet the immediate needs of trained humanpower. The production of trained humanpower was restricted under the colonial set-up, as the figures in Table 17.1 indicate. Zambia’s education system, including higher education, followed the ‘massification model’ from the onset at independence in 1964. This was brought about by a combination of factors. Some of the reasons advanced for increasing access to education were large numbers of Zambians who were illiterate and generally the shortage of qualified human resources to push the development needs of the country (Manchishi, 2004). The other reason for the rapid expansion of

Table 17.1  Zambian University graduate 1950–64 by year of graduation Year 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 TOTAL

Numbers Graduating each year

Cumulative Totals

Male

Female

Male

Female

1 3 2 1 1 4 7 5 6 7 4 8 6 19 30 104

– – – – – – – – – – – – – 2 3 5

1 4 6 7 8 12 19 24 30 37 41 49 55 74 104 109

– – – – – – – – – – – – – 2 5

Source: Government of the Republic of Zambia, Manpower Report, 1965–66 (GRZ, 1965: 2).

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education was the belief that education is beneficial not only on an individual level but to society as a whole. In many societies, this is an aspiration that people strive for. For some, it remains the only decent avenue of escaping poverty.’ It therefore clearly means that at independence, when the truly indigenous (African) Zambian government was installed Zambia faced a critical shortage of humanpower for its development; therefore it had to integrate the two racially divided education systems and also meet the aspirations of the population who wanted to reap the fruits of independence (Simposya, 2003). The newly formed government devised a plan to expand educational facilities at all levels, train skilled and educated Zambian personnel, achieve universal primary education, integrate two racially divided educational systems into one, encourage girls or women into education, among many other objectives (Simposya, 2003). Strategic plans were concurrently designed in which the following were conceptualized: MM

MM

MM

MM

Emergency Development Plan: 1 January–31 December 1964 Transitional Development Plan: 1 January 1965–30 June 1963 First National Development Plan: 1 July 1966–30 June 1970 Second National Development Plan: January 1972–December 1976. (Simposya, 2003: 1)

Primary education was guided by the principles of the First National Development Plan (FNP), which sought to create sufficient places for every seven-year-old child to be admitted to grade 1 by 1970 (Government of Zambia, 1966). All urban children were to complete the full seven-year primary cycle, with 75 per cent of rural children being able to complete primary education. This was to be achieved by enhancing facilities for teacher training and upgrading teachers who had not been trained adequately so as to uphold the quality of education, as well as extending double session teaching where possible (Kelly, 1991). The decade between 1964 and 1974 is considered by many as a period of relative success in Zambian education terms. During the first half of this decade, the government focused on the development of secondary schools and the university. During the second half, it turned its attention to technical education. Two considerations dictated the expansion of the secondary schools: popular demand for secondary education, and the need for educated humanpower. Under the pressure of these two forces and with the support of a booming economy – the real GDP increased by 11 per cent in 1964 and by a further 15 per cent in 1965 – the government began to expand the secondary school system at a rate higher than ever before attempted in a developing country (GRZ, 1966).

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By 1966, Zambia managed to get its first university. The UNIP government of the day in collaboration with the newly founded university invested heavily in training of staff in England, USA and Canada (Kelly, 1991). Undoubtedly, enrolment increased at primary and secondary levels, though, as can be expected, the primary to secondary transition rate dropped owing to the fact that both levels had been expanded. Developmental and personnel problems also greatly affected the education system’s success. Technical and vocational schools such as Northern Technical College (NORTEC), Evelyn Hone, and Trades Training Institutes were also developed to help solve the humanpower challenge Zambia had at independence, although these learning institutions were held in low esteem. There was urgent need of university education; following the visit by Sir J. Lockwood (1963), a national university, which would meet the aspirations of the nation, conducted its first teaching at Ridgeway and Great East Road Campus in March 1966 and March 1968 respectively. The Copperbelt University came on board in 1978 as Kitwe Campus and was later renamed Copperbelt University (CBU) in 1987–8. From 1973 to 1991, the education system underwent a transformation owing to the educational reforms which were made in the period. What had prompted the change was, among other issues, the fact that the curriculum and organization of the education system had largely remained as it had been in the colonial era, despite massive expansion in the 1960s (MoE, 1977). The education system had been regarded as being too academic and therefore not in tune with the needs of individuals. Other than being dominated by examinations, the education system had alienated students from their culture, coupled with poor performance. Worse still, the education system had contributed to social concerns of increasing unemployment and worsening poverty levels (MoE, 1977). As such, in 1978, the Education Reforms: Proposal and Recommendations was published and therefore in 1979–83 Third National Development Plan (TNDP) facilitated the implementation of some reforms. These educational reforms had stressed the idea that there should be close integration between work and study. With this, production in schools was to be valuable towards the economic and educational development of the nation. Education for all, students and workers, was promoted and examinations were to be used for certification. This shows that the aim of education was to foster the potential of every citizen to the full, for the creation of a humanist socialist society and for selfless service to humanity (Education for Development: Draft Statement on Educational Reform, in Kelly, 1999).

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The 1977 reforms aimed to develop the whole person while insisting on quality and relevance of education. As can be observed, the 1977 reforms had taken little account of the context of education and had paid no attention to girls’ education. Therefore, the implementation of the reforms was not a success, as there had been no strategy worked out for the implementation, just as copies of the document were not widely circulated. Indeed, prior to 1991, the educational policy in Zambia was transformed, with the policy on free education being done away with due to the decline in resources. For instance, boarding fees had been abolished in 1965 and the 1977 reforms had stressed the fact that it was policy not to charge school fees and that education would continue to be ‘free’ (MoE, 1977). However, in 1985, the government reversed its stand on educational fees by reintroducing boarding fees, with university students being made to pay tuition fees in 1989. Kenneth Kaunda’s United Nation Independence Party (UNIP) was voted out of power and Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) formed the new government. With the coming into power of the MMD government under President Fredrick Chiluba in 1991, new trends in the history of education in Zambia emerged. This was in the area of partnership in education provision. The World Conference on ‘Education for All’ had stressed the need to enhance partnerships between government and NGOs, the private sector, local communities, religious groups and families. As such, the Zambia Declaration on Education for All (1991) reaffirmed the development of private schools and private sector involvement, including the religious bodies (GRZ, 1992). Just one year after coming into office, the Chiluba government came up with a new education policy dubbed ‘Focus on Learning of 1992’. This document stressed the need to mobilize more resources for the development of education and to improve access, equity, efficiency and quality of education. The document was very specific in addressing the concerns of the 1990 Jomtien Declaration of Education for All (MoE, 1996; Kelly, 1999). To a large extent this document was donor-driven, it was not out of the desired need by the local people. The document simply reflected the political mood of the day – Zambia’s return to multiparty democracy. Ministry of Education employees from the planning division indicate that the pursuit of a more elaborate policy resulted in the Ministry produced third policy document, ‘Educating Our Future of 1996’. Unlike the previous policy documents, ‘Educating Our Future’ created a path for establishing the mission for educational provision and also took on board policy recommendations

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of the 1977 and 1992 documents. The policy focused on equitable access to quality education at all levels. One of the outcomes of ‘Educating Our Future’ was the adoption of a wide sectoral approach to the development of basic education through, firstly, the Basic Education Sub-Sector Investment Program (BESSIP) and later the Ministry of Education Sector Plan (MoESP). The latter was initiated in 1998 through to 2007 (World Bank, 1999). Furthermore, the 1996 policy also proposed a new schooling structure of 9-3-4 (in contrast to the 7-5-4 structure), comprising nine years of basic education, three years of high school education and four years of university education to first degree, effective in 1998. The new structure was a reminder that all children in Zambia should access nine years of good quality universal basic education. The new structure was accompanied by a curriculum paradigm shift from content-based to outcome-based. The outcome-based curriculum in turn demanded comprehensive systems of assessment (MoE, 2003). Let us consider Zambia’s current education structure.

Current structure of Zambia’s education system The Ministry of Education is the main provider of formal education in the country. Other ministries providing training and basic skills education are: Ministry of Science, Technology and Vocational Training (MSTVT), Ministry of Sport, Youth and Child Development (MSYCD), and Ministry of Community Development and Social Services (MCDSS) (SDR, 2009). Ministry of Education 2009 Educational Statistic Bulletin identifies the structure of the formal education system as transition from 7-5-4+ to 9-3-4+ comprising nine years of basic education (grades 1–9), three years of high school (grades 10–12) and four years of university to first degree (depending on the particular course of study) (refer to Figure 18.1 below). Primary education is part of basic education. Basic education is divided into three levels: lower basic (grades 1–4), middle basic (grades 5–7) and upper basic (grades 8–9) (MoE, 2009). Normally, not all children proceed to secondary education due to selection examinations at grade 7, which is based on the availability of places in grade 8. Approximately one-third of the children end their education at primary level and two-thirds of the primary schoolleavers have opportunities to go to grade 8 (MoE, 2010). Pre-schooling also known as Early Childhood Care, Development and Education (ECCDE) caters for children from 0 to 6 years of age, and was recently (2004) put under

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434 Age 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16

Ed. Yr 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10

Type of schooling

Others

University Education

C O N T I N U I N G

(Doctorate, masters and Bachelors Degrees) Various training programs Various vocational training programs

HIGH SCHOOL (Grade 10-12)

15 14 13 12 11 1± 9 8 7 6 5 4 3

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

B A S

UPPER BASIC (Grade 8-9) MIDDLE BASIC (Grade 5-7) LOWER BASIC (Grade 1-4)

I

E D U C A T I O N A N D L I T E R A C Y

C PRE-SCHOOL EDUCATION

Figure 18.1  Structure of education in Zambia Source: Self Diagnosis Report (2009).

the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education from the Ministry of Local Government. The provision of primary and basic education in Zambia has been guided by the universal declaration of Education for All, which has given the right to every child to access basic education. Since 1964, primary and secondary schools were independent from each until the introduction of the Basic Education Sub-Sector Investment Programme (BESSIP) in the 1990s. With BESSIP in place, ‘two parallel but related paths for education progression … After grade seven, some pupils proceed into grade eight in a basic school while others proceeded into

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conventional secondary schools that run from grade eight to grade twelve’ (Mulenga, 2011: 4). Implicitly, the education structure has undergone changes at primary school level, which saw the introduction of basic school (nine years of basic education). Secondary education is provided by government, mission schools, community schools and also by the private sector. Aided institutions run by the churches have over time now provided secondary education from grade 8 to 12. Government and other partners have operated what are known as high schools, with grades running from 10 to 12 only. At post-primary school level, three types of secondary education are recognized and support by government; these include: Government run secondary schools which are either day or boarding schools; grant-aided secondary schools run by faith-based agencies; private secondary schools (boarding and day) run by private agencies and individuals on commercial basis; and community schools which are run by communities, faith-based agencies or NGOs…. Government and grant-aided run schools accounted for 62.5% while community and private run schools accounted for 37.5% in 2008 [National Census]. (MoE, 2008: 22)

Tertiary education includes the country’s universities, colleges of commerce, technical colleges, and skills training institutes. The Ministry of Education is also responsible for the universities, both public and private, and 14 Colleges of Education. Of the 14 Colleges of Education, 12 cater for the training of teachers for basic schools and the other two train teachers for high schools and recently these have been transformed into universities (SDR, 2010). The increase in demand for education has seen the mushrooming of tertiary institutions in the country. Education economists have discussed the benefits associated with tertiary education. It has more private benefits such as improved life and earnings for the individual concerned, better pay and higher status, among many others (Johnstone, 2009; Barr, 2005). In other words, as much as there are public goods in investment in higher education, therein also lie huge private returns. The current policy guiding the provision of higher education encourages private sector-driven initiatives in this area (MoE, 1996). As one of the strategies to increase access and active participation, government encouraged public higher education institutions policies that allow admission of privately sponsored students (MoE, 1996). Some private educational institutions have responded by offering distance, open learning

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and evening programmes. Currently, there are five public universities, three comprehensive and two just transforming, and there are six registered private universities. The number of private universities keeps growing and most of them are relatively small compared to public universities. Most universities, public and private, concentrate on training undergraduates, with a few offering the Master degree (Masaiti, 2012). Only the two biggest public universities can confer Doctorate degrees for now (University of Zambia and Copperbelt University). The school calendar for primary schools, secondary schools and colleges in Zambia is divided into three terms consisting of three months each and in between the terms there is a school holiday consisting of four weeks. The first school term typically starts on the second Monday of January and ends on the second Friday of April. The second term typically opens on the second Monday of April and closes on the first Friday of August. The third term typically starts on the first Monday of September and runs until the first Friday of December. A trimester system guides the school year in Zambia (MoE, 1996). Universities are relatively autonomous in governance, as some follow a semester system while others follow a trimester system.

Certification system (school certificates and degrees) Public examinations in Zambia were first held in 1928 (Kelly, 1991). To date examinations are held at grade 7 (Composite Examinations), at grade 9 (Junior Secondary Leaving Examinations), at grade 12 (the Combined School Certificate and GCE Examinations), Teacher Education, and the Technical Education, Vocational and Entrepreneurship (TEVET) examinations – although the TEVET examinations are being phased out and will become the responsibility of the Technical Education Vocational and Entrepreneurship Training Authority TEVETA under Ministry of Science Technology and Vocational Training. The examinations in Zambia are used for selection and certification purposes and are conducted annually in all subjects at the end of grades 7, 9 and 12, as well as for the certification of teachers (MoE, 2003; MoE, 1996; Kelly, 1991).

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Government policy and emphasis The Zambian education system has undergone a number of reforms since independence. The most important education policy documents that have shaped the educational agenda include, among others: 1966 Education Act, which guided the way the education system was to be delivered; 1977 Education Reform, which attempted to realign the education system to meet national and personal objectives (MoE, 1977); 1992 Focus on Learning – the document articulated the priorities in the delivery of school education (MoE, 1992); 1996 Educating Our Future – focuses on decentralization, partnership, equity, quality and effectiveness of education (MoE, 1996). The national policy document guiding the provision of education at different levels is called ‘Educating Our Future’. This policy document was formulated in 1996 and has since remained the guiding principle in the provision of education. It is anchored on democratization and decentralization of the education sector (MoE, 2006). It has been described as a liberal policy as it favours pluralistic tendencies in the teaching and learning process. The aim of school education in the national education policy is therefore to: Promote the full and well rounded development of the physical, intellectual, social, affective, moral and spiritual qualities of all pupils so that each can develop into a complete person, for his or her own personal fulfilment and the good of society. (MoE, 1996: 29)

The policy is built on liberal democracy and therefore it echoes that: Zambia is a liberal democratic society. Hence, it is the values of liberal democracy that must guide the formulation of educational policies and their implementation. The core values are rational and moral autonomy, equality, fairness and liberty. (MoE, 1996: 1)

From above, the aim of education provided in the national education policy, school education needed a shift from being based on rote learning to the development of life skills in the learners. Examples of life skills include coping with personal problems, exercising personal autonomy and independence, ability to confront and resist drug and other substance abuse, decision-making, problem-solving, creative thinking, critical thinking, effective communication, stress and anxiety management and self-esteem and confidence (MoE, 1996). The learners should be enabled to use the knowledge they acquire through school education. In essence, this entails that an individual ought to develop

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self-knowledge, self-discipline and self-ideals from the school curriculum. In principle, ‘Educating Our Future’ is a very good and solid policy guide but the challenge over the years has been in the complexities related to its implementation. Suffice to say this policy has now guided provision for the last 15 years. Plans have reached advanced stage by the Ministry of Education to review this document to bring it into line with Vision 2030, in which a country aspires to attain a prosperous middle-income economy with vibrant universities (MoE (Zambia), 2009). The education sector plays an important role in the realization of Zambia’s vision of becoming ‘a prosperous middle-income country’ by year 2030 because the sector is vital in the formation and accumulation of human capital. This implies that systematic investment in the sector at all levels is essential as part of the Ministry of Education’s contribution to the social and economic development of the nation. To this effect, it is government policy to move decisively towards expanding access, improving quality as well as retention and gender parity in all the educational sub-sectors (MoE, 2009c). The foregoing areas will be looked at in the subsequent sections.

Access Access to education is a global issue the world over. Access in Zambia is skewed to primary schools. There is relatively more access to primary education and extremely low and limited access to tertiary education. It is like a pyramid with a huge base and pointed apex. Usually examination determines progression rates and to some extent access (though the latter has more variables to consider). Insomuch as the introduction of basic education was meant to accord every child basic education, as the name suggests, continuity and completion of the school cycle is still a challenge. The major challenges facing preparatory schools and primary education are enrolment levels, which do not match with teacherto-pupil ratios. Similarly, the infrastructure and institutions of learning are inadequate for both rural and urban areas (MoE (Zambia), 2009). Efforts are however being made to improve participation levels by the ministry. For instance, a total of 470,798 pupils enrolled in grade 1 as first entrants in 2008 compared to 452,974 and 444,300 pupils who were enrolled in 2007 and 2006 respectively, indicating a marginal increase of 2 per cent

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Number of Pupils

for 2006–7 and 4 per cent for 2007–8. It should be noted that in 2008, as in the previous year, there were slightly more females accessing education in the first grade of learning (MoE, 2009a). In 2008, the total pupil school enrolment for grades 1 to 9 stood at 3,336,009 compared to the 2006 and 2007 figures of 2,986,781 and 3,166,310 respectively. This represents a 6.01 per cent increase in the period 2006–7 and 5.36 for 2007–8 (MoE, 2009c). Enrolments at Basic School level

4,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 1,000,000 0 Female Male Total

2006

2007

1,464,137 1,522,644 2,986,781

1,547.715 1,618,595 3,166,310

2008 1,631,995 1,704,018 3,336,009

Figure 18.2  Basic school pupil enrolments Source: Ministry of Education EMIS 2008 Preliminary data (MoE, 2008).

Number of Pupils

In 2008, the total pupil school enrolment for grades 10–12 stood at 236,547 compared to the 2006 and 2007 figures of 193,843 and 219,132 respectively. This represents an increase of 13.05 per cent in the period 2006–7 and 7.95 for 2007–8 (MoE, 2009a). Enrolments at High School level

300,000 200,000 100,000 0 Female Male Total

2006

2007

2008

85,980 107,863 193,726

99,186 119,946 219,132

106,565 129,982 236,547

Figure 18.3  High school enrolments Source: Ministry of Education EMIS 2008 Preliminary data (MoE, 2008).

Over the past three years, the Copperbelt province again had the highest rates of overall participation in education for grades 1 to 9. The overall Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) for the province was 129.03 per cent followed by Central Province with 125.27 per cent. The least was in Eastern Province with

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89.71 per cent, followed by Lusaka and Luapula Provinces at 102.45 and 110.63 per cent respectively. Data clearly indicate that in the provinces where access is low, participation rates also correspond and the converse is also true (MoE, 2008). Participation rates for Grades 10 to 12 again were highest on the Copperbelt, with a GER of 44.27 per cent followed by Lusaka Province with 34.23 per cent and North-Western Province 32.22 per cent. The least was Eastern Province, being almost three times worse off than the Copperbelt at 16.01 per cent. On the overall participation, the general GER are very low at national level, being only 27.14 per cent for high schools – this should be a major source of concern for the Ministry and stakeholders in Zambia. Higher education, especially universities in Africa and Zambia, has multifaceted problems such as poor quality faculty, overcrowding, inadequate infrastructure, insufficient resources and autonomy, rapidly increasing enrolment, and low access, among others (World Bank, 2010). An increasingly insufficient university capacity for the numbers of students deemed qualified for, and desiring, a university education is yet another big challenge in the higher education sector. Zambia has only 2 to 3 per cent of its college age cohort going on after secondary school to a university, compared to a Sub-Saharan African average of 5–6 per cent (Analysis growth, Millennium challenge account, 2011, cited in Masaiti, 2012). A more serious indicator of the capacity problem is the number of Zambian students deemed qualified for university admittance by virtue of passing scores on the General Certificate Education examination. At present, only 6–7 per cent of Zambians access higher education (universities and colleges) after completing school in a country with a population of nearly 13 million, a higher education body in Zambia observed (Nkanza, 2010). Further observations indicated that 300,000 pupils complete secondary education every year in the Southern African nation, but only 14,000, or 6 per cent, gain admission to higher education. In 2008, University of Zambia Chancellor Jacob Mwanza said access to university education remained extremely limited in Zambia, with only 2 per cent of people obtaining a bachelor’s degree or higher qualification (Mwanza, 2008). He blamed this on the lack of a clear higher education policy, pressure on university infrastructure and low levels of investment. In other words, Zambia still has a very big challenge of access especially to university education. It is now anticipated that with the opening of more public and private universities, access to university education will improve greatly.

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Equity and gender Gender disparities in the education sector are also an issue of concern in the history of education in Zambia, though the gap between girls and boys in terms of enrolment can be said to have narrowed from the 1960s. Girls’ enrolment has continued to lag behind that of boys in Zambia and this is common in developing countries. The fact is that girls’ education is faced with many challenges, especially when compared to that of the boys. For instance, Lockheed and Verspoor (1990) argue that some of the contributing factors to gender disparities include: National educational policies affect boys and girls differently, primary schools are unevenly distributed especially in rural areas, lack of schools for girls when education is sex-segregated, shortage of female teachers and general reluctance among certified teachers to work in isolated rural areas or in urban slums, … demand for girls’ household labour, late entry of girls complicated by increases likelihood of pregnancy and/or preparation for marriage and increased restrictions placed upon physical mobility of older girls. (Lockheed and Verspoor, 1990: 101–6)

Indeed, the guiding policy on education, ‘Educating Our Future’ policy document sets out to promote equality in access to, participation in and successful completion of education at all levels irrespective of gender. The ministry has the mandate to monitor progress in achieving an appropriate gender balance at the various levels and sectors of the system and in the institutions for which it has responsibility (MoE, 1996). Clearly, equity in education calls for the provision and utilization of opportunities for the disadvantaged groups of children in society to participate in accessing education. The education policy, ‘Educating Our Future’, emphasizes the provision of quality education that is both equitable and accessible to all categories of children. In order to provide these opportunities, it appears that the Ministry of Education in Zambia has been developing specific interventions and explicit strategies that support the participation of disadvantaged groups of children in the education process (MoE (Zambia), 2009a). These disadvantaged children, particularly orphans and vulnerable children (OVC), girls, and children with special educational needs are specifically targeted to allow them to equitably benefit from opportunities that are provided in the education system of the country (MoE, 2009b). The Ministry is also promoting the equity programme as a means of contributing towards achieving the EFA and MDGs.

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Though not adequate, attempts are being made to address gender concerns through policy interventions and strategies aimed at promoting the retention of girls so that they participate in accessing education (MoE, 2008). The re-entry policy for girls who fall pregnant to return to school after giving birth is one policy intervention meant to retain the female child in school. The provision of bursary support to orphans and vulnerable children, including girls, is another intervention to promote the participation of the various categories of children who could not afford the cost of education at the various levels (MoE, 2008). This support has seen the increase in the number of orphans and vulnerable children accessing education especially at the upper basic and high school where the cost of education is high. One factor impeding gender equality in education, which does not receive appropriate attention, is the lack of safety of learners in institutions of learning, leading to sexual and other forms of abuse of children, particularly girls. There is an apparent wall of silence on the sexual abuse of female learners, yet there are increasing reports in the media about children being abused in and out of school. In 2011 and 2012, there has been sustained reporting of abuse in both print and electronic media and a lot of talk has been on changing and strengthening the current laws. There are also many NGOs that are advocating rights of disadvantaged groups in society. Through the Student Alliance for Female Education (SAFE), it is hoped the girls will strengthen their assertiveness on issues of HIV/AIDS and sexuality. All interested stakeholders are working closely with NGOs promoting girls’ education, such as FAWEZA and CAMFED, who have made remarkable strides in the area of developing and promoting intervention to support the education of girls.

Curriculum and assessment According to the educational policy and educational acts, the school curriculum should be comprehensive, balanced, integrated, diversified and relevant to needs of Zambian society. Therefore, it is expected that all schools will implement a curriculum that promotes the spiritual, moral, social, cultural, mental and physical development of learners and of society at large. In addition, the curriculum should endeavour to prepare learners for the opportunities, responsibilities and experiences of adult life. As such, every school is expected to cover the following core areas of learning at all levels of (primary to secondary)

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education: ‘personal, social, spiritual, cultural and emotional; communication, language and literacy; mathematical and scientific development; knowledge and understanding of the world; physical education and development; and creative development’ (GRZ, 2011: 47). The Examination Council of Zambia report (2008: 17) indicated: ‘In terms of the overall system reform, the curriculum reform in Zambia has been the least attended to. Following the 1977 education reforms, there have been partial curriculum reviews, which have been criticized as lacking in the area of interconnectedness and linkages across levels.’ Reports indicate that attempts made on curriculum review addressed very specific concerns, hence lacked a holistic and synergized approach to curriculum review. For example, at the lower and middle basic school (grades 1–7) curriculum was reviewed four times (1984, 1993, 1997 and 2003). At the upper basic school (grades 8–9) curriculum was revised once in 1984 and 2002 to 2003 but was not aligned with the changes that took place at lower and middle basic levels in 1993, 1997 and 2003. The stated goals of primary education were to be extended to junior secondary education but the curriculum and other activities were to be more diverse in range, depth and breadth. At the high school (grades 10–12), curriculum was only revised in 2000 as part of the localization process of the Cambridge University Local Syndicate Examinations system (ECZ, 2010). Many other programmes over time had been put in place to improve quality, such as Zambia Education Rehabilitation Program ZERP (1993–6), Action to Improve English, Mathematics and Science (AIEMS) and Primary Reading Program (PRP) (SDR, 2010). There have been similar attempts at reviewing the curriculum at tertiary level, although many lack documentation. In particular, the Basic Education teacher education curriculum was revised in 1984–6 and 1997 as part of the Field Based Activity Teacher Attainment (FIBATA), which was being piloted side by side with the main courses. FIBATA was late changed into the Zambia Accelerated Teacher Education Course (ZATEP). The curriculum was again revised in 2000, which transformed ZATEP into ZATEC. Further reviews were done in 2006 to 2007 under the same programme. The high school teacher training curriculum review was undertaken during the period 2001–2 (SDR, 2010). It is through curriculum change and innovation that recurring themes are included or substituted into the content of the classroom. HIV/AIDS is one other very important factor affecting the young and older persons in society. The subject of HIV and the effect it has on the education system has

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been discussed extensively in several pieces of literature especially for Africa (Mapoma and Masaiti, 2012). Integration of HIV/AIDS issues in the curriculum is not only important but critical. This is not to overlook the cross-cutting issues such as HIV/AIDS, gender, health education, civic education and many more. In order to make the curriculum more effective, the policy of decentralization of textbook supply was another area that helped in the provision of adequate learning resources. The Ministry of Education expects every educational institution to use books and other learning materials approved by it. It follows then that the Ministry of Education regulates examinations and assessments to be conducted by public, aided and community educational institutions (Examinational Council of Zambia Act. Cap. 137). Another category of education system that the Ministry recognizes is the non-formal sector which ‘serve[s] among others persons with disabilities, displaced persons, schoolage children who have either dropped out of school or have never attended formal school, geographically isolated children, orphans, street and working children’ (MoE, 2007: 12). The latter group may receive their education through community schools or interactive radio centres by Education Broadcasting Services. English has been recognized by the Ministry of Education as the language of instruction at any level of the education system, although there is provision in the education act that allows use of local languages as a medium of instruction for teaching of initial literacy and numeracy skills in any lower grades. Other than the use of English and appropriate local language, there is provision to use sign language for learners with special needs. In reviewing the curriculum, MoE addressed important and complex educational issues in a variety of settings to meet diverse needs of learners (MoE, 2010). In 2009, the programme focused on the revision of the Teacher Education Curriculum Framework and ensuring that both the Basic School Education and the Teacher Education Curricula were harmonized. In addition, the programme addressed aspects of effective curriculum delivery through the adoption of best practices from various education institutions (MoE, 2010). Additionally, education materials were made available to all teacher training institutions through design, production and procurement, though clearly were not sufficient. The focus of the universities was that of reviewing the curricula of different programmes to align them to labour market demands. The universities were also encouraged to review their curriculum in effort of training well-baked graduates who should competently deliver according to both organizational and societal expectations (Masaiti and Manchishi, 2011). Furthermore, the

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universities were engaged in the preparation of a tailor-made curriculum to support the Fast Track training initiative to upgrade teachers from Diploma to degree qualification (MoE, 2010). The Ministry of Education is responsible for the formulation and implementation of evaluation and assessment guidelines, through the Directorate of Standards and Curriculum. The Directorate targets at improving quality performance and delivery in the classroom, at school and college levels. In addition, the department endeavours to improve management of institutions with help from other departments of the Ministry at institutional, district and provincial levels. The main thrust is that of development of new assessment methodologies such as continuous assessment and increased standards visits to institutions of learning at all levels. In addition, a National Qualifications Framework and the Zambia Qualification Authority is in the process of being established. The sub-programmes of this programme are: Standards and Evaluation, Accreditation, Examination and Assessment, Monitoring and Training (MoE, 2010). Currently in Zambia, Standards Officers at national, provincial and district levels concentrate on monitoring and checking on the impact of the education programmes and policies. The Provincial Education Office has Senior Education Standards Officers who are subject specialists. However, apart from promoting subjects in their areas of specialization, they carry out other activities such as monitoring government, private and community schools. They ensure adherence to set standards, procedures and guidelines for effective and efficient delivery of quality education at all levels in the province. In view of the curriculum reform challenges and dilemmas, the Ministry of Education has been compelled to revise the curriculum so as to synchronize it at all levels and realize the national vision, Vision 2030. The curriculum review process was to be guided by two overriding principles as stipulated by the NIF, namely: 1) to design a comprehensive and diversified curriculum that is interlinked throughout all educational levels; 2) to provide relevant educational materials (FNDP). ‘The process of curriculum review was set into motion with a National Symposium which was held from 1–3 June 2009. The expected outcomes of the symposium were: 1) creation of consensus on the match between education and the national Vision 2030; 2) put in place an agreed framework upon which a national curriculum reform at all levels of education will be undertaken; and 3) to collect information on the type of graduates the general citizenry expect from the Zambian education system’ (SDR, 2010: 19). It appears this curriculum review is still ongoing and might be ‘operationalized’ in 2012 or 2013.

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School management Educational institutions have been classified into four main categories identified as public, private, community and aided educational institutions. As such, management of these institutions is highly dependent on the category, though government still gives general guidelines. As the name suggests, public educational institutions are administered or controlled by the Minister and his officials since they are funded by public funds. Public schools are managed at different levels of operation; from the Minister in charge of education it trickles down to his Permanent Secretaries and Directors at the Ministry headquarters. At the provinces, Provincial Education Offices (PEO) and seconding staff oversee the running of educational activities at that level. District Education Board Secretaries (DEBS) work hand in hand with the school managers too (MoE, 1996; MoE, 2009). After the 1990s, the management of schools was influenced by the policy of decentralization aimed at devolution of power from the centre to the local level in the district and schools. Through this policy it is hoped that different stakeholders would actively participate in educational provision so as to foster the spirit of ownership in educational provision and management (MoE, 1996). Private, aided and community educational institutions may appoint a board to oversee the operations of a private educational institution. Such boards ‘interpret and implement national policies on education; monitor management performance regularly; receive, on behalf of an educational institution under its jurisdiction, gifts, donations, bequests, grants or other moneys and make disbursements thereof the educational institutions; determine the fees and charges, if any, to be paid to an educational institution under its jurisdiction…’ (GRZ, 2011: 30). Government’s commitment to provision of education is vivid through the policy of partnership with the private sector in offering education so as to make it accessible to everyone. Public universities are semi-autonomous in their operations; they recruit their own staff and also the university leadership is appointed by an independent body after following a stipulated procedure (suitably qualified candidates compete for the job). Private universities, as the word implies, operate privately, though currently there is clear demand for having a higher education body (with real powers to enforce), which regulates provision and quality in tertiary education.

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Teacher education, recruitment and supply The Ministry of Education conducts teacher recruitment for public educational institutions; however the supply is far below the number of teachers needed in all educational institutions across the country. The rural areas are the most hit with this problem because ‘teachers tend to shun these areas due to poor societal amenities such as lack of proper accommodation and poor incentives to serving teachers among many others reasons’ (MoE, 2008: 57). Most of these teachers are recruited after graduating from tertiary institutions. For instance, the Ministry of Education initiated more consistent teacher recruitment in 2005, with over 10,000 teachers recruited in 2007, 6,400 teachers recruited in 2008 and 5,000 in 2009 (MoE, 2008). Prior to 2004, the Ministry was not given authority to replace or recruit teachers due to the freeze that had been effected. However, in an effort to improve the quality of education, the Ministry of Education did recruit about 25,785 teachers between 2004 and 2007. This number included both replacements and net recruitments. The government in 2008 recruited 5,000 teachers who would positively impact the system (SDR, 2010). Zambia’s current teacher recruitment and deployment may be termed as ‘uneven distribution’. The current deployment system, whereby teachers apply directly to the districts where they wish to work, provides a mechanism for giving teachers some choice in their location and reducing wastage rate. However, some districts do not receive sufficient applicants and need to recruit teachers who applied to other districts, many of whom do not take up their posts. Despite a 20 per cent incentive payment, there is uneven deployment at provincial, district and school level. In particular rural areas have (1) fewer graduate teachers, (2) shortage of teachers qualified in mathematics and science, while in addition the most remote rural schools have (3) a shortage of teachers, and (4) fewer female teachers (Kanyika, 2002). The tertiary sub-sector refers to two kinds of education. The first one is the Colleges of Education, which deal mainly with initial training of teachers and are responsible for production of teachers. The Ministry has 14 Colleges of Education, which award Certificates or Diplomas in Education. The second one is university education that focuses on generating new knowledge through research, for promotion of national development. There are currently five public and six private universities in the country. Though most universities claim to train graduate teachers, the University of Zambia, Zambia’s largest university

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has trained most graduate teachers. Currently, two teacher training colleges have been upgraded to university status, namely Nkrumah University and Copperbelt Education University, though clearly the process was a political undertaking (Cheyeka et al., 2010). Challenges facing the universities include lack of curriculum responsiveness and relevance to individual, community and national needs. The other challenge is under-funding, resulting in overcrowding, dilapidated infrastructure, high student-lecturer ratios, lack of expansion in facilities, high levels of indebtedness, inadequate education materials and ICT (Masaiti, 2012). In a study by Masaiti and Manchishi (2011), they discovered that the universities had a big challenge in training competent teachers. From the five competencies: Subject competence, Didactic competence, Social competence, Adaptive and Developmental competence and Professional Ethics competence, graduates only scored highly on Subject competence and poorly on others. The high school sub-sector has experienced significant improvements in terms of construction of new high schools, upgrading of junior secondary schools to high school status and the effective management of the schoolbased CPD. In the pursuit to improve quality education delivery, the SMASTE Science project which was piloted in Central Province is being scaled up to the Copperbelt and North-Western provinces under the new name of SchoolBased CPD through Lesson Study (MoE, 2008). Furthermore, the UNZA initiated a Fast Track programme targeting 5,500 teachers with diplomas to upgrade to degree qualification through distance learning. This will not only improve the quality of education but also increase the supply of teachers at this sub-sector. Special education in high schools is not well provided due to lack of qualified high school teachers with both teaching subjects and special education methodology. The MoE, under the ongoing Teacher Education Review, has included special education sections in the education department in all Colleges of Education to ensure that all teachers in these colleges are trained in special education methodology (MoE, 2009b). Learners at this level are in their adolescence stage where they face a lot of challenges, including social, emotional and physical. The provision of guidance and counselling services is very important during this period. Unfortunately, the guidance teachers whose role is to offer psychosocial support to the learners have heavy teaching loads. In order to address the above, the focus for 2009 by the Ministry was to develop the policy on guidance, procurement of

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guidance materials, capacity-building of high school guidance teachers and the provision of career education for the learners through radio and television (MoE, 2009b). Teaching of science and technology still remains a big challenge in high schools; this is due to the poor state of laboratories, where they exist, and lack of equipment and other teaching and learning materials. In order to address the inadequacy of teaching and learning materials, the National Science Centre (NSC) has come up with an intervention of designing and producing high school science subject kits, starting with the Biology Kit (MoE, 2008). What is clear from the above is that though Zambia has made considerable progress in this area of teacher supply, the big challenge still remains. For instance, the Educational Statistical Bulletin (MoE, 2008: 58) opines: Pupil/teacher ratio for grades 1–7 dropped from 53.49 in 2007 to 51.62 in 2008 at national level and varied across the provinces. Similarly the pupil/teacher ratio for grades 1–4 declined from 74.9 in 2007 to 71.8 in 2008. These reductions can be attributed to the teacher recruitment exercise, which the ministry conducted.

Serving teachers, once appointed, are confirmed by the teaching service commission after two years of service, depending on their performance. Usually this is automatic unless there are really major disciplinary issues. The teaching profession in Zambia is a relatively respected profession, though unions and governments are considering the possibilities of giving practising certificates like other professions such as engineering, medicine and law, among others. There is a lot of talk on harmonization of teaching profession qualifications. The teaching profession has been an issue of concern for some time now. Years after independence teachers had very attractive wages and salaries but over time, the purchase power parity of a teacher’s salary has been heavily compromised. Teachers in South Africa, Botswana, Namibia and Swaziland get higher salaries than their Zambian colleagues. Masaiti and Naluyele (2011) found that the teachers in Zambia considered their job to be routine and less satisfying. There were many factors behind this, which included poor wages and conditions of services, no clear motivation, stagnation (no promotion), among others. From what has been discussed above, it is inevitable that we ponder and reflect on the education system in Zambia using economic data. From world trends and indicators, it appears there is a clear correlation between economic advancement and education attainment and vice versa.

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Reflections Though in July 2010, Zambia together with Ghana were reclassified as ‘lower middle income’ countries from the status of ‘Least Developed Countries’ by the World Bank, the picture in education does not seem to be commensurate with this declaration (Masaiti, 2012). According to Zambia Economist (2010), without doubt the biggest challenge to education is funding. Zambia’s public spending on education as a share of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has declined from 5 per cent to 4.7 per cent per annum between 1965 and 1986 to an average of 2.3 per cent of GDP between 1987 and 2000 and has slightly improved to 3.8 by 2010 (Musokotwane, 2009). In contrast, middle-income Botswana (5.4 per cent), Malaysia (5.8 per cent), and South Africa (5.4 per cent) were devoting about a 50 per cent larger share of their GDP to education between 1965 and 1986, and their share of public spending on education was even larger during 1985–2000, with Botswana spending an average of 7.4 per cent and Malaysia and South Africa about 6 per cent of their GDP per annum (World Development Indicator, World Bank, 2003). Even the percentage of the budget that goes to education (between 15 and 19 per cent) is less than the regional average of above 20 per cent (Musokotwane, 2009). Most of the countries in SADC initially after becoming independent came to Zambia to learn how it had managed the education system and outcome. The question worthy posing is: Why has the Zambian education system not progressed fast enough to meet the demands of its growing population? Zambia has been a haven of peace, no major wars or ethnic violence like other African countries, and has always had stable government with smooth transitions. Zambia’s population stands at about 13.2 million (United Nations, 2010) with GNI per capita of US$1,070 (World Bank, 2010). The economy in the last five years has been growing at an average of 5–6 per cent per annum and generally there have been improved copper prices and investments in mining with improved prospects for export earnings. Another important question worthy posing is: Why is Zambia still struggling in terms of access, equity-related issues, curriculum and assessment and also in terms of teacher issues when economic indicators look positive? Probably not an easy question to answer, but all key stakeholders in education need to do some introspection on how best to re-engineer the current education system.

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Conclusion The evolution of Zambia’s formal education system has gone through different phases from the pre-colonial era, BSA Co, colonial and post-independence (to date). After a decade of relative prosperity after independence (1964 to 1974), the education fortunes declined from 1975 to 1991 until there was regime change. This was mainly coupled with economic difficulties catalyzed by a tumble in copper prizes and complexities in oil transportation routes. Education provision has gone through different phases from a period of free provision, then partnership, to the current emphasis on democratization and decentralization, although in reality the government still responsible for most provisions. It clearly appears that free basic education, although not legally guaranteed, has been enabled through the expansion of primary school coverage, bursaries and a pregnancy readmission policy. These interventions have somewhat increased the enrolment of girls and reduced inequality at several levels, especially since 2000 (UNDP, 2011). Other efforts to deliver a well-functioning school system have included increasing the supply of qualified and motivated teachers, changing the curriculum to provide necessary skills and knowledge, creating more effective administration, and increasing the supply of teaching and learning materials. These steps have not been sufficient, however, to achieve quality services and keep pace with the exponential growth in enrolment starting in the late 1990s to present (UNDP, 2011). In recent years, NGOs have become more prominent in the education sector. They engage in a wide range of activities, from running community schools to advocacy to the provision of education grants. Zambia’s primary education system has delivered some good results. Primary enrolment and completion rates have increased very significantly in the last two decades. The Basic Education Sub-Sector Investment Plan (1999–2002) and the Ministry of Education Strategic Plan (2003–7) brought about improvements in water supply and sanitation in schools, and more than doubled the number of schools by 2008. Despite good progress in primary school completion rates, educational attainment rates remain low. The strong emphasis on basic education since the 1990s meant that post-basic education did not receive the attention required in terms of expansion, rehabilitation, educational material support or curriculum review. Post-primary educational attainments are generally low and highly skewed in favour of males. The current potential demand for tertiary education is far from being met.

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All in all, not everything is smooth in the Zambian education system. There is still a challenge of both access and equity especially at secondary school and worse still tertiary education level. There is urgent need to keep restructuring the curriculum so that it remains relevant to the national and international context aspirations. There is also need for a comprehensive reform of teacherrelated issues especially when it comes to professionalism and condition of services.

References Barr, N. 2005. Financing Higher Education: Answers from the UK. London: Routledge Studies in Education. Carmody, B. 2001. African Conversion. Ndola: Mission Press. —2004. The Evolution of Education in Zambia. Lusaka: Bookworld Publishers. Cheyeka, A., Mulenga, I. and Masaiti, G. 2010. ‘Driving the process or Driven by the process? the transformation of Nkurumah College of Education into Nkrumah University’. Zango 27/28 (11): 1–19. Chipungu, S. N. (ed.). 1992. Guardians in Their Time: Experiences under Colonial Rule 1890–1964. London: Macmillan Press. Colonial Office Annual Report. 1926. Northern Rhodesia, Report for 1924–1925. HMSO No. 1292. Coombe, T. A. 1968. ‘The origins of secondary education in Zambia’. African Social Research 5: 393–7. Examinations Council of Zambia (ECZ). 2008. ECZ Annual Report for 2008, Lusaka: ECZ. —2009. ECZ Strategic Plan from 2009 to 2015. Lusaka: ECZ. Gillies, J. 2010. ‘The power of persistence: education system reform and Aid Effectiveness.’ EQUIP 2: 99–111. Government of the Republic of Zambia (GRZ). 1965. ‘Manpower Report, 1965–6’. Lusaka: Government Printers, 2. —1966. First National Development Plan. Lusaka: Government Printers. —1992. ‘Ministry of Education Annual Report’. Lusaka: Government Printer. —2011. ‘Sixth National Development Plan 2011-15: Sustained Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction’. Lusaka: Ministry of Finance and National Planning. Johnstone, D. B. 2009. Worldwide Trends in Financing Higher Education: A Conceptual Framework. Jane Knight: Sense Publishers. Kanyika, J. 2002. A Comparison of Literacy Levels in Primary Schools From 1999 to 2002. Lusaka: Ministry of Education. Kelly, M. J. 1991. The Origins and Development of Education in Zambia. Lusaka. Image Publishers Limited.

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—1999. Education in a Declining Economy. Washington, DC: World Bank. Lockheed, M. E. and Verspoor, A. M. 1990. Improving Primary Education in Developing Countries. Washington, DC: World Bank. Manchishi, P. C. 2004. ‘The Role of Teaching Practice in the Preparation of Teachers’. In Carmody, B. (2004). The Evolution of Education in Zambia. Ndola: Mission Press: 226–36. Mapoma, C. C. and Masaiti, G. 2012. ‘Perceptions of and attitudes towards ageing in Zambia’. European Journal of Educational Research 1(2): 91–103. Masaiti, G. 2012. ‘Students’ Perception of Financing Public Universities in Zambia: Towards a more Sustainable and Inclusive Policy Strategy’. Frothcoming chapter included in the book project entitled Funding Higher Education in Eastern and Southern Africa: Modalities, ‘Challenges, opportunities and Prospects’. OSSREA. Masaiti, G. and Manchishi, P. C. 2011. ‘The University of Zambia pre-Service teacher education programme: is it responsive to schools and communities’ aspiration?’ European Journal of Educational Studies 3 (2): 311–24. Masaiti, G. and Naluyele, P. N. 2011. ‘Strategies to retain and motivate employees in Africa: Examining the case of the ministry of education in Zambia’. African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 5(8): 409–23. Meebelo, H. S. 1971. Reaction to Colonialism. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Ministry of Education (MoE). 1996. Educating Our Future. Lusaka: Ministry of Education. —2003 and 2006. Learning Achievement at Middle Basic Level. A final report on the Zambia National Assessment Programme by the Examinations Council of Zambia. Lusaka: Ministry of Education. —2008a. Educational Statistical Bulletin. Lusaka: Ministry of Education. —2008b. 2008 Education and Skills Development Mid-term Report. The Performance of the Sector between 2006 and 2008. Lusaka: Ministry of Education/GRZ. —2008c. Concept Paper on the National Symposium for Curriculum Review in Zambia. Curriculum Review Symposium Secretariat. Lusaka: Ministry of Education/GRZ . —2009a. Annual Progressive Report. Lusaka: Pureline Publishers. —2009b. Annual Work Plan and Budget. Lusaka: Headquarters. —2010. Policy, Planning and Research. Lusaka: Headquarters. Ministry of Education (Zambia) (MoE). 1977. Educational Reform: Proposals and Recommendations. Lusaka: Government Printer. —(Zambia). 1992. Focus on learning: strategies for the development of school education in Zambia. Lusaka: Ministry of Education. —2009. Strategic Plan. Lusaka: Headquarters. Mulenga, I. M. 2011. Researching the Provision of Secondary Education in Zambia: The Academic Production Unit Programme. Saarbrucken: LAP. Mulford, D. C. 1967. Zambia: the Politics of Independence. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Musokotwane, S. 2009. Challenges of financing Education in Zambia (Paper presented by the Minister of Finance in Zambia at the financing consultation symposium: Lusaka. Mwanakatwe, J. M. 1968. The Growth of Education in Zambia Since Independence. Lusaka: Oxford University Press. —1974. The Growth of Education in Zambia Since Independence. Lusaka: Oxford University Press. Mwanza, J. 2008. Access and Relevance to Zambia and Beyond. Lusaka: Unza. Nkanza, P. 2010. Assessment of Zambia’s higher education (Paper presented to Ministry of Education and other key stakeholder: Lusaka. Republic of Zambia (ROZ). 2009. 2010 Budget and the 2010–2012 Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF). Ministry of Education: Lusaka. —2005. Educating the Nation: Strategic Framework for Implementation of Education for All. Lusaka: Education Ministries. Roberts, A. 1981. A History of Zambia. London: Heinemann. Rotberg, R. I. 1965. Christian Missionaries and the Creation of Northern Rhodesia 1880–1924. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Simposya, W. K. 2003. ‘Education system in Zambia: How it developed since independence on the 24th of October, 1964’. www.sambia.uni-wuppertal.de [accessed 20 April 2012]. Self Diagnosis Report (SDR). 2010. Country Self Diagnosis: Russian Education Aid for Development. Lusaka: Ministry of Education/Examination Council of Zambia. Snelson, P. D. 1974. Educational Development in Northern Rhodesia, 1883–1945. Lusaka: NECZAM. United Nations Development Programme UNDP. 2011. Zambia Human Development Report: Education Delivery Services. Washington DC: United Nations. United Nations Population Fund. 2010. ‘State of the World Population 2010’. New York: United Nations Population Fund. UN/ECA/FAO. 1964. Economic Survey Mission on the Economic Development of Zambia. New York: United Nations. World Bank. 1999. Zambia Basic Education Sub Sector Investment Program (BESIP) Project Vol 1. Project Appraisal Document. Washington, DC: World Bank. —2003. ‘2003 World Development Indicators’. Washington, DC: The World Bank. —2010. Financing Higher Education in Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank.

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Index Addis Ababa Conference (1961) 180, 344 Adult Education 19, 83, 233 adult literacy 1, 9, 11, 12, 85, 159, 250, 339, 357, 407 illiteracy 189, 250, 378 Afar 159, 168, 194, 232, 233, 239 agriculture 31, 42, 50, 52, 55, 70, 71, 74, 86, 132, 177, 178, 183, 184, 195, 196, 206, 207, 212, 215, 223, 250, 257, 258, 279, 283, 284, 285, 321, 354, 383, 400, 414, 415, 416–7, 427 Alternative Basic Education (ABE) 232–3 Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement (1944) 227–8 Angola 1–2, 15–36 Basic Education Act (2001) 19 Civil War (1980s) 15 Colonial Missionary Education (1842–5) 18 Economy 1, 16 Enrolment Growth 1–2, 32 Higher Education 19 Member of Southern African Development Community (SADC) 15 Private Education Sector 32 Arabic 166, 359, 375, arithmetic 198, 250, 251, 410 art 42, 50, 403 art and design 284, 285, 421 arts 25, 50, 55, 94, 203, 206, 235, 294, 308, 313, 381 Belgium 37, 38, 50, 54, 132, 134, 139, 376 biology 21, 22, 25, 31, 204, 210, 262, 284, 285, 286, 313, 344, 383, 408 Botswana 43, 111, 407, 449, 450 Brain Drain 6, 140, 146 British 193, 214, 322 Colonial Administration 377 Colonial Education Policy 376, 377 legacies 378 Somaliland 322

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Burundi 2, 3, 37–67, 306, 376 Capital City 53, 54 centralised administration 40 child soldiers 47–8 double shift schooling 37 elitist academic system 37 French Medium 2, 10, 32, 33, 38, 39, 42, 43 Gross Enrolment Rate 43 handicapped children 47 Higher Military Institute 57 independence (1962) 37, 38 Institute for Applied Pedagogy 60 Institute for Physical Education and Sport 59 inter-ethnic conflict 38 Ministry for Basic and Secondary Education 39 Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research 39 orphans and street children 47 Primary Teachers Colleges 60 Private Education (Nursery to Tertiary) 53–4 Private Universities – rapid growth of 57 Sectoral Plan for the Development of Education and Training (2009) 49 Universal Primary Education by 2015 37, 41, 44 Cameroon 186 Central African Republic (CAR) 1, 69–87 armed conflict 71 Capital City 71, 75, 77, 78, 79 dependence on French foreign aid 72, 76 ethnic diversity 70 foreign debt (huge) 73 French Medium 70 National Ministry of Education 82 political Instability 71

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456 Index poverty (64%) 71 private sector 75 provincial directorates 62 repeaters of grades 76 Sango (local language) 69, 70, 83 teacher education 80 teacher recruitment 81–2 teachers 76 University of Bangui 79 chemistry 21, 22, 25, 31, 204, 210, 231, 284, 285, 286, 313, 344, 383, 408 China 57, 158, 160, 212, 215 colonialism 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 32, 72, 83, 89, 134, 136, 163, 168, 176, 183, 189, 202, 218, 247, 376, 377, 378, 386, 428 Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) 158 Communication Technology 210, 215 Congo, Republic of 89–129 Brazzaville 90, 91, 96, 97, 98, 100, 102, 104, 111, 112, 113 Congolese Household Survey 89 Employment and Informal Sector Survey (2009) 97, 112 population structure 91 poverty rate (high) 90, 91 Private Education Sector 4, 93 sustained economic growth (oil) 90, 91 Vocational Training System 94–5, 100 Cote d’Ivoire 109, 141 creative arts 283, 420 Cuba 183 curriculum 7, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 28, 37, 40, 42, 49, 50, 60, 61, 64, 139, 140, 141, 148, 155, 163, 166, 169, 198, 203, 206, 210, 212, 239, 255, 261, 262, 265, 274, 281, 283, 284, 289, 290, 299, 311, 313, 318, 325, 335, 337, 339, 342, 358, 362, 374, 381, 384, 388, 389, 390, 394, 395, 402, 410, 415, 420, 424, 431, 433, 442, 443, 450, 451, 452 Dakar Declaration 7 Dakar World Education Forum (2000) 46, 352 dance 314 decentralization 13, 81, 131, 289, 384, 390, 424, 444, 446, 451

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democracy 2, 10, 301 Democratic Republic of the Congo 5, 15, 16, 54, 131–56 civil strife and conflict 5, 132 Civil War 134, 147, 152, 154, 155 co-operation with Belgian Universities 151 Department of Technical Education 51–2 displaced peoples 15, 44 economic crises 143 ethnic groups (250) 133 Independence (1960) 132 Kinshasa 132, 154 Lovanium University, Kinshasa 138 Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research 138 Ministry of Higher and University Education (MESU) 131, 141 Ministry of Primary, Secondary and Professional Education (MEPSP) 131 Ministry of Social Affairs and Non-Formal Education (MAS) 131 natural and mineral resources 132 primary teacher training institutions 152 redistribution of onstitutions 144 state disengagement from Higher Education 143 underfunding of education 143 unqualified teachers 146 universities 141 democratization 304, 451 Djibouti 5–6, 157–74, 193 Civil War (1991–2001) 160 Cosmopolitan Capital 160 foreign military bases 158 Francophone and Arobophone Schools 5 Household Survey (EDAM 2002) 157 life expectancy 159 poverty level 157 Structural Adjustment Programme (2001) 160 University Exodus to Egypt, Mauritania and Saudi Arabia 166 University of Djibouti (2006) 162 urbanized 157

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Index economic and social development 23, 28, 263, 300, 326, 335, 378 education basic 4, 10, 21, 74, 113, 162, 204, 232, 248, 249, 252, 253, 260, 275, 300, 360, 385, 433, 434, 438, 451 Double Shift System 160, 215, 331 Education for All (EFA) Global Monitoring Report (GMR) 7, 45, 47, 148, 164, 168, 185, 186, 189, 208, 231, 273, 275, 291, 360, 369, 375, 424, 432, 434, 441 formal education 161–4, 293, 339, 375, 376, 384, 416, 426, 433 higher education 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 10, 12, 19, 21, 22, 29–30, 31–2, 41, 49, 51, 54–8, 74, 75, 79, 91, 97, 100, 102, 113, 133, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141–4, 145, 150, 152, 154, 161, 162, 163, 183, 189, 203, 205, 215, 232, 247, 254, 262–4, 293–5, 300, 303, 306, 327–34, 340–2, 367, 378, 379, 382, 385, 429, 440 non-formal 65, 80, 83, 157, 165, 233, 276, 337, 338, 339, 374, 384 polytechnics 30, 34, 292, 337 pre-primary 30, 39, 41, 42, 64, 78, 154, 162, 184, 203, 249, 265, 306, 379, 380, 385, 402 primary 2, 5, 7, 12, 13, 18, 20, 30–1, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 48, 49, 64, 78, 89, 91, 92, 94, 96, 100, 101, 110, 140, 148, 152, 154, 162, 163, 182, 184, 186, 187, 203, 204, 224, 250, 265, 281, 282–3, 299, 300, 302, 306, 317, 326, 329, 330–1, 337, 339, 340, 353, 354, 363, 366, 378, 381, 389, 390, 402, 430, 433–4 private 2, 4, 12, 14, 45, 53–4, 86, 93, 139, 141, 152, 161, 184, 251, 253, 255 private higher 3, 10, 94, 162–3 secondary 1, 2, 4, 7, 13, 18, 21, 22, 37, 41, 43, 46, 48, 49, 64, 74, 75, 90, 91, 92, 94, 100, 101, 135, 136–8, 140, 148, 152, 154, 161, 162, 163, 164, 184, 189, 201, 203, 204, 233, 250, 251, 254, 255, 257, 283–4, 290, 299, 302, 306, 317, 327, 330, 334–5, 337,

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457

353, 357, 361, 363, 366, 378, 379, 382, 389, 390, 402, 426 technical 52, 53, 136, 254, 255, 260, 265, 268, 274, 275, 286, 293, 294, 317, 337, 366, 382, 415, 417, 424 technical professional 19, 25, 41, 260, 306 technical vocational 4, 41, 51–2, 79, 95 101, 136, 141, 153, 162, 168, 182, 184, 247, 254, 256, 284 universal primary education 7, 37, 42, 43, 44, 160, 181, 184 universities/HEIs 5, 6, 11, 13, 29, 30, 32, 37, 46, 50, 65, 74, 79, 86, 94, 97, 103, 104, 106, 109, 133, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141–4, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 180, 201, 204, 206–7, 215, 229, 232, 233, 238, 241, 242, 247, 258, 261, 262, 263, 264, 268, 274, 276, 277, 286, 292, 293, 294, 295, 300, 304, 306, 328, 335, 340–2, 354, 362, 363, 379, 382, 383, 384, 389, 390, 391, 396, 402, 413, 414, 423, 424, 430, 431, 433, 435, 444 vocational 41, 51–2, 64, 79, 94–5, 98, 101, 106, 136, 153 179, 184, 252, 253, 254, 259, 260, 265, 268, 293, 294, 317, 382, 385, 389 Egypt 132, 193, 200, 251, 356 enrolment 1, 2–3, 5, 8, 11, 31, 34, 44, 57, 61, 64, 75, 78, 79, 134, 135, 142, 143, 152, 155, 161, 164, 165, 175, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 189, 192, 203, 205, 206, 207, 232, 233, 238, 239, 240, 249, 262, 274, 282, 284, 290, 294, 295, 300, 302, 318, 329, 330, 334, 340, 343, 350, 353, 354, 355, 357, 358, 361, 431, 441, 451 Equatorial Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe 6–7, 175–90 General Education Law (1981) 7, 181, Independence: Equatorial Guinea (1968), Sao Tome and Principe (1975) 6 National University of Equatorial Guinea (1995) 183 Structural Adjustment Programme (World Bank) 178

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458 Index Eritrea 7–8, 191–222 British Military Administration (1941–52) 199–200 Capital (Asmara) 192, 195, 204, 205, 206, 207 Eritrean Institute of Technology (EIT) 204, 206, 207, 212 gender disparity 217 Italian Colonial Period (1890–1941) 199 languages 194 University of Asmara 205, 206, 215 Ethiopia 8–9, 223–43 basic education (Alternative Routes – ABE) 240 ethnic groups (90) and languages (85) 224 Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) (2010–15) 13, 223 Haile Selassi University 264 Italian occupation (1935–41) population (second in Africa) 8, 223 teachers 224, 234, 235, 236, 237 farm schools 416–17 France 54, 78, 160, 162, 183, 247, 252, 322 Francophone Africa 74, 75 French Baccalaureate 79, 80, 92, 93, 95, 162, 182, 183, 254. French Overseas Aid Organizations 82 Gabon, Republic of 245–72 Capital (Libreville) 245 Independence (1960) 246 mass compulsory education 250 National Agency for Education and Professional Development (ANEEP) 260 National Pedagogical Institute (IPN) 269, 270 National School of Commerce (ENC) 261 official language (French) 246 Project of Practice Schools for Insertion and Development (EPID) 259 teachers 265, 268 Technological Institute of Owendo 262 universities (3) 247

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university sector problems 263 gender 3, 4, 44, 45, 46, 62, 96, 100, 102, 103, 110, 111, 112, 139, 142–3, 169, 185, 186, 203, 204, 215, 216, 217, 218, 232, 233, 248, 252, 276, 281, 283, 284, 285, 286, 288, 291, 293, 294, 295, 299, 305, 315, 326, 335, 336, 356, 357, 366, 377, 385, 386, 387, 420, 438, 441–2, 444 geography 20, 21, 23, 25, 50, 60, 192, 203, 204, 206, 283, 284, 285, 313, 383 geology 22 German East Africa 376, 377 globalization 32, 85, 148, 163, 172, 182, 189, 202, 205, 214, 273, 279, 290, 303, 309, 414 health education 25, 95, 183, 192, 195–6, 204, 262, 444 history 20, 21, 23, 25, 50, 60, 198, 203, 204, 283, 313, 383 HIV/AIDS 3, 60, 73, 74, 159, 196, 217, 283, 294, 315, 401, 442, 443–4 human capital and capacity building 3, 6, 74, 102, 103, 107, 109, 110, 111, 140, 141, 212, 218, 293, 295, 301, 311, 394, 438 human development index 72 human rights 38, 48, 54, 196, 277, 283, 301, 315, 384, 424 India 160, 212, 215, 219 inequality 3, 4, 75, 91, 96, 100, 131, 142, 148, 155 Information Communication Technology (ICT) 172, 189, 205, 255, 258, 269, 273, 284, 289, 290, 293, 301, 304, 305, 311, 313, 315, 316, 317, 414, 448 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 6, 143, 161 Inter University Council for East Africa 57 Islam 159, 164, 165, 326, 344, 349, 350, 375 Italy 193, 199, 206, 214, 234, 322, 324 Japan 89, 158, 395 job market 41, 84, 256, 259, 318, 341, 416, 417

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Index Jomtien Conference and Declaration (EFA) (1990) 2, 7, 43, 163, 182, 403, 432 Kenya 109, 273–98, 306, 343, 407 Capital (Nairobi) 273 Centre for Mathematics, Science and Technology Education in Africa 287 Certificate of Primary Education Examination (KCPE) 285 Certificate of Secondary Education Examination (KCSE) 285 ethnic groups 275, 276 Free Primary Education (FPE) (2003) 275, 282, 283 higher education 293–5 Independence 263 Kenya Institute of Curriculum Development (KICD) 281, 287, 289 Kenya National Examinations Council (KNEC) 284, 298 Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology (MOHEST) 293 poverty 279–80 Strengthening Mathematics and Science Project (SMASSE) 287 teachers 287, 289–90 technical and vocational education 292, 293, universities 294 Koran 164, 198 labour market 21, 33, 53, 83, 89–129, 171, 189, 257, 258, 304, 311, 420, 444 language 2, 8, 285, 308, 313, 318, 325, 335, 350, 356, 415, 419, 443 languages Afar 159, 168, 194, 232, 233, 239 Amharic 8, 9, 200, 201, 202, 228, 234 Arabic 159, 162, 164, 165, 166, 168, 194, 200, 201, 284, 285, 323, 324, 325, 333, 334, 335, 344, 350, 356, 358, 359, 364, 401 English 12, 21, 25, 32, 33, 43, 49, 50, 60, 61, 169, 194, 200, 204, 206, 214, 234, 235, 276, 277, 283, 284, 285, 286, 308, 309, 313, 318, 323, 325, 333, 334, 335, 336, 344, 350, 354,

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459

356, 358, 359, 364, 381, 382, 383, 386, 391, 401, 403, 408, 410, 427 French 2, 10, 21, 25, 32, 33, 38, 39, 42, 43, 50, 60, 70, 76, 83, 133, 135, 146, 159, 162, 163, 168, 169, 170, 171, 182, 185, 246, 284, 285, 309, 313, 318, 383 German 284, 285 Italian 194, 199, 227, 323 Kinyarwanda 308, 309, 313, 318 Kirundi 2, 38, 42, 43 Kiswahili 43, 49, 60, 61, 149, 276, 277, 283, 284, 285, 286, 318, 376, 381, 382, 383, 391, 401 Portuguese 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 31, 32, 33, 176, 178, 182, 185 Sango 69, 70, 83 Somali 159, 165, 168, 324, 325, 333, 334 Spanish 176, 179, 180, 181, 182 Tingrinya 194, 200, 201 literacy 3, 9, 31, 83, 80, 135, 215, 282, 325, 332, 338, 339, 350, 352, 353, 354, 360, 381, 402, 443, 444 basic 187, 276 illiteracy 9, 11, 44, 74, 100, 154, 169, 202, 204, 249, 250, 300, 301, 354, 378, 386, 429 mathematics 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 31, 42, 43, 50, 60, 76, 162, 166, 203, 204, 210, 213, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 292, 308, 313, 333, 335, 336, 344, 359, 381, 382, 383, 403, 408, 443 Mauritania 162 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) 4, 7, 44, 72, 75, 82, 91, 113, 148, 151, 182, 189, 195, 208, 231, 242, 273, 275, 291, 326, 330, 337, 352, 564, 424, 441 Mogadishu 344 Morocco 186, 264 mother tongue 38, 200, 201, 204, 277, 283, 318, 359, 364 music 20, 29, 235, 284, 285, 314, 403, 419 Namibia 449 National Youth Community Service Schemes 34

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460 Index Natural Sciences 20, 50, 143 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) 48, 80, 219, 229, 233, 240, 295, 312, 314, 343, 345, 403, 424, 432, 453, 442, 451 Nigeria 109, 132 Nomads 216, 321, 349 numeracy 187, 249, 282, 332, 350, 360, 381, 386, 444 Pakistan 160 pastoralists 239, 239, 242, 321 pedagogy 39, 49, 58, 59, 60, 62, 64, 137, 152, 162, 164, 186, 214, 234, 287, 290, 358 physical education 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 42, 50, 55, 60, 283, 403, 420, 443 physics 21, 22, 25, 31, 204, 210, 213, 284, 285, 286, 313, 344, 383, 408 poverty 4, 26, 71, 95, 107, 108, 110, 112, 113, 157, 158–9, 178, 182, 214, 223, 224, 237, 242, 279, 280, 283, 285, 299, 300, 304, 317, 385, 386, 430, 431 quality of education 32, 38, 63, 71, 85, 134, 137, 149, 155, 160, 161, 163, 186, 188, 202, 213, 219, 234, 240, 251, 265, 269, 275, 280, 290, 291, 301, 305, 318, 326, 356, 363, 369, 377, 386, 432, 441 quality of teaching 56, 167, 211, 214, 251, 287, 402 reading 18, 137, 198, 203, 214, 218, 227, 249, 250, 251, 282, 332, 403, 410 refugees 160, 201, 328, 355, 356 Religion 42, 50, 198, 323, 350, 386, 394 Anglican 401, 407 Baptist 177 Catholic 5, 18, 30, 39, 40, 133, 138, 154, 226, 247, 251, 277, 401, 410 Franciscans 18 Jesuits 18, 427 Orthodox 198, 226, 23 Christian 8, 9, 11, 48, 58, 133, 185, 193, 194, 197, 218, 226, 277, 284, 324, 350, 375, 394, 410, 415 Hindu 284

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Islam/Muslim 8, 9, 10, 11, 133, 165, 166, 194, 198, 218, 247, 277, 284, 323, 350, 401, 410 Kimbanguist 133, 154 research 32, 33, 74, 89, 151, 152, 175, 192, 208, 209, 211, 213, 262, 263, 270, 275, 281, 284, 289, 29, 294, 295, 302, 303, 305, 392, 414 Rwanda 10, 299–319, 376 Basic Education Twelve Year Strategy 302, 306, 307 Civil War and Genocide (1994) 10, 300 Early Childhood Development Policy 302, 313 Education Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS) 300, 317 Education Sector Strategic Plan (2008) 12 Information and Communications Technology (ICT) 304–5 Kigali Institute of Education (KIE) 303, 313 language medium change (from French to English) 10 Mandatory Secondary Education 302, 306, 307 National University of Rwanda 300, 307 Nine-Year Basic Education Policy (2010) 300, 306, 307 One Laptop per Child (OLPC) 10, 305 post-secondary institutions (29 public and private) 303 Rwanda Education Board (REB) 310, 311, 312, 317 technical and vocational education 303, 304 Vision 2020 – A Knowledge Society 10, 299, 300, 303, 317 Salamanca Agreement 241, 404 Saudi Arabia 158, 160, 162, 166 science and technology 22, 50, 60, 62, 94, 143, 206, 207, 235, 238, 263, 264, 262, 263, 283, 284, 292, 294, 301, 302, 313, 317, 318, 335, 336, 359, 382, 383, 403, 449 Senegal 160, 162, 264

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Index skills/life skills 33, 153, 218, 250, 251, 252, 256, 257, 259, 268, 279, 280, 281, 283, 290, 292, 303, 304, 314, 317, 327, 335, 337, 338, 369, 381, 382, 383, 388, 394, 408, 410, 416, 451 slave trade 177 Social Science 94, 255, 294, 313 social studies 235, 283, 285, 344 Somalia 10–11, 160, 321–47 Africa Educational Trust (AET) 328 British Military Administration (1941–50) 324 Civil War (from 1991–) 322, 325, 327 Community Education Committees (CECs) 329 enrolment increase 11 Independence (1960) 322–5 Nomadic Communities 321 private schooling 331 school cycle of 12 Years 325, 326 secondary education growth 334 Somali Distance Education for Literacy (SOMDEL) 339 Somaliland Education Sector Strategic Plan (2012–16) 333 Syad Barre Goot (literacy campaign) 322, 325 teachers 333, 335 technical, vocational and non-formal Education 337 Three ‘Countries’: Three education systems 11, 322–3, 327, UNICEF Primary Education Census for Somaliland 329 USAID Education Sector Assessment (2003) 329–30 South Africa 279, 407, 449, 450 South Sudan 11, 111, 132, 349–72 Christian Missionary Schools 1901 350 Independence (2011) 11, 349 internally displaced people 355–6 language medium of education change (from Arabic to English) 11 Ministries of Education 366 orphan pupils 356 Primary Education Access Worst in the World 351 refugees 355, 356, 362 teachers 352, 361, 362, 368

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461

Special Educational Needs 9, 13, 19, 25, 31, 64, 184, 240, 241, 282, 291, 305, 356, 366, 387, 389, 403, 404 street children 282 Tanzania 12, 110, 160, 306, 373–97 Arab influence 375 Arusha Declaration (Education for Self Reliance) (1967) 373, 378, 385, 394 colonial education experience (German/British 1840s–1961) 375, 376 German secular – British Christian 376 curriculum Issues 388–90 higher education (50 institutions) 383–4, 391 Independence (1961 + Zanzibar 1964) 373 Open University of Tanzania (OUT) 392 private institutions 392 radical reforms in the 1990s 378 Special Needs Unit (1989) 387–8 teachers 386, 388, 389, 390, 391, 393 Uganda 12–13, 111, 160, 306, 343, 399–421 African Development Bank support for every school 409 African Virtual University 414 Education Sector Review (ESR) 405 ethnic groups 401 Independent National University of Uganda 413 Kajubi Commision (1987) on special needs education 403 Kampala Technical College (1954) 417–18 Kyambogo University: Special needs training 407 Languages (Official English) Local: Ganda, Luganda, Swahili, Arabic 401 Makerere University 413–14, 417 Ministry of Education and Sports (MOES) 402 origin as technical college (1922) 413 religion (99 per cent affiliated) 401

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462 Index Protestant (42 per cent) 401 Roman Catholic (42 per cent) 401 Salamanca Agreement on provision for special needs (1994) 404 School System: lack of Government control 402 Uganda Education Act (2008) 411–12 University College of the University of London (1949) 413 University of East Africa (1963) 413 young population profile 399, 400, 401 UNDP 72, 215, 219, 236, 245 UNESCO Institute of Statistics 176, 185, 186, 189 UNHCR 345 UNICEF 47, 61, 80, 160, 175, 176, 185, 189, 228, 328, 342, 345, 355, 402 Universal Primary Education (UPE), the aim since 1996 160, 181, 187, 189, 203, 232, 275, 404 USA 158, 160, 193, 228, 279, 431 USAID 160, 337, 344 vocational education 1, 2, 34, 64, 204, 205, 206, 250, 264, 265, 416, 424 World Bank 8, 12, 44, 73, 80, 82, 143, 155, 160, 161, 175, 176, 185, 202, 204, 215, 219, 228, 245, 400, 402, 450

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Yemen 160, 162, 166, 193, 343 Zaire University Press 152 Zambia 13, 423–54 Colonial Legacy 423 Education for all Declaration (1991) 432 Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (1953–63) 425 HIV/AIDS 443–4 Independence (1964) 423 Indigenous Legacy 424 Ministry of Education (MOE) 424 Sector Plan (MOESP (1998–2007) 433 Ministry of Science Technology and Vocational Training 424 National University (1966) 431 Secondary Schooling 435 Stable Political and Social Environment 450 Student Alliance for Female Education (SAFE) 442 system structure 9-3-4 433 from basic to tertiary sectors 433 teachers colleges (14) 447 University of Zambia 447 vision 2030 438, 445

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