Education and Hegemony : Social Construction of Knowledge in India in the Era of Globalisation [1 ed.] 9781443868303, 9781443859707

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Education and Hegemony

Education and Hegemony: Social Construction of Knowledge in India in the Era of Globalisation

By

Nagaraju Gundemeda

Education and Hegemony: Social Construction of Knowledge in India in the Era of Globalisation, by Nagaraju Gundemeda This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Nagaraju Gundemeda All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5970-2, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5970-7

To My parents Nagemdram Gundemeda (Mother) Narayana Gundemeda (Father)

CONTENTS

List of Tables, Figures and Maps ............................................................... ix Foreword .................................................................................................... xi Professor E. Haribabu List of Acronyms ...................................................................................... xiii Glossary ..................................................................................................... xv Preface ..................................................................................................... xvii Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter One ............................................................................................... 13 Globalisation, Information Technology and Education Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 53 The Social Construction of Knowledge in Andhra Pradesh, India Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 93 Pathways to Information Technology Education Chapter Four ............................................................................................ 135 Forms of Capital and Patterns of Access to IT Education Chapter Five ............................................................................................ 169 Conclusions References ............................................................................................... 177 Index ........................................................................................................ 189

LIST OF TABLES, FIGURES AND MAPS Fig. I.1. Political map of Andhra Pradesh Table I.1. Sample of the respondents Table 3.1. List of States in India by number of Engineering Institutes Table 3.2. Major players in IT education industry Table 3.3. Distribution of IT Education across the regions Table 3.4. Distribution of IT institutes in different states Table 3.5. Turnout of manpower from Degree/Diploma colleges Table 3.6. Distribution of IT education in the state Table 4.1. Admission patterns Table 4.2. Source of Information Table 4.3. Medium of Instruction Table 4.4. Criterion in selecting IT Centre Table 4.5. Course options Table 4.6. Expectations of a IT education Table 4.7. Profiles of the respondents Table 4.8. Caste background of the students Table 4.9. Gender composition Table 4.10. Rural and Urban backgrounds of respondents Table 4.11. Marital status of respondents Table 4.12. Educational qualifications of respondent’s fathers Table 4.13. Occupation of father Table 4.14. Parental Income Table 4.15. Class status of respondents Table 4.16. Kinship networks Table 5.1. Religion and gender Table 5.2. Gender and Caste Table 5.3 Caste and Rural/Urban Table 5.4. Caste and father’s educational qualifications Table 5.5. Caste and place of study at different stages Table 5.6. Caste and medium of instruction in different stages of education Table 5.7. Class and caste distribution of students Table 5.8. Caste and the monthly income of Family Table 5.9. Income levels and problems in IT education institutes Table 5.10. Caste and access to computers Table 5.11. Income level and realisation of expectations Table 5.12. Income origins and preferences of courses

FOREWORD

It gives me pleasure to write a foreword for this monograph. The book arose out of the Ph.D. thesis of Dr. Nagaraju Gundimeda for which I mentored him. The decade of 1990s was a watershed in the history of IT in India as the decade opened up enormous overseas opportunities for the Indian IT-trained graduates with the problem of Y2K and the general thrust towards digitization of business operations across the world. Enormous demand was created for human resources trained in various tools in IT and IT-enabled services at various levels. This global demand was a boon to thousands of graduates in various disciplines of engineering and basic sciences including some social sciences. It is in this context that several enterprising individuals started training centres/institutes to provide short-term training in various platforms and tools of the application. With the courses adding value to the degrees they already possessed, they found relatively more attractive jobs compared to the bleak employment scenario for thousands of graduates. This led to the demand for engineering education and education in computer sciences at the undergraduate level and graduate level (Master’s Degree Programme in Computer Application- MCA). As a result, enterprising individualsfrom business and politics started engineering colleges. In the 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century, no matter from which discipline in engineering that one graduated s/he joined IT (soft- ware) companies. Today in India there are thousands of engineering colleges owned and managed by education-entrepreneurs which have been trained engineering graduates in thousands. The present monograph is an attempt to understand this scenario which continues to be discernible today. Dr. Nagaraju conceptualizes the problem in terms of globalization and the role of national economies and education systems in the context of globalization. His study attempts to understand the linkages among the global economy on the one hand and state policies of liberalization, privatization in different domains of the economy, including education in India by employing conceptual resources drawn from the Marxist tradition. He attempts to explore the questions of the aspirations of the young men and women graduates, especially form engineering and natural science disciplines drawn from different caste groups, classes from rural and urban areas in the context of globalization and expansion of software

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Foreword

industry and IT-enabled services in the country. The ultimate dream of almost every young person is to become a software engineer and migrate to developed countries in the West. However, the concept of offshore work which is an Indian invention, facilitated by the ICT enabled a large number of the young graduates to work for Indian software companies from Indian soil which were carrying out projects for the overseas clients. In a sense the global multinational companies and smaller ones could access the human resources of developing countries such as India without having to allow them into their home countries as immigrants in large numbers. The developed capitalist democracies in the West tend to use their immigration policies selectively and discreetly through their visa regulations in allowing only the skilled professionals who could contribute to their economy. This is another dimension of hegemony. Dr. Nagaraju’s work opens up several research opportunities in the area of internationalization of production and services and mobility of labour and shifting of production and service units from developing country to another, depending on the relative cost advantage and social and economic consequences of such shifts for the educated youth in the developing countries such as India. The education policy makers in India should learn lessons from the dynamics of global capital and evolve a policy that would improve the quality of education, especially in engineering and natural sciences and see that they become innovative and participate in the nation’s economic and social development in addition to contributing to the economies of other countries. This monograph is a welcome addition to the body of literature in the broad area of IT-society and education interface. Prof. E. Haribabu Department of Sociology, School of Social Sciences, Hyderabad Central University Hyderabad . India

LIST OF ACRONYMS

ACC AICTE AMC B.A B.Com B.E B.Sc B.Tech BC BCA BCA Bi.P C CEC CMC HDR HEC IGNOU IMFISA ITES IT LPG M.A M.Com M.E M.Sc M.Tech MCA MEC MNC MPC NIIT OC PGDCA PUC

Andhra Christian College All India Council for Technical Education Andhra Muslim College Batchelor of Arts Batchelor of Arts Batchelor of Engineering Batchelor of Arts Batchelor of Technology Backward Classes Batchelor of Computer Application Bachelor of Computer Applications Biology, Physics & Chemistry Civics-Economics & Commerce Computer Education Company Human Development Report 1999). History, Economics & Civics Indira Gandhi National Open University International Monetary Fund Ideological State Apparatus Information Technology enabled services Information Technology Liberalization, Privatization, Globalization Master of Arts Master of Commerce Master of Engineering Master of Science Master of Technology Master of Computer Application Maths, Economics & Commerce Multinational Company Maths, Physics & Chemistry National Institute of Information Technology Other castes Post Graduate Diploma in Computer Application Pre university Certificate

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SAP SC SOE SSI computers SSLC ST TDP UGC

List of Acronyms

Structural Adjustment Policy Scheduled Castes Sociology of education A registered IT education company based Chennai in India Secondary School Certificate Scheduled Tribes Telugu Desam Party University Grants Commission

GLOSSARY

Avarna—A section of people who were declared as untouchables. Brahman—an upper caste in social order. Kshatriyas—an upper caste in social order, but inferior to Brahmins. Shudra—constitutes a large share of the Hindu caste order, broadly, divided into peasant castes and service castes. The peasant castes enjoy social and economic power, whereas the service castes are located at the bottom of the social ladder. Reddy, Kamma, Kapu and Velama—the dominant peasant castes in Andhra Pradesh and Telengana. Chaturvarna—fourfold caste system. Andhra—coastal region of Andhra Pradesh. Jati—indigenous term for caste. Kanyasulkam—bride price. An evil social practice, according to which an old man would marry young girls by paying cash or in kind to the girls' parents, practised up to the middle part of the twentieth century in Andhra Pradesh. Varakatnam—bridegroom price. The parents of the bride are expected to pay cash or kind or both at the time of marriage to the groom’s party. It has become a widespread phenomenon across the country where poor parents find it difficult to arrange a marriage for their daughters. Mantra—a religious or mystical syllable or poem, typically from the Sanskrit language. Dalits/ Panchamas (Fifth Varna ex-Untouchables). Adi-Andhra—the indigenous people of Andhra. Adi-Hindu—the indigenous people of Hindu religion. Patashala—traditional school. Parentocracy—the new ideology of parents. Rayalaseema—a sub-region in Andhra Pradesh. Sangam—association. Savarna castes—superior upper castes in the caste system. Avarna castes—low castes who are excluded from the caste order. Shudras—lower caste groups. Adivasi—the indigenous people. telivi-tetalu—intelligence/awareness.

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Glossary

Telengana- a sub-region in Andhra Pradesh, government of India, declared it as a separate state on 2/6/2014 Vishalandhra—an imagined greater Andhra Pradesh consisting of all Telugu-speaking regions of South India. Zamindars—landlords

PREFACE

The idea of publishing my doctoral work as a book is a dream of the last ten years, and it came about as a result of the professional demands and personal commitment to the vocation of teaching and research. It was primarily driven by the dynamic nexus between the political economy of globalization and the sociological context of educational reforms and transitions in Andhra Pradesh since the 1990s. The transition in global economy introduced a new mode of economic opportunities and a new means of educational orientation to the emerging but aspiring social communities. The idea of responding to the contextual social demands came from my guru, Ph.D supervisor and mentor Prof. E. Haribabu. I am highly indebted to him for his encouragement and support during all my academic endeavours. Teaching courses in the sociology of India and education for the last seven years gave me an opportunity to revisit the frames of sociological analysis on the issues of education and contemporary Indian society. I am thankful to all my professors, Chandrasekhar Bhat, K. Laxminarayana, Vinod K. Jairath, K. Vijayatilakam, Aparna Rayaporl and Surinder S. Jodhka, who taught me the concepts, theories and methods of sociological analysis. I am indebted to Prof. N. Sudhakarrao, Department of Anthropology, for his encouragement and for sparing his time for intellectual engagement. I am very much thankful to my friend Dr. Eswarappa Kasi for his moral support, and timely help at different stages of this work. I acknowledge with gratitude the support given by the Department of Sociology and various administrative branches of the University of Hyderabad for all forms of academic support. This work would not have been completed without the support and help of my wife Tejasmitha. I appreciate the little sacrifices of my kids Neeharika and Nischay. I am extremely thankful to Ms. Amanda Millar of Cambridge Scholars Publishers for accepting to publish my work and reminding me of the deadlines. I also acknowledge Ms. Ekta Singla and Mr. Graham Clarke for their help in proofreading the draft.

INTRODUCTION

Historically, human beings as toolmakers transformed the techniques of production and gained control over nature. The countries that were under colonial rule and gained independence in the twentieth century recognized the potential of modern science and technology for economic development and social transformation. The governments of developing countries announced policies related to the development and propagation of modern science and technology in various sectors of production and services through expanding the existing institutions and establishing new ones devoted to the development of human resources to carry out teaching and research. Information Technology (IT) brought about far-reaching changes in production, services and cultural patterns in the twenty-first century. The advanced countries that have undergone transformations through the wider application of information technology are usually referred to as information societies. All the developing countries have also recognized the potential of IT for their economic and social development. Political, cultural and education sectors are gradually transforming through IT, creating conditions for major social change in these societies. Thus, the wider application of information and communication technology (ICT) in diverse spheres of life across societies has led to the rise of the knowledge economy. To sustain the knowledge economy, it is necessary to develop skilled individuals who meet the global demands imposed by capitalist economies. It is here that education plays an important role. Countries which provide education oriented towards creating IT professionals tend to have greater advantages in the present context. The demand for IT professionals has created conditions for the easy flow of trained IT personnel across countries and continents. IT professionals from developing countries like India have migrated to the USA and Europe, as well as Asian countries like Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia. These professionals migrate in lieu of high salaries, social recognition within the country, rich lifestyles and better employment opportunities in other countries. Such perks lend a great deal of importance to the information technology education. As a result, a number of IT education institutions have emerged over the last two decades across the country, both in the

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Introduction

public and private sectors, providing IT education at various stages. Although a wide range of people have obtained degrees and diplomas provided by the government or private institutions, access to IT education and employment opportunities tends to be influenced by the patterns of organization in terms of rural or urban background, government-private and fee charges. On the other hand, aspiration to access education is determined by the socioeconomic and cultural background of the students. Indian society is stratified according to religion, caste, class, gender, education and region. Access to opportunities in education is conditioned by the socioeconomic position of a particular individual in the system of stratification. A number of social scientists and sociologists, such as Aikara (2004), Atal (2007), Chanana (2002; 2007), Chitnis (2000), Gore (1976), Indira (1997), N.Jayaram (1977; 1990), Shiva Kumar (1982), Kumar (1997), Nayak (1997), Srinivas (1995), Thapan (2006), Nambissan (2013), Tilak (2012), Rao (1985) and Rao (2006) have worked on the range of issues related to the inequalities, identities and ideologies of the educational system within the framework of education and societal dynamics and linkages. These studies have examined the issues of stratification, gender, rural or urban origins, the role of language, and discrimination at various stages of education, ranging from primary to post graduation, in the context of Indian society. However, there are very few sociological studies examining the issues and challenges associated with technical education in general, and IT education in particular. Given the huge demand for IT education and the resources directed towards its expansion, it is crucial to map the history of IT education in the country. The aim of this book is to explore how accessible IT education is to different social groups in a highly stratified society like India. Attempts to understand the anthropological and sociological dimensions of information technology have primarily focused on the economic, cultural and symbolic forms of capital associated with the IT industry and articulated the ideologies of the diverse social groups. They also highlight the importance of religion, region, caste, class, gender, education and occupational background in negotiating the multiple layers of IT opportunities and spaces. The studies on sociology of information technology, such as those by Narasimhan & Fuller (2006; 2007; 2008), Upadhyay (2007; 2009), Upadhyay &Vasavi (2008), Biao (2005), Ilavarasan (2008) and Radhakrishnan (2012), focus more on the sociology of IT professionals and their cultural and corporate values. There are few studies on the sociology of information technology and education in Indian society. Therefore, the present book aims to discuss the dynamic nexus

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between the impact of the political economy of globalisation and in shaping the social imagination of IT education in contemporary Andhra Pradesh. In this context, this book aims to map the political economy of IT education and examine the social economy of the new degrees or diplomas distributed by the IT institutions and the degree of access to IT of different social groups. The study also takes into account the economic background of students and captures the sociological imaginations associated with the globalisation and liberalization of local economies and cultural practices. At the micro level the reasons and reflections of students in approaching education and appropriating IT education as knowledge capital are discussed. It is indispensable to outline a conceptual view of the origins and growth of information technology, its role in shaping the evolution of the information society, and its far-reaching implications for the diverse sectors, including education, in developing countries like India. Research publications on education in the era of IT revolution and globalisation highlight the changing focus on education and its implications for Indian society. Sociologists have yet to look at the social roots of the recent demand for information technology education and its access to different social groups. The aim of the present study is to explore the social factors that determine access to IT education and how the socioeconomic background and rural/urban origins of individuals affect their access to IT education.

The Context The present study focuses briefly on the evolution of IT education within the framework of globalisation, as well as the rise of the information society in the West and the IT industry in India. The study broadly addresses the issues of economy and education in shaping the direction of IT education and their implications for the accessibility of social groups in India in general and Andhra Pradesh in particular. It also presents a detailed analysis of the relationship between the social background of aspirants and their access to IT education. The differential social indicators comprise of caste, rural/urban income and gender. The study also covers the attitudes and perceptions of the students about IT education, particularly in the times of financial crisis experienced by IT industry. The theory of social exclusion, founded on the writings of neoWeberain sociology as developed by Parkin (1979), Collins (1979) and Murphy (1984), argues that the capitalist societies of the West have

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Introduction

experienced a shift in the nature of social exclusion. Parkins (1979) observes: In modern capitalist society the two main exclusionary devices by which the bourgeoisie constructs and maintains itself as a class are first those surrounding the institutions of property, and second academic or professional qualifications and credentials. Each represents a set of legal arrangements for restricting access to rewards and privileges. Property ownership is a form of closure designed to prevent general access to the means of production and its outcomes, credentials is a form designed to control and monitor the entry to a key position in the division of labour.

According to this conceptualization, social exclusion is individualistic in nature rather than “collectivist,” and the entry to elite groups is possible through an “open” competition for credentials. Whereas the collectivist approach to exclusion operates through the direct transmission of advantage to other group members on the basis of their origins in a caste, class and gender. The source of exclusion is not based on the specific attributes of individuals, but the generalized attributes of social collectivities (Crompten 1993). To address the question of education and the occupational structure, Collins (1979) has chosen social exclusion theory. According to Collins, the changing relationship between education and occupational stratification should be understood as a group conflict over scarce resources (i.e. credentials, income and occupational status). Middle-class overdependence on education as a channel to professional occupations, providing social status and privileges to the next generations, has led to intense competition in the educational system. The changing recruitment pattern also emphasizes occupational careers, acquiring social mobility through formal entrance examinations in an elite system of higher education (Bourdieu & Passeron 1990; Brown 1997). The possession of higher qualifications (degrees or diploma/credentials) is a passport into professional and managerial occupations. The reason for the growing competition for IT degrees is the overemphasis of employers in the selection of high achieving graduates for recruitment. The over-supply of graduate labour has also accelerated the problem of “credential inflation” (Dore 1976), the focus on which also intensifies the competition for accumulating credits from the elite and most popular educational institutions, because degree holders stand as “relative” to one another in a hierarchy consisting of academic and social worth. Even market gives priority to status credentials (Hirsh 1977). The process of acquiring the credentials or diplomas and degrees in IT education has acquired significant importance in the wake of the phenomenal growth of the IT industry, and IT enabled industries, in India. The private sector has

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taken the lead role in promoting and sustaining the IT education industry in the country. It is important to understand the social-economic background of the social groups who have attached a lot of significance to IT education. The study assumes that the stratification system influences the extent to which access to IT education is equally distributed. Given this perspective, one can say that the degree of access to educational opportunities, especially at a higher level, is unequally distributed. The unequal distribution of access arises from structured social inequalities based on social stratification systems such as caste, class, religion, gender, region, and rural or urban distinctions. IT education has assumed great significance in the wake of the phenomenal growth of the IT industry both in India and abroad, training software professionals and a workforce in medical transcriptions and call centres. The offshore business transactions of the multinational companies have also accelerated the growth of the IT industry. Due to the monetary benefits and social prestige associated with the IT jobs, social groups from diverse backgrounds also seem to attach much significance to IT education. This book aims to understand how and in what ways the organizational structures of IT education in the government and the private sector differentiates the pattern of accessibility. The private corporate initiatives in shaping IT education, training and its integration with the world economy have larger implications for the diverse sections (IT education seekers and providers) associated with IT education. The study primarily focuses on how the organization of IT education in the private sector influences patterns of accessibility, and it tries to analyse the relationship between socioeconomic background and degree of access to IT education. The objectives of the study are to: (1) map the political economy of globalisation and its impact on shaping education for a developing country like India (2) analyse the sociological foundations shaping the new knowledge regimes in the era of globalisation in Andhra Pradesh (3) map the multiple strategies adopted by diverse social groups in accessing IT education and training (4) examine the relationship between the socio-cultural, economiceducational background of parents and the degree of access to IT education.

6

Introduction

This book assumes that there is variability in the degree of access to information technology education across various social groups, influenced by the positions of the social groups in the stratification system (i.e. caste, class and gender). As discussed, the aim of the present study is to examine the relationship between social background and access to IT education. Within this framework, an empirical study was conducted on the question of access to different social groups. The present chapter discusses the methodology adopted in the selection of the sample, and the rationale behind the selection of field sites such as cities, IT education institutes and student respondents. This chapter also covers the tools and techniques of data collection employed in the study. The present book adopts crosssectional design as a research design, and shows how social background influences the accessibility to IT education and the training opportunities for people drawn from different social categories in Andhra Pradesh. The study also demonstrates the relationship between social background and patterns of response and strategies to access IT education. Andhra Pradesh is one of the major hubs for human resources, training in the field of IT in India. On average, 25% of the total software personnel originates from the cities and towns of Andhra Pradesh, and IT jobs are highly coveted among the members of the middle class and the upper castes in Andhra Pradesh. Following a review of the literature of information technology and society linkages and their implications for IT jobs, the researcher used a questionnaire and interview method to conduct a pilot survey among 40 students pursuing IT courses in two IT training institutes based in Hyderabad. In accordance with the objectives of the study and research design, the researcher selected four cities: Hyderabad, Vijayawada, Warangal and Tirupathi. The rationale behind selecting these four cities as field sites is that, firstly, apart from Hyderabad, the other three cities represent three sub-regions of the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, namely coastal Andhra, Telangana and Rayalaseema. Secondly, a significant number of IT Education institutes are concentrated within these cities. Thirdly, all four cities have acquired reputations for imparting quality education at different levels. Finally, the political economies of these cities are unique in nature compared to the other cities of Andhra Pradesh.

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Fig. I.1. Political map of Andhra Pradesh

Source: www.mapsofindia.com.

The rationale behind selecting Hyderabad is that it has been projected as the future capital of the information technology industry in India. As a result of several proactive policies by the state government, a significant number of software and hardware companies have been established in Hyderabad (Kamat 2004; 2011). As a corollary to these developments, hundreds of IT education institutes have emerged across the city, ranging from international to local institutions that offer a wide range of courses. Vijayawada, known as a major commercial and educational centre of Andhra Pradesh, is located on the banks of river Krishna. The hinterland of Vijayawada is agriculturally prosperous due to the availability of water from the Krishna river for irrigation. Because of the green revolution and the strategic location of the city, a significant number of educational institutions have started to meet the demands of the city aspirants and the students from nearby towns and villages (Parthasaradhy 1998). It appears that some of the economically resourceful people of certain castes and classes, by virtue of their land ownership, deploy their agrarian surplus in

8

Introduction

IT education as an avenue of investment. IT institutions have become yet another avenue for investments and the accumulation of capital (Upadhyay 1989). Warangal is a historical city and known as the major commercial and educational centre in the Telangana region. The city and district of Warangal are relatively prosperous in agriculture compared to other cities of Telangana, and a significant number of government and private educational institutions have been established in the city. Similarly, a significant amount of IT education institutes have emerged in the city, which range from local to internationally reputed institutions like NIIT and Aptech. Tirupathi is more popular as a temple city because of local deity Lord Venkateswara. The temple management has invested in a number of educational institutions ranging from elementary to university education. On the other hand, a significant number of privately managed colleges shaped Tirupati as a centre for educational activity including IT education and training. NIIT was the first training centre to emerge in Tirupati offering different types of courses in IT related fields (the number has since increased to 20). In contrast to other cities, most of the IT education and training seekers in Hyderabad belong to social groups like the middle classes, comprising professionals, the self-employed (business), civil servants, and white-collar workers. The other three cities are primarily situated in the rural hinterland. The compositions of IT education and training seekers tend to be different in terms of social composition and economic and occupational backgrounds in the four cities selected for study. Primary data were collected from a sample of students drawn from the IT education and training institutes in the four cities, which are academic and industrial organizations in the public and private sectors (predominately the latter). Sixteen branches or franchises of reputed IT education institutes run by the private educational companies were observed, which are NIIT, Aptech, CMC and SSI. The rationale behind choosing these institutes was that, firstly, the total strength of these institutes is significantly higher when compared to other training institutes; secondly, all the above institutes are spread across the selected cities; and thirdly, the selected institutes seem to be more popular when compared to others in terms of training in the IT industry. They have also evolved innovative new trends in extending the scope of IT education and training. The major focus of the study is students. To understand the organizational details, data have been collected from the management of the IT education institutes. At the time of this study enrolment at each centre varied from 150 to 160 students. The management of each centre

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refused to provide the list of total students enrolled in different courses, and the enrolment numbers changed every month. Under these circumstances, 15 students from each of the 16 institutes were selected on the basis of their willingness to participate in the study, a sample constituting approximately 10% of enrolled students. The respondents (students) for the present study pursuing IT education courses at different levels, in terms of short- and long-term courses and level of IT knowledge, fall within the age group of 18–30. This may be termed a purposive sample. The administrative staff of the institutes allowed for interaction with students. The total sample of the study is 240, and, as 15 incomplete questionnaires were not included in the analysis data obtained, 225 respondents were analysed. Table 1.1 below provides details on the selected cities and number of institutes covered, along with the sample size (number of students). Table I.1. Sample of the respondents Name of the city Hyderabad Vijayawada Warangal Tirupati Total

IT institutes 04 04 04 04 16

Sample 60 60 60 60 240

Primary data consist of the rural/urban, caste, social class and gender backgrounds of the students. Apart from this, some of the motivational factors and the meanings students attached to IT education were collected. The data also consist of information about students’ parents, like their educational qualifications, occupations and social networks. The data were drawn from a diverse range of information sources, such as government reports on the growth and development of the IT industry, the spread of information technology education in India in general and reports about Andhra Pradesh, based on their relevance for the current study. The present study employs both qualitative and quantitative techniques. In addition to the questionnaire, other methods used were personal indepth interviews to understand the personal profile and attitudes of the respondents, and focus group discussions conducted to get an idea of how students collectively perceive IT education and training and their prospects. Data pertaining to their experiences with the training staff and their peer groups were also captured in detail. For the quantitative data the

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Introduction

researcher used the questionnaire method, consisting of questions related to socioeconomic background, motivation, expectations and experiences. The data were collected over a period of eight months, from January to August 2002. In this study, caste background, social class, rural/urban origin, gender, and the educational and professional backgrounds of the students are considered as independent variables. The degree of access, perceptions and attitudes of the students are considered as dependent variables. Contingency analysis of the data was carried out to understand the relationship between social class and caste background of the respondents and the degree of access to IT education. The researcher experienced major problems in convincing the administrative staff of IT education institutes and he was stopped at the entrance gate of those places. The managers insisted that the policy of the centre did not allow “outsiders” within institute premises, and they were suspicious of the researcher's intention. To establish rapport, the researcher explained to the managers that his purpose was an academic one. He made the questionnaires available to the managers for their full scrutiny and satisfaction. The managers did not want any questions asked about the IT courses offered by the centre, the fees for the particular courses, the facilities like number of computers, the power supplies or the qualifications of the teachers, etc. They were also suspicious that the researcher would use the data for reporting to the press. The heads of the IT institutes also objected to some of the questions primarily focusing on the organizational structure of the institutions. The centre managers were hesitant to reveal any information pertaining to their students’ socio-economic backgrounds and were also not interested in disclosing the fee structures and salaries of the employees, as well as information about the infrastructure. Moreover, since the researcher was a student, they did not take him seriously and dismissed his request to conduct the study. Even after repeated visits to the four institutes, the researcher couldnt get any information, and these experiences were frustrating. To overcome the problem, the researcher slightly changed the strategy by framing indirect questions in the questionnaire and interviews meant for the managers. These modifications removed their reservations and allowed the researcher to interact with the students. The researcher approached the institute heads through students of the same institute, helping to obtain information from the management as well as the respondents. The new strategy worked well and the institutes gave their permission to conduct the study. The attitudinal change also provided an

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opportunity for the researcher to explain the objectives and motives behind the study.

Structure of the Book The present study is organized into five chapters with an introduction. The social context of information technology, the significance of the study, the objectives, methodological issues and fieldwork experiences are discussed in the introduction chapter. Chapter one, deals with the theoretical propositions behind the central themes in the book such as globalisation, IT and education. Chapter two examines the linkages between the political economy of liberalization, privatization and globalisation (LPG) on the one hand, and the domestication of LPG on the other, in India in general and Andhra Pradesh in particular. Chapter three, titled Pathways to the IT Society, reasons and manifests the latent meanings associated with appropriating IT education. Chapter four shows the relationship between the forms of capital and patterns of access to IT by examining the nature of the relationship between the independent variables (social background variables) and dependent variables (the degree of access to different levels of IT education). A systematic analysis is presented by blending the empirical data with the theoretical framework of forms of capital and access to educational opportunities. Chapter five provides a brief summary of the findings and conclusions emerging from the study.

CHAPTER ONE GLOBALISATION, INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY AND EDUCATION

Technology is one of the greatest engines of economic growth and social change in society, and its role is expanding day by day. Information technology is not only transforming the way information is produced, distributed and consumed, but also changing the forms and organization of the diverse sub-systems of the society in a significant way. Sociologists have recognized the need to understand the socioeconomic and cultural contexts which influence the development of technology at different levels and at different points in time. Science and technology have increasingly become key determinants in explaining the successful national development and competitiveness in the world system (Dore 1989). In order to explain technology, design and development, one has to be aware of the complexity of technology and technological knowledge itself. Technology is not a neutral factor, and therefore cannot be considered a black box (Rosenberg & Frischtak 1987). Technology is a bundle of different components, termed a technoeconomic paradigm that includes technological, institutional and social competence. Technology is the result of specific experience in the design, production and path-development of economic, political and cultural decisions (Patel & Pavitt 1995). William Ogburn (1922) opined that sociologists’ interest in technology takes two major forms. First, sociologists attempt to understand the context that produces technology and promote its uses by the society. Second, sociologists study the application of technology in the society. Ogburn was one of the first sociologists to observe technology and its impact on culture, arguing that material culture tends to change faster than non-material culture. Although technology changes at a breathtaking pace, the changes in government, economy, education and religion have been much slower to keep pace. Ogburn names this gap between material and non-material culture a “cultural lag.”

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The technological deterministic viewpoint sees technology as an autonomous entity with its own logic that is not subject to human control. Basically, it emphasizes that human beings create tools, but that tools ultimately controls the human society. Marc Porat (1977) analyses the rise of the information society in the United States as a gradual evolution that stems directly from the principles of industrialization and the realities of capitalism, not from a revolution initiated by the invention of the computer or other technologies. The concept of information as an object emerged in Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in response to enlightenment values. Mackay (1995) points out that, until recently, most sociologists showed no interest in understanding the relationship between society and technology. Very few studies were carried out to understand the internal relationship between these two major entities, but this trend has changed considerably since the 1980s, particularly with the progress and advancement of both physical and social information technologies. Encyclopedias and dictionaries have described information technology as a modern design for presenting information that prefigures the rise of modern approaches to the invention and distribution of information. Daniel Bell (1980) and Marc Porat (1977) attempted to provide an explanation of the relationship between industrial society and the information society by highlighting their interconnections. Empirical data is marshalled to indicate that the information workforce grew to a large size much earlier in the twentieth century than previously expected, and the consumption of information has subsequently become an increasingly necessary and conspicuous aspect of everyday life. The question of the proper social distribution of information is considered in the context of several prominent theories (Porat 1977). With the foregoing account of the broader theoretical debates on the role and relevance of science and technology in the transformation of society, the following pages present the growth and significance of IT in society.

Information Technology and Society Scholars have defined information technology from various perspectives, and the following are some of the definitions that have been discussed. UNESCO (1999) viewed information technology as “scientific, technological and engineering disciplines and the management techniques used in information handling and processing, their application, computers and their interaction with men and machines and associated social, economic and cultural matters.”

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According to Sansanwal (2001), information technology is “a term used to cover technologies used in the collection, processing and transmission of information. It includes microelectronics and infoelectronic based technologies incorporated into many products and production processes and increasingly affecting the service sector. It covers inter alia computers, electronic office equipment, telecommunication, industrial robots and computer controlled machines, electronic components and software products.” Sansanwal (2001) defines information technology as a systematic study of artefacts that can be used to give form or description of facts to provide meaning or support for decision-making. They can be used for organizing, processing, communication and application of information. Shaoshi Su (1988) defines information technology as comprising a number of new technologies including electronics, computer hardware and software, robotics, computer-aided design and manufacture, photovoltaic technology, biogenetics and other new inventions. Combinations of technologies, products and techniques provide new electronic dimensions to information management. The above definitions imply that information technology is a very broad concept with application in various sciences, engineering, education, economies and services, dealing with how we generate, compute, store and use information. The recent strides in technology present tremendous opportunities for human development, but the achievement of these potentials depends upon the type and use of technologies. The rat race for knowledge, with the advent of the knowledge economy at the forefront of the global interaction, has focused a great deal of attention on information and communication technologies (Human Development Report 1999). The blend of computers and communications unleashed an unprecedented exploration of ways to communicate at the start of the 1990s. At the beginning of this period there was a tremendous productivity gain, wherein ever-falling, losses and the rapid growth of networks of computers transformed computing and the communications sector. The first half of the 1990s experienced a shift in the use of the internet as a specialized tool of the scientific community to a friendlier network transforming social interaction (Ibid.). The invention of the computer is the most important event in the history of technology. The industrial revolution helped to reduce the need for arduous physical labour, wherein tractors replaced horse-driven flows, steam shoals replaced hand picks, and so on. Computer technology allows

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for the similar elimination of the need for tedious, repetitious and uncreative mental labour. Computer-based occupations require a semi and a highly skilled human workforce, and computer-based production is based on knowledge, rather than the machines. As the IBM slogan says, “machines should work; people should think” (Douglas 1998). Information technology is truly changing the production system shaped by the eighteenth century industrial revolution. The mass production of standardized goods gave way to the flexible production of customized products, along with new techniques, like just-in-time production and inventory methods, that demand closer proximity between suppliers, buyers and markets. Information technology also created new products that offer new opportunities, and the developing countries could take part in the production of information technology, not just make use of it. David Lyon (1988) viewed that information technology, by shortening labour time, practically replaced labour as the source of added value in the national economy; knowledge, information and supplant labour, and capital became the central variable of the economy. The information revolution has transformed the nature and significance of services and made the service sector the largest economic sector and the largest employer in most industrialized countries (for example, in the U.S. it accounts for two-thirds of GDP1 and three-quarters of jobs). Until recently, most services had to be produced locally, customized to buyer needs, and new advances in informatics and telecommunications have helped to reduce distances. The information provided on a screen or a phone can be accessed anywhere in the world, and encompass airline reservations, engine design, security monitoring, accounting and management services, etc. It is recognized that information technology enters all spheres of social life and is knocking on the doors of every field (Lyon 1988). Information technology also fundamentally changed the delivery of a wide range of services. For example, there is a great demand for information technology applications in health care to deliver services more efficiently and effectively, to encourage preventive medicines, and to provide in-home alternatives to hospital care. New technology can link educators, researchers, students, policy-makers and institutions, within or outside the countries, and has a great potential for “distance learning” and mass education. Governments, as the biggest data-collectors, need information to make policy decisions. IT can come in handy from fulfilling this need and 1

Gross Domestic Products.

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providing policy analysis for accountability. IT can make tax collection effective and improve the management of civil service and public enterprises by creating databases. Furthermore, IT can also help governments deal with efficiently managing natural or man-made crises. With this foregoing account of the definition and scope of IT, in the following we review the sociological perspectives which have shaped information technology and guided social strategies for mobility in the Indian society.

Information Society: Direction and Dialectics Technology is one of the greatest engines of economic growth and social change in society, and its role has been increasing day by day. Like all major transformations in history, the impact of information technology is multidimensional, covering technological, economic and social change for development in people’s lives and wellbeing (Castells 1999). The invention of the computer is one of the pivotal events in the history of human civilization. In the early 1960s, computer technology began to have enormous influence on science, mathematics, engineering, business and commerce, but today’s computer technology reaches far beyond the limited scope of its early years. Presently, it touches virtually every field of human activity, and has transformed many of them beyond recognition (Douglas 1998). Information technology may not be the only cause of change in our lives, but without it none of the current changes would be possible. Since the 1990s the entire planet has been increasingly organized around telecommunications networks with computers at the heart of information systems and communication processes. Information technology will undeniably be pervasive in its reach and profound in nature. In fact, so many people are aware of its potential to replace human resources that it has led to a fear of unemployment among many. The questions pertaining to control and vigilance on human kind is also worrying different social groups (Webster & Robins 1989). As per some econometric studies, there is a close statistical relationship between diffusion of information technology, productivity and competitiveness among countries, regions, industries and firms (Dosi et al. 1988). As a whole, there is a little chance for any society to develop in the new economy without its incorporation into the technological systems of the information age. The society should have the ability to use advanced information and communication technologies, which in turn requires an entire reorganization of society (Castells & Tyson 1988).

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If we trace the history of the information society, it has roots in the literature of “post industrialism,” a popular social science concept of the 1960s and 1970s, which announced the end of an industrial capitalist era and the beginning (or start) of a “service” or “leisure” society. Daniel Bell’s (1973) work in the post-industrial society has become especially popular in the information society literature. According to him, agrarian society was replaced by industrial society as the dominant form, and economic emphasis thus shifted from the land to manufacturing. Basically, the post-industrial society emerged as a result of the economic tilt towards the service-based society in the latter half of the twentieth century. David Lyon, in The Rise of Information Society: Issues and Illusions (1988), starts his argument by quoting Steve Wosnaik: “People started getting together and explaining the idea that there was going to be a revolution in which technology was going to change society so drastically.” During the last two decades, advancements in any field have become practically impossible without information technology. In manufacturing, policing, medicine, entertainment, banking and education, information technology is set to drastically change everything that human beings do in advanced societies (Lyon 1988). Douglas, in The New Renaissance-Computers and the Next Civilisation (1998), emphasized that in order to understand the significance of the information revolution there is a need to look for historical parallels. The information age has to be understood in the context of already existing technological advancements, particularly in the fields of language, writing and printing. Douglas argues that information technology has begun to radically change the social institutions, workplaces, business organizations, cultures, family relations and education systems. Technology, over a period of time, tends to create a technocracy, which is a situation ruled by technocrats or technological experts in such analytical discussions as James Martin’s The Wired Society (1978) or Tom Stonier’s Wealth of Information (1983), which emphasized the role of information in an era of the information age. Alvin Toffler’s popular Third Wave concept shows the significant changes in social structure. According to Toffler, the first wave is agriculture, the second industrial and the third information technology. Stonier (1983) claims that information technology will enable the population to overcome the environmental and ecological issues caused by industrialism. David Lyon (1988) quotes Martin’s The Wired Society, which stresses the non-polluting, non-destructive, quality of IT in its favour. The history of an industrial society can be used as an analogy for what will happen in the information society, and it is right to claim that what the steam engine

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(or more properly the clock) was to industrial society, the computer is to the information society. The idea of information society finds its root in areas outside of sociology. According to James Beniger (1986), the roots of the so-called information society are more properly found in what he calls the “control revolution,” as analysed at the turn of the century by theorists of bureaucracy such as Max Weber. Sociological theories have not yet crystallized around the concept of the information society. According to Stonier (1983), we now live in a post-industrial society and for better or worse, we have moved into an information age, wherein the information society promotes the democratic state and strengthens its services.

The information technology professional As an educational ideal Human resources play an important role in sustaining the growth, development and deployment of information technology. In this context, it is pertinent to examine the nature and quality of human resources. There is a need for highly skilled professionals to meet the requirements of production and service industries including education, and to train the information technology professionals there is a need to provide organized information technology education at different levels. The information technology skill profile tends to change from the concentration on middlerange craft and supervisory skills to increasingly high-range qualifications and from narrow specialization to broader, multipurpose skills to handle information. Diversity and flexibility at all levels work as substitutes for homogeneity and dedicated systems. In the long term, software creation, adoption and application will become major sources of employment. Microcomputers are integrated on a large scale and are used for an even greater number of applications, and a range of equipment and systems. According to Douglas (1998), the new computerized servant class would be radically different from those of the past, and it would completely avoid the moral difficulties involved with slave holding and other inequalities through the ages, but it may not avoid all the practical difficulties involved with the existence of social class. Key to information society discourse is the contention that “information workers” are becoming a majority within the labour forces of the advanced societies. According to Marc Porat (1977), as early as 1967 50% of American workers were engaged in the “information sector,” receiving 50% of the total employee remuneration.

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As part of the software development, regions and firms that concentrate on the most advanced production and management systems are attracting talent from different parts of the world, while leaving aside a significant part of their own population whose educational levels and cultural and technical skills do not fit the requirements of the new production system. For example, Silicon Valley in the USA, the world institute for the production of information technology, attracts thousands of engineers and scientists every year from China, Taiwan, Singapore, Korea, Israel, Russia and Western Europe in general and India in particular, (Castells 1999).

Information Technology and Education Education plays an important intervening role in the process of social shaping technology. As discussed earlier, the factors that influence technological development are economic, social, political, technological and scientific. Technological developments also shape an educational environment conducive for technological growth. The values that guide the content of education are important in this context, as it is through education that human resources, both in quality and quantity in science and technology, are shaped and sustained. We have seen that IT has far-reaching consequences for the economy, polity and culture. The social shaping of IT and its grounding in a given society starts with the interaction between IT and education. The transformation of education may be the most important of the many practical revolutions sparked by computer technology, altering the very “goals of education.” Douglas (1998) points out that the very technologycausing problem has the remedial power to come through the existing problems. Another fundamental change in education caused by computer technology will be the skills that students need to develop. Thus, in the traditional “three Rs” (reading, writing and arithmetic) of education, only reading is going to survive. According to Douglas (1998), the driving force behind present-day civilization is the phenomenal growth of information technology. The application of information technology within the government, education, media and the domestic sphere as well as in the work place implies that machines mediate social relationships more and more. Therefore, there is a need for highly skilled professionals to meet the requirements of the production and service industries in the information society. To train the information technology professionals there is a need to organize information technology education at different levels. The demand

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can only be met if the percentage of the population engaged in software, hardware and its peripheral production grow in correspondence with these developments. In the long term, the industry engaged in software creation, adoption and application would become a major employer (Douglas 1998). Microcomputers, now available with large-scale integration, have been used for an ever-greater number of applications and a range of equipment, and systems are also being deployed to meet the software technology development. As mentioned above, well-trained manpower, i.e. trained software knowledge professionals, is very important. Education is an important domain has been influenced by information technology with incredible speed. The changes being introduced into the sphere of education have generated growing interest among the world community of education and social scientists to understand the role of IT in education, and India is no exception in this area.

Education: A Sociological Framework In order to study how IT education is shaped, it is useful to draw concepts and theoretical perspectives from the sociology of education, a sub-field of knowledge aimed at examining the society, school and state interrelationships and unravelling the process of learning, pedagogy across the lines of family, education economy, and gendered relations. The concepts of culture, class, gender, pedagogy and socialization are generally referred to as the primary concerns in the sociology of education, which is seen as a conscious building of human subjects through the internalization of culture. The sociology of education also aims at understanding the role of the social class in shaping the hierarchies of access to education. Sociologists are showing a keen interest to map factors that shape educational experience on the basis of religion, region, caste, social class and gender. Sociological studies also examine how the growth and diffusion of technology transform priorities in the educational system. The nature and organization of education is a central issue for sociologists who follow different approaches to understand the dialectics of the direction of education in relation to employment and society. The sociology of education (SOE) is broadly divided into two theoretical paradigms: the dominant macro perspectives and emerging micro themes. The functional and conflicting theoretical paradigms dominated the first phase of theoretical elucidation in the sociology of education, and the micro-level theoretical perspectives were covered primarily under the broad banner of the new sociology of education. The second phase deals with the dynamics

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of schooling, the phenomenology of pedagogy, the ethnographies of everyday life, and schooling and its implications for diverse subsystems of society. Functionalism, as a school of thought, demonstrates the commonalities of function between the social and biological organisms, gaining a lot of significance during the modernization of modern and colonial societies. The writings of Durkheim gained wider acceptance in the early phase of the twentieth century, both in Western and non-Western societies. His ideas—with reference to the social character of learning and its function as an agent of socialization in shaping cultural homogeneity and sustaining the heterogeneity of complex social systems—are important contributions to the sociology of education. Durkheim pointed out that for the smooth functioning of social groups in society, individuals should learn the language and acquire skills. He stressed that learning should create a sense of commitment to integrate into the society, along with the internalization of its most central values and ideas. One must change from being an egoist, responding greedily to their own endless self-instituted desires, to a moral citizen, responding in terms of their duty to the state. Parsons (1959), another pioneer of functional tradition, noted that an educational institution in modern society performs the role of “socialisation” and the “selection” of individuals for diverse needs. It is the function of the educational system to "select" the students for different occupational slots as well as to socialize them. For Parsons, the most important selection is between those who go to college and those who do not. Parsons argues that the reason for selecting college as a fundamental base is based on an indicator of achievement, as these institutions reward children with high grades. In the higher grades, accomplishment is increasingly measured in intellectual terms. It is not sufficient to try hard, one must also succeed in mastering the material. Parsons argues that schools must reward children on the basis of achievement and this is central to the larger view of the integration of educational and economic systems in modern societies. Parsons emphasizes that in modern societies different individuals must be allocated to different occupations according to their abilities to perform effectively in their respective roles. The modern societies demand the most talented individuals and experts in specific fields. Here, achievement takes the primary role rather than the ascribed status, as in the case of traditional societies. However, in the present-day industrial society roles are allocated based on achievement, which is determined by grades in educational institutions.

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To sum up, Parsons’s argument highlights the functional interdependence of education and other institutions in the society, and he attributes two basic functions to education: socialization and selection. Schools fulfil these two processes and provide well-qualified individuals for the societal roles. The allocation of these roles is based on achievement and merit alone. Schools also promote value consensus and depend upon it for their smooth operation. Davis & Moore (1945) employed Parsons’s idea of “role allocation” to understand social stratification. According to functionalist scholars, social stratification is a means to make sure that the most talented individuals fill the most important positions in society. The highest rewards and awards for these key positions work as the motivating factors for the students to compete for the functionally important positions. Davis & Moore viewed education as a demonstration of ability to achieve higher positions in society. Education works as an agency differentiating people based on their abilities and merits. The functional theories emphasize meritocracy as a legitimate claim of high skills and high rewards, and this thought has become popular among the followers of this school of thought worldwide. Daniel Bell’s (1972) concept of the post-industrial society extends the meritocracy thesis and emphasizes selection based on merit. Bell argues that without this meaning of achievement one cannot fulfil the requirements of the new social division of labour, which is a feature of post-industrial society. Formal educational qualifications, work as an entry device into the system, but subsequent achievement brings material and symbolic benefits. The period after the 1960s witnessed the breakdown of the functionalist paradigm in the sociology of education, and works by Young (1961) and Bowels & Gintis (1976) highlight that educational institutions function above all others as agencies that necessarily reproduce the social relations of capitalist production. Contrary to the functional school of thought, other schools of education, promote a radically different point of view. Though Karl Marx did not develop conceptual formulations nor theoretical configurations, most of his followers made an attempt to develop a systematic theory of the role of the superstructure and its relevance in engaging with the base, arguing that the social systems are fundamentally divided into dominant and subordinate groups. The relationship between these groups is exploitative in nature, with the dominant group controlling most of the material and non-material resources. In addition to this, the dominant classes also try to impose their own values and worldview on subordinate groups. The subordinates, on the other hand, in the process of achieving control over the forces and

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means of production, work as a constant threat for the stability of the dominant elite (Dahrendorf 1959). Althusser’s (1971) interpretation of transformation in education is based on the structural version of Marxism, which proposes a historical context for analysing both structural forms and transformations in functional forms. As discussed earlier, the conflict paradigm views education as a constituent of the state. According to Althusser (1972), the state power and apparatus work together as an agency in the reproduction of the existing social order. Ideological State Apparatus (ISA) shapes the educational systems to meet the requirements of the state and transform the institutions of education, characterized by both centralization and bureaucratization. According to this view, advancements in education function as elements of reproduction of the culture of existing dominant social groups. The reflections of Althusser are extremely important in the context of changing the classical Marxist framework in education and directing the focus on the line of education as an ideological state apparatus. Hayek (1960) launched a powerful critique on the notion of meritocracy and achievement as the bases of reward, and vehemently opposed any attempt to legitimize social inequality from a meritocratic perspective. According to him, inequality is the inevitable outcome of a market economy. He also rejects the notion of the functional importance of different positions and their attribution to needs or requirements. In the streamed system, preferences towards streams (subjects/credits) vary according to the importance given to particular streams by different groups across societies. Prestige and occupational status play crucial roles in determining the importance attached to the particular discipline by various social classes. Here, it is noteworthy to highlight the contributions of Gramsci (1971), an Italian Marxist thinker and revolutionary, who differentiated state and the civil society. According to him, hegemony of a class develops at two levels: the state and the civil society. He also claims that schooling plays an important role in modern society, being one part of the system of ideological hegemony in which individuals are prepared to maintain the status quo. He further argues that the social character of traditional schools was determined by the social group in society and evolved as a school which perpetuates the specific traditional function of the ruling class. He also criticized different types of vocational schools aimed at promoting the modernization of Italy, preferring to evolve a single type of formative school (primary-secondary) which would nurture the child to attain their choice of job, providing capabilities to help thinking, studying and ruling (Gramsci 1971).

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Similarly, the writings of Bowles (1976) provide a clear example of the application of conflict models to contemporary educational institutions, especially those in the United States. The themes of conflict, change and coercion appear throughout his work. According to him, in pre-capitalist economies skills are generally passed from parents to children through informal modes of education. He stressed that capitalism replaced the family and the church as the agent of socialization, and argues that mass education and compulsory public schooling are aimed to serve the vested interests of the capitalist system. Firstly, mass education supplies workers with the cognitive, intellectual and technical skills required by the capitalist economy, and secondly, it supplies workers who had already learned the values and behaviour conducive for productive labour, wherein children are taught punctuality, discipline and acceptance of responsibility for their work. Thirdly, schools teach students’ about loyalty to the state and obedience to the law, achieved by convincing them that the system is benevolent, where in reality it legitimizes existing inequalities in the social division of labour, justifying them as being based on merit rather than coercion. According to Bowles, the “equality of educational opportunities,” merit and reward systems are myths. He argues that the educational system rewards children differently on the basis of their class origins. Children from elite families become the elites of the next generation, while the children of the poor remain poor. Bowles's analysis represents the conflicting interests of various social groups and the ways in which those in power can use such social institutions as the agents to justify and maintain an essentially coercive and exploitative system. However, Bowles's analysis fails to provide satisfactory evidence that schools do permit upward mobility or account for efforts to reform schools in the interests of greater social equality. While dealing with these issues, Bowles points out that they are merely subtle mechanisms to maintain the system and not meaningful avenues to equality. Bernstein (1970) shows the causal relationship between class and the linguistic values and ideas; he concludes that linguistic ideas work as agents of symbolic control over education. Educational institutions tend to be shaped by state goals to suit the interests of the privileged and affluent sections of the society, while at the same time it also excludes lower classes from the educational system. Goldthorpe (1997), while talking about credentials, criticised the meritocracy theory and argued that the educational system of modern societies do not necessarily function either in identifying talent among diverse social sections at large or in providing talented individuals the means to serve in technical and high position jobs. If labour is governed by

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possession of formal qualifications this is not advancing meritocracy, but rather raising “Credentialism” (Berg 1970; Dore 1976; Collins 1976). According to this school of thought, qualifications are not used in the interest of raising levels of individual “efficiency” and social efficiency, but rather reducing the disparities among different classes and ethnic groups, the credential system accelerating inequalities. The conflict theorists also criticise the functionalist interpretation for being dogmatic in exaggerating the positive contributions that various parts of society make the functioning of the whole and for ignoring the destructive effects of other elements (Demaine 1981). According to the Marxist view, social class refers to a group’s relation to the means of production and the power struggle (Bowls & Gintis 1976; Cox 1948). For non-Marxists, social class is synonymous with the socioeconomic status of particular groups. Weber’s theory of social stratification differs from the Marxist theory of class because he introduced an additional structural category called the “status group.” According to this, status groups are communities which develop and continue in the form of lifestyle, social honour and esteem. Weber’s perception of social category depends on the definition and meanings attached by others to social relationships. According to Weber (in Gerth & Mills 1958), societies are divided into groups and strata which have intrinsically distinctive lifestyles and worldviews. When status and class groups are in conflict, the members tend to accept fairly stable patterns of subordination and superordination. Weber analysed power relations from a pluralist standpoint. Though he accepts the Marxist analytical understanding of power—that those who have control over the means of production exercise political power either directly or indirectly—he argued that the emergence of economic power might be an outcome of power existing in other institutions. According to him, the power varies significantly across time and space, and is an outcome of social, historical and structural circumstances (Holton & Turner 1989). According to Ogbu (1997), social class refers to a section of society’s population differentiated by education, occupation and income. Ogbu (1997) argues that social inequality is a universal phenomenon, but that social stratification is not. The fundamental elements of social inequality are age and sex. The social ranking of individuals should be considered as social stratification, rather than an arrangement of social groups or social categories in a hierarchical order of sub-ordination and domination in which some groups have unequal access to the fundamental resources of society (Braverman 1974). Ogbu (1997) pointed out that in Western

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societies there is a different relationship between members of its constituent groups to the fundamental resources. According to this, “some people by virtue of their membership in particular social groups, have almost unimpaired access to the strategic resources, which some other people, by virtue of their own membership in other social groups, have various impediments in gaining access to resources.” Social stratification is a universal phenomenon across the societies, encompassing social class, ethnicity, racial, caste and gender stratification. The distinguishing feature of class stratification is based on the economic status, an acquired characteristic. According to Ogbu (1997), in a social class system, social and political positions are often based on training and ability rather than ascribed status, which appears to be the case in the West and USA. Ogbu noted that vertical mobility, upward or downward, from one ranked stratum to another, is legitimized in a class system. Ogbu (1997) argued that from a comparative perspective the persistence of black-white inequality in general, and in education in particular, is due to racial stratification. Weiner (1997), while interrogating the relation between feminism and access to educational opportunities, examined the link between women’s education and transformation in society in the form of a “wave.” The first wave started in the early period of the nineteenth century stretching into the first two decades of the twentieth century, and the second from the late 1960s. The first wave was associated with the rising aspirations of liberal individuals drawing specifically on ideas about natural rights, justice and democracy for extending the legal, political and employment rights of middle class women. Liberal feminists demand access to education and equal opportunities to create an environment where the individual woman’s potential can be encouraged and developed. The second wave is associated with the women’s movement, which employed a more radical approach and had its dissident origins in Marxist scholarship. Firestone (1970), in “Dialectic Sex,” defined society in terms of sex or class system and encouraged a feminist revolution. This group of feminists asserted women’s freedom and demanded wider accessibility to education, employment and space in the modern means of production and services. According to Archer (1984), the “state educational system” is considered to be a “nationwide and a differentiated collection of institutions devoted to formal education, whose overall control and supervision is at least partly governmental, and whose component parts and processes are related to one another.” Archer points out that the definition of the state system helps to distinguish it from earlier forms of

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education. Those who controlled education also owned it, in the sense of providing physical facilities and supplying teaching personnel. Education was a private enterprise, and control derived directly from ownership was concentrated to a very restricted part of any population, but this educationally dominant group also came from different sections of different societies. Archer asks why the educational characteristics change. The answer is simple—change occurs because those who have the power to modify education’s previous structural forms, definitions of instruction and relationships to society, pursue new goals. Archer argues that education derives its characteristic features from the aims of those who control it. This immediately raises problems concerning the identification of controlling groups, the basis and process upon which control rests, the methods and challenges through which it is exerted, the extensiveness of control, the relations of others to this control, and their educational consequences. As Ranson (1985) points out, the complex, often ambiguous, traditional framework of decision making in education assumes who should be involved, whose values count, and how decisions should be arrived at, these aspects being clarified, concentrated and centralized. According to Brown (1997), the social character of educational selection has been an important area of sociological concern, which particularly gained momentum since the Second World War. This interest not only reflects the importance attached to education as a crucial determinant of future opportunities, but also a growing commitment to generating the equality of educational opportunities. The commitments and concerns have led sociologists to examine the extent to which educational change had actually generated a more “open” and “equal” society. The idea of meritocracy became a widely accepted practice of sociologists located in advanced industrial societies. The popularity of Marxist scholarship in 1970s education was largely in response to the failure of reforms in Western societies in extending education to working class children (Brown 1997). The Marxist perspective perceives liberal reforms as legitimating the interests of the capitalist classes. Brown developed a new concept called “third wave,” according to which the socio-historical developments of British education were neither geared towards meritocracy nor the result of a socialist victory of educational developments. The third wave is associated with the rise of the educational parentocracy, where a child’s education is increasingly dependent upon the economic potential and wishes of the parents instead of the abilities and efforts of the pupils. Brown’s “third wave” characterizes the rise of parentocracy, imbibing the

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notions of “parental choice” “educational standards” and “free markets.” Brown analysed the qualitative and quantitative expansion of education over a period by comparing it with changes in “waves.” The first wave was associated with the development of mass schooling in the nineteenth century, and was intended to confirm rather than “transcend” existing social divisions (Hurt 1981). The elementary education largely aimed at instruction to meet the minimum requirements was perceived necessary for the working poor to fulfil their future roles in a changing society. In Britain, secondary education remained in control of the middle classes until the twentieth century. The second wave is characterized by an ideological shift in organizational principles, from education determined by virtue of birth to one based on age, aptitude and ability (achievement). The later stage of the second wave incorporated issues of gender, particularly by feminist writers who attacked a classbiased but gender-blind sociology. It was found that during the second wave gender inequalities declined, despite core gender divisions remaining (Arnot & Weiner 1987). Brown (1997) claims that the third wave is still in its infant stage. The third wave is an attempt to address the inherent contradictions of the market system of education and the rise of parentocracy. Brown attempted to study how the ideology of parentocracy has come to dominate the educational agenda in the late twentieth century, and what implications it has for educational selection and legitimacy. Brown addressed the above questions from two broader standpoints; firstly, the ideology of parentocracy and the introduction of third wave policies have developed against the backdrop of high youth unemployment and economic recession. Brown claims that the third wave was a response to traditional concerns about the social consequences of youth unrest, particularly those situated in urban locations. Regarding the relationship between education, certification, and social change, Brown points out, that the third wave is a manifestation of a power struggle for educational certification, which undermines the principle of equality of educational opportunities. The shift towards the “credential society” (Collins 1979; Murphy 1984) gained momentum in 1980 and continues today, despite the decline in youth unemployment in the West and USA. The acquisition of educational credential has become synonymous with an insurance policy to minimize the livelihood risk fuelled by the expenditure cuts in higher education and declining rates of employment (Bernihill 1988). These trends, minimize the scope for lower class students. Although they have intellectual potential, their financial position hinders their chances of gaining access to educational opportunity.

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The educational policies and priorities tend to be influenced by external and internal factors. Defiler (1976) claims that when the USSR put the first satellite into space in 1957, shock waves went through the American educational institutions. A demand was made that educational institutions produce more scientists, engineers and technicians to meet the Russian challenge and funds were allocated to encourage this. In the recent past, transformation in education is associated with and is often seen as a consequence of the information technology revolution. A number of scholars have focused on the structural changes in education with the progress of information technology. According to Stonier (1983), we now live in a post-industrial society and for better or worse we have moved into an information age. As pointed out earlier, developments in information technology and their far-reaching implications have begun to influence the education system in significant ways. According to Webster & Robins (1989), the real significance of information technology initiatives is the ability to engage with and reinforce a broader transformation in the structure and character of education. In Britain, there has been a profound argument against the academic drift towards the humanities and social sciences (Gambrich 1985), and an assertion of the importance of science, technology and engineering courses, which are assumed to be more important for Britain’s economic Renaissance. As a result, the British government launched a program to increase the 2,500 information technology seats at graduation level. Presently, educational methods and policies are not able to supply the managerial talents which business and industry require. The notion of skills must be renewed, enhanced and expanded if the U.K. is to be successful in the current process of industrial regeneration (Robins & Webster 1989). According to Robins and Webster, developed societies are undergoing fundamental transformations, and this transition is associated with new flexible and decentralized forms of production, new class segmentation and new forms of social control. As a result, it has become necessary to subordinate the educational system to the changing needs of the economy. Educational institutions are directed to produce skills, expertise and orientations appropriate to the new forms of production.

Education in India: a historical sociology perspective Social stratification is a hierarchically organized structure of social inequality existing in all human societies. In the Indian context, class, caste, gender, ethnicity and age constitute social stratification systems.

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Considering caste, groups are ranked as low or high on the basis of the degree of the ritual purity of occupations pursued. The Brahmin ranks as highest, followed by Skhatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras and Panchamas (fifth Varna/Untouchables). However, caste has been undergoing significant change since independence, but has not been wiped out from Indian society. However, castes are ranked and endowed with endogamous entity. The caste system is an ascribed entity, determined by birth into a particular community. Although the causal relation between caste and occupation is significantly declining, the caste system still plays a crucial role in facilitating access to some caste groups while simultaneously marginalizing the disadvantaged communities from access. In this study, caste is used as synonymous with jati, and we adopted the strategy of asking the respondents to place their caste in one of the broad groupings adopted by the state as Other castes (OC), Backward castes (BC), Scheduled castes (SC), and Scheduled Tribes (ST). The class as a hierarchical distinction exists among social groups or individuals within society. In the Western context, it is synonymous with social stratification. Marxism views class as the economically conditioned and inherently conflictual divisions of society grounded on the ownership and non-ownership of property. Class differences begin when a particular social group claims the resources of production, denying the same to other social groups. In different historical contexts, the property relations shape the social relationships. The class system is exploitative in nature, wherein the property-owning class exploits the property, and therefore conflict is the inevitable product of class relationship (Coser 1977). However, Weber’s approach to class is significantly different from Marx’s construction, and according to Weber class means all the persons in the “same class situations,” within which generational mobility is taken smoothly. He considered status and prestige as distinct sources of inequality, though he recognized ownership and non-ownership of production as the base for class inequality. He emphasised the role of markets and skills on expanding the class system beyond two dichotomous entities, and identified different classes: the working class, the petty bourgeoisie, the propertyless intelligentsia and specialists, and the classes privileged with property and education. However, Weber viewed social class as tending to change more frequently, emphasizing a number of factors determining opportunities and rewards becoming influential in understanding social stratification. Most modern sociologists theorize class by taking either Marx or Weber as a base point, recognizing that class is fundamental and the dynamics of society remain “objective” class interests. However, it is

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important to note that most of the empirical work on class and social mobility has adopted “occupational” definitions rather than the criteria of property relations. In the present study, the categorization of classes is based on the perceptions of the students on the social class position of their parents' household, in terms of higher, middle and lower class. This concept envisages equality of opportunities irrespective of the caste, class, gender, race, age, language, region and religion, and is very important in understanding the nature of the organization and distribution of resources of a diverse society. The concept has its origins in the educational policies of England, providing access to secondary education to all sections, particularly the disadvantaged, promising “equality of access.” The sociological debates are centred around two major issues related to equality of opportunity; (a) the extent to which it is socially desirable, feasible, and relevant, and (b) the extent to which particular educational innovations aimed at expanding the equality of educational opportunity have been successful or unsuccessful. The present study examines how the indicators of social differentials provide equality of opportunities, particularly in the case of IT education in relation to the diverse social groups which differ by virtue of birth into a particular social setting. Although education has the potential to transform society, both in functional and critical terms its success rate depends on the other social institutions of economy and polity, which shape, direct and evolve policies by the state and practices of society. Sociology is one of the youngest disciplines of all social sciences in South Asia in general, and India in particular. Sociology as a special branch of knowledge started with modest beginnings in the early phase of the twentieth century, and is today taught in a large number of universities and research institutes across the country. The curriculum development committee constituted by the University Grants Commission (UGC) to review the nature and scope of sociology in India felt that sociological analysis and methods played a significant role in shaping the understanding of a colonial nation and mapping the social diversity/complexity encountered by the new nation with old questions such as caste, religion, region, language and gender in addition to family and marriage, which are inherently built into its social structure (Chanana 2002).

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The development of the sociology of education as a special branch of knowledge within Indian sociology is primarily guided by the postcolonial project of the modernization of Indian society. Thus, education was primarily considered to be one of the major instruments of social transformation and sources of structural mobility. The state-sponsored modernization initiatives attached paramount importance to education, leading to the massive expansion of the educational system, both in qualitative and quantitative terms to meet the demands of the state-driven political economy and fulfil the aspirations of the masses. With the foregoing account, the book critically examines the current trends of major findings and theoretical formulations based on the empirical research on diversity issues covered by the sociology of education research in India. The sociology of education perspective is very relevant to study the Indian society due to its cultural diversity and social complexity in terms of religion, caste, gender, language and schooling. Thus, in the Indian society, social hierarchy and gendered patriarchy are historically inherent. This phenomenon somehow did not attract the attention of the sociological community in India. According to N.Jayaram (1990), the sociologists hardly showed any interest in studies of sociology of education before 1960. Although I. P. Desai initiated the sociological studies on education, J. P. Naik, the then Member Secretary of the Education Commission, duly constituted by the Government of India (1964–66), deserves the credit for the institutionalisation of the sociology of education (here after SOE) as a special branch of knowledge in India by sponsoring the national seminar on “the Sociology of Education in a Modernizing Society,” in which scholars in the field of SOE were invited to present their work. In a way, this seminar paved the way for formulating a national policy on education from a sociological perspective (N. Jayaram 1990). Another important development in the field comprises the initiatives of some of the sociologists who undertook Indian field surveys to obtain data concerning the social and economic backgrounds of students, teachers and parents, along with their values, attitudes and aspirations, and the general conditions accessing the educational institutions of different categories in the country (Gore et al. 1967). The research agenda set for the Indian surveys in the sociology of education in the late sixties revolved around questions such as: Which children go to school? What is their social background in terms of caste, father's occupation and income? Which children do not go to school? How do students live and work? This indicated an interest in the social background of students to determine whether students from different castes and occupational backgrounds were joining the educational stream or whether education was still a preserve of

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those castes and social groups which had monopolized education in the traditional Indian society (Chanana 2002). The findings of the Indian field surveys conducted in eight states were published in 1970 as Field Studies in the Sociology of Education. Thus, the thematic underpinnings and methodological rigour in the sociology of education in India primarily came from the discussions and publication of thematic and empirical studies conducted in the latter years of the 1960s. Mapping the outline of sociology of education, Gore & Desai (1967) writes that: “The sociological analysis of any concrete system of education can be conveniently organized along two dimensions: one, a discussion of the relationship between the education system and other segments of the social system, and second, a discussion of the system of education in itself” (cited in N.Jayaram 1990, 18). Broadly, the sociologists adhered to the first line of thought which locates education as part of the social system, whereas the second line of scholars gave utmost importance to teacher-pupil dynamics and interaction. Outlining the scope of the sociology of education, Gore & Chitnis (1967) emphasise the following issues in setting the agenda for practitioners of sociology of education in India: (1) Education and Culture: (a) Education as an agency for socialization (b) Education as an agency for the development of knowledge, and (c) Education as an agency for value change. (2) Education and social system: The relationship between the family, the political structure, the system of stratification, the occupational system on the one hand and the educational system on the other. (3) The internal organization of the system of education Chanana (2002), while considering the phases of development in SOE, felt that the state in India strongly believed in the efficacy of education for equalizing opportunity and neutralizing social hierarchies. Further, she adds that the state also perceived education as a potential agent of social transformation and the modernization of traditional Indian society. The affirmative action policy of the state led to the implementation of the reservation quota to the traditionally marginalized social groups such as Scheduled Caste (ex-untouchables, also referred to as Dalits) and Scheduled Tribes (indigenous people).

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Further, to add to the above discussion, the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR2) sponsored a survey in fifteen states (the federal system) in the early 1970s, which assessed the impact of reservation policy on various sectors of Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) students, such as the extent and utilization of facilities offered under this policy, lacunae in its implementation, and so on. Various state level studies and a national study (Chitnis 1981) appeared as a direct result of these surveys. The ICSSR-sponsored studies documented the inequalities of educational access among the SC/STs and the uneven utilization of facilities. These developments reveal the role of SOE as a special branch of knowledge in diverse institutional settings such as university institutions and privately funded organizations. Although the sociology of education has emerged as one of the main branches of sociology, somehow it has not been able to attract many scholars regarding the issues of education and society in the Indian context. The number of books, journal articles and universities offering courses indicates the importance attached to this sub-discipline of education. Chanana (2002) points out that this sub-discipline is marginalized both in academic institutions and research organizations. However, there are some scholars who have consistently contributed to the development of this area of specialization by publishing a significant number of books and articles. Though SOE within and beyond sociology still holds a lower status in the disciplinary hierarchy, it has significantly contributed to approaching the educational issues from a critical perspective. The latest books on SOE in India by Indira (2012) and Nambissan & Rao (2013) present the major debates on the tensions and contradictions in sociology of education in contemporary India. The Indian educational system is one of the largest in the world in terms of the number of educational institutions and the training of graduates at different levels. However, it has changed from time to time, with corresponding transitions in the political regimes. Historically, the educational system has been characterized by the process of minority inclusion, and exclusion of the majority. Although education in the country has increased phenomenally, access to educational opportunities continues to be limited (Chitins 2000). Historically, education was considered as a sacrament, and was strictly governed by religious ethos and values. The role of learning and the dissemination of knowledge was assigned to the Brahmin caste in a hierarchical social system. Over time, the process of imparting and disseminating knowledge led to the denial of 2

The government of India funded institutions for social science research.

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access to other castes and women from learning. The pre-British India opened space for the so-called savarna castes or upper castes in general, and Brahmins in particular (Ibid.). The introduction of the Western education system significantly changed both the meaning and content of education. The introduction of the printing press revolutionized the educational system and shifted the emphasis from personal, oral communication to impersonal communication of ideas through books, journals and media. This brought the sacred books to the doorsteps of diverse sections of people cutting across caste, class and gender, and modern education gradually opened up to all castes, religious groups and women (Rao 1985). Education therefore became a symbol of prestige and a means of contracting better marital relations. The improved economic position and the adoption of a western secular values and lifestyle makes upward mobility possible within the framework of Westernisation. The process of social mobility, however, interacted with the process of Sanskritisation,3 where caste groups, or particular sections, benefited from the new education and employment opportunities and tried to rise higher in the caste hierarchy by claiming higher statuses. Formal education acts as a means to acquire new skills for exploiting new economic opportunities outside the caste. English educated sections differentiate educational preferences on the basis of income and the values attached to each profession, and so medical and engineering professional courses were ranked higher than teaching and law professions over time (Rao 1985). The increase of the number of women in education also led to the emergence of a category called “career women” who sought employment at different levels, cutting across professions. The demand for professions along with salaried occupations has led to the growth of the middle class, whereas in Europe the growth of the middle class was an outcome of industrial society (Ibid.). The social background of students to some extent determines the choice of courses, and the level of aspiration of the students is influenced partially by the occupations of their parents. Therefore, students hailing from a lower caste, class and rural background tend to have lower aspiration levels compared to the high class, higher castes and urban background students. When students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds access higher education and better jobs they not only improve the income level, but also enhance the social status of the family and caste (Rao 1985). 3

A concept coined and developed by the renowned Indian sociologist M. N. Srinivas.

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The foregoing account states the relationship between education and social mobility. According to Rao (1985), there are two functions of education: (1) differentiation, and (2) selection. According to this, education acts as a differentiating agency to maintain and supply socialized individuals to each of the social strata. This differentiating function tends to become prominent in societies where rigid social stratification exists. Secondly, the “selective” function is considered to be more prominent in open class societies. The education system tends to select students from particular socioeconomic strata. Individuals or groups belonging to a particular socioeconomic background exploit educational facilities of higher qualities for themselves. At one level, this has a direct bearing on occupational mobility and subsequently enhances the economic status, while at another it works as an element of social prestige. Social mobility may occur at intra-generational or intergenerational levels. The latter is associated with first generation students who are the first among their family to access higher education. Industrialization and urbanization created the conditions for obtaining specialized educational degrees to gain occupational opportunities. The higher positions in the industrial society created a demand for higher learning, and education became an important avenue for upward social mobility in a hierarchal society. In addition to education, caste, race, religion and income are the basic indicators of social status (Sachidananda 1997). The degree of access to education in different sections of society varies from country to country, and from region to region. Sachidananda (1997) illustrates two sets of factors responsible for the differential access to education for different social groups. One set of factors revolves around ideological and cultural patterns which discourage or reject the value of equal access to educational opportunities for all the sections including the marginalized and downtrodden in addition to women. This operates in the form of the segregation of educational institutions, denying admission to a particular category of students. Other factors, like the attitudes of students in education, also change significantly from one community to another and one status group to another. The social groups that were historically denied access to education tend to be unaware of educational opportunities which could get them highest employment positions through education. Sachidananda (1997) pointed out that the unequal access to education is obvious within the existing social structure. The stratification and educational systems of society are interrelated, and the educational requirements of different social strata vary in nature. These requirements give rise to different patterns of preferences and different types of educational institutions

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which cater to their needs. Due to the historical legacy, even today the educational, economic and political opportunities are determined by factors related to social stratification. The differences between the statuses and cultures of different castes still persist to a large extent and continue to influence each group’s ideas, lifestyles, educational opportunities, educational aspirations, social mobility and standard of lives, and cultural capital (Shah & Shah 1998). Regarding the questions of accessibility, it was the elite class that first entered new occupational avenues created during the colonial period. Although the post-independence state policies, as part of promoting education, opened it to all in principle, empirical studies carried out by a number of scholars across the country show that the modern education was from the very beginning under the hegemony of the middle classes and upper castes of the Indian society. Indian society is characterised by a dichotomous educational system, and there is a wide gap between the state instituted and private corporate educational institutions in terms of scope, access and quality. Pinto (2000) argues that the Indian education system has been a mockery since its inception because the upper and middle classes have the best education in terms of quality, and the English-medium institutions, especially those managed by private corporate bodies, help them towards social mobility and to climb the ladder of success. The lower middle classes and marginalized weaker sections have to do with single teachers and illequipped public institutions. According to a survey conducted by India Today (2012),4 the top ten colleges in science, commerce and arts are located in big cities and controlled by private management. There is no single government college in the top ten colleges located in non-metropolitan cities. Private corporate involvement in education not only reflects the fundamental divisions of society, but also perpetuates social inequality. Private enterprise in education has considerable importance due to the better quality of educational facilities offered by the government, and it is unable to meet the ever-increasing demand. N. Jayaram (1990) adds that private enterprise is largely capitalistic in orientation and operates according to the principles of the market economy. It mainly caters to the affluent sections and the “middle class mobiles” in the urban areas. Some of the complex formalities of the educational system that are primarily designed to effectively contain the 4

India's Best Arts Colleges 2012 http://indiatoday.intoday.in/bestcolleges/2012/ranks.jsp?ST=Arts&Y=2012 (accessed March 4, 2013).

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burgeoning demands for higher and professional education in fact act as social bottlenecks, necessarily favouring the elite and higher echelons on the stratification pyramid. This is one of the notable ways in which the educational system directly reinforces the prevailing stratification and rigidifies it further (N.Jayaram 1990). The steady growth and development of private education with state patronage and protection, and the resistance to a comprehensive reorganization of education, could be viewed as part of a strategy of the privileged to transmit their privilege to their children (Westergaard & Resler 1975). One can also see that in the Indian context, education, with its emphasis on social screening, excludes some sections of society, as in the West. The existing educational system is not sufficient to meet the required qualitative and quantitative demands of the society, and there exists a wide disparity in the quality of schooling that different groups of the population receive. Across the countries in general, and India in particular, one notices the dual education system-private education for privileged sections of the society and common or public system crowded by the weaker and depressed castes of the society. The qualitative differentiation among the public schools and private schools on the one hand, and between public schools and special schools on the other, is well recognized. Chitins (1975) provide some insights into the problem relating to the quality and standards of colleges crowded chiefly by scheduled castes and scheduled tribes with regards to others. The progress of education among the lower castes and classes, and particularly among scheduled castes, seems to be very slow and halting. Even though the government has taken up the cause of ameliorating the educational situation among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the results have been far from satisfactory (Chitins 1977; 1981; Karlekar 1975). Sivakumar (1982) observes that the relationship between specific social origins (caste, income and education) and student’s attitudes does not, by and large, show any significant differences. Her study revealed that none of the social origin parameters were, by themselves, individually significant, and at the same time combinations of various parameters produced different types of ethos, which were significant. Naik (1970) observes that: “our educational systems have been geared towards the welfare of the upper and middle classes right from the beginning and they continue to be its major beneficiaries to this date. Education has thus become an instrument for the preservation of the status-quo and continuation of privileges,” working against the very philosophy professed in the constitution.

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Chanana (2002), examined the sociological relationship between women and education. She pointed out the interface between the social institutions of family and marriage on the one hand, and the larger modern institutions like education and employment on the other, which have not yet explored systematically. According to Chanana, the social transformation due to the private and public domain has begun to intersect with the lives of educated individuals. Tilak (1987), in The Economics of Inequality in Education, found that the incidence of unemployment is higher among women than men at every level of education due to the lack of adequate and suitable employment opportunities for women and deliberate discrimination in the job market, which may be based on false notions of women’s productivity. The discrimination against women at lower levels of education might indicate social and cultural discrimination, whereas at higher levels, labour market discrimination appears to be more important. It is also a well-known fact that despite the rapid expansion in education, women are still in a disadvantaged position when compared to men (Majumdar 1972). Students make decisions related to their work, educational activities, etc., but other important decisions are made by other people like parents, teachers, peer groups and relatives. The most central of these are, firstly, where a student will be located in the educational system, and secondly how long to continue once they are in the system. Further, the meanings that parents attach to education in general and specific streams of education in particular influence the preferences of students. Sometimes, the meanings attached by parents to particular streams of education and those of students may be conflicting. Bidwell (1988) explains that: The decisions have strong consequences for educational attainment because economic and political systems frame the educational opportunities that are possible for a student to realize through capacity and effort. Therefore, as curricula become more divergent and as boundaries between streams or tracks harden, parents and educators, rather than students, make framing decisions increasingly, because each decision has become more consequential for everyone who has an interest in a students’ educational trajectory. Lastly, even students’ own everyday decisions about academic efforts come more and more under parental and teacher’s influence (at least in the upper reaches of the differential system), as these actors put pressure on students to follow through once the consequential framing decisions have been made.

In comparison with Britain, Europe or Japan, in the USA students are more likely to make the decisions that frame their educational trajectories

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by themselves, and probably experience only the weak influence of parents and teachers when they make more immediate decisions about their academic efforts (Bidwell 1988). As a result of the structural-temporal properties of educational allocation, parents and officials of the educational institutes are the dominant actors in taking decisions about where and for how long a young person will continue their schooling and, in Japan, about how hard to work. Students, in this case, have a relatively subordinate place as educational decision makers (Dore 1976). According to Parkins (1979), stratification implies not only inequality, but also a set of institutional arrangements which guarantee a fairly high degree of social continuity in the reward position of family units through the generations. The socioeconomic status of parental households influences the educational aspirations of students, their commitment to the student role, their educational achievement, their participation in co-curricular activities and their friendship groups (Shah & Shah 1998). Language, a primordial means for communication and dissemination of knowledge, is another source of inequality in Indian education (Rao 2008; Advani 2009). The constant encouragement and promotion of English as a link language of bureaucrats and the academic elite has led to the perpetuation or institutionalisation of English in elite institutions favouring the upper and middle classes of Indian society, and which has already extended existing social differentiation and disparity through education (Kumar 1987). He further explains that the fundamental difference between the English-medium private schools and Governmentrun schools is the amount and quality of curricular material available to children. With the foregoing account of the broader debates on education and society linkages and the dynamics of the meanings of social hierarchy and social mobility, the following broadly outlines the political economy of globalisation and its significance for understanding education in India.

Globalization, Education and Society Globalization is one of the most popular social science concepts to gain significance over the last two and a half decades. Irrespective of disciplinary divisions and geographical demarcations, globalization as a conceptual category gained academic significance and popular acceptance in different social, cultural, political and technological spheres. The impact of globalization is multidimensional in nature; the scale and velocity of its impact tend to vary from region to region, and in one sphere to another of

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life. Education is one of the areas to have become a means of negotiation between the local aspirations for global economic, socio-political and cultural resources. Globalization is one of the most widely used and abused words in the world. The debate on the meanings and implications of globalization divides social groups, nations and cultures into supporters or critics. Thus, to understand the logical connection between the globalization of the region and rationalization of the global, one should adopt the historical sociological method to yield pertinent results. The historical, sociological approach to the study of globalization allows scholars to grapple with the frames, methods, means, scale, scope, image, imagination, velocity-value, meanings and epistemology towards the subject, both from subjective and objective perspectives. Although there is no single acceptable definition of globalization, an attempt has been made to sense its sociological essence. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (2010), globalization is primarily understood as a phenomenon covering or affecting the whole world.5 The Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (1994) defines globalization as a theory, examining the re-emergence of a global cultural system. Sassen (2003) sees the critical elements of globalization as place and scale, presenting her perspective at four levels: first, shifting in the notion of scalar hierarchies, i.e. the sense of moving away from or going beyond the traditional conception of the nation-state as the unit of analysis of the globalization of spaces; second, the meaning of sub-national in the context of the global digital world; third, the experiences and articulations and rearticulations of sub-national in the emerging network society; fourth, mapping the methods and means employed in articulation of the global through the national and regional spaces. Kellner defined globalization as “a distinguishing trend of the present moment [one of] the salient features of our times.” Dimitrova (2002) states that globalization implies an increasingly conspicuous and influential social phenomenon, seen as something imminently striking. Though globalization signifies the defining trends of contemporary society, one has to admit this as an historical narrative. Globalization as an ideological endeavour implies universalization of the scope of economy, culture and social organization in addition to the shrinking position of modern national space. This is the typical hyper-globalist standpoint; however, there are scholars who question the globalizing future of economic phenomenon and that of social solidarity. This school of thought denounces the scope 5

Oxford English advanced learners Dictionary, 546.

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and intensity of globalization. According to this, globalization is an economic and cultural phenomenon, limited to the developed world; most developing and underdeveloped countries hardly experience the presence and active functioning of globalization of local/regional economy and solidarity. This school of thought is broadly referred to as scepticism, or a critique of globalization. The third school of thought, popularly known as the transformalist, accepts globalization as a social reality and recommends the globalization of economy, justifying the social necessity of this process. This school of thought conceives globalization as a “powerful transformative force, which is responsible for ‘a massive shakeout’ of societies, economies, institutions of governance and world order” (Dimitrova 2002). Unlike the hyper-globalists, who celebrate the virtues, the sceptics negate the intensity of globalization, while the transformalists view globalization as an open-ended historical process. The commentaries and observations of this school of thought are value neutral. Castells (1999), while dealing with globalization, points out that it has become one of the most dominant discourses in social sciences of the new millennium. The impact of globalization is multidimensional in nature and has far-reaching implications for the economics, politics, culture and social values of societies across the countries. The application of information technology in conjunction with telecommunications has converted the world into a global village by enhancing the pace and volume of communication across countries in different time zones. Thus, information and communication technology have become prerequisites for the growth of globalization at an unprecedented pace. According to Waters (1995), globalization refers to the process of growing interdependent market forces within and across countries through the constant growth of capital flows, cross-border transactions in goods and services, and the steady and widespread diffusion of the market. The process of globalization has accelerated the flow of human resources from continent to continent and country to country. Several scholars, like Robertson (1992), Giddens (1990), Waters (1995) and Appadurai (1996), have proposed and developed the theory of globalization. Roland Robertson is considered to be one of the pioneers in the study of globalization, and Waters points out that the development of globalization as a sociological concept owes its greatest debt to him. Robertson, while defining globalization as a concept, refers both to the “compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole,” both as concrete global interdependence and consciousness of the global whole of the twentieth century (Robertson

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1992). According to Giddens (1997), globalization has been successful in distancing the notion of time and space. One can participate in and experience the processes of globalization irrespective of time and space. The neo-liberal perspective on globalization postulates that the economies of the countries are interdependent and globalization extends this interdependence through the flow of factors of production, i.e. capital, labour and technology. Interdependence is also facilitated by the comparative advantage with respect to the factors of production. If a country is in an advantageous position to export technology, it will do so. The comparative advantage puts countries in a position of equality. Scholte (1996) argues that globalization offers prospects for the complete realization of the promises of modernity. The neo-liberal school of thought argues that globalization is primarily driven by technology, economic organization, information and communication technologies and cultural patterns. States and governments are bystanders of globalization and the markets are engines of globalization. The neo-liberal perspective is ahistorical and assumes that all countries are interdependent and equal, while history shows that the developing countries have been brought into the international system during the colonial period. The current division of labour in the international system connected regions across the national boundaries in the wake of globalization. Thus, globalization opens the space for the production and consumption of the products of its processes, at least theoretically. However, scholars tend to have different views in understanding the impact of globalization, both in qualitative and quantitative terms. There is no dispute to the challenges posed by globalization regarding the disciplinary concerns and boundary demarcations of sociology. One eminent sociologist who actively engaged with the globalization discourse is Anthony Giddens. In an attempt to trace its origins and map its significance, Giddens states that: The early debate on globalization in the mid-1980s sought to determine if this concept was an accurate description of changes that were occurring. On the other side, sceptics of the notion argued that there was nothing fundamentally new about globalism that did exist earlier. On the other side, hyper-globalist trumpeted a world of dramatic transformation and new global dynamics- a world dominated by corporation and technologies, where government has no real power and people have no faith in traditional politics. (Dimitrova 2002)

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Gidden’s views primarily reject the positive and negative sides of globalization. Further, he states that this approach is wrong, because “globalization is fundamentally social, cultural, and political not just economic. Globalization is about macro- systemic changes in the global marketplace and the nature of sovereignty, but it is also about the here and now about transformation that affect our daily and emotional lives.” He further argues that the debate on the pros and cons is part of history, and “the debate now is about the consequences of globalization, not about the reality of globalization” (Ibid., 53). Giddens’s perspective on globalization is very much linked to the project of modernity. Giddens, while dealing with the question of modernity/ post-modernity, views that “rather than entering a period of post modernity, we are moving into one in which the consequences of modernity are becoming more radicalized and universalized than before” (Ibid., 59). With the foregoing account of sociological debates on globalization and its claims and contestation, the following pages present the broader themes and perspectives on globalization and education within the sociological framework. Sociology of education, as a branch of knowledge, approaches education as a social institution, highlighting the nature and direction of educational regimes in different historical contexts, and the globalization regime is not an exception to its scope. There is no available perspective on the nexus of globalization and education and their negotiations. The following discusses the broader debates on globalization and education within a broader sociology of education perspective. Philip Brown and Hugh Lauder are key figures who have systematically developed a critical reading of the nature of the relation between education, globalization and economic development. According to them, there is a significant relation between globalization and economics, and it has changed the structure and functioning of the economy in terms of location of factories, and jobs and skills of the workforce, and created a situation of a global auction in investments, technology and jobs. The capital has gained prominence as “footloose capital.” The image of the nation-state being the protector of people and the balancing agent of state, society and economy with the agenda of positive discrimination is undergoing a fundamental transition. The state in the contemporary age is primarily referred to as a facilitator of the market agenda in a diverse sphere of life (Brown & Lauder 1997). Globalization as a process unleashed a distinctive way of creating the wealth of nations. According to this claim by Brown & Lauder, the prosperity of the nation depends on its potential ability to exploit the skills

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and knowledge of the information society. The entrepreneurial culture of human capital has gained critical significance and become a dominant feature of the global economy. More importantly, it is also strongly felt that knowledge, learning, information and technical competence have become the new raw materials of international economic systems (Ibid, 174). Knowledge itself, therefore, turns out to be not only the source of highquality power, but also the most important ingredient of force and wealth. Put differently, knowledge has gone from being an adjunct of money, power and muscle to being their very essence; in fact, the ultimate amplifier. This is the key to the power shift that lies ahead, and it explains why the battle for the control of knowledge and the means of communication is heating up all over the world (Toffler 1984). Countries across the world have to prepare for “global knowledge wars.” According to this, the prosperity of nations are to a large extent being determined by the quality of education and training systems, which in turn determine the power of the nation state in the international division of labour. Brown & Lauder saw the increased critique of “the new right” in the context of Western nations, primarily aimed at ending the legacy of Keynesian economics and egalitarian ideologies, which accord the highest values of redistribution, equality of opportunity and welfare rights for all. This ideology emphasizes the logic of survival of the fittest based on the parent’s freedom of choice in the selection of schools in the competitive school system. They advocate that the choice of school enhances the quality of schooling and the quality of students, and justify the intervention of markets within the perspective of the need of the nations (1997). The marketization of the economy and consequent education encourages a consumer culture in the education system. This new logic of the educational organization tends to socialize the student as a consumer learner, rather than a learner in his/her own terms of reference. The outcome is that students select the subjects and courses which have greater market demands. Thus, “the new right” finds a solution in the privatization of education which celebrates the policy of choice, emphasizing the significance of high skill and high wage economy. The left modernizers accept the need to retrospect the position of the left in the changing global economy at the end of the twentieth century. They developed a credible response to the new right on the globalization and education debate. The left approaches the global economy within the framework of economic policy and issues of distribution, equity and social policy (Roger 1994, 138). The agenda of the left was primarily dominated

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by commitment to investment in human capital and strategic investment in the economy as a way of moving towards a high skilled, high wage, “magnet” economy. The nation-state needs to prepare its society towards a culture of learning in order to equip the population with skills and knowledge and to train human capital for individual empowerment and national development. They advocate what has come to be called “producer capitalism,” in which the development of human capital is linked to low-cost and long-term investments. The left claims that Western countries are creating the path to a magnet economy, which believes in attracting the talented skill force of the global market. The left also believes that the distribution of economic and social rewards in the magnet economy is primarily shaped by high-skills and qualifications. Therefore, providing equal opportunities in education and training is a precondition for addressing unemployment and preparing the youth for present and future economic opportunities (Brown & Lauder 1997). Brown & Lauder attack the ideological approaches of the new right in general, and the left modernizers’ magnet economy in particular. Their critique is organized around four core critical problems and issues: x The idea of a high-skilled, high-wage magnet economy x Whether or not re-skilling the nation can solve the problems of unemployment x Whether or not it is correct to assume that income polarization is a true reflection of the values of skills in the global labour market, and x The problem of how modernizers propose to upgrade the quality of human resources so that all are granted an equal opportunity to fulfil their human potential. Thus, leading scholars such as Brown & Lauder argue that there is no fundamental difference in the positions of the new right and the left as both groups appropriate globalization from different vantage positions. Sociologists are increasingly focusing on how the educational experience differs by virtue of race, caste and social class, and make suggestions for improving the experience of marginalized social categories. Sociological studies also examine how the growth of technology transforms priorities in the educational system. The nature of education has become a central issue for sociologists who followed different approaches to understanding the nature of education in relation to society. According to Halsey et al. (1997), both the left and right scholars of the West, in spite of their ideological differences on the role of education

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as a dominant institution, agree that education is the key to the development of any society in the neo-economic global order, i.e. globalization. This approach is popularly known as a consensus approach in placing education in a global economy. Owing to the structural changes that have transformed the global economy, higher education needs to undergo structural adjustment and is forced to adopt a reform strategy to meet global challenges. One such structural change is the creation of an entrepreneurial culture in educational institutions. In order to enhance international competitiveness in the world marketplace as well as adjust to new modes of knowledge production in a global society, several scholars tend to argue that educational institutions need to adopt an entrepreneurial structure, strategy and culture at different levels (Clark 1998). The global economy demands structural adjustment policies in education institutions to promote academic capitalism. The process of marketization and commodification has led to the privatization of education both in developed and developing countries, like India. The state’s withdrawal from its traditional role as a welfare agency to promote the interests of the marginal and ethnic minority groups has led to the process of marginalisation of the already marginalized classes. The steady decline of the state in promoting education has indirectly opened a space for the entry of the market forces in the education system. However, some hyper globalists like Tooley (2000; 2009) welcome the role of the private players in promoting and expanding education in catering for the demands of different social classes. On the whole, higher education systems are witnessing reforms through restructuring and re-orienting their educational objectives to meet the demands of the economy to serve the interests of both the elite and emerging classes. Against this background, the situation in India and Andhra Pradesh shall be examined.

Globalization, information technology and higher education transformation Globalization is not only transforming the way goods and services are produced, distributed and consumed, but is also significantly changing the organization of work across countries. Developing countries drawn into the world capitalist system during the colonial era are being integrated into the world system in a new way through the relocation of service industries, such as the outsourcing of IT and IT-enabled works in developing countries, a direct result of globalization. Halsey et al. (1997) claim that

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there is a strong link between education, the economy and society, observing: “the striking development of secondary and higher education over the past quarter of a century [that] has been accompanied by a strong trend toward vocationalism.” Education is increasingly understood in terms of “training,” and specialization is directly related to the requirements of modern professions. Recent trends in higher education have embraced innovative or reformative structural adjustments to cope with the rapid global changes. It is evident that the impact of globalization is multi-dimensional, and has far-reaching implications for the economy, polity, culture and social values across societies. The application of information technology in conjunction with telecommunications has converted the world into a global village. Thus, information and communication technologies have become prerequisites for the growth of globalization (Castells 1999). According to Waters (1995), globalization refers to the process of growing interdependence of market forces within and across countries, through the constant growth of capital flows, cross-border transactions in goods and services and the steady and widespread diffusion of the market. The process of globalization accelerated the flow of human resources from within and across continents and countries. According to Pinto (2000), there is a link between the poor allocation of funds for primary education and constant encouragement to higher education. He observes that the expansion of colleges has happened due to pressure from dominant social groups like ex-Zamindars, industrialists, local politicians and other pressure groups. The changing patterns of the education system in the context of globalization are undermining the ethos of equality of opportunities enshrined in the Indian constitution, which has recognized the prominent role of education in the overall growth of the Indian society since independence. In practice, unfortunately, the education system as a whole has utterly failed to achieve the core objectives and goals of the constitution in relation to the universalization of education (Pinto 2000).

Social capital approach This work considers the theoretical insights of the social capital approach and discusses the crucial linkages between educational advantages and disadvantages, social and educational networks, skill formation and knowledge production and reproduction across societies to explain the emerging cases of IT education in the state of Andhra Pradesh. It explains the social context of capital formation and its implications for the

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education of diverse social groups. In the sociological literature on education, social capital constitutes a particular kind of resource that is available to an actor (Coleman 1997). It is commonly held that the significance of social capital lies in its productive capacity and its relevance as a tool in achieving certain ends which, in its absence, would not be possible. Unlike physical capital, social capital is not tangible and at a given point it may, however, be valuable in facilitating human actions. Coleman (1997) divides the capital into two broad categories: human capital and social capital. Human capital is “a form of capital created by changes in persons that bring about the skills and capabilities that make them able to act in new ways.” One could find the commonalities between the physical capital, which is created by changes in materials to form tools that facilitate production, and human capital, which is an accumulation of skills and capabilities. Social capital, on the other hand, signifies certain aspects of the social structure of their functioning and expresses the aspects of social structure to actors as resources that they can use to achieve their interests. In this sense, the rationale behind the social structure is that people are always doing things for each other. Social capital enables the flow of information upwards and downwards to strengthen the social ties and to reinforce the smooth flow of social capital within a given social group. This form of capital, however, depends on the trustworthiness of the social environment, which implies immediate and necessary mutual obligations and reciprocity. Thus, the guiding force that mediates social capital or exchanges is trustworthiness. Sociologists of education have ample evidence beginning from classical literature to contemporary writings that access to information in industrial and information societies is critical to enhance one’s own social mobility. One must keep in mind that, as Coleman argues, the flows of capital are very much guided by the norms and effective sanctions in a given social structure. The norms of community work as potential supports and provide effective rewards for school achievement. The social norms of family encourage their members to achieve higher statuses, to gain access to power and to accept the challenges which will reward them in the long term. Thus, the family functions as a dedicated unit to promote the economic and educational interests of their members by use of social capital in response to the contextual demands. Coleman strongly advocates that family background plays a central role in shaping human capital. According to this, parental care, investment of income, social energy and the confidence levels of family members are key in mediating agencies in

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shaping the social world in everyday life. The major observation on the role of the family in shaping human capital is that family, as the first site of socialization, transmits the expected values of society and equips members with the desired behavioural values and norms both in educational institutions and employment organizations. Coleman also accords equal significance to the accumulation of social capital outside the family. According to this, the structure of social relations within the family and across the community transmits the social capital from generation to generation (Coleman 1997, 88). Unlike Coleman’s human capital theory, Bourdieu’s (1997) theory of forms of capital is much broader and comprehensive in the codification and classification of the manifest and latent forms and functions of capital, and patterns of mediation in negotiating the capital formations and educational aspirations of individuals and social groups. Bourdieu claims that capital can present itself in three fundamental guises: (1) economic capital, which is immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalised in the forms of property rights (2) cultural capital, which is convertible, on certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the form of educational qualifications, and (3) social capital, made up of social obligations (“connections”), which is convertible into economic capital under certain conditions, and may be institutionalized in the form of a title of nobility (Bourdieu 1997, 46). The meanings and volume of social, cultural and economic capital tend to vary across space and time. Bourdieu’s theory of capital, assumes that cultural capital has replaced economic capital as the main type of family resource which has a larger bearing on the intergenerational transmission of educational opportunities. Although Bourdieu’s argument for replacing economic capital with cultural capital may hold for understanding the different phases of educational transition in European societies, in developing countries like India there is a need to analyze the potential role of tradition in retaining the cultural and social markers and benefits which one derives from the social networks, as suggested by Coleman, in shaping the access to the contemporary education system. Within this theoretical view, this work makes an attempt to examine the shifting choices and changing concerns

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in the educational transitions of Andhra Pradesh, which are crucial for understanding neo-liberal reforms and educational transitions in India. The foregoing theoretical analysis on globalization signify the linkages between transitional forms of capitals, i.e. how the flow of economic capital guides social and cultural capital and how these material and nonmaterial forms reinforce each other in social opportunities. The foregoing accounts imply that the education systems across the countries are witnessing reforms in restructuring and “re-orienting” their educational objectives to serve the interests of both the private players and consumers. This also clearly illustrates the far-reaching implications of globalisation on education. There is a paradigm shift in understanding the state policy on education, which implies that education is seen more as a private commodity rather than a public good.

CHAPTER TWO THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF KNOWLEDGE IN ANDHRA PRADESH, INDIA

The present chapter provides an overview of the patterns of the information technology industry’s growth and the consequent developments in shaping the education system in general education, and IT education in particular. The expansion is two dimensional, having witnessed phenomenal growth in the private and public sectors. The detailed descriptive analysis of the forms and patterns of IT developments and directions enables us to contextualise the political economy of IT. This chapter deals with a systematic description of how IT education evolved and organized itself in Andhra Pradesh. To get a comprehensive understanding about the origin and growth of IT and the subsequent demand for IT education and training, it is important to understand the political, economic and social factors that contributed to the rise of the information society and its latent outcomes. The two-and-a-half-decade journey of the IT industry in India is primarily guided by the proactive state policies towards the liberalization of the economy and the privatization of public resources. The changing economy started to guide the material and the moral economy of middleclass-value systems, which in turn paved the way for the liberalization of the economy, employment and the education system at various stages. Though there is a large body of literature on the context and contours of liberalization of the economy and society, this chapter primarily deals with the impact of global and national level policy changes in shaping education and sharing the knowledge resources. In order to contextualise the background and significance of IT education, we would like to trace the factors responsible for the emergence of new salaried professionals, called IT professionals, who are also referred to as IT people, software professionals, software/IT coolies, or computer people. The growing respect for the IT industry in India needs to be understood in the context of the privatization of government-funded industries and the consequent downsizing of government employment

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opportunities. The steady rise of private sponsored service industries in general, and the IT industry in particular, has coincided with the steady decline of government-funded industries in India since the 1990s. Thus, the IT industry has ushered in a new lease of life to the middle-class Indians who constitute almost one third of the 1,200 million Indians.1 The three hundred million Indians who make up the middle class tend to depend on the salaried jobs which guarantee economic security and social status, compared to non-salaried occupational groups. Although the history of salaried occupations, dates back to pre-colonial India, it was the British Raj that was responsible for creating a new salaried class, who were Indians by blood and colour but British by taste and culture. B. B. Kumar (2008) argues that the administrative interests of the British were reflected in the famous British official Lord Macaulay2 who, while addressing the British Parliament on February 2, 1835, said that: “We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and intellect.” Though there are differences of opinion on the manifest and latent functions of British policy with reference to the introduction of modern education and modern employment opportunities, scholars of diverse ideological frames unanimously accept its impact on modern employment opportunities based on the principles and practices of Western bureaucratic governance and administration. Therefore, state-sponsored employment with a fixed salary per month, and other economic and social rewards associated with these new jobs, attracted a diverse range from the social strata of Indian society. The growing social demand for these new jobs gained significance in the third world countries where most people depend on agriculture for their livelihoods. The lack of certainty over economic returns and lack of state support, in addition to the absence of advanced and necessary technological applications in agriculture, tend to discourage the traditional agrarian classes from withdrawing from agriculture as the traditional occupations are meant for subsistence farming and not so much for large-scale market production. Thus, the educated youth during the colonial era started aspiring to “modern” employment, embracing the modernity offered by the colonial rulers. According to scholars, colonial modernity represents a symbolic power which was over time entrenched into diverse forms of life, 1

India, with 1.27 billion people, is the second most populous country in the world. The figures show that India represents almost 17.31% of the world's population, http://www.indiaonlinepages.com/population/india-current-population.html (accessed April 12, 2013).

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such as political, bureaucratic, family, marriage and culture. Modern employment, on the one hand, promises material emancipation, and on other ideological emancipation by challenging traditional caste-ridden notions of hierarchy based on purity and patriarchal value frameworks. The post-independent Indian state, in its reformative attempt to modernize the state and civil society, continued the structure of colonial bureaucracy, introducing new programs of development to translate constitutional sacred values of equality, liberty and fraternity as realities in free India.3 The mood of the modern Indian leadership under the stewardship of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minster of free India, and the scholar-cum-leader Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, the constitutional architect of the liberated nation, visualized India under the following direction, from the preface to the constitution of India: We, the people of India, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a sovereign socialist secular democratic republic and to secure to all its citizens: justice, social, economic and political; liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; equality of status and of opportunity; and to promote among them all fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the nation; in our constituent assembly this twenty-sixth day of November, 1949, do hereby adopt, enact and give to ourselves this constitution.4

The inclusive vision of the new nation was primarily aimed to resolve the age-old contradictions of the Indian society, suffering from civilization crisis and spiritual superiority. The cardinal spirit of the constitution was equality of opportunities, irrespective of caste, creed and any other form of primordial identity. The expansion of modern educational opportunities to the upper and middle sections of society was a primary achievement of independent India. The growth of education in the initial two decades of independence was very much linked to the expansion of employment opportunities in the government-sponsored industries and educational institutions. The Nehruvian socialist policy provided a strong base for the emergence of modern educational institutional structures and industrial clusters across the metropolitan capital cities of respective provincial states, in addition to the traditional towns in different parts of the country. The modernization process of the socialist state failed to reach the expectations of the hungry

4

The Constitution Of India, Preamble, http://www.cgsird.gov.in/constitution.pdf (accessed April 14, 2013).

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masses, and therefore sociologists like Satish Deshpande5 (2003) framed the period after 1960 as one of despair. However, this phase of history did produce a sizable segment of the first generation Indian middle class which studied in government schools and worked for government institutions and organizations. In order to retain the faith of people on the cultural foundations of the modern Indian state, the then prime minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi boosted the government segment by nationalizing banking services across the country and expanding the educational base across diverse zones. She was also hailed as the champion of the Dalit and the Adivasi development program in 1970 for realizing the true fruits of reservation in the education and employment sectors. Therefore, the middle class following 1970 partially included the marginal castes, such as the Dalits and Adivasi communities, across the nation. The nature of employment in India has been primarily generated by public (government) sector industries and institutions. However, the nature and direction of state policy towards the development of the nation took a step back from the late 1970s and early 1980s. At this juncture, the Indian state was caught up in changing the character of the state role towards development and governance by following the liberal economic and political philosophy of Thatcherism.6 Dissent against the liberal bourgeois socialist state came in the context of the failure of industries and institutions run or sponsored by a government of any kind. The growing educational participation from the lower strata of society is due to the ahistorical7 character of the state and civil society in India. A major development after 1970 comprised the growing levels of consciousness about the importance of education and employment among the lower sections who constitutes almost 80% of the Indian society. The affirmative action policy introduced by the state towards the development of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes at the national level was followed by the reservations for other Backward Classes, and enabled the educational advancement of the Chaturvarna, Panchama and Adivasi social groups in India. A large body of literature on reservations looks at the concerns and contestations for competing equalities (Galanter 1984; Deshpande 2003). Reservations for women in 5

Satish Deshpande, (2003), Contemporary India: A Sociological View (Delhi: Penguin India). 6 This ideology believes in the failure of state sponsored institutions and organizations and advocates absolute privatisation. 7 Although it is a contested claim, I am following the intellectual tradition of Hegel on the (a)historical character of state and civil society (caste) in India. See Ronald Inden, (1986), “Orientalist Construction of India,” Modern Asian Studies 20 (3).

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higher education and public employment introduced by the state of Andhra Pradesh also produced anxieties in non-reservation castes. The major outcome of this trend was growing levels of anxiety among the middle classes to ensure their class status, and thus higher levels of unemployment among the traditional educated classes, ultimately resulting in anti-state movements across the country from 1970 to 1980. Thus, since the late 1970s, there has been pressure from interest groups to open the market for private players and a demand to minimize the role of the state in the economy, education and tools of ideological state apparatus. There was a sharp rise in the critique on the functioning of government systems in the public and the state apparatuses. The pressure from the top (upper class) and the bottom (middle class) slowly paved the way for the seeds of liberalization of the economy under the regime of liberal congress state headed by the late P. V. Narasimharao and his Oxford-trained finance minister, and current Prime Minster, Dr. Manmohan Singh to liberate India from its backwardness and connect it to the wider global economy, education and culture. Thus, the period after the 1990s represents a historical departure from the socialist vision of the constitution. The hyper globalists within and outside of India celebrated this moment as the greatest phase of Indian history. The tools of the liberalization agenda have started to foretell the end of the state and its role in making policies and mediating education and employment. The people working in government sectors started being labelled as the sons-in-law of the state, as non-meritorious, and as burdens to the state and society. The language of labelling primarily claims that the government represents red-tapism, lack of accountability to citizens, and draws salaries without proper functioning. Following the 1990s, the attitudes in the public sphere towards the government and its servants were primarily viewed within the framework of hatred. Incidentally, the liberalized era also represented the emergence of new means of the public sphere such as private TV channels, both in English and the vernacular, coupled with the slow but steady growth of ICT in economy and cultural spheres of life, which strongly worked in favour of the institutionalisation of the liberalized ideological agenda. The ideology of liberalization basically negates the role of the state, and is a strong believer in the power of the liberal economy under the leadership of private players. Therefore, the advocates of liberalization, privatization and globalisation started questioning the moral authority of the state, and strongly advocated the autonomy of the private as a new sphere not only for better governance but also for the well-being of all other sub-systems and diverse groups of

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the society. Thus, liberalization has become a new mantra of life and attained the character of new religious economic discourse. Therefore, the rise of the information technology industry in India needs to be located within the context of the ideology of liberalization. Although it is one of the youngest industries it has been celebrated as a symbol of the rise of India as a future superpower (Upadhyay 2009). India has been hailed as the home of human resources, and has publicized its potential to supply a global IT workforce in Western countries, particularly those that have experienced negative population trends in recent decades. On the other hand, India has been hailed as enjoying a demographic dividend, with 50% of its current population aged under 25, and with over 65% below the age of 35. Thus, the demographer claims that India is one of the youngest countries in the world with one of its oldest cultures and civilizations.

The making of IT professionals The IT industry is a billion-dollar initiative in India with a consistent growth record. According to Dataquest estimates, IT is the single largest industry to open large-scale employment opportunities. In India, the IT services market is forecast to reach $10.2 billion in 2013, which is a 12% increase from an estimated $9.1 billion in 2012, according to Gartner, Inc. In addition, IT spending in India is projected to total $71.5 billion in 2013, compared to $66.4 billion in the year 2012. The reports claim that currently more than 2.5 million young professionals are working in the IT industry compared to 1.5 lakh employees in the 1990s. The billion dollar march of the IT industry is hailed as one of the greatest achievements of Indian industry, the result of the liberalization of the economy, the vision of the educated middle class entrepreneurial community,8 and the meritorious hardworking character of Indian educated youth. The image of IT came from nowhere, spreading everywhere within two and a half decades of post-liberalisation India. The image of the IT industry and the people who work in it have become part of the dominant public sphere, and have been attributed with positive values such as youth, since white-collar work ensures a comfortable job with the best facilities compared to other offices. They always carry identity cards around their

8

This represents the story of achievement. Though coming from humble middle class family backgrounds, they successfully build the IT empires in India with multi-billion dollar industrial clusters.

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necks, always maintain proper dress codes, and are referred to as meritorious young students. They also enjoy distinctiveness because of securing a decent and dignified job at a very young age (21) in a land of unemployed and an underemployed youth society. When compared to the students who enrolled in higher education whose employment aspirations go beyond 31 years, these young professionals draw salaries of minimum 3.6 lakhs to a maximum of 14 lakh per annum, which is beyond the imagination of most educated youth in India, including people with Ph.D degrees (Jeffrey & Jeffrey 2007). Salary increases of a minimum of 20% per year, entitlement to different kinds of perks such as medical care and holidays, flexible work, air conditioned offices with good views and visits to foreign countries as part of job assignments are beyond the imaginations of the pre-liberalization middle class, all of which can be classified under the following:9 x The material rewards are money and markers of visible wealth x Social and cultural rewards and symbolic status x Shaping of Netizens, who mediate between the windows of offline and online cultures. To put it in the words of an Indian software professional, considering the never-ending need to upgrade the skill set of professionals working for IT companies, it was felt that: The IT professional today can be compared to a multi-handed deity, juggling new challenges and responsibilities. Workplaces are becoming complex due to increasing demand. This is a world of cloud on-demand and SaaS running smoothly. The focus has shifted to an on-demand model and an agile methodology. An IT professional must essentially know how to scale up technology at short notice as it is common to suddenly find your application downloaded by thousands of people. They should also be prepared for complexity in user requirements, security, managing people, etc. (Ramanunni 2013)

We may argue that, historically, the rise of the IT industry in India was guided by the ideologies of the elite and the growing aspirations of the masses to claim space in the emerging knowledge economy. The radical 9

The future of the Indian software industry, with IT career advantages, disadvantages and benefits: http://www.saching.com/Article/India-softwareindustry-future--IT-career-advantages--disadvantages-and-benefits (accessed January 13, 2009).

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changes in the technological advancement in the Western world facilitated the advancement of the information/knowledge/post-industrial society. The wider application of IT in all spheres of life in the Western world led to the rise of the information society. One of the major outcomes of the changing mode of economy built into the foundations of knowledge of IT led to a severe shortage of IT professionals in Western countries. According to the IT industry estimates, the US needs a ten million strong IT workforce, and in Europe and Japan there is a shortage of IT professionals. All these countries are therefore looking to India to fill the gap (Verma & Sarita 2001). The studies show that although India is one of the major hubs of human resources for software production and promotion, the existing resources are not sufficient to meet India’s requirements if the present trend continues with the same growth rate. As already presented, the IT industry’s current status is a more than 10 billion dollar industry with twenty-five lakh employees, one of the largest employment-generated industries globally. Thus, promoting the IT industry became part of the ideological infrastructure of the state, whose aim is to appease the aspiring middle class, and their children’s IT dreams, and it achieved a legitimate role in shaping the state policy and moral accordance with growing acceptance in civil society across India in general, and southern-Indian states in particular. The rise of the IT economy unleashed larger implications for the function and process of diverse systems of society, including the goals and objectives of education systems across the world in general and India in particular. As we have discussed, the debates on the developments of education in India and the quality and quantitative jumps at different historical junctures have implied that education in India has been linked to the ideological systems framed by the state and the social interests of the society. However, the ideology of the liberalization economy worked intensively for the privately guided education system at different layers.

IT education and training in India According to Tom Stonier (1983), the development of information technology and its far-reaching implications have begun to influence the education system in significant ways. Technological innovations in general, and the information technology revolution in particular, have led to steady changes in educational priorities and curriculum structure both in Western and Indian educational systems. The studies also emphasise that an adequate level of education in general, and in information technology in

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particular, are essential for the design and productive use of new technologies (Freeman 1992). However, neither the limited number of scientists and engineers nor the acquisition of advanced technology can be factors of development by themselves without an appropriate organizational environment (Castells 1995). While sustaining the information economies, it is essential to design and develop the software to fulfil the needs of the present and the future in different sectors of a country. Owing to IT applicability in all spheres of social, economic and cultural life, trained human resources are a prerequisite. Western countries like Britain took special interest to promote information technology oriented courses to bridge the gap between industry and education. The application potential of information technology in diverse fields has led to the rapid growth of the industry as well as IT-enabled service industries. The concept of IT literacy also gained immense importance in developed countries during the 1960s and 1970s. Virtually all commercial and non-commercial organizations and institutes of simple to complex ranges adopted the use of IT in their day-to-day events. It is also very clear from job advertisements, particularly from the early 1980s, that one’s chances of getting employment were enhanced by the possession of qualifications in micro-electronics, computing, systems analysis, telecommunications, fibre optics, expert systems and so on. As mentioned earlier, with the advent of information technology in the late 1970s the education systems of Western Europe and America witnessed a gradual transition towards information technology oriented streams. IT courses gained institutional support because of their market value, and the number of seats in IT-related streams greatly increased (Webster & Kevin 1989). To meet the demands of the IT sector, governments in several countries, including developing countries, realized the need for a new thrust in IT education. The government of India also responded to the growing demand for human resources, both within the country and overseas, by introducing information technology streams at different levels. Owing to the social prestige and monetary values attached to the information technology education, career-oriented young people of all ages, gender, class and caste groups, have begun to opt for IT courses. As a result, IT training institutes, both in formal and non-formal sectors were established across the country by offering different types of courses with both long-term and short-term durations. At this point, it should be mentioned that the government, which is unable to meet the expected demand, has been encouraging enrolment of those who can support their education by paying higher fees even in publicly funded institutions.

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Further, the government has been encouraging private initiatives in the field of higher education (Maheswari 2000). The buzzword in Indian higher education today is information technology. This can be seen in the proliferation of IT-related courses in colleges and the mushrooming growth of computer engineering in engineering colleges (Pillai 2000). In India, one can witness a shift from traditional disciplines in basic sciences to technologically orientated disciplines in general and IT education in particular because of the wide range of opportunities associated with it. According to The Hindu (2001), most people are spending more money on education than on any other item /activity. Since independence this is the first time that a large number of Indians have been thrilled at the prospects that an IT course can offer them, such as good employment in foreign countries and an increasingly liberalized India (The Hindu 2001). IT education and training are considered as part of a scientific process of imparting education pertaining to IT-based technologies and providing training in the skills related to electronics, computer hardware, software, computer-aided design and manufacture, software tools and their applications in various domains. In India, IT education is broadly organized into two sectors; one formal and the second non-formal. The formal sector refers to government-run educational institutions such as universities, colleges that disseminate knowledge in the field of information technologies and allied sectors. The non-formal sector refers to the private sector, and the IT industry, IT education and the training industry are predominantly dominated by this. Organisations and enterprises that provide IT education and training are also referred to as IT education and training institutes. In India, several types of IT training institute, ranging from international to local, offer courses of diverse natures and operate in a flexible mode in offering courses in correspondence with the market demands. The unique feature of the non-formal sector is a franchise system, according to which the franchise has to pay some amount as a royalty for using the brand name of particular IT education and training companies. IT education and training are imparted by two sectors in India: the formal sector consists of academic institutions such as universities, colleges and special institutions, while the private institutes range from local to international level, dominated by the non-formal sector. They are NIIT, APTECH, CMC and SSI, to name a few which have acquired national stature, and thousands of local institutions spread across the country. The IT education and training that began in the 1970s by the late

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1980s received consistent and considerable attention, as values attached to different streams of education significantly changed in the context of globalisation. Indian higher education is shaped by technological factors as in the Western context, particularly the computer education that is transforming the educational ethos and priorities. MNCs and Indian business houses have entered the education market in a big way. To support the IT industry in India the state has consistently been encouraged to run the three-year MCA programs and four-year B. Techs and M. Techs both in public and private sector colleges and universities. Private initiatives in functional training in the use of software packages have also been implemented. The limited amount of manpower development in IT started to resemble a crisis, and almost all universities started or expanded their degree level programs. The government has been liberal in giving affiliations to privately run institutes that focus only on IT degree programs (Maheswari 2000). Of over 5,700 engineering colleges in the country, around 3,500 colleges offer B. Tech programs in electronics, computer science and engineering, and 300 universities or colleges offer BCA/BIT, and three or four year programs after 10+2 have been introduced in various universities, including the Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU). The formal sector, at degree level (B. Tech./BE/MCA), is in a position to produce more than 200,000 graduates every year. However, the developments in engineering education witnessed a qualitative jump over two decades. The latest data indicate that there are more than 6,000 colleges imparting technical education, also including computer/IT education across the country. The mushrooming of engineering colleges and the higher demand for IT courses is primarily linked to the growing emphasis on IT degrees and knowledge of IT companies. The studies conducted by Narasimhan-Fuller (2006), in the context of engineering colleges in Tamil Nadu, examine the social composition of students enrolled in private engineering colleges which work on the principles of the student’s capacity to pay the fee. They argue that the corporatisation of engineering education in Tamil Nadu led to the exclusion of students from lower classes due to negative economic discrimination and lower castes by denying reservation policy in these corporate private colleges. Commenting on the development and direction of engineering education in Kerala, Sunil et al. (2012) felt that engineering education gained critical significance in the wake of LPG and the growth of jobs in private sector industries, such as IT and ITES. Kerala, being the most advanced educational state in the country, has attached the highest value to

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the service jobs, and the educated youth in Kerala started aspiring to white-collar jobs in the IT industry, and blue collar jobs in IESI, in different parts of India. The growing demand for engineering education in Kerala was not only driven by the economic returns from the IT jobs, but also the covert pressure from family members on the their children to pursue IT courses. While commenting on the state of engineering education and its impact on students, the researchers claim that: “Nearly two-thirds of them do not obtain a degree even after several attempts to clear the exams. It affects their morale so badly that some of them even resort to taking their own life rather than accepting failure.” In spite of multiple problems associated with the functioning of engineering colleges and the poor performance of students in these colleges, political and economic interests and the social demand for engineering education have led to the proliferation of engineering colleges across the country, particularly in the private sector. The following table shows the status of engineering colleges in different states of India. Table 3.1 below demonstrates the uneven spread of engineering colleges across the states, and also a sharp rise in the number of colleges in the last one and half decades when compared to the pre-liberalization era. The table indicates that more than 50% of colleges are located in the southern states and neighbouring Deccan state Maharashtra, though the populations of these five states are not even equivalent to that of Uttar Pradesh. Thus, we argue that the spread of technical education is skewed in nature. The character of concentration indicates the initial advantage in education traditionally enjoyed by the southern and western states of India, which were exposed to the colonial modernity in holistic terms. The survey of engineering education reveals that, on average, more than 4.5 to 5 Lakh engineering graduates are graduating every year in India. However, the most important weakness associated with the quantitative expansionist method, by compromising on the quality of education offered by the engineering colleges, led to multi-dimensional problems with larger implications for employment opportunities and issues of social security for those students who either dropped out or pursued an engineering education by devoting material and social resources.

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Table 3.1. List of States in India by number of Engineering Institutes10 Number of Engineering colleges in India State/ S.No Union Territory 1 Andhra Pradesh 2 Arunachal Pradesh 3 Assam 4 Bihar 5 Chandigarh 6 Chhattisgarh 7 Delhi 8 Goa 8 Gujarat 9 Haryana 10 Himachal Pradesh 11 Jammu & Kashmir 12 Jharkhand 13 Karnataka 14 Kerala 15 Madhya Pradesh 16 Maharashtra 17 Manipur 17 Meghalaya 18 Orissa 19 Puducherry 20 Punjab 21 Rajasthan 22 Sikkim 23 Tamil Nadu 24 Tripura 25 Uttar Pradesh 26 Uttarakhand 27 West Bengal Total

10

No. of colleges 847 3 22 10 9 75 37 10 100 342 54 28 33 400 198 310 739 2 4 100 21 221 338 3 934 2 466 4 155 5467

"AICTE." Aicte-india.org (Accessed February 15, 2013).

% 15.5 0.1 0.4 0.2 0.2 1.4 0.7 0.0 1.8 6.3 1.0 0.5 0.6 7.3 3.6 5.7 13.5 0.0 0.1 1.8 0.4 4.0 6.2 0.1 17.1 0.0 8.6 0.1 2.8 100

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The national employability report11 revealed the structural and functional problems associated with technical education in contemporary India. A review of some of the major findings highlights the important lacunas of technical education. The percentage of people ready to be deployed as engineers for IT jobs is dismally low at 2.68%, there are considerably more males than females in engineering, but with equal employability, and concentrating on increasing the quantity of engineers has impacted the quality drastically, as the long tail of employable engineers is being missed by corporations. The quality of education varies drastically, with only very few colleges at the top of the quality ladder. The survey highlights that out of more than five lakh engineers annually produced in India, only 17.45% are employable for the IT services sector, while a dismal 3.51% are appropriately trained to be directly deployed on projects. The study found that most of the colleges are imparting the lowest form of education that is in no way nearer to the employment segment of the industry. The World Bank report on “Science and Technology Manpower development in India” (2000) pointed out that India is undergoing a major crisis due to its tremendous growth, limited resources, high wastage, and over-centralized governance. It is also observed that it is unable to maintain quality and relevance, which ultimately fails to respond quickly and adequately to the country’s requirements. Some of the major problems faced by higher education in India are as follows: (1) Over-centralization and lack of autonomy and accountability of institutions has resulted in malpractices in examinations, outdated curricula, poor infrastructure, etc. (2) The large wastage of the scarce resources in the form of dropout and failure rates is as high as 40%, and the oversupply of graduates from traditional disciplines has led to huge unemployment and underemployment. (3) Considering the mismatch between student demand and market requirements and institutional output and training modalities, when students demand the streams with employment potential some resulted in exceeding the admission capacity in particular streams. There is cutthroat competition for admission into a premier institution like IITs. 11

“Concentrating on increasing quantity of engineers has impacted quality drastically,” http://www.rediff.com/getahead/slide-show/slide-show-1-career-aspiringminds-national-employability-survey-report-findings/20120229.htm#115413 (accessed February 29, 2012).

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(4) The high demand for admission in professional streams has resulted in the creation of admission capacity in many areas far beyond the needs of the economy. On the one hand, there is an oversupply of engineering graduates in specific disciplines like mechanical engineering and electronics; on the other, there is a shortage of manpower in disciplines like information technology related courses. This reflects both the unscientific planning of programs and the poor quality of training in most of the colleges. (5) Despite the phenomenal expansion in higher education in the country since independence, only 6% of the relevant age group of 18–23 is enrolled in higher education due to the limited capacity (the share of science and technology education accounts for less than 2%). This limits access, particularly for the professional courses, which led to the mushrooming of thousands of private institutions for training at different levels. (6) There is a wide disparity among the regions in India in the development of educational institutions due to the socioeconomic and historical backgrounds. The trend shows that the southern and western states are ahead of the eastern and northern states in terms of number of institutions, admission capacity and quality of the streams (World Bank 2000). The above problems are interconnected and the accumulation of this entire problem ultimately failed to fill the gap and led to the entry of the nonformal sector, which is purely controlled and regulated by the private players. The private sector has played a vital role in imparting IT education and training, with a large number of IT education institutes spread across the country. The non-formal sector accounts for more than 5,000 training institutes in India. The non-formal sector, particularly organizations like NIIT, APTECH and the Department of Electronics Accredited Course Certificate (DOEACC) scheme, are filling the space by not only providing short-term, skill-oriented programs, but also by providing opportunities to university students who could not get admitted to degree programs in IT to pick up relevant expertise while being enrolled in a non-IT degree course. Data Quest (Team DQ 2012) claims that India needs three categories of IT workforce: first is the experts, second the programmers, and third would be IT-literate executives, businessmen and government officials. About 1.5 million students are getting IT training in the private sector. The non-formal sector as mentioned above has over 5,000 training institutions and is rapidly increasing at a rate of around 20% per annum.

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The total revenue generated by the IT training sector was more than 5,000 crores for the year 2012. During the last two decades, a large number of training institutes in the private sector have grown significantly, providing training at degree and diploma levels in information technology, especially in software development (apart from the DOEACC scheme, the most prominent training institute in the non-formal sector, imparting and training a large number of students, accounts for a million dropouts per year). As per Data Quest (2002), a computer magazine, there are more than 5,000 training institutes affiliated with the major training organizations spread across India. Out of these, the top fifteen accounted for 75% of the training in 2012. Table 3.2 below shows the top institutes in IT education and their share of the industry. The major players in IT education and training institutes are NIIT and Aptech, which account for more than half of the industry. NIIT and Aptech are spread across the country and have acquired an edge over other institutes due to the strategies and methods followed by their respective managements. Table 3.2. Major players in IT education industry Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total

Company NIIT Aptech Training Tata Infotech SSI CMC IBM India CMS Computer Institute Onward Novell Software Microsoft Corporation C-DAC’s ACTS

No of Institutes 2577 2214 706 650 253 174 138 125 125 105 7067

% 36.6 31.4 10.0 9.0 3.7 2.4 2.0 1.7 1.7 1.5 100

* As of December 31, 2001. Source: Data Quest (2002). Note: The numbers in the brackets show the percentage of the frequency.

However, the demand for IT training institutes has been growing across the country in the wake of more employment opportunities in IT & ITES industries. The steady growth in enrolment is linked to the innovative strategies employed by the IT education and training institutes. The primary reasons for the successful expansion of these training institutes are the franchise system, aggressive campaigning, flexibility in the design and

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offer of courses, and the flexibility in fees. All major IT education and training institutes claim that they have been working towards expansion of their training institutes over the country, cutting across the regions. The IT education institutes follow the franchise model to expand their institutes. According to this, the corporate office of the respective institutes calls for applicants to start a franchise through advertisements. The institutes select persons on the basis of educational qualification, communication skills, work experience in IT education and training field, and economic capability. According to the terms and conditions of the agreement, the local manager of an IT institute has to pay a certain percentage of the revenue as a royalty for using the brand name of the company. As part of the agreement, the institute supplies the study material, methodology and issue of a certificate. Most of the institutes, ranging from global to regional, follow this franchises model to expand their training bases within different cities and towns. This is more evident in the case of the leading training institutes such as NIIT, Aptech, CMC and SSI. The role of advertising is immense in promoting IT education and training. All training institutes use the media, both electronic and print, to promote their institutes, and all newspapers, both local and national, cover the role and credentials of these institutes in imparting IT education, their specialization in particular fields, the range of courses they offer, and the benefits and advantages of the courses to attract students from diverse social backgrounds, cutting across age, profession and educational background. Some prominent institutes, like NIIT and Aptech, became successful by creating an imprint in IT education with their training institutes among different sections of the people, particularly students and educated sections. The IT education institute always keeps track of the changing trends in the demand for skills in the IT industry at a global level, designing coursework and methodology in tune with global and domestic requirements. The duration of the courses and fees are flexible in nature; some courses take barely a couple of weeks, whereas the long term courses can take two to four years. The fee structure varies according to the duration and ranges from Rs 500 to more than Rs 50,000. In addition, there are diverse courses aimed at attracting different age groups, ranging from children to old people, alongside different professionals, students and educated classes. The curriculum in private IT education institutions is generally ahead of teaching in the formal sector, as the process of curriculum reform in academia tends to be much slower (Data Quest 2001).

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As discussed earlier, the growth of IT education and training is a response to the demand generated by globalisation. The demand for IT education and training is primarily driven by the market forces in the interests of developed economies. Although thousands of IT education institutes have sprung up across the country, their distribution is uneven within and across the regions, indicating the motives behind the organization of IT education and training by the private sector in different states. Table 3.3. Distribution of IT Education across the regions S.No. 1 2

States Southern states Northern states

Frequency 1334 840

Percentage 41 26

3 4 5 Total

Eastern states Western states North-eastern All India

484 577 37 3272

15 17 01 100

Source: Data Quest (May 2001).

The data presented here are drawn from the Data Quest May 2001 special issue on IT education institutes and courses. Table 3.3 above indicates a clear pattern of the distribution of IT education and training institutes across the states. Southern regions, comprising Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, account for 41% of all IT education institutes. Most of the training institutions as mentioned above are under the control of the private sector. The basic objective of the corporate institute is an accumulation of profit, and they tend to provide their services in the regions with economic potential. Table 3.3 demonstrates that in the northeastern region, due to economic underdevelopment and lack of links with the mainstream society, the expansion of IT education institutes is limited, and that is why only a few institutes can be seen in this region. Although thousands of IT education and training institutes have come up across the country, the distribution of these institutes is uneven, varying from region-to-region and even within the regions. To understand the trends in distribution, an attempt has been made to examine the distribution of IT education and training in different states.

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Table 3.4. Distribution of IT institutes in different states S.No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

Name of the state/ Union territory Andhra Pradesh Arunachal Pradesh Assam Bihar Chhattisgarh Goa Gujarat Haryana Jammu& Kashmir Jharkhand Himachal Pradesh Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Orissa Punjab Rajasthan Sikkim Tamil Nadu Tripura Utter Pradesh Uttaranchal West Bengal Andaman Chandigarh Dadra and Nagar Daman and Diu Delhi Total

Source: Data Quest (May 2001)

No of institutes

%

222 3 16 137 5 10 303 21 17 20 7 266 129 81 227 4 6 1 3 111 61 82 4 714 4 328 33 216 -11 37 3 207 3272

6.8 0.1 0.5 4.2 0.2 0.3 9.3 0.6 0.5 0.6 0.2 8.1 3.9 2.5 6.9 0.1 0.2 0.0 0.1 3.4 1.9 2.5 0.1 21.8 0.1 10.0 1.0 6.6 0.3 1.1 0.1 6.3 100

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The data presented here is drawn from the Data Quest May 2001 special issue on IT education institutes and courses, containing information about each major training centre located in different cities and towns of different states and union territories. We counted these training institutes and tabulated the data. Table 3.6 below indicates a clear pattern in the distribution of IT education and training institutes as heavily concentrated in a few states. Tamil Nadu has the most with 714 institutes, while Mizoram with only one centre is in the last position. In western India, Maharashtra and Gujarat account for 530 institutes. Among the northern states, Uttar Pradesh accounts for the largest number at 328. Northeast states provide a dismal picture, with Manipur, Mizoram, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh accounting for only 30 institutes. This distribution indicates that IT education and training in the non-formal sector is concentrated in a few states in the country. The factors responsible for such uneven distribution have to be located in the policies of the state governments towards the development of IT, differentials in the levels of economic development and the quality of education offered by the states. In the southern states, Karnataka is leading and it has emerged as a hub of Indian IT industry, followed by Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. Southern states have a large number of engineering graduates produced by a large chunk of engineering colleges with proper infrastructures. As a result, most of the IT education and training centres are concentrated in the southern states, providing education and training in software both on a part-time as well as a regular, long-term basis. The main engine driving the IT education and training consists of the monetary and non-material benefits associated with software professionals’ jobs and related professions. Here are some of the highlights of the survey conducted by Data Quest (2001). The major highlights are, first, the salary of IT professionals; with oneyear experience IT professionals getting 1.25–2.4 lakhs, i.e. 10,400– 20,000, per month. With two years’ experience they could get 2.4–4.5 lakhs, i.e. 20,000–37,500 per month. With two to five years’ experience, professionals could get 3.1–5.9 lakhs per year, i.e. Rs 25,800–49,166 per month, whereas with 5–10 years of experience; professionals could expect 4.7–13 lakhs per year, i.e. 39,000–1.08 lakh per month. Table 3.5 displays the manpower trained by professional and diploma colleges.

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Table 3.5. Turnout of manpower from Degree/Diploma colleges* Name of the Item

2000– 01 53,370

2001– 02 71,066

2002– 03 81,423

2003– 04 93,968

2004– 05 99,162

Professionals dropping out with a degree in IT (A) Number of (A) joining the 42,696 56,853 65,138 75,175 79,330 IT industry Wastage 10,674 14,213 16,285 18,793 19,832 Professionals passing out 41,128 44,175 45,221 45,871 47,017 with diploma in IT (B) Number of (B) joining the 31,669 34,015 34,820 35,320 36,203 IT industry Wastage 9,459 10,160 10,401 10,551 10,814 Total IT professionals from 94,498 105,081 126,644 139,839 146,179 degree & diploma Effective number of 74,365 90,867 99,959 110,495 115,833 dropouts joining the IT industry Source: Ministry of HRD, Department of Secondary Education & Higher Education, and Nasscom. * Extrapolation and analysis by Data Quest (July 2002).

One has to admit that the highest paid professionals in the country are software professionals. The survey also pointed out some interesting trends, such as a steady growth of women’s representation in the software sector, accounting for almost 30% of the total software professionals in the country. A vast array of perks and benefits has become very common in the software industry, such as life/medical insurance, subsidized restaurant food, availability of employee stock options, training sponsorships, housing loans, club memberships, car loans, and annual foreign trips. The survey also highlighted salary hikes, usually twice a year. However, after the 9/11 attack on the World Trade Centre in New York there has been a downturn in salaries and perks. The early period of the 1970s witnessed the emergence of the IT education and training industry with a few companies setting up in the non-formal sector, with a steady growth in 1980s, gaining momentum in the late 1990s. NASSCOM’s strategic review (2002) claims, that the higher education institutions in India are losing their ability and credibility in fulfilling the requirements of the industry. Furthermore, apart from the premier institutions such as IITs and IIMs, other academic institutions could not maintain proper academic standards. Apart from this, the number of qualified graduates and post-graduates coming out of the higher education system is not significant enough to make a meaningful difference to fulfil

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the gap between the supply and demand logic in a large country like India. For example, the country produces about 1.6 lakh engineers per year, but only about 3,000 engineers (dropouts from IITs) are of international quality. This is not more than 2% of the total engineers graduating every year (Data Quest, July 2002). IT institutes in the formal sector are training about 70,000 professionals per year and the non-formal sector 0.5 million students annually. The recruitment pattern of employment of the IT companies showed that only 20% of students with a diploma were able to get employment. It is observed that although the IT training market has been expanding in quantity, the quality of training is not growing proportionately. This is a basic limitation in both the formal and non-formal IT institutes. Owing to the ever-changing scenario in the software industry, IT education institutions have been challenged to anticipate market shifts and at the same time continue the basic structure of academia. Most of the people continue to believe that IT can offer better career options than most other disciplines, in spite of the tentative slowdown (Data Quest, July 2002). Data Quest (2001), on the basis of the survey, claims that among the software professionals 65% of those with 2 to 5 years’ experience, considered to be the backbone of the IT industry, hail from the cities and towns. Based on the industry demands, as well as global economic trends, IT training institutions design and revamp the course structures every year. The demand for a particular course totally depends on the needs of the market forces, and as a result the fluctuations in the IT market determine the rise and fall of IT courses. The Data Quest survey highlights that, in addition to a standard set of packages meant for corporate houses, private institutes also provide some flexibility through customized courses, based on specific requirements. Overall, the IT industry has realized that training is critical for skill upgrading. The basic objective of training is to master multiple operating systems to enhance one’s knowledge in fundamentals, thus ensuring job market value and future prospects; but the fundamental question is—do the dropouts from the IT training institutes in the nonformal sector really acquire multiple IT skills? Do they stand on an equal basis with engineers and their MCA counterparts? It is an industry norm, rather than a mandate, to seek B.E, B. Tech and MCA courses, mainly because of the tough selection “filter” that they go through. In fact, their qualification is taken as recognition of their abilities (Data Quest, May 2001).

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One can get an idea of the impact of the slowdown by looking at the observations made by the IT education and training industry reports, which show that the computer education industry seems to be facing challenges with changes in students’ attitudes due to the slowdown in the industry. Data Quest (2002) highlights that out of 15 lakh students who did some sort of computer course during 2001, only 30,000 got jobs. Furthermore, out of 5 lakh students who took NIIT courses, only 16,000 got jobs. It claims that an overwhelming majority of undergraduates who are responsible for 70% of the industry’s revenue realized that quick courses in the non-formal sector would take them nowhere. The CEO of Aptech admitted that the number of students opting for short-term courses has fallen by 30–40%, and this is due to the slowdown in the American economy on which the Indian IT industry mainly depends. According to statistics, out of 430,000 students in Aptech, 200,000 opted for short-term courses. This registered a drop rate of 30–40%.

Summary IT education emerged as a source of social mobility and economic advancement. The educational systems managed by both the public and private sector responded to the global market economy and the social expectations of the regional society. The foregoing account reveals that the policy of privatization in diverse sectors, including education, enabled the private sector to expand its market driven educational base across the regions of India. However, the nature and direction of IT education expansion reveal that most of these institutes are located in the cities and towns of developed regions. The next section deals with IT and education in Andhra Pradesh.

The Social Context of Education in Andhra Pradesh Andhra Pradesh is a developing state of India. The Human Development Index12 (HDI 2005), literacy levels and access to basic infrastructure facilities are no better than the backward states of India. However, Andhra Pradesh, one of the largest states, was the first to embrace the philosophy of economic reforms both in spirit and practice from the 1990s, and the scale and speed of economic reforms dominated the political governance 12

Human Development in Andhra Pradesh http://www.aponline.gov.in/Apportal/HumanDevelopmentReport2007/APHDR_20 07_Chapter2.pdf-(accessed June 10, 2012).

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agenda of the Chief Minister Mr. Nara Chandrababu Naidu in 1995, who represented the liberal face of smart governance and political mobilization (Suri 2004). The state introduced structural adjustment programs (SAP) in policy making and administrative governance, and privatization became the new mantra of governance. The state also introduced a flagship program called Smart Administrative Governance with the wider application of information technology, and the governance structure revolved around the catchword E-Governance. The major thrust of E-Governance was the computerization of administrative records and digitalisation of the details of social groups ranging from birth to death. Therefore, the state-sponsored schemes and benefits are centrally connected to digital recording. These administrative reforms partially addressed the administrative hurdles associated with government offices and the use of private resources. Scholars claim that the SAP and smart governance policies are aimed to please the World Bank and other funding agencies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The political character of these reforms are, aimed primarily to address the elite aspirations, the administrative compulsions fulfil the consumer and cultural needs of the middle classes. On the other, the welfare programs designed for fulfilling the basic needs of the mass are dubbed populist measures (Mooij 2007). Considering the mode and means of reforms and implications for diverse social groups, in the following pages I would like to approach the background of “reforms” in politico-economic, socio-cultural and education systems from a historical perspective. The aim of this chapter is to map out the dynamic engagement between historical developments and social responses at different historical junctures. Thus, broadly speaking, we may classify the social history of the Andhra Pradesh journey into two phases: the colonial phase (1750–1947), and post-independence (1947–2012). Vakulabharanam Rajagopal, in Fashioning Modernity in Telugu: Viresalingam and His Interventionist Strategy (2005), approaches the project of modernity in Telugu society through the colonial state policies and the responses of the civil society and social-cultural and political bodies in the new project. The emergence of the new literary movement fashioned the project of modernization in the colonial Andhra. These new developments were primarily a product of the institutional and material developments inaugurated by the colonial state. The introduction of new irrigation systems and new modes of transport in the form of railway lines and road transport systems, paved the way for a new geographical and cultural space called Andhra Pradesh. One of the major developments that

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significantly transformed the nature and direction of colonial Andhra society was the introduction of the education system by the British rulers. Rajagopal claims that there were several factors responsible for the growth of the education movement in the Madras Presidency in general and the Andhra region in particular. According to him, the missionaries played a significant role in translating Christian religious works such as the Bible and secular literature into Telugu, leading to the emergence of the Telugu public sphere. The advancement of technology also led to the rise of print media in Telugu. The significant outcome of these developments was the standardization of the Telugu language as a means of written communication in the region. The social reform movement, launched by reform- nationalists like Kandukuri Veeresalingam and other socio-religious and rational leaders, created conditions for the growth of education in different Telugu districts of the Madras Presidency. Realizing the importance of modern education, the elite in Madras Presidency welcomed the missionary activities in the promotion of education. The response of indigenous communities towards the new system of education was diverse in nature, and the non-elite social groups also started aspiring access to education for their children. The growing levels of awareness were reflected by the Madras government in establishing high schools, something which dates back to 1839. The spread of school education was slow but gradual across the Teluguspeaking districts. However, the expansion of education was primarily an outcome of social demand conditioned by the colonial infrastructure and superstructure (Ramakrishna 1982). Atluri Murali, in “Perspectives on Women's Liberation: Andhra in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries” (1987), contextualizes the agenda of social reform movements in Andhra. Education for women was one of the primary goals of the social reform movement's agenda during the colonial era. Most of the Telugu social reformers realized that to evolve the progressive social structure, the cultural practices of child marriage, kanyasulkam and varakatnam, needed to be challenged, and widow remarriage must be encouraged. Thus, the reform agenda approached education as a weapon of emancipatory ideologies. The spread of education was not only limited to primary and secondary schools, but also encompassed higher education, resulting in the spread of a chain of colleges started by the multiple religious communities, such as the Hindu Andhra Christian College in addition to the colleges started by the local Zamindars and princely rulers in different pockets of the Andhra

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region.13 The most important sociological outcome of the spread of college education was the emergence of an educated middle class in Andhra society. The social character of the middle class basically comprised those from the upper caste, a social strata who became the mediators of modernity between the colonial state and colonized public, as well as the messengers of reform within the caste, religion and patriarchal value structures. The educated middle class started articulating the voice of nationalism, i.e. the backward conditions of localism. They used the newly emerging means of communication, such as print media and public meetings, to voice the larger concerns of nation and nationalism, and the specific interests of the region and regional nationalism. The studies of the intellectual history of colonial Andhra suggest that the first generation of the middle class mostly came from the traditional Brahmin caste. However, by the end of the nineteenth century the Andhra society was locked into contradictions and led to the conflict of interests on the basis of caste and class. Therefore, the early phase of the twentieth century witnessed the rise of the new social groups in the public sphere of Andhra society. The fundamental difference between the first generation middle class and the aspiring middle class was that whereas the first generation belonged only to the Brahmin caste, the second generation belonged to the middle castes, consisting of Kshatriyas, and peasant shudra castes such as Kamma, Reddy and Kapu. There was a qualitative difference between these two classes in terms of articulation, ideologies and methods of promotion of interests and styles of protest against the state and caste ideologies. Therefore, the public sphere was marked by the caste contestations and class contradictions. Thus, the agenda of these classes were not homogeneous in nature in terms of nationalism, regional nationalism, and issues of sharing power in terms of polity, economy, socio-cultural reform and education. The social character of the educated class was heterogeneous in nature. The agenda of articulation was nationalism for nationalist, reformism for reformists, liberation for women, rationale for atheists, emancipation for the untouchables and revivalism for traditional ideologies. These ideological conjunctures were liberal-progressive, liberative-emancipatory and regressive in style and practice. Thus, the plural character of the response was conditioned by the ideological convictions and methodological prescriptions in approaching the larger 13

A first-grade college offering a B.A. degree was not set up in Rajahmundry until 1877, and second-grade colleges offering F.A. degrees were set up at Vijayanagaram in 1877, at Visakhapatnam in 1878 and at Kakinada and Guntur in 1884 (Suntharalingam 1974: 111.12).

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public issues and particular interests. The means of articulation and mode of protest methods were wide-ranging. Law, literature, politics, policies and poetry were used as vehicles to challenge the diverse forms of oppressive social practices, such as those against the untouchables and Kanyasulkam (bride price). Uma Ramaswamy, in The Belief System of the Non-Brahmin Movement in India: The Andhra Case (1978), analyses the caste and colonial encounters and their implications for the rise of new articulations in the first quarter of the twentieth century. She states that most of the nonBrahmin upper castes, such Kamma, Reddi, Velama and Kapu, formed as an association under the political banner of the justice party to voice their interests. She found that the factors responsible for the non-Brahmin movement were denial of education in general, and sacred education in particular, to the Kamma students in the Guntur and Krishna districts. This led to the consolidation of caste as a cultural identity and a political and economic power. This historical development indicates the significance of education in shaping the caste identity and mediating the terms of discourse to access colonial fruits and experience the larger project of modernity. The associations based on caste, class, religion, rationality, gender, party and language were organized and rationalized either to challenge the dominant practices or restore the age-old practice in the name of tradition. The major outcome of these movements was challenging the backward practices based on hierarchy, patriarchy and feudalism within the social system, aspiring to a new social system based on equality, liberty and fraternity in diverse spheres of life such as society, polity, economy and education. The most significant outcome of these multi-vocal developments in the first phase was the rise of social awareness and consequent educational consciousness. Thus, the dominant caste which enjoyed the culturalsymbolic, political and economic power aggressively campaigned for the spread of education among their fellow caste and religious social groups. Therefore, it is interesting to note the ideological shift from the first to second generation middle class social formation in naming the educational institutions. Most of the educational institutions which originated in the early period of colonialism were named after religious affiliations. It was common to find a college name such as an Andhra Hindu College, Andhra Christian College and Andhra Muslim College, whereas the second phase of colonial nomenclature was associated with caste names, such as Kamma School, or Reddi school/college. On the other hand, most of the first generation Dalits named their school the Adi-Andhra/Hindu/

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Patashala school. The rise of caste consciousness ultimately culminated in expanding the education base among the respective caste groups. They, especially the emerging peasant caste, used education as one of the most important strategies for upward social mobility. Even today, it is common to find the caste-based school/colleges and hostels in different cities and towns of Andhra Pradesh, offering education and accommodation only for their respective caste students. The defining feature of the educational sphere was mainly aimed at catering for the educational needs of boys; therefore, we may argue that the educational sphere could be compared to the patriarchal sphere (Ramakrishna 1982). Yamada Keiko, in Politics and Representation of Caste Identity in Regional Historiography: A Case Study of Kammas in Andhra (2008), highlights the role of education in the process of the modernization of the Kamma community in the Andhra region. She noted that the Kamma sangam14 (association) realized the significance of modern education and employment in general, and English-medium education in particular, in the making of Kamma as a modern mobile caste through the modernization of the traditional agrarian economic and social system. Thus, one could argue that by the end of the Second World War, developments in the political and cultural economies of Andhra were characterized by the manifested articulations and contested configurations. The educational institutions expanded across different levels in the cities and towns in Andhra, and gender was primarily conditioned by the interplay of the circulation of political, economic and cultural powers and their negotiating ability to address their concerns to the state and impress the civil society. Therefore, at the time of independence, the Andhra society was entrenched with social hierarchy, educational inequalities and patriarchal prejudices. There was a fair correlation between the social hierarchy and educational hierarchy in Andhra society. However, the positive outcome of the early efforts by the state and civil society in the educational sphere led to the emergence of a minority of educated classes across the castes ranging from the savarna Brahmin to avarna untouchables.

14

Kammas inaugurated the Kamma Mahajana Sabha with much fanfare in 1910. It was the fifth caste association in Andhra after the Niyogi Brahmin and Kammara in 1903, Vaidiki Brahmin in 1904 and Komati in 1907.

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Phase 2. Post-Independence era The demand for a separate Andhra from the Madras presidency was part of the larger nationalist struggle for independence. Thus, one could notice the simultaneous progress of two parallel movements; one addressing the larger interests of the nation, and the second devoted to Telugu nationalism. These two movements went hand in hand, and gained prominence across the Telugu-speaking areas. However, the degree of impact of this movement was conditioned by the social composition of the region and the people’s aspirations. The Andhra state became a reality by 1953.15 However, due to the efforts of the Vishalandhra movement, the ethnic nationalist and administrative compulsions of the 1950s led to the reorganization of states along linguistic lines in 1956.. Therefore, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru inaugurated a new statute titled “Andhra Pradesh” on November 1, 1956, with Hyderabad as the capital city of the new state. The patterns of educational development in the three regions of Andhra Pradesh—Coastal Andhra, Telengana and Rayalaseema—were marked by the nature of agrarian land structure, social composition in terms of caste, political power dynamics, and the nature of the response from state and civil society. The statistics on literacy levels and educational access reveal the uneven development of education across the three regions. An interesting observation based on the justice Shri Krishna report (2010) states that the average expenditure per student is higher in coastal Andhra, followed by Rayalaseema and Telangana. This assumption implies how the socio-historical factors influence the perceived higher returns to education and therefore greater investment in human capital in the developed region, thereby reinforcing regional disparities. Reddy & Bantilan, in Regional Disparities in Andhra Pradesh, India (2012), demonstrate the patterns of uneven development across the three sub-geographical regions of Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telengana. They argue that the nature of regional disparities in Andhra Pradesh has its roots in 1956, and that the state developed only the capital city Hyderabad, which is referred to as the major hub for economic activities and the centre of economic concentration, at the cost of the development of other districts. The making of Hyderabad is a classic example of the centralization of circulation of capitals—such as human, economic, social, cultural and political—presenting a classic case of underdevelopment. 15

Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister, finally conceded the demand and the Andhra State was formed on October 1, 1953. Tanguturi Prakasam became the first Chief Minister and Kurnool became the capital of the Andhra State.

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This is also very relevant in the context of the making of technical education in Andhra Pradesh in general and Hyderabad in particular. Clarinda Still, in From Militant Rejection to Pragmatic Consensus: Caste among Madigas in Andhra Pradesh (2009), represents the perceptions of Dalits towards education, noting that education has enabled them to change their material status and ideological outlook, creating a sense of self-respect and instilling self-confidence. She also claims that the Dalits tend to claim equality with the upper castes on the basis of truelove-Telivi-tetalu (intelligence/awareness). Jamie Cross, in From Dreams to Discontent: Educated Young Men and the Politics of Work at a Special Economic Zone in Andhra Pradesh (2009), challenges the dominant perceptions of the new image propaganda launched by the dominant ideological structure, which claims that India’s liberal economic reforms and free trade zones are “engines of growth” and “vehicles of social mobility.” Challenging the body of scholarship on the “post-educational landscapes” in South Asia, she makes an attempt to examine the links between the investments and achievements in educational “pay off” for a new generation. Based on the biographical account of young Telugu men with secondary-level technical qualifications, who work for the Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Vishakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh, she highlights their experiences in suffering the social stigma due to the devaluation of their education and the consequent failure to realize the project of masculine modernisation process in the era of globalization. U. Vindhya and V. Swathi Dev, in Survivors of Sex Trafficking in Andhra Pradesh: Evidence and Testimony (2011), highlight the impact of the lack of female education, which leads to sex trafficking in Andhra Pradesh. They argue that the level of education determines the status of women. In the social context of Andhra Pradesh, particularly in the era of globalisation, girls across castes are not welcomed by the parents and family, especially in the vulnerable marginal groups such as tribes who suffers from social and economic insecurity. Lack of formal education condemns girls and women to low-skilled labour and restricts options in terms of alternative income generating opportunities. As girl children are seen as a burden, the practice of selling young minor girls by their families themselves to traffickers has been noted, and is common among the Sugali tribe in particular. (Reddy 2006).

Kaveri Harriss (2010), in her book review titled In an Outpost of the Global Economy: Work and Workers in India’s Information Technology Industry, outlines the middle-class bias in the recruitment patterns based

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on the so-called autocracy of meritocracy, and patriarchal prejudices against women who work in call centres. The major problem, she finds is that it fails to highlight the road to the IT industry, such as education and training. Tanya Jakimow, in Everyone Must Give: Explaining the Spread and Persistence of Bridegroom Price among the Poor in Rural Telangana (2012), discusses in detail the roots, shades and directions of dowry in contemporary Rural Telangana in India. She argues that Katnam is the most desirable and accepted form of cultural consumerism in Andhra Pradesh. The practice of “Bridegroom Price” has gained a lot of importance in the post liberalization era with the circulation of human and economic capital. The worth of the groom is defined with reference to their employment standing, educational qualification, and ability to earn. She argues that: “social worth is ascribed according to individual attributes in the markers of inter-generational progress—education, land, and jobs—and according to gender. Katnam reinforces as much as it reflects these markers.” Ramulu & Ravinder, in “Five Decades of Democratic Decentralization Process in Andhra Pradesh” (2012), highlight the role of the state in the decentralization of governance and address the concerns of the administrative and everyday grievances of the people of Andhra Pradesh. They argue that although the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI) are seen as the best tools for taking democratic governance, including the educational governance at the grass root levels, the decline in standards in the state-run institutions is primarily the result of state apathy to implementing the policies in a systematic manner. Therefore, the decline of quality is partially linked to the failure of the state in introducing and institutionalizing the village education committee. Deepthi Shanker, in Gender Relations in IT Companies: An Indian Experience (2008), maps out the processes, concerns and contradistinctions emanating from the growing participation of women in the IT industry as software professionals, and part of the medium and lower level workforces. The “new identity” has certainly elevated the position of young women as significant contributors to the family income. However, they are also undergoing turbulent transitions emanating from the economic liberation in the public sphere, and cultural subordination in the private sphere holds women in the conflicting ideologies of capital and culture. Xiang Biao, in Gender, Dowry and the Migration System of Indian Information Technology Professionals (2005), highlights the meanings and message of the IT industry for young IT professionals from Andhra

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Pradesh. He highlights how IT migration has sharpened the re-shaping of gendered ideologies and dowry systems in Andhra Pradesh, and argues that the significant growth in the proportion of IT professionals contribute significantly to the increase of dowry, with disturbing consequences for those who are underprivileged and seemingly unconcerned with the IT industry. Chikkala Kumar, in “The Impact of Tobacco Cultivation on Dalit Agricultural Labourers in Prakasam District of Andhra Pradesh, India” (2012), highlights the role of the state-sponsored development scheme called self-help groups (SHGs) in transforming the economic capabilities of the ex-untouchable communities in India. The study argues that these development schemes indirectly enable the untouchable to invest in their children's education. Chanana, in “Policy Discourse and ExclusionInclusion of Women in Higher Education in India” (2011), highlights the structural problems associated with education policy design in the case of girls and women. She argues that the estate designs the policy within a narrow, fragmented framework. The success of girls’ education is apparent in the states such as Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra, which introduced a 33% reservation for women in higher education, expanding the educational opportunities and enabling access to diverse spheres of life. Developments in Andhra Pradesh invited the attention of social scientists from different parts of the globe in general and scholars from India and Andhra Pradesh in particular. The evolution of social formation across the three regions, and their approach to means of social transformation, particularly caught the attention of social scientists, especially sociologists and anthropologists. The anthropological writings on the agrarian political economy of Andhra reflect the dynamics of social change and the making of class through castes in post-colonial, rural Andhra. The historical development of the dominant castes in coastal Andhra in general and Kamma caste in particular are linked to the agrarian revolution in Andhra Pradesh. The Reddy and Kamma ultimately emerged as the dominant castes in their respective special zones, such as Telengana, Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra. Upadhyay (1988) argues that the making of Kamma as a dominant caste has historical roots in the colonial development program. The inauguration of irrigation in late 1880 to 1940 in the Godavari and Krishna delta changed the cultural geography of Andhra from a drought-prone region to the flourishing rice bowl of India, changing the forces and means of production in the coastal delta. During this period, the agrarian economy underwent structural changes both in qualitative and quantitative terms, the Andhra agrarian economy becoming part of the world economy. The consequence of this integration was the

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shift in cultivation patterns from the traditional food crops to cash crops. The major implication of this commercial agriculture was the production of surplus values and the wider circulation of capital in different forms and practices. Upadhyay argued that the rich peasants among the Kamma caste realized the importance of entrepreneurship and ventured into diverse forms of commercial activities. She also observed that as a part of a mobility strategy they accorded the highest values of education to their young male children. Realizing the importance of non-agrarian occupations and government employment opportunities, it was common to find the migration of Kamma families from rural towns to urban cities such Vijayawada, Guntur and Hyderabad stretching back to the early phases of independence (Upadhyay 1988). Thus, it is interesting to see the transcendence of the culture of cultivation into a culture of learning from the early part of the twentieth century. The meaning of education shifted dramatically with the rise of peasant castes into the education system, who approached education as a form of investment. Here, the source of investment was their sons, and they used multiple forms of capital to garner the highest benefit. The same class of people was instrumental in promoting the private educational institutions at different historical junctures. The land reform movement in the late 1960s partially eliminated the rich Zamindar absentee landlords from land control, and facilitated the emergence of a peasant cultivator middle class. Thus, the land reform movement consolidated the traditional cultivators as the owners of land and totally failed to expand the land ownership rights of the landless agricultural labourers in rural Andhra. Commenting on the impact of the green revolution in agriculture in the post green revolution phase, Upadhyayy argues that: “In sum, the green revolution has strengthened capitalist tendencies in the agrarian economy, and the big and medium landowning farmers have become what can best be termed 'capitalist farmers’” (Ibid. 1988). The landowning peasant castes consolidated their economic power, with multiple sources of state support in the form of credit with low interest, political power and other forms of social and symbolic capital that tend to help the peasant communities to extract maximum benefits from the land or education. The post reform and revolution era unfolded new forms of social relations due to the gradual decline of the feudal system and the rise of contact relations. The steady growth of cash as a mode of market exchange marked gradual changes in the material relations and the consequent social relations between the landed and labourer castes. The interventions of an independent Indian state in the form of welfare

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programs for the lower strata and the special provisions of reservation in employment encouraged the lower groups to take part in education at different levels. The growing level of educational and social consciousness among the lower castes in general, and Dalits (ex-untouchables) in particular, was perceived as a threat to the hegemony of the dominant castes in the Andhra countryside. The asserting attitude of the Dalit youth in the late 1970s and early 1980s led to massacres of Dalits in different villages of Andhra Pradesh in general, and in coastal Andhra in particular. The Karamchedu and chunduru events mark the selective modernity of caste in Andhra society16. The post green revolution, also unfolds the beginning of the privatization of education across the cities, with Guntur as the capitalist education centre, followed by Vijayawada, Nellore Warangal and Tirupathi as centres of learning. Nineteen eighty marks the spread of private schools to towns, and by the 1990s the private schools reached mandals (an administrative block). At the peak of liberalization, they also reached the villages. Thus, the seeds of private education created a new grammar in the education system. Therefore, Andhra Pradesh became a laboratory of experiments for all imported policies since the 1990s, and especially from 1995. Thus, over the last three and half decades, the state has undergone sea changes from the perspective of economic policies and educational priorities and presumptions. The value system associated with education was re-defined in the context of liberalization of the economy, which works on the principles of autonomy of markets and market education/knowledge. The marketisation of school education in general and intermediated education in particular became the most visible form of homogenization of education and the marketisation of knowledge. There is a positive relation between the social composition of the political party and the growth of private schools and colleges in Andhra Pradesh. The aggressive privatization process was primarily pushed by the Kamma political leaders during the TDP regime. The moderators of the public sphere, such as print and electronic media, historically controlled by the landowning communities, pushed the privatization agenda for the advantage of its community. In Andhra Pradesh, the meanings and value of education have undergone transformations from time to time. Student and parental 16

For details, refer to K Balagopal “Post-Chundur and Other Chundurs” Economic and Political Weekly 19-10-1991. http://balagopal.org/wp-content/ uploads/2009/10/Post-Chundur_and_Other_Chundurs.pdf. Accessed March 10 2011.

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inspirations for educational choices and credentials reflect the conditions of the economy and concerns of society. The growth of IT and IT-enabled service industries, and bio-technology parks in Andhra Pradesh, signify the importance attached to the role of information technology not only for generating employment opportunities, but also transforming the functioning of state machinery and for gaining social legitimacy for new governance. The Telugu Desam Party (TDP), under the Chandrababu Naidu government (1994–2004), attached the utmost importance to the development of IT by providing infrastructure at the cheapest level and extending state support for the smooth functioning of IT companies and related clusters. The initiatives of the government of Andhra Pradesh primarily aimed at attracting investment into the IT Service industry from both national and global companies.17 The growth of IT education has, therefore, a direct bearing on the selection of courses in higher education. A shift has occurred from basic sciences to engineering and technology disciplines in general, and to IT streams such as Bachelor of Computer Applications (BCA), Masters in Computer Applications (MCA), B. Tech in Computer Science etc. in particular. Thus, the entire higher educational system underwent a reorientation of its goals and objectives towards meeting the demands of the emerging IT industry in India. The paradigm shift in the ideology of the state is reflected in its approach to assessing the values, meanings and ideology of economy, culture and education. The “IT alone” policies of the state extended to advising the Council of Higher Education of AP to close the departments of social sciences and humanities in junior and degree colleges to facilitate the expansion of engineering colleges (Deccan Chronicle 1999). However, the subsequent widespread condemnation by scholars made the state withdraw this retrograde idea of closing down the social science and humanities education in higher education. The policies in the era of globalisation were primarily aimed at preparing the students for their imagined futures. The 10+2 and undergraduate educations totally shattered the neo-liberal policies, and the institutionalisation of the hyper globalisation of education unleashed larger implications for the equity and quality of education for different segments of the societies. The major outcome of the globalisation of education supported by the state and economy is the emergence of vertical hierarchy in education, which could be equated with the ideology of caste. Thus, in this context, it is pertinent 17

The IT policy of 2002 identified the ITES (Information Technology Enabled Services) sector as a potential area which could play a vital role in the development of the state and generate employment opportunities.

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to raise questions about the nature of the links between social background and access to IT education. With the growth of IT education, is there a shared meaning for everyone? Is there any differentiation in terms of various social backgrounds? The liberalization of agriculture and lack of state control created the spread of private educational institutions by the landowning classes across the three regions. The integration of the Indian economy led to the integration of employment. The major outcome of these developments was the rise of technical education in an aggressive manner. Technical education became a dominant idiom in the society, and the growing demand from the lower strata of the society transformed the socalled elite education as a mass phenomenon. The growing opportunities for the new education created a strong belief that education is a potential source of social mobility for all. The roots of massification of technical education have had a major push during the regime of liberal reform by Chandrababu since 1995. Here, an attempt has been made to reflect the origin of the IT dream in Andhra Pradesh. Chandrababu strongly felt that IT is the solution for all administrative and social backwardness of the society. Thus, he aimed to implant liberal policies without taking the local realities into consideration. The TDP regime made a systematic effort to transform the history of polity, economy and social attitude towards diverse spheres of life. Thus, IT was introduced for political reforms and its ideologies and implications for the “social transformation” of the Andhra state and society. Administrative scholars, such as T. H. Chowdary (2000), celebrated and welcomed the liberal reform policies of Mr. Chandrababu. Andhra Pradesh has consistently supported the growth and development of the IT sector and its related fields, and the major initiative of the state is the move towards ushering in electronic governance. The primary motive of these efforts is to leverage the power of information and communication technology to enable the government to function more effectively. Below are some exemptions from the existing laws and incentives introduced to promote the IT industry: x x x x x x

Exemptions from environmental clearance Exemptions from zoning regulations for the purpose of locations Fiscal incentives Power tariffs at rates applicable to industry Exemptions from sales tax Self-certification for purposes of compliance of the Water and Air Pollution Act, the Factory Act, employment exchange, the Minimum

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Wage Act, contract labour, the Working Men Compensation Act, the Andhra Pradesh Shops and Establishment Act and the Employees State Insurance Act. General permission to run a three-shift operation Rebate in land cost, keeping the high employment potential in view Relaxation of FAR for IT parks Exemptions from stamp duty, transfer of property and registration charges for all IT parks (Satish Babu 2001).

The above incentives and programs, aimed at promoting the IT industry and IT enabled services, demonstrate the keen interest shown by the state in promoting the IT industry in Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad became the centre of IT industrial service clusters, its traditional geographical map redefined by attracting global, national and local companies and supplementary industries. The major outcome of the concentration of IT capital led to the rise of new culture zones. The inauguration of HITECH city by Prime Minister A. B. Vajpayee in 2000 christened a new geographical space called Cyberabad, representing the new line of life, culture, geographical organization and ideological departure from the main city spaces in Hyderabad. Cyberabad become part of Silicon Valley in California, USA. The then Chief Minister (CM) Mr. Naidu was keen to identify himself as Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Andhra Pradesh, rather than the traditional political position, called the CM. His overwhelming determination for reforms appealed to the agenda of US President Bill Clinton and Microsoft’s Bill Gates. The visit of these leaders, representing the hard and soft worlds, elevated the position of the CM-turned-CEO among the aspiring middle classes of Andhra Pradesh, whose interests had gone beyond the boundaries of the traditional nation states (Suri 2004; Kamat et al. 2011; Das 2012). The efforts of the state in the direction of IT affected the diverse systems of the society, such as the economy and education. The education system has been undergoing a fundamental transformation with the state policies. The mushrooming of private English-medium schools, intermediate colleges and engineering colleges was a major outcome of these policies. The Y2K problem and belief in wider employment opportunities led to expanding engineering education in general, and IT education and training in particular. The government and private, unaided colleges also started offering courses related to IT courses. Andhra Pradesh is one of the major sources of human resources in the field of IT. Most of the IT training institutions and colleges are privately funded and

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managed. Bachelors in Computer degrees (BCA) were introduced in 414 colleges, and MCA courses were introduced in 116 colleges; together, these institutions will produce about 10,000 IT/software graduates, about 5,000 MCA and over 16,000 BCAs per year (Chowdary 2000). According to Data Quest, 23% of the total software engineers in India are from Andhra Pradesh. The number of engineering colleges increased from 32 in 1995 to more than 700 by 2012. Different social groups in Andhra Pradesh have begun to attach great significance to the professional IT jobs, and this has resulted in an increased demand for IT education and training across the state, particularly in the towns and cities. The data presented earlier clearly showed that Andhra Pradesh has 222 IT education and training institutes. At this juncture, it is very important to understand how the IT education and training institutes are distributed across the state. Table 3.6. Distribution of IT education in the state Name of Region Coastal Andhra Telangana Hyderabad Rayalaseema Total

Frequency of Institutes 38 18 145 21 222

Percentage 17 08 64 10 100

Source: Data Quest (May 2001)

Table 3.6 demonstrates the skewed distribution of the IT education institutes in Andhra Pradesh. The distribution pattern reveals that major cities such as Hyderabad and Secunderabad have a greater number of IT training institutes compared to any other city in the state, followed by the cities in the coastal region of Andhra Pradesh, which is more developed than Telangana and Rayalaseema. The trend shows that the major targets of IT education institutes are the big cities, the second best option are the well-developed cities, and the third the commercial towns. As a result, IT education is confined to the big cities and towns. Mandal (administrative blocks) level towns, which are the centres of agrarian activities and are nearer to the surrounding rural areas, have not attracted IT education institutes, and young aspirants from small towns and rural areas find it extremely difficult to gain access to IT education. N.Jayaram (1990) claims that “some of the complex formalities of the educational system that are primarily designed to effectively contain the

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burgeoning demands for higher and professional education in fact act as social bottlenecks, and necessarily favour the elite and higher echelons on the stratification pyramid. This is one of the notable ways in which the educational system directly reinforces the prevailing stratification and rigidifies it further.” Westergaard & Resler’s (1975) study highlights that the steady growth and development of private education, patronage and protection of the state, and the resistance to a comprehensive reorganization of education, could be viewed as part of a strategy of the privileged to transmit their privilege to their children. Castells (1999) pointed out that although the process of globalisation encompasses the entire planet, affecting all people and all territories, not every place or person is directly included in it. In fact, most of the people and regions are excluded, either as producers or consumers or both. Against the above backdrop, an attempt has been made to understand the pattern of organization of IT education and patterns of distribution of IT education institutes all over India in general, and Andhra Pradesh in particular. The trends in organization demonstrated that although there are a variety of IT education and training institutes, only a handful became successful in the IT education industry, and among the top fifteen institutes the top two accounts for more than two thirds of the industry share. The major IT educational institutes adopt a franchise system, resorting to an aggressive advertisement campaign and offering multiple courses to meet the requirements of students drawn from educational streams, like professionals and diverse age groups, children and housewives. The distribution of IT education institutes is uneven both at the national and state levels. The patterns of distribution show that at the national level only the southern states are far ahead while the eastern regional states are lagging behind in attracting IT education institutes. The western states, particularly Maharashtra and Gujarat, have attracted a significant number of training institutes. A significant number of institutes are concentrated in Delhi, and the other states do not have as many training institutes. Within Andhra Pradesh, the state capital Hyderabad and its twin city Secunderabad account for the largest concentration of IT education institutes. The IT education and training institutes also offer courses in the district headquarters and commercial institutes. The uneven distribution of IT education and training facilities has implications for access to IT education. It is clear that only a few cities and big commercial towns have IT education institutes.

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To summarize, the rise of the information society is associated with the evolution of information technology. Nations across the world embraced IT as facilitators in production and services. To sustain the information society, human resources trained for the IT workforce are crucial. In the process of training IT professionals, thousands of IT education and training institutes have spread across India in general and Andhra Pradesh in particular due to the enthusiasm of the different sections of the society to attach a lot of significance to IT education and a career in IT related fields. Historically, agrarian and educational policies adopted by both the colonial state and post-colonial states enabled the interests of affluent classes and aspiring middle castes and classes in the Andhra Pradesh society. The rise and spread of the IT industry and IT education is a classic model. A review of the secondary studies implies that the major political and social developments or reforms on the one hand, and the reforms in education on the other, represent the preparedness of the upper classes and middle classes to leverage the most advanced form of the knowledge economy. The privatization of education under the impact of globalisation has larger implications for the organization of knowledge and degree of access to the modern educational spaces. The following fourth chapter provides the socioeconomic profile of the students, the motivational factors for pursuing IT education, and the attitudes and perceptions regarding the expectations and experiences of the students about the IT industry and IT education.

CHAPTER THREE PATHWAYS TO INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION

Introduction Having discussed the social history of the information society, the theoretical debates on higher education and the methodological manifesto in the previous chapters, the present chapter discusses the pathways to IT education. It outlines the strategies and struggles for accessing the newly emerging knowledge economy and educational transitions, and the patterns and priorities in the selection of course choices. Before we examine the relationship between the social differentials and access to IT education it is important to understand how it is organized in India in general, and Andhra Pradesh in particular. As discussed in the first chapter, data were collected from 225 respondents of 16 institutes situated in four cities of Andhra Pradesh. Apart from data on social background, other related indicators such as parental income, parental education, and rural or urban background were also collected. This chapter presents and analyses the patterns of responses to education, and maps the manifested meanings attached to education and employment in IT industry. The chapter also deals with the attitudes and expectations that students associate with IT education. As mentioned in chapter two, motivation is one of the most important variables in understanding the meanings attached by the diverse social groups to education and the particular streams which influence the motivational levels of the students. The present study analyses the concept of motivational factors based on the meanings that the students attach to IT education. The term “access” is used in the present study to refer to an entry in the context of equality of opportunity and social justice. A study on differential access may be carried out either by comparing two matched groups, one of which is enrolled in IT education and training courses, and a second that is not, or by focusing on the differences among those who are enrolled. The first strategy poses several practical problems, and hence

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the present study adopted the second strategy to understand the degree of access.

Admission process IT education and training institutes adopt a threefold method in the process of admissions: through entrances or a screening test conducted by the institutes, through payment, and through sponsorships by the government agencies. Table 4.1. Admission patterns Admission criterion Entrance Payment Sponsorships Total

Frequency 61 143 21 225

Percentage 27 64 09 100

Table 4.1 shows that 27% of students gained admission based on their performances on the tests conducted by the institutes, in addition to a payment of a fee. Nearly 64% of respondents gained admission after the payment of the required amount charged by the IT education institutes. Over 9% of respondents gained admission through sponsorships. The most popular method of admission is through payment. This method, strictly adheres to the individual’s paying capacity. Those who can pay the required fees for the different courses gain admission without taking a written test. The third method of admission is the sponsorship method where the government bodies finance the IT education of the socially and economically backward students. Apart from the above methods, an informal method of admission was also noticed that depends on the understanding and the personal relationship between the management and the admission seekers. In such instances many of the factors, including the fee structure, are modified, varyingly from case to case. The above data clearly shows that the most prevalent method of admission is through payment, followed by sponsorships. The entrance test systematically eliminates the students who are not familiar with the mode of entrance examination based on technical knowledge. The payment method only serves the students who have very good economic backgrounds and totally excludes the lower classes. According to some of the students from middle-class backgrounds, parents had to sacrifice several things to mobilize the funds to educate their

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children. The state government’s initiative of sponsoring IT education for the socially and economically backward sections is a welcome measure. However, it seems to serve only a limited number of students because the proportion of sponsorships available is lower compared to the percentage of graduates hailing from these sections at the state level. To maintain standards in IT education, the reputed institutes conduct a preliminary test to assess the student's ability and analytical understanding, something that was very popular until the year 2000. The financial slowdown has had significant implications for IT education and training institutes in India, including Andhra Pradesh. The major outcome of the slowdown was the decline in number of aspirants. IT education institutes responded by waiving the requirements, such as the admission test. The following case studies reflect the mood of the educated youth and rationale behind pursuing extra IT courses in IT education institutes. H. Kamesh, aged 22, hails from one of the villages in the coastal district of Andhra Pradesh, which is known for economic development and educational advancement. He belongs to one of the dominant castes in the coastal region called Kamma. His family owns fertile land in the village. The educational trajectory of Mr Kamesh reveals that he had completed primary and secondary education in the Gowthami residential school, one of the famous private corporate schools in Andhra Pradesh. He also completed his intermediate (10+2) in one of the corporate residential colleges located near his village. He has chosen to study a B. Tech in a college located in the neighbouring state Tamil Nadu. The reasons for going beyond Andhra Pradesh are primarily guided by push and pull factors. The push factors are the lower rank in an EMCET1 conducted by the state, and the less number of colleges in Andhra Pradesh. The pull factors are the large number of private colleges, the institutionalisation of management seats, and that the quality of education tends to encourage upper and middle class students attend engineering colleges in Tamil Nadu. The medium of instruction throughout his educational journey is primarily English. Though he hails from a rural area, he moved to Hyderabad to master his IT knowledge by joining a corporate IT training institute. He says that since IT training will equip him for the market driven jobs, he joined a long-term course in Linux, c and c++, paying more than Rs 50, 000/-. He felt that the professional and personal skills are essential to entering IT industry. His middle-class economic status of a nuclear family background ensures his economic safety. His relatives are working as software professionals in the USA, and his subsequent migration to an American or European country is assured. 1

Engineering and Medical common entrance test (EMCET) conducted by the Government of Andhra Pradesh.

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Chapter Three K. Ramana Reddy, a young student aged 19, is pursuing a Bachelor of Technology (B. Tech), one of the most sort after courses during 2002, and is enrolled in an SSI IT training centre for a short-term course,2 based in Mehdipatnam area of Hyderabad city, to master IT techniques. Although Ramana belongs to one of the dominant castes in Andhra Pradesh, he hails from a relatively humble background. He lost his father when he was young, and his maternal uncle looks after Ramana’s mother and sister. He completed his schooling (including intermediate) in a private English medium school and college, which charged a relatively low fee. His sister encouraged him to join the IT Centre to master IT skills. He felt IT education to be a means for employment opportunities in foreign lands. The immediate employment opportunities with higher salary packages3 and the social status associated with IT professionals are the motivational factors for pursuing IT degree and courses. The rationale behind enrolment in an IT centre is to be a good programmer and to acquire more knowledge about the future and the present situation in the courses. Although he knew that he was going against the wind (regarding the financial slowdown in the IT industry post 2001), he had a firm belief that the future belonged in the IT economy. He said that his relatives are working as software professionals in USA; therefore, he is also aiming to settle as an IT professional in America rather than India. He claims that he belongs to a middle class background and depends on his family income for his studies. He feels strongly that he has faced financial problems due to his dependence on his uncle’s family.

The foregoing analysis and the reflections from the personal case studies reveal the patterns of admission into the private IT education institutes, based on the diverse layers of exclusion. The fees charged by these private IT institute range from Rs 500/- to 50,000 or more, based on the type and duration of the course. Those who possess educational and economic capital can afford to enrol in these educational institutions.

Sources of Information The modern means of communication play a crucial role in creating awareness of the diverse themes and issues related to the social, political, cultural, technological and educational spheres. The spread of media by incorporating advanced technology has virtually converted the entire world into a small village, becoming popularly known as the global 2

CDS is a two month course. Compared to other professions such as medicine, law or teaching, software professionals enjoy good respect and command a higher social status in the society. 3

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village. The initiatives of the institutes and some state governments have resulted in new policies and programs promoting IT, given due space and importance in print and electronic media, helping to change the mindset and values towards IT and IT education. We have seen that IT education is dominated by the private sector. In order to control and gain maximum advantage from the spurt of interest in IT education, the main players spent an enormous amount of money on advertising. To some extent, it works positively in projecting the importance of IT in day-to-day life and emphasizing the economic benefits and social glamour attached to IT jobs. Table 4.2. Source of Information Source Media Peer Group & Relatives Part of curriculum Total

Frequency 80 100 45 225

Percentage 36 44 20 100

Table 4.2 clearly demonstrates the sources of information through which the respondents came to know about the IT education courses. According to this, nearly 36% of the respondents felt that the media was the main source of information on IT education. One student from a rural background mentioned that the regional newspaper was their source of information in acquiring information about sponsorships in IT education for socially and economically backward students. This shows that the media play an important role in creating awareness among the rural communities in addition to the urban dwellers. The peer group impact and the influence of relatives are more significant than the effects of the media. The data revealed that nearly half of the respondents’ sources were their friends and relatives, and it shows that the informal networks play a crucial role in the dissemination of information. Twenty percent of respondents reported that they were familiar with IT courses since they were part of the curriculum in their studies. C. Rajesh Kumar, aged 22, belonged to a BC-D4 community and is a Hindu by religion, born and brought up in an urban area. The educational

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The constitution of India defined and declared the traditional shudra castes as backward classes of India. The classification was based on the economic and educational backwardness of these social groups. The Kaka Karlelkar (1955) and

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Chapter Three history of his family reveals that his father studied up to twelfth standard, whereas his mother studied up to class six. His brother is pursuing a degree and is simultaneously enrolled in an E-DAST course in NIIT-Hyderabad. The occupational background of his father is a business and he earns Rs 5000/- a month. He said that his relatives have been working as software professionals both in India and other countries including the USA. The educational journey of Mr. Rajesh reveals that he enrolled in a local private school for primary and secondary education with English as the medium of instruction. He chose to study a B. Com at undergraduate level. According to him, an IT degree and diploma allow youth to go abroad and access an employment market at an early stage. He came to know about the IT course through his friends. He said that he has been facing problems in understanding the course, which is too technical in nature. Because of his background in commerce, it is extremely difficult to follow the course. Given the chance, he would prefer to study a management degree. His goal is to settle as a software professional in the USA and help his family.

The foregoing account of Rajesh reveals that he finds it extremely difficult to pursue education in private educational institutions given the socioeconomic background of his family. He said that due to the low educational status of his parents and their small business, which is not lucrative in nature, his family faces economic problems. The critical analysis of the case study reveals the struggles of the urban youth who hail from lower economic backgrounds and suffer from institutional mechanisms which are discriminatory in nature. Lack of access to quality education also deprives them of the best job opportunities, and this is where we need to understand the commitment of parents and the sheer hard work of the students aimed at accessing the fruits of the global economic systems. He felt that in order to uplift his family he wanted to settle as a software professional in the USA and help his family financially and socially. Although none of his relatives and friends works as IT professionals he wanted go beyond the national boundaries to empower himself. Thus, we may conclude that information and communication technology (ICT) has enhanced the aspirational horizons of not only the upper and middle classes but also the lower classes. The technological revolution has, to a certain extent, converted the vertical hierarchy into a horizontal hierarchy because of access to information in the IT industry.

B. P. Mandal (1979) commission reports estimated that BC constitutes almost 45– 50% of the Indian population.

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Medium Sociologists and educational planners view language as one of the important means of transmitting knowledge and imparting education. Academicians differ on the issue of medium of instruction. The elite of the Indian society supports the English language as a medium of instruction as it has acquired importance all over the world in diverse fields. In the wake of globalisation, the English language has acquired even more significance. Some of the scholars differ in continuing to use English as the medium of instruction on the grounds that it is a foreign language. They argue that the familiarity and convenience of local languages for communication, both in written and oral forms, are ideal and should be promoted. Andhra Pradesh has witnessed a tussle between the mother tongue and market tongue since colonial times. The famous social drama Kanyasulkam by Gurazada Apparao demonstrated the contestation between supporters of tradition who advocated Telugu as the medium of instruction, whereas the celebrators of modernity recognized the critical importance of English for social mobility and modernization of the society. The debate has continued for one and half centuries. The Telugu civil society is broadly divided into traditional custodians of culture who strongly vouch for Telugu, whereas the scholars of the subaltern school of thought, such as Kancha Ilaiah (2013), see English as the only source of social mobility for the children of downtrodden communities. Table 4.3. Medium of Instruction Primary Secondary Education Education FRE** % FRE** % Telugu 97 43.1 93 41.3 English 125 55.6 128 56.9 Urdu 02 0.9 03 1.3 Hindi 01 0.4 01 0.4 NA* Total 225 100 225 100 * Not applicable / FRE**Frequency Language

Intermediate FRE** 59 164 01 01 225

% 26.2 72.9 0.4 0.4 100

Bachelor’s Degree FRE** % 33 14.7 164 61.8 01 0.4 01 0.4 52 23.1 225 100

Table 4.3 shows the medium of language at primary, secondary, intermediate and graduation levels. The largest number of respondents used English as the medium of language from primary school up to college. There was a steady increase in the number of respondents using English as a medium of instruction from school to college. Up to the

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secondary level, 57% were educated in English, whereas 73% of respondents were educated in English at the intermediate level, and nearly 80% were taught in English at bachelor degree level. Over time, there has been an increasing tendency to send children to primary schools that emphasize English as a medium of instruction, even in small towns and villages. Education in English is perceived to help acquire upward social mobility. The data show that the majority of students pursuing IT education have used English as a medium of instruction, followed by those educated in Telugu. The proportion of students with Hindi and Urdu as mediums of instruction at various levels is insignificant compared to those who were educated in the English and Telugu mediums.

IT institutes as a passport for IT industry The criterion in selecting IT education institutes varies from individual to individual, classified into four categories: (1) the reputation of the institutes; (2) quality of teaching; (3) physical proximity to home; (4) range of courses offered. Table 4.4. Criterion in selecting IT Centre Reasons Reputation Good Teaching Nearer to home Diverse courses Total

Frequency 100 83 25 17 225

Percentage 44.5 37 11 7.5 100

Table 4.4 shows that 44.5% of students selected IT education institutes on the basis of reputation and brand name of the company to which a particular centre is affiliated, followed by good teaching, while 11% of respondents mentioned proximity of the IT centre. It appears that prospective students collect information about the quality of teaching from their friends and relatives. The data show that a large chunk of the student community considers the brand name of these IT education and training institutes as a significant criterion for three reasons: (1) the brand name enhances job prospects because of its reputation in the industry; (2) standards maintained by these institutes regarding infrastructure, study material, courseware and methodology; (3) placement provides an opportunity to secure jobs in the IT industry.

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Some of the students mentioned that they had chosen the centre after inquiring about the quality of teaching of the IT education institutes. One respondent felt that students take note of the faculty’s depth of domain knowledge in a particular course. If they are satisfied with the teacher’s potential only then do they join that particular course. Some of the female students mentioned that the proximity to their home was an important criterion in joining the centre. The foregoing analysis implies that the reputation of the institute dominates the process of selecting a IT education and training institute. Therefore, we may conclude that the IT industry is very much governed by the brand name. The students are ready to pay for the symbolic power of the brand name rather than its potential to generate employment opportunities. Ramesh Kumar, aged 23, is a Hindu and was born into a traditional village merchant community in the Komati (Viashya) caste, and was brought up in a larger town. The educational history of the Ramesh family reveals that his father studied up to class ten, whereas his mother completed class seven. His elder brother pursued a Ph.D program in chemistry at one of the best universities in the country. His sister studied up to graduation and is now settled as a homemaker. His family engages in the traditional caste occupation, a business in his native town located in Guntur district. He claims that he is from a rural middle class background. Based on his social ranking and business, we can say that he constitutes the class of rural elite. In spite of his family’s relative affluence, he studied in government schools with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He shifted to an urban town to pursue graduation in the government college. His educational account reveals that he shifted to the English medium at the intermediate level. The rationale behind the selection of a long-term IT course (VB, Oracle) was for knowledge in the development of the family businesses. Given the chance, he would like to study management courses. He wanted to settle as a software professional in India. High salary, social status and a comfortable life are the major factors for choosing IT courses.

The case of Ramesh reveals that he wanted to use an IT course to get into the IT industry. Although he hails from the traditional business community, his parents encouraged him to pursue higher studies to enter a high-end employment profile. Uncertainty and risk factors associated with business tend to encourage parents to send their sons to higher education. Social respect also plays an important role in motivating the parents and students to opt for higher education. Therefore, IT courses gained a lot of importance from the prospective multiple groups involved in IT with diverse concerns. The rationale behind the selection of the IT institute is based on the reputation it commands in the IT market.

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Table 4.5. Course options Course Short-term Long-term Total

Frequency 121 104 225

Percentage 54 46 100

Table 4.5 shows the data pertaining to students’ preferences for the longterm and short-term courses. The study reveals that 54% of respondents opted for short-term courses, while 46% of respondents opted for longterm courses. The preference for either short- or long-term courses tends to change according to the student’s basic disciplinary background. A systematic analysis has been done to understand the disciplinary background of the students who opted for courses of differing durations. The data reveal that students who took IT courses as part of their curriculum in engineering and computer applications seem to prefer shortterm courses, adding to what is already offered by the curriculum and enhancing their prospects on the job market. According to a group of students, the rationale behind their choice of short-term course was to get an edge over others while competing for jobs. As the software application tools keep changing, they have to keep abreast of the changes and acquire skills in the application tools currently in demand. Short-term courses tend to emphasise tool-based learning. An additional advantage of the short-term courses lies in lower fees, which enables even some of the lower class students to pursue the course. Students who opted for a long-term course were predominantly from traditional streams like BA, B. Com, B. Sc and postgraduate education. Most of the students revealed that the rationale in choosing the long-term courses is based on building a career in the IT industry and IT-enabled service industries. However, the IT institutes charge a significant amount for each long-term course. The minimum amount for a long-term course is Rs 25,000/-, and goes beyond Rs 68,000/-. The majority of students felt that the institutes charge high fees. However, the perception that the training has the potential to secure employment and consequent economic benefits and social prestige motivates students to join long-term courses. The central and state government policies have led to a significant decline of employment opportunities in the public sector. The process of liberalization and privatization, lack of job prospects for traditional disciplinary studies and the demand for highly qualified personnel with computer skills compelled students to opt for long-term courses.

Pathways to Information Technology Education R. Ganesh, aged 23, belongs to the Hindu upper (landed) caste Kapu, one of the dominant castes in coastal Andhra Pradesh. He was born and brought up in a city. The family profile of Ganesh reveals that his father studied up to PUC5 and is working as a sub-inspector (SI) in the police department. This position commands lots of social respect and involves economic rewards. His mother is a homemaker who studied up to the tenth standard. His family owns seven acres of land in their ancestral village, and he claims that they belong to the middle class. His sister completed a B. Sc and obtained a degree in PGDCA. In spite of her IT course, she did not get a job. However, she married an IT professional working for an MNC in Canada. He said that his brother works as a software professional in Malaysia. The educational journey of Ganesh reveals that he completed his schooling in one of the private schools with Telugu as the medium of study. He chose to study an MPC course in Telugu in one of the corporate colleges based in Tenali. He completed his B. Sc graduation in one of the private aided colleges. He studied only in private educational institutions with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He was awarded a second class in academic performance. He belongs to a nuclear family, and given his father’s position as a sub-inspector (SI) it makes a lot of difference, as they did not face economic problems in supporting his education. While he was pursuing his B. Sc degree, he enrolled in an ACIJP course for eight months by paying Rs 17000/- to an Aptech training centre in Vijayawada. The rationale behind joining this IT course was primarily self-motivated. He said that the immediate employment opportunities, social status, high salaries and comfortable life are the major factors for studying IT courses. His goal is to work as a software professional in America. Since some of his relatives are working as software professionals, finding a job is not a major problem, and going to foreign countries was also assured given the social networks. He strongly felt that the acquisition of an IT degree will help him master IT skills in a professional manner and enable him to find a good job in IT market. Given the chance, he would like to pursue a management degree. The foregoing case study unfolds the low educational background of the parents, but the strong economic foundations of the family. Since he has only one sister, he enjoys an advantage due to the optimum number of children when compared to other students. Throughout his life, he has studied in the local private educational institutions with Telugu medium. Therefore, the medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course is a major problem for him. This also implies that when a family has a strong economic base, it does not mean that it translates into the selection of the best private schools/colleges. Emotional factors play a key role in certain cases, and that is why his parents enrolled him in an educational institution located in his hometown.

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Pre-university course.

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Therefore, although he enjoys economic support, he still suffers from a language problem because he studied in Telugu-medium institutions. Since some of his primary and secondary kin are working as software professionals based in Canada and Malaysia, finding a job is not a major problem for him. His goal is to work as a software professional in USA. The foregoing account reveals that he chooses to study a long-term course to sharpen his job prospects in the market.

Expectations The study shows that changing the preference pattern is a response to the structural changes brought about by globalisation and liberalization policies initiated in India since the 1990s. This process shifted the balance of employment opportunities towards service-oriented jobs, which are primarily meant to sustain the information societies of the West in general, and the USA in particular. The high level of demand for those trained in software tools in the wake of the Y2K problem and the rise of dot-com companies gave a boost for tool-based diploma courses. The non-formal sector capitalized on that demand even as the growth witnessed a slowdown in later years. Table 4.6. Expectations of a IT education Expectations Good job Acquiring knowledge To go abroad Total

Frequency 87 117 21 225

Percentage 39 52 09 100

Table 4.6 above indicates the expectations of the students regarding their IT education and training. The students in the age group of 18–25 had many expectations: 39% of respondents were expecting jobs from their training, while more than 50% wanted to acquire IT knowledge, and 9% expressed that they wanted to go abroad. The above data indicates that students still attach a lot of significance to an IT industry career and ITenabled service industries. The students were anxious about the courses they were pursuing and the money they had spent in acquiring skills to get a placement in the industry. The majority of students expressed their anxieties in the wake of retrenchments in the IT industry. However, students seem to have a strong belief in the employment potential of information technology. The perceptions and attitudes of the students

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show that the majority believe in the potential of the IT industry to generate employment opportunities. However, the recession in the world economy and slowdown in the IT industry changed the attitudes of the students considerably. The process of the slowdown created some anxiety among the students pursuing IT courses. G. Rajendra, aged 21, follows a Hindu religion and is Kamma by community, born and brought up in a rural environment. The family history of Rajendra reveals that his father studied up to class twelve, whereas his mother completed primary education. His brother completed an M.Sc in chemistry and works as a lecturer in a private college, while his sister studied up to tenth standard and got married. His family owns three acres of land in their native village. He claims that he belongs to the rural middle class (against the real economic position of his family). His father is engaged in agriculture in the native village. Based on the social ranking and land holdings, we can say that he falls under the lower social class among upper caste Kamma, who are considered to be the rural elite. Due to his lower family status, he studied in government schools and chooses to study an MPC course in one of the corporate colleges in Guntur, the capital city for corporate education since the 1980s. He gained admission to a B. Tech in JNTU Hyderabad. According to him, the immediate employment opportunities, high salaries, and possibilities to work abroad are the major reasons for choosing B. Tech and IT courses. Up to 10+2 (intermediate) he studied in Telugu-medium schools and colleges. He shifted to urban centres to pursue a B. Tech in one of the elite universities in Hyderabad, located in the capital city of Andhra Pradesh. He had the chance to study in the English medium at undergraduate level. For the first time in his life he was exposed to education with English as the medium of instruction. Rajendra said that IT education is essential for obtaining the best jobs in the IT industry.

The foregoing case history reveals that Rajendra struggled in gaining admission to a B. Tech program, and that the support of his brother enabled him to do this. Although he hails from a lower economic background, the social (caste) networks helped him in the selection of courses and college at the intermediate level. The family network gives hope to the aspiring student and motivates them to work.

Age distribution IT education and training tend to attract various social groups cutting across age factors. The growing importance of computer literacy and the demand from the market and industry have attached considerable significance to information technology courses with varying durations.

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There are multiple factors driving different social groups, ranging from children to adults. Table 4.7 provides a brief description of the age groups of students enrolled in IT education and training institutes. Table 4.7. Profiles of the respondents Age group 16–20 21–25 26–30 Total

Frequency 111 97 17 225

Percentage 49 43 08 100

Table 4.7 indicates that almost 50% of respondents fall in the age group of 16–20. In other words, half of the students are pursuing either intermediate (10+2) or undergraduate degree programs and learning computer skills simultaneously. The second largest number of students falls in the age group of 20–25 (43%). This trend demonstrates that even those at the master’s level of their education are pursuing IT to enhance their skills. The two groups account for more than 90% of the total sample. Although diverse age groups are registered in IT education, the driving force of the training industry in the non-formal sector is the college-going students. The number of students in the age group 26–30 or over is relatively lower compared to students from other age groups. Table 4.7 implies that the students in the 15–25 age group outnumbers all other age groups in IT education and training. There are multiple motivational factors at the macro level which motivate students, such as high salaries, employment opportunities, social prestige, trips abroad, and higher education, where conditions such as unemployment, underemployment and lack of proper working conditions are prevalent.

Caste-wise distribution Sociologists regard caste as one of the basic foundations of social stratification in India. The stratification system and the educational system are not independent entities, but are interrelated. Caste has been considered as one of the important variables in understanding the social structure of the Indian society for the social position (status) of a particular individual or social group, and varies according to caste origin. Caste status is an ascribed status. It accords a high status to a particular individual or social group by virtue of their birth. It also accords high status and power to a particular set of communities and denies the same to

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others on the basis of the hierarchical relations between the purity and pollution of the occupations practiced by different caste groups. In this study the categorization was made on the basis of the respondent’s social rank and perception of the position of their caste in the hierarchy.6 For the purpose of the present study, we followed the classification of caste groups adopted by the government of Andhra Pradesh in terms of OC (Other Castes), BC (Backward Classes), SC (Scheduled castes, also known as Dalits) and ST (Scheduled Tribes). The specific caste groups included in OC or upper castes or forward castes, BC, SC and ST, are given below. The respondents included in the study were asked to indicate to which of the caste groups in terms of OC, BC, SC or ST they belong. Table 4.8. Caste background of the students Caste OC BC SC ST Total

Frequency 131 72 21 01 225

Percentage 58.2 32 09.3 0.5 100

One of the reasons for such consciousness among different caste groups lies in the roots of social protest to liberate oneself from the restricted institutional spaces, such as religious, cultural and educational, in the form of different social movements in the erstwhile Madras presidency. The most popular non-Brahman movement in Andhra got significant support from the peasant castes, such as Kamma, Reddy, Velama and Kapu, who languished in diverse institutional spaces and questioned the legitimate rights of the Brahmin monopoly over diverse spheres, including education (Ramaswamy 1978). The dominant castes like Kammas were not allowed to attend school in some villages in Andhra, thus the deprivation in education and the lack of access to employment and political power during the colonial Andhra led to the consolidation of a non-Brahmin movement in the region. The caste associations formed and actively supported the students of respective castes in the educational field by providing scholarships and establishing the hostels (Ibid.). However, in the post-independence era the nonBrahmin peasants gained control over most modern educational 6

Satish Deshpande, OC category, EPW March 2013.

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institutions. Further, the green revolution in the late sixties coincided with the growth of engineering and professional colleges in Andhra, and most of the landed castes tended to encourage their sons and daughters towards higher education compared to the other castes (Upadhaya 2007). However, the same education is seen as a source of class consolidation, and acquiring new education is hegemonic and inherently characterized by a sort of power for the middle class and dominant castes (cultural-social and economic) and aspiring castes. Although the form of education may be conditioned by space and cultural context, the dominant castes or aspiring dominant castes always attach the utmost importance to education to consolidate their position in the traditional caste hierarchy (Srinivas 1977). The process of globalisation significantly changed the priorities of parents and students in the selection of courses. There are a number of factors that motivate students and parents to opt for engineering and IT compared to other professional courses, like medicine, such as the immediate employment opportunities, higher pay packages and the social prestige attached to IT jobs. IT education in the state has, to a certain degree, also emerged as a potential means for realizing the socioeconomic aspirations of various groups. On the other hand, the upper caste Hindu youth are two to four times more likely to be graduates than the youth from OBC, SC or ST categories and Muslims.7 Gail Omdevt (2004) claims that caste attitudes continue to shape marriages, life chances and career opportunities, and therefore the students who hail from ex-untouchable families suffer from inferiority and fear of revealing their caste identity in the IT industry. This seems to restrict the access of Dalit and tribal students into the new world of IT education. Thus, the nature of education in general, and IT education in particular, has gained significance in the context of globalisation and manifest cultural meanings and economic rewards associated with the global 7

Deshpande & Yadav (2006) and Mohanty (2006) also substantiate this claim. Upadhya (2007) quotes Deshpande (2006), and argues that the Hindu upper castes account for more than 65% of engineering and technology graduates. Upadhya then concludes that nearly 70% of the IT workforce is from an upper caste background. On the basis of the analysis of the National Sample Survey (NSS) data, Mohanty concludes that upper caste Hindus are much more likely to be concentrated in high end service sector urban jobs than OBCs, SCs and STs (2006, 3785). While addressing the question of Dalits and their experiences with information technology, Gail Omvedt (2004) points out that, like any other castes, many Dalits (ex-untouchables) in India are trying to break into the new world of information technology, but they fear revealing their origins to their colleagues.

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employment opportunities. One can also notice the growing convergence of class, caste and gender matrices. IT education is seen as a source of upward mobility for lower castes/classes and first generation girls. G. Narasimha Naidu, aged 25, follows the Hindu religion and belongs to an upper caste. He was born and brought up in the rural Ananthapur district. The family history of Narasimha reveals that his father studied up to SSLC and works as a Sarpanch (President) of the village. His mother is an illiterate woman and is a homemaker. His brother completed an M.A and an M. Phil and is working as an administrative officer (MRO), while his sister studied up to class ten and is married. His family owns 94 acres of land, out of which 70 acres are irrigated and 24 acres are dry land. He claims that he belongs to the rural upper class background. His father is a political leader and his brother is an administrator. None of his relatives are working as software professionals either in India or abroad. Based on the social ranking and land holdings, we can say that he constitutes the class of the rural elite. In spite of his relative affluence, he studied in government schools and colleges up to graduation with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He moved to a city (Hyderabad) to pursue a PGDCA long-term course by paying Rs 16000/-, and for the first time in his life he was exposed to education with English as the medium of instruction. The rationale behind the selection of a long-term IT course comes from his family members and the awareness generated from the media. According to him, the immediate employment opportunities, the chance to work abroad and a higher salary are the primary factors, along with a comfortable life and social status. Although undertaking IT training is not a major problem given his economic background, his studies in a rural background with Telugu as the medium of instruction gave him all kinds of problems in coping with the new language of education, both in content and communication. He felt that IT education has the potential to open up employment opportunities compared to other streams of knowledge. He substantiated his point by saying that the IT industry has a large number of jobs for educated youths in the post liberalization era. Given the chance, he would like to pursue management studies. He wanted to settle as a software engineer in America. He has never gained first class marks throughout his educational journey, indicating that he has faced multiple hurdles due to a lack of access to quality education.

The foregoing account reveals that the rural elite is making a systematic effort to educate their children as per the demands of the market economy. Though his family owns a huge amount of land and his father works as a president of the village, no farmer is willing to make his son a farmer. Therefore, the landed elite tends to encourage their children to pursue technical education so that they will move away from the agrarian

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uncertainty. Therefore, with a liberal arts background and studying in rural areas with Telugu as the medium of instruction, he is interested in moving towards IT education to access IT jobs. However, as part of the training he has faced multiple problems, such as the logic of technical issues, analytical applications and implications, and mastering communication skills. On the one hand, he joined an IT institute with lots of hope, and at that juncture (post-2001) there was a major crisis in the world economy which affected the IT industry. The case of Narasimha reveals the patterns of an uncertain future experienced by educating youths in general, and rural youths in particular. The socioeconomic and political privilege index is subordinated to educational, linguistic and symbolic capital index. Though he belongs to a dominant caste, owns significant land and is the second child of his parents, his educational and linguistic disability, the poor educational background of his family members and the lack of social networks tend to widen the gap between his aspiration to become an IT worker and the practical problems associated with learning and communication skills. Therefore, the rural youths deprived of multiple forms of capital, including linguistic, symbolic and cultural codes, tend to be denied entry to IT education and the fruits of the knowledge economy in the era of globalization. Ardala Srinu, aged 22, belongs to a Hindu shudra caste named Golla (shepherd). He was born and brought up in a rural environment. The family history of Srinu reveals that his father and mother are illiterates, working as agricultural labourers in his native village. One of his sisters is married and another is in class nine. He claims that he belongs to a lower class family, and doesn’t have any landed property. Coming from a landless family with three children is, for the parents, a big economic and social burden in the era of liberalization. Based on the social ranking and landlessness, we can say that he belongs to the landless agricultural labour background. Because of his low economic position, he studied in the government educational institutions accessible to him. However, with sheer hard work he gained admission to a B. Tech program in the prestigious JNTU College Hyderabad.

The educational trajectory of Srinu reveals that he underwent an economic and ideological crisis, which is an outcome of multiple factors. He suffers from economic and educational backwardness, and faced multiple problems in supporting his education. His parents borrowed money from informal credit systems in the village with relatively high interest rates. He said he faced problems related to the language and structure of the courses due to his lack of exposure to English education.

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However, his case reveals the many struggles of rural, landless low caste parents and students who struggle to access quality education. The commitment of parents and the sheer hard work of the students take them from villages to urban spaces and to new experiences. His ultimate goal is to settle as a software professional in the USA and help his family financially and socially. Although none of his relatives and friends work as IT professionals, he wants to go beyond the national boundaries to empower himself. Therefore, the case of Srinu reveals the patterns of aspirations among educated youths in general, and rural backward caste youths in particular. The deprivation index dominates the educational index due to illiterate parents, lack of economic support and relatively high family sizes. Though he belongs to BC-D, which is referred to as a dominant caste among OBC, and studies in rural areas with Telugu as medium of instruction, the poor educational background of family members and lack of social networks tend to widen the gap between aspirations to become an IT worker, along with practical problems associated with learning and communication skills. Therefore, the rural youths deprived of multiple forms of capital, including linguistic, symbolic and cultural codes, tend to be denied entry and access to the fruits of the knowledge economy in the era of globalisation. K. Vinay Samson, aged 25, belongs to an ex-untouchable community by the name Mala. The family background of Mr Vinay reveals that his father was a graduate and works for the government sector organization. His mother studied up to class ten and is a homemaker. His brother is an engineer working for a private company, while his younger brother is studying a B. Sc degree in one of the local colleges. His education trajectory reveals that throughout his life he studied in only private schools with English as the medium of instruction. He is a second generation learner because of his parental education and is employed in the public sector with economic and social security. He chooses to study an MCA degree by paying for his seat in the Tenali town of Guntur district. Throughout his studies, he studied only in English-medium educational institutions. Throughout his studies, he gained a first class from KG to PG. In order to be perfect in the curriculum prescribed as part of MCA coursework he joined an IT training institute for a short-term course, due to his friends and his self-motivation for an IT degree. He says that the immediate employment opportunities, high salaries and the social status are the major driving factors for studying IT courses compared to the comfortable life. Although he is a Dalit, his family enjoys a middle-class status, and he is therefore confident about his job prospects because of their social network, which comes from his primary kin’s working as IT professionals in India. His goal is to settle as an IT professional in the USA. Because of his urban location and middle-class economic status, he

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wants to reach a top position in an IT company based in the USA. His aspiration to migrate to America reveals Dalit male strategies to move beyond the national boundaries and climb the socioeconomic ladder of the society. The Dalit family’s attitude towards the education of their children is undergoing a fundamental transition in the era of liberalization, privatization and globalization (LPG). As part of a mobility strategy, they tend to encourage enrolment into market-driven technical education degrees such as a B/M. Tech. Since both of his parents are government employees, supporting his educational expenditure is not a major problem.

Gender composition Sex disparities in educational opportunities tend to be greater in developing countries, and India is not an exception to this. The 1960s to 1970s green revolution in the agricultural sector, the steady growth of the industrial sector and recent developments in the Indian economy have brought down discrimination based on gender in the field of employment and education. Table 4.9. Gender composition Gender Male Female Total

Frequency 144 81 225

Percentage 64 36 100

Table 4.9 above shows the gender composition of respondents, and that 64% of respondents were men and 36 % were women, the representation of men being nearly double that of women. Compared to other streams of technical education, the proportion of women pursuing IT education is much higher. The reasons are that IT-related jobs do not demand physical labour, and they resemble white-collar jobs. Nearly 35% of the IT professionals in the core and auxiliary service of the IT industry in India are women (Data Quest 2012). The above trend shows that the IT industry has been liberally recruiting women in professional software jobs by denouncing patriarchal notions of women’s intellectual potential. The steady growth in the number of women in IT and the ITES industry is associated with a number of factors. First, women students viewed IT jobs as women friendly compared to other jobs which demand travel (MBA), and the need to handle machinery and hardships (Mechanical and Civil Engineering). Second, the office-based work organization of IT careers also tends to motivate a large proportion of

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women towards IT jobs. Third, social institutions such as marriage also demand that women enrol in IT courses. The rationale behind this is that most grooms in general, and those based in the USA in particular, expect an IT degree from the bride as an extra educational qualification. Fourth, the dowry would also, to some degree, be determined by the educational qualification of the bride, and as a result the middle-class parents encourage their daughters to study an IT course. The study found that married women whose husbands are based in America are expected to acquire skills and knowledge in IT before leaving India (Nagaraju & Haribabu 2004; Chanana 2007). Further, the institution of marriage is also undergoing a change from sacred and divine bliss to a pragmatic contract. Both the bride’s and the groom’s parties prefer an alliance with a boy or girl who has acquired IT education, and prospective brides favour grooms employed abroad. Most of the young women learn computer courses as an additional qualification with a view to enhancing their marriage prospects (Ibid.). Biao (2002) captured the pulse of educated youth of Andhra Pradesh belonging to dominant peasant castes, particularly Kamma and Reddy, who attach a lot of significance to IT jobs. Those who are working in Western countries (including America) command more respect compared to others working in India. This is because most of the IT professionals from Andhra Pradesh earn, on average, two to five times more than a non-IT engineer (Ibid.). For instance, Biao (2002) reports that an IT groom from a Kamma or Reddy caste working in a big firm is expected to receive a dowry of Rs 8 to 20 lakh, which is more than double that of a non-IT engineer. If the male is U.S. based, the figure could go up to Rs 80 lakhs. Thus, as a result, women’s participation in IT education has also been growing across all caste groups, especially among those who hail from the forward castes and live in cities and towns so that they can minimize, if not completely escape, payment of dowry. An NTV survey on Kulalu and Katnalu (Caste & Dowry 2012) reveals the contemporary attitudes of the castes towards the practice of dowry in deciding marital alliance. The rate and range of dowry are very much linked to the region, caste, class and gender background of the bride and bridegroom. The survey highlights are as follows. Although the Brahmin enjoys the highest ritual status among the castes, the dowry rate is relatively low among this community. Similarly, the Komati (vaishya ) practice of dowry is primarily in kind, rather than cash. Traditionally, they exchange gold; however, over time they take around Rs 5 lakh as dowry. The practice of dowry is highest among the peasant castes such as Reddy, Kamma and

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Kapu, wherein it ranges from 50 lakhs to one crore. The economic background of the persons plays an important role in deciding the dowry rate. Less than five lakhs are generally offered as dowry to men among the Brahmin and Komati. Raju’s (Kshatriya), Velama, Kamma and Reddy, in addition to cash, gift in the form of kind such as land-gold, plots and flats, mediating the marriage alliances across the rural and urban areas. Some of the marriage brokers say that dowry is an economic security and compensation for the educational expenses of the boy. The range of dowry is linked to the earning capacity of women, since most urban women and a significant number from rural areas also acquire education, and the parents of girls get a chance to negotiate the dowry at a lower price. However, marrying an employed woman is nothing but a form of permanent dowry. The survey shows that the importance of dowry among lower castes (Padmashali, Gowda-Munnuru Kapu, Mudiraj) is gradually gaining importance where these communities are taking an amount within the range of 30–40 lakhs. The practice of dowry among the Dalits also is very much visible, ranging from two to five lakhs. The low representation of both men and women of the downtrodden castes and tribes as compared to the upper castes could be attributed to their socioeconomic backwardness. Due to their continuous dependence on traditional occupations, which are manual and unskilled, their overwhelming concentration in the rural areas and the lack of social and cultural networks limit the degree of awareness about the emerging opportunities for IT education among these groups. The study found that only the urban women are benefiting from the government programs which are aimed at promoting IT education among the backward castes, Dalits and tribal groups. Further, it is also true that the IT training institutes are largely located in cities and towns. What is appalling is that in the entire sample, we found only one rural Dalit woman in all IT courses. K. Akhila, aged 21, belongs to the upper caste and completed schooling in some of the best schools in Hyderabad with English as the medium of instruction. She later enrolled for an MPC course in one of the famous Christian missionary colleges for intermediates in a science course. She chooses to pursue a B. Tech in one of the same chain of colleges. Her brother completed an MS from BITS Pilani, one of the prestigious technology schools in India, and is currently working for WIPRO, one of the best IT companies in the world. She has a number of relatives who have worked for IT companies across the world. She felt media and friends played a role in the selection of Technical Education courses and the College. She is supported by her parents and her self-motivation is the driving force behind the selection of the prestigious IT training institutes in

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Hyderabad. She said that high salaries, followed by foreign employment opportunities, a comfortable life and social status are the driving factors behind the selection of IT courses. She also revealed the silent practice of preference, visible in the media but hidden in society. The practice of marriage alliances is linked to IT. She said that people prefer girls with a background in IT [compared to other courses], and strongly felt that only a B/M. Tech with computers allows access to good jobs, compared to other courses. Therefore, an IT degree is a precondition for economic autonomy and the best marriage proposals. She also felt that better interpersonal skills are very important for entering the IT industry. Her goal is to work as a software professional in the USA. She prefers management studies as a second option after the B. Tech. Regarding the government policy on traditional academic courses; she felt that they are losing significance day by day. She says that even after a degree, one has to take competitive exams, and study a PG, all with no job guarantees. But, a B. Tech guarantees a job at the age of 21, so age matters. Therefore, she represents the mind of the liberal economy, which has demonstrated a substantial influence on the moral character of society and the ethical foundations of education. Mary, an 18-year-old girl, belongs to an ex-untouchable community by the name Mala, and is Christian by religion. Her father is a B. Tech graduate, her mother a diploma holder, her brother is studying for a B. Tech, and her younger sister is pursuing an intermediate. Her father works as an assistant engineer for a government company. She said that she does not have relatives working as software professionals either in India or foreign countries, and she would like to settle as a software professional in America or India. Although her mother is a diploma holder, she is looking after their family. She is a second generation learner because of her parental education and employment in a public sector company based in Hyderabad. The educational journey of Mary reveals that she completed her schooling in some of the best English-medium Christian Missionary schools in Hyderabad. She has chosen one of the top corporate colleges, Narayana Jr College,8 for an MPC course. After completing her inter, she enrolled in a B. Tech in a private college called the Sreedevi Engineering college, Hyderabad. She strongly felt that only an M. Tech/MCA/ B. Tech degree with IT courses would fetch better jobs compared to the traditional courses. According to her, immediate employment opportunities, followed by going abroad for a higher salary, social status and a comfortable life are the driving factors for the selection of a B. Tech and an IT diploma. She said that her parents motivated her to train for an IT degree. Given the chance, she would like to study a management degree, and her aim is to settle as a software professional in the USA. Since she has a brother and a younger sister, she wanted to find a job in an MNC and help her parents. 8

Kukatpalli, Hyderabad, which is supposed to be the best within the number of branches spread across the city of Hyderabad.

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Chapter Three Since dowry is an important part of the marriage, she felt that she has to help her parents by supporting them financially. Marriage prospects and a financial commitment to her family and aspirations to lead a decent and dignified life encourage young girls to seek employment at the earliest stage of life. Although she is a second generation learner, none of her relatives are working in the software profession. Her aspiration to migrate to America reveals that Dalit women aim to become developers in Silicon Valley, the capital of the world IT industry. The Dalit family’s attitude towards the education of their children is undergoing a fundamental transition in the era of globalisation (LPG). All her siblings are pursuing science degrees only. As part of the mobility strategy, they tend to encourage their kith to enrol in the market-driven technical education degrees, such as a B/M. Tech. Since her father is a government employee and she has to support the educational expenses of the other two children in addition to family burdens, her parents have been facing financial problems to cope up with the pressure and demands. M. S. Purnima, aged 22, belongs to an upper caste, and was born and brought up in urban towns and cities. The educational trajectory of her family reveals that her father is a B. Sc and B.E graduate, and her mother studied up to class ten. Her brother is a diploma holder in ITI and her sister has a PG in M.A. The occupational profile of her family reveals that her father is a retired superintendent engineer, one of the top positions in the bureaucracy of the engineering department, her mother and her sister are homemakers, and her brother works for a private company at lower levels. The occupational trajectory of her family reveals that there is a downward social mobility in her family when compared to her father’s economic and occupational positions. The educational journey of Ms. Purnima reveals that she completed her primary schooling in one of the best English medium Hindu Missionary schools based in Vijayawada. She completed her secondary schooling in N.K.V.E.M High school based in Rajahmundry, East Godavari district. She has chosen one of the top corporate colleges, Aditya Junior College, Kakinada, for an MPC course. After completing her intermediate she enrolled in a B. Sc in the MNR Degree College in Hyderabad. Throughout her studies, she gained first class marks. Since her father’s job is subject to transfers, she migrated to different places in four stages of education. She said that the motivation for joining an IT course came from her parents. She strongly felt that only a B/M. Tech/MCA degree with IT courses would give her access to better jobs compared to the traditional courses. According to her, immediate employment opportunities, followed by going abroad for a higher salary, social status and a comfortable life are the driving factors for the selection of a B. Tech and IT diploma. She said that it is her parents who motivated her to train for an IT degree. Given the chance, she would like to study for a management degree, and her aim is to settle as a software professional in the USA. Since she has a brother and younger sister, she wanted to find a

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job in an MNC and help her parents. Since dowry is an important part of marriage, she felt that she has to help her parents by supporting them financially. Marriage prospects and her financial commitment to family are aspirations for leading a decent and dignified life, encouraging younger girls to seek employment at very young age..

Rural/Urban profiles of the respondents The rural and urban disparities in educational opportunities tend to be greater in India, and Andhra Pradesh is no exception to this. Table 4.10 below indicates the representation of students from rural and urban backgrounds enrolled in IT education institutes. Table 4.10. Rural and Urban backgrounds of respondents Place Rural Urban Total

Frequency 76 149 225

Percentage 34 66 100

The data from Table 4.10 reveals that 34% of the respondents hailed from rural villages, whereas 66% of the respondents were from urban backgrounds. Although the proportion of the rural population in India is nearly two thirds of the total population, the proportion of the rural students is exactly the opposite to the present study. The majority of students benefiting from IT education opportunities come from urban areas. Krishna Gadde, aged 22, is Hindu by religion and from a Kamma community, born and brought up in an urban environment. The family history of Krishna reveals that his father studied up to graduation, whereas his mother completed secondary education. His brother completed a B. Tech and works for an MNC in the USA. His father is a farmer and his mother is a homemaker, and they own 10 acres of land in his native village. He claims that he comes from a middle-class background. Based on the social ranking and land holdings, we can say that he comes from the middle class among upper caste Kammas, who are considered a rural elite. The educational history of Krishna reveals that he completed his primary schooling in Loyola Public school, Vijayawada with English as the medium of instruction. He moved to the elite St. John’s public school for his secondary education, and was then admitted to the top corporate Chaitanya junior college to study an MPC as part of his intermediate. Currently, he is pursuing a B. Tech in one of the prestigious colleges in

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both of his parents are government employees and he has only one sibling, supporting his educational expenditure is not a major problem for his parents. Rajesh Gurajala, 24 years old, belongs to an ex-untouchable community called Madiga. The family background of Rajesh reveals that his father and mother are illiterate and work as agricultural labourers. His brother works as an RMP doctor in the village. The educational journey of Rajesh reveals that he completed his primary and secondary education in local government, schools, and registered for an HEC in a local private-aided college and passed with a third class. He has completed his graduation with a BA in the local aided college. Throughout his life, he has studied only in rural areas in the Telugu language. He has always achieved a third class at the different stages of his studies. He got an opportunity to study the longterm 10 months IT course DAST through the help of the SC Corporation. He said that gaining a comprehensive idea of IT is the driving factor for choosing an IT course. However, understanding the technical nature of the courses is very difficult given his previous educational history, which is not at all encouraging linguistically or emancipating technically. He said that he faces many problems in supporting his education. However, he is very interested in going to America and working as a software professional.

The foregoing account reveals that Dalits from rural Andhra Pradesh struggle to access education. Rajesh studied only in government educational institutions with Telugu as the medium of instruction and passed with a third class. This indicates that it is extremely difficult for first generation Dalits to move up in life, and this is where the role of the state is pertinent and crucial. The state SC Corporation enables Dalits to make use of the modern techno-science courses. His family suffers the economic crisis because of a lack of access to land, and his parents depend on their labour for survival. This case highlights the survival strategies of rural labouring Dalits to educate their children, who think that education is an investment for their future security and social mobility. The only method allowing for social mobility for Dalits is education. Therefore, the rural Dalit makes a systematic attempt to use the modern opportunities opened by the state and non-state actors. They suffer from a lack of social support, guiding their educational future in terms of selection of courses, prospects of education. Rajesh’s aspiration to migrate to America reveals the Dalit male strategies for moving beyond the national boundaries and up the higher socioeconomic ladder of the society. The Dalit family’s attitudes towards the education of their children are undergoing a fundamental transition in the era of l, privatization. As part of a mobility strategy, they tend to encourage their children to enrol in the

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market-driven technical education degrees such as a B/M. Tech. Since both Rajesh’s parents are government employees and he has only one brother, supporting his educational expenditure is not a major problem for his parents. The advantages of the urbanites are becoming barriers for rural students. Latently, this has the effect of insulating the educational facilities from being accessed by the latter. With regard to finance, networks and awareness of education, urban people have a decisive edge over their rural counterparts, in addition to problems arising from their migration to the cities to pursue education (N.Jayaram 1990).

Marital profile of the respondents Marriage is one of the basic institutions of Indian society. The social significance attached to marriage by diverse social groups, irrespective of their caste, class, religion and region, is immense. Several traditional practices associated with marriage are still in vogue, such as arranged marriages where the parents of the girl look for a suitable boy and negotiate with his parents to enter a marital alliance. Table 4.11. Marital status of respondents Marital Status Married Unmarried Total

Frequency 16 209 225

Percentage 07 93 100

Table 4.11 shows that 7% of respondents were married and 93% of the respondents were not. Within the married category, the proportion of married women was higher when compared to married men. The number of married women was double that of married men. There are significant reasons for the high number of married women in IT courses, such as fulfilling the wishes of their spouses. To maintain a good quality of life, it is imperative to work with men to meet the cost of living and to enhance their standard of living. Another category among married women comprises those waiting to join their spouse abroad. They use the waiting period to acquire IT skills with the idea of securing employment after their arrival. So, the hopes of employment opportunities in the destination country seem to motivate the women to pursue IT education. Moreover, the cost of acquiring IT skills is lesser in India than in the Western countries.

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Parental education Literature on the influence of social background suggests that the parent’s education is one of the important variables determining social class position. The higher the level of parent’s education the higher the social class position. Further, qualified parents tend to provide a conducive environment for children to acquire cultural capital, which generally influences one's performance in education and the consequent employment. To examine the extent of influence of the parental education on the student’s education levels and aspirations, the present study collected data on each respondent’s father’s education. The father’s education level seems to play a more decisive role in shaping children’s education in the Indian society, which is patriarchal in nature (Karuna 2007). In contrast, we were unable to collect data on the educational qualifications of the mothers. The educational qualification of respondents’ fathers has been categorized under the following: (a) Primary education (b) Secondary education (c) Graduation and below (intermediate and degree) (d) Post-graduation (e) Post-graduation and above. Table 4.12. Educational qualifications of respondent’s fathers Education Primary Secondary Graduation PG Above PG Total

Frequency 08 26 108 67 16 225

Percentage 03.5 11.5 48 30 07 100

It appears that relatively higher levels of education on the part of the fathers enabled the students to gain access to IT education. Table 4.12 shows that only 3.5% of respondents reported that their fathers had primary education, and 11.5% reported that their fathers had secondary education. Nearly half (48%) of the student’s fathers were graduates, 30% reported post-graduation level, and 7% reported that their fathers had had above PG qualifications. The data imply that most of the student’s fathers

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were highly qualified with graduate and post graduate degrees. Based on the data pertaining to the educational qualification of the fathers, the study proposes that the father’s education significantly influences students’ access to IT educational opportunities, which has become popular in recent times. Students whose father attained post-graduation education qualifications represent nearly 30% of our sample size. It shows that highly educated parents attached a great deal of importance to IT education as a means of upward social mobility and consequently a higher standard of living. The educated communities were the first to embrace new educational streams. Since careers related to IT acquired social prestige and higher monetary levels, the IT education which is the medium for jobs also gained tremendous importance among all the social groups in general and the educated sections in particular. Since the study did not gather information pertaining to educational qualifications of the respondents’ mothers, an analysis of the educational qualifications of the respondents’ fathers was made. Kavya Chowdary is a 24-year-old woman belonging to the Kamma caste. Both her parents work for a public company based in Hyderabad. She has studied at a Hindu missionary school and an English medium college for inter. Although Hyderabad has a large number of engineering colleges, she preferred to study in Mysore, Karnataka state. Throughout her studies she achieved a first class from KG to UG. Even after completing her B.E, she is very much interested in mastering the latest computer programs. She said that it was her parents who motivated her for the B.E and to enrol in an IT training institute. She says that the immediate employment opportunities, a comfortable life and higher salaries, followed by social status and the opportunity to visit foreign countries, are the driving factors for choosing an IT degree. According to her, IT degrees such as M. Tech/ MCA or B. Tech/BCA are essential qualifications for joining the IT industry. She also felt that IT jobs are better for women regarding comfort and safety. An IT degree also facilitates marriage prospects, and she is confident about her job prospects because of her social network, which comes from her primary and secondary families and her father’s professional links. Her brother is a software professional based in Bangalore, which is an IT hub of India. Since both parents are government employees and she has only one brother, supporting her educational expenditure is not a major problem for her parents. Her goal is to settle as an IT professional in India. M. Padmaja, a 19-year old woman, belongs to an ex-untouchable community named Mala. She is a second generation learner because of her parental education and employment in a public sector company based in Hyderabad. She studied in a Christian missionary school and college in the

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English medium. She is currently pursuing a B. Tech program in one of the prestigious Christian Minority engineering colleges based in Hyderabad.9 Throughout her studies she has gained first class results from KG to UG. In order to be perfect in the curriculum prescribed as part of her B. Tech coursework she joined an IT training institute for a short-term course. She says that the immediate employment opportunities are a major factor for studying a B. Tech degree, and social status is the second most important in addition to a comfortable life, higher salary, and the chance of going to foreign countries . According to her, an IT degree such as a B. Tech is an essential qualification for marriage alliances and the job market in the IT industry.

Although she is a Dalit her family enjoys a middle-class status, and therefore she is confident about her job prospects because of her social network which comes from a family member working as an IT professional in AMDOCS,10 based in Cyprus. Because of her urban location and middle-class economic status she wants to reach a top position in an IT company based in the USA, an aspiration that reveals how Dalit women have an urge to become developers in Silicon Valley, the centre of the IT industry. The mobile Dalit strategies towards the education of their children is undergoing a fundamental transition in the era of liberalization, privatization and globalisation (LPG). As part of a mobility strategy, they o encourage their chindren to enrol in the marketdriven technical education degrees, such as a B/M. Tech. Since both her parents are government employees, and she has only one brother, supporting her educational expenditure is not a major problem. The two case studies above highlight the role of parental education in shaping the educational aspirations of the children for the most important educational degrees on the market.

Parental Occupation One’s occupation is an important indicator related to education. This study hypothesizes that the occupation of the father is an important variable for students pursuing an IT education. In the present study, the occupations are classified under four headings based on the respondents’ answers regarding their father’s occupation: 9

The Vignan Jyothi Institute of Engineering & Technology, Hyderabad. Amdocs, one of the world’s leading hi-tech companies, has been in Cyprus for nine years. Amdocs Development Ltd. is one of the largest multinational companies and a pioneer enterprise in the field of research and development in Cyprus. 10

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(1) Agriculture, including the people who are directly or indirectly associated with crop cultivation (2) White collar and blue-collar occupations, employed in both public and private sectors (3) Professionals, consisting of the teaching community to university professor, lawyers, doctors and engineers (4) Self-employed, consisting of business communities and practitioners of traditional occupations. Table 4.13. Occupation of father Occupation Agriculture White and Blue Collar jobs Professionals Self-employed Total

Frequency 32 114 28 51 225

Percentage 14 51 12 23 100

Table 4.13 above shows that 51% of the students reported that their father was either in a white-collar or blue-collar occupation. Interestingly, the self-employed individuals also attached a lot of importance to IT education. The data show that the proportions of students whose fathers are self-employed are second to the students whose fathers are engaged in either blue-collar or white-collar occupations. The students with professional parental backgrounds tend to have a fair chance of gaining IT education opportunities when compared to others. The awareness levels about upcoming streams, which have market prospects of employment both at home and abroad, are more familiar to the students whose fathers are professionals. Those who are engaged in agriculture may not have the same level of awareness about the career prospects of different streams of higher education. K. Madhurima, aged 22, belongs to a Hindu upper caste and was born and brought up in a rural area. The family profile of Madhurima reveals that her father has studied SSLC11 and is engaged in business, whereas her mother completed class ten and is a homemaker. Her brother is a B. Sc Degree student whereas her sister is studying in class twelve. Her father’s business was not very rewarding. She claims that her family belongs to the middle class, saying that none of her relatives are working as software professionals. The educational journey of Ms. Madhurima reveals that she 11

Secondary School Leaving Certificate (SSLC).

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completed her primary schooling in one of the local, low-fee private paid school in the English medium. She has chosen one of the local unaided private colleges called SCS Jr College, Vijayawada for an MEC course. After completing her intermediate she enrolled in a B. Com at Sathavahana College in Vijayawada. She also completed her M. Com from Nagarjuna University. Throughout her studies she has gained first class marks, studying only in English. Her father found it difficult to support the educational expenses of children through his small business. Although she has completed an M. Com, with her parent’s motivation and the advice of her friends she has chosen to study an IT course for twelve months by paying Rs 20,000/-, which is burdensome to her parents. She said that immediate employment opportunities, high salary, going abroad, a comfortable life and social status are some of the major factors for studying M. Com and IT courses. She strongly felt that one has to acquire good knowledge of IT to find a good job in the market. Given the chance, she would like to pursue a management degree. Her goal is to work as a software professional in India.

The foregoing case study traces the educational backwardness and lack of proper employment back to her parents. Although she was born in a village and came to the city to study throughout her life, Ms. Madhurima did so in low fee paying private educational institutions. Therefore, medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course are not major problems for her, and this also implies that she belongs to a lower class but claims a middle class status. The lower class family strategies of educating children as per the demands of the market are reflected in enrolling children in private educational institutions with low fees. She felt that only the basic degrees, such as a B/M. Tech, guarantee jobs compared to diplomas, even in critical phases of the market. P. Ramesh Kumar, aged 18, hails from a village in the Nalgonda district of Andhra Pradesh. He belongs to one of the backward castes named the BCB. He was born and brought up in a rural area. The social and educational trajectory of Kumar’s family reveals that he had completed secondary education and runs a small business, whereas his mother is illiterate and helps in the business. His brother is due to complete his secondary education. His family owns 4 acres of land in his native village Pochampalli, famous for its handloom industry. The educational profile of Kumar reveals that he completed his primary and secondary education in one of the local private schools called Sri Santosh Vidyaniketan with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He chose to study an MPC in the regional private MKRM Junior College in the Telugu medium. He has

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Chapter Three chosen to study B. Tech at a college12 located in Hyderabad, known for its engineering courses. The medium of instruction throughout his educational journey was primarily in Telugu, except for his B. Tech which was in English. Though he hails from a rural village, he moved to Hyderabad to master IT by joining a corporate B. Tech and IT training institute. He says that IT training will equip him for the market, and he therefore undertook a short-term C&DS course, paying more than Rs 5,000/-. He felt that professional and personal skills are essential for the IT industry. Although he claims that he belongs to the middle class, a critical perspective reveals that he actually belongs to a lower class due to uncertainties in agriculture and small businesses. He said that none of his family are working as software professionals, either in India or Europe and the USA. According to him immediate employment opportunities, high salaries and a comfortable life are the major driving factors, more so than going abroad and social status. He strongly believes that the IT industry has the potential to expand the employment opportunities for the Indian youth. Given the chance, he would like to study physical sciences compared to other branches of knowledge. He wanted to settle as a software professional in India and help his parents. He strongly felt that IT has the potential to change his family’s status.

The above case study reveals that with the growth of the nuclear family system in Andhra Pradesh, families across the social classes are starting to attach importance to the education of their children. Therefore, the growing preference for private educational institutions needs to be located within the broader perspective of the quest for quality and marketdriven education. Thus, the foregoing account unfolds the growing aspirations of the rural lower class parents for global employment opportunities.

Parental Income Income is another important indicator of one’s class position, apart from education and occupation. All three variables are the constituent variables

12

J. B. Institute of Engineering Technologies Hyderabad. The J. B. Educational Society was formed in the year 1993 by the visionary Sri. J. Bhaskar Rao with the lofty aim of providing quality professional education and meeting the rising expectations of the industry as well as the young students in Andhra Pradesh. The website claims that J. B. Educational Society has been striving to achieve the objective of excellence in the fields of Engineering, Medicine, Management, Hotel Management and Information Technology. http://www.jbiet.edu.in/ (accessed March 2, 2013).

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of the composite variables called social class. If we were to draw a path diagram, education and occupation would precede income. Table 4.14. Parental Income Income group

Frequency

Percentage

Less than 5000

30

13

5001–15,000

131

58

15,001–25,000

64

28

Total

225

100

Table 4.14. shows that, regarding respondents’ fathers’ income, 13% have less than Rs 5,000 per month, 58% Rs 5000–15,000 per month, and 28% Rs 15,000–25,000 per month. The above-mentioned data reveals that the majority of the students pursuing IT education hail from households with an income of less than Rs 15,000 per month. Most of the students’ fathers engaged in relatively low ranking occupations tend to be paid less when compared to the white-collar jobs. It was observed that students from lower income groups had cumulative difficulties at various levels. A significant amount of money has to be paid for admission to courses. Further, during the course, money has to be paid for test fees, course materials and stationary etc. As the amount of money paid is substantial, many students pay the fees in instalments, and nearly 60% of respondents chose to do this. A female respondent who happened to be the daughter of a government civil engineer felt that the fee charged by the IT education and training institutes was beyond the reach of even the middle classes. The above discussion indicates that IT education and training in the non-formal sectors are expensive, and the students pursuing IT education and training in the present study have realized this. Ramya, aged 22, belongs to the Hindu upper (landed) caste, and was born and raised in an urban centre. The family profile of Ramya reveals that her father is a graduate (BA) and is working as a senior assistant in a government office. Her mother studied up to the tenth class. Her sister is studying for a B. Com while simultaneously pursuing a course in accounting (Oracle). Her family owns 6 acres of land in their ancestral village in the Krishna district. She claims that her family belongs to the middle class, and that some of her relatives are working as software professionals in India. The educational journey of Ramya reveals that she completed her schooling in one of the local low-fee private schools named

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Chapter Three Prathibhaniketan, Vijayawada, with Telugu as the medium of study. She completed her intermediate and degree in private aided colleges, studying commerce courses with English as the medium of study. Throughout her studies she gained first class marks, except in her intermediate which she passed with second class marks. She comes from a nuclear family, and did not face any economic problems in sponsoring her education. While pursuing her B. Com degree, she enrolled in the DISM course for twelve months by paying Rs 17000/- to the Aptech training centre in Vijayawada. The rationale behind joining an IT course was primarily motivated by her parents and the media. She said that immediate employment opportunities, a high salary and a comfortable life are the major factors for studying IT courses. Her goal is to work as a software professional in America. Since some of her relatives are working as software professionals, finding a job is not a major problem, and going to foreign countries is also assured with social networks. She strongly felt that either an M. Tech/MCA or B. Tech, or acquisition of an IT course, help in finding good jobs in the IT market. Given the chance, she would like to pursue a commerce degree. .

The foregoing case unfolds the educational and economic base extended by her family. Since she has only one sister, she enjoys an advantage due to an optimum number of children when compared to other students. Throughout her life, she has studied in low-fee private educational institutions. Therefore, the medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of the course are not major problems for her. This also implies that when a family has two daughters, they tend to encourage them to pursue IT courses for two reasons: to enable the economic independence of girls, and to fix a marriage with a middle-class groom who expects a bride with IT skills. The middle-class family strategy to educate girls as per the demands of the market is reflected in enrolling children in the private educational institutions which are low paid. She felt that her parents took loans to pay for her IT course.

Family Class background Class disparities tend to provide differential access to social groups based on their position in the class structure. In the present study, respondents were asked to classify their households based on the position of the class to which they belonged. The responses are presented in Table 4.15 below.

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Table: 4.15. Class status of respondents Class perception Upper class

Frequency 11

Percentage 05

Middle class

199

88

Lower class Total

15 225

07 100

According to Table 4.15, only 5% of respondents identified themselves as upper class, 88% of respondents indicated that they belong to the middle class, and 7% of respondents identified with the lower class. It clearly indicates that the largest number of students hails from the middle class. The quest for a higher quality of life, both material and non-material forms, motivates the middle class to choose IT education and training as a means to realize their aspiration brought about by the new cultural ethos. The lower level of earnings hinders the possibility of taking IT education in the non-formal sector, as it requires substantial funds. B. Saraladevi is a 25-year-old woman belonging to an ex-untouchable community named Mala, and is Christian by religion, born and raised in an urban environment. Her father studied up to class ten and works as a carpenter, while her mother completed class seven and is a homemaker. Her elder brother completed a B. Com and is working as an electrician in the private sector, whereas her younger brother completed an M. Tech and is working as a lecturer in a private college. None of her family works as a software professional. The educational journey of Devi reveals that she studied in private English-medium missionary schools up to class ten. She chose to study her intermediate in one of the famous missionary colleges for girls in Vijayawada and passed at the second division. She completed her BA at one of the aided private colleges and later enrolled in an MBA at the PG Sidhardha Arts and Science College, which is a private aided college for men and women in Vijajawada. Realizing the significance of an IT degree, she joined Impact, a tenmonth course. The course fee of Rs 33,000 was paid by the SC Corporation, a body of the Andhra Pradesh government, which works for the welfare of schedule caste people. She would like to settle as a software professional in America or India. According to her, a high salary, immediate employment opportunities, going abroad and social status are the driving factors for selecting an IT diploma. She said that it is her parents and siblings who motivated her to join such a course. Given the chance, she would like to study a management degree. Since her family doesn’t have proper economic support and she is also aging, it’s extremely important for her to get a job so that she becomes independent. The

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marriage practices among Dalits have also changed drastically. Employed or employable women get better marriage proposals, and the terms of reference towards dowry would be less when compared to others.

The above case reveals that the lower class Dalits in urban settings find it difficult to educate their children, especially in technical courses. Finding a marriage alliance is also a big task for these people.

Kinship networks The data was collected to examine the role of kinship networks in motivating the students to pursue IT education. The responses of 225 students were classified into two broad groups: (1) those who have relatives working as software professionals, and; (2) those who do not have relatives working as software professionals. Table 4.16 shows that about 40% of the respondents have relatives who were software engineers, and 60% reported that they did not have relatives working in the IT industry, either in India or abroad. Table 4.16. Kinship networks Response Yes No Total

Frequency 91 134 225

Percentage 40 60 100

Most of the students who have relatives working as software professionals indicated that this motivated them to pursue IT an course. Relatives play a crucial role in providing information about the appropriate IT courses, job prospects and other related information. The study found that family relations play a crucial role in enabling access to critical information, and the appropriate contacts in the industry facilitate the entry of people possessing diverse forms of capital. Here, it is important to mention Bourdieu’s (1997) concept of social capital. His basic argument is that wealth in the form of knowledge or ideas plays a key role in shaping the society. This is the extension of the Marxist idea of economic capital, which highlights that possessors of this capital wield considerable power over others in gaining preferred occupational positions. Even in the educational system, success and failure

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are predominantly dictated by the extent to which individuals possess social capital. Rajani S., aged 19, belongs to a Hindu upper caste named Kamma, one of the dominant castes in coastal Andhra Pradesh. She was born and brought up in a city, and claims that she hails from an upper class background. She says that her family owns land in Gudivadi, Krishna District, which is known for its economic prosperity. One of her relatives is working as a software engineer in California, USA. The educational journey of Ms. Rajani reveals that she completed her primary schooling in the private Viswavani public school, with English as the medium of study. She moved to the famous missionary Montessori high school for her secondary education. She chose to study an MPC course in Sri Chaitanya College for her Intermediate. She completed her B. Sc in one of the privately aided colleges named Sidhardha Mahila Kalasala. She studied only in the best private educational institutions in the English medium. She gained first class marks throughout her studies. She belongs to an upper class nuclear family, and therefore her family has not faced economic problems in supporting her education. She enrolled for a long-term course DISM for eight months by paying Rs 16,500/- to the Aptech training centre in Vijayawada. The rationale behind joining an IT training centre is that it would provide an internationally valid certificate, enabling the student to gain employment. She felt that an IT course enabled her to gain full command of the subject. Understanding an IT course was not a problem for her, given her scientific background and command over language. According to her, going abroad, having a comfortable life and a social status are the primary reasons for choosing an IT course, compared to the immediate employment opportunities and high salary. Her goal is to work as a software professional in America. Since some of her relatives are working as software professionals in Silicon Valley, California, finding a job is not a major problem, and her social networks assure going to foreign countries. She strongly felt that acquisition of an IT degree will help her to master IT skills in a professional manner and enable her to find a good job in the IT market and an ideal groom for marriage. Given the chance, she would like to pursue a management degree.

The foregoing case study unfolds the upper class background of parents with social networks. Throughout her life, Rajani has studied only at top private educational institutions in English. Therefore, medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course are not major problems for her. This also implies that when a family has a strong economic base it translates into selection of the best private schools/colleges.

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Chapter Three K. Srivani, aged 21, comes from a Hindu Backward Class (BC-D) named goad, one of the dominant castes among the OBC in Andhra Pradesh. She was born and brought up in a city. The socio-educational background of her family reveals that her father completed secondary school, and is engaged in private business. Her mother also completed secondary schooling and is a homemaker. Her sister completed a degree. She claims that she belongs to a middle class background. She also said that she doesn’t have anyone in her family working as a software professional, either in India or abroad. The educational history of Srivani reveals that she completed her primary and secondary schooling at St Arnold High school, one of the top missionary schools in Hyderabad with English as the medium of instruction. She chose to study an MPC and a B. Sc in Holy Cross College. She says that her family owns land in her native village. She studied only at missionary schools and colleges with single sex educational institutions, and only in the best private educational institutions in the English medium. Throughout her studies she gained first class marks. She belongs to a middle class nuclear family that faced no economic problems in supporting her education. She enrolled for a shortterm course in Oracle + V.B for eight months by paying Rs 6,500/- to the Aptech training centre in Hyderabad. The rationale behind joining an IT training centre is that they have the power to provide internationally valid certificates, enabling the student access to better employment opportunities. She felt that an IT course enables one to get full command of the subject. Understanding an IT course was not a problem for her, given her scientific background and command over language. According to her immediate employment opportunities, a high salary and social status are the primary reasons for choosing IT courses compared to going abroad and a comfortable life. Her goal is to work as a software professional in America. Since she belongs to a middle-class family and is the only daughter of her parents, she wanted to work as a software professional in India so that she can also look after her parents. She strongly felt that acquisition of an IT degree will help her to master IT skills in a professional manner and enable her to find good jobs in the IT market and an ideal groom for marriage. Given the chance she would like to pursue a management degree.

The foregoing case study unfolds the middle-class background of parents without strong social networks in the global village. Throughout her life, she studied only at the private educational institutions using English as the medium of instruction. Therefore, medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course are not major problems for her, and this also implies that when a family has a strong economic base it translates into the selection of the best private schools and colleges.

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Summary The analysis of the socioeconomic profile of the students reveals that caste, class, father’s education, income, background and social capital play important roles in accessing IT education. Most of the students enrolled in the IT courses predominantly come from the urban middle class background. In terms of caste, the majority was drawn from the upper caste, followed by the backward communities. The proportion of students from scheduled castes was small and the proportion of students from scheduled tribes was insignificant in this study. Although the findings are based on a sample, we may generalize that this trend is noticeable in IT education and training in Andhra Pradesh as a whole.

CHAPTER FOUR FORMS OF CAPITAL AND PATTERNS OF ACCESS TO IT EDUCATION

Introduction Education is a social process. The development of the education system is very much linked to multiple factors, such as state policy and the economic returns of education. Equally important is the cultural setting of the educational visions of families, and the aspirations of students are conditioned to play an important role in shaping the educational systems of the respective societies in a particular historical context. Having provided the socioeconomic profile of the respondents in the fourth chapter, the present chapter analyses the relationship between social origins and access to IT education.

Religion and Gender Religion is a universally recognized phenomenon, and most societies, ranging from simple to complex, practice and follow a religion. The primary concern of religion is to provide a code of conduct to individuals or social groups through its basic tenets and preaching. As a part of the code of conduct, religion assigns roles to men and women. Some religions reinforce the patriarchal relations and thus assign a secondary place to women. The data in Table 5.1 below indicate that the proportion of respondents of Hinduism is 81%, Muslims 16% and Christians 4%. Although the proportion has a similarity with the national religious affiliations, when it comes to gender the proportion of women is significantly less compared to that of men, cutting across their religions.

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Table 5.1. Religion and gender Gender Hindu % Muslim % Male 109 60 29 85

Christian % 06 75

Total 144

% 64

Female 74

40 05

15

02

81

36

Total

183

100 34

100 08

%

81

15

4

25

100 225

100

100

Among the Hindu respondents, 60% are men and 40% are women. One of the fundamental reasons for a significantly higher proportion of Hindu women could be attributed to the change in mindset or attitudes of the parents towards female education and career corresponding to a changing socioeconomic structure in India as part of globalisation and economic reforms. Further, parents and girls seem to realize that a professionally qualified woman is more likely to have a better chance of getting married to a professional man. The increasing emigration of Indian software professionals to the Western countries has transformed the pattern of preferences in the selection of brides and bridegrooms, and professional IT jobs in particular have transformed the preference and priorities in the selection of mates. One woman respondent approvingly quoted Azim Premji, chairman of WIPRO (a leading software company): “every mother in India wants to see her son or daughter as a software engineer,” and felt that information technology is an important means allowing women to lead independent lives. The chances of better marital alliances improve if the girl acquires qualifications in computer related courses. The proportion of Muslim women enrolled in IT courses is lower compared to Hindu women, and one Muslim woman respondent mentioned her parents’ reservations in continuing her studies: “Due to the religious norms my parents are not interested to send me to the institute, but because of my brother’s support I am continuing.” She also felt that most Muslims are slowly adapting to the changing cultural patterns and hoped that they will change further in the future. As a result of a change in perceptions of education, some Muslim households are sending their male children for IT education with the hope of immediate employment. The proportion of Christian students is much lower compared to the other two religious groups. The process of globalisation has also led

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to the shrinking of employment opportunities in the public sector, and employment generated in the private sector tends to consist of contract jobs without job security. One more change brought about by this process is the rise of service-based jobs, where the women get priority in recruitment. Indira & Nagaraju (1997) pointed out that access to educational opportunities is determined by the gender of the particular individual. Although the expansion of women in the education system is evident, the severe social, economic and cultural constraints act against the utilization of educational opportunities for all women. Further, they also note that while women face some difficulties, the disadvantaged sections such as rural women, women of scheduled castes and tribes and women from orthodox and conservative families bear severe discrimination. The above observation shows the discriminatory attitudes of family members and societies against women in everyday life. Seyed Hasan is a 33-year-old man from the Muslim community. The economic and educational profile of his family reveals that both his father and mother obtained Ph.D degrees and are working as professors in a university college. His brother completed an M. Tech whereas his sister also completed her M.Sc and is working for a private company. He claims that his family belongs to the middle class. His relatives are working for software companies both in India and abroad. The educational background of Hasan reveals that he completed primary and secondary studies in a prestigious Hyderabad Public School. He went to Chennai to pursue his intermediate and undergraduate studies at Madras Christian College. Throughout his studies he gained second class marks, even though he studied in top private educational institutions with English as the medium of instruction. He is a second generation learner because of his parental education and is employed in a public sector organization based in Hyderabad. To perfect the IT skills desired by employers he joined an IT training institute for a short-term course, based on the experiences of his friends and his own motivation. He says that social status, high salaries and immediate employment opportunities are the major driving factors for studying IT courses, compared to the comfortable life. His goal is to settle as a software professional in the USA.

Although he is a Muslim his family enjoys a middle-class status, and he is confident about his job prospects because of his family working as IT professionals. His goal is to settle as an IT professional in the USA. Because of his urban location and middle-class economic status, he wants to reach a top position in an IT company based in the USA. His aspiration to migrate to America reveals the Muslim youth educational strategy of moving beyond the national boundaries and climbing the socioeconomic ladder of the society.

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The Muslim family’s attitude towards the education of their children is undergoing a fundamental transition in the era of liberalization, privatization and globalisation (LPG). As part of a mobility strategy, they tend to encourage their families to enrol in a market-driven technical education degree such as a B/M. Tech. Since both his parents are government employees and he has only one brother, supporting his educational expenditure is not a major problem. M. D. Haleem is a 25-year-old man from a Muslim community. The economic and educational profile of his family reveals that his father is a postgraduate and retired as a superintendent from government service. His mother is a graduate and a homemaker. He has two brothers and sisters, both of whom are graduates and work for private sector jobs. His sister is also pursuing a B.A. He claims that his family belongs to the middle class. None of his relatives are working for software companies either in India or abroad. The educational background of Haleem reveals that he completed primary and secondary studies at a private school in Hyderabad. He also completed his commerce degree in a private college based in Hyderabad. Throughout his studies he gained second class marks, although he studied in private educational institutions with English as the medium of instruction. He is a second-generation learner because of his parents’ education and employment in public sector organizations based in Hyderabad. He came to know about the importance of IT courses through the media and his relatives. He joined a long-term course by paying Rs 18500/- for six months. He says that a comfortable life, immediate employment opportunities and social status are the major driving factors for studying IT courses, compared to high salaries and going abroad. His goal is to settle as a software professional in the USA. Although he hails from a middle-class background, the relatively large family size and the retirement of his father from the government service complicate the economic demands of his family. He felt that it is difficult for his family to support the educational expenses of all his brothers and sisters. Therefore, the family’s economic uncertainty and lack of social networks in the IT field pushed Haleem to search for jobs. In order to help his family he wants to settle as an IT professional in the USA, and due to the lack of opportunities in the government sector he wants to get a job in the IT sector.

The foregoing account reveals that middle-class Muslim families find it difficult to retain their class status due to internal and external factors such as globalization of the economy and prejudices based on social and

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religious affiliations.1 The internal factors are large family size, and lack of proper orientation towards the Western world of opportunities. The external factors are fewer employment opportunities in the government sector, lack of faith in the government sector and the wide gap between the language of family and the market. However, like any other average middle-class Indian youth, Muslim youth also aspires to migrate to America and the West to improve the social status of their families. The patterns of response to education are very much guided by the religious background of the students, and their discourse of religion does play an important role in shaping the direction of education among the multireligious groups in India. The Justice Ranjendra Sachar commission, popularly known as the Sachar Commission,2 revealed the backwardness of Muslims in India in education and their lower level of representation in employment in government and private sectors, compared to the other majority and minority religious groups.

Gender and caste Gender tends to be socially constructed rather than biologically given. Table 5.2 below shows gender and its distribution among different castes. The percentage of male and female respondents in the sample is 64% and 36% respectively. Table 5.2. Gender and Caste

1

Caste

Male

%

Female

%

Total

%

OC

84

58

47

58

131

58

BC

48

33

24

30

72

32

SC

12

9

9

11

21

9

ST Total %

-144

100

1 81

1 100

1 225

0 100

64

36

100

More details may be found in the Sachar Committee report on public prejudices and personal beliefs. 2 Summary of Sachar Committee Report http://www.mfsd.org/sachar/leafletEnglish.pdf/ (accessed April 10, 2013).

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The caste background of women shows a significant variation. The proportion of women in the upper caste category is nearly half that of men. The proportion of Dalit women is more than that of Dalit males. This trend gives the impression that women’s participation in IT education is growing day-by-day across all caste groups, especially for those living in cities. The lower representation of both men and women of the downtrodden castes compared to the upper castes could be attributed to their socioeconomic backwardness due to continuous dependence on traditional occupations which are manual and unskilled and their concentration in rural areas, lack of cultural and social capital, i.e. lack of awareness about the educational system, and lack of education of parents and their economic dependence. These aspects seem to perpetuate the existing inequalities. The proportion of women hailing from urban institutes is significantly greater compared to women from rural areas. It is found that even among the Scheduled Castes and Backward Castes only the urban women are benefiting from the government programs aimed to promote education in general and IT education in particular among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Another reason for the insignificant number of rural women in IT education is due to the concentration of IT training institutes in cities and towns. The present study found only one rural Dalit woman in IT education. P. N. S. Sailaja is an 18 year old belonging to a Backward Class (BC-B) community. She is a second generation learner because her father obtained an M.Sc and works for a university based in Hyderabad. She studied at private schools and colleges in the English medium. Currently, she is pursuing a B. Tech program in GNITS,3 a prestigious Hindu right-wing engineering college based in Hyderabad. Throughout her studies she gained a first class from KG up to undergraduate level. Due to the curriculum demands of her B. Tech course, and peer and family influence, she joined the IT training institute for a short-term course. She says that the immediate employment opportunities are major factors for studying a B. Tech degree, while the opportunity to travel abroad is the second most important, in addition to a comfortable life course and a higher salary. According to her, the future of the world economy and society is linked to IT application; therefore, the future economy is determined by IT degrees. She also felt that a technical degree such as a B/M. Tech has become a critical factor in determining the best matches in the selection of a life partner. The bridegroom, based either in India or abroad, look for a girl with an IT qualification. She also felt that IT brings about quick 3

G. Narayanamma Institute of Technology and Science (For Women), Shaikpet, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, PIN -500008.

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employment with a high salary, enabling a woman to be economically independent. Although she is a BC by caste, her family enjoys middleclass status, and therefore she is confident about her job prospects. Her goal is to settle as an IT professional in Germany. The attitudes of these middle caste/class girls indicate the growing aspirations which go beyond regional and national borders. R. Vijetha is a 23-year-old woman belonging to a Backward Class community (BC-D), which enjoys a relatively higher status among the BC community. Although she is a second generation learner, her family size is , which is higher compared to the ideal family size expected by state and legitimated by the civil society4. Her father works in a public sector industry as a class C employee. She studied in a low fee private school and college with English as the medium of instruction. She is currently pursuing a B. Sc in a conventional arts and science college in Hyderabad. Although an IT syllabus is not part of her studies, she is very interested in acquiring skills which are market driven. Since the social setting of education is organized around IT, lower and middle class students are enrolled in IT training institutes either for long- or short-term courses. She felt that since she belongs to the lower class, it is extremely important for her to find jobs to support her family. Being a girl, she doesn’t want to be a burden for her family. Conventional courses without skills do not open employment opportunities, and therefore it is essential for women from the lower economic class to master IT skills. Dimensions of dowry are also linked to the educational qualification of girls. She felt that girls with IT courses get a concession on the payment of dowry when compared to girls without IT skills. She felt that although she had a relatively better rank in EMCET, her father couldn’t support her admission into private engineering college due to their lower economic position. Since her family size is large compared to other families of one or two children, her father, as the single earning member of the family, has to support all four members.

Therefore, economic position determines the prospects of nature of degree or courses either in formal or non-formal settings. She also felt that by using IT knowledge, she wanted to earn money, support her family and help her parents in educating her other siblings. Although she is a BC by caste, since her family suffers from economic problems due to lower class status, she is worried about her job prospects, though some of her relatives 4 “Memiddaram, Makiddaru (We two, we have two) okarau muddu, iddaru haddu, apai vaddu (one child is the best, two children are ideal, stop after two/Do not go beyond) are the famous slogan declared and popuralized by Ms. Indira Gandhi government during 1970. This policy was viewed within the framework of modernization, development and progress.

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are working as IT professionals. Her goal is to settle as an IT professional in India. The attitudes of this middle caste girl indicate the meaning of education in general and IT education in particular as achieving mobility in society.

Caste and rural/urban origins Table 5.3 below shows the distribution of respondents in terms of rural or urban backgrounds according to caste affiliation. The data indicates that the majority of respondents across all caste groups hail from urban institutes. Table 5.3 Caste and Rural/Urban Caste

Rural

%

Urban

%

Total

%

OC

38

50

93

62

131

58

BC

33

43

39

26

72

32

SC

5

7

16

11

21

9

ST

0

0

1

1

Total

76

%

34

100

0

149

1 225

66

100

100

This clearly demonstrates that members who belong to different caste groups living in cities and towns seem to take advantage of IT education. However, one significant feature is that a significant proportion of students belonging to the upper castes and backward castes from rural areas. One may say that awareness of the employment potential of information technology has been realised by upper and backward castes living in rural and urban areas. In the case of Dalits and tribals, awareness is confined to urban areas only, implying that some measures are required to make IT education accessible to groups living in rural areas in general and among rural Dalits and tribes in particular. In Andhra Pradesh the government agencies such as a Backward Close Corporation and Scheduled Caste Corporation created a conducive environment to provide financial assistance to downtrodden communities. The rural Dalits are lagging behind in acquiring IT education opportunities. It is also observed that lack of awareness about the governmental agencies,

Forms of Capital and Patterns of Access to IT Education

143

like Scheduled Caste corporations and social welfare society schemes meant for Dalits, limits their opportunities. One more reason for a smaller proportion of students from rural backgrounds is the lack of formal education or the lower level of education of the parents. This does not increase awareness about the significant relation between the educational streams and their implications for employment, whereas in urban areas this is not the case. Among the students pursuing IT education, those belonging to the upper castes and urban sections are proportionately greater. Although the Dalit and backward caste students from rural backgrounds qualify for IT education conducted by the SC and BC corporations through the entrance examination, the inability to meet the daily travel expenses limits their access. One SC student hailing from a village near Gudivada of Krishna district, said: “In our batch 15 students were selected for coaching, among them 5 had to travel for 40 km up and down (every day), after 5 days of coaching only one of them is attending classes, and the remaining students stopped attending.” One BC student hailing from a village mentioned that: “Every day I travel for 60 km to attend computer education classes, the journey is terrible, and takes a lot of time. It is difficult for us (rural students) to extract maximum benefits from this opportunity provided by the government.” S. R. Saraswathi, aged 20, belongs to a Hindu upper caste, and he was born and brought up in a city. The family profile of Saraswathi reveals that her father is a B. Tech graduate engaged in business, and her mother is a graduate and a homemaker. Her sister is a B. Sc student interested in studying life sciences instead of engineering. Her family owns 12 acres of land, and she claims a middle-class status for them, as her father’s business is very rewarding. She said that some of her relatives are working as software professionals. The educational journey of Saraswathi reveals that she completed her primary and secondary schooling in one of the famous Christian Missionary schools, popularly known as Xavier’s, a public school based in Hyderabad with teaching in the English language. She has chosen the private Junior College in Hyderabad, for an MPC course. After completing her intermediate she enrolled in a B. Sc in computer science in Hyderabad. Throughout her studies she gained first class marks, and has studied only in the English medium. Her father is doing well in business, and therefore she doesn’t have a financial burden which prevents her from studying. Although she is pursuing a B. Sc, because of her friends’ motivation and advice from her brothers and sisters, she chose to study an IT course for three months. She said that immediate employment opportunities, high salary and a comfortable life are some of the major factors for studying her courses. She strongly felt that one has to acquire good knowledge on the subject to find a good job in the market. Given the

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The foregoing case study unfolds the relative privileges enjoyed by urban middle class girls compared to rural areas. Throughout her life she studied in the best educational institutions which demand money and parental attention, and the medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course are not major problems for her. This also implies the middle class family strategies to educate the children as per the demands of the market. She felt that only degrees such as a B/M. Tech guarantee jobs compared to diplomas, even in the critical phases of the market. Yogendra Singh (1988), while talking about the transformation of Indian society, mentioned that unequal changes in rural and urban areas are responsible for the continuation of educational inequality. On the whole the opportunities for education are neither equal, nor open to all. Even the educational institutions are ranked hierarchically, with respect to the quality and standard of education. N. N. Jayaram (1990) observed that it is a common phenomenon that most of the prestigious educational institutions with very good equipment tend to be biased in favour of students from urban areas, though the urban population is smaller in comparison to the rural communities. Further, he adds that the advantages of the urbanites are becoming a barrier for rural students. Latently, this has the effect of insulating the educational facilities from being absorbed by the latter. With regard to finance and networks, urban people have a decisive edge over their rural counterparts, in addition to the problems arising from their migration to cities to pursue education.

Caste and parental education The educational background of parents plays a significant role in the availability of access to education. Here, an effort is made to understand the relation between educational qualification and caste affiliation of the parents.

5

1

-

8

4

BC

SC

ST

Total

%

100

13

63

25

%

12

26

-

1

7

18

SE

100

4

27

69

%

48

108

1

8

29

70

Gra

100

1

7

27

65

%

30

67

-

8

25

34

PG

Primary education, Secondary education, Graduation, post- Graduation, PG+.

2

OC

1

PE

Caste

Table 5.4. Caste and father’s educational qualifications1

100

12

37

51

%

7

16

-

3

6

7

PG+

Forms of Capital and Patterns of Access to IT Education

100

19

38

44

%

100

225

1

21

72

131

Total

100

0

9

32

58

%

145

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Table 5.4 shows the distribution of respondents’ fathers’ education qualifications in terms of caste background. In chapter four we saw that the majority of students’ fathers had a higher educational background. Table 5.4 shows that the majority of the students belong to the upper caste and their fathers are highly educated. Out of 131 students who belong to the upper caste, 104 reported that their fathers’ educational level is a bachelor’s degree and above. In the case of backward caste students, the majority reported that their fathers’ education is bachelor degree level. In the case of SC students, the majority reported that their fathers’ educational level was bachelors and above. This shows that the SC students had taken advantage of protective discrimination to achieve higher levels of education. In the case of the single ST student, his father had a bachelor’s degree level education. It indicates that irrespective of caste background, the students hail from highly educated households. To understand the pertinent role of parental educational impact, we quote the statement of two female students whose parents’ qualifications vary significantly. The contrast becomes evident, and one woman student whose father is a B. Tech graduate and happened to be CEO of one private firm felt that: “IT education is essential for the development of women to lead independent lives. My father, right from the beginning, used to discuss the IT industry development, IT jobs and their potential.” This motivated her to study IT. On the other hand, another student from a rural background, whose father had a primary-level education, felt that: “I have undertaken IT education from the advice of a counsellor at the IT education centre. I am doing a basic course in this IT Centre, it is very difficult to understand the jargon and operation of the programs.” B. Ramachandra, aged 23, belongs to the Hindu BC-B community, and was born and raised in a rural background. His family history reveals that his father completed intermediate education, and his mother studied up to primary school. His brother completed his M.Sc and his sister has an M.A and B. Ed Degree and is now working as a teacher in a government school. His family owns the cultivable land in the village, and his father works as a Sarpanch (village president), the top post in the village. He belongs to a middle-class background. He completed his primary and secondary education in government schools located in rural areas with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He chose to study CEC for his intermediate in a private college based in a rural area teaching in Telugu. He completed his undergraduate B. Com degree in a government college located in an urban area, but continued with Telugu as the medium of instruction. His performances in schools and colleges are not up to the mark. On average, he gained second class results in all government examinations. He said that his parents, relatives and friends encouraged him to study IT courses. He

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felt that immediate employment was one of the major reasons for choosing IT, followed by a comfortable life and a high salary. He wanted to become an expert in computer programs; he also felt that he is facing a number of problems with reference to the medium of instruction, and subject-related problems. The issue is that although he hails from a relatively better economic and political position, due to studies in Telugu medium caused multiple problems in understanding and learning.

The above two cases show the contrast in the awareness of students regarding IT education. Lareau (1997) claims, that the impact of family background on children’s education is most effective and explains that social class is a major predictor of educational and occupational achievement. Educational institutions play a crucial role in the process of social reproduction, and sort students into social categories, awarding credentials and opportunities for mobility (Collins 1979).

Place of Schooling Table 5.5 below shows that 30% of the respondents were educated in rural areas and 70% in urban areas. A similar trend is observed at the secondary education level. There is a similarity found between all caste groups in primary and secondary education levels, although the upper caste students proportion is greater, the variation is relative, not absolute. It is observed that there is a significant shift towards urban settings at the intermediate and Bachelor degree levels. Table 5.5 above shows that most students in the study have been studying in urban settings. The data reveal that almost 85% of students at intermediate level and 92% at degree level studied in city-based colleges. One of the reasons for this trend is the location of reputed colleges run either by state or private management in cities and towns. Infrastructure and the maintenance of the city-based educational institutions are better than those in small towns and rural areas. With the improvements in transport facilities, well-to-do rural households are sending their children to the nearby towns and cities by state buses or school-charted buses. Some households send their children to residential schools based in cities. Another arrangement is the rural household moving to a nearby town and staying in rented houses to educate their children in English medium schools, which are considered to be better than the government-run schools. A similar kind of trend is also observed among the Backward Classes. It is clear that the middle class is emerging in rural areas, particularly among the upper castes. Going to the urban areas for intermediate degree education is more pronounced among all the sections, cutting across their caste and class origins.

4

-

68 30

SC

ST

Total

100

6

43

70

157

1

17

43

100

1

11

27

61

%

Note: NA—Not answered or not applicable

29

BC

96

Urban

16

35

0

2

21

12

100

0

6

60

34

%

Rural

51

%

Rural

35

Intermediate

Primary Education

OC

Caste

84

189

1

19

51

119

Urban

Chapter Four

Table 5.5. Caste and place of study at different stages

148

1

10

27

63

%

8

14

0

0

8

6

Rural

Degree

57

43

%

92

159

1

17

48

92

Urban

1

11

30

58

%

23

52

0

4

15

33

NA

%

100

8

29

63

Forms of Capital and Patterns of Access to IT Education

149

The following case highlights the role of social background, habitus, schooling experiences and social stigma in mediating the educational journey of physically disabled persons. S. Rajendra Kumar, aged 29, belongs to the Hindu religion and the Kamma community, and was born and brought up in a rural area. The family history of Rajendra reveals that his father studied up to class three, whereas his mother completed primary education. He is the only child of his parents, who own 20 acres of land. He claims that he belongs to a rural middle class. His father is engaged in agriculture in the native village, Chittor. Based on the social ranking and land holdings, we can say that he constitutes the class of rural elite. In spite of his relative affluence, he studied in government schools and colleges up to graduation with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He moved to a city to pursue a master of arts degree in one of the elite universities in Hyderabad, the capital city of Andhra Pradesh, and for the first time in his life was exposed to education with English as the medium of instruction. The educational account of Rajendra reveals that he underwent an ideological crisis, which is the outcome of multiple factors. He suffers from a disability and studies, arts subjects in Telugu, being very poor at English. The admission into an elite central university, instead of boosting his morale, created an inferiority complex on the basis of body and language. He never achieved first class marks throughout his educational journey, indicating that he has faced multiple hurdles for all these reasons. On the other hand, he takes pride in his caste status.

Since he is older compared to his classmates, his personal convictions about the coursework as a means of employment, inspired him to join IT training institutes. This is where he acknowledges the role of his friends in guiding and showing him the path to the knowledge society. Therefore, he joined long-term training courses (four in total) for thirty months, paying Rs 40,000/- for this training (a very large amount for a student who hails from a rural background without a permanent job). The rationale behind joining the institute was to gain comprehensive knowledge of IT and logical analytical skills. However, as part of his training, he faced problems such as understanding the logic of technical issues, analytical applications and implications, and mastering communication problems. On the one hand, he joined the IT institute in great hope, and at that juncture (post 2001) there was a major crisis in the world economy which affected the IT industry badly. His aim is to settle in India as a software professional. Given the chance, he would like to study management. None of his relatives are working in the software industry, either in India or abroad. His parents are supporting his educational expenditure, and he feels ashamed of being

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supported by his parents at this age. The case of Rajendra reveals the patterns of unemployment among educated youth in general and the rural youth in particular. The deprivation index dominates the social capital index. Though he belongs to a dominant caste, owns land, and is the only child of his parents, his disability and studies in rural areas in Telugu, the poor educational background of his family members and the lack of social network tend to widen the gap between his aspirations to become an IT worker. Therefore, the rural youth who are deprived of multiple forms of capital, including linguistic, symbolic and cultural codes, tend to be denied entry and access to the fruits of the knowledge economy in the era of globalisation. Shah & Shah (1998) highlight how the class and caste variations differentiate access to educational opportunities. The upper class students, starting from the school level, pay very high fees to study in private schools. From there they prefer to do professional education in medicine, engineering or other professional courses, moving into management and technological institutes for their postgraduate education. This class prefers English-medium educational institutes at all levels, and most of them prefer to go abroad for jobs. The middle-class children join schools that charge moderate fees. Most of the children from these sections tend to pursue a bachelor’s degree in arts, commerce, science, law, agriculture, etc. Some groups in the middle class prefer medicine, engineering and other professional courses, and very few joins diploma courses. The majority in this section learns in the regional medium, and some of them in English. A limited number of children from the lower class, join diploma courses, short-term technical certificate level courses, or degree courses in arts, commerce and science, and very few go for professional medical or engineering colleges (Shah & Shah 1998). This trend signifies that these (underprivileged) sections want the state to remain a major provider of higher education. The students of the upper-caste seem to be gradually shifting towards private and foreign training institutions. The study observed that irrespective of the caste background, most of the students at intermediate (10+2) and bachelor’s degree levels were educated in citybased colleges.

51

34

13

-

98

OC

BC

SC

ST

T

100

13

35

52

%

56

125

1

8

37

78

E

100

1

6

30

62

%

1

2

-

-

-

2

U

100

100

%

0

1

-

-

-

1

H

100

225

1

21

71

132

To

26

58

-

8

25

25

T

100

14

43

43

%

73

165

1

13

46

105

E

Intermediate

100

1

8

28

64

%

0.5

1

-

-

-

1

H

100

100

%

0.5

1

-

-

-

1

U

T-Telugu, E-English, U-Urdu, H-Hindi, To-Total, N: Not applicable/Not answered

44

T

Caste

Primary education

100

100

%

Table 5.6. Caste and medium of instruction in different stages of education

100

225

1

21

71

132

To

Forms of Capital and Patterns of Access to IT Education

14

33

-

5

14

14

T

%

100

15

42

42

Degree

62

139

1

12

43

83

E

1

9

31

% 60

1

1

-

-

-

1

H

100

100

%

23

52

-

4

15

33

N

100

225

1

21

72

131

To

151

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The present study shows that there is a gradual shift towards English from regional languages as a medium of instruction as students move to higher levels of education. According to the data, 43% of respondents learned in Telugu and 55% in English. The Urdu and Hindi students’ proportion are nominal at primary level; 41% of the respondents had a Telugu-language background and 57% had an English-language background at secondary education level, while the proportion of Urdu and Hindi medium students is insignificant at this level. A degree of variation was observed regarding the medium of instruction at intermediate degree level. The data indicate that 26% of respondents had Telugu as medium of instruction, whereas 73% used English at intermediate level. At the undergraduate level the proportion of respondents who used English is greater compared to those who studied in a regional language, as almost 80% of students used English and only 20% used Telugu as a medium of instruction. There is a significant relationship between caste and the medium of instruction, and it was observed that amongst all caste groups, those who studied in English are higher than those who studied in a regional language. The trend indicates that most of the students, irrespective of background, are shifting priority towards the English medium. This trend is much more pronounced at the intermediate and bachelor degree levels. The following case highlights the critical role of language in guiding the educational and employment trajectories of people across castes and classes in Andhra Pradesh. P. Nageswara Rao, aged 22, hails from one of the villages in the Krishna district of Andhra Pradesh. He belongs to one of the backward castes named BC-A, and was born and raised in a rural area. The social and educational trajectory of the Nageswara Rao’s family reveals that his father completed class three and works as a landless agricultural labourer, whereas his mother is an illiterate who is also a labourer. His family doesn’t own any land in his native village, Appikatla. The educational profile of Nageswara Rao reveals that he completed his primary and secondary education in one of the local MPP Government schools with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He chose to study MPC in the regional private aided ANR College with Telugu as the medium of instruction. He has chosen to study a B. Sc in S C S Kalasala, located in Gudlavalleru in the Krishna district. The medium of instruction throughout his educational journey has primarily been Telugu. He came to know about the IT training through a BC corporation newspaper advertisement. Since he comes from an extremely poor background, he had the chance to enter the corporate IT training institute with the support of the BC Corporation.

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He says that IT training will help him in finding a job. He joined in the long-term course PGDCA and paid more than Rs 7, 000/-. The rationale for the study is to develop computer knowledge used for future jobs. He found it extremely difficult to understand the English language. He said that due to prior exposure, science helped him to follow the technical aspects of the IT courses. None of his family members are working as software professionals either in India or in Europe and the USA. He said that the rationale behind the selection of B. Tech and IT courses is selfmotivation only, but that a friend also played an important role in shaping the decision. The immediate employment opportunities, a high salary and a comfortable life are the major factors of influence, compared to going abroad and social status. He strongly believes that the IT industry has the potential to expand the employment opportunities for Indian youth. Given the chance he would like to study physical sciences. He wants to settle as a software professional in India and help his parents. He strongly felt that IT has the potential to change family statuses.

The foregoing account reveals the struggles of students of landless labouring class parents who are interested in studying IT degrees. This case reveals the strategies used by the poor students to access the most popular courses, such as IT. Students of this kind pay half of the total fee. Therefore, to meet the demands of the markets the parents work hard and save money towards the educational expenses of their children. Thus, the role of the state is critical in the case of students from such backgrounds. The availability of study material in English, parents’ support of the students’ education and perceptions of English as an international language are the major sources of inspiration for joining English-medium educational institutions. The proportion of scheduled caste students using Telugu at different stages is greater than those of other caste groups. However, among Dalits more students at intermediate and bachelor degree levels pursue education in the English medium. D’Sousa (1980) pointed out that it is exclusively the children of the urban upper strata who avail public school education and are benefiting from English-medium education. On the whole, the public schools and English-medium education help the students of the upper strata to extend their parent’s privileges and stabilize their status at the highest level. As discussed in the literature review earlier, Kumar (1997) clearly mentioned that language plays an important role in understanding the concepts and the intended and unintended meanings associated with it. The upper caste and middle class, due to their specialization in the primary stages of education, continue college and university education in English without difficulty. However, the lower caste and lower or working class students, because of their non-academic household backgrounds, find

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it difficult to grasp the designed and structured curriculum of educational institutions. Since the medium of IT education is English, it is very difficult for students educated in the vernacular languages to cope with the new language in higher education. According to a student who came to Vijayawada from a rural area, and is pursuing IT course: “here, the medium of instruction is English, due to which I am not able to understand the lessons properly, and another problem is the jargon of IT education, which is very technical.” Bernstein (1970) observed that the middle and higher-class family language codes are similar to the language codes taught in the educational institutions. The working class language symbols are not similar to the textual language; because of this, most of the working class students fail to do well in the examination system. Table 5.7. Class and caste distribution of students Caste

OC BC

Upper Class F % 08 73 03 27

Middle Class F 119 65

SC

--

ST Total

-11

100

% 60 32.5

Lower Class F % 04 26.5 04 26.5

Total F 131 72

% 58.2 32

14

7

07

47

21

9.3

01 199

0.5 100

-15

100

01 225

0.5 100

F—Frequency

In the present study, respondents were asked to identify the social class to which they belong. Accordingly, the students indicated their class background as per their perceptions about their household economic condition. The study found a close relation between their caste and class statuses. Regarding the relation between caste and class, 73% of the upper class respondents belong to the upper castes while 27% of the higher-class respondents belong to backward castes, whereas no scheduled caste respondents placed themselves in this category. Within the middle class, 60% of the respondents hail from the upper castes, 29% of the respondents belong to backward castes, and 7% belong to the scheduled castes, and the representation of scheduled tribes is negligible.

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The middle classes of all the castes seem to attach a great deal of importance to IT education. The important motivational factors are the relatively high salaries offered by the software companies, showing that the economic prospects literally lured the students in, cutting across the classes and castes. The middle class in all the caste groups is the vanguard of IT education. The employment prospects outside of India, particularly in America and Europe, seem to motivate the students to pursue IT education as they enhance one’s prestige among relatives, castes and village communities. Furthermore, the institution of marriage seems to be transforming from a sacred to pragmatic contract. Both the bride’s and groom’s parties prefer an alliance with a boy or girl who has acquired IT education, and prospective brides favour grooms employed abroad. Most of the young women learn computer courses as an additional qualification with a view to enhancing their marriage prospects. V. Shanthi, aged 18, belongs to a Hindu upper caste, and was born and raised in a city. The family profile of Shanthi reveals that her father studied up to B. Sc, B. Ed and is working as a teacher in a government school. She claims that her family belongs to the middle class. She said that none of her relatives are working as software professionals. The educational journey of Shanthi reveals that she completed her schooling, including intermediate, in one of the best missionary schools, called Atkinson Higher Secondary School, Vijayawada, which charges a relatively high fee. After completing her intermediate, she enrolled in a B. Com in Gandhi Mahila Kalasala, Vijayawada, studying in English. Throughout her studies she gained first class marks. Since she is an only child, her family did not face any economic problems in supporting her education. While she was pursuing her B. Com degree, she enrolled in the DISM course for twelve months by paying Rs17000/- to an Aptech training centre in Vijayawada. The rationale behind joining an IT course was primarily motivated by her parents and friends. She said that immediate employment opportunities, a high salary and going abroad are the major factors for studying IT. She strongly felt that either an M. Tech/MCA or B. Tech, or the acquisition of IT courses, help them in finding good jobs in the IT market. Given the chance she would like to pursue a commerce degree. Her goal is to work as a software professional in America.

The foregoing case study unfolds the educational and economic base of her family. Since she is an only child she enjoys an advantage when compared to other students. Throughout her life she studied in some of the best private English-medium educational institutions, which charge a high fee. Therefore, the medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course are not major problems for her, implying that she belongs to the middle class. The middle class family strategy for educating

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girls as per the demands of the market comprises enrolling them in the best private educational institutions which charge high fees. She felt that only the basic degrees, such as a B/M. Tech, guarantee jobs, compared to diplomas even in critical phases of the market. A. Prameela, aged 24, belongs to an ex-untouchable caste named Madiga, and is Christian, being born and raised in a city. The family profile of Prameela reveals that her father studied PUC and works as a class four employee in a government office. Her mother studied up to class eight and works as a homemaker. She has two brothers who have completed their studies, one of whom works as a doctor in a private hospital, and the other as a clerk in a government bank. Her sister also works as a doctor in a government hospital. She claims that her family belongs to the middle class. Some of her relatives are working as software professionals in TCS Hyderabad. The educational journey of Ms. Prameela reveals that she completed her schooling in one of the missionary aided schools with Telugu as medium of instruction. She completed her intermediate with MPC in one of the local private colleges, and gained admission to a B. Tech at GITAM University based in Vishakapatnam, which she passed with second class marks. Although she has a large family, her parents never faced severe economic problems due to the employment of her siblings, and her siblings also supported her education. After completing her B. Tech she enrolled in an integrated course, which is a ten month, long-term course. The fee of Rs 29,000/- was provided by an SC corporation. The rationale behind joining an IT course was primarily motivated by her parents and friends. She said that a comfortable life, the immediate employment opportunities, and a high salary are more important compared to going abroad and social status. She strongly felt that either an M. Tech/MCA or B. Tech, or the acquisition of any IT Degree, help in finding good jobs in the IT market. Given the chance she would like to pursue a management degree. Her goal is to work as a software professional in India.

The foregoing case study reveals the transition from the educational and economic backwardness of her family over a generation. Although she is one among the five children of her parents she didn’t find it difficult to support her studies. Despite studying in local private Telugu-medium educational institutions, which charge low fees, she couldn’t gain a first class result throughout her entire life. Therefore, the medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course constitutes major problems for her. This also relates to some of the Dalit families which, despite their large size, evolve strategies to face difficulties in life and make use of the state welfare provisions. IT education has become more relevant for women in securing economic and social security for their

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future. Brown (1997), while talking about class stratification and access to education, argues that social elites have continued to leverage the benefits of private education throughout the twentieth century, and the same trend continues even today. The demand to equip their offspring with academic credentials has been gaining momentum day by day, and the demand for academic credentials has been constantly growing among the middle classes. Bourdieu & Bottanski (1978) observe that: The combined transformation of the system of the means of reproduction (and in particular the system of inheritance) and of the method of appropriation of economic profit is the source of the intensified use made of the education system by those sections of the ruling and middle classes who previously assumed positions by the direct transformation of economic capital. Consequently, it is also the origin of the steady inflation of academic qualifications, a process triggered off and constantly maintained by their correlative devaluation. This is to impose on all classes and class fractions, beginning with greatest users of schools, a continued intensification of their use of the school.

In other words, the process of recruitment adopted by corporations and organizations necessarily demands an enhanced skill-set, and has resulted in a growing demand for certification among the middle class to reproduce their social advantages. The foregoing account states that in India the middle class across the castes has begun to attach a great deal of importance to IT education. Most of the Dalits in the study generally found in the lower class had the opportunity to pursue IT education courses with the support of the SC Corporation. The same trend is also apparent among the students of backward castes hailing from rural villages, and in the 27% of the upper caste respondents belonging to the lower class. N. Jayaram (1990) points out that the government policies gave much importance to education, with special emphasis on the education of women, and the Schedule Caste and Tribes. However, they are being neglected in the execution of the same programs. The education system tends to be organized in a cultural environment. According to this, the lower class children experience many hurdles in coping with the education institutional requirements, whereas the children of higher and middle classes, under the sympathetic guidelines and supervision of their parents, are easily accommodated in the institutional setup (Shah & Shah 1998). The Nehruvian socialist mode of economic development assigned a predominant role to state patronized industries, and consequently a large chunk of people gained employment opportunities in the civil services, industry and both the public and private sectors over time, which resulted

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in the emergence of a strong middle class in the Indian society. This whole process resulted in the accumulation of considerable power, both economic and cultural, by the middle class: B. Geetha, aged 18, belongs to the Hindu upper (Brahmin) caste, and was born and raised in towns and cities. The educational trajectory of her family reveals that her father is a B. Com graduate working as a group-B officer in a government sector company. She claims that her family belongs to the middle class, and some of her relatives are working as software professionals. The educational journey of Geetha reveals that she completed her primary and secondary schooling in a famous Hindu Missionary school called Baratiya Vidya Bhavan, popularly known as Bhavans, a public school based in Hyderabad teaching in English. Latterly, she has chosen to study at the Narayana Jr College, Hyderabad, for an MPC course. After completing her intermediate she enrolled in a B. Tech in Sredevi engineering college for graduation. Throughout her studies she gained first class marks. Since she comes from a nuclear family and her father is a central government employee, her economic demands are assured. Although she is pursuing a B. Tech, because of her friends’ motivation and advice she chose to study IT courses for six months. She said that a high salary, the immediate employment opportunities, and a comfortable life are some of the major factors for studying B. Tech and mastering IT skills. Given the chance she would like to pursue management courses. Her goal is to work as a software professional in India. Therefore, medium of instruction and understanding the basic structure of a course are not major problems for her. This also implies that the middle class families, educate their children as per the demands of the market. She felt that only the basic degrees, such as a B/M. Tech, guarantee jobs compared to diplomas, even in the critical phases of the economy.

The foregoing case study unfolds the relative privileges enjoyed by urban middle class girls compared to those in rural areas. Throughout her life she has studied in the best educational institutions which demand both money and parental attention. Table 5.8 shows that a high number of respondents (58%) reported their fathers’ income as being between Rs 5,000–15,000, followed by the students whose fathers earn less than 5,000. The respondents belonging to relatively higher groups constitute 13% of the total sample whose monthly income is between Rs 15,000–25,000 per month. The trends suggest that the middle and upper middle-income groups have shown a keener interest in IT education than other educational streams.

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Table 5.8. Caste and the monthly income of Family Income/ (In Rupees)/ Caste