Eating & Being. The Gastronomic Roots of Mexico 9786078187379, 1071191241

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eating & being The Gastronomic Roots of Mexico

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There is no one in this world who does not need to eat and drink, because ev­ eryone has a stomach and guts…

Food is a fundamental pillar in the edifice of every culture. Eating transcends its primary function of supplying the body with nutrients to become an act endowed with multiple and profound meanings. Each civilization has learned to recognize the ingredients available in its surroundings and conceived various ways of preparing them, while also assigning them specific cultural symbols. Through food, human groups give concrete expression to their way of understanding life, developing their own tastes that distinguish them from other groups. Maize, at the heart of the Mesoamerican worldview, was man’s origin and his future. Speaking of the animals, plants, fruits and minerals in ancient Mexico evokes the links that bound the individual with the universe. The Fundación Cultural Armella Spitalier and the Universidad Iberoamericana wish to pay homage to our culinary roots by recognizing in our gastronomic heritage the sensibility that interconnected the pre-Hispanic peoples and that remains a fundamental part of our identity today.

Eating and Being: The Gastronomic Roots of Mexico Published in connection with the exhibition Eating and Being: The Gastronomic Roots of Mexico. January 27, 2011–May 31, 2011. Galería Andrea Pozzo, Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico City campus. November 23, 2011- March 25, 2012, Museo de Historia Mexicana, Monterrey.

First Spanish edition: 2012 First English edition: 2013 © CACCIANI, S.A. de C.V. Prol. Calle 18 N° 254 Col. San Pedro de los Pinos 01180 México, D.F. + 52 (55) 5273 2397 | + 52 (55) 5273 2229 [email protected] | www.fundacionarmella.org ISBN: 978-607-8187-37-9 All Rights Reserved. Reproduction of this work in whole or in part, in any medium and by any method, is prohibited without the authorization of the copyright holders.

Exhibition curatorship and museography Carlos Villanueva research Jiapsy Arias Vicente Camacho Miguel Ángel Marín design Alexandra Suberville coordination Paulina Franch Catalogue eBook editorial coordinator Nathalie Armella Valeria Armella texts Nathalie Armella Vicente Camacho Paulina Franch Carlos Villanueva english translation Rose Vekony art direction Emmanuel Hernández Alexandra Suberville layout and design  Berenice Ceja cover design Berenice Ceja

All of us who are part of the Fundación Cultural Armella Spitalier feel very privileged to present this exhibition in our beloved Monterrey, and also proud to bring to the Museo de Historia Mexicana this display of who we are and the legacy our ancestors have left to the world. For it is our Mesoamerican products, and the rich tradition in which they have been prepared over history, that have elevated Mexican cuisine to the status of an “Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity,” a distinction granted by unesco. Today’s Mexican cuisine is the same one the conquistadors knew, and also the one that gave rise to many of our traditions. For all these reasons, we wish to share the fascinating collection that gives testimony to this wonder, particularly now, at a time when Mexico needs to restore its national pride, the essence of its being and its roots. I am immensely grateful for this opportunity, and I most sincerely hope that every visitor will enjoy this exhibition.

Carlos Armella Sánchez Presidente of the Fundación Cultural Armella Spitalier

CONTENTS MAN, FOOD, AND THE GODS Chicomecoatl Tlaloc The God of Maize



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RITES AND OFFERINGS

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CROP CULTIVATION

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COMMERCE AND TRADE

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FOOD VARIETY

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PROCESSING OF FOODS

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FOODS AND DISHES IN THE PRE-HISPANIC WORLD Meals for the Commoners Meals for the Nobles and Lords Ceremonial Foods FOODS AND DEATH

Credits Bibliography Acknowledgments Photography Acknowledgments

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MAN, FOOD, AND THE GODS

White maize and yellow maize were used to make the arms and legs of the four men who were created. Then the grandmoth­ er Ixmukané ground the cobs and made nine jars of a drink. From this food came the strength of men.

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Food, an indispensable component of all cultural activities that made up the pre-Hispanic world, was used in offerings to the deities and tributes to the lords; it was a sign of hospitality, a peace offering, accompanying man from birth to death. In ancient Mexico, food constituted a nexus between humans and gods. Teotl, “divine energy,” was the supreme essence that appeared in various forms; its force permeated the universe and ruled nature. In the agricultural calendar, each phase of the maturation of maize was honored with a specific Teotl; among the Mexicas, the principal ones were Centeotl and ­Chicomecoatl.

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Xilonen Her name means “the shaggy one” in allusion to the beard that sweet maize has.

Chico

me

coatl

The majority of pre-Hispanic cultures had at least one god of maize. Archaeological evidence found among the remains of each group demonstrates their reverence toward the plant that was their main source of nourishment. Curiously, in several Mesoamerican cemeteries different gods mark the distinction between young maize and mature maize. The Mexicas, for example, had Xilonen as the goddess of jilote or sweet maize; Centeotl as the god of maize proper, with Chicomecoatl as his female counterpart (also associated with fertility); and Ilamatecuhtli, the goddess of mature maize. 12

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Tla

loc

Tlaloc, the god of rain, descended from the heavens to fertilize the maize fields. He was feared for his rage, which could provoke storms and hail. The ceremonies in his honor included the sacrifice of children to appeal for water and a ritual that consisted of hitting women with sacks filled with hay to make them cry and thereby simulate rain. Tlaloc and his helpers, the tlaloque, lived in the paradise known as Tlalocan, which is depicted in the famous mural of Tepantitla, in the archaeological zone of Teotihuacan.

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The

God of

Maize

The scene depicted in this piece is made up of three parts: on top, an area painted orange; below this, a pseudo-glyphic inscription; and in the third part, an image of two semianthropomorphic cobs of maize and various precious symbols. Although it is possible to identify the glyphs on this vessel, the inscription does not form a linguistic text. One of the heads in the third part of the scene has a grain and two leaves, while the other head has only one leaf; in both cases, the leaves emerge from the side of the head.

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RITES AND OFFERINGS

The fourth month they called uey tozoztli. During this month they cele­ brated the feast of the god of the maize fields, called Cinteotl, and the goddess of sustenance, called Chicomecoatl.

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Monthly festivals were held to honor the various gods in accordance with the agricultural calendar; special foods were prepared for each occasion, or offerings were made, in which the penitents would ask the gods for rain and good harvests. Some of these rituals have become deep-rooted traditions observed in Mexico to this day.

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Ceremonial cup used to offer pulque and other drinks to the gods. 18

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Incense burner with a figure attached in front. The association between smoke and food was important among pre-Hispanic groups because smoke allowed mortals to share the aroma of food; it carried the essence of their dishes to the gods. 19

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In the pre-Hispanic worldview there was a god of maize for each corner of the universe: XIUHTOCENTEOTL God of red maize IZTACCENTEOTL Goddess of white maize COZTICCENTEOTL God of yellow maize YAUHCENTEOTL God of black maize

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CROP CULTIVATION Who was it that said, that called maize our body, our bones? For it is Our Sustenance, our life, our being. It is walking, moving, delighting, rejoicing. For in truth Our Sustenance is alive. Very rightly it is said that it is that which com­ mands, governs, conquers... Solely by virtue of our sustenance, Tona­ cayotl, maize, does the earth endure, does the world live, do we populate the world.

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About four thousand four hundred years ago, indigenous farmers discovered that if they planted squash, maize, and beans in the same plot, the plants grew better. Thus originated the so-called “Mesoamerican triad”—milpa to the Nahua groups and kool to the Mayas. The first plant to be domesticated in Mesoamerica was squash, ten thousand years ago. Although all parts of the squash were used, the seeds were the most versatile element; their use is documented in a great variety of dishes. Since the ­pre-Hispanic era squash, together with beans and maize, has been part of the agricultural ecosystem known as milpa. 23

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Maize, at the heart of the Mesoamerican worldview, was man’s origin and his future: the basis of his nourishment and the cornerstone of his religions, it manifested the links connecting the individual to the cosmos. The maize plant was domesticated from teosinte, a wild species native to Mexico. It was subsequently modified through selective manipulation until it became the plant that we know today.

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Beans were the last component of the milpa to be domesticated, and their importance for this crop system lies in the high content of certain amino acids that maize lacks. Few sources refer to the preparation and consumption of beans in the pre-Hispanic era, but codices of the tributary administration reveal that beans were frequently used in payment of taxes.

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In order to adapt to the climate and soil conditions, pre-Hispanic cultures developed various methods of cultivation: Slash and burn: cutting down the vegetation, letting it dry, and burning it to fertilize the soil. Irrigation: construction of irrigation canals. Terraces: graduated steps on slopes to retain rainwater and optimize irrigation. Chinampas: manmade islands in lakes, wetlands, and marshes. 26

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COMMERCE AND TRADE […] Since we arrived at the great plaza, which is called Tlatelolco […], we have marveled at the multitude of people and merchandise within it and the great harmony and order in which everything was arranged; each type of merchandise was presented sepa­ rately, and its place was assigned and marked […] and in this way there were as many types of merchandise as found in all of New Spain.

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Pre-Hispanic markets were known for the wide variety of products they sold; these could be had either by barter or by means of distinctive objects that served as money. Called tianquiztli in Nahuatl, the markets were governed by strict norms regulating commerce and were overseen by officials in charge of assuring order. Several extant descriptions of the great market of Tlatelolco give us an idea of its magnitude, with both local products and those from faraway regions being sold. Some present-day tianguis (open-air markets) retain an essence reminiscent of the ancient tian­ quiztli. Thanks to them we can imagine what that world of aromas, colors, and flavors was like. 29

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I would have wished to finish telling of all the things that were sold there, [but] because there were so many, of such various kinds, that in order to see and examine it all, given that the great plaza was filled with so many people and all surrounded by arcades, in two days one would still not see everything.

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In the beginning only feathers were sold at the market of Tlatelolco. Over time other items were added: first stones, then cotton mantles and gold jewelry, furs, fine garments, maize, beans, chilies, cacao, seeds, tomatoes, pepitas, tamales, tortillas, stews, honey, pulque, and fruits, as well as various meats and fish. The market’s organization is recorded in various writings from the period of the conquest. These describe aisles divided up by types of merchandise, ranging from food to slaves, with tools, perfumes, paper, and pottery—an indispensable item—in between. The vigilance and efficiency that characterized the market contributed to the rapid ascent of its merchants, called pochtecas, on the social ladder. 31

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Cacao had great importance in pre-Hispanic cultures and was used as an ingredient in many dishes; mixed with other seeds and water it turned into chocolate, a sacred drink. Nonetheless, even though the symbolic value of cacao was vital among all the groups that cultivated it, according to some sixteenth-century chronicles the main use of cacao beans was economic. Used as money for the purchase of other products, cacao varied in value depending on the abundance of the harvest. Motolinía recounts in his History of the Indians of New Spain that each load of cacao contained about twenty-four thousand beans, the price of which was never less than the equivalent of six gold coins. 32

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Within each of the various cultures, groups of merchants traveled great distances to exchange products and information. Among the Mexicas, the pochtecas earned the rank of nobility; some also carried out military espionage. It was common to exchange large quantities of products in payment of taxes, and certain objects were coveted solely for their beauty or their unique decoration.

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Those who carried products and merchandise from one place to another were called tamemes; they were porters trained from childhood to cover great distances with heavy loads on their backs. These porters wore a mecapal (tumpline), an artifact consisting of a wide, coarse leather strap with a rope made of ixtle (agave) at either end; the strap was slung across the porter’s forehead to support the load on his back.

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FOOD VARIETY The abundance of foods—which, as the history relates, arrived in Mexico every day, carried up by a thousand Indians—of venison, which was the main meat that they ate, and rabbits, hares, and quails, cocks and hens and all the kinds of animals that they ate, and all kinds of birds, both of sea and of land, wild and domesticated […]

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Ancient Mexico enjoyed an enormous variety of products, the fruits of farming, gathering, hunting, and fishing. Each group learned to recognize the ingredients available in its surroundings and came up with various ways of preparing them, while also assigning them specific cultural symbols.

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Hunting was an activity of paramount importance, since the Mesoamerican diet generally included chicken, venison, hare, armadillo, iguana, and duck, particularly during festival periods. The Mexica god associated with this activity was Mixcoatl, who was honored by making spears and organizing a group hunt following several days of fasting and abstinence.

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Among the few domesticated animals in Mesoamerica, the dog perhaps had the greatest symbolic and gastronomic significance. Family members of the deceased would place a Xoloitzcuintle (Mexican Hairless Dog) in the shaft tomb together with the body so that the dog would protect their loved one and accompany him on his journey to the beyond.

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There are other dogs called tlalchichi, short and round, that are very good to eat.

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An ancestral recipe for preparing duck consisted of gutting the bird and stuffing it with sour prickly pear and epazote. Then it was covered with mud to form a ball, taking care that the duck remained in the center. It was charbroiled and left to cool. Afterward the ball of hardened clay was struck and broken open; the feathers instantly adhered to the mud, and the meat was ready to eat.

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Pre-Hispanic people had a vast knowledge of bodies of water. Documents from before the conquest include depictions of some of the aquatic animals used in their cooking, such as shrimp, sea turtles, sea snails, lobsters, and a wide variety of fish. They used nets to fish and may also have had implements resembling today’s fishing rods.

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The codices and the sixteenth-century chronicles attest to the custom of eating insects in ancient Mexico. Terrestrial and marine insects constituted one of the main sources of animal protein in the pre-Hispanic diet. Among those most consumed were grasshoppers, butterflies, dragonflies, mosquitoes, ants, escamoles (ant larvae), beetles, worms, jumiles (stink bugs), and wasps.

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Many different ingredients—such as maize, chili, tomato, sapodilla, amaranth, guava, jicama, mamey sapote (or mammee apple), nopal, papaya, squash, tobacco, cacao, avocado, pitahaya (cactus fruit), and vanilla—that are consumed all over the world today originated in Mexico and are part of its vast cultural heritage.

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The earliest evidence of chili consumption in the Mesoamerican territory comes from Coxcatlán, Puebla, and dates to about 6000 B.C. Although we cannot determine exactly which kinds of chilies were used to make which dishes, we do know that their use was recurrent and included several different species, which Sahagún describes in his General History of the Things of New Spain as “ones that are long and wide and others that are not, large and small, fresh and dried...”

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Without chili, they don’t believe they are eating.

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Chili, besides being a food, was used to slow the spoilage of meat; it was also used medicinally to alleviate stomach inflammation. The burning of dried chilies produced smoke that served as an arm against enemies in warfare or as a punishment for disobedient children.

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The pre-Hispanic peoples’ deep knowledge of the plants and herbs of the Mesoamerican landscape is manifest in their culinary arts, which incorporate more than seventy edible herbs in Bernardino de Sahagún’s account. It can also be seen in their aesthetic representations, such as the great mural of Tepantitla, or in the herbalist tradition compiled in various documents, particularly Codex de la Cruz–Badiano, a compendium of Aztec medicinal herbs dating from 1552.

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PROCESSING OF FOODS Women, young and old, knew how to make tamales in numerous ways. Some were made with bean flour and others with meat; some of the women would wash the cooked maize, while others removed the cob’s hilum, which is tough, so that the bread would be more delicate; other women brought water, others broke cacao, others ground it, others mixed cooked maize with the cacao, others made stews.

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The metate or, in Nahuatl, metatl, is a

The choice of ingredients and the different methods of processing them demonstrate characteristic features of each area’s gastronomy. In ancient Mexico various techniques were used to process foods, such as boiling, roasting, baking, curing, drying, smoking, and fermenting. Some researchers speculate that certain pre-Hispanic groups may have known about distillation as well.

stone implement with a flat surface on which foods are placed for grinding. 58

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One of the main techniques that ancient Mexico brought to the modern world was nixtamalization. Pre-Hispanic women cooked dried corn kernels with lime (calcium hydroxide) and left them to stand overnight; this process removed the hull. The next morning the kernels could be ground on the metate to make tortillas, atole, and other dishes.

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The forms of some kitchen utensils and their use have remained almost unchanged to the present day. Certain common words in Mexico’s culinary vocabulary come from Nahuatl, such as molcajete (mortar), from Nahuatl molcaxitl, meaning “cajete para salsa” (bowl for salsa). One of the Mexicas’ most frequently used salsas was xocomo­ lli, or “fruit salsa,” a mole made from seeds, tomatoes, fruits, and insects. This recipe was specially prepared to accompany dishes made for the tlatoani (the Mexica ruler), but it could also be found for sale at the market. Some depictions of Maya banquets show serving dishes full of tamales drenched in chocolate salsa. 60

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Ceramic ladles were used solely to serve the nobles and by some priests to pour foods during ceremonies and rituals. 63

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FOODS AND DISHES IN THE PRE-HISPANIC WORLD

And the calpixque were in charge of the things that the lords required; they would bring food to the lords’ homes, always many kinds, even up to a hun­ dred dishes.

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Dishes used for offerings have been found bearing identical stamps, which indicates that they may have been mass-produced.

Although we have no written recipes, we have knowledge of pre-Hispanic food today thanks to ethnographic studies, archaeology, codices, and sixteenth-century chronicles. Notwithstanding the passage of time and the influences of cultural intermixing, certain food preparations have persisted to our own day.

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Meals for the Commoners

The pre-Hispanic diet was varied, but we assume that the dishes the commoners made were not complex. Preparing meals for the nobles, however, required greater culinary skill. Moles and salsas were ordinary products that could be bought at the market, but their preparation differed depending on the social class.

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In peasant families, women would usually bring lunch to the field in the midmorning. The packed meal (itacatl, in Nahuatl) generally contained pinole (ground maize), salted meat, tortillas, and beans. When the men came home in the evening, the main meal was served. The Maya had a concept similar to the Mexica itacatl; theirs consisted of a ball of pozol (masa) and a jug of water in which to mix it for a drink.

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Pitcher decorated with

Several cultures in ancient Mexico consumed sweet or savory atole (atolli, in Nahuatl). This common drink was also used to alleviate discomforts and presented as an offering in specific rituals. It could be prepared with maize dough, ground scraps of tortilla, or burned and ground maize cobs. Commoners would mix atole with beans and season it with chili and honey to give it flavor.

a stepped geometrical design symbolizing the cyclical nature of time. 75

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Many of the archaeological objects found in burial sites have food associations. The different levels of sophistication in pitchers, plates, cups, and other containers give a sense of their possible use: those finely decorated may have belonged to members of the nobility, while those of coarser design, with no trace of painting, may have been common objects in daily use.

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Meals for the Nobles and

Lords

Although the political system varied from region to region, the ruler was considered a sacred being, and the foods he was given were not those consumed by commoners. Nobles and priests had their own privileges; the plates, cups, and vessels they used were made especially for them. Likewise, certain dishes were prepared only for the elite, such as enfri­ joladas (tortillas dipped in black bean puree), esquites (toasted maize), guacamole, huitlacoche (corn smut), barbecued meat, chocolate, and pulque.

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Unlike the commoners, who sat on mats on the ground to eat, the lords ate seated in icpallis, low benches with backs. According to the chroniclers, after finishing their feasts they smoked rolled tobacco leaves and cleaned their teeth by chewing tzictli, the sap of the sapodilla tree, which is still used today to make chewing gum.

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This dish was used for Mexica nobles’ meals. Several different preparations could be served from it at the same time without mixing their flavors. The unique S-shape makes it recognizable; its use is recorded in the Spanish chronicles.

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Because of their exquisite fabrication, objects made of fine orange-colored ceramic were reserved for the nobles of Teotihuacan. 81

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The glyph at the bottom of this plate could possibly be the owner’s personal seal or the potter’s name. 83

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According to legend, Quetzalcoatl gave as a gift to the Toltecs a cacao tree (cacau cuahuitl) that he had stolen from other gods. A drink could be made from its beans that only creatures loved by the deities were worthy of drinking. Among the Mexicas, nobles and exceptional warriors were the only ones allowed to drink cacao without special permission.

[…] it was worth a lot, and there was very little. If one of the commoners drank it, if they did so without permission, it would cost them their life. Because of this it was called yollotli eztli: price of blood and heart.

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First it is ground like this: in the first pass the almonds [cacao beans] are ground or crushed; the second time [they are] ground a bit more; and the third time, at the very end, [when] very finely ground, [the cacao] is mixed well with grains of corn that have been well-cooked and washed, and thus cooked and mixed one adds water to them in a cup; and if a little is added, it makes a nice cacao; and if too much, it will not foam, since in order to make it properly the following must be done and remembered: one needs to know that it is strained, and afterward, […] it is raised so that it streams down, and in so doing produces foam, and this is skimmed off, and sometimes it becomes too thick and is mixed with water after it is ground. And he who knows how to make it well sells it well and nicely, such that only the lords drink it: smooth, foamy, vermilion, red, and pure […]

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These chocolate cups were made exclusively for Maya rulers. Thanks to advances in epigraphy, we can decipher the scenes and inscriptions that adorn them and generally can find out who the owner of the object was. 88

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Drinking hot chocolate was a custom reserved for Maya leaders. Considered a great delicacy, the drink was made with lard and was very similar to the hot chocolate we have today.

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Pulque (octli, in Nahuatl) is made from fermented juice of the maguey, an agave. Considered the drink of the gods in the Altiplano, pulque could only be drunk regularly by noble elders; youths were invited to have pulque as part of their initiation rite. According to the chroniclers, drunkenness was severely censured in pre-Hispanic Mexico; it was considered “the cause of all discord and dissension, like an infernal tempest that brought with it all evils.”

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Cere monial Foods

Everyday acts of pre-Hispanic people were permeated with a strong sense of religion. Food commonly played a role in private and public rituals. The very concept of sacrifice—in any of its various forms—implied providing food to the gods. Many festivities coincided with harvest periods, when an abundance of special meals was prepared. The sharing of food during festivals and offering of dishes to the gods were symbols of harmonious coexistence and respect.

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Lead-colored vessel depicting a coyote, possibly for use in political or religious ceremonies. 96

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Some ceremonial foods were more elaborate variants of everyday recipes, as in the case of white tortillas made with ash and sweet ones made with fruits and amaranth, among other foods. Generally during festivals certain dishes would be made exclusively for the nobles, such as envueltos (filled maize tortillas), meat tamales, rabbit mole, or white fish.

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These kinds of plates were used in ceremonial or funereal contexts. In some cases they still contain traces of food. 99

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These codex-style vessels were filled with grains or drinks and used in offerings for deceased members of the elite. 100

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Evidence of cannibalism exists among certain groups, but it is important to understand this practice within a cosmogonic system. One of the ways that human flesh was consumed was in pozole (pozolli, in Nahuatl), which in addition to cacahuazintle (large-kerneled white maize) contained pieces of warriors sacrificed during solar rites. This dish was reserved for specific religious ceremonies and for people of a specific rank.

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Having built the house and having placed in its four corners some little idol or nicely colored stones and a bit of tobacco, the lord of the house calls the masters or the elders and tours the house; they order a chicken to be prepared so that they can make tamales another day […] and once it is cooked they eat it with tamales and again offer it to the fire, divided into two parts, one of which they leave in the fire. …

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Tamales were made from masa mixed with other ingredients, which were wrapped in a cornhusk and steamed. A wide range of fillings could be used: beans, sweets, fruit, chili, fish, shrimp, frog, and iguana, among others. Some tamales were made with no filling, to be eaten alone. Tamales were a chief component of many of the festivals in the Mexica calendar. In the eighth month, for example, tamales were given away to the poor, to children, and to the elderly in honor of Xilonen, the goddess of sweet maize.

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FOODS AND DEATH The other place it was said that the souls of the dead would go was the earthly paradise, called Tlalocan, where there are many delights and refreshments, with no sorrow; never do they want for ears of young maize, and squash and sprays of amaranth, and green chili and tomatoes, and green beans in their pod, and flowers.

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Dishes with lids have been found in royal tombs. Occasionally they

Funerary rites differed in every culture, depending on the concept that each group had of death, but a shared feature was the inclusion of foods in the offerings that were to accompany the deceased on his journey to the beyond. The Maya customarily buried their ancestors under their house, believing that this would fill their domestic space with vitality and identity and would establish a strong bond between the living and the dead.

were filled with seeds or tamales as sustenance for the dead. 109

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Some groups would honor an important person who had died by making a funerary bundle from his remains after cremation and would offer him, among other things, tamales and beans. Today in certain regions there still exists a custom of scattering the ashes of the deceased among the crops so that the beloved might return through food.

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Sometimes an object was so strongly identified with its owner that when the person died, his family would symbolically “kill” the piece, putting a hole through it so that it could no longer be used. This jug, which was meant to keep water cool, demonstrates the practice. 111

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The jaguar was fundamental to the Mesoamerican worldview: it was the animal that traveled to the underworld and entered the caves. Vessels like this one were created as a sort of totem for an important figure associated with the jaguar; when the person died, they would form part of the grave goods that would accompany him on his journey to the beyond. 112

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As part of the funerary rite, the families would gather offerings, which could be modest or sumptuous, consisting of some of the deceased person’s implements and several of his favorite receptacles, some of them filled with food. The body would be surrounded by personal objects, such as beads, daggers of obsidian and bone, shell adornments, vessels of different shapes and sizes, and some clay figurines. Objects that were used in daily life, such as metates for grinding maize or water jugs, became offering pieces that would accompany the deceased to his final destiny. 114

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During this month, […] they would eat tamales in every village and every house, all the people, and they would invite each other to have them […] and they would also place on each of the graves of the dead, where they were buried, an offering of one tama­ le each; they would do this before they ate the tamales.

For commoners, death constituted a way to reintegrate oneself in the cosmic order, for their ashes were used as fertilizer for the maize field that would nourish their descendants. Present in all the rites of the pre-Hispanic world was the need to transcend death through memory. This may also be the meaning of the current day of the dead offerings, in which the deceased is given those things that he used to like to eat and drink, establishing, through food, a relation in which life and death coexist and mutually enrich each other.

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Credits | 3 Anthropomorphic figurine. A woman carrying on her shoulder a crock, which, judging from its shape, may be a jar for storing water. 400 B.C.–A.D. 150 | Late Preclassic | Western Mexico | Clay | 12.4 x 7.6 in. | inah 1666-130 | fcas 5 Fragment of a mural from the Red Temple at Cacaxtla. 7 Maya plate. A.D. 250–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | 14 x 2.4 in. | inah 1323-291 | fcas 8 Sculpture of the goddess Chicomecoatl. She wears a headdress of amate bark paper with jade stones and holds two cobs of maize in her hand. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mexica | Basalt | 21 x 11.4 in. | inah 1441-213 | fcas 10 Illustration based on the Mixtec depiction of a maize field. | Codex Vindobonensis, plate 11. 119

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11 Offerings to Chicomecoatl for the festival huey tozoztli. | Florentine Codex, book II, fol. 29v. • Tlaloc during the festival of Atlcahualo. | Codex Borbonicus, plate 23. 12 Sculpture of the goddess Xilonen. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mexica | Basalt | 9.7 x 6.9 in. | inah 1578-82 | fcas 13 Effigy vessel. Vessel from Teotihuacan depicting Tlaloc; this form is also found in the mural at Techinantitla. Most striking is the headdress resembling a merlon—an architectural form that crowned palaces and temples. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Teotihuacan | Ceramic modeled with slip and slip trailing | 6.9 x 13 in. | inah 1440-112 | fcas 14 Codex-style vessel. A.D. 300–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | 7.8 x 6.7 in. | inah 1440-68 | fcas 16 Offering of maize for Chicomecoatl. | Florentine Codex, book II, fol. 28r. 17 Codex-style dish. Five figures in procession can be discerned on this dish; they bear vessels of food in their hands, possibly for an offering or a celebration. A.D. 800–1000 | Late Classic | Puebla-Tlaxcala region | Ceramic | 3 x 8.7 in. | inah 1149-436 | fcas 18 Ceremonial cup used to offer pulque and other drinks to the gods. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mixtec | Ceramic | 7.6 x 6.8 in. | inah 984-57 | fcas 19 Pipe-style incense burner with an attached figure. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Western Mexico | Modeled clay with slip trailing, bichrome (red and black on reddish brown) | 6.2 x 13.9 in. | inah 1666-245 | fcas 20 Offering of maize. | Codex Borbonicus, plate 23. 22 Maize field. | Codex Vindobonensis, plate 11. 23 Sculpture of a squash. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Altiplano Central | Green stone | 4.8 x 3.6 in. | inah 1441-175 | fcas 26 Maize cultivation. | Florentine Codex, book IV, fol. 72r. 29 Daniel Camacho, The Tlatelolco Market, 2010 | Tempera on canvas | 59 x 49.2 in. | fcas 33 Yacatecutli, “Guiding lord,” god of merchants and travelers; god of the pochteca oztomeca, or “merchant spies.” | Codex Fejérváry-Mayer, plate 36.

34 Nude female figure with a vessel on her back. In the tradition of shaft tombs, adult women represented fertility, as can be seen in this figure, who in addition carries a receptacle on her back, making her a provider (bearer) of vital liquid: water. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Western Mexico | Modeled ceramic, black on red | inah 1666-579 | fcas 35, 36 Bowls depicting tamemes (porters). A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Altiplano Central | Ceramic | 5.3 x 5.3 in. | inah 1323-233 • 6 x 6 in. | inah 1323-1272 | fcas 38 Effigy vessel depicting a tortoise. Period unknown | Origin unknown. | Ceramic | 4 x 7.6 in. | inah 1149-97 | fcas 39 Hunting and fishing implements. (17 pieces): Various periods | Various cultures | Various sizes | INAH 1666-477 | INAH 1666-557 | INAH 1666-494 | INAH 1666-494 ½ | INAH 1666-468 | INAH 1666-455 | INAH 1441-190 | INAH 1666-193 ½ | INAH 1666-444 | INAH 1578-284 | INAH 1666-480 | INAH 1441-182 | INAH 1666-470 | INAH 1666-502 | INAH 1666-196 | INAH 1666-150 | INAH 1666-456 2/2 | FCAS 40 a.Hunting birds and rabbits. Codex Telleriano-Remensis, fol. 26r. | b. Hunting deer. Madrid Codex, plate 40b. | c. Madrid Codex, plate 38. | d. Hunting birds. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 61r.

a b

c

d 41 Miniature sculpture of an opossum. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Altiplano Central | Ceramic | 3.9 x 11.7 in. | inah 1441-24 | fcas 42 Effigy pot depicting a dog. 400 B.C.– A.D. 150 | Late Preclassic | Western Mexico | Ceramic | 10.5 x 12.6 in. | inah 1666-178 | fcas 43 Sculpture of a dog. 400 B.C.– A.D. 200 | Late Preclassic | Chupícuaro | Ceramic | 8.8 x 12.6 in. | inah 1666-179 | fcas

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44 Sculpture of a duck. 1200 B.C.– A.D. 200 | Preclassic | Olmec | Ceramic | 9.4 x 11.5 in. | inah 1440-66 | fcas 44 Duck. | Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 213. 45 Mural painting, Temple of the Warriors, Chichén Itzá, Yucatán. 46 a. Clams and oysters. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 216r. | b. Fish. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 218r. | c. Sea turtle. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 215r. | d. Fish. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 213r. | b. Shrimp. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 215r. | c. Sea snail and crab. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 215. a

B c d

E

F

47 a. Grasshopper. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 254. | b. Maguey worms. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 256r. | c. Grasshopper. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 253r. | d. Butterfly. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 252. | e. Sea snail. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 216. a d B

E

c 48 a. Maguey. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 352. | b. Cacao tree. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 275. | c. Nopal. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 127v. | d. Sapodillas. Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 273. b a

d



50 Metate carved on basalt rock. It shows signs of wear as a sign of its intense activity. Artifacts like this one were mainly used for grinding corn. However, plenty of beans and vegetables were also crushed in metates. 1200-1500 d. C. | Late Postclassic | Mexican Plateau | 3.8 x 8.0 x 12.2 in. | INAH 1323-717-1/2 | fcas 51 Mexica woman inflicting the punishment of chili smoke on a disobedient child. | Codex Mendoza, plate 60r. 53 Cacao plant. | Libellus de medicinalibus indorum herbis, plate 38v. 57 Drawing of clay crockery. | Florentine Codex, book XI, fol. 231. 58 A metate and its pestle. Period unknown | Origin unknown. | Stone | 15.4 x 10.6 in. | inah 1578-65 • 8.3 x 3.3 in. | inah 1323717 2/2 | fcas 59 Woman grinding maize in a metate. | Florentine Codex, book X, fol. 38r. 60, 61 Mortars used to crush ingredients as done today. Some of the mortars found are very simple, while others, beautifully decorated, possibly belonged to a royal house. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mexica | Stone | 5.8 x 13.6 in. | inah 1441-207 • Ceramic | 3.9 x 8.9 in. | inah 1323-658 | fcas 62 Bean pot. Period unknown | Altiplano Central | Ceramic | 7.6 x 8.9 in. | inah 1149-320 | fcas 63 Ladles. (4 pieces): 1200 B.C.–A.D. 200 | Preclassic | Ceramic | Various sizes | inah 1323-784 | inah 1034-425½ | inah 1578-73 | inah 1666-250 | fcas 64, 65 Tzotzocol. Vessels used to store water. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Guerrero | Ceramic | 10.7 x 6 in. | inah 1149-141 • 10.4 x 7.3 in. | inah 1034-444 | fcas 68 Stamped plates. Potters took great pains to decorate kitchen utensils; an example is the variety of designs that can be seen in this series of plates. The potter’s work no doubt reflected the stratification of society, with a level of decorative beauty corresponding to each social level.

c

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(5 pieces): A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mexica | Modeled ceramic, bichrome (black on orange) | Various sizes | inah 1323-677 | inah 984-154 | inah 984-133 | inah 1034-446 | inah 984-155 | fcas 69 Florentine Codex, book VIII, fol. 23r, extract. 71 Pieces in daily use by commoners. Mesoamerican potters skillfully developed techniques that turned clay into beautiful and varied ceramic utensils used in the kitchen. This image gives an example of the their different shapes; there were pieces for export, for the nobles, and for the commoners. (12 pieces): Various periods | Various sources | Various sizes | INAH 1323-959 | INAH 1323-561 | INAH 1323-138 ½ | INAH 984-103 | INAH 1323-1086 | INAH 1034-236 | INAH 1441-32 | INAH 1034-91 | INAH 144138 | INAH 1323-994 | INAH 1323-148 | INAH 1666-176 | fcas 73, 74 Bowls. Period unknown | Origin unknown. | Ceramic | 3.1 x 6.9 in. | inah 1149-83 • 3.3 x 6.5 in. | inah 1323266 | fcas 75 Pitcher. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mixtec | Ceramic | 6.2 x 6.3 in. | inah 1666-71 | fcas 76 Pitcher and cup. Period unknown | Origin unknown. | Ceramic | 4.7 x 3.7 in. | inah 1323-345 | fcas • A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mexica | Ceramic | 3.3 x 3.1 in. | inah 1323-138½ | fcas 77 Elderly Mexica man. | Codex Mendoza, plate 71r. 79 Anthropomorphic pipe. Smoke was intimately linked with pre-Hispanic activities, whether ritual, ceremonial, or recreational. By means of rising smoke, visible yet intangible, man sent the gods messages, wishes, petitions, and oaths. Tobacco was widely consumed among Mesoamerican groups; they wrought pipes of different shapes and sizes to smoke it. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Western Mexico | Polychrome ceramic | 6.5 x 2.4 in. | inah 1666-345 | fcas 79 In the month of huey tecuhilhuitl various types of tamales were offered. | Florentine Codex, book II, fol. 51r. 80 Tripod dish. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mexica | Ceramic | 9.1 x 7.2 in. | inah 984-108 | fcas

81 Cup. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Teotihuacan | Fine orange ceramic | 4.1 x 5.3 in. | inah 1323-580 | fcas 82 Bowl. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Teotihuacan | Fine orange ceramic | 3.5 x 7.9 in. | inah 984-26 2/2 | fcas 83, 84 Plate with glyph on the bottom; detail. A.D. 300–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | 2.4 x 11.5 in. | inah 1441-102 | fcas 85 Rattle in the shape of a cacao bean. A.D. 300–900 | Classic | Maya | Clay | 7.3 x 2.5 in. | inah 1323-1140 | fcas 86 Woman pouring chocolate. | Codex Tudela, fol. 3r. 88, 89 Chocolate cups. A.D. 300–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | 5.7 x 5.2 in. | inah 1578-23 • 6.4 x 4.4 in. | inah 1323-284 | fcas 90, 91 Cup with a royal court scene and a band of glyphs in relief; detail. The Maya ruling class drank chocolate in cups made exclusively for them; usually these cups were richly decorated, with glyphic inscriptions alluding to a deity or to an animal or vegetable species with which the person was identified, and even a passage from the life of the ruler or priest for whom the cup was made. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Maya | Modeled incised ceramic | 5.9 x 6.3 in. | inah 1440-22 | fcas 92 The ruler Eight Deer drinks chocolate on his wedding day. | Codex Nuttall, plate 26. 93 Pulque cups. Pulque was a sacred drink among the societies of the Altiplano Central; it was meant for the gods, although mortals would drink it during certain festivals. These colorful cups, richly decorated with multiple designs, were made for pulque. This drink was represented by Mayahuel, the goddess of drunkenness. (12 cups): A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mexica | Modeled ceramic, bichrome (white on orange) | Various sizes | INAH 1034-547 | INAH 984-169 | INAH 985-79 | INAH 914-23 | INAH 1034-548 | INAH 1149-67 | INAH 1034-550 | INAH 1034-545 | INAH 1034-551 | INAH 1034-544 | INAH 1034-543 | INAH 1149-92 | fcas 95 Detail of a Maya plate. A.D. 250–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | 15.3 x 2.6 in. | inah 1440-111 | fcas

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96 Lead-colored vessel. A.D. 800–1000 | Late Classic | Toltec | Ceramic | 6.3 x 7.7 in. | inah 1441-115 | fcas 97 Offering of tamales for priests. | Florentine Codex, book I, fol. 22v. 98 Isla de Sacrificios–style plates. Mesoamerican ceramics is characterized by the richness of its designs; potters represented elements of nature, fantastic animals, astronomical symbols—among other things—in order to preserve in the collective imagination the role of man as another member of the universe, who owed the gods gratitude and had to ask their permission to make use of the environment and its resources. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Isla de Sacrificios | Modeled ceramic, polychrome (red, black, and orange on white) | 11 x 3.1 in. | inah 1441-78 • 9.1 x 2.8 in. | inah 1441-77 • 10.6 x 2.4 in. | inah 1440-61 | fcas 99 Maya plate. A.D. 250–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | 14.3 x 3 in. | inah 1666-106 | fcas 100 Codex-style vessel. A.D. 300–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | 7.8 x 6.7 in. | inah 1323-684 | fcas 101 Human pozole. | Codex Magliabechiano, plate 73r. 102 Effigy pot depicting a turkey. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Altiplano Central | Green stone | 6.3 x 6.8 in. | inah 1323-1066 | fcas 108 Cadaver with offering of tamales and beans. | Codex Magliabechiano, plate 69r. 109 Dish with lid depicting a bird. A.D. 300–900 | Classic | Maya | Ceramic | Lid. 4.8 x 12.8 in. | inah 1140-107A • Dish. 3.3 x 13 in. | inah 1441-107B | fcas 110 Scenes of a burial. | Codex Magliabechiano, plate 67r.

111 Long-necked vessel or jug. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Western Mexico | Modeled ceramic with slip and incised decoration | 7.9 x 9.8 in. | inah 1666-34 | fcas 112, 113 Cup and detail. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mixtec | Ceramic | 6.5 x 3.9 in. | inah 1149-93 | fcas 114 Funerary urn. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Mixtec | Ceramic | 14.4 x 16.4 in. | inah 1578-64 | fcas 117 Funerary bundle. | Ramírez Codex, plate 24. 119 Eaglets of orange ceramic. A.D. 900–1521 | Postclassic | Altiplano Central | Ceramic | 6.4 x 9 in. | inah 1444-119 1/2 • 6.3 x 8.9 in. | inah 1444-119 2/2 | fcas 124 Globular effigy vessel with three handles. This type of utensil was made to store liquids. It has three functional handles that also simulate the figure’s two arms and probably its sex, although it is not clear whether it is male or female. Its facial features stand out: the exaggerated but rather inexpressive eyes, nose, and mouth are defined with orifces; a small protuberance on the forehead simulates the hairstyle. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Western Mexico | Modeled ceramic with polished red slip, made of fine, compact clay. | 6.3 x 8.3 in. | inah 1323-655 | fcas 127 Zoomorphic vessel depicting a turkey with the body perfectly detailed. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Western Mexico | Modeled ceramic with slip, using slip trailing and sgraffito. | 11.6 x 6.7 in. | inah 1323-632 | fcas 128 Pot (cuexcomate) of fine gray clay. A.D. 200–900 | Classic | Western Mexico | Modeled ceramic with gray-colored slip | 12.6 x 8.1 in. | inah 1441-97 | fcas

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Bibliography | Arias González, Jiapsy De los que comían los Tlatoque; una interpretación etnohistórica dentro del Códice florentino y su comparación con la Historia general de las cosas de Nue­ va España, México, 2006. Tesis (maestría en Historia y Etnohistoria), Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia. BARROS, Cristina y Marco BUEN ROSTRO Arqueología Mexicana, Edición Especial: Cocina prehispánica. Recetario, núm. 12, 2002. Carrasco, Pedro Estructura político-territorial del Imperio tenochca. La triple Alianza de Te­ nochtitlán, Tezcoco y Tlacopan, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica | El Colegio de México, 1996.

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Códice borbónico Manuscrito mexicano de la biblioteca del Palais Bour­ bon: Libro adivinatorio y ritual ilustrado, edición facsimilar, descripción, historia y exposición del Códice borbónico por Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, con un comentario explicativo por E. T. Hamy, México, Siglo XXI, 1993, 38 láminas. Códice Fejérváry–Mayer Introducción y estudio de Ferdinand Anders, Maarten Jansen y Andrea Pérez Jiménez, Graz, Akademische Druck und Verlaganstalt | México, fce, 1974. Códice florentino Manuscrito de la Colección Palatina de la Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, México, Secretaría de Gobernación, 1979, 3 vols. Códice Madrid Introducción de Ferdinand Anders, Graz, Akademische Druck und Verlagsanstalt, 1967. Códice magliabechiano Edición facsimilar, Graz, Akademische Druck und Verlaganstalt, 1970. Códice mendocino o Colección de Mendoza Manuscrito mexicano del siglo XVI que se conserva en la Biblioteca Bodleiana de Oxford, editado por José Ignacio Echegaray y prefacio de Ernesto de la Torre del Villar de la Academia Mexicana, correspondiente de la Real de Madrid, México, San Ángel Ediciones, 1979. Códice Tudela Madrid, Instituto de Cooperación Iberoamericana: Ediciones Cultura Hispánica, 1980. Códice vindobonensis Melgarejo Vivanco, José Luis (ed.) Xalapa, Universidad Veracruzana: Instituto de Antropología, 1980. CRUZ, Martín de la Libellus de medicinalibus indorum herbis, México, fce | Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, 1991. DÍAZ DEL CASTILLO, Bernal Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, México, Porrúa, 2011.

DURAN, Diego Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e islas de la Tie­ rra Firme, vol. 2, México, Porrúa, 1984. HERNÁNDEZ, Francisco Historia natural de Nueva España, México, unam, 1959. LANDA, Diego de Relación de las cosas de Yucatán, intr. de Ángel Ma. Garibay K., México, Porrúa, 1996. León-Portilla, Miguel Arqueología Mexicana, Edición Especial: Códices: El tonalámatl de los pochtecas. Estudio introductorio y co­ mentarios, núm. 18, 2011. Leyenda de los Soles. Mitos e historias de los antiguos nahuas Paleografía y traducción de Rafael Tena, México, Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, (Colección Cien de México), 2002, pp. 167-206. LONG, Janet Capsicum y cultura: la historia del chilli, México, fce, 1986. LÓPEZ AUSTIN, Alfredo y Leonardo López Luján El pasado indígena, México, El Colegio de México | Fideicomiso Historia de las Américas | fce, 1996. MOTOLINÍA, fray Toribio de Benavente Historia de los indios de la Nueva España, México, Porrúa, 2007. OLVERA RAMOS, Jorge Los mercados de la plaza mayor en la ciudad de México, México, Cal y arena, 2007. PONCE, Pedro Breve relación de los dioses y ritos de la gentilidad, Barcelona, Linkgua, 2007. RAMÍREZ, Elisa “El origen del chile”, en Arqueología Mexicana, Edición Especial: Los chiles de México. Catálogo visual, núm. 32, 2009, p.12. SAHAGÚN, Bernardino de Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España, México, Porrúa, 2006.

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SUESS, Pablo La conquista espiritual de la América española: 200 documentos-siglos XVI, Quito, Abya-Yala, 1992. VARGAS GUADARRAMA, Luis Alberto “Un banquete de la cocina mexicana”, en Florescano, Enrique (comp.), Patrimonio nacional de México, vol. 2, México, Conaculta | fce, 1997. VARGAS GUADARRAMA, Luis Alberto, Cristina HERNÁNDEZ DE PALACIO y Jiapsy ARIAS GONZÁLEZ 200 años de cocina mexicana. Un recorrido por 200 pla­ tillos de nuestra gastronomía, México, Iconos Editores, 2010. VELA, Enrique “El chile, una breve historia”, en Arqueología Mexicana, Edición Especial: Los chiles de México. Catálogo visual, núm. 32, 2009, pp. 7-23.

———, Arqueología Mexicana, Edición Especial: La calabaza, el tomate y el frijol, núm. 36, 2010. ———, “Simbolismo del maíz”, en Arqueología Mexicana, Edición Especial: El maíz. Catálogo visual, núm. 38, 2011, pp. 34-39. ———, “Instrumentos para procesar el maíz”, en Arqueología Mexicana, Edición Especial: El maíz. Catálogo visual, núm. 38, 2011, pp. 78-79.

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Acknowledgments | We warmly extend a special thanks to the Universidad ���� Iberoamericana, José Morales Orozco, S.J.; Javier Prado Galán, S.J., and Carlos Villanueva for believing in this project from the start; without their invaluable support and guidance, the exhibition and this book would not have been possible. Our deepest gratitude goes to Berenice Ceja, Alexandra Suberville, Paulina Franch, Nathalie Armella, Vicente Camacho, and all the people who collaborated in the production of this catalogue, which is the fruit of a great effort. Many thanks to all. 127

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Photography Acknowledgments | We are enormously grateful to José Miguel Reynosa and all our collaborating photographers, who throughout this project always responded to our requests by offering us access to their invaluable pictorial works. For their patience we would like to thank all those who worked countless hours lighting and photographing each object in the FCAS archaeological collection that is exhibited in this book.

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Ceja, Berenice: 6; 13; 14; 17; 19; 34; 36; 39; 50; 63; 68; 71; 76; 79; 91; 93; 98; 111; 113; 114; 119; 124; 127 y 128. 24: Cuatricromía de sabor, 2011. Digital photograph. 30: Canastas, 2011. Digital photograph. 31: Rica variedad, 2011. Digital photograph. 32: Cacao, 2011. Digital photograph. 70: Mole de Pepita, 2011. Digital photograph. 72: Illustration. 115: Rojo corazón, 2011. Digital photograph. Dreamstime: 28: Red hot chilli peppers shallow. © Nilanjan Bhattacharya. 49: Serrano peppers. © Danelle Mccollum. 52: Hot red chilli chillies pepper whole and crushed. © Elena Moiseeva. 66: Black beans. © Chris Hill. 104: Hot tamales. © Andrea Skjold. 118: Offering of day of the dead. © Jesús Eloy Ramos Lara. Back cover: Vanilla stick. © Anton Gorbachev.

Guzmán, Jovan Rabel. 10; 20 y 25: Illustration. Marín, Miguel Ángel: 3; 7; 8; 12; 18; 23; 35; 38; 41; 42; 43; 44; 58; 60; 61; 62; 64; 65; 73; 74; 75; 80; 81; 82; 83; 84; 85; 88; 89; 90; 95; 96; 99; 100; 102; 109 y 112. FCAS Reprography. We thank the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia for allowing the fcas to photograph the Florentine Codex. Reynosa, José Miguel: 26: Canoa canal Chinampa, 2011. Digital photograph. 54: Nopales, 2011. Digital photograph. 103: De dulce, 2011. Digital photograph. 105: Masa tortilla, 2011. Digital photograph. Smith, Damon (Frankenstoen): 78: Brain-like. Digital photograph. Wiseman, Adam: 94: Pulque en tinacal, Tlaxcala. Digital photograph.

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eating & being The Gastronomic Roots of Mexico

Pre-Hispanic man accorded food a central place and a vital importance in his culture. Products such as maize, beans, squash, cacao, and chili have their origins in Mesoamerica and form part of the cultural heritage of humanity. This catalogue, published in connection with the exhibition Eating and Being: The Gastronomic Roots of Mexico, seeks to honor the link between foods and the lives of human beings.

ISBN: 978-607-8187-37-9

[email protected] www.fundacionarmella.org Year of publication: 2013 130

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