Early Christianity in Macedonia: From Paul to the Late Sixth Century 9789004681200, 9004681205

Citation preview

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Macedonia

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Greece (ECG) The subseries ‘Early Christianity in Greece’ (ECG), of which this is the second volume to be published, is part of the series ‘Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity’ (AJEC). It stands in the tradition of the monograph of Adolf von Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten (4th ed., Leipzig, 1924), and continues the work started in the subseries ‘Early Christianity in Asia Minor’ (ECAM). The volumes of ECG focus on the rise and expansion of Christianity in Greece until the reign of Justinian I and endeavour to take into account relevant literary and non-literary evidence, paying special attention to epigraphical and archaeological material, and to document the current state of research. Monographs on early Christianity in Corinth and on the Peloponnese, and on Central Greece are in preparation. Further volumes are planned. Cilliers Breytenbach and Martin Goodman

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Greece (ECG) Editors Cilliers Breytenbach (Berlin/Stellenbosch) Martin Goodman (Oxford) Klaus Hallof (Berlin [IG]) Andreas Müller (Kiel) Joseph Lee Rife (Nashville) Christiane Zimmermann (Kiel)

volume 2

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity ARBEITEN ZUR GESCHICHTE DES ANTIKEN JUDENTUMS UND DES URCHRISTENTUMS

Founding Editor Martin Hengel † (Tübingen) Executive Editors Cilliers Breytenbach (Berlin) Sacha Stern (London) Editorial Board Lutz Doering (Münster) – Judith Lieu (Cambridge) David Lincicum (Notre Dame) – AnneMarie Luijendijk (Princeton) Tessa Rajak (Reading/Oxford) – Amram Tropper ( Jerusalem) Christiane Zimmermann (Kiel)

volume 119

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ajec

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Macedonia From Paul to the Late Sixth Century By

Julien M. Ogereau

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Ogereau, Julien M., 1981– author. Title: Early Christianity in Macedonia : from Paul to the late sixth century / by Julien M. Ogereau. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2024] | Series: Ancient Judaism and early Christianity, 1871–6636 ; volume 119 | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: “In this volume Julien M. Ogereau investigates the origins and development of Christianity in the Roman province of Macedonia in the first six centuries CE. Drawing from the oldest literary sources, Ogereau reconstructs the earliest history of the first Christian communities in the region and explores the legacy of the apostle Paul in the cities of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea. Turning to the epigraphic and archaeological evidence, Ogereau then examines Christianity’s dissemination throughout the province and its impact on Macedonian society in late antiquity, especially on its epigraphic habits and material culture”— Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2023029453 (print) | LCCN 2023029454 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004681194 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004681200 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Church history—Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. | Macedonia—Church history. | Christianity and culture—Macedonia—History—Early church, ca. 30-600. | Christian inscriptions—Macedonia. Classification: LCC BR185 .O39 2024 (print) | LCC BR185 (ebook) | DDC 274.976—dc23/eng/20230718 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023029453 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023029454

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. isSn 1871-6636 isbn 978-90-04-68119-4 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-68120-0 (e-book) Copyright 2024 by Julien M. Ogereau. Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Brill Wageningen Academic, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau and V&R unipress. Koninklijke Brill NV reserves the right to protect this publication against unauthorized use. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

En hommage à Denis Feissel, sans qui ce livre n’aurait jamais été écrit

∵

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Contents Preface xiii List of Maps, Charts, and Figures xv Abbreviations xviii 1 Introduction 1 1 Beyond Harnack’s Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums 1 2 History of Research 5 3 Sources and Methodological Considerations 9 4 Chronological and Geographical Boundaries 22 5 Outline of Study 27 2 Macedonia in Roman Antiquity 29 1 Introduction 29 2 Geographical Setting 36 3 Urban Infrastructures and Transportation Network 41 4 Ethnic and Socio-cultural Outlook 47 5 Religious Context 53 6 Summary 64 3 Christian Beginnings in Macedonia 65 1 Introduction 65 2 Sources 67 3 The Foundation of the First Christian Communities in the AD 50s 69 4 The Consolidation of the First Christian Communities in the AD 50s–60s 79 4.1 Introduction 79 4.2 First Thessalonians 80 4.3 Second Thessalonians 85 4.4 Philippians 89 5 Macedonian Christianity in the Second Century 93 5.1 General Overview 93 5.2 Polycarp’s Letter to the Philippians 95 6 Summary 101

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

x

Contents

4 Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia 103 1 Introduction 103 2 Philippi and Its Territory 103 2.1 The Basilica of Paul and the Octagon Complex 105 2.2 Fourth-Century Funerary Epigraphy 111 2.3 Late Antique Epigraphy from the Eastern Necropolis and the Colony’s Territory 116 2.3.1 Inscriptions from the extra muros Cemetery Basilica 116 2.3.2 Inscriptions from the Eastern Necropolis and the Basilica B 122 2.4 Apotropaic Inscriptions 131 2.5 Christian Monumental Architecture 135 2.6 Inscriptions from the Philippian Territory 139 3 The Strymon Valley: Amphipolis, Serrai, and Parthicopolis 142 3.1 Amphipolis 142 3.2 Serrai 151 3.3 Parthicopolis 153 4 Summary 161 5 Early Christianity in Central Macedonia 162 1 Introduction 162 2 Thessalonica 162 2.1 Third- and Fourth-Century Christian Inscriptions 165 2.2 Inscriptions Related to the Clergy 176 2.3 Inscriptions Related to Martyrial Cults 181 2.3.1 St. Demetrios et alii 181 2.3.2 The Martyrs in the Rotunda 187 2.4 Inscriptions Related to the Laity 197 2.5 Christian Monumental Architecture 215 3 Chalcidice 221 4 Summary 230 6 Early Christianity in Western Macedonia 231 1 Introduction 231 2 Edessa 233 2.1 Third- and Fourth-Century Funerary Epigraphy 233 2.2 Fifth- and Sixth-Century Funerary Epigraphy 239 3 Beroea 252 4 The Bottiaean Plain 261

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

xi

Contents

5 6 7

Dium and the Pierian Plain 266 The Western Macedonian Frontier 273 Summary 279

7 Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia 280 1 Introduction 280 2 Stobi 282 2.1 Theater-Seat Graffiti as the Earliest Christian Evidence? 282 2.2 Episcopal Epigraphy and Monumental Architecture 287 2.3 Basilicas along the via sacra 302 2.4 Christian Funerary Epigraphy 309 3 Heraclea Lyncestis 313 4 Northern Rural Territories 321 5 Summary 325 Epilogue 327 Bibliography 335 Concordance 415 Index of Ancient Sources 425 General Index 442

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Preface This study began while working as a research associate on the Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (ICG) project at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin from 2014 to 2016. A rough draft of the book was written thanks to a Junior Research Fellowship from The Macquarie University Ancient Cultures Research Centre in 2015 and an LMUexcellent Research Fellowship from the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München from 2017 to 2018. The manuscript was finally completed in my spare time between 2019 and 2022, while I prepared an epigraphic commentary of 1 Thessalonians at the University of Vienna. The research for this book could not have been completed without the material and financial support of the above-mentioned institutions and without the guidance, encouragement, and assistance of a number of people. Chief among these are the senior members of the then B-5-3 research group of the Excellence Cluster 264 Topoi, Berlin, namely, Cilliers Breytenbach (who proposed the book in the first place), Klaus Hallof (who taught me every epigraphic skill I know and who corrected numerous mistakes in the final manuscript), Stephen Mitchell, Ulrich Huttner, Christiane Zimmermann, and Erkki Sironen. Warm thanks are also due to the colleagues of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität and the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Munich for providing me with a stimulating and conducive research environment. In particular, I am grateful to David du Toit (who sponsored my LMUexcellent Research Fellowship), Loren Stuckenbruck, Christof Schuler and Rudolf Haensch (who both kindly hosted me at the Kommission für Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik, Munich). Many others have helped at various stages of development. Maya Pro­ danova dutifully supported me as a research assistant from 2014 to 2018. Alanna Nobbs and Malcolm Choat sponsored my Junior Research Fellowship at The Macquarie University Ancient Cultures Research Centre in 2015. Slavica Babamova, Carolyn Snively, Silvana Blaževska, Miško Tutkovski, and Dimitar Nikolovski greatly facilitated my research in Stobi and throughout the Republic of North Macedonia. Pantelis Nigdelis, Ekaterini Tsalampouni, Cédric Brélaz, Flora Karagianni, Efterpi Marki, Dimitra Malamidou, Chaido Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Efthymios Rizos, Aristoteles Mentzos, Theocharis Pazaras, Svetla Petrova, Vladimir Petkov, Peter Soustal, and Mihailo Popović also assisted me with various aspects of my work on southern and eastern Macedonia, and especially on Thessalonica, Philippi, Amphipolis, and Parthicopolis. Finally, Matthias Müller prepared the final manuscript with the

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

xiv

Preface

usual mastery. To all I am deeply grateful for their kindness and practical support over the past eight years. This book is dedicated to Denis Feissel, the person who has taught me the most about the Christian inscriptions from Macedonia. He deserves as much credit as I do for the completion of this volume, and it is an honor to publish this study on the fortieth anniversary of his magisterial recueil. Julien M. Ogereau Vienna, December 2022

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Maps, Charts, and Figures

Maps

(All maps by A. Städtler) 1 Distribution of Christian inscriptions in Macedonia 20 2 Roman Macedonia (based on map 20 in Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine) 25 3 Geographical setting of Macedonia 35 4 Eastern Macedonia 104 5 Central Macedonia 163 6 Western Macedonia 232 7 Northern Macedonia 281

1 2

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Charts Types of early Christian inscriptions in Macedonia 19 Distribution of Christian inscriptions in Macedonia 19

Figures Doctissimus servus Inscriptionum Graecarum in loco Demir Kapija 45 Octagon complex, Philippi 106 ICG 3247 (I.Chr. Macédoine 226): mosaic inscription by Bishop Porphyrios in the basilica of Paul, Philippi 107 ICG 3255 (I.Chr. Macédoine 234): painted prayer on the inner wall of a vaulted family tomb, Philippi 112 ICG 3380 (I.Philippi2 114): epitaph of Euodiane and Dorothea, archaeological museum of Philippi 130 Christian monuments of Philippi in late antiquity 136 Basilica B, Philippi 138 Christian monuments of Amphipolis in late antiquity 143 ICG 3647 (SEG 47.881): marble stele with an invocation to Christ, archaeological museum of Amphipolis 149 ICG 4142 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 239): building dedication by Bishop Ioannes at the entrance of basilica II, Parthicopolis 155 Restored episcopal basilica (IV), Parthicopolis 157

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

xvi 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

Maps, Charts, and Figures Restored episcopal basilica (IV), Parthicopolis 158 Restored baptistery of the episcopal basilica (IV), Parthicopolis 158 ICG 4447 (SEG 60.750): building dedication by Anthimos, Parthicopolis 160 ICG 3133 (I.Chr. Macédoine 115): epitaph of Markiane’s grand-mother, Thessalonica 166 SEG 56.1274: epitaph of the priest Aurelius Marius, Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara 167 ICG 3137 (I.Chr. Macédoine 119): epitaph of Kalokairos for his parents with fish, Thessalonica 170 ICG 3140 (I.Chr. Macédoine 122): epitaph of Kopryllos with Christogram, Thessalonica 173 The Rotunda, Thessalonica 188 Cupola mosaic of the Rotunda, Thessalonica 189 ICG 3123 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110): panel II with the martyrs Onesiphoros and Porphyrios 191 Plan of the martyr mosaics in the Rotunda, Thessalonica 192 ICG 3187 (I.Chr. Macédoine 166): epitaph of Dionysios and Zoson with Christograms, Thessalonica 207 ICG 3196 (I.Chr. Macédoine 175): epitaph of Sambatios and Maxima, Thessalonica 210 ICG 3200 (I.Chr. Macédoine 179): epitaph of Chionis with peacocks and a cantharus, Thessalonica 212 ICG 3201 (I.Chr. Macédoine 180): epitaph of Fortunatos with staurogram, Thessalonica 213 Christian monuments of Thessalonica in late antiquity 216 Mandorla mosaic of Hosios David, Thessalonica 219 ICG 3013 (I.Chr. Macédoine 6): epitaph of Epaphroditos (inv. no. ΑΚΕ 43), Edessa 237 ICG 3056 (I.Chr. Macédoine 48): epitaph of Mauros (inv. no. ΑΚΕ 62), Edessa 248 ICUR 2.4246 (EDB 8818): stele of Licinia Amias, Museo Nazionale alle Terme di Diocleziano, Rome 265 ICG 3090 (I.Chr. Macédoine 80): epitaph of Philokyrios, Partheni 266 Christian monuments of Stobi in late antiquity 283 Latin cross carved on a theater seat at Stobi 285 Staurogram or monogram(?) carved on a theater seat at Stobi 285 Episcopal basilica (I) at Stobi 288 Gilded capital from the episcopal basilica, Stobi 289

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Maps, Charts, and Figures 38 39 40 41

42

43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60

xvii

ICG 3310 (I.Stobi 256): mosaic inscription from the episcopal basilica (I), Stobi 290 ICG 3311 (I.Stobi 257): mosaic inscription from the episcopal basilica (I), Stobi 291 Graffiti on a fresco fragment from the episcopal basilica (I), Stobi 293 ICG 3349 (I.Stobi 298): mosaic inscription from the second phase of the episcopal basilica (I) commemorating Bishop Eustathios’s restoration, Stobi 294 ICG 3349 (I.Stobi 298): mosaic inscription from the second phase of the episcopal basilica (I) commemorating Bishop Eustathios’s restoration, Stobi 295 Baptistery of the episcopal basilica, Stobi 298 Baptistery of the episcopal basilica, Stobi 299 ICG 3354 (I.Stobi 303): dedication of Bishop Philippos 301 “North Basilica,” Stobi 305 Baptistery of the “North Basilica,” Stobi 305 “House of Psalms,” Stobi 307 “House of Psalms,” Stobi 307 “Central Basilica,” Stobi 308 Extra muros basilica, Stobi 310 Heraclea Lyncestis in late antiquity 315 ICG 4140 (BE 2009, no. 603): metrical epitaph for Bishop(?) Epiphanios 316 “Small basilica” (A), Heraclea Lyncestis 319 Episcopal basilica (C) and “Small basilica” (A), Heraclea Lyncestis 320 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis 322 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis 322 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis 323 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis 323 Episcopal basilica, Bargala 326

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Abbreviations Christian inscriptions already entered into the Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (ICG) are referenced by their permanent number in the database. The database can be freely accessed online (https://icg.uni-kiel.de/) and has been published on the digital repository of the Edition Topoi (https://doi.org/10.17171/1-8). Other epigraphic sources have been abbreviated according to the “List of Abbreviations of Editions and Works of Reference for Alphabetic Greek Epigraphy” of the Association Internationale d’Épigraphie Grecque et Latine (available at https://www.aiegl.org/grepiabbr.html). Abbreviations for Greek patristic literature normally follow G.W.H. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon, 1961), those for Latin texts A. Blaise, Dictionnaire latin-français des auteurs chrétiens (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), and those for nonChristian works S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). Biblical and related texts (including Philo and Josephus) have been abbreviated according to The SBL Handbook of Style, 2nd ed. (Atlanta: SBL Press, 2014). Additional abbreviations are listed below. AASS ArchD BCH BHG²

Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur. Paris et al., 1643–1940 Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον/Archaiologikon deltion Bulletin de correspondance hellénique H. Delehaye, ed. Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca. 2nd ed. Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1909 BHG³ F. Halkin, ed. Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca. 3rd ed. Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1957 BHL Société des Bollandistes, ed. Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et mediae aetatis. 2 vols. Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1898–1901 BMC R.S. Poole et al., eds. A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum. 29 vols. London: British Museum, 1873–1922 CSLA B. Ward-Perkins and R. Wiśniewski, eds. The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity. Oxford: University of Oxford, 2020. http://cultofsaints.history .ox.ac.uk/ DACL F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq. Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie. 15 vols. Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1924–1953 EDB A. Felle et al., eds. Epigraphic Database Bari: Inscriptions by Christians in Rome (3rd–8th cent. CE). Bari: Università degli studi di Bari Aldo Moro, 1988–. http://www.edb.uniba.it Ergon Το Έργον της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας/To Ergon tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Abbreviations

xix

C. Breytenbach et al., eds. Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (ICG): A Digital Collection of Greek Early Christian Inscriptions from Asia Minor and Greece. Berlin: Edition Topoi, 2019. https://doi.org/10.17171/1-8 or (more up-to-date) https://icg.uni-kiel.de/ JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies LGPN P.M. Fraser and E. Matthews, eds. A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. 5 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1987–2014 LSJ H.G. Liddell and R. Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon: With a Revised Supplement. Edited by H.S. Jones and R. McKenzie. 9th ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1996 Malchus L.R. Cresci, ed. Malco di Filadelfia: Frammenti; Testo critico, introduzione, traduzione e commentario. Byzantina et Neo-Hellenica Neapolitana 9. Naples: Bibliopolis, 1982 Mansi G.D. Mansi, ed. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. 31 vols. Florence: Veneti, 1759–1798 NewDocs G.H.R. Horsley, S.R. Llewelyn, and J.R. Harrison, eds. New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity. 10 vols. Macquarie University, Sydney: The Ancient History Documentary Research Centre, 1981–2002 OLD P.G.W. Glare, ed. Oxford Latin Dictionary. 2 vols. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 2012 PAE Πρακτικά της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας/Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Hetaireias P.Col. 7 R.S. Bagnall and N. Lewis, eds. Columbia Papyri. Vol. 7, Fourth Century Documents from Karanis. American Studies in Papyrology 20. Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1979 P.Ness. 2 L. Casson and E.L. Hettich, eds. Excavations at Nessana. Vol. 2, Literary Papyri. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950 PGL G.W.H. Lampe, ed. A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon, 1961. PLRE A.H.M. Jones, J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris, eds. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire. 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971–1992 TIB 11 P. Soustal. Tabula Imperii Byzantini. Vol. 11, Makedonien, Südlicher Teil. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 535. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2022 ICG

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

chapter 1

Introduction 1

Beyond Harnack’s Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums

“Das Christentum auf der Balkanhalbinsel (Illyrische Diözese) ist uns für die ersten Jahrhunderte schlecht bekannt.”1 So begins the short section on the dissemination of Christianity throughout Thracia, Macedonia, Dardania, and the southern regions of the Greek peninsula in the fourth edition of Adolf von Harnack’s monumental study Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten.2 The reason for his negative conclusion was simple. There lacked “exceptional men” (“[e]s fehlte an hervorragenden Männern”),3 he noted, men such as Bishop Dionysius from Corinth whose influence extended from Rome to the Pontus region.4 As a result, he deduced, Christianity had spread in an heterogeneous, if not ad hoc, fashion throughout the Balkans: “Die Verbreitung war eine sehr verschiedene.”5 Prior to the council of Nicaea in AD 325, it firmly established itself at the easternmost tip of the European continent around Byzantium (later renamed Constantinople) in eastern Thracia and blossomed in cities such as Corinth and Thessalonica.6 Yet, he concluded, it made few inroads in the Balkan peninsula overall and failed to impose itself before the fourth century, rendering a discussion of Christianity in the region nearly impossible: “die meisten Teile der Halbinsel können bis 325 nur eine spärliche christliche Bevölkerung besessen haben. 1 Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 786. 2 Ibid., 786–93. The first (1902), second (1906), and third (1915) editions all begin with the same opening statement—the first edition only misses the clarification “(Illyrische Diözese).” As regards Macedonia, the first two sections of the third chapter (“Die Verbreitung des Christentums bis zum Jahre 325”) of the fourth book (“Die Verbreitung der christlichen Religion”), which list the places where Christian communities were attested in the first century (sec. 1; pp. 621–26) and in the second century before AD 180 (sec. 2; pp. 626–28), mainly record evidence from the New Testament (cf. p. 624). 3 Ibid., 786–87. He admitted elsewhere nonetheless that the success of Christianity was not due to a few individuals but ultimately to Christians themselves who acted as “effective missionaries” (“Die zahlreichsten und erfolgreichsten Missionare der christlichen Religion waren nicht die berufsmäßigen Lehrer, sondern die Christen selbst, sofern sie treu und stark waren,” p. 377). 4 Eusebius, h.e. 4.23. On Dionysius’s extensive network, see now Concannon, Assembling Early Christianity. 5 Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 787. 6 Ibid., 787.

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_002

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

2

chapter 1

Von einem gemeinsamen Charakter und Typus derselben läßt sich natürlich nicht sprechen.”7 In sum, however vigorous the evangelists from Thessalonica had been,8 one could not really speak of a Macedonian or Greek Christianity: “[e]in macedonisches oder ein Christentum Griechenlands, wie es ein kleinasiastisches, syrisches, pontisch-armenisches und ägyptisches gegeben hat, hat sich in besonderer Eigenart niemals entwickelt.”9 For once, Harnack’s treatment of the evidence could hardly be described as “positivistic.”10 His cursory survey of the early Christian sources from Macedonia, which runs over two paragraphs or thirteen lines of text, simply adduces a handful of literary testimonia relating to Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea,11 and a single inscription from Edessa, which was later added in a footnote in the third edition.12 This is hardly surprising when one considers that Harnack himself had no intention of collecting and examining all the relevant evidence comprehensively,13 having in fact invited other specialists to join him in the mission of mapping early Christianity,14 and since that, by the early twentieth century, the territory of Macedonia had still not been extensively explored.15 No major site had been thoroughly excavated and little Christian 7 8 9 10

11

12

13

14 15

Ibid., 786. Cf. 1 Thess 1:8. Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 792. This seems to be a commonly held view in North American circles, though one rarely, if ever, articulated (cf. Bremmer, Rise of Christianity, 30, on the lack of secondary literature on Harnack’s Mission und Ausbreitung). Cf. White, “Harnack,” 99; Maier, “Christ Belief in the Lycus Valley,” 153. For a critique of Harnack’s treatment of Jewish sources, see Cohen, “Harnack.” For a more general critique, see Henderson, “Mission and Ritual”; Bremmer, Rise of Christianity, 24–47 (with further bibliography referenced p. 30 n. 127). E.g., Eusebius, h.e. 4.26; v.C. 4.43. Stobi and Pydna are also briefly mentioned (Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 791–92). But note the remarkable comment in reference to the attested or alleged presence of Christians at Trajanopolis (Thracia), Buthrotum (Epirus), and Pydna (Macedonia), which was included in footnotes in the fourth edition: “Leider vermag ich aus meinen Papieren zur Zeit nicht festzustellen, aus welchen Quellen ich die Nachrichten über diese Orte geschöpft habe” (p. 792 n. 5). ICG 3012 (I.Chr. Macédoine 5; I.Kato Maked. II 351; AD III). See Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 788 n. 2 (p. 238 n. 3 in 3rd ed.). Mullen’s 2004 gazetteer of Christian Macedonian sources dated prior to AD 325 hardly improves on Harnack (see Mullen, Expansion of Christianity, 154–69), so meagre is the evidence from the second and third centuries (as he himself acknowledges, pp. 2–3). See Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 642: “Vollständigkeit in Bezug auf das sichere geographische Material ist hier angestrebt; ob sie erreicht ist, darüber wird mich die Kritik belehren. Vollständigkeit ist freilich auch hier ein relativer Begriff. Nicht alle Zeugnisse für eine sichere Thatsache habe ich aufgesucht und angeführt.” Cf. ibid., VI. Ibid., 620 n. 1. Harnack himself appears to have never visited the area. On his major travels, see ZahnHarnack, Adolf von Harnack, 288–92, 377–91. On the earliest explorers of Macedonia, see Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

3

(or even non-Christian) epigraphic material had been identified, let alone compiled, edited, and published outside of the works of the Greek philologists Margaritis G. Dimitsas and Petros N. Papageorgiou,16 works which Harnack likely had neither knowledge of nor access to, and which in any case contained a minimal sample of Christian inscriptions that (mostly) postdated his main period of interest. Similarly, Ernst Curtius and Adolf Kirchhoff’s fourth volume of the Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum, which Harnack would have certainly been able to consult while in Berlin from 1888 onwards, comprised only a modest collection of relevant evidence from mainland Greece and Illyricum,17 and no more than four inscriptions from Macedonia, all of which except one had been dated between the fifth and the sixth centuries.18 Whether Harnack would have reached a different conclusion about the spread of Christianity in Macedonia prior to AD 325 had he considered these few inscriptions will never be known. At the very least, he might have come to suspect that there was more evidence still to be uncovered that could suggest that Christianity was, by the fourth century already, much more diffused throughout the region than what was originally assumed. As the next hundred years would show, there was indeed much more lurking underneath the surface than anyone had probably hoped for or even imagined. Almost five hundred Christian inscriptions have come to light since then in Macedonia alone, while numerous ecclesiastical buildings have been identified or excavated throughout the region.19 No longer, therefore, should we bemoan with Harnack our ignorance of early Christianity in the Balkan peninsula, for we now have more

Bellier et al., Macédoine, 49–59; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 4–8; Hatzopoulos, “Les épigraphistes français en Macédoine.” 16 See Dimitsas, Μακεδονία, and Nigdelis, Παπαγεωργίου επιγραφικά μελετήματα. Dimitsas’s collection comprises about fifty Christian inscriptions from Macedonia, while Papageorgiou seems to have published only seven. 17 See pars quarta of CIG 4 (nos. 9288–9449) published in 1856. Most of the inscriptions come from Athens. 18 CIG 4.8965, 9439, 9440, 9441 (cf. ICG 3122–3128, 3137, 3208, and 3237 in the relevant sections). Other resources Harnack would have been able to consult include Bayet’s dissertation, De titulis Atticae christianis (1878), and the collection of Greek and Latin inscriptions by Le Bas and Waddington (1870). The latter, however, contains only one Christian inscription from Macedonia: LBW 3.1424 (ICG 3237). 19 On the epigraphic sources, see sec. 3 below. According to Snively (“Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 567 with n. 91), “several hundred churches” have been discovered on the territory of North Macedonia (though not all have been thoroughly excavated and documented). Cf. Mikulčić who estimated the number of late antique and early Byzantine churches in the region at two hundred. See Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 12, with p. 54 (chart 1) and “Beilage 2.” For the archaeological evidence found in northern Greece, now see Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

4

chapter 1

than enough material to begin to piece back together a picture, however hazy and incomplete it may be, of early Macedonian Christianity. This is precisely what this volume intends to achieve. Its primary objective is to update and expand Harnack’s initial limited survey—survey which was little improved by Roderic I. Mullen’s recent gazetteer20—and thus to document with the help of all the relevant primary sources the emergence and development of Christianity in Macedonia in the first six centuries. It relates how small and dispersed groups of Christ-believers eventually grew into a major religious institution and explores, amongst other issues, how the first Christian communities were initially formed and organized, what place and role they came to have in Macedonian society, and how Christian identity was defined and expressed. What it does not attempt, however, is to revisit all of the questions Harnack addressed in his magisterial Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums, or to identify each and every one of the factors that may have contributed to the expansion of the Christian faith in the region.21 Undoubtedly, because of the fragmentary nature of the extant primary evidence, this historical reconstruction can only be a limited and imperfect, and at times a very impressionistic and obscure, depiction of the ancient reality.22 Similarly, as with any work of historical interpretation, it will inevitably be a very subjective treatment of the topic, one that has been oriented and structured by the author’s own understanding of the evidence, his subjective appreciation of its historical significance, his personal research interests, and by the very questions he deemed meaningful to be asked of the material.23 As Daniel Marguerat once remarked, “[t]here is no history apart from the historian’s interpretative mediation which supplies meaning: history is narrative and, as such, constructed from a point of view.”24 Nevertheless, it is hoped that the following study will advance significantly our understanding of early Christianity in Macedonia, of its diffusion throughout the Balkan peninsula, and of its impact on Graeco-Roman culture and society more generally.

20 Mullen’s survey of the evidence from Greece does include a few more patristic references than Harnack’s. See Mullen, Expansion of Christianity, 154–69. 21 Regional surveys of Christianity generate and answer different types of questions than general, comprehensive studies. Cf. Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 2. 22 Cf. Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 1; Hengel, Acts, 3–5; Marguerat, First Christian Historian, 6. 23 Cf. Mitchell, History of the Later Roman Empire, 16. 24 Marguerat, First Christian Historian, 5–6.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

2

5

History of Research

To say that the history of early Christianity in Macedonia has not aroused great scholarly interest would be an understatement,25 despite the fact that the question of the expansion of Christianity, or of the “Christianization” of the Roman empire, continues to generate an abundant secondary literature.26 To this day, the number of studies specifically addressing the topic can be counted almost on a single hand. This does not mean that Macedonian Christianity has been of no concern at all to scholars of early Christianity. However, their attention has generally concentrated on the first Christian communities the apostle Paul founded at Philippi and Thessalonica, and especially on the letters he wrote to them,27 which recent studies have increasingly sought to interpret with greater consideration for their cultural and material environment.28 Thus, with a few rare exceptions, scholarship has rarely moved beyond the first century and has never explored the subject from a broad regional perspective, usually preferring to focus on a single locality at a time.29 Classicists and ancient historians, on the other hand, barely, if ever, delve into Macedonia’s Christian past. It is rather telling, for instance, that each of the two companions on ancient Macedonia published by Brill and Blackwell dedicates no more than a single chapter to the emergence of Christianity and to the history of the province in late antiquity.30 Whatever the reason(s) for this lacuna might be, the history of early Christianity in Macedonia deserves to be investigated thoroughly and to be recounted in a way that integrates all the available primary evidence, something which no study has ever attempted. 25 The same observation applies to Roman Macedonia, which has received less attention than other provinces. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 2–3. 26 For recent treatments, see, e.g., Harris, Spread of Christianity; Trombley, “Spread of Christianity”; Inglebert, Destephen, and Dumézil, Le problème de la christianisation; Rothschild and Schröter, Rise and Expansion of Christianity; Ameling, Christianisierung Kleinasiens. 27 See the relevant sections in chap. 3 below. 28 See, e.g., Tsalampouni, “Die urchristlichen Gemeinden in Makedonien”; Nasrallah, Bakir­ tzis, and Friesen, From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē; Harrison and Welborn, Philippi; Friesen, Lychounas, and Schowalter, Philippi. 29 On Philippi and Thessalonica, see, e.g., Pilhofer, Philippi; Bormann, Philippi; Brélaz, Phi­ lippes; Friesen, Lychounas, and Schowalter, Philippi; Harrison and Welborn, Philippi; vom Brocke, Thessaloniki; Nasrallah, Bakirtzis, and Friesen, From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē; Harrison and Welborn, Thessalonica. Collart, Philippes, and Lemerle, Phi­ lippes, are the only two diachronic studies spanning several centuries. For a succinct survey of its bishops, see Vailhé, “Les évêques de Philippes.” 30 See Kyrtatas, “Early Christianity in Macedonia,” and Snively, “Macedonia in Late An­tiquity.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

6

chapter 1

Radomir Popović’s 1996 dissertation Le Christianisme sur le sol de l’Illyricum oriental jusqu’à l’arrivée des Slaves mainly provides a general ecclesiastical history of the prefecture of Illyricum, one which places a special emphasis on hagiographical traditions and theological controversies.31 His treatment of Macedonia proper, however, remains rather limited, as his ambitious study covers a wide geographical area that encompasses Pannonia, Dardania, Macedonia, Moesia, Dacia, and parts of Dalmatia. With regards to Macedonia, it mainly focuses on the ministry of the apostle Paul in the Greek peninsula in the first century,32 and, for subsequent centuries, on the history of the main episcopal centers in and around northern Macedonia, that is, Heraclea Lyncestis, Stobi, Lychnidos, and Bargala.33 Are thus completely left out all the southern Macedonian regions, which comprised some of the largest and most important cities such as Thessalonica, Philippi, Amphipolis, Beroea, and Dium.34 Further, despite his acknowledgement of the importance of epigraphic and archaeological sources (and the existence of about 1,100 inscriptions from Illyricum),35 Popović does not explore or discuss these in any detail and makes very little use of Denis Feissel’s recueil of inscriptions. Instead, he relies more heavily, and at times rather uncritically, on Christian literary sources and hagiographical traditions that often have dubious historical origins.36 More problematic still is the way in which his religious enthusiasm,37 his tendency to interpret historical events theologically, and his desire to root 31

32 33 34 35 36 37

His third chapter on the “évènements ecclésiastiques” in Illyricum in the fourth and fifth centuries is particularly useful. Zeiller’s dated article (“Les premiers siècles chrétiens”) had hardly touched on Macedonia, while Bratož’s brief study (“Kirche in Makedonien”) had mostly focused on theological and ecclesiastical considerations. Popović, Christianisme, 27–40. The final pages of the first chapter (pp. 40–50) are devoted to the tradition of St. Andrew’s evangelistic work in Greece and Thrace. Ibid., 113–34. The role of Thessalonica vis-à-vis Rome and Constantinople is nonetheless discussed, ibid., 189–92. Ibid., 21–22. The number of 1,100 inscriptions was likely borrowed from Barnea, “L’épi­ graphie chrétienne,” 631. See, e.g., his summary treatment of the traditions relating to the ministries of the apostle Andrew and various other saints throughout the Balkans, Popović, Christianisme, 41–44. Cf. Caseau’s review of Popović’s study. To suggest that “déjà à l’aube du Nouveau Testament, le Christianisme avait fortement inondé le sud-est de l’Europe, les Balkans et à travers eux des pays de l’Europe occidentale” (Popović, Christianisme, 29), is exaggerated, to say the least. Cf. p. 33 on the supposed impact and rapid growth of Philippi as a “missionary center”; p. 44 on how quickly and deeply the Christian faith took root in all the cities Paul visited; or pp. 118–20 on how the (slim) primary evidence from Heraclea Lyncestis offers us a relatively complete picture of Christianity there.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

7

the Slavic orthodox tradition in the apostolic tradition (independently from Rome)38 regularly taint his analysis and conclusions. In sum, what Popović has given us is an apologetic ecclesiastical history of the prefecture of Illyricum that gives pride of place to the theological controversies and developments of the fourth and fifth centuries,39 and which occasionally flirts with triumphalism and caricature.40 Despite his impressive command of patristic and hagiographical sources, Popović’s monograph thus proves to be of limited historiographical value and documents only partially the rise and spread of Christianity in Macedonia. Regrettably, subsequent studies have not greatly enriched our knowledge of the topic or improved Popović’s treatment. Blaga Aleksova’s 1997 survey of martyrial centers dating from the fourth to the ninth century, Loca sanctorum Macedoniae, does provide an informative introduction to the Christian archaeology discovered on the territory of the Republic of North Macedonia41—what used to be known as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM).42 However, her belief that martyrial cults were fundamental to the development of early Christian art and architecture, and that ecclesiastical buildings were generally built on top of, or in the vicinity of, martyria,43 often leads her to

38 See, e.g., ibid., 21, 134, 189–92, 199. See esp. p. 204 and his conclusion (contra Pietri, “Illyricum ecclésiastique”) on the question of the vicariate of Illyricum (through which Rome sought to control the dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia), which he judges to be “une doctrine ou prétention purement romaine” (p. 192). 39 See esp. his chap. 3 on the contributions of bishops from Illyricum to the theological debates at the councils of the fourth and fifth centuries. 40 See, e.g., his conclusion (ibid., 224): “toutes ces réminiscences paléochrétiennes […] témoignent que le Christianisme, dès les 3e et 4e siècles, n’était pas seulement répandu sur ces territoires, mais qu’il y était devenu la civilisation dominante qui fleurissait et se développait en rayonnant son influence bénéfique vers les peuples des environs qui n’avaient pas encore été baptisés.” 41 Aleksova, Loca sanctorum. For a summary, see ead., “Religious Centres.” Over the years, Aleksova has produced an abundance of articles on the early Christian archaeology from the region, not all of which have been translated in English unfortunately. Aleksova’s survey represents an improvement from Hoddinott’s Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia, which offers a general overview of the origins and development of early Christian art and architecture in the region. Although useful for its descriptions and illustrations of the main late antique and early Byzantine churches, it contains a number of transcription errors and misinterpretations vis-à-vis the inscriptions. 42 For a review of the historical and diplomatic issues involved, see Danforth, “Macedonia.” 43 In the absence of a martyrium, “relics of anonymous local martyrs” (Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 272) would often be placed right underneath the altar table in the basilica (see pp. 34–35, 272).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

8

chapter 1

overinterpret the archaeological data.44 Also questionable is her assumption that large numbers of Christians were systematically martyred for their faith throughout Macedonia and subsequently revered at local memorials set up near theaters where they had been executed.45 Though valuable as an introduction into the archaeological material of the region, many conclusions in Aleksova’s survey simply cannot be taken seriously. Thankfully, more recent studies have been more evidence-based and less ideologically driven, even though they have not been as detailed and comprehensive as one might have wished. Dimitris J. Kyrtatas’s twenty-page-long essay published in Brill’s companion in 2011, for instance, offers little more than a general and superficial overview of the topic.46 It mostly revisits well-known literary sources such as the book of Acts, Paul’s letters to the Philippians and to the Thessalonians, or less familiar ones such as Polycarp’s letter to the Philippians and the Acts of the martyrs Agape, Irene, and Chione. Remarkably, however, it hardly gives any consideration to epigraphic and archaeological material and shows no familiarity with Feissel’s seminal corpus of inscriptions. In this respect, the recent works of Carolyn S. Snively and Efthymios Rizos, two archaeologists and historians of the late antique Balkans, have been more insightful in the way they have probed archaeological evidence to illustrate the Christian transformation of Macedonia in late antiquity. Still, they do not quite do justice to the wealth of epigraphic sources discovered in the last hundred years, a task that is obviously impossible to accomplish in the span of a few pages.47 Their geographical scope is also rather broad and exceeds the boundaries of this study: Snively surveys the Christian archaeology from the modern territory of North Macedonia, which, in late antiquity, straddled 44 Her theory about the development of the Christian monumental architecture at Stobi, and in particular about the presence of a domus ecclesiae located underneath the Episcopal Basilica, is a case in point, as no such domus has ever been found. A similar observation would apply to her attempt to identify the martyr to whom the North Basilica was dedicated. See Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 83, 141. Cf. Wiseman, “Stobi,” 406–7; Snively, “Early Christian Period.” 45 Cf. Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 30–37, 81–89, 271–74. Her connection (pp. 87, 273–74) between the architectural plan of theaters and that of basilicas is particularly dubious. 46 Kyrtatas, “Early Christianity in Macedonia.” The same may be said of Valeva and Vionis’s overview of early Christianity in the Balkan peninsula, in which Macedonia is dealt with very cursorily. See Valeva and Vionis, “Balkan Peninsula.” 47 Snively, “Early Christian Period,” and Rizos, “Christian Society.” See also Snively, “Mace­ donia in Late Antiquity,” 559–69; ead. “Episcopal Basilica.” Snively’s “Early Christian Period” is a valuable and well-illustrated survey that would deserve to be republished in English and disseminated more widely. Special thanks are due to the author for sharing a copy of the original English draft.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

9

Introduction

across the provinces of Dardania, Epirus, Dacia mediterranea, and Macedonia, while Rizos examines the Christianization of the late Roman civil diocese of Macedonia, which encompassed the provinces of Macedonia, Thessalia, Epirus, Achaia, and Creta. Be that as it may, their shift away from over-analyzed literary sources unto non-literary material, and their efforts to examine both types of sources together and no longer in isolation represent an important and commendable move that points the way forward methodologically. For, as we shall see in the next section, epigraphic and archaeological evidence effectively constitute our principal source of information about early Christianity in Macedonia after the second century. These recent encouraging developments notwithstanding, a comprehensive and integrated history of the rise and expansion of Christianity throughout Macedonia remains to be written. 3

Sources and Methodological Considerations

As alluded in the previous two sections, the bulk of the early Christian evidence from Macedonia consists of a handful of literary testimonia, dozens of archaeological vestiges, and almost five hundred inscriptions, which, for the most part, are dated between the fourth and the sixth centuries. While this may not seem much at first, it is more than enough to help us gain a better understanding, albeit an imperfect one, of the beginnings of Christianity in Macedonia. In fact, when one compares this body of evidence to what has been preserved in other regions of Asia Minor or the Balkans, one feels rather fortunate, and at times overwhelmed, to have so much material to work with. The best-preserved literary sources, namely, the letters written by the apostle Paul and Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna, to the churches in Philippi and Thessalonica, and the sixteenth and seventeenth chapters of the book of Acts, bring us back to the earliest days of Christianity in the first and early second centuries. In this respect, they represent our earliest and best source of information on the foundation of the first Christian communities at Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea. The epigraphic and archaeological evidence, on the other hand, takes us much further into late antiquity as it spans from the end of the third century to the end of the sixth century. What is thus immediately apparent is a gap of about one hundred and fifty years between the last major piece of literary evidence, most likely Polycarp’s letter written in the first half of the second century,48 and the first (preserved) Christian inscriptions from Thessalonica and Edessa, which date from the late third century at the 48

On the date of the letter, see Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 40–45.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

10

chapter 1

earliest. In other words, unlike in the upper regions of central Anatolia where a large number of third-century inscriptions have been found,49 very little epigraphic material dated prior to the fourth century has survived in Macedonia. This major lacuna in our sources, which will probably never be mended, is but one of several challenges confronting the historian. Among other issues are the historical authenticity of some of our literary sources such as the Acts of the martyrs Agape, Irene, and Chione, or the book of Acts—an inexhaustible source of scholarly disputes—as well as the authorship, date, and manu­ script tradition of texts such as 2 Thessalonians or Polycarp’s letter to the Philippians.50 The reliance on a handful of personal letters, be they written by the apostle Paul or by someone else, is also problematic since letters do not necessarily record historical events explicitly and/or objectively. They are generally one-sided, occasional documents that are rhetorically designed to address a particular situation or set of circumstances, which, more often than not, can only be inferred by reading between the lines (with all the dangers it implies). The nature of our literary sources, and some of the unresolved scholarly debates about them therefore justify that they be treated cautiously and critically, though not necessarily hypercritically.51 This said, ancient inscriptions (as much as archaeological vestiges) are hardly easier material to work with and present their own set of challenges and limitations.52 Firstly, their date and provenance, two fundamental pieces of information without which it is difficult to place inscriptions in their historical context, cannot always be determined with precision (for a variety of reasons).53 They can also be fragmentary (to various extents), having been damaged accidentally or intentionally recut and reused as building material 49 Cf. Destephen, “La christianisation de l’Asie Mineure,” and Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity.” 50 See the relevant sections in chap. 3 below. 51 As Hemer, Acts, 86–87, once remarked: “The presence of Tendenz in an ancient source does not invalidate that source; it merely requires the proper exercise of critical judgment upon it.” Cf. Mitchell, Anatolia, 2:3. 52 Few introductions on epigraphy have been written with students and scholars of early Christianity in mind, and the methodological approach of older manuals on Christian epigraphy is usually problematic (see further below). Perhaps the most helpful resources on the Christian epigraphic material are Carletti, Epigrafia dei cristiani, and Guarducci, Epigrafia greca, vol. 4. For more general introductions to epigraphy, see Robert, “L’épi­ graphie”; Bodel, Epigraphic Evidence; McLean, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Cf. the bibliography in Bérard, Guide de l’épigraphiste, 27–30. 53 In the absence of explicit internal evidence, inscriptions can be extremely difficult to date. The letter style, the presence of specific formulae and titles, and sometimes the archaeological context in which the inscription was found often only allow a rough estimate down to a century or two.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

11

(often in haste to erect fortification walls).54 Hence, inscriptions ought to be approached with circumspection and reasonable expectations as they can only offer us a glimpse and not a full picture of the ancient reality. Furthermore, as John Bodel has noted, the text and form of an inscription are in part always determined by cultural conventions, by “what was considered appropriate to communicate or to record […] on a particular object in a particular place at a particular time,” and not “solely by what one wished to communicate or to record.”55 The exploitation of inscriptions as sources of social data can therefore be tricky as they were not meant to record social or “demographic realities.” Rather, inscriptions merely reflect “commemoratives practices,” which were to a great extent dependent on local cultural factors.56 Similarly, caution ought to be exercised when only one artefact has survived, as Charalampos Tsochos reminds us in his introduction to Die Religion in der römischen Provinz Makedonien: “Einzelbelege, die zwar ein Indiz für eine bestimmte Situation darstellen, können deshalb nicht immer als repräsentativ angesehen werden.”57 Single instances indeed hardly warrant general conclusions but may give glimpses into the lives of ordinary people in ways that literary sources do not.58 Special consideration must also be given, as much as is possible, to the mo­numental and architectural setting in which inscriptions were originally displayed, if their function and significance are to be adequately interpreted and fully appreciated.59 That is to say, they ought to be studied not merely as texts but as integral monuments, whose “modes of display” conveyed “verbal and non-verbal messages […] to the public that viewed and read them.”60 While this might be difficult to achieve for inscriptions that were not originally set up in a public urban context, as is the case of most funerary texts, other cues such as the physical aspect of the monument and the decorations accompanying the text can still provide valuable insight as to how those who commissioned it wished to represent themselves and be remembered.61 54 55 56 57 58 59

Cf. Pandermalis, “Monuments and Art,” 211. Bodel, “Epigraphy and the Ancient Historian,” 34. Ibid., 36. Tsochos, Makedonien, 12. Cf. Bodel, “Epigraphy and the Ancient Historian,” 39–41. This methodological approach was the theme of the fourteenth epigraphic congress in Berlin in 2012. See Eck and Funke, Öffentlichkeit—Monument—Text. Cf. Carletti, “Epigrafia cristiana,” 116; Bolle, Machado, and Witschel, Epigraphic Cultures, 16–18. On the challenges of dealing with funerary epigraphic material originating from rural contexts, see esp. Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity,” 277–79. 60 Ibid., 276. 61 Cf. ibid., 277–78.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

12

chapter 1

In short, despite their inherent limitations, inscriptions remain a vital source of information on the social groups that produced them. As deliberate acts of communication, commemoration, or self-representation, they can disclose, both explicitly and implicitly, a good deal about ancient beliefs, mentalités, value systems, social structures, cultural identities, and even social, political, or religious agendas.62 With respect to Macedonian Christianity, inscriptions constitute our most abundant, and thus principal, source of information in the post-Constantinian era, which explains why they shall be given pride of place in the following study. They shall prove all the more valuable insofar as they illustrate one of the way(s) in which the early Macedonian Christians defined and asserted their religious identity and place in society. This acknowledged, it is necessary at this stage to establish what actually constitutes a “Christian inscription,” or at least what will be herein considered as a “Christian inscription.” The question might seem superfluous to ask, but it needs to be clarified since identifying the religious disposition or affiliation of the person(s) setting up or mentioned in an inscription is not always a straightforward process,63 and because the category itself (along with those of “Jewish epigraphy” and “pagan epigraphy”) has been called into question over the last few decades64—just as “Christianity,” “Judaism,” and “paganism” have been contested as mutually exclusive identity categories.65 Recognizing the intrinsic difficulties in defining “Christian inscriptions” in a so-called “Christian Roman empire” after the fourth century and in distinguishing them (at times) from “Jewish” or “pagan inscriptions,” a number of epigraphists have indeed called to abandon what has been increasingly perceived as an artificial and misleading classification, which, historically, was the result of a nineteenth-century, apologetic and confessional agenda wanting to make “Christian epigraphy” (as much as “Christian archaeology”) a discipline separate from classical epigraphy

62 Cf. Bolle, Machado, and Witschel, Epigraphic Cultures, 18; Mitchell, “Emergence of Chris­ tian Identity,” 278. See also Aigrain, Manuel, 1:8–9. 63 See, e.g., the discussion of an epigram in honor of the hyparchos Basileios displayed at Thessalonica in Ogereau, “Authority and Identity,” 217–22. Cf. Ameling, “Epigraphic Habit,” 217. 64 Carletti (“Epigrafia cristiana”) was perhaps the first to call for a major reconsideration of “Christian epigraphy” during a colloquium of the Association Internationale d’Épigraphie Grecque et Latine in Bologna in 1986. Cf. Carletti, Epigrafia dei cristiani, 9–11, 13–18; Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies.” 65 The secondary literature on this issue is too important to be listed in full here. Recent major contributions include (among others): Mitchell, “Theos Hypsistos”; Lieu, Christian Identity; Piepenbrink, Christliche Identität; Rebillard, Christians and Their Many Identities; Alkier and Leppin, Juden—Heiden—Christen?

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

13

(and classical archaeology).66 Instead, they have advocated that all late antique epigraphic material be studied together as a whole—hence the proposed ca­tegory of “late antique epigraphy” to describe any inscriptions dated between the late third and the early seventh centuries67—and that Christian epigraphic specificities be appreciated as the epigraphic habit, or habits (if one is to take regional variations into account), of the early Christians—what Carlo Carletti has called the “epigraphy of Christians” (“epigrafia dei cristiani”).68 The distinction between “Christian epigraphy” and “epigraphy of Christians” may be subtle, but it is significant, and its ramifications are not unimportant. It is particularly pertinent when it comes to the compilation of epigraphic corpora or when one considers late antique epigraphy as a whole.69 Put simply, the term “Christian” should neither describe a historical period nor the bulk of the epigraphic material from a particular period. The distinction is also useful in correcting problematic definitions and in rescuing “Christian inscriptions” from the disciplinary isolation and historical decontextualization that have been imposed upon them.70 That is, Christian epigraphic habits should not be seen as having developed ex nihilo and ipso facto but must be replaced and studied within the century-old, Greek and Roman epigraphic traditions from which they stemmed.71 The distinction is thus helpful in that it demythologizes “Christian epigraphy” and differentiates between the act of “documenting a

66

67

68 69 70

71

See esp. Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies,” 507–9. Cf. Carletti, “Epigrafia cristiana,” 115–16; id., Epigrafia dei cristiani, 9, 13–18. On the difficulties of differentiating Christian and Jewish inscriptions in particular, see Kant, “Jewish Inscriptions,” 686; Kraemer, “Jewish Tuna and Christian Fish”; Bij de Vaate and Van Henten, “Jewish or Non-Jewish?” See esp. Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies,” 509–12. Cf. Carletti, Epigrafia dei cristiani, 9–11. Roueché and Sotinel do not say what is to be done with third-century Christian inscriptions from Rome or with the 250 pre-Constantinian Christian inscriptions from central Asia Minor, however. On the latter, see Destephen, “La christianisation de l’Asie Mineure”; Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity,” 280–97. Cf. Carletti, “Epigrafia cristiana”; id., Epigrafia dei cristiani, 9. Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies,” 506–9. See, e.g., the definition articulated by Monceaux in 1903 and accepted by De Rossi, Le Blant, Aigrain, Jalabert, and Mouterde. Before the end of the fourth century and the banning of “paganism,” any inscription that presents obvious signs of Christianity (“une preuve évidente de christianisme”) is considered as Christian. From the fifth century onwards, any inscription that does not contain any sure evidence of “paganism” must be taken as Christian. Monceaux, “Enquête sur l’épigraphie chrétienne,” 61. Cf. Aigrain, Manuel, 1:5; DACL 7:623; Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies,” 508. Cf. Carletti, Epigrafia dei cristiani, 9.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

14

chapter 1

religious practice”—a nineteenth-century concern—and that of “documenting a social group.”72 This acknowledged, it should not dispense historians, as good sociologists and anthropologists, from the necessity of identifying and collecting a manageable body of primary sources in the first place, before proceeding to study the people who produced them—hence the need for the Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (ICG) database.73 As Charlotte Roueché and Claire Sotinel have themselves admitted, collections of Christian inscriptions do remain “convenient” and “useful,”74 indeed indispensable, to those primarily interes­ ted in Christianity. Care only needs to be taken how the material is defined and assembled, and that it “be plunged again into the sea of all the inscriptions of the epoch in question,” that is, that it be examined within its wider historical context.75 With these methodological caveats in mind, and whilst acknowledging the inadequacy of “Christian epigraphy” as a broad category and as a discipline for the study of Graeco-Roman society in late antiquity, this study shall nonetheless retain the label “Christian inscription” and generally apply it, for all practical intents and purposes, to any inscription put up by or for someone who is a “Christian.”76 More specifically, it shall consider as Christian any inscription erected by or for someone who is explicitly identified as a χρ(ε)ιστιανός/-ή or χρηστιανός/-ή (“Christian”), and/or any inscription mentioning a Christian building (or institution), and/or any inscription that presents easily recognizable Christian symbols such as a Greek cross (+), a Latin cross (✝), a Christogram (☧) or staurogram (⳨), nomina sacra such as Χ̅ ̅Ꞷ̅ (i.e., Χριστῷ, “by/to Christ”), or acronyms such as ΙΧΘΥΣ (i.e., Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Υἱὸς Σωτήρ, “Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior”). Specific Christian titles, offices, or epithets such as ἐπίσκοπος (“bishop”), πρεσβύτερος (“presbyter”), διάκονος/διακόνισσα (“deacon/deaconess”), or δοῦλος/δούλη τοῦ Θεοῦ/Χριστοῦ (“slave of God/Christ”) are also usually understood to be characteristically Christian, as are words, formulae, prayers, or acclamations that were typically used by Christians. Among these are, for 72 Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies,” 510. 73 For more information on the history and rationale of the whole ICG project, see Brey­ tenbach and Ogereau, “Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae”; Ogereau and Huttner, “Inscrip­ tiones Christianae Graecae Database.” 74 Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies,” 508, 510. 75 Ibid., 510–11. 76 For a similar rationale establishing selection criteria to identify Jewish inscriptions, see Kant, “Jewish Inscriptions,” 682–83; I.Jud. Orientis 1, p. v; and I.Jud. Orientis 2, pp. 8–21. Cf. Van der Horst, “Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis,” 67–69 (for an evaluation of the criteria used by I.Jud. Orientis), and Kraemer, “Jewish Tuna and Christian Fish,” for additional methodological caveats. See also the discussion in Felle, “Judaism and Christianity.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

15

example, the terms ἀνάστασις (“resurrection”), κοιμητήριον (lit., “resting place”), or μνήμης +άριν (“in remembrance”) where a cross replaces the chi of χάριν,77 and the acclamation ζήσῃς ἐν θεῷ/vivas in Deo (“may you live in God!”) or the prayer Χριστὲ βοήθη τῷ δούλῳ σου (“Christ, help your slave!”). Finally, biblical or theophoric names that are frequently, though not necessarily exclusively, born by Christians such as Παῦλος (Paulos), Κυριακός (Kyriakos), Θέκλα (Thekla), Κεφᾶς (Kephas), Πέτρος (Petros), Ἀναστασία/Ἀναστάσιος (Anastasia/Anastasios) are also generally taken as good indicators that the person mentioned was born in a Christian family. It goes without saying that not all inscriptions feature easily recognizable Christian elements—often they contain merely hints—and, as noted earlier, it is occasionally difficult to differentiate a Christian inscription from a Jewish or a so-called pagan one. This is particularly the case with the earliest inscriptions, which are by far the most difficult to surely identify as Christian since, as we shall see, they barely deviate from the standard Graeco-Roman epigraphic forms78—distinctions became starker only in late antiquity.79 Similarly, not all of the above-listed clues necessarily qualify as definitive evidence of Christianity—especially when found in isolation—since Christians and Jews shared aspects of their symbolic, onomastic, and scriptural traditions in common.80 For example, Christians cited or alluded to the Septuagint in their epitaphs rather frequently (in fact more often than Jews themselves),81 and both Jews and Christians appear to have used the so-called “Eumenean formula” against tomb desecration on their epitaphs.82 Moreover, both 77 This can occasionally be observed on non-Christian epitaphs or votives as well. See, e.g., Ricl, “Le sanctuaire des dieux saint et juste,” 163; Summa, “Christian Epigraphy of Cyprus,” 231. 78 Cf. Ogereau, “Authority and Identity,” 222–28. Carletti (“Epigrafia cristiana,” 118–31) has observed the same phenomenon in the late-second and early-third-century inscriptions found in some of the oldest Roman catacombs: eighty percent of them have been found to be “neutral,” that is, featuring neither explicitly Christian nor explicitly pagan elements. 79 Cf. Ameling, “Epigraphic Habit,” 218–19. 80 Cf. Van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 18; Kraemer, “Jewish Tuna and Christian Fish”; Felle, “Judaism and Christianity” (passim). 81 The most-often cited texts are taken from Isaiah or the Psalms (cf. Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, 399–434). See Breytenbach, “Early Christians and Their Greek Bible”; Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia, 679–92. For a comprehensive survey of biblical citations in inscriptions, see Felle, Biblia Epigraphica. 82 The imprecation ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν θεόν (“s/he will have to reckon with God”) is so called because it is mainly found in and around Eumenea in Phrygia. Scholars remain divided as to whether it was exclusively used by Christians or not. See Calder, “Eumeneian Formula”; Van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 57–58; Trebilco, “Eumeneian Formula”; Ameling, I.Jud. Orientis 2, pp. 20–21. Cf. Rebillard, Religion et sépulture, 86–91.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

16

chapter 1

groups employed the palm branch or lulab as a symbol of victory over death (as the second- or third-century epitaph of the presbyteros Apollonios from Thessalonica illustrates),83 both gave their children similar biblical names,84 and, for the first few centuries at least, they were both buried in the same necropoleis alongside so-called pagans.85 Even terms or expressions such as πρεσβύτερος86 or κοιμητήριον,87 which are most often used by Christians, can occasionally be observed in Jewish inscriptions.88 Caution and restraint must therefore always be exercised when dealing with ambivalent inscriptions, which, fortunately, only represent a marginal fraction of the overall evidence from Macedonia (i.e., no more than one or two percent). In the great majority of cases, it is indeed possible on the basis of a combination of these clues to determine with relative confidence that the inscription was put up by and/or for someone who can be clearly and decisively identified as Christian. Similarly, apart from the above-mentioned epitaph of the presbyter Apollonios (or that of Abramios), which may well have been Christian,89 all of the twenty or so Jewish inscriptions from Macedonia can be surely identified as such either because they contain Hebrew letters,90 specifically Jewish symbols (e.g., a menorah, shofar, or ethrog),91 Jewish names (e.g., Benjamin),92 make reference to a synagogue community or Hebrew ethnicity,93 or were found in a Jewish archaeological context (i.e., a synagogue or a Jewish tomb).94 83 See ICG 3131 (I.Chr. Macédoine 113) and the discussion in chap. 5, sec. 2.1 (n. 8) below. Cf. I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 18 and the bibliography referenced therein. For some it features a Christian palm branch and for others a Jewish lulab. See also Ameling, I.Jud. Orientis 2, pp. 11–12. 84 Cf. Ameling, I.Jud. Orientis 2, pp. 13–15. 85 See esp. Rebillard, Religion et sépulture, 31–49. Cf. Ameling, “Epigraphic Habit,” 208; Mitchell, “Theos Hypsistos,” 124; Koukouvou, “Ἡ ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότητα τῆς Βέροιας,” 26–28; Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 60–61; Noy et al., I.Jud. Orientis 1, p. 98. 86 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 2.20, 118, 141, 150. 87 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Ach 21, Ach 28–30; I.Jud. Orientis 2.183. On the origin, significance, and specific Christian usage of the term, see Rebillard, “Koimetérion et coemeterium.” Cf. Creaghan and Raubitschek, “Christian Epitaphs from Athens,” 5–6. 88 Cf. Van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 41–42; Park, Afterlife in Jewish Inscriptions, 34–35. 89 See ICG 3131 and 3194 (I.Chr. Macédoine 113 and 173). Cf. I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 16 and 18. See the discussion in chap. 5, sec. 2.1 below. 90 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 17. 91 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 2, 6, 8, 10, 11. 92 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 14. 93 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 1 (ὁ πατὴρ τῆς συναγωγῆς […] κατὰ τὸν Ἰουδαϊσμόν), 7 (ἁγιωτάτη συναγωγή), 9 (Ἑβρέων), 12 (συναγωγή), 15 (λαμπραὶ συναγωγαί). 94 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 3, 4, 5, 13.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

17

Incidentally, more or less the same could be said of central Asia Minor, where, according to Stephen Mitchell, “[l]ate Roman epigraphy is overwhelmingly an overtly Christian phenomenon” with “[m]ost of the funerary inscriptions of the period [being] unambiguously identified as Christian by the symbol of the cross.”95 This may be explained by the fact that, in contrast with Macedonia, acknowledging one’s faith publicly on one’s funerary monument became crucial to asserting one’s religious identity and membership into the Christian community very early on.96 With all due respect to the fact that the cultural boundaries between Christians, Jews, and pagans might not have been as strictly delineated as they were once thought to be (especially in the earliest centuries),97 inscriptions featuring both Christian and Jewish elements, or Christian and pagan elements, or all three elements, remain extremely rare. The bulk of the evidence, which is much more “religiously coherent” than what is sometimes acknow­ ledged, instead compels one to view such inscriptions as the exception that proves the rule rather than as the norm. And such exceptions may at times be more easily explained by practical considerations, such as the reuse of a stone, rather than by syncretism. A good example of this phenomenon can be illustrated by the famous, early-third-century, Roman stele of Licinia, on which the unique phrase ἰχθὺς ζώντων (“Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior of the living”) and an anchor flanked by two fish were carved right underneath the standard Roman dedication to the Manes (i.e., DM for Dis Manibus).98 More generally, what some of these unusual inscriptions highlight is that, for reasons that are not entirely clear, epigraphic forms that are distinctively 95 Mitchell, “Christian Epigraphy of Asia Minor,” 279 (emphasis added). 96 This seems especially applicable to Phrygia. See Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity,” 281. 97 Cf. the literature referenced in n. 65 above. As regards epigraphy specifically, see Kant, “Jewish Inscriptions,” 683; Van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 18; Kraemer, “Jewish Tuna and Christian Fish,” 142; Bij de Vaate and Van Henten, “Jewish or Non-Jewish?,” 17; Felle, “Judaism and Christianity.” 98 ICUR 2.4246 (EDB 8818; Rome, AD 200–250). Scholarly opinion still diverges on this inscription. Carletti (“ΙΧΘΥΣ ΖΩΝΤΩΝ”; “Origini cristiane ed epigrafia”) suggests that the Greek text ἰχθὺς ζώντων was carved after the discovery of the stone in order to “Christianize” it, while Felle (“Greek in the Early Christian Inscriptions,” 312–13) has more recently argued that, given the traces of erasure still visible underneath the last two lines, the stone was more than likely reused. Dedications to the Manes are not unusual in the Christian inscriptions from Rome (a search of the EDB returns more than 350 results, which represents less than one percent of the total) and also occur in Jewish inscriptions. See Van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 42–43; Park, Afterlife in Jewish Inscriptions, 16–21.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

18

chapter 1

Christian took time to develop and to impose themselves.99 In Rome and Phrygia, this process seems to have taken less than two centuries (as the earliest recognizably Christian inscriptions date from the middle to the late second century),100 fueled as it may have been, in central Anatolia at least, by a form of pious rigorism and the desire to assert one’s membership in the Christian community.101 In Macedonia, on the other hand, this development lasted almost three centuries as the earliest, explicitly Christian, inscriptions date from the late third or the early fourth century, which makes Macedonia stand out from the rest of the Greek peninsula102—in Attica and the Corinthia, for instance, most of the Christian inscriptions date from the late fourth to the sixth century.103 This implies that, to an extent that is impossible to quantify, there may be more Christian epitaphs that have not, and cannot, be identified as such within the mass of late-first-, second-, and early-third-century inscriptions104—though this does not necessarily entail that there existed so-called “crypto-Christians” in Macedonia.105 To date, a total of approximately 470 (published) Macedonian inscriptions have been recognized as Christian,106 which represent about a quarter of the known Christian epigraphic material from mainland Greece. As shown in chart 1, these consist of epitaphs for the most part (71%), of votives (8%), invocations (7%), and building dedications on mosaic panels or architectural blocks (6%). As is evident from map 1, they originate primarily from the main urban centers of the province, that is, Thessalonica (35%), Edessa (18%), Philippi (10%), Stobi (10%), and Beroea (7%), where they were found either in situ in churches and necropoleis or reused in later constructions. 99

On possible reasons for the dearth of Christian inscriptions in the first hundred years— e.g., the fear of persecution, no commemorative funerary habit and/or epigraphic “selfconsciousness,” the low number of Christians—see Ameling, “Neues Testament und Epigraphik,” 23–25. 100 Cf. Carletti, “Epigrafia cristiana,” 118–31; Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity,” 283; id., “Christian Epigraphy of Asia Minor,” 279–80. 101 Cf. Mitchell, “Christian Epigraphy of Asia Minor,” 281–82. 102 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 2–3; Ogereau, “Authority and Identity,” 222–32. 103 See IG II/III² 5 and IV² 3, edited by Sironen. Cf. id., “Early Christian Inscriptions from the Corinthia,” 201. 104 The same observation applies to Asia Minor. See Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity,” 280–81; Destephen, “La christianisation de l’Asie Mineure,” 165. 105 On this problematic category, see Chiricat, “‘Crypto-Christian’ Inscriptions”; Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity,” 282–83. 106 About thirty or forty inscriptions from Philippi, Amphipolis, and Dium remain to be published.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

19

Introduction

Chart 1

Types of early Christian inscriptions in Macedonia

Chart 2

Distribution of Christian inscriptions in Macedonia

More than half of these, that is, about 270 inscriptions (if we exclude those from Thasos), form the bulk of Feissel’s magisterial Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du IIIe au VIe siècle (I.Chr. Macédoine), which, though it appeared in 1983, remains an indispensable collection.107 The other 107 See also Feissel, “Recherches sur les inscriptions paléochrétiennes de Macédoine.” Inscrip­ tions discovered after 1976 were not included in his recueil (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 4). The earlier survey by Barnea, “L’épigraphie chrétienne,” did not provide any critical edition of the inscriptions. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Distribution of Christian inscriptions in Macedonia a. städtler

chapter 1

Map 1

20

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

21

two hundred or so inscriptions discovered since then have been published in various specialized periodicals and in five major epigraphic corpora, which have appeared between 1985 and 2023, namely, Ἐπιγραφές Ἄνω Μακεδονίας (I.Ano Maked.), Ἐπιγραφές Κάτω Μακεδονίας (I.Beroia and I.Kato Maked. II), Inscriptiones Stoborum (I.Stobi),108 the supplements to the volume of the Inscriptiones Graecae on Thessalonica (IG X 2,1s), and the two fascicles on the inscriptions from northern Macedonia (IG X 2,2). All of these inscriptions have now been digitally edited in the Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (ICG) database and published in an online repository in open access.109 Unless they contain an inscription of particular significance, Roman milestones, instrumenta domestica, brick stamps, and coins from the Constantinian and post-Constantinian eras have, however, generally been left out from the database and from this study.110 Unlike inscriptions, the documentation on Christian archaeological material from Macedonia is usually more difficult to access and exploit as it has been mostly published (if at all) in a variety of Greek, Macedonian, Serbian, and even Bulgarian periodicals such as the Archaiologikon deltion, To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai Thrake, the Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireias, or Spomenik. These mainly comprise concise reports on past or ongoing excavations that rarely give critical editions of inscriptions but that generally provide useful information on the archaeological context in which inscriptions were found. They also document in various levels of detail the excavations of major Christian structures. In most cases, these effectively represent our only source of information on ancient sites as more comprehensive studies can take several decades to appear, if they ever do. Retrieving relevant data from such periodicals is never a straightforward process and can 108 Most of these inscriptions have now been revised and republished in IG X 2,2 along with a handful of inedita (IG X 2,2.752, 787, 798, 803; ICG 4461, 4533–4535). 109 The database, which was developed by the Excellence Cluster 264 Topoi, Berlin, reproduces the Greek (and occasionally Latin) text of each inscription along with an English (or German) translation, brief critical annotations and comments, a short descriptive of the monument, information on its past and present geographic locations, and images (whenever available). On the history and rationale of the project, see Breytenbach and Ogereau, “Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae”; Ogereau and Huttner, “Inscriptiones Chris­tianae Graecae Database.” The database can be accessed at https://icg.uni-kiel.de and has been published on the digital repository of the Edition Topoi at http://reposi tory.edition-topoi.org/collection/ICG. 110 Cf. Feissel, I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 3, 16, who left out miliaria, graffiti, and brick stamps from Thessalonica, which are particularly difficult to date. On the latter, see Vickers, “Brickstamps from Thessaloniki.” On the small collection of early Byzantine crosses from Stobi, see Spasova, “Early Christian Metal Crosses.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

22

chapter 1

be extremely time-consuming, as one needs to scan through literally volumes of Greek archaeological reports. Fortunately, most of the Christian archaeological material from ancient Macedonia that was found in northern Greece has now been compiled in Flora Karagianni’s extensive survey of late antique and Byzantine settlements,111 a real treasure trove of archaeological and bibliographic data.112 It is particularly helpful when used in conjunction with Ivan Mikulčić’s study of late antique and Byzantine settlements,113 with the two volumes of the Tabula Imperii Romani K 34 and K 35, I by Jaroslav Šašel and Anna Avraméa,114 with Peter Soustal’s Tabula Imperii Byzantini on southern Macedonia,115 and with Panagiota Asimakopoulou-Atzaka’s comprehensive catalogue of the mosaic floors discovered in Macedonia.116 All these help us map Christian archaeological traces over most of the territory of Macedonia, and thus to analyze and assess the geographical dissemination of Christianity throughout the region. 4

Chronological and Geographical Boundaries

The chronological boundaries of this study are primarily determined by the sources themselves, which cover a period of about six centuries. Our first lite­ rary sources, Paul’s letters to the Philippians and to the Thessalonians, are usually thought to have been written between the mid-50s and the early AD 60s, though scholars do not agree on an absolute chronology.117 The bulk of the epigraphic and archaeological evidence, on the other hand, can be dated more or less approximately between the middle of the fourth century and the end of the sixth century, though a small number of early inscriptions probably date from the late third or the early fourth century. As noted in the previous section, our sources are thus divided by an unbridgeable hiatus of about two centuries, which leaves historians with little else other than their own imagination to fill in the gaps. 111 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί. 112 Karagianni records a great variety of monumental archaeological evidence (e.g., basilicas, buildings, fortifications, tombs) and material culture (e.g., ceramics, coins, architectural fragments) from the late antique and early Byzantine eras. Her coverage of the Christian inscriptions is not exhaustive, however. 113 Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen. 114 Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 10. 115 See TIB 11; vol. 16 on northern Macedonia is still in preparation at the time of writing. 116 Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας. 117 See the relevant sections of chap. 3 below.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

23

The difficulty of dating precisely a large number of inscriptions poses an additional challenge, namely, that of establishing a terminus for this study.118 Given that most of the epigraphic and archaeological evidence postdate AD 325, it makes little sense to choose the council of Nicaea as a cut-off point, as Harnack and Mullen did, even though most scholars would probably hesitate to still speak of “early” Christianity after the conversion of Constantine, Nicaea, and the shift of the imperial capital to the East, which, for some, signal the beginning of the Byzantine age.119 Perhaps a more appropriate, though no less arbitrary, terminus might be the death of Justinian in AD 565, after which the political, social, and economic situation of the region started to deteriorate and the epigraphic evidence dwindles.120 Alexander Demandt, for example, adopted it as the terminus for his opus Die Spätantike, while Arnold H.M. Jones stopped his study of the later Roman empire at the end of Maurice’s reign in AD 602.121 However, in the aftermath of Peter Brown’s seminal treatise The World of Late Antiquity, AD 150–750, the tendency among historians of late antiquity has been to view the end of the sixth century, or the beginning of the seventh century with the fall of the Sasanian empire and the rise of Islam, as the critical turning point.122 To a certain extent, a broader periodization accords better with the epigraphic and archaeological material from Macedonia—even though the region had to deal with different threats from the fourth century onwards, namely, the Goths, the Huns, and the Avaro-Slavs who settled in northern Greece in the late sixth century. Indeed, up until the late sixth century local inscriptions form a rather homogenous group in terms of formulaic, palaeographic, and iconographic features. As is the case with the rest of the Mediterranean world, 118 On the difficult question of the definition and periodization of “late antiquity” in general, see Inglebert, “Introduction.” 119 See, e.g., Morrisson, Le monde byzantin, vii–viii. 120 See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 3 (with n. 11); Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Mors Macedonica,” 272–73, 278–79. For a similar rationale, see Zeiller, Les origines chrétiennes, 8. On the historical development of Macedonia, see the end of chap. 2, sec. 1 below. 121 Jones’s two main reasons for stopping at the death of Maurice were that, firstly, it precipitated the collapse of the eastern empire, and, secondly, the primary evidence “abruptly fades out” at that point both in the East and in the West. See Jones, Later Roman Empire, v. 122 In A History of the Later Roman Empire, for instance, Mitchell stops at the death of Heraclius in AD 641, while the second volume of The Cambridge History of Christianity (ed. A. Casiday and F.W. Norris) and the fourteenth volume of The Cambridge Ancient History (ed. A. Cameron) end around AD 600. As for the Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity, its editor Scott F. Johnson refrained from adopting “any single chronological span as necessarily authoritative” (p. xx). On the shifts in historical approaches to late antiquity, see Mitchell, History of the Later Roman Empire, 5–11. Cf. Inglebert, “Introduction.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

24

chapter 1

the regional epigraphic habit only starts to evolve at the turn of the sixth century, which effectively marks the beginning of Byzantine epigraphy.123 For these reasons, and given that many undated inscriptions can only be roughly dated down to a century or two, that is, typically, to the fourth and fifth or to the fifth and sixth centuries, it seems more judicious herein to adopt a broad chronological framework stretching from the middle of the first century to the end of the sixth century (and thereby to qualify as “early Christian” any evidence predating the seventh century). Hence have been omitted from this study the inscriptions from the basilica of St. Demetrios in Thessalonica that postdate its restoration in the seventh century,124 the Byzantine inscriptions of Mount Athos (except for ICG 3229),125 and most of the Byzantine inscriptions collected by Konstantinos G. Zesios in his 1914 study.126 The geographical boundaries, on the other hand, follow more or less those of what may be called “historical Macedonia”—what Fanoula Papazoglou and Miltiades B. Hatzopoulos identify as “la Macédoine proprement dite”127— which corresponds approximately to the kingdom of Philip II, the father of Alexander III (later known as Alexander the Great), after the annexation of Chalcidice in 348 BC,128 and which was ethnically and culturally relatively distinct from its neighboring regions that were Thracia to the east-northeast, Dardania to the north, Illyria and Epirus to the west-southwest, and Thessalia to the south.129 This area, effectively, roughly corresponds to the territory 123 Cf. Mango, “Byzantine Epigraphy”; Roueché and Sotinel, “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies,” 511–12. 124 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 16. 125 ICG 3229 (I.Chr. Macédoine 208) corresponds to no. 230 in Millet, Pargoire, and Petit, Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Athos. 126 The only inscriptions from Zesios’s collection to be included in this study are those of the Rotunda at Thessalonica. See Zesios, Μακεδονίας Χριστιανικά μνημεία, 4–14. 127 See Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 302, 328; ead., Les villes de Macédoine, 73–98 (cf. the border delineation on map 20); Hatzopoulos, “Τὰ ὅρια τῆς Μακεδονίας.” For Hammond and Hatzopoulos, “Macedonia proper” or “historical Macedonia” is restricted to the Pierian and Bottiaean plains, the “cradle” of Macedonian civilization, or, more broadly conceived (after the period of territorial expansion between the fifth and third centuries BC), to the area stretching from the upper Haliacmon to the Strymon rivers that was populated and directly administered by Macedonians. See Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:3–18; Hatzopoulos, “L’histoire par les noms,” 111–12; id., “Τὰ ὅρια τῆς Μακεδονίας.” Cf. map 1 in id., Macedonian Institutions. 128 See Hammond, “Frontiers of Philip II’s Macedonia”; Ellis, “Political History,” 115. On the extent of Philip’s kingdom (which included all of eastern Thrace) at his death in 336 BC, see ibid., pp. 118–20. Cf. Hatzopoulos, Macedonian Institutions, 179–99. On the Olynthian war more generally, see Hammond, History of Macedonia, 2: 296–347. 129 See Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 328; Hatzopoulos, “Τὰ ὅρια τῆς Μακεδονίας,” 177. Cf. Sakel­ lariou, “Inhabitants,” 63; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 96. On the eastern

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Roman Macedonia a. städtler. based on map 20 in papazoglou, les villes de macédoine Legend: [– - – - –] approximate boundaries of Roman Macedonia

Map 2

Introduction

25

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

26

chapter 1

covered by the four administrative regions (μερίδες) established by the Romans at the end of the Third Macedonian War in 168 BC.130 It also matches relatively closely the administrative situation of the sixth century attested in Hierocles’s Synekdemos, the official list of cities of the eastern empire that was likely composed at the beginning of Justinian’s reign,131 after successive alterations to the provincial borders between the third and the sixth centuries significantly reduced Macedonia (with the creation of the provinces of Epirus Nova and Thessalia to the west and south).132 To the east, the border ran northward somewhat alongside the Nestos river and west of the Rhodope range, the traditional boundary from the Hellenistic period onward, and crossed the Strymon valley about halfway between Serdica and Amphipolis, slightly north of Parthicopolis. It continued westward to the north of the Strumica valley and cut the Axios valley at a midway point between Scupi and Stobi. To the west, it passed between the lakes of Lychnidos and Prespa and made a large loop to the south-west to include the regions of Upper Macedonia (Lyncestis, Orestis, Elimaea) and the Pierian plain lying northeast of Mount Olympos. As for its southern border, it naturally espoused the contours of the northern Aegean coast and barely extended out to sea. Although the islands of Thasos and Samothrace are listed under the province of Macedonia in Hierocles’s Synekdemos,133 the second-century geographer Ptolemy and epigraphic evidence indicate that they were included in the territory of Thracia as soon as the province was formed in AD 45/46,134 whilst retaining their political independence (as insulae liberae) and their territorial possessions (περαία) on the mainland at least until the third century.135

border with Thracia, see Gerov, “Thracia,” 232–37. The cultural and linguistic distinctions with Epirus and southern Illyria should not be over-emphasized, however. See Cabanes, “Histoire comparée,” 308–10. 130 See sec. 1 in chap. 2 below. 131 See Hierocles, Synekdemos 638–641.9 (Honigmann, 14–16). 132 Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 96–98; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 1; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 546–50 (with map 9). For a more extensive discussion, see sec. 1 in chap. 2 below. 133 Hierocles, Synekdemos 640.9–10 (Honigmann, 15). 134 Ptolemy, Geog. 3.11.14 (3.11.8 in some earlier editions). Cf. the praefatio on Thasos in IG XII 8, p. 79. 135 See Fournier, “Thasos.” Cf. Gerov, “Thracia,” 231–32; Valeva, Nankov, and Graninger, An­cient Thrace, 76. Thasos nonetheless maintained strong commercial connections with the main cities of Macedonia. See Fournier, “Les citoyens romains à Thasos.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Introduction

5

27

Outline of Study

These introductory matters being laid out, we may now proceed with the rest of this study. After sketching the historical, geographic, and socio-cultural context within which Macedonian Christianity emerged (chap. 2), attention is then given to the earliest literary evidence attesting a Christian presence in the region, namely, the letters of (or attributed to) the apostle Paul and Polycarp (chap. 3). Ensues a detailed survey of the epigraphic and archaeological evidence, which, for all practical intents and purposes, is examined in four separate chapters ordered according to an east-west orientation (chaps. 4–7). In each of these chapters, the material is organized geographically around the main urban centers in which it was discovered for the most part and chronologically (as far as is possible). These four chapters form the backbone of this study inasmuch as they include, both in the original language and in translation, almost all of the Christian Macedonian inscriptions published so far.136 It should be noted that the Greek text given in footnotes is that of the corresponding ICG entry, which is principally based on Feissel’s corpus edition (I.Chr. Macédoine), though it occasionally integrates new readings or revisions from subsequent editions.137 Hence the primary reference given is usually that of the ICG entry followed by those of the main corpus editions in brackets. To save ink and space, references to secondary scholarly literature discussing inscriptions have been kept to a minimum and may be consulted online in ICG. The first of these, the fourth chapter, focuses on eastern Macedonia, that is, the area occupied by the colony of Philippi between the Pangaion and the Rhodope ranges, as well as the lower Strymon valley stretching from Amphipolis to Parthicopolis. The fifth chapter is dedicated to the city of Thessalonica and its immediate surroundings where the largest number of Christian inscriptions have been found, and to the Chalcidice peninsula. Moving further west, the sixth chapter reviews the evidence from Dium and the Pierian region, Beroea, Edessa, and the frontier region west of Mount Bermion. Finally, the seventh chapter explores the northernmost territories of Macedonia, that is, primarily the cities of Stobi and Heraclea Lyncestis and their environs.

136 Exception is sometimes made of very fragmented inscriptions. Texts still awaiting publication have also been excluded. 137 ICG entries can be consulted in the database at https://icg.uni-kiel.de or on the digital repository of the Edition Topoi at http://repository.edition-topoi.org/collection/ICG. The more recent inscriptions from Edessa usually reproduce the text given in I.Kato Maked. II.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

28

chapter 1

While the survey conducted through the fourth to the seventh chapter might be particularly tedious to some readers, it is nonetheless indispensable to gain a comprehensive and coherent overview of the material. Indeed, it is only as each and every document is examined within its historical and archaeological context, individually as well as collectively, that an historical picture begins to emerge, albeit one that is painted in broad and imprecise strokes.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Chapter 2

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity 1

Introduction

The Roman history of Macedonia begins with the fall of the five-hundred-yearold kingdom of Macedon at the battle of Pydna in 168 BC,1 when the forces of Perseus, the son of Philip V, were crushingly defeated by the Roman general L. Aemilius Paullus.2 The victory signaled the end of the Third Macedonian War and the beginning of Roman imperialism in the East.3 Unlike on two previous occasions when the subdued Antigonid monarch had been kept at the head of a weakened and subjugated state,4 this time Perseus was once and

1 Cf. Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 251. On the battle itself, which is recounted in detail by Plutarch (Aem. 15–23), and its repercussions, see Hammond, “Battle of Pydna”; Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia, 547–69; Benecke, “Fall of the Macedonian Monarchy,” 267–78; Eckstein, “Macedonia,” 243–46. 2 The main sources on the end of the Macedonian dynasty, which are fragmentary (and rather late in the case of Plutarch, Appian, and Dio Cassius), consist of Polybius (in passing from bk. 22.18 onwards, with the Third Macedonian War being related in bks. 27–29), Livy (in passing in bks. 40–45, with the reasons of the Macedonian Wars explained in 39.53; much of Livy’s account derives from Polybius); Diodorus Siculus 28–31 (passim); Plutarch’s vita of Aemilius Paullus; Appian 9; Dio Cassius 20–21 (Zonaras 9.21–24, 28). Literary sources directly addressing the early Roman history of Macedonia are even more scarce and fragmentary, though Macedonian affairs do get indirectly mentioned in other sources from the Republican and early imperial eras. The bulk of the primary evidence is indeed epigraphic, archaeological, and numismatic in nature. For a detailed study of this period, see Daubner, Makedonien. See also Eckstein, “Macedonia,” 225–27; Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 253–55; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 545–46. 3 On the Third Macedonian War and this crucial period of transition more generally, see the third part (pp. 367–569) of Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia. Cf. Derow, “Fall of Macedon”; Benecke, “Fall of the Macedonian Monarchy”; Gruen, Hellenistic World, 359–436; Gehrke, Geschichte des Hellenismus, 117–28, 224–28; Walbank, “Third Macedonian War”; Raditsa, “Bella Macedonica”; Eckstein, “Macedonia.” On the unprecedented change in Roman foreign policy this victory entailed, see Baronowski, “Provincial Status,” 460; Eckstein, “Macedonia,” 244–45. But see also (for a more nuanced perspective) Gruen, “Macedonia and the Settlement of 167 B.C.”; Kallet-Marx, Hegemony, 11–13, 30, 95. Cf. Gruen, Hellenistic World, 721–30. 4 On the first two Macedonian Wars in 215–205 and 200–197 BC, see Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia, 387–447; Benecke, “Fall of the Macedonian Monarchy,” 241–67; Raditsa, “Bella Macedonica.” Cf. Eckstein, “Macedonia,” 229–37.

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_003

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

30

Chapter 2

for all deposed and deported to Italy along with a good part of his court.5 The entire territory of Macedonia was divided into four demilitarized, administrative units or regions (regiones/μερίδες), which, though politically independent from Rome, were to remain compliant to her.6 An annual tribute was imposed, trade and intermarriage (across the four units) were proscribed, as were logging (for ship building) and gold and silver mining, the two main “sources of Macedonian wealth (hence Macedonian power),”7 in order to prevent its economic (and thus military) resurgence. The long-term effects of Perseus’s defeat were to be devastating for the Macedonian state.8 Yet it would take another twenty years before the Roman senate determined to establish a province in 148 BC (or 146 BC)9 over a territory that extended from the Adriatic Sea to the Thracian Sea10—however 5

Polybius 29.14–21; Livy 45.35, 42; Diodorus Siculus 31.8–9; Plutarch, Aem. 26, 34, 37. On the final settlement and dismemberment of Macedonia after the war, see Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia, 563–69; Gruen, “Macedonia and the Settlement of 167 B.C.”; id., Hellenistic World, 423–36; Daubner, Makedonien, 28–100. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 53–56; Hatzopoulos, Macedonian Institutions, 43–46; Benecke, “Fall of the Macedonian Monarchy,” 273–75. 6 Cf. Livy 45.18, 29; Strabo 7, frag. 47. On the political organization of Macedonia during this period, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 53–71; Daubner, Makedonien, 52–150. Cf. Hatzopoulos, Macedonian Institutions, 219–30. Recently discovered numismatic evidence suggests that this territorial division predated the Roman conquest. See Kremydi-Sicilianou, “ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ ΠΡΩΤΗΣ ΜΕΡΙΔΟΣ.” 7 Eckstein, “Macedonia,” 245. 8 Cf. Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia, 568–69; Daubner, Makedonien, 101–41. 9 The actual date of creation of the province is debated but likely to be 148 BC (even if set and applied retrospectively). See Tod, “Macedonian Era.” Cf. id., “Macedonian Era II”; id., “Macedonian Era Reconsidered”; Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 302–9; Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 252, 255. 10 The original provincial boundaries thus exceeded those in the imperial era and in late antiquity. The province initially stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the river Hebros (and later the river Nestos) on the southern Thracian coast, immediately north of the Chersonese peninsula, and was bounded to the north by an imaginary line running east from Lissos (slightly north of Dyrrhachium) on the Adriatic coast (cf. Strabo 7, frag. 10). This large area would later be reduced with the creation of the provinces of Dalmatia, Moesia, Thracia, and Achaia in the early imperial era (cf. Ptolemy, Geog. 3.13.1–46), and then further divided by Diocletian, Constantine, and their successors into two main provinces, Epirus Nova and Macedonia Prima (itself temporarily split into two: Macedonia Prima and Macedonia Salutaris/Secunda, see further below). On these notional boundaries (and their associated issues), which fluctuated in the Republican, imperial, and late Roman eras, see Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 325, 328–38; ead., Les villes de Macédoine, 73–98; Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou, Macedonian Topography, 63–100; Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 258–59, 264, 269–70, 274; Tsitouridou, “Political History”; Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 20–30; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 546–50; Wittke, Olshausen, and Szydlak, Historical Atlas, 186–87.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

31

“loose” the legal and administrative definition of Macedonia provincia might have been originally.11 The exact reasons behind the decision are not entirely clear, although it is suspected that the needs to pacify the region, to secure the eastern and northern frontiers from Thracian and Gallic incursions, and to prevent the Macedonians from making an alliance with the Carthaginians (as Philip V had attempted during the Second Punic War) were the main driving factors.12 Though unprecedented (vis-à-vis the Greek East), the measures taken in 168 BC had indeed been ineffective in squashing Macedonian patriotic sentiment, and a series of Macedonian-Thracian rebellions in the 140s BC, in particular a catastrophic defeat in 149 BC against a pretender to Perseus’s throne, had forced Rome to take more resolute and definitive action.13 The senate’s solution was to send a larger army to annihilate Macedonian forces and to keep a military presence in the region permanently.14 Still, the process of establishing the province was to be gradual as the primary responsibility of the first governors was initially to ensure its security and stability. Thus, it is only progressively that the Roman magistrates posted in Macedonia came to assume the kind of administrative duties that would later be more generally ascribed to provincial governors.15 Until the provinces of Dalmatia, Moesia, and Thracia were established to the north and east in the first century AD, Macedonia would remain a region of prime importance for Rome’s military interests in the Balkan peninsula as it acted as a buffer zone against attacks from Thracian and Gallic tribes south

11

The actual process of establishing a province remains a moot question. For a “more flexible view” on the issue, see Kallet-Marx, Hegemony, 11–41 (citation on p. 42). See also Gruen, Hellenistic World, 433–34; Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 302–8; ead., Les villes de Macédoine, 64–66; Daubner, Makedonien, 141–50. 12 Imperialistic expansionism, military and political ambitions of Roman aristocrats, and commercial interests must have had their importance as well. Cf. Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 251, 255–59; Kallet-Marx, Hegemony, 12–18, 30–41 (see esp. pp. 40–41); Eck­ stein, “Macedonia,” 247–48. See also Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 302–21. 13 Cf. Benecke, “Fall of the Macedonian Monarchy,” 275–78; Morgan, “Metellus Macedonicus,” 422–33; Gruen, Hellenistic World, 423–36; Kallet-Marx, Hegemony, 30–41; Eckstein, “Mace­ donia,” 246–48; Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 251–52. 14 Cf. Kallet-Marx, Hegemony, 16–18, 30, 343–45; Eckstein, “Macedonia,” 247–48; Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 252. 15 For an overview of this development, see Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 302–25; Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia”; Kallet-Marx, Hegemony, 19–21; Daubner, Makedonien, 141–50. Cf. Morgan, “Metellus Macedonicus,” 425–30; Eckstein, “Macedonia,” 248. On the administration of the province itself, see Haensch, Capita provinciarum, 104–12; id., “Le ‘visage’ du gouvernement romain”; Bartels, Städtische Eliten, 95–104. Concerning Philippi in particular, see Brélaz, Philippes.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

32

Chapter 2

of the Danube and from Mithridates VI further east16—just as it had served as an “advanced bastion” for the Greeks in the Hellenistic era.17 Its strategic geographical position between Italy and Asia Minor, which allowed relatively rapid movements of troops, would also ensure it retained a central stage during the Roman civil wars with major battles occurring at Dyrrhachium in 48 BC and at Philippi in 42 BC.18 Similarly, in the early imperial era it would continue to play an important tactical and logistical role in the military campaigns taking place south of the Danube by allowing troops and supplies to reach the front swiftly thanks in part to the via Egnatia, the main trans-Balkan road linking Dyrrhachium (and Apollonia) to Kypsela, and then ultimately Byzantium.19 Towards the end of the third century, the administrative landscape of the Balkan peninsula was significantly remodeled starting with Diocletian’s reforms, which sought to reorganize and stabilize the empire after the crisis of the third century.20 The territory of Macedonia was slightly reduced to the west and southwest to create the provinces of Epirus Nova and Thessalia, and was integrated into the diocese of Moesia.21 Under Constantine I, the latter was then subdivided into the dioceses of Dacia (to the north) and Macedonia (to the south), which comprised several provinces such as Macedonia, Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova, Thessalia, and Achaia.22 In the middle of the fourth century, the two dioceses were then joined to that of Pannonia to form the praetorian prefecture of Illyricum, which, after the death of Theodosius I in AD 395, definitely became part of the eastern empire.23 Provincial borders, however, 16 17 18 19

20 21 22 23

Macedonia was never quite fully at peace between 140 and 60 BC until those threats were resolved. See Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 308–25, 338; Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 260–64. Cf. Edson, “Early Macedonia,” 30. Edson, “Early Macedonia,” 44. Cf. Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 321–25; Walbank, “Via Egnatia,” 14–16; Vanderspoel, “Pro­ vincia Macedonia,” 267–68; Haensch, “Le ‘visage’ du gouvernement romain,” 3. On the battle of Philippi specifically, see Collart, Philippes, 191–219. On its western course, see Strabo 7.7.4. Its construction may have begun in the 140s BC. See Hammond, “Western Part of the via Egnatia”; Walbank, “Thoughts on the Via Egnatia”; id., “Via Egnatia.” Cf. Vanderspoel, “Provincia Macedonia,” 269–70; Haensch, “Le ‘visage’ du gouvernement romain,” 3, 11–12. On the administrative reorganization of Macedonia in late antiquity, see esp. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 90–98. Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 75–84; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 547–50; Bavant, “L’Illyricum,” 308–13. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 90–94. Cf. Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 224; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 546–47. Lemerle, “Invasions et migrations,” 266; Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 225; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 547–48. Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 225; Dragon, “Illyricum protobyzantin,” 1–2; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 548. Cf. Lemerle, “Invasions et migrations,” 266–67; id.,

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

33

remained unstable from the late fourth century to the mid-sixth century, and Macedonia appears to have been temporarily divided into two separate regions, Macedonia Prima and Macedonia Secunda or Salutaris, for administrative, fiscal, and military purposes.24 The exact delineation of each district, the duration of their existence, and the relationship between Macedonia Salutaris and Macedonia Secunda are not precisely known, however, as primary sources on the matter are scarce and not always coherent. Macedonia Salutaris, which is only mentioned in the early-fifth-century Notitia dignitatum, an administrative manual for civil and military officials, may have been created in AD 386 along with other provinces (which were given the same epithet).25 Yet it was short-lived, being abolished in AD 395 (possibly), and only encompassed the northwestern corner of Macedonia (which was subsequently divided between the provinces of Epirus Nova and Prevalitana).26 Formed a century or so later, Macedonia Secunda, which is slightly better attested in literary sources,27 seems to have mostly covered northern Macedonia as it included Stobi and Bargala, which had been part of Dacia Mediterranea in the fourth century.28 Understandably, these administrative reforms did not merely have territorial consequences but also proved to be significant for the political and ecclesiastical history of Macedonia, which found itself caught in the power struggles between the eastern and western empires, and between the church of Rome and the patriarchate of Constantinople. Selected by the tetrarch Galerius as

24 25 26

27 28

Philippes, 241–50 (on the ecclesiastical tensions between Rome and Constantinople). The history of the prefecture of Illyricum is complexed and debated. For an introduction, see, e.g., Grumel, “Illyricum.” Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 94–98; Pietri, “Les provinces ‘Salutaires,’” 332–33. Cf. Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 226–27. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 95. Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 78; Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 226–27; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 548–49. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 95; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 549. Wiseman (“Macedonia Secunda,” 290–91) opines that M. Salutaris and M. Secunda occupied roughly the same region, the latter being “a more-or-less immediate successor” to the former. E.g., Justinian, Novellae 11 (dated to AD 535); Hierocles, Synekdemos 641 (Honigmann, 15–16). Cf. Snively, “Thessaloniki versus Justiniana Prima.” According to the acts of the council of Chalcedon (see Schwartz, Bischofslisten, 39), Stobi and Bargala were part of M. Prima. However, they are later mentioned in Hierocles’s Synekdemos as belonging to M. Secunda. For Wiseman (“Macedonia Secunda,” 289), M. Secunda occupied “the land along the middle Vardar, i.e., much of the heartland of ancient Paeonia, and stretching from the Bregalnica river on the northeast (near modern Štip) to the mid-Crna river in the southwest, in the Pelagonian plain south of Prilep.” Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 96–97; Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 20–30 (with map 1); Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 549–50; Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 226–27.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

34

Chapter 2

his main place of residence in AD 298/299,29 Thessalonica was thus to witness some of the most dramatic events in late antiquity after it became the main administrative and economic center of the Balkan peninsula (after Constantinople). The alleged martyrdom of the young Christian army officer Demetrios (who would later be hailed as the patron saint of the city) under Maximian,30 and the execution of Licinius, Constantine’s rival, in AD 325 both took place at Thessalonica, for example.31 And so did Theodosius I’s baptism in AD 380, his proclamation of an edict in support of Nicene Christianity in February of the same year,32 and his massacre of seven thousand rioters in the hippodrome in AD 390 (which earned him an official reprimand from Ambrose of Milan).33 Yet the emperors’ occasional stays in the Macedonian capital and the strong military presence in the province could not prevent the Gothic, and later Hunnic and Avaro-Slavic, incursions to threaten continually the region between the end of the fourth century and the sixth century.34 While Thessalonica (thanks to its fortifications and weapon factory) and several other walled cities on the via Egnatia managed to resist the Goths, others such as Stobi, Heraclea Lyncestis, or Kassandreia paid a heavy price and forced Theodosius and Zeno to seek a settlement in AD 382 and 482 respectively.35 Over time, and despite Justinian’s efforts to fortify the region in the middle of

29 Allamani-Souri, “Imperial Thessaloniki,” 88–90; Adam-Veleni, “Thessaloniki,” 162–68. Remains of Galerius’s palace, victory arch, and mausoleum (presumably) are still visible. For recent studies and research overviews, see Laubscher, Reliefschmuck des Galerius­ bogens; Stefanidou-Tiveriou, “Palastanlage des Galerius”; Hadjitryphonos, “Palace of Ga­lerius”; Athanasiou et al., Η αποκατάσταση. 30 See sec. 2.3 in chap. 5 below. 31 Zosimus 2.28. Cf. Potter, Roman Empire, 379–80. 32 Cod. Theod. 16.1.2. See also Cod. Theod. 16.5.14 against Apollinarianism (AD 388). 33 Theodoret, h.e. 5.17–18; Sozomen, h.e. 7.25.1–8; Ambrose, ep. 51 (PL 16:1210–14). Cf. Tsi­ touridou, “Political History,” 227–28; Adam-Veleni, “Thessaloniki,” 171; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 550–54. 34 See esp. Lemerle, “Invasions et migrations”; id., “Conclusion,” 501–7; Ferjančić, “Slaves dans les Balkans”; Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 78–87. Cf. Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 228–30, 250–55; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 554–57; Poulter, “Illyricum”; Bavant, “L’Illyricum,” 338–45. 35 As a result of their threat on Thessalonica in AD 482, the Goths of Theodoric were given several cities to settle in in the Pierian and Bottiaean plains, namely, Kyrros, Europos, Methone, Pydna, Beroea, and Dium (Jordanes, Get. 286–288). See Lemerle, “Invasions et migrations,” 278–81; Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 229; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 551, 554, 556. Cf. Heather, Fall of the Roman Empire, 187–89. On the settlement of AD 382, see id., Goths and Romans, 157–81. On the various attempts to sack Thessalonica in the seventh and eighth centuries, see esp. Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, vol. 2.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Geographical setting of Macedonia a. städtler

35

Map 3

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

36

Chapter 2

the sixth century,36 incessant pillaging by hordes of Goths, Huns, and Slavs, combined with recurring earthquakes, the bubonic plague of AD 541–542 (which reoccurred at regular intervals),37 evolving climatic conditions (for the region of Stobi at least),38 and other major urban and societal changes,39 were to have a devastating impact on the demographic and economic situation of the region.40 Ultimately, all these factors accelerated the decline of several major cities such as Philippi, Amphipolis, Dium, and Stobi, and precipitated “the veritable collapse of civilization in the region at the end of the sixth century.”41 2

Geographical Setting42

If the territory of Macedonia played such an important role for Rome militarily and commercially in the second and first centuries BC, it is precisely because it 36 37 38 39 40

41 42

On the fortification of northern Macedonia in this period, see Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 78–106; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 50–53, 71–73; Rizos, “Late-Antique Walls of Thessalonica.” See, e.g., the essays by L.K. Little, H.N. Kennedy, D. Stathakopoulos, and P. Sarris in Little, Plague. Cf. Meier, “Justinianic Plague.” Folk, “Geological Framework of Stobi.” Cf. Wiseman, “Macedonia Secunda,” 312–13. Wiseman (“Environmental Deterioration”) rejects climatic changes as the sole factor behind the abandonment of Stobi, however. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 440–41; Lavva, “Οι πόλεις των ‘Χριστιανικών Βασιλικών,’” 403–13; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 564–69; Rizos, New Cities, 9–12, 19–38, 293–97; Spieser, “La ville en Grèce,” 338. Lemerle, “Invasions et migrations,” 287; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 440–41; Bakirtzis, “End of Antiquity”; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 557–58, 564–69; Wiseman, “Environmental Deterioration,” 106–7. Lemerle (“Invasions et migrations,” 277–81) somewhat underplays the impact of the Gothic and Hunnic raids in the fourth and fifth centuries, and attributes the demographic transformation of the Balkan peninsula to the arrivals of the Slavs at the end of the fifth century (cf. pp. 281–87). Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 545; cf. ibid., 568–70; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισ­ μοί, 48–53. On the historical developments of this period, see also Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 15–18. Ancient sources on the geography and topography of Macedonia are scarce (see Papa­ zoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 15–36). Pausanias left no detailed description, while Pliny’s succinct overview is riddled with errors (due to his amalgamation of ancient and contemporary sources; cf. Pliny, HN 4.10). The sections on Macedonia and Thracia in Strabo’s seventh book have been lost and can only be reconstituted from fragments (4–44) preserved in the Vatican and Palatine epitomes (not all of which are reliable; cf. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:143; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 20–21). The principal sources on the topography of Macedonia in the early and late imperial eras are Ptolemy (Geog. 3.13.1–46) and Hierocles’s Synekdemos, both of which can be supplemented by epigraphic, archaeological, and numismatic evidence, as well as by the Itinerarium Antonini, Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

37

enjoyed a strategic location, standing “squarely upon the chief routes through the Balkan peninsula from north to south and from east to west.”43 Indeed, long before modern political borders were established between Greece, Alba­ nia, North Macedonia, and Bulgaria, Macedonia acted as a major crossroad between Italy and Asia, and between the Danube regions and the Greek peninsula, providing its main cities with a “catchment-area of trade which extended westwards to the Adriatic Sea, northwards to the Danube basin, and eastwards to the interior of Thrace.”44 Geographically, Macedonia belongs to the land-mass of the Balkans and not to the Greek peninsula itself, which, strictly speaking, ends north of Thessalia and Epirus at the Olympos and Pindos ranges.45 It is thus more exposed to the hinterland than to the Mediterranean Sea, to which it has a much more limited access than the rest of Greece.46 This situation is further reflected in its climate and vegetation, which are more continental than Mediterranean with important precipitation throughout the year, cold and snowy winters, sultry summers (with frequent thunderstorms), and an abundance of continental trees such as oak, chestnut, pine, or beech trees (while fig and olive trees are confined to the coastal areas and to Chalcidice).47

43 44 45 46 47

Itinerarium Burdigalense, and the Tabula Peutingeriana for the third and fourth centuries (cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 24–26, 36). Fundamental works on the topic remain Hammond, History of Macedonia, vol. 1; Samsaris, Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας; id., Γεωγραφία της ρωμαϊκής επαρχίας Μακεδονίας; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine. See also recently TIB 11 and Evangelidis, Archaeology of Roman Macedonia, 13–24. Though incomplete and of unequal quality, the Tabula Imperii Romani K 34 and K 35, I by Jaroslav Šašel and Anna Avraméa are also useful. On the geology and geomorphology of the region, see Birot and Dresch, La Méditerranée, 3–56; Higgins and Higgins, Geological Companion to Greece, 106–13; Lespez, “Philippes-Drama”; Ghilardi, “Thessalonique” (esp. the geological map, p. 485). Schultze’s dated survey of Macedonia’s climate and landscape (Makedonien, 1–32), Casson’s study of its geography and natural resources (Macedonia, 10–101), Sivignon’s and Thomas’s introductions (“Geographical Setting” and “Physical Kingdom”), and the physical description of the territory by Bellier et al. (Macédoine, 1–48) are likewise helpful, as are the various accounts by the first modern explorers such as W.M. Leake, E.M. Cousinéry, M. Delacoulonche, or L. Heuzey (especially since they shared a particular interest in antiquities). On the latter, see esp. Bellier et al., Macédoine, 49–59; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 4–8. Cf. Hatzopoulos, “Les épigraphistes français en Macédoine.” Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:210. Ibid., 1:3. Philippson, Landschaften 1/1, 10–11. Cf. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:4. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:3–4. Ibid., 1:4–5, 207, 210–11. Cf. Birot and Dresch, La Méditerranée, 57–59; Casson, Macedonia, 97–101; Sivignon, “Geographical Setting,” 17–25; Bellier et al., Macédoine, 12–26, 30–35; Lagopoulos and Boklund-Lagopoulou, Meaning and Geography, 49–50. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

38

Chapter 2

Apart from the three headlands of Chalcidice, which by their physiognomy and climate are typically Mediterranean,48 the Macedonian landscape greatly differs from that of mainland Greece, which is characterized by a succession of “small plains and rocky slopes.”49 In contrast, “Macedonia consists mainly of open plains and widely spaced mountains” (ranging between ca. 2,000 and 3,000 m), with “areas of arable sloping ground above the plains […] or between the coast and the mountains.”50 The northern and western regions, central Chalcidice, and the area around Mount Pangaion feature rugged, wooded highlands,51 which in antiquity provided plenty of timber, precious metals such as gold and silver,52 wild game, freshwater lakes rich in fish, and fertile pastures for sheep rearing (in the summer).53 To the south-southeast, on the other hand, lie well-irrigated coastal plains and wetlands that open onto the Thermaic gulf and the Thracian Sea,54 and which allowed for cereal agriculture, horse and cattle breeding, sheep pasturing (in the spring and autumn), fishing, salt and olive production, and maritime trade.55 Encircling these fertile alluvial plains are the Aegean and Thracian Seas to the south-southeast and a series of mountain ranges to the east, north, and west, which can only be crossed at a few passes and defiles,56 and which functioned as natural obstacles protecting Macedonians against northern 48 Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:4. 49 Ibid., 1:210–11. 50 Ibid., 1:6, 210. Sivignon (“Geographical Setting,” 24) notes that about a third of the Greek Macedonian territory consists of arable land. 51 One fifth of Greek Macedonia was still wooded in the late 1960s, according to Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:207; cf. ibid., 14. But see Bellier et al., Macédoine, 30–31, 35, on the destruction of the primary vegetation since medieval times. 52 Contrary to earlier popular opinion, the mining of gold and silver (and other ore) seems to have continued well into the Roman and Byzantine periods (cf. Zannis, Le pays entre le Strymon et le Nestos, 207; Samsaris, “Les mines”). Macedonia is rich in other minerals as well (e.g., copper, iron, lead). See Casson, Macedonia, 57–79; Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:12–13 (with map 1); Sivignon, “Geographical Setting,” 22–24; Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 48–50; Zannis, Le pays entre le Strymon et le Nestos, 194–221. On the mines of the Pangaion (which started to be exploited in the early Bronze Age), see, e.g., Unger and Schütz, Ein Gebirge und sein Bergbau; Schütz and Unger, Wanderungen im Pangaion; Unger, “Pangaion”; Spitzlberger, “Pangaion.” 53 Cf. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:10, 13–15, 18, 93; Casson, Macedonia, 52–79; Sam­ saris, Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας, 24–42; id., Γεωγραφία της ρωμαϊκής επαρχίας Μακεδονίας, 7–20; Zannis, Le pays entre le Strymon et le Nestos, 222–25. 54 On which see Strabo 7, frag. 20–23, 36. 55 Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:205–211; Edson, “Early Macedonia,” 18–19. Cf. Casson, Macedonia, 3–10; Zannis, Le pays entre le Strymon et le Nestos, 225–29; Lagopoulos and Boklund-Lagopoulou, Meaning and Geography, 49–50. 56 See Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:207.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

39

and eastern enemies.57 This unique geographical setting helps explain why Macedonia was overrun only once in the Classical and early Hellenistic periods, and why it became the primary “frontier of Hellenism against the barbarian north,” south of which Greek civilization could prosper.58 To the east, the massive Rhodope range (ca. 2,200 m) sheltered the plains of Philippi and Amphipolis from Thracian incursions, which by land would have only been possible through a southern coastal corridor running west of the Nestos to Neapolis, and through the Strymon valley, which, north of Parthicopolis, becomes a narrow and treacherous gorge.59 The elongated range (ca. 2,000 m) stretching between the Strymon and the Axios, south of the Strumica, provided another natural rampart against enemy attacks and made the Axios valley, which in some places is no wider than the Strymon valley,60 the second main entry point from the north into the central plain of “Lower Macedonia” (Κάτω Μακεδονία).61 West of the Axios, the vast area commonly referred as “Upper Macedonia” (Ἄνω Μακεδονία) consists of a succession of mountains (known as the “Hellenids”) running parallel to each other from the northwest to the southeast, and of river valleys and lake basins joined-up by narrow passes.62 It encloses the Bottiaean and Pierian plains lying to the north and east of Mount Olympos, plains which were always more easily accessed (and therefore attacked) by land through the Tempe pass or by sea from the south. The three main rivers (and their tributaries) running through this vast territory, namely, the Haliacmon, the Axios (modern Vardar), and the Strymon (modern Strymonas), have also played an important part (along with the Nestos on the eastern border) in defining and shaping Macedonia as a geographical and political entity.63 They divided it into semi-isolated land segments (which 57 See the brief overview in Thomas, “Physical Kingdom,” 70–74. 58 Edson, “Early Macedonia,” 44. Edson attributes the Gauls’ incursion in 279 BC to the “evil and irresponsible” behavior of the Macedonian king at the time, whereas its territory was otherwise usually impregnable. Cf. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:207, 211. 59 Cf. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:8. On the eastern Macedonian-Thracian mountain ranges, see Samsaris, Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας, 11–15; Zannis, Le pays entre le Strymon et le Nestos, 73–85, 119–23, 167. 60 There are three main defiles along the Axios between Scupi and the Thermaic gulf. See Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:171. 61 Cf. Strabo 7, frag. 4. On the delineations of Lower Macedonia, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 101–2. 62 On the physical outlook and elevation of Macedonia, see map 1 in Hammond, History of Macedonia, vol. 1. Cf. Samsaris, Γεωγραφία της ρωμαϊκής επαρχίας Μακεδονίας, 7–8. On the limits of Upper Macedonia, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 227–33. 63 On the main Macedonian rivers in general, see Casson, Macedonia, 13–22; Le Bohec, “Les fleuves de Macédoine.” Cf. Thomas, “Physical Kingdom,” 67–70.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

40

Chapter 2

roughly correspond to the territories of the four main administrative units),64 and delineated north-south communication axes (although these were not necessarily the easiest or safest ways to travel).65 Over the centuries, they have also greatly contributed to the agricultural fertility, and hence prosperity, of the region, and to the transformation of its landscape. In particular, the accumulation of sediments from the Haliacmon, the Axios, and the Strymon, as well as deforestation, irrigation, and the drainage of lakes and swamps in Hellenistic (and modern) times have resulted in the formation of large fertile plains in the Axios-Haliacmon delta (whereas the Thermaic gulf used to reach almost as far as Pella in the Bronze Age),66 in the lower Strymon basin, and in the depression between the Rhodope and Pangaion massifs.67 Together with Macedonia’s other natural and agriculture resources, its maritime and road infrastructures such as Thessalonica’s harbor or the via Egnatia (which, in the Roman period, facilitated trade across the Balkans and between Italy and western Asia Minor),68 these fertile alluvial plains thus ensured the development and sustainability of the sizeable, interconnected urban centers that were Thessalonica, Amphipolis, Beroea, Dium, and Philippi.

64 Cf. Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:206–7; Hammond and Walbank, History of Mace­ donia, 566. 65 While the Axios and the Strymon were likely partly navigable (cf. Le Bohec, “Les fleuves de Macédoine,” 99), the easiest and perhaps fastest route from the Aegean Sea to the central Balkans followed the via Egnatia from Thessalonica to Heraclea Lyncestis, where it veered north towards Stuberra and then east towards Stobi, thus avoiding the narrow gorge of Demir Kapija (the “Iron Gate”) on the Axios, some twenty kilometers southeast of Stobi. See Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:7, 153, 173. The coastal road linking the Pierian plain to Thessalonica (without passing through Beroea) was probably built in the third or fourth century to facilitate the deployment of troops to the north. See Edson, “Strepsa,” 173–82. Cf. Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou, Macedonian Topography, 53. 66 On the formation of the alluvial plain south of Pella, the largest coastal plain of Greece (ca. 2,200 km²), see Ghilardi, “Thessalonique”; Fouache et al., “Thessaloniki Coastal Plain” (esp. p. 1170, fig. 10). Cf. Higgins and Higgins, Geological Companion to Greece, 110; maps 15–16 in Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:145, 150; and fig. 5 in Sivignon, “Geographical Setting,” 24. 67 Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:9–10, 15–16, 142–62, 164, 193–94. Cf. Sivignon, “Geo­ graphical Setting,” 25–26; Le Bohec, “Les fleuves de Macédoine,” 96. On the lower Strymon basin and the plain of Philippi, see esp. Samsaris, Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας, 16–23; Zannis, Le pays entre le Strymon et le Nestos, 69–73, 126–29, 147–55; and Lespez, “Philippes-Drama.” 68 On the course of the Egnatia across the region, see the next section (3). On its socioeconomic impact, see Lolos, “Via Egnatia after Egnatius.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

41

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

3

Urban Infrastructures and Transportation Network

Until fairly recently, the dominant opinion amongst historians was that Roman Macedonia was little more than a rural provincial backwater that remained rather primitive in its socio-economic outlook, and which faded away from the historical stage once the regions south of the Danube had been pacified and annexed as provinces.69 Archaeological and epigraphic explorations in the second half of the twentieth century have turned this view around, however, and have helped uncover a relatively dense network of cities, towns, and villages that thrived culturally and economically from the Principate onwards.70 The work of Fanoula Papazoglou in particular has challenged the view that Macedonia remained tribal in its socio-political organization,71 and has highlighted the “expansion” and “intensification” of urban life in the region after the Roman conquest,72 even though more recent archaeological research has somewhat nuanced this reconstruction (at least as it concerns the second and first centuries BC).73 Based on a variety of literary and epigraphic sources, she estimated that between eighty-five and a hundred cities existed at the time of the creation of the province and in the early imperial era, a number that had shrunk by at least half in late antiquity.74 Due to the successive crises of the third century, the plague, and the Avaro-Slavic raids of the fifth and sixth centuries, the Macedonian population indeed contracted significantly and moved 69 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 1–2, 37–51, 441. 70 See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, xv, 1–2, 4–10, 437–38; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 48; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 564–69; Pandermalis, “Monuments and Art,” 202–11; and most recently Evangelidis, Archaeology of Roman Macedonia (esp. pp. 25–37). The sedentarization and urban development of Macedonia and the political organization of its cities were actually accelerated by Philip II. See Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 49–51; Marc, “Les villes de Macédoine”; Cabanes, “Histoire comparée,” 299–300. On the economic outlook of Greece and Macedonia in the Roman period in general, see Tenney, Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, 436–96. 71 For Papazoglou (Les villes de Macédoine, 1) urbanization is itself an indicator of the socio-cultural, economic, and political development of a region, and thus of the decline of a tribal political structure. 72 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 442. Cf. similar conclusions in Samsaris, “Bas-Strymon,” 364; Zarmakoupi, “Urban Space”; Sève, “Comment estimer l’importance régionale de la colonie de Philippes à la lumière des données architecturales?”; Evangelidis, Archaeology of Roman Macedonia, 176–86. 73 See Blein, “L’évolution de l’occupation,” 245 and 248. In appearance, at least, there is no sign of the (relative) desolation noted in Attica and the Peloponnese in the aftermath of the Roman conquest, on which see Alcock, Graecia Capta, 24–32, 53–55, 89–91. See Karagianni’s fundamental survey, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, for the evolution of urbanization and settlement patterns in late antiquity. 74 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 437–42.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

42

Chapter 2

from the more vulnerable central plains to the less accessible towns and settlements of Upper Macedonia.75 These cities, and the municipalities or regional confederacies (κοινά) comprising the small towns and villages (κῶμαι) of Upper Macedonia, provided the basic political and administrative structure on which the Romans relied to govern the province, leaving them, as Philip II had traditionally done, a certain degree of autonomy in the governance of their internal affairs.76 Few of these cities prospered in the period between the demise of Perseus in 168 BC and the end of the Roman civil wars in the 40s BC, as they fell victim to the rapine of Roman governors or suffered repetitive raids from northern tribes.77 In the last days of the Roman republic, however, a new wave of demographic and urban development took place with the influx of Roman merchants (negotiatores/συμπραγματευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι), veterans, dispossessed Italians, and former Pompeian supporters, who contributed to the economic resurgence of the pacified region (in part through acts of euergetism) and rose as the social elites of its cities.78 Four triumviral and Caesarian-Augustan colonies with large rural territories were established at Kassandreia and Dium in 43/42 BC, at Philippi in 42 BC, at Pella around 40 BC, and even perhaps at Stobi, which, if it never became a colony, at least enjoyed the rare privilege of ius italicum79 as a municipium from AD 73.80 Most of the other cities, such as Edessa, Beroea (the seat 75 On the decline and transformation of Macedonian cities in late antiquity, see Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 564–69; Rizos, New Cities, 30–32, 36–38; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 62, 68–70. For a detailed survey of the cities, villages, and fortified settlements of northern Macedonia in the late antique and early Byzantine periods, see Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen. 76 Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 351–54; ead., Les villes de Macédoine, 37–51; Samsaris, “BasStrymon,” 363–68; Blein, “L’évolution de l’occupation,” 236–38. On the political organization and social outlook of Upper Macedonia, see esp. Sverkos, Συμβολή στη ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας. See also Nigdelis and Souris, “Πόλεις and Πολιτεῖαι.” 77 Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 320, 356; Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine,” 113–14; Sarikakis, “Cicero.” 78 See Papazoglou, “La population des colonies”; Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macé­ doine”; Demaille, “La population d’origine italienne”; Bartels, Städtische Eliten; id., “In Search of Social Mobility”; Sève, “Notables de Macédoine”; Sverkos, “Prominente Fami­ lien”; Brélaz, Philippes, 19–30, 249–74. Cf. Samsaris, “Οι Ρωμαίοι”; Fournier, “Les citoyens romains à Thasos.” 79 That is, just as a colony, Stobi was of equal legal standing as an Italian city. Amongst other privileges, it could govern itself and its citizens were free from direct taxation. Cf. Berger, Dictionary of Roman Law, 530. 80 Although Philippi was founded by Marcus Antonius, and Kassandreia, Dium, and also perhaps Pella by Brutus (under Caesar’s orders), it is Augustus who was acknowledged as founder of all four after the battle of Actium. See Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 356–61; ead., Les villes de Macédoine, 108–111, 135–39, 405–13, 424–29; ead., “La population des colonies”;

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

43

of the Macedonian koinon), or Heraclea Lyncestis, retained their peregrine status as tributary poleis or civitates (if they were not converted into vici and integrated into the territories of colonies), and their traditional political institutions such as the popular assemblies (ἐκκλησία, δῆμος), the city councils (βουλή), and the local magistracies (ἄρχοντες, πολιτάρχαι, ἀγορανόμοι).81 Two notable exceptions are Thessalonica, the seat of the Roman governor, and Amphipolis, which were both granted the status of civitas libera (i.e., free and self-governing city) in 42 BC and 148 BC respectively, along with some regional koina from Upper Macedonia, which, though appearing to be free, were likely autonomous only with regards to their local affairs.82 By the second or third century AD, many of the major cities of the province had acquired the kind of urban infrastructures and monumental architecture that are common throughout the Roman Greek East, namely, a public square girded by administrative, commercial, and religious buildings, which was the haut lieu of the civic life of the community, public baths, fountains, and aqueducts for sanitation, stoas and/or gymnasiums for social interaction, educational activities, and physical training, theaters for public meetings, cultural entertainment, and gladiatorial shows (in the Roman period), and, from the middle of the fourth century onwards, one or several ecclesiastical basilicas with at least one baptistery (if the city was an episcopal see).83 In sum, just as anywhere else in the Roman empire, Macedonian cities functioned as political, cultural, and economic centers around which the neighboring rural areas (χώραι) gravitated. They were interconnected by a vast network of terrestrial and maritime roads, some of which had existed since Hellenistic times Rizakis, “Expropriations et confiscations”; id., “Recrutement et formation des élites”; Brélaz, Philippes, 19–56; Daubner, Makedonien, 202–14. Regarding Stobi’s uncertain status, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 313–18. As a free city (civitas libera), Thessalonica was only given the honorary distinction of colonia in the middle of the third century. Cf. Edson, “Macedonica,” 133; Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 361 n. 267. 81 Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 359, 361. Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 195–96, 198–99; Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 14–15. On the Macedonian civic institutions and magistracies, see Hatzopoulos, Macedonian Institutions, 127–65. 82 Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 361–67; Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 198–99; Haensch, Capita provinciarum, 104–12; Blein, “L’évolution de l’occu­ pation,” 237–38. Cf. Sverkos, Συμβολή στη ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας, 31–68; Daubner, Makedonien, 224–27. Scotussa, a city in the lower Strymon basin about which hardly anything is known, appears to have been a civitas libera as well (cf. Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 362). 83 Cf. Pandermalis, “Monuments and Art,” 208–14; Zarmakoupi, “Urban Space”; Sève and Weber, Philippes; Sève, “Comment estimer l’importance régionale de la colonie de Phi­lippes à la lumière des données architecturales?”; Di Napoli, “Buildings for Enter­tain­ment.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

44

Chapter 2

at least,84 and which facilitated commercial and cultural exchanges as well as population mobility across the region.85 The largest and principal Macedonian cities were indeed all placed on the main transportation axes that were the via Axia and the via Egnatia, the latter being by far the most important road in the whole province, if not in the southern Balkans. Likely built in the 140s BC by the governor Cn. Egnatius for military purposes primarily,86 and later repaired by Trajan,87 it functioned as an extension of the via Appia (which stopped at Brundisium) and traversed the entire Balkan peninsula from Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, the two starting points on the Adriatic coast, all the way to Byzantium on the Bosphorus.88 Heading east, it passed through Lychnidos, veered southeast at Heraclea Lyncestis before making a ninety-degree left turn at Arnissa, south of Petres, to pass north of Mount Bermion and reach Edessa on the western edge of the Bottiaean plain.89 It continued further east onto Thessalonica after crossing the Axios near Pella, skirted the north of the Chalcidice peninsula via Apollonia (running south of Lakes Koroneia and Bolbe), and followed the coast of the Strymon gulf onto Amphipolis.90 Rather than running south through the Pierian plain (which was traversed by a secondary road), it then went around the northern side of the Pangaion through the Angites valley, before heading southeast towards Philippi.91 It carried on further south onto the harbor city of Neapolis, from which it proceeded eastward along the Thracian coast until Kypsela on the Hebros river initially, and, from the end of the Republican era, all the way to Perinthos (and eventually Byzantium/Constantinople).92 84 Cf. Samsaris, “Το οδικό δίκτυο”; Loukopoulou, “Ὁ Φίλιππος Ε´”; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, “A propos des voies de communication”; Walbank, “Via Egnatia,” 8. 85 Cf. Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine,” 110–12 (with fig. 1). For an overview of the road network in northern Macedonia, see Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 30–47. 86 Walbank, “Thoughts on the Via Egnatia.” Cf. Hammond, “Western Part of the via Egnatia,” 192–93; Walbank, “Via Egnatia.” 87 Collart, “Une réfection de la ‘via Egnatia’ sous Trajan”; id., “Les milliaires de la via Egnatia,” 190 and 197 (no. 2). 88 On its western course, see Strabo 7.7.4. 89 Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:19–28 (with important corrections in id., “Western Part of the via Egnatia”); Edson, “Via Egnatia in Western Macedonia”; Hammond and Hatzopoulos, “Via Egnatia in Western Macedonia,” pts. I and II; Samsaris, Γεωγραφία της ρωμαϊκής επαρχίας Μακεδονίας, 24–31. Cf. Collart, “Les milliaires de la via Egnatia,” 183–87; Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos, Les milliaires de la voie Egnatienne. 90 Hatzopoulos, “The via Egnatia.” Cf. Collart, “Les milliaires de la via Egnatia,” 187–90. 91 Samsaris, Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας, 43–48; Walbank, “Thoughts on the Via Egnatia”; Collart, “Les milliaires de la via Egnatia,” 190–91. 92 Walbank, “Thoughts on the Via Egnatia.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

45

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

Figure 1

Doctissimus servus Inscriptionum Graecarum spectans unam ex maximis inscriptionibus Macedoniae in loco Demir Kapija photo by j.m. ogereau

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

46

Chapter 2

The via Axia, on the other hand, was shorter and ran north from a crossroad on the Egnatia located near Pella.93 Its actual route along the Axios river is not certain, though it is clear that it ran along its western bank through the gorge of Demir Kapija, before continuing across the plain of Stobi onto Scupi and, further on, onto Naissus in Moesia—the Axios itself and the lower Strymon may have also been partly navigable.94 The road going in the opposite southern direction must have left the Egnatia at the same crossroad and proceeded in a southwestern direction towards Beroea across the Bottiaean plain (passing south of Lake Loudias).95 It most likely bridged the Haliacmon at the entrance of the gorge, and went around the northeastern side of the Pierian range via Aegae, the former capital of the Macedonian kingdom, and the harbor of Pydna. Thence, it headed south towards Dium across the Pierian plain, before continuing south onto Thessalia through the Tempe pass. Towards the end of the third century or the beginning of the fourth, when sufficient sediments had accumulated in the Axios-Haliacmon delta and bridges could be constructed across the river mouths, a coastal road was built between Pydna and Thessalonica to avoid the long detour via Beroea, and thus to hasten the deployment of troops from central Greece to the Danube frontier.96 Soldiers or merchants heading further north could thus have traveled onwards on the via Axia, or they could have followed the via Egnatia westward until Heraclea Lyncestis, whence they could join the road that ran northeast along the Erigon and Astibo rivers all the way to Serdica via Stuberra, Stobi, Astibo, Tranupara, and Pautalia.97 Alternatively, they could have journeyed up the Strymon valley on the road(s) that also led to Serdica via Amphipolis, Serrai, and Parthicopolis.98

93 Edson (“Strepsa,” 176) places it “probably at a point between Cyrrhus and Pella.” 94 Cf. Le Bohec, “Les fleuves de Macédoine,” 99. For two possible miliaria from the via Axia discovered in the vicinity of Stobi, see IG X 2,2.468 and 490 (AD 306/7). 95 Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou, Macedonian Topography, 28–32. 96 Edson, “Strepsa,” 173–82. Cf. Hatzopoulos and Loukopoulou, Macedonian Topography, 53. On the bridge that crossed the Haliacmon on the coastal road from Thessalonica to Dium, see Edson, “Strepsa,” 179; Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:160–62; and more recently Ghilardi, “Roman Bridge.” 97 According to Hammond, History of Macedonia, 1:7, 153, 173, the first section of the road via Heraclea Lyncestis was likely the easiest and fastest route from the Aegean Sea to the central Balkans. Cf. Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 36–39. 98 Two roads running on either side of the river in the lower Strymon valley have been identified. See Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 354–60; Kolev, “Middle Strymon Valley.” Cf. Samsaris, Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας, 50–53; Hatzopoulos, “Strymon,” 33–46.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

4

47

Ethnic and Socio-cultural Outlook

From its earliest beginnings, the Roman province of Macedonia was primarily populated by two ethnically distinct groups (even though the reality is slightly more complex):99 the Macedonians, who themselves were made of various tribes but who shared a common ethnic and cultural identity, and the Illyrians who traditionally lived in the Epirus region (west of Lychnidos), which became the province of Epirus Nova after Diocletian’s reforms100—a Thracian substratum also persisted in the east, in the region of Philippi.101 After the annexations of Philip II, all of the indigenous tribes living on Macedonian territory, including those of Thracian or Phrygian origin on the eastern and northern frontiers,102 were more or less Hellenized and integrated into Macedonian society, which, though still relatively diverse ethnically, formed a culturally cohesive society by the second century BC.103 The creation of the province in 148 BC logically resulted in an increased Roman and Italian presence in the region (albeit a military one at first), which is particularly well attested by the wide distribution of the silver denarius,104 by the appearance of Roman names (either in Latin or in Graecized form) in Latin and Greek inscriptions,105 and by an abundance of Italian sigillated 99 See Papazoglou, “Structures ethniques.” Cf. Proeva, “Macédoine,” 173. 100 Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 328–29, 337–38. Cf. Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 15–16; KremydiSicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 96. 101 Cf. Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation,” 144–61 (passim); Rizakis, “Expropriations et confiscations,”  §18; Brélaz and Demaille, “Traces du passé macédonien,” 148; Brélaz, Philippes, 75. 102 On the lower Strymon valley, see Samsaris, “Bas-Strymon,” 353–54. The northern frontier of Hellenism coincided with the administrative border of northern Macedonia, which can be safely established at a midway point between Stobi and the Flavian colony of Scupi where Latin predominates in the inscriptions. See Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 333; Mikulčić, Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen, 21. Cf. Proeva, “Macédoine,” 169; Destephen, “La coexistence du grec et du latin,” 133. On the Hellenization and Romanization of Thracia, see Sharankov, “Roman Thrace.” 103 Distant Phrygian and pre-Macedonian indigenous influences remained discernible only in the onomastics of tribes from eastern and northern Macedonia, as well as from western Illyria. See Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 334, 337–38; ead., “Structures ethniques.” Cf. Proeva, “Macédoine,” 174–75. See also Sakellariou, “Inhabitants,” 63. 104 Amandry and Kremydi, “La pénétration du denier en Macédoine.” 105 Generally speaking, Roman citizens can be identified by their Latin tria nomina (or duo nomina from the second or third century AD onward), while Macedonian peregrini usually bear a single personal name followed by a patronymic or matronymic (in the case of illegitimate children) in the genitive. See especially the standard studies by Tataki, Roman Presence; ead., Ancient Beroea, 371–405; ead., Macedonian Edessa, 86–91; ead.,

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

48

Chapter 2

and fine ceramics in some of the main cities (especially those located on or near the via Egnatia).106 Veterans and dispossessed Italians were settled in at least four newly founded colonies in the 40s BC,107 while the prospect of new markets along the Egnatia attracted numerous merchants (negotiatores/πραγματευόμενοι) and landowners (ἐγκεκτημένοι) from Italy, the Aegean islands (Delos especially), and neighboring provinces, who, in the late Republican and early imperial eras, established Roman communities (conventus civium Romanorum) in cities such as Thessalonica, Beroea, Edessa, Stuberra, or even Acanthus in Chalcidice.108 The Roman subjugation of Macedonia did not completely eradicate Hel­ lenistic civilization, however, and cities retained a certain degree of autonomy in their internal political affairs initially (albeit under Roman control), while the local rural population (from Upper Macedonia especially) appear to have preserved its Greek cultural identity and traditions.109 Outside of the urban aristocracy, few Macedonians were granted Roman citizenship (prior to the second century AD),110 and the majority remained peregrini.111 Greek “Prosopography of Ancient Macedonia”; ead., “Nomina of Macedonia.” See also Samsaris, “Η περίπτωση της Βέροιας,” 367–75; Rizakis, “Κοινότητα των ‘Συμπραγματευομένων Ρωμαίων’”; Papazoglou, “Stuberra,” 252–56; Babamova, “Romanization,” 181–83; Salomies, “Contacts”; Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine,” 124–31; Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 20–23. 106 Anderson-Stojanović, Stobi, 185–89; ead., “Pottery at Stobi,” 49–50; Karivieri, “Trade and Exchange along the Via Egnatia.” Cf. Proeva, “Les influences étrangères,” 310–11. 107 Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 356–61; ead., “La population des colonies”; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation”; Rizakis, “Expropriations et confiscations”; Demaille, “La population d’origine italienne.” On the commercial importance of the Egnatia, see Lolos, “Via Egnatia after Egnatius.” 108 See Papazoglou, “Stuberra,” 253–55; ead., “La population des colonies,” 112; Samsaris, “Οι Ρωμαίοι”; Loukopoulou, “Roman Conventus of Chalcidice”; Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine.” Cf. Tataki, “Nomina of Macedonia,” 108; ead., Roman Presence, 37–38; Salomies, “Contacts,” 116 and 124; Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 15–17. 109 See Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 198–99; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 2, 53. Cf. Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia, 569; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation,” 157–58. More generally on the impact of Romanization on the Greeks, see Woolf, “Becoming Roman”; id., “Roman Provincial Cultures,” 16. 110 See Samsaris, “Η περίπτωση της Θεσσαλονίκης”; id., “Η περίπτωση της Βέροιας”; id., “Το ανατολικό τμήμα της επαρχίας”; Sève, “Notables de Macédoine”; Sverkos, “Prominente Familien.” Cf. Papazoglou, “Stuberra,” 253–56; Hatzopoulos, “La société provinciale,” 52; Rizakis, “Recrutement et formation des élites” (see esp. pp. 110–11, 123–29); Giannakopoulos, “Greek Presence,” 100–102, 115–17; Brélaz and Demaille, “Traces du passé macédonien,” 133–34. The grant of the civitas romana was in any case a rare occurrence in the early imperial era. See Rizakis, “Anthroponymie,” 27. 111 A survey of 850 inscriptions from Upper Macedonia and Paeonia showed, for example, that the number of peregrini was more than double that of cives Romani. See Babamova, “Romanization,” 181–83. Cf. Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 359. On the legal status of the

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

49

continued to be the dominant language throughout the province (as illustrated by inscriptions) and progressively replaced Latin, the language of the Roman administration and military, in colonies and in the provincial capital (though more slowly at Philippi and Thessalonica than at Dium, Pella, and Kassandreia).112 Cultural and legal traditions, as well as religious beliefs and practices, persisted and co-existed with Roman customs and newly introduced eastern cults.113 Yet, while the newcomers embraced local cults, few Roman deities were adopted by the autochthons themselves outside of the official cults of Roma and of the emperor (mainly for political reasons), probably because “most of them were anyway assimilated to the main Greek divinities”114—the worship of Artemis/Diana on the acropolis of Philippi is a case in point.115 From the second century AD, when Macedonian patriotic sentiment no longer posed a threat (as it was “now divorced from any aspiration towards independence”),116 Macedonia’s cultural heritage was somewhat revived, or at least reconciled with,117 by philhellene Roman emperors such as Ha­drian, Caracalla, or Alexander Severus, who wished to perpetuate and appropriate the memory of Alexander the Great,118 as well as by local civic indigenous populations living in or near Roman colonies, see ead., “La population des colonies”; Brélaz, Philippes, 56–72; Demaille, “La fondation de la colonie romaine de Dion.” 112 See Papazoglou, “Macédoine,” 333; ead., “La population des colonies,” 118–19; Destephen, “La coexistence du grec et du latin,” 134, 138–39; Hatzopoulos, “Le grec et le latin”; Rizakis, “Le grec face au latin”; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation,” 153–55; Giannakopoulos, “Greek Presence”; Brélaz, “La langue des incolae”; Brélaz and Demaille, “Traces du passé macédonien”; Brélaz, Philippes, 77–94. As Rizakis (“Langue et culture”) notes, in the imperial era Latin was adopted by Greek notables and intellectuals mainly for practical political and scholarly considerations. 113 Cf. Babamova, “Romanization,” 183–85; ead., “Epigraphic Traces,” 279–80; Hatzopoulos, “La société provinciale,” 49–52; Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 19–20; Brélaz and Demaille, “Traces du passé macédonien,” 126–32. On the application of private law in Roman Mace­ donia, see Youni, Provincia Macedonia. 114 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 207. Cf. Düll, “Romani­sier­ung Nordmakedoniens.” “[R]eferences to Roman cults and mythology” are particularly rare on coins, except at Philippi and Stobi (where depictions of various Victoria types, including Victoria Augusta, are common). See Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 100; ead., “Victoria Augusta.” 115 See Collart and Ducrey, Les reliefs rupestres, 222–25. Cf. Tsochos, Makedonien, 44–47, 121–35; Brélaz and Demaille, “Traces du passé macédonien,” 145–46. 116 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 202. 117 Cf. Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation,” 161–62. 118 This is particularly well illustrated by the numerous provincial coins minted from the end of Severus Alexander’s reign (i.e., post AD 231), which commonly feature a head of Alexander on the obverse (e.g., Gaebler, Münzen Nord-Griechenlands 3/1:94–188 nos. 322–859 and 3/2:47–48 nos. 1–4; BMC 5:22–27 nos. 98–144). Cf. Gagé, “Alexandre

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

50

Chapter 2

communities—Amphipolis especially—and aristocratic families eager to ap­peal to their glorious past on their coinage and monumental architecture, in their inscriptions, and by giving their children historical Macedonian names.119 Thus, whilst Romanization did have a considerable impact on the central political institutions of Macedonia and on the urban structure, monumental topography, and “sacred landscape” of its cities,120 its effects were perhaps less dramatic at a socio-cultural level as Roman and Italian immigrants, together with their descendants and (non-Macedonian) freedmen, integrated into Macedonian society (partly through intermarriage),121 progressively assimilated Greek culture and adopted its language,122 and increasingly contributed to the life of their communities as the new social elite.123 Still, as material culture, monumental architecture, inscriptions, onomastics, and the survival of Latin indicate, they did so without completely forsaking their cultural heritage.124 They brought along with them popular social practices such as public bathing and gladiatorial games, and held unto certain funerary customs such as the Rosalia or Parentalia festivals, which are well le Grand”; Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 199, 202; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 105; Allamani-Souri, “Imperial Cult,” 107–8. On Roman philhellenism more generally, see Gruen, Hellenistic World, 250–72; Woolf, “Becoming Roman,” 132–35. 119 See Hammond and Walbank, History of Macedonia, 569; Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 199, 202; Touloumakos, “Historische Personennamen”; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 101–5. The reuse of a Macedonian frieze on the eastern façade of a public basilica at Dium is particularly telling, as are statues erected in honor of Alexander the Great and his family on the forum at Thessalonica (IG X 2,1.275–277; cf. no. 278 mentioning a priest of Alexander). See Pandermalis, “The Cities,” 99–100; id., Discovering Dion, 208–9; Christodoulou, “Δημόσια οικοδομήματα,” 307–12; id., “Δίον,” 179 (with figs. 1–4); Brélaz and Demaille, “Traces du passé macédonien,” 124–25; Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki, 58–59. 120 See Papazoglou, “Macédoine”; Haensch, Capita provinciarum, 104–12; id., “Le ‘visage’ du gouvernement romain”; Bartels, Städtische Eliten, 95–104; Kousser, “Hellenistic and Roman Art,” 535–36; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia; Zarmakoupi, “Urban Space”; Sève, “Comment estimer l’importance régionale de la colonie de Philippes à la lumière des données architecturales?”; Evangelidis, Archaeology of Roman Macedonia, 75–92. 121 See Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 20–23. 122 Ernst, “Hellénisme et romanité”; Rizakis, “Le grec face au latin”; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation”; Brélaz and Demaille, “Traces du passé macédonien,” 133–37. 123 On the Roman elites in Macedonia, see Bartels, Städtische Eliten; id., “In Search of Social Mobility”; Nigdelis, “Geminii und Claudii”; Sverkos, “Prominente Familien”; Brélaz, Philippes, 249–74; Daubner, Makedonien, 175–94. Cf. Rizakis, “Anthroponymie,” 28–29; id., “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine,” 118–20; id., “Recrutement et formation des élites”; id., “La mobilité sociale” (passim). 124 Ernst, “Hellénisme et romanité”; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

51

attested at Philippi.125 As has been increasingly recognized, Romanization, a much debated concept in itself, never took place in a single direction but was a much more complex, bi-directional, cultural interaction and negotiation,126 which, in Macedonia as elsewhere, led to an amalgamation of Roman and Greek cultural elements and to the emergence of multidimensional civic and cultural identities.127 In addition to Roman and Italian settlers, the province attracted other ethnic groups who migrated from neighboring regions such as Thracia or from territories further east, namely, northwestern Asia Minor and the Levant (though it is not always possible to discern their actual place of origin).128 Eastern influence is particularly pronounced in funerary epigraphy and iconography, and, to a lesser extent, in the onomastics. It is also reflected in the worship of oriental deities such as Isis, Serapis, or the Mother of Gods Ma (at Edessa).129 This suggests regular cultural interaction with populations from the eastern provinces as, thanks to the via Egnatia, Macedonia continued to function as a nodal point of commercial exchanges throughout the imperial era.130 From the fourth century, the repeated incursions of northern Avaro-Slavic tribes and the settlement of Goths in several cities of the Bottiaean and Pierian plains in the late fifth century would further contribute to the ethnic and cultural diversification of the province in late antiquity.131

125 See Collart, Philippes, 475–85; Tsochos, “Rosalia”; Proeva, “Les croyances funéraires,” 151–52; Ducros, “Organisation et importance des combats de gladiateurs.” Cf. Papazoglou, “Stuberra,” 256; Babamova, “Romanization,” 186; ead., “Epigraphic Traces,” 283–84; Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 24–25. 126 See, e.g., Woolf, “Becoming Roman”; id., “Roman Provincial Cultures”; Alcock, “Problem of Romanization”; Webster, “Creolizing”; Rizakis, “Langue et culture.” 127 See Ernst, “Hellénisme et romanité”; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation.” Cf. Kous­ser, “Hellenistic and Roman Art,” 532–36; Rizakis, “Anthroponymie,” 28–29; Youni, “Grecs et Romains,” 26; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 96, 104; Evangelidis, “Architecture of the Imperial Cult,” 126. 128 See Robert, “Inscriptions de Thessalonique,” 242–43; Proeva, “Les influences étrangères”; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Acculturation,” 158–59; Demaille, “La population d’origine italienne,” 199. 129 See Proeva, “Les influences étrangères”; ead., “Macédoine,” 174–75; ead., “Stèles funéraires,” 146; Babamova, “Epigraphic Traces”; Nikoloska, “Cults of Isis”; Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 435–36; Rizakis and Touratsoglou, “Mors Macedonica,” 264, 275, 280; Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine,” 129–30 (with the abundant bibliography in nn. 98–104). 130 Cf. Lolos, “Via Egnatia after Egnatius.” 131 See Lemerle, “Invasions et migrations”; Ferjančić, “Slaves dans les Balkans.” Cf. Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 554–57.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

52

Chapter 2

In sum, despite regional specificities, Macedonian society appears to have differed little from the rest of the eastern Graeco-Roman world. It was multiethnic and multicultural, open to western and eastern religious influences (as will further be seen below), and highly stratified socially. Its population comprised mostly indigenous Macedonians and Thracians, whom the Romans nonetheless considered as peregrini (or incolae/πάροικοι, if they lived on colonial territories), Greek and/or Hellenized migrants originating from the regions north and east of Macedonia, along with Italian traders and Roman citizens.132 Among the latter, the majority were likely free-born Romans (ingenui), who had settled in one of the four colonies (or descended from the first settlers), while a small number must have consisted of peregrini who received the civitas romana by imperial privilege (as their nomen gentile indicates). As anywhere else in the Roman world, slavery must have also been omnipresent, as the numerous manumission inscriptions of the sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods Autochthon at Leukopetra suggest, even though it is impossible to evaluate the proportion of servi and liberti in Macedonian society in Roman times.133 Similarly, despite the dearth of epigraphic and archaeological evidence it is safe to assume that the majority of the population was of humble social origins and comprised artisans, traders, workmen, farmers, and pastoralists who lived modestly in the towns, villages, small farms, and rural estates dispersed throughout the region. They manufactured consumer goods and artistic works, built infrastructures, exploited local mines, bred sheep and cattle, and continued to cultivate cereals, orchards, vineyards, and olive trees, just as their ancestors had done before them.134 Though likely landowners themselves, the social elite, on the other hand, aggregated in the main urban centers that they administered and developed. Judging by the numerous monuments erected in their honor, they must have concentrated all of the economic, poli­ tical, and religious power into their hands, sharing amongst themselves the various magistracies and priesthoods—some of which (e.g., the “politarchy” and “Macedonarchy”) were specific to Macedonia—and were responsible

132 Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 199–202; Papazoglou, “La population des colonies”; Samsaris, “Bas-Strymon,” 356–57. 133 See Youni, Provincia Macedonia, 49–120; ead., “Affranchissements.” Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 199–202; Samsaris, “Bas-Strymon,” 357; Demaille, “Esclaves et affranchis.” For epigraphic evidence of manumission from the sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods Autochthon, see I.Leukopetra. 134 Cf. Samsaris, “Bas-Strymon,” 360–63; Tsitouridou, “Political History,” 232–35.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

53

for relaying and implementing imperial policies throughout the province.135 In this respect as well, Macedonian society was not at all dissimilar to other Roman provincial societies. While it was not as rich in natural resources as Asia Minor and never functioned as a hub for Mediterranean-wide trade, its agricultural fertility, transportation infrastructures, and urban facilities ensured its economic and cultural development in the early imperial era, which proved to be a period of relative peace and prosperity.136 5

Religious Context

The religious outlook of Macedonia in the Classical and Hellenistic periods did not vastly differ from that of the rest of the Greek world insofar as it was marked by the same plurality and diversity of cults and divinities, even though it had a strong regional character that reflected local preferences and original historical developments.137 Whilst we lack sources to reconstruct the “Macedonian pantheon” in its entirety, all the available evidence point to the existence of a “‘regional pantheon’ which was definitely Greek,” yet “open to different influences and characterized by local peculiarities.”138 This regional singularity, which can in part be explained by the way in which local cults and political institutions (both royal and civic) were interrelated, is particularly well illustrated by the variety of Macedonian epithets (e.g., Dionysus Pseudanor, Heracles Aretos/Patroos, Artemis Tauropolos), festivals (e.g., the

135 For a detailed study on the Macedonian elites, see Bartels, Städtische Eliten. Cf. Samsaris, “Bas-Strymon,” 358–59; Brélaz, Philippes, 249–74; and the references given in n. 123 above. 136 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 199, 202–4. Cf. Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 172. 137 Papazoglou and Pandermalis (“Macedonia under the Romans,” 204) attribute the originality of Macedonian religion to the “two different religious conceptions” that “coexisted” in the region and “eventually interpenetrated each other,” namely, “the Greek religion of the Macedonians, with its aloof and majestic gods,” and the “more emotional religion of the indigenous population, with its mystic and orgiastic cults.” Cf. Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 428–29. 138 Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 465. Cf. ibid., 453–55; Kalleris, Les anciens Macédoniens, 532–72; Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 39. See also Sakellariou, “Inhabitants,” 60. For a (dated) catalogue of the various deities attested in Macedonia, see Baege, De Macedonum sacris. For an updated version, see Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens. On the religious transformation of Macedonia in the imperial era (with a special focus on Samothrace, Philippi, and Dium), see Tsochos, Makedonien.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

54

Chapter 2

Xandika, the Hetairideia, the Daisia), and cultic practices or “rites of passage” (including funerary rites) that are not encountered anywhere else.139 Although Macedonia had a religious and cultural center at Dium, where the “pan-Macedonian” festival of the Olympia and military victories were celebrated, one cannot really speak of “Macedonian religion” as a unified, “national” phenomenon that was solely initiated and organized by the central royal power.140 Nor did the Macedonians abstain from taking part in other indigenous cults or from visiting the Panhellenic sanctuaries (since at least the archaic period).141 The coexistence of cults of civic and “national” dimensions and of different social appeal over a broad geographical area effectively resulted in a rather complex religious landscape that was marked by regional particularisms, in which gods were assigned certain functions (depending on the local context) that are neither typical nor always clear to determine.142 One of the most important deities for the Macedonians was Zeus—the father of Macedon, the Macedonians’ eponymous mythological ancestor, according to Hesiod—who was occasionally represented on coins and to whom the “‘national’ sanctuary” at Dium was consecrated.143 His prominence is further evidenced by the wide diffusion of the cult of Zeus Hypsistos throughout the region, which is thought to have “originated in all probability in Macedonia.”144 The other Olympian gods were of course also venerated throughout the region, together with other divinities and heroes such as Persephone, who commonly appears in funerary contexts (alongside Artemis and Heracles in Roman times), Heracles, the mythical ancestor of the Temenid

139 See Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 453, 455, 457, 460, 465; Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 440–41; Sakellariou, “Inhabitants,” 60. On rites of passage specifically, see Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites. 140 This said, there is definitely evidence of “royal interventions in the management of cult centers and ‘pan-Macedonian’ festivals, on the sanctuaries’ administration, and on relationships with civic authorities, on private cults, and on the diffusion of individual cults in different areas” (Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 454). 141 Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 453–54, 463–64. 142 Ibid., 458, 460–61. 143 Ibid., 456. Cf. Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 45–59; Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 98–106; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 223–31; Tsochos, Makedonien, 18–19. See also Sakellariou, “Inhabitants,” 60–61; Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 204; Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites, 109; Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 430. 144 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 204. Cf. Mitchell, “Theos Hypsistos,” 126 (with epigraphic examples nos. 34–59, pp. 130–31); id., “Further Thoughts,” 170–71 (with inscriptions A11–A29, pp. 199–200).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

55

dynasty,145 or the Thracian Rider, who was widely popular and often depicted on funerary steles as a heroized representation of the deceased.146 At Dium, for instance, prominent deities (besides Zeus Olympos) included Artemis Eileithyia, Aphrodite Hypolympidia, Demeter, who watched over the rites for young women along with Dionysus (whilst those for teenage boys were placed under the tutelage of Heracles),147 and the healing god Asclepius, who was popular both with the royal family and with the people (and whose priests were likely appointed by Philip II as eponymous magistrates in every Macedonian city to foster political unity).148 At Aegae, the first royal capital, Heracles Patroos and Eukleia played an important role in the religious life of both the court and the city, while the sanctuary of Aphrodite and of the Mother of Gods dominated the civic landscape in the later capital Pella (where, in contrast, the cult of Demeter was pushed to the margins).149 Asclepius, Demeter, and Kore-Persephone (in association with Dionysus) were revered at Beroea, though not as fervently as Heracles Kynagidas, “the national hero of the Macedonians,”150 who in literary and epigraphic sources is often presented, on par with Zeus, as the “dieu ancestral des Macédoniens.”151 A favorite deity of the Antigonids, he was also the patron of hunters, freed slaves, and of the rites of passage for the ephebic elite.152 Dionysus was likewise involved in rites of passage (and funerary 145 On his importance in Macedonia, see esp. Huttner, Die politische Rolle der Heraklesgestalt, 65–79, 86–123; Iliadou, Herakles in Makedonien. 146 See Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens; Tsochos, Makedonien; Chatzinikolaou, “Sanc­ tuaries in Upper Macedonia.” Cf. Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 457–58; Papazoglou and Pan­ dermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 207; Sakellariou, “Inhabitants,” 52, 60–61; Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 430–31. For a list of identified sanctuaries, see table 1 and the catalogue in Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 24, 179–372. On funerary heroization, see esp. Proeva, “Les croyances funéraires.” Cf. ead., “Stèles funéraires,” 140–41; ead., “Sur l’iconographie des stèles funéraires,” 690–92, 700–1. 147 See Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites. Cf. Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 456–57. On the sanctuary of Demeter, see Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 60–73. 148 Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 462. On the cults and sanctuaries of Dium, see esp. Tsochos, Makedonien, 15–38; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 222–64. 149 Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 458–59. Cf. Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 192–99, 214–21. 150 Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 459. 151 Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites, 109. For epigraphic evidence see I.Ano Maked. 6, 20, 97, 115; I.Kato Maked. II 442; IG X 2,2.172 and 319. Cf. Edson, “Antigonids,” 226–32; id., “Macedonica,” 125–26; Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 86–93; Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites, 102–11; Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 205. On the various sanctuaries of Beroea, see Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 200–7. 152 Edson, “Antigonids”; Huttner, Die politische Rolle der Heraklesgestalt, 163–74; Iliadou, Herakles in Makedonien, 91–97; Allamani-Souri, “Ηρακλής Κυναγίδας”; Allamani-Souri and Voutiras, “Sanctuary of Herakles Kynagidas”; Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites, 87–111. Cf.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

56

Chapter 2

practices) and was particularly popular in rural areas throughout the region (especially around the Pangaion), with shrines or sanctuaries being attested by statuary elements and dedications in western and northern Macedonia,153 at Beroea,154 Thessalonica,155 Philippi (in the form of Liber Pater),156 north of the plain of Philippi (in the vicinity of modern Drama),157 and also perhaps at Dium.158 Besides these traditional cults, there is plenty of (non-monumental) archaeological evidence attesting the existence of numerous sanctuaries dedicated to various epichoric gods and local heroes, which illustrate “the vitality of the classical religion” in the Hellenistic and Roman periods.159 Among the more notable ones are those of Apollo Oteudanos/Eteudaniskos at Colobaisa near modern Prilep,160 of the Hero Auloneites at Kipia,161 southwest of Philippi, of the Mother of Gods Ma Aniketos or Autochthon at Edessa and Leukopetra (on the territory of Beroea),162 and of Diana/Artemis (Bendis) at Philippi, where Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 461; Samsaris, “Bas-Strymon,” 373–74; Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 430–31. 153 E.g., I.Ano Maked. 28, 31; I.Kato Maked. II 264 (with mention of phallic procession, l. 12), 400, 612; IG X 2,2.248, 357; I.Stobi 8. Cf. Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 77–85; Nikoloska, “World of Dionysos.” 154 Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites, 63–72. 155 E.g., IG X 2,1.28, 59, 503, 506; IG X 2,1s.1058. Cf. Edson, “Cults of Thessalonica,” 158–81; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 289–90; Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki, 172–83. 156 Tsochos, “Philippi,” 248–49; id., Makedonien, 89–109; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 335–36; Rizakis, “Aspects du dionysisme.” 157 I.Philippi² 417, 499, 501, 597. More generally, see Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 432–33. 158 See the banqueting hall with a stunning mosaic of Dionysus in Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 153–203. 159 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 207. On the distribution of sanctuaries in northern Macedonia (which are mainly concentrated in the middle Strymon valley and in the region between Stobi and Heraclea Lyncestis) see fig. 12 in Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 169. See also Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 101–23; Chatzinikolaou, “Sanctuaries in Upper Macedonia.” 160 It is only attested by altar dedications (IG X 2,2.230–232) discovered in the Orthodox monastery of Treskavec. See Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 55–56; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 183. Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 204; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 291. 161 See I.Philippes 76, 158, and pp. 52–55; I.Philippi² 619–625. See recently Koukouli-Chrysanthaki and Malamidou, “Hero Auloneites.” Cf. Tsochos, Makedonien, 76–80; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 338–44. 162 On the two sanctuaries, see Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 187–89, 207–13, with the inscription of the latter in I.Leukopetra. The Mother of Gods (and its various other

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

57

she was represented as a hunter with a bow or a spear on scores of votives carved into the rock of the acropolis.163 By far “the most widespread cult in Roman Macedonia,”164 she was worshipped as Artemis Kynagogos/Agrotera/Ephesia in central and northern Macedonia,165 but as Artemis Bendis in eastern Macedonia (Bendis being the Thracian goddess of the forest and fertility), where her cult dominated the middle Strymon valley.166 In contrast, Apollo seems overall to be underrepresented in the region,167 except at Thessalonica where he was associated with Kabeiros, the “most holy ancestral god” (ὁ ἁγιώτατος πάτριος θεὸς Κάβειρος) and “tutelary deity” who saved the city from the Goths in AD 268,168 and in whose honor the Pythian games founded in AD 240 were celebrated (to rival those organized by the Macedonian koinon at Beroea).169 Just as with other aspects of Macedonian culture, the arrival of the Romans and Italians in the region in the second century BC did not dramatically alter the religious landscape and barely seem to have affected cultic practices, as the “national Macedonian divinities continued to be worshipped with female representations throughout the region) is likely to be a later manifestation of the same “Grande Déesse préhellénique” (Hatzopoulos, “La société provinciale,” 50). Cf. Hatzopoulos, Cultes et rites, 64–65, 72. See also Proeva, “Mâ et son culte en Macédoine.” 163 Collart and Ducrey, Les reliefs rupestres, 222–25; Tsochos, Makedonien, 122–30; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 332–35. 164 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 204. Cf. Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 50–58; Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 431. 165 E.g., IG X 2,2.233. On her various epithets, see Tzanavari, “Gods and Heroes in Thessaloniki,” 185–87. 166 See Popov, “Bendis.” Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Ro­mans,” 204. 167 Cf. Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 50–58. However, see I.Kato Maked. II 7, 83(?), 543, and I.Philippi² 651, 652, 669, 682, in the “Dubia et spuria” section. A sanctuary seems to have existed north of Serrai, in the region of modern Sidirokastro. See Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 345–46. 168 On the civic importance of the cult at Roman Thessalonica, which is mainly evidenced by its coinage, see Edson, “Cults of Thessalonica,” 188–204 (citations on pp. 192–93); Gaebler, Münzen Nord-Griechenlands 3/2:123–24 (nos. 34–38); Touratsoglou, Münzstätte von Thessaloniki, 94–337 (passim); Witt, “Kabeiroi,” 78–80. So far only two inscriptions, IG X 2,1.199 (AD III) and IG X 2,1s.1075 (AD 260), have corroborated the numismatic evidence. More generally on the cult throughout Macedonia, see Witt, “Kabeiroi.” 169 See especially the dedication IG X 2,1.38 (AD 252/253) by the agonothete of the games. Cf. Edson, “Cults of Thessalonica,” 191; Robert, “Pythia de Thessalonique”; Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki, 162–63. For other dedications to Apollo see IG X 2,1.52, 54, 908. Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 199, 205, 207; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 71; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 102–3.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

58

Chapter 2

undiminished fervour.”170 Greeks and Romans having many of their deities in common (though named differently),171 it merely added to this diversity by introducing a number of Roman and eastern deities such as Silvanus, whose collegium famously set up a large inscription at Philippi,172 Mithras, whose cult is, oddly enough, so far only faintly attested at Thessalonica and Stobi (despite a strong military presence in the region),173 or Syria Parthenos, to whom slaves were consecrated at Beroea.174 The Romans also helped revive the cult of ancestral deities such as Nemesis, the patron goddess of gladiatorial shows in whose honor a small shrine was, for example, built in the central room of the scaena-building of the theater at Stobi.175 From the reign of Augustus onward, they also contributed to revitalizing the religious life of the province and of its sanctuaries (which flourished under the Nerva-Antonine dynasty in the second century).176 Of all the oriental deities, Isis and Serapis seem to have been the most popular (particularly among Roman negotiatores), judging by the large number of votives, statues, and dedications discovered throughout the region.177 170 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 204. Cf. Samsaris, “BasStrymon,” 376–77; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 138–39. 171 Düll (Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 142) notes that, in northern Macedonia, Hercules, Jupiter, Liber, and Ultrix Augusta were in fact referred to by their Greek names. Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 207; Tsochos, Make­donien, 35. 172 CIL 3.633 (I.Philippi² 163–166). Cf. Tsochos, Makedonien, 130–32; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 330–32. 173 See Tzanavari, “Gods and Heroes in Thessaloniki,” 255–59; Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki, 63–69. Yet-to-be-published fragments of a relief featuring Mithras were also identified on the suggestion of K. Hallof at Stobi in May 2018. 174 See I.Beroia 51–52. Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 207. A sanctuary to Syria Parthenos has also recently been identified at Agios Nikolaos, south of Pella. See Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 199. 175 Gebhard, “Theater at Stobi,” 18–19. Evidence of the cult of Nemesis has also been found at Heraclea Lyncestis (IG X 2,2.56) and Philippi (I.Philippi² 142–144). Cf. Collart, “Le théâtre de Philippes,” 108–13; Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, §§121–126; Di Napoli, “Buildings for Entertainment,” 331–33; Ducros, “Organisation et importance des combats de gladiateurs,” 347–48. 176 See Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 45–68, 69–97. 177 E.g., I.Ano Maked. 92; IG X 2,1.75–123; I.Stobi 16, 37; I.Philippes 23, 134, 193; I.Philippi² 175, 255. Other Egyptian deities such as Osiris and Anubis are of course also attested. Cf. Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 107–10; Edson, “Cults of Thessalonica,” 181–88 (see esp. p. 182); Tzanavari, “Gods and Heroes in Thessaloniki,” 237–52; Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine,” 120–22. On Egyptian cults in the region more generally, see Düll, Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens, 148–52; Christodoulou, “Priester der ägyptischen Götter”; Nikoloska, “Cults of Isis.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

59

Vestiges of sanctuaries consecrated to the Egyptian gods have been found at Thessalonica,178 Philippi,179 Dium,180 and more recently at Stobi, where an impressive complex has been excavated east of the theater.181 These “newcomers” did not really supplant the traditional Macedonian deities, however, for they were usually integrated into existing cults. Thus at Dium, for example, Isis was joined to Artemis Eileithyia and Aphrodite Hypolympidia,182 while in Upper Macedonia and at Thessalonica Zeus Eleutherios, “the protector of the new regime,”183 was associated with Roma.184 The introduction of the cult of Roma and of Roman benefactors (Ῥώμης δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίων εὐεργετῶν) long before the imperial period,185 along with that of the Roman emperors, was likely one of the most significant “religious” innovations of the first century AD, even though Macedonians were used to grant rulers divine honors.186 Not unlike other cults, the evidence for the imperial cult primarily consists of inscriptions, statuary, and coins, while only a few monumental remains have been found.187 The relative paucity of archaeological evidence can perhaps be explained by the fact that the imperial cult was generally associated with other cults (and gladiatorial fights), such as that of Zeus at Dium, where Hadrian was honored as Hadrian Olympus.188 At Stobi, on the other hand, two dedications—one of which was set up by a member of 178 See especially the building dedications IG X 2,1.102 (AD II) and IG X 2,1s.1052 (ca. AD I). Cf. BCH 45 (1921): 540–41; Edson, “Cults of Thessalonica,” 181–82; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 266–80; Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki, 79–132; Voutiras, “Sara­ pieion de Thessalonique”; Koester, “Egyptian Religion in Thessalonikē,” 134–39. 179 Tsochos, “Το ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών”; id., “Philippi,” 249–52; id., Makedonien, 43–44, 109–19; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 324–30. 180 Pandermalis, “Heiligtum in Dion”; id., Discovering Dion, 89–117; Tsochos, Makedonien, 21–23; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 248–64; Christodoulou, “Isis à Dion.” 181 Blaževska and Radnjanski, “Temple of Isis.” 182 Tsochos, Makedonien, 21–23; Mari, “Cults and Beliefs,” 458. 183 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 204. 184 See I.Ano Maked. 93; IG X 2,1.32. Cf. Edson, “Macedonica,” 129–32, 134; Daux, “Notes,” 350; Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 204. 185 See Edson, “Macedonica,” 134; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 207; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 97–98. 186 Cf. Christesen and Murray, “Macedonian Religion,” 441–43; Tsochos, Makedonien, 52; Falez­za, I santuari della Macedonia, 48–49, 62–64. But see Mari (“Cults and Beliefs,” 458) on the distinctiveness of ruler cults in Macedonia. 187 Epigraphic evidence is particularly important at Philippi (e.g., I.Philippes 5, 6, 16, 18, 19, 21). Cf. Tsochos, “Philippi,” 246–47; id., Makedonien, 54–71; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 98–99; Daubner, Makedonien, 228–65. 188 E.g., CIL 3.5483; CIL 3 suppl. 1.7281. Cf. Tsochos, Makedonien, 19; Ducros, “Organisation et importance des combats de gladiateurs,” 347 and 355.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

60

Chapter 2

the college of the Augustales189—indicate that it was also connected with the cult of Isis,190 a cult that the Flavian and some of the Nerva-Antonine emperors appropriated to promote imperial ideology in the first and second centuries.191 The lack of monumental remains is also likely due to the ad hoc nature of archaeological excavations, which have enabled to identify temples of the imperial cult only very recently and with various degrees of certainty. The existence of a Sebasteion at Dium, west of the forum, is now generally accepted,192 while it is almost certain that the small temple in the northeastern corner of the forum at Philippi was dedicated to the emperors.193 At Thessalonica, whose neokoros status is attested on coins from Gordian III (AD 238–244),194 excavations in the 1930s and the 2000s have suggested that an Augustan kaisaros naos, which was likely dedicated to the divine Julius Caesar (and Venus) initially and which until then had only been known by a (now lost) building inscription, stood a little west of the agora.195 Moreover, colossal imperial portraiture discovered in the 1920s near the northeastern end of the forum seems to indicate that another temple devoted to the Flavian emperors was erected on an upper terrace immediately north of the forum in the AD 80s.196 Yet none of these finds have been as spectacular as the discovery of a seventy-meter-long colonnaded complex (together with statue fragments of Augustus, Roma, and Trajan) dedicated to the imperial cult at Kalindoia in 189 I.Stobi 16 (AD I–II). 190 I.Stobi 16 and 37. For two other dedications to the emperor by Augustales, see I.Stobi 15 and 18. See also the dedication to Dionysus for the welfare (pro salute) of Hadrian (I.Stobi 6). 191 See Christodoulou, “Sarapis, Isis and the Emperor.” 192 Pandermalis, “Monuments and Art,” 210; id., “Δίον, η δεκαετία των ανασκαφών 1987–1997,” 209; id., “Δίον 2002,” 419. Cf. Christodoulou, “Δίον,” 179; Tsochos, Makedonien, 28. 193 See I.Philippes 19; cf. no. 126. See also Sève and Weber, “Un monument honorifique,” 477–79; id., Philippes, 20, 39–43. Cf. Tsochos, Makedonien, 56–60; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 320–24. 194 Thessalonica was made four times νεωκόρος under Trajan Decius in AD 250/251, but was later demoted to twice νεωκόρος under Valerian and Gallienus in AD 253/254, before being promoted again to thrice νεωκόρος under Gallienus around AD 260. See Gaebler, Münzen Nord-Griechenlands 3/2:127–28 (nos. 56–61); BMC 5:124–26 (nos. 116–131); Touratsoglou, Münzstätte von Thessaloniki, 265–314. Cf. Ziegler, “Thessalonike”; Burrell, Neokoroi, 198– 204. 195 See IG X 2,1.31 (cf. Edson, “Macedonica,” 132–33); cf. nos. 32, 34, 35, 40, 133, and IG X 2,1s.1074–1075. See Allamani-Souri, “Imperial Cult,” 103–7; Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki, 28–54; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 48–49, 280–89. Cf. Voutiras, “Η λατρεία της Αφροδίτης,” 1339–40; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 103 (with n. 98). 196 The architectural structure had formerly been interpreted as a library. See StefanidouTiveriou, “Titus au forum de Thessalonique”; ead., “Η βόρεια πλευρά της αγοράς της Θεσσα­ λονίκης.” Cf. Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki, 48–49, 59–61. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

61

Mygdonia (northern Chalcidice), where a conventus of Roman negotiatores prospered in the first century AD.197 As in other eastern provinces, one can expect the imperial cult to have been widespread and particularly vibrant in each of the four colonies, and in municipia such as Stobi and Apollonia, or wherever a Roman conventus could be found.198 However, it is unlikely to have been as strong as at Beroea, the seat of the Macedonian koinon whose “raison d’être” was the imperial cult.199 Its president was indeed the high priest of the cult and was responsible for organizing the games in honor of the emperor at the annual gathering of the Macedoniarchs, the presidents of the koinon assembly.200 First declared neokoros under Nerva (AD 96–98) and then made twice neokoros under Elagabalus (AD 218–222),201 Beroea was in constant competition with Thessalonica, the seat of the provincial government, which, though a civitas libera that was likely excluded from the koinon (for the first two centuries AD at least),202 repeatedly proved its attachment to the imperial dynasty on its coinage.203 The rivalry partly highlights how the imperial cult was as much a political and diplomatic affair as a religious matter, and that it was an avenue for the provincial elite to affirm their political ambitions and to display their loyalty to the imperial house.204 In fact, the purpose of the koinon was mainly to ensure the 197 See the various articles by K. Sismanidis listed in the bibliography, as well as Adam-Veleni, Καλίνδοια, 39–55, 83–89, 109 (no. 08), 123–68. Cf. Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 300–312; Loukopoulou, “Roman Conventus of Chalcidice,” 144–45; Daubner, Makedonien, 257–65. 198 See Brélaz, Philippes, 188–96, 202–9; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 98; Louko­ poulou, “Roman Conventus of Chalcidice,” 144. 199 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 207. For a detailed over­view of the institution, see Kanatsouli, “Το κοινόν των Μακεδόνων.” Cf. Deininger, Pro­ vinziallandtage, 91–96; Papazoglou, “Le koinon macédonien”; Tataki, Ancient Beroea, 447–48, 456–57; Allamani-Souri, “Imperial Cult,” 100–3. 200 The majority of the Macedoniarchs came either from Thessalonica or from Beroea. See Kanatsouli, “Οι μακεδονιάρχαι.” The games were called “Olympian” from AD 242 to contrast with the “Pythian” games of Thessalonica. See Gagé, “Alexandre le Grand,” 4–5; Edson, “Cults of Thessalonica,” 191–96; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 102–3. 201 For numismatic and epigraphic evidence, see Gaebler, Münzen Nord-Griechenlands 3/2: 47–48 (nos. 1–4) and 189–91 (nos. 860–871); I.Beroia 66, 70, 71, 109, 117, 481; IG X 2,1s.1073. Cf. Ziegler, “Thessalonike”; Burrell, Neokoroi, 191–97. 202 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 207; Allamani-Souri, “Imperial Cult,” 100. But see Burrell, Neokoroi, 199. 203 E.g., Gaebler, Münzen Nord-Griechenlands 3/2:125–31 (nos. 43–70); Touratsoglou, Münz­ stätte von Thessaloniki, 24–96, 140–313. Cf. Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 207; Kremydi-Sicilianou, “‘Belonging’ to Rome,” 104. 204 Cf. Allamani-Souri, “Imperial Cult,” 99–100; Bartels, Städtische Eliten, 155; Brélaz, Philippes, 202–93; Tsochos, Makedonien, 53. On the imperial cult more generally, see Beard, North, and Price, Religions of Rome, 348–63. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

62

Chapter 2

political unity of Macedonian communities, which were more or less auto­ nomous depending on their legal status, and their allegiance towards Rome. It also allowed Rome to entertain “the illusion of provincial autonomy” and to “maintain national feeling,”205 as the koinon could approach the emperor directly, lay charges against a rogue governor, and mint its own coinage with an imperial figure on the obverse and a more patriotic symbol and legend on the reverse (e.g., ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ or ΚΟΙΝΟΝ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ).206 Whether it was a direct or indirect consequence of Rome’s expansion in the East, the presence of Jewish communities in the region is also attested in the Roman era, although it is virtually impossible to gauge their size and dissemination throughout the province.207 Equally difficult to determine is when exactly the first Jews settled in Macedonia and how well they were integrated into the local society.208 That there were established communities at Thessalonica and Beroea, and a less formally organized group of “God-fearing” women at Philippi, by the middle of the first century is suggested by the Acts of the Apostles,209 and by Philo’s reference to Jewish “colonies” (ἀποικίαι) in Macedonia and nearby Thessalia in his report on the delegation to the emperor Caligula in AD 39/40.210 Yet, no epigraphic or archaeological evidence correlating the witnesses of Acts and Philo has so far been found, as the earliest Jewish inscriptions and synagogal structure discovered at Thessalonica and Stobi are usually dated to the mid- to late second or third century AD.211 Be that as it may, the presence of Jews in Attica, the Peloponnese, and the Aegean islands in the Hellenistic period raises the strong possibility that some of them reached

205 Papazoglou and Pandermalis, “Macedonia under the Romans,” 199. 206 E.g., Gaebler, Münzen Nord-Griechenlands 3/1:80–93 (nos. 251–321) and 3/2:10–12 (nos. 14–27); BMC 5:27–29 (nos. 145–158). Cf. Kremydi-Sicilianou, “Victoria Augusta,” 66–67. 207 For an overview of the Jewish presence in Macedonia, see Schürer, History of the Jewish People, 3/1:64–68; vom Brocke, Thessaloniki, 212–33; Panayotov, “First Jewish Communities.” 208 For a general discussion of “Jewish identity and communal life” in the Balkans, see Pana­ yotov, “First Jewish Communities,” 487–91. 209 Acts 16:13–14; 17:1–4, 10–12. 210 Philo, Legat. 281–282. 211 See I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 18 (ICG 3131) and 15; CIJud 694 (I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 1; I.Stobi 19). The Jewish character of I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 18 is contested, and so is that of I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 16 (CIJud 693; ICG 3194), which was initially dated to the end of the second century AD. Cf. Van der Horst, “Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis,” 68. For a succinct summary of the Jewish epigraphic and archaeological evidence from Thessalonica and Stobi, see vom Brocke, Thessaloniki, 217–33; Wiseman, “Jews at Stobi.” Cf. I.Jud. Graeciae, pp. 112–26; Nigdelis, “Juden in Thessaloniki”; Ascough, Paul’s Macedonian Associations, 191–212.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Macedonia in Roman Antiquity

63

Macedonia fairly early on, having settled there as free economic agents or having been brought or sold as slaves by Roman or Italian merchants.212 What is clear is that, three or four centuries later, there were still Jewish communities in the cities that Paul visited, as a handful of inscriptions and tombs indicate.213 Judging by the size of its cemetery,214 the Jewish community of Thessalonica is likely to have been larger and more affluent than that of Beroea or Philippi, where only a handful of epitaphs have been found.215 Furthermore, the reference in the plural to “synagogues” (συναγωγαί) as potential recipients of funerary fines on an imposing sarcophagus,216 and a bilingual dedication written in Greek and Samaritan Hebrew217 suggest that it was likely composed of several subcommunities representing various traditions within ancient Judaism (broadly conceived). At Beroea and Philippi, on the other hand, similar funerary warnings mention only one synagogue.218 However, in neither of these three cities has a synagogue been discovered yet.219 It is only at Stobi, further north, that two superposed synagogue structures with several inscriptions have been excavated right underneath the so-called “Central Basilica,” in whose atrium the famous dedicatory column of Polycharmos was found reused.220 As “father,” and probably founder, “of the synagogue in Stobi” (ὁ πατὴρ τῆς ἐν Στόβοις συναγωγῆς), Tiberius Claudius Polycharmos, also known as Achyrios, donated sections of his large residence to the “holy place” (τῷ ἁγίῳ τόπῳ), that is, the synagogue, whilst retaining the usage of the second storey.221 Although the exact date of the inscription remains debated (partly because the archaeological stratigraphy underneath

212 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Ach 1–4, 6–14, 25–27, 31–33, etc.; 1 Macc 15:23; Josephus, B.J. 3.540. See also Panayotov, “First Jewish Communities,” 480–82; id., “Jewish Communities in the Balkans.” Cf. Tataki, Ancient Beroea, 455. 213 E.g., I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 6–18 (the Jewish character of no. 18 is contested; see ICG 3131). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine 291–295. 214 See Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 60–61 (with fig. 3 and pls. 28, 44–45, 66, 74). 215 I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 6–12. A few inscriptions currently on display at the archaeological museum of Philippi remain to be published, however. On Beroea, see Tataki, Ancient Beroea, 454–55. 216 I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 15. On which see Nigdelis, “Juden in Thessaloniki,” 305–306. 217 I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 17 (I.Chr. Macédoine 291). 218 I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 7 (I.Chr. Macédoine 295), 12 (I.Philippi² 387A). 219 Cf. Runesson, Binder, and Olsson, Ancient Synagogue, 237–43; Tataki, Ancient Beroea, 454. 220 See IG X 2,2.739–745, 748–749 (I.Stobi 19–26; I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 1–5 with introductory discussion, pp. 56–62). For the most up-to-date discussion of the archaeological context, see Wiseman, “Jews at Stobi.” Cf. Panayotov, “First Jewish Communities,” 485–87. 221 See IG X 2,2.739 (I.Stobi 19; I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 1; AD II–III) and the substantial secondary literature therein referenced.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

64

Chapter 2

the basilica is difficult to interpret),222 it can nonetheless be concluded that a Jewish community flourished at Stobi in the second and third centuries under the patronage of a Jewish Roman citizen, who was likely a descendant of an imperial freedman.223 6

Summary

When the first Christian missionaries arrived in Macedonia in the mid-first century, they would have found the province still in the process of recovering from the depressed Republican years, during which it had been depleted from its resources by crooked governors and years of civil wars. However, the renewed political stability and relative safety from northern and eastern enemies in the post-Actium era, along with the establishment of colonies and the influx of veterans and Roman or Italian merchants, would contribute to the rapid socio-economic development of the region and its successful integration in the Roman empire. In addition, its efficient road network and urban infrastructures would facilitate population mobility, commercial and cultural exchanges, and the dissemination of new philosophical ideas and religious cults. Although Macedonia would reach its apogée in the second century under the Nerva-Antonine emperors, it must have offered favorable conditions to the diffusion of the Christian faith already by the first century. Thus, it is hardly surprising that, after having visited some of the urban centers of central and northwestern Asia Minor, Paul and his companions decided to follow the main route going west and visit the province. The next chapter will explore the establishment of the earliest Christian communities in Macedonia in the first and second centuries. 222 See Wiseman, “Jews at Stobi.” Wiseman (p. 345) concludes that the “archaeological evidence indicates that in the 2nd century Polycharmos donated a part of his home (which was in existence in the 1st century AD) for the use of the Jewish community and remodeled some parts of it, including the main hall […]. The column bearing the long inscription of Polycharmos must belong to the 2nd-century renovation and expansion of the main hall in the 2nd century.” 223 On the importance of the Claudii in the region, see Babamova, “Prosopography of Stobi,” 115–17.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Chapter 3

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia 1

Introduction

The beginnings of Christianity in Macedonia in the middle of the first century is a familiar story to readers of the New Testament, albeit one that is not adequately documented and not well defined chronologically due to a lack of detailed and trustworthy sources.1 The two authentic Pauline letters written to the Christ-believers at Thessalonica and Philippi, 1 Thessalonians and Philippians, and the sixteenth and seventeenth chapters of the book of Acts, our only narrative on this episode, undoubtedly connect the advent of Christianity in Macedonia to the ministry of the apostle Paul and his associates, Silas/Silvanus and Timothy.2 Traveling along the via Egnatia in the very late AD 40s or the early AD 50s,3 they established what may well have been the very first Christian communities in the whole Balkan peninsula at Philippi, a Roman colony, and at Thessalonica and Beroea, two political and cultural centers where Jews were known to live.4 1 A detailed discussion of the chronology of Paul’s life and ministry activities lies beyond the scope of this chapter. For extensive treatment of this question, see, e.g., Knox, Life of Paul; Suhl, “Paulinische Chronologie”; Lüdemann, Paulus (esp. pp. 213–64 on his Macedonian stay); Riesner, Paul’s Early Period; Tatum, Life of Paul; Schnelle, Paulus, 29–38. 2 The Silvanus of 1 Thess 1:1 can only have been the Silas of Acts. Cf. Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 85; Hemer, Acts, 230; Rigaux, Thessaloniciens, 346–47; Holtz, Thessalonicher, 36; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 97–98; BDAG, s.vv. Σίλας and Σιλουανός. It is not certain that Paul was the first to establish Christ-believing communities on European soil. His letter to the Romans, for instance, indicates that he was not the founder of the church in Rome, which was probably founded before his arrival in Macedonia in the late AD 40s. Since no Macedonian is mentioned in the list of ethnicities present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:9–11), it is also unlikely that a Christ-believing community already existed in the region by the AD 40s. Cf. Pilhofer, Philippi, 229–31. 3 This is the generally accepted date range. See, e.g., Vielhauer, Geschichte, 79; Koester, History and Literature, 118–19; Riesner, Paul’s Early Period, 364; Schnelle, Paulus, 175–77. For others such as Knox (Life of Paul, 81–88) and Suggs (“Date of Paul’s Macedonian Ministry”), the Macedonian mission must have taken place in the early AD 40s. In context, the reference to the “beginning of the gospel” (ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, Phil 4:15) is relative to Paul’s stay at Philippi and signals the commencement of new evangelistic ventures in partnership with the Philippians (ὅτε ἐξῆλθον ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας). See Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia, 269. 4 See the end of sec. 5 in chap. 2 above. According to Paul’s letters and Acts, there were likewise no established churches in Corinth and Athens (and likely throughout mainland Greece) prior to their arrival. Cf. Pilhofer, Philippi, 229–31.

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_004

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

66

Chapter 3

What happened to the small clusters of Christ-believers in the aftermath of Paul’s visit remains obscure, although the three letters written to the churches of Thessalonica and Philippi indicate that they must have continued to grow despite local opposition. Ignatius’s stopover at Philippi on his way to Rome in the first or second decade of the second century, and Polycarp’s letter written to the Philippians slightly later on confirm that Paul’s beloved church had at least managed to survive the turmoils of the end of the first century and to resolve some of the internal divisions threatening its existence. In fact, if Tertullian’s rhetoric in De praescriptione haereticorum is to be taken at face value, it seems that by the beginning of the third century Philippi had succeeded in securing its authority and reputation as an apostolic church alongside Corinth, Ephesus, and Rome.5 The same cannot really be said of the church of Beroea, about which hardly anything is known. No letter seems to have been written to the believers there, or at least none of those written have survived.6 However, the attendance of a Beroean bishop at the council of Serdica in AD 343 and a handful of fourth-century inscriptions forbid us from being overly pessimistic about the fate of the church in subsequent centuries.7 The lack of evidence attesting the presence of Christian communities at Beroea is in fact characteristic of the nature of our primary sources on Macedonian Christianity in this period. As noted in introduction, unlike the upper regions of central Anatolia where numerous third-century inscriptions have been found,8 very little epigraphic and archaeological Christian material dated prior to the fourth century has survived in Macedonia. The period between the middle of the second century and the end of the third century constitutes a veritable “black hole” in our sources, a lacuna that will likely never be mended and that will forever impede our attempts at reconstructing an early history of the rise and expansion of Christianity in the region. Be that as it may, the following chapter will explore what can be ascertained more or less confidently about the first Christian communities in Macedonia in the first two centuries in light of the extant 5 Tertullian, Praescr. 36.1–2 (emphasis added): Age iam, qui voles curiositatem melius exercere in negotio salutis tuae, percurre ecclesias apostolicas, apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis president, apud quas ipsae authenticae litterae eorum recitantur sonantes vocem et repraesentantes faciem uniuscuiusque. Proxima est tibi Achaia, habes Corinthum. Si non longe es a Macedonia, habes Philippos; si potes in Asiam tendere, habes Ephesum; si autem Italiae adiaces, habes Romam unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est. 6 Goguel (Introduction, 4:327–37) has suggested that 2 Thessalonians might have been written to the church at Beroea. However, no internal or external evidence supports this hypothesis. 7 Cf. Mullen, Expansion of Christianity, 160. The Macedonian Beroea is not to be confused with the Syrian Beroea, to whose church Basil the Great wrote several letters (ep. 185, 220, 221). 8 See Mitchell, “Emergence of Christian Identity”; id., “Christian Epigraphy of Asia Minor.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

67

literary sources, namely, the four letters written to the churches at Philippi and Thessalonica, letters that have been traditionally attributed to Paul and to Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna, as well as the Acts narrative. 2

Sources

Not unlike inscriptions, our literary sources pose numerous methodological and hermeneutic challenges that render a historical reconstruction of these foundational events particularly arduous. Not least among these are the authenticity and literary integrity of some of the Pauline letters, which have been contested since the nineteenth century.9 In addition, the historical reliability of Acts remains fiercely disputed due to unresolved questions of authorship, date, genre, sources,10 and a complex textual tradition.11 Needless to say, it lies beyond the scope of this chapter to review in details, let alone resolve, any of these points of contention. Rather, the following chapter merely aims to reconstruct and assess the earliest stages of the development of Christianity in Macedonia based on the information contained, and/or inferred, in the available sources. Following a generally accepted precept,12 priority will be given (whenever possible) to the Pauline epistles that, as primary historical sources, take precedence over later secondary accounts such as Acts, whose portrait 9 10

For more details, see sec. 4.1 below. The relevant secondary literature on these issues is far too large to be included here (cf. the reviews of scholarship and bibliographies in Gasque, Acts of the Apostles; Gräßer, Forschungen zur Apostelgeschichte). For relatively recent discussions on the nature and reliability of Acts as a historical source, see, e.g., Bruce, “Acts of the Apostles”; Lüdemann, “Acts”; Barrett, “Historicity of Acts”; Hemer, Acts, 1–29; Sterling, Historiography; Marguerat, First Christian Historian; Rothschild, Luke-Acts. On the author’s local and historical knowledge in particular, see Hemer, Acts, 101–81 (cf. Pervo, Acts, 5–6, who locates him in Ephesus). On the question of date and authorship, see, e.g., Harnack, Apostelgeschichte, 217–21; id., Neue Untersuchungen zur Apostelgeschichte, 63–81 (wherein he provides arguments for a date in the early AD 60s); Hemer, Acts, 308–410; Sterling, Historiography, 321–29; Pervo, Dating Acts (with a summary of scholarly positions on the dating of Acts, pp. 359–63); Holladay, Acts, 1–13. On the question of genre, see especially the review of scholarship in Adams, Genre of Acts, 1–67. Cf. Bonz, Past as Legacy, 1–29; Pervo, Acts, 14–18. 11 In this section, the shorter Alexandrian text is generally preferred over the so-called “Western text” (of which D is the primary witness), which usually expands the original text with redundant or confusing explanations, emendations, or marginal notes. See Delebecque, “Paul à Thessalonique et à Bérée.” On this issue in general, see Strange, Text of Acts. Cf. Haenchen, Acts, 14–50; Barrett, Acts, 2–29; Fitzmyer, Acts, 66–79; Pervo, Acts, 1–4; Holladay, Acts, 13–30. 12 Cf. Baur, Paulus, 1–18; Hengel, Acts, 38; Knox, Life of Paul, 30–43; Jewett, Chronology of Paul’s Life, 22–24.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

68

Chapter 3

of Paul is, to an extent that is difficult to determine, inevitably tainted by the author’s own interpretation of the sources, his literary motives, and his ideological agenda. It must be further noted that the report of Paul’s first evangelistic expedition in Macedonia begins at a sudden narrative shift in Acts 16:10,13 namely, the change from the third-person plural to the first-person plural, which gives the narrator, even if only temporarily until Acts 16:17, the posture of a direct, and therefore potentially more reliable, eyewitness of the events he recounts.14 Scholars continue to disagree as to whether this was truly the case,15 whether he used another source,16 or whether the author changed of narrative voice merely for stylistic or narrative purposes,17 even though some of the suggested benefits for resorting to such rhetorical or literary strategy are not immediately apparent.18 Whatever the case may have been, Acts represents an important source of information that simply cannot be dismissed, though one that must be examined with critical eyes. Indeed, it provides us with the unique point of view of someone who may have been a member of Paul’s traveling party, or who may have consulted with people who journeyed with him, and/or who may have had access to a travel diary or to some of his letters (including some that may now be lost).19 At the very least, it offers us a rare perspective on how Paul’s 13 This is one of three such shifts introducing the so-called “We-passages” (16:10–17; 20:5– 21:18; 27:1–28:16). 14 The reason and significance of this shift in narrative voice has been widely discussed. See, e.g., Haenchen, “‘Wir’ in der Apostelgeschichte”; Hemer, Acts, 312–34; Porter, Paul of Acts, 10–46; Wedderburn, “‘We’-Passages”; Rothschild, Luke-Acts, 264–67; Campbell, “We” Passages; Adams, “Paul and Luke”; Pervo, Acts, 392–96; Marguerat, Actes, 2:128–30. 15 See, e.g., Harnack, Apostelgeschichte, 131; Dibelius, Acts of the Apostles, 136; Dupont, Livre des Actes, 160–61 (with an extensive discussion and review of scholarship, pp. 73–107). 16 See, e.g., Haenchen, “‘Wir’ in der Apostelgeschichte”; Fitzmyer, Acts, 103; Barrett, Acts, 2:xxvii–xxx; Porter, Paul of Acts, 10–46. 17 See, e.g., Robbins, “By Land and by Sea”; id., “We-Voyages in Acts”; Wehnert, Wir-Passagen; Thornton, Zeuge des Zeugen; or more recently, Campbell, “We” Passages. Cf. Marguerat, First Christian Historian, 24–25; Rothschild, Luke-Acts, 264–67; Bonz, Past as Legacy, 170–73. 18 It is not clear, for instance, how the “narrator’s presence” conveyed through the first-person plural actually “reinforces the assertion that the expansion of Paul’s mission from Asia Minor to Greece is mandated by God in a vision to the apostle” (Campbell, “We” Passages, 73), or how the insertion of “we” helps “indulge the audience in a fantasy meant to transport them beyond argument to belief” (Rothschild, Luke-Acts, 267). 19 Scholars remain divided on these issues. Vielhauer (“Paulinism”) famously highlighted what he perceived to be a “material” and “temporal” distance between Paul and the author of Acts. Cf. Lüdemann, Early Christianity, 6–9. But see Enslin (“Luke and Paul”), or more recently Aejmelaeus (Rezeption der Paulusbriefe), Pervo (Dating Acts, 51–147), Porter

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

69

evangelistic work in Macedonia was remembered towards the end of the first century, or, some would say, in the early second century.20 3

The Foundation of the First Christian Communities in the AD 50s21

From the outset, it must be noted that Paul’s letters provide hardly any information about the founding of the first Christ-believing communities in Macedonia, which makes it difficult to piece together the various stages of his journey and ministry in the region. From 1 Thess 2:1–8,22 we learn that Paul and his associates, Silvanus and Timothy, came to Thessalonica to preach the gospel after having evangelized the Roman colony of Philippi, where they had been severely mistreated. This is corroborated by Phil 4:15–16 in which Paul gratefully acknowledges the material support the Philippians sent to them while residing in Thessalonica.23 Their work in the provincial capital did not prove to be smooth sailing either,24 but their Thessalonian audience embraced the gospel quite readily and proceeded to spread it throughout Macedonia, Achaia, and beyond.25 For untold reasons, their stay came to an abrupt end and the three evangelists had to make their way to Athens.26 Desiring but unable to return to Thessalonica, Paul and Silvanus then decided to dispatch Timothy to Macedonia to strengthen and encourage the Thessalonians in their “afflictions” (ἐν ταῖς θλίψεσιν ταύταις).27 Upon his return and reassurance that

20

21

22 23 24 25 26 27

(“Paulinism,” 12), or Schellenberg (“First Pauline Chronologist?”), all of whom believe the author used, or at least knew, Paul’s letters (which does not necessarily mean that he traveled with him). The relation between the (remembered) “Paul of Acts” and the “historical Paul” (as known from his letters) continue to generate much scholarly discussion. For recent contributions to the debate, see, e.g., Jervell, Unknown Paul, 52–76; Hemer, Acts, 244–76; Porter, Paul of Acts, 187–206 (responding to Haenchen, Acts, 112–16, and to Vielhauer, “Paulinism”); Pervo, “Paul of Acts”; Marguerat, Paulinism in Acts; Butticaz, “Paul et la mémoire Lucanienne.” For earlier works treating this topic in greater or lesser depth, see, e.g., Collart, Philippes, 456–71; Lemerle, Philippes, 7–68; Pilhofer, Philippi; Bormann, Philippi; Reinbold, Propa­ ganda und Mission, 117–63; Tsalampouni, “Die urchristlichen Gemeinden in Makedonien”; Kyrtatas, “Early Christianity in Macedonia”; Brélaz, “Outside the City Gate”; id., Philippes, 231–44. Cf. 1 Thess 1:5. The Macedonian churches continued to support him while in Corinth. See 2 Cor 11:9. Cf. 1 Thess 2:2: ἐν πολλῷ ἀγῶνι. 1 Thess 1:6–8; 2:13. 1 Thess 2:17. 1 Thess 3:1–5; cf. 1:6; 2:14; 3:4.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

70

Chapter 3

they were holding firm onto their faith, Paul penned 1 Thessalonians to congratulate them for their love and perseverance and to exhort them further. When, or whether, Paul traveled back to Macedonia is nowhere mentioned in the Philippian and Thessalonian correspondence. Based on his letters to the Corinthians, it can be inferred that Paul did visit the Macedonian churches on at least one occasion while traveling between Ephesus and Corinth, as they contributed to the Jerusalem collection and appointed some of their members to accompany him to Corinth and Jerusalem.28 This is as much as Paul’s letters will allow us to reconstruct. Any other information regarding his evangelistic activities in Macedonia must be derived from the narrative of Acts with all the interpretive difficulties it implies, while keeping in mind C.K. Barrett’s conclusion concerning the historicity of Acts. Namely, “[w]e cannot prove that it happened in the way Luke describes, but if it did not it must have happened in a similar way or the result could not have been what it was.”29 According to Acts 16, Paul’s Macedonian mission was occasioned by the frustrated developments of his ministry in western and northern Asia Minor.30 Prevented from proclaiming the gospel in Asia and Bithynia, we are told, Paul journeyed through the countryside of Phrygia and Galatia all the way to Alexandria Troas,31 where upon arrival he received a night vision of a man appealing for help whom, for untold reasons, perhaps his accent or some other distinctive sign, he identified as a Macedonian.32 Likely interpreting the dream as a divine summon,33 Paul and his companions immediately set sail for Macedonia, crossed the Thracian sea, and landed two days later in Neapolis.34 Thence, they headed north towards the colony of Philippi, a “city of the first 28 2 Cor 8:1–5; 9:1–7. Cf. 1 Cor 16:5–9; 2 Cor 1:15–16; 2:13; 7:5; Acts 20:4. Note Paul’s change of plan between 1 Cor 16:5 (ἐλεύσομαι δὲ πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὅταν Μακεδονίαν διέλθω· Μακεδονίαν γὰρ διέρχομαι) and 2 Cor 1:16 (καὶ δι᾽ ὑμῶν διελθεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν καὶ πάλιν ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς). On the Jerusalem collection, see, e.g., Ogereau, “Jerusalem Collection,” and the substantial literature referenced therein. 29 Barrett, “Historicity of Acts,” 534. Cf. Marguerat, Actes, 1:26–27. The same may be said about Paul’s ministry in Lycaonia (cf. Acts 13:13–14:23). See Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia, 61. 30 On the possible reasons, see Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lyca­ onia, 66–70. Cf. Marguerat, Actes, 2:121. 31 Acts 16:6–8. 32 Acts 16:9. 33 Cf. Marguerat, Actes, 2:122–23. 34 Acts 16:10–12. According to Acts 20:6, it would take Paul five days to sail the 250 or so kilometers from Neapolis to Troas on his last visit. The journey probably took place between March and June to take advantage of southerly winds. See Jewett, Chronology of Paul’s Life, 47–48.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

71

district (μερίς) of Macedonia” and the first major stop on the via Egnatia.35 Upon the Sabbath, Acts relates, they visited a “place of prayer” (προσευχή) outside the city gate that was attended by some women who, one presumes, must have been either Jewish, Jewish sympathizers (i.e., God-fearers), or perhaps worshippers of Theos Hypsistos.36 Among them was a “God-fearing woman” (σεβομένη τὸν θεόν) named Lydia, a dealer of purple cloth from Thyatira, who responded positively to Paul’s message, was baptized with all her household, and extended hospitality to the evangelists.37 How many more women were won to the gospel is not related in Acts, but it could be that the Euodia and Syntyche mentioned in Phil 4:2 were also part of the original group that gathered at the προσευχή. We do not know how long exactly Paul and his companions remained in the colony.38 According to Acts, it took them some days (ἡμέρας τινάς) to find out about the existence of the προσευχή in the first place,39 though Paul is said to have waited patiently “for many days” (ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας) before confronting and exorcizing the soothsaying slave-girl who followed them around announcing them as “the slaves of the most High God” (οἱ ἄνθρωποι δοῦλοι τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου)40—a designation that could have caused them to be identified by

35 Acts 16:12. The corrective conjecture πρώτης (for πρώτη τῆς) in the reading ἥτις ἐστὶν πρώτης μερίδος τῆς Μακεδονίας πόλις (“a city of the first district of Macedonia”) is preferable and historically more accurate than the oldest and better attested reading ἥτις ἐστὶν πρώτη τῆς μερίδος τῆς Μακεδονίας πόλις (“a leading city of the district Macedonia,” 𝔓⁷⁴, ℵ, A, C, Ψ, etc.). See Metzger, Textual Commentary, 444–46. Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 20–23; Haenchen, Acts, 494; Pilhofer, Philippi, 159–65; Brélaz, “Outside the City Gate,” 124–27; id., Philippes, 237–38; Pervo, Acts, 399. 36 Acts 16:12–13. Cf. Pilhofer, Philippi, 182–88, 231–34; Koch, “God-Fearers,” 80–81; Tsalam­ pouni, “Die urchristlichen Gemeinden in Makedonien,” 122–23; Mitchell, “Theos Hyp­ sistos,” 92–94, 97, 110, 115–16. While outside of Palestine a προσευχή generally designates a Jewish synagogue (cf. Hengel, “Proseuche und Synagoge”; Schürer, History of the Jewish People, 2:439–40; Noy, “Jewish Place of Prayer”; Runesson, Binder, and Olsson, Ancient Synagogue, 326, s.v. proseuchē), in the Bosporan kingdom it could also refer to a sanctuary of Theos Hypsistos (cf. esp. Mitchell, “Theos Hypsistos,” 92–94 with n. 20). On the location “outside the city gate by the river” (ἔξω τῆς πύλης παρὰ ποταμόν) of the προσευχή, see Pilhofer, Philippi, 165–74; Brélaz, “Outside the City Gate,” 131–33. 37 Acts 16:14–15; cf. 16:40. On Lydia as a historical character, see Pilhofer, Philippi, 234–40. Bonz (Past as Legacy, 131 [n. 12], 167), on the other hand, takes her to be a “symbolic character,” a “Lukan literary creation.” 38 Jewett (Chronology of Paul’s Life, 60) estimates that they may have stayed between three months and a year. 39 Acts 16:12. 40 Acts 16:17–18. On the “realistic dimension” of this episode in antiquity, see Holladay, Acts, 323.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

72

Chapter 3

the locals as worshippers of Zeus Hypsistos.41 Deprived of their profits, Acts continues, her masters seized Paul and Silas, dragged them before the city magistrates, and accused them of introducing customs that were illegal for Romans to practise.42 Anxious to appease the crowds and restore public order, the duumviri resolved to give them a severe beating and threw them in jail for the night.43 While such chastisement was not out of the ordinary in the Roman world, their miraculous deliverance by means of an earthquake can hardly have been a “regular” occurrence, to say the least.44 In context, the whole episode is evidently meant to fulfill the author’s theological agenda and to pave the way for the dramatic conversion of the conscience-stricken gaoler and his entire household.45 The second Philippian convert from a non-Jewish background, his conversion marks a significant step in the development of the Pauline mission narrated in Acts. As Richard I. Pervo has indeed remarked, “[f]or the first time,” Paul is thus portrayed as establishing “communities based on household churches headed by gentiles” primarily.46 Dismissed by the local magistrates the following morning,47 Acts recounts, Paul and Silas then gathered all the new believers (who could not have been more than a handful) in Lydia’s house for a final farewell and headed west towards Thessalonica, the administrative center of the province.48 41 Cf. Trebilco, “Servants of the Most High God”; Marguerat, Actes, 2:134. Trebilco (op. cit., 64–65) further points out that the girl’s designation of Paul’s gospel as “a way of salvation” (ὁδὸς σωτηρίας, 16:17) could have also been a cause of offense. 42 Acts 16:19–24. Schwartz (“Accusation”) considers the accusers to have been Jewish, but this seems unlikely. 43 On the judicial process, see Brélaz, “Outside the City Gate,” 127, 134–35; id., “First-Century Philippi,” 170–73; id., “Paul’s Imprisonments,” 487–88. Cf. Barnes, “Legislation,” 48–49; Tajra, Trial of St. Paul, 3–29; Omerzu, Prozeß des Paulus, 124–67; Weber, “Bürgerrecht des Apostels Paulus,” 201. 44 Acts 16:25–26. 45 Acts 16:30–34. Cf. Harnack, Apostelgeschichte, 118; Dibelius, Acts of the Apostles, 23–24; Conzelmann, Apostelgeschichte, 101, 103; Haenchen, Acts, 500–504; Fitzmyer, Acts, 588; Lüdemann, Early Christianity, 154; Pervo, Acts, 409–11, 415; Marguerat, Actes, 2:136. See esp. Marguerat (ibid., 126–27) on the “chaîne de causalité” of the whole passage and the potential sources the narrator used. 46 Pervo, Acts, 400. 47 The grounds for Paul’s release and the question of his civitas romana need not concern us here. For a recent discussion of the latter and its (substantial) secondary literature, see Weber, “Bürgerrecht des Apostels Paulus.” Note that the Western text expands slightly at Acts 16:35–40 and, with typical “heavy-handed pedantry” (Pervo, Acts, 421), offers additional explanations for Paul and Silas’s dismissal by the magistrates. See Pervo, Acts, 398–99, 414–15. 48 Acts 16:40–17:1.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

73

The road trip of about one hundred and fifty kilometers along the via Egnatia would have likely taken them no more than a few days by foot as they only passed through Amphipolis49—by far the most important (free) city of eastern Macedonia in Roman times50—and through Apollonia.51 Acts does not give any reason why they did not linger in these two localities, but one suspects that the absence of a Jewish community and/or of God-fearers might have encouraged them to press on towards Thessalonica.52 According to Acts, Paul visited the synagogue on the Sabbath and presented his gospel to the congregants who gave it a mixed reception.53 While a certain number of the God-fearing Greeks (τῶν σεβομένων Ἑλλήνων) and of the leading women (γυναικῶν τῶν πρώτων) were persuaded by his message and “attached” themselves (προσεκληρώθησαν) to Paul and Silas, “envious” (ζηλώσαντες) Jews (who likely feared a secession within their community and the possible loss of the God-fearers’ “financial and political support”)54 are said to have opposed them vehemently.55 Not unlike at Iconium (and later at Corinth),56 the narrator has them foment a small riot in the agora during which a certain Jason, Paul and Silas’s host (who might have been a believer),57 and some other disciples were brought before the politarchs of the city (since they could not get hold of Paul and Silas). Rather than being accused of perverting Roman mores as at Philippi, this time Acts has them charged with acting seditiously against Caesar’s decrees—whatever these might have been—by promoting another

49 50 51

52 53 54 55 56 57

One hundred Roman miles separated Philippi from Thessalonica, according to the Itine­ rarium Antonini (Cuntz, Itineraria, 99). Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 392–97; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, “Amphipolis,” 427–36; Brélaz, “Outside the City Gate,” 124–25. Acts 17:1. On the geographical significance of the textual variant here (διοδεύσαντες δὲ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν καὶ κατῆλθον εἰς Ἀπολλωνίδα κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Θεσσαλονίκην), see Strange, Text of Acts, 150–53. It is not clear why, as the Western text seems to imply, Paul and Silas would have only passed through Amphipolis but made a point to visit Apollonia, which actually lay a little south of the Egnatia. On the history and identification of Apollonia, see Hatzopoulos, “Apollonia Hellenis”; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 218–22. Recently discovered epigraphic evidence suggests nonetheless that God-fearers (θεοσεβεῖς) existed in Amphipolis in the third century AD (P. Nigdelis per litteras). Acts 17:2–3. Pervo, Acts, 420. Acts 17:4–5. On the possible nature of Paul’s alleged conflict with the Thessalonian Jews, see esp. Still, Conflict at Thessalonica, 126–206. Acts 14:2–5; 18:12–17. Acts 17:7. Cf. Holladay, Acts, 334; Malherbe, Paul and the Thessalonians, 12–17; vom Brocke, Thessaloniki, 234–42.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

74

Chapter 3

king named Jesus.58 The charges being probably treated as somewhat absurd or unfounded59—the author does not say—all were then immediately released on bail and escaped unscathed from the confrontation.60 The whole episode concludes with Paul and Silas being once more forced to flee the city in the middle of the night, as Thessalonica no longer proved to be a safe place for them to work.61 Just as with the episode at Philippi, the veracity of the historical events behind this section of the Acts narrative—including the presence of Jews62—and the outcome of the evangelists’ mission are particularly difficult to determine.63 And so is the length of their stay at Thessalonica, which must have lasted somewhat longer than what Acts reports.64 If the disturbance took place shortly after the end of the three-week period during which they visited the synagogue, then they may not have spent more than a month there, which represents an extremely short time to establish a church—at Corinth and Ephesus, in contrast, Paul would remain about eighteen and twenty-four months respectively, according to Acts.65 This also raises a question as to the number of people they could have possibly won to their cause. As usual, Acts remains evasive on the actual impact of Paul’s mission and provides no exact figures, as though the narrator had generally “little interest in the efforts required to found a community and none whatsoever in what happened

58 Acts 17:6–7. It is not clear whether the politarchs, as magistrates of a civitas libera, would have been juridically competent to adjudicate the matter (in lieu of the provincial governor), but the accusations would have been serious enough to require their attention, especially since it disturbed the peace of the city. Cf. Barnes, “Legislation,” 49. 59 The nature of the alleged charges remains debated. See, e.g., Sherwin-White, Roman Society, 96 and 103; Judge, “Decrees of Caesar at Thessalonica”; Tajra, Trial of St. Paul, 30–44; Omerzu, Prozeß des Paulus, 177–220; Hardin, “Decrees and Drachmas”; Burnett, Studying the New Testament, 97–120; Brélaz, “Paul’s Imprisonments,” 490. 60 Acts 17:8–9. Sosthenes, the leader of the synagogue at Corinth, would be less fortunate (cf. Acts 18:17). 61 Acts 17:10. 62 1 Thess 1:9 suggests that the infant church mostly comprised Christ-believers from a Graeco-Roman background. Cf. vom Brocke, Thessaloniki, 207–33; Ascough, “Thessalonian Christian Community,” 311–13. 63 See, e.g., the discussion in Still, Conflict at Thessalonica, 61–82. 64 Cf. Ramsay, Paul the Traveller, 228; Lüdemann, Paulus, 203–4; Coulot, “Paul à Thessalo­ nique,” 393. 65 Acts 18:11; 19:10. Jewett (Chronology of Paul’s Life, 60) opines that they stayed about three to four months in Thessalonica. Riesner (Paul’s Early Period, 362–64) agrees that it cannot have lasted more than two to four months. See also Rigaux, Thessaloniciens, 24–25; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 59–61.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

75

between the initial foundation and the persecution.”66 Alternately, he may have had no precise information on the question and could only report in schematic fashion that “a great many” (πλῆθος πολύ) of the God-fearing Greeks attending the synagogue and “not a few” (οὐκ ὀλίγαι) of its leading women were persuaded by the evangelists.67 That is to say, a significant proportion of both groups, though not necessarily a significant number, could have responded positively to Paul’s message, so that the first Thessalonian church need not have counted more than a few souls. Despite the accusation that Paul and Silas had “destabilized the world” (οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀναστατώσαντες οὗτοι),68 their impact on the city must have actually been very modest, and the local authorities would have likely remained unaware of their presence had not accusations been brought against them publicly. Running away from Thessalonica, their only option would have been to press westward on the Egnatia, which took a more or less straight-course through the Bottiaean plain in a northwesterly direction until Edessa.69 The decision to veer off the Egnatia just before Pella and head southwest towards Beroea, as reported in Acts, may have been motivated by the presence of another Jewish community there, by an offer of hospitality from acquaintances of the Thessalonian Christ-believers, or simply by a decision to head south towards Achaia. Going straight to the local synagogue, Acts recounts, Paul and Silas found the Beroean Jews to be particularly receptive to their message. Said to be of a nobler class (εὐγενέστεροι) than the Thessalonian Jews, they listened attentively to their teaching and daily examined their scriptures (τὰς γραφάς) to assess whether it accorded with them.70 As a result, Acts reports, “many” of the Beroean Jews (πολλοὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν), and “not a few” (οὐκ ὀλίγοι) of the socially-prominent Greek women and Greek men (τῶν Ἑλληνίδων γυναικῶν τῶν εὐσχημόνων καὶ ἀνδρῶν), put their faith in Paul’s gospel without, it seems, 66 Pervo, Acts, 418. One exception is Acts 19:7 that mentions that about (ὡσεί) twelve men were baptized by Paul. Unlike the figure given for the mass conversion of pilgrims at Jerusalem (Acts 2:41; cf. 4:4), this number is unlikely to be meant symbolically (cf. ὡσεί), as no allusion to the twelve tribes of Israel or to the twelve apostles is implied. Cf. Haenchen, Acts, 554 n. 2; Fitzmyer, Acts, 644; Pervo, Acts, 86–87. 67 Lüdemann (Early Christianity, 188) considers the report historically credible on the basis of 1 Thessalonians. 68 Acts 17:6. 69 Cf. Acts 17:10. 70 Acts 17:11. Ciampa (“‘Examined the Scriptures’?”) contests the idea that the Beroeans had access to physical copies of the Jewish scriptures and suggests that the verb ἀνακρίνω here simply signifies that they interrogated Paul about them. The object τὰς γραφάς, the absence of the double accusative Παῦλον, and the final proposition εἰ ἔχοι ταῦτα οὕτως, however, make it rather clear what they interrogated or examined.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

76

Chapter 3

causing too much disruption.71 Notably, the “mission at Beroea” as depicted in Acts thus stands out as “atypical in that it yields a rich harvest of Jews and well-placed gentiles—again in the privileged place among the latter—without Jewish opposition.”72 The number of converts might have continued to grow, but, according to Acts, some of the agitators from Thessalonica came to rouse the mob and thwart the evangelists’ work.73 The Beroean believers were to take no chance. They reportedly escorted Paul out of the city and led him down the Pierian road “towards the sea” (ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν), where, at Pydna most likely, he boarded a ship for Athens.74 Meanwhile, Silas and Timothy (who is first mentioned in the narrative since Acts 16:1) remained at Beroea to look after the infant church before joining Paul later on in Athens.75 Just as with the episodes in Philippi and Thessalonica, it is difficult to ascertain the underlying historical events and virtually impossible to evaluate the actual impact of Paul, Silas, and Timothy’s ministry in the city, as it is recounted over the course of four verses only. Whether their stay in Beroea was longer than that in Thessalonica or Philippi is also hard to tell, though it would have probably lasted a few weeks, if not a few months.76 What is particularly striking is that, despite the Beroeans’ ready acceptance of their message and the apparently larger number of believers of Greek and Jewish background in the Acts narrative, Paul does not seem to have kept any close contact with them. No epistle written to the Beroean church has survived or is apparently ever mentioned in subsequent Christian literature, as though the Beroean Christians completely fell into oblivion.77 What is clear from the Acts narrative, however, is that Paul’s first evangelistic campaign in Macedonia ended in typical fashion with the apostle fleeing in the face of opposition. As Pervo has observed, this 71 Acts 17:12. According to the Western text, some Jews believed and some did not, while a large number of Greek men and women did. On the (syntactical) “peculiarities” of the text at this point, see Strange, Text of Acts, 153–54. Cf. Metzger, Textual Commentary, 454; Haenchen, Acts, 508. 72 Pervo, Acts, 422. 73 Acts 17:13. 74 Acts 17:14. At Acts 17:15, the Western text explains that Paul bypassed Thessaly on his way to Athens, as he was prevented from evangelizing the region. Contrary to what Meers (“Who Went Where and How?,” 203) suggests, it is unlikely that Paul traveled all the way down to Dium, which, according to Strabo (7, frag. 17), lay seven stadia (i.e., ca. 1.5 km) from the sea shore. 75 Cf. 1 Thess 3:1–2. 76 Cf. Ramsay, Paul the Traveller, 234. Jewett (Chronology of Paul’s Life, 60) suggests they stayed in Beroea only two months. 77 The Macedonian city of Beroea must not be confused with the homonymous Syrian city, to whose church Basil the Great wrote letters (ep. 185, 220, 221).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

77

trope effectively reinforces one of the author’s literary motives, which was to present persecution of the Christian movement as “the fuel,” rather than the hinderance, “of its continued expansion.”78 As indicated at the beginning of this section, Paul’s letters to the Corinthians indicate that he returned to Macedonia on at least one occasion to encourage the newly-founded churches and to organize the collection for the poor in Jerusalem.79 According to Acts 20, Paul passed through Macedonia on two occasions during his third and final journey as he circumvented the northern Aegean twice on his trip from Ephesus to Jerusalem via Corinth between AD 56/57 and 58. As will be seen in the next section, he also kept a lively correspondence and maintained a close relationship with the Macedonians, being apparently accompanied in his travels by the Thessalonian Aristarchus who would eventually sail with him to Rome.80 However, the Acts narrator tells us very little about Paul’s second passage in the province on his way to Achaia, other than “he encouraged the disciples with many words” (thereby implying that they were experiencing some difficulties, possibly because of local opposition, or perhaps simply struggling with their faith).81 With his stay in Corinth shortened to three months and his plan to sail back to Jerusalem foiled, Paul is then said to have returned to Macedonia accompanied by, amongst others, a certain Sopater from Beroea (whose father Pyrrhus bore the name of a famous Epirote general), and by Aristarchus and Secundus from Thessalonica.82 Once more, Acts provides no information about this third and final visit apart from the identity of the men who sailed ahead of Paul from Philippi and waited for him at Troas in the spring of AD 58, namely, Timothy, Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius of Derbe, Tychicus and Trophimus from the province of Asia,83 and, possibly, the narrator himself who may have stayed at Philippi in the meantime (as the second shift to the first-person plural at Acts 20:5 somewhat implies).84 How long both stays in the province lasted, and which cities he actually visited, is simply not related in Acts (or in his letters, for that matter). If Paul traveled by foot through Achaia and Thessalia, he would have most likely followed the Pierian road that passed through Dium, Pydna, and Beroea, where he could 78 Pervo, Acts, 421. 79 2 Cor 8:1–5; 9:1–7. Cf. 1 Cor 16:5–9; 2 Cor 1:15–16; 2:13; 7:5. On the Jerusalem collection, see the large bibliography referenced in Ogereau, “Jerusalem Collection.” 80 Acts 19:21–22; 20:1–2; 27:2. Cf. 1 Cor 16:5; 2 Cor 1:16; 2:13; 9:2–4. 81 Acts 20:2. 82 Acts 20:3–4. 83 Acts 20:4–5. 84 Acts 20:5–6.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

78

Chapter 3

have met with the church there. He could have then joined the Egnatia near Pella and easily traveled back to Thessalonica. Or he may have sailed directly to Pydna or Thessalonica from Athens. What is also unclear is whether it is during one of these last two visits that Paul had the opportunity to penetrate deeper into the Balkan hinterland and to evangelize “round about as far as Illyricum” (κύκλῳ μέχρι τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ).85 Notwithstanding Paul’s affirmation in Romans, Acts remains completely silent about his possible travels through the rugged regions west of Beroea and Edessa, and through the territories north of Thessalonica, both of which were, in Paul’s time, part of the province of Macedonia and easily accessible thanks to the via Egnatia and the via Axia. Given that there is “no point in the narrative of Acts before 20:2 where we could easily place such a mission,” and given that his “original mission in Macedonia was marked by harassment and haste,” Colin Hemer has proposed that Paul’s ventures into the western and northern confines of Macedonia might have taken place during his last visit around AD 56–57, if they ever did.86 By contrast, Alfred Suhl and Peter Pilhofer have suggested that it is right after his first stay in Thessalonica in AD 50 that Paul traveled further west on the Egnatia all the way to Dyrrhachium where, met by the news that the emperor Claudius had expelled Jews from Rome, he decided to head south towards Corinth.87 Unfortunately, neither hypothesis can be confirmed or refuted on the basis of Paul’s letters or Acts 17. In conclusion, not a great deal transpires in our sources on the establishment and development of Christianity in Macedonia in the middle of the first century. Paul’s letters offer only snippets of information about his activities, while the Acts account mostly relates clichéd anecdotes of questionable historical value, which are woven together to serve a broader theological and apologetic agenda.88 Still, without the latter it would be nearly impossible to 85 Rom 15:19. Before the creation of the provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia under Ves­pasian, it comprised territories from the northern and central Balkans that later became part of the province of Moesia. See Suetonius, Tib. 16.4. Cf. Šašel Kos, “Illyricum,” and sec. 1 in chap. 2 above. 86 Hemer, Acts, 260–61. Cf. Fitzmyer, Acts, 140; Bruce, Acts, 404–5. For Geyser (“Un essai d’explication”), Rom 15:19 should be understood neither in a historical nor in a geographical sense. 87 Suhl, Paulus, 94, and Pilhofer, Das Neue Testament, 235–38. Cf. vom Brocke, Thessaloniki, 199–206. 88 For important discussions on the historical and theological aspects of Acts, see, e.g., Haenchen, Acts, 90–112; Marshall, Luke; Maddox, Purpose of Luke-Acts; Squires, Plan of God; Sterling, Historiography; Marguerat, First Christian Historian; Rothschild, Luke-Acts. The updated edition of Bovon’s Luke the Theologian remains an essential critical guide to the enormous secondary literature on the topic.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

79

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

sketch out the beginnings of Christianity in the region.89 The next section will delve into the consolidation of the Christian movement in Macedonia with the help of the letters written by and/or attributed to Paul. 4

The Consolidation of the First Christian Communities in the AD 50s–60s

4.1 Introduction Following his first journey through Macedonia, Paul wrote at the very least two letters to the communities he founded at Thessalonica and Philippi. Of the three Macedonian epistles that were later included in the New Testament, only 1 Thessalonians and Philippians are generally considered to be authentic Pauline letters, while the authorship of 2 Thessalonians remains largely disputed. Slightly shorter than Philippians, both 1 and 2 Thessalonians are usually understood to form a coherent literary unit (even though this has not gone unchallenged vis-à-vis 1 Thessalonians).90 Philippians, on the other hand, is taken by many to comprise between two to five letters that were written at various stages of Paul’s last decade, and which were later edited and collated into a single document.91 Despite the outstanding difficulties of proving or refuting any of the various partition hypotheses, it is not hard to conceive that Paul could have written several letters to the Macedonian churches over the last ten to fifteen years of his life and inspired a few more after his death, among which only the three canonical ones were deemed important enough to be preserved for posterity.92 As with many of the other documents forming the New Testament, their exact date and place of composition remain unknown. These can only be guessed based on the biographical information they contain and on what we know of Paul from his other letters and Acts. First Thessalonians is commonly regarded as one of the earliest (with Galatians), if not the earliest, of Paul’s

89 Cf. Hengel, Acts, 38. 90 On the question of the literary unity of 1 Thessalonians, see, e.g., Collins, “Integrity”; Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence, 33–46; Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 29–37; Holtz, Thessalonicher, 23–25. 91 See the review of scholarship and literature on the subject in Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia, 223–34. Cf. Holloway, Philippians, 10–19. 92 Polycarp, for example, affirms that Paul “wrote letters” (ὑμῖν ἔγραψεν ἐπιστολάς) to the Philippians (Phil. 3:2).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

80

Chapter 3

(extant) epistles written from Corinth in AD 50 or 51,93 if it was not written from Athens as a subscriptio in some early manuscripts claims.94 In contrast, Philippians could be Paul’s very last (preserved) letter written from prison in Rome shortly before his death in the early AD 60s, if it was not written from Ephesus or Caesarea Maritima in the mid-AD 50s.95 The circumstances behind Second Thessalonians are more difficult to determine. Those who consider it as genuinely Pauline generally date it to the interim decade between 1 Thes­ salonians and Philippians, though it has been occasionally argued that it could predate both.96 Those who think it is a pseudepigraphical document written by one of Paul’s followers or a forger date it, understandably, after the apostle’s death, at some point between AD 70 and the early second century.97 Needless to say, the following section has no pretension to review in detail, or to resolve, any of these points of contention (or any other outstanding theological issues for that matter). Nor can it engage with the vast scholarly literature written on these documents in any exhaustive fashion. Rather, it merely aims to examine the information that could give us some insight into Paul’s evangelistic work in Macedonia, and that could help us better sketch the social and theological contours of the first Christian communities at Thessalonica and Philippi. 4.2 First Thessalonians98 As seen in the previous section, Acts relates how Paul’s stay at Thessalo­ nica ended abruptly when he and Silas—Timothy is not mentioned—were 93 Cf. Rigaux, Thessaloniciens, 42–51; Bruce, Thessalonians, xxxiv–xxxv; Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence, 49–60; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 71–74. See also the literature referenced in n. 3 above. Lüdemann (Paulus, 263–64) dates it to ca. AD 41 based on its eschatological outlook (cf. pp. 212–63). 94 See von Dobschütz, Thessalonicher-Briefe, 17–18 n. 4; Best, Thessalonians, 7; F. Vouga in Marguerat, Introduction, 250. 95 On the date and place of composition, see recently Holloway, “Provenance of Philippians”; id., Philippians, 19–24; Flexsenhar III, “Provenance of Philippians.” Cf. Reumann, Philip­ pians, 3–18. 96 See, e.g., Weiss, Urchristentum, 217; West, “Order”; Manson, Studies, 259–78; Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 37–45. Cf. Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence, 24–26; Bruce, Thessalo­ nians, xxxix–xliv; Green, Thessalonians, 64–69; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 361–64. 97 See, e.g., Wrede, Echtheit, 91–96; Trilling, Thessalonicher, 27–28; Lindemann, “Abfassung­s­ zweck,” 42–45; Bailey, “II Thessalonians,” 143. 98 The secondary literature on the Thessalonian correspondence and its context is substantial. Important contributions include Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence; Malherbe, Paul and the Thessalonians; Collins, Thessalonian Correspondence; vom Brocke, Thessaloniki; Donfried, Paul; Donfried and Beutler, Thessalonians Debate; Nasrallah, Bakirtzis, and Friesen, From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē; Harrison and Welborn, Thessalonica.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

81

exfiltrated out of the city under the cover of darkness and safely escorted to Beroea.99 Still according to Acts, Paul left Silas and Timothy behind to look after the church and made his way to Athens, whence he sent his escort back to Beroea to fetch his companions. He remained in Athens for some undetermined time and engaged with the Jews and God-fearers in the synagogue and the Greeks in the agora, before he moved on to Corinth where Silas and Timothy are said to have found him actively evangelizing the Jews.100 Upon receiving fresh news from Macedonia, Paul, with the assistance of Timothy and Silvanus (1 Thess 1:1), who can only have been the Silas of Acts,101 was prompted to write to the church at Thessalonica, his “glory and joy” (2:20), to encourage them in the faith. Likely his first formal communication with the Thessalonians since he had left Macedonia, it was a timely opportunity to reiterate his deep affection and longing for them (2:17; 3:6, 10), to express his pride for their perseverance in the faith (1:2–3, 7–8; 2:19–20), to exhort them to Christ-like living (4:1–12; 5:12–22), and to address some of their theological questions (4:13–5:11). It was also the occasion to defend or legitimize his own ministry at Thessalonica, which may have been contested by some unidentified opponents, and to urge them to follow in his footsteps (1:5–7; 2:1–12).102 On the basis of the internal evidence, the actual circumstances of the letter are quite difficult to make out precisely without the Acts account, which is in some respect corroborated by the information contained in the letter.103 It confirms, for instance, what Acts relates about Paul’s initial stay in the city, and in particular his hardships and dramatic escape, which he describes as a traumatic separation that had left them “orphans” (ἀπορφανισθέντες ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν, 2:17). In another respect, it contradicts the information given in Acts as it is clear that all three, Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy, were together in Athens and had sought to return to Thessalonica several times (καὶ ἅπαξ καὶ δίς), only to

For a review of scholarship and a bibliography, see Trilling, “Thessalonicher,” and Weima and Porter, Annotated Bibliography. On the Hellenistic and Roman history of the city, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 189–212; vom Brocke, Thessaloniki, 12–101; Steimle, Religion im römischen Thessaloniki; Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne”; Ogereau, “Thes­saloniki.” 99 Acts 17:10, 13–15. 100 Acts 17:17; 18:5. 101 Cf. n. 2 above. 102 On the question of Paul’s possible apology in 1 Thess 2:1–12, see especially the discussion in Donfried and Beutler, Thessalonians Debate, 31–131. 103 Cf. Riesner, Paul’s Early Period, 366–67; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 57, 69. It is exaggerated to claim, as Coulot does (“Paul à Thessalonique,” 377), that Acts 17:1–9 and 1 Thess 1:6–2:12 “ne se recoupent en aucun point.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

82

Chapter 3

be prevented by Satan himself (2:18).104 Resigned to their situation, Paul and Silvanus decided to remain in Athens and to send Timothy to “strengthen and encourage” the Thessalonians “in the faith,” since they experienced some opposition (3:1–3; cf. 1:6; 2:14). We are not told whether they had actually received reports from the Thessalonians about their hardships, but they certainly had expected, and indeed forewarned them, that their circumstances would worsen and their faith be tested (3:3–5). Upon his return (while they were still in Athens or Corinth, more likely), Timothy brought the news that the Thessalonians were holding fast unto the gospel despite their current adversities and longed to meet with them again (3:6–10). In contrast with some of his other, more incisive, letters such as Galatians or 1 Corinthians, Paul’s first address to the Thessalonians is a genuinely positive response that offers a balanced mixture of praise for their faithfulness and perseverance, of encouragement in the face of opposition, and of theological instruction.105 He opens in typical fashion with a thanksgiving prayer and a commendation for their “work of faith,” “labor of love,” and “patient hope in Christ” (1:3). He reminds them of God’s love for them and of their calling in the gospel, which was manifested among them with divine power and conviction (1:4–5). He congratulates them for having so readily accepted the gospel as God’s word despite their many afflictions (1:6; cf. 2:13–14; 3:3–4), and for having “turned away from idols to serve the true and living God” (1:9–10), which indicates that they were mostly, if not entirely, of Graeco-Roman background. As a result of their embracing Paul and his message (1:6), they have themselves become ambassadors, model “imitators” of the evangelists for all the believers throughout Macedonia and Achaia (1:6–7), their faith having become renown to the churches of these regions and beyond (1:8). They have also become “imitators” of the churches of Judaea by sharing in the same type of sufferings that the latter endured from their own countrymen (2:13–14).106

104 On the discrepancy between Acts 17:1–15 and 1 Thess 3:1–2 in particular, see the discussion in Donfried, Paul, 209–19. Cf. Conzelmann, Apostelgeschichte, 104; Dibelius, Thessalo­ nicher, 32; Rigaux, Thessaloniciens, 30–32; Holtz, Thessalonicher, 123–34; Marguerat, Actes, 2:142–43. More generally on the evidence provided by 1 Thessalonians and Acts, see the discussion in Malherbe, Thessalonians, 55–71. Cf. Best, Thessalonians, 1–7. 105 On the paraenetic character of the letter, see esp. Malherbe, “Exhortation”; id., Paul and the Thessalonians, 61–94. Cf. de Vos, Church and Community Conflicts, 170–75. But see Pitts, “Pauline Paraenesis,” for a nuanced position. 106 On the possible interpolation of 1 Thess 2:13–16, see Collins, “Integrity,” 68–85; Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence, 33–46; Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 29–37; Holtz, Thessalo­ nicher, 25–28; Standhartinger, “Paul.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

83

How “the word of the Lord” had effectively “come out from them” (1:8)— whether by word of mouth via professional networks, through proactive evangelism, or by simply imitating Paul (cf. 1:6–7)107—and what kind of hardships the Thessalonians had actually endured is not explained.108 Nor is any detail given on Paul’s own troubles at Philippi, other than he and his companions had suffered greatly and had been “treated outrageously,” which nonetheless had not hampered their determination and their efforts in preaching the gospel at Thessalonica (2:1–2). As though to legitimize his exhortations later on in the letter, Paul then reminds them of the purity and sincerity of their motives in proclaiming the gospel to them, and of their exemplary, righteous, and blameless attitude in their midst as divinely approved evangelists (2:3–4, 10). Unlike others (who remain anonymous), they had not resorted to any trickery or sought to defraud them out of greed or vainglory, nor were they overbearing as “apostles of Christ” (2:3–6). Rather, they had toiled day and night to avoid becoming a financial burden to them (2:9). They had behaved as though they were “gentle nurses” looking after their own children with love and care (2:7–8), and as fathers had exhorted them to godly living (2:11–12).109 Much to their relief, none of their efforts proved to be vain, as “the tempter” had not managed to lead the Thessalonians astray (cf. 3:5). Timothy had indeed brought back some genuinely positive news that overjoyed Paul and Silvanus and caused them to erupt in thankfulness (3:6, 9–13). Their faith and love were running strong as “they stood firm in the Lord,” eagerly desired to meet them again, and showed themselves charitable to all the believers in Macedonia (3:6–9, 10). Paul only needed to exhort them to continue to live in a godly manner and to correct a few misunderstandings they had about the fate of those who had already “fallen asleep” (4:1, 13). Paying heed to his earlier instructions (4:1–2), they were to pursue purity and holiness by abstaining from sexual immorality and by keeping bodily passions under control (4:4–5, 7). They were to conduct themselves honestly with one another, lead peaceful and orderly 107 See the discussions in Ware, “Thessalonians as a Missionary Congregation”; Dickson, Mission-Commitment, 95–103; and Ascough, “Thessalonians’ ‘Mission.’” 108 On the latter, see Barclay, “Conflict in Thessalonica,” which moderates Jewett’s reconstruction in Thessalonian Correspondence. Cf. de Vos, Church and Community Conflicts, 155–70; Still, Conflict at Thessalonica, 208–86; Ascough, Paul’s Macedonian Associations, 167–68. 109 Cf. Malherbe, “Gentle as a Nurse.” On the variant ἤπιοι (“gentle, kind”) in 1 Thess 2:7, which is given as the original reading in some manuscripts (e.g., A, K, L, P, 𝔐) and is preferred in the Greek eastern tradition (cf. Crawford, “1 Thessalonians 2,7,” 69), see von Dobschütz, Thessalonicher-Briefe, 93–94; Dibelius, Thessalonicher, 9; Rigaux, Thessaloniciens, 418–19; Holtz, Thessalonicher, 82; Metzger, Textual Commentary, 561–62. The reading νήπιοι (“infant, child”) is by far the better, and earlier, attested reading (e.g., ℵ, B, C, D, 𝔓⁶⁵) but makes less sense in context.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

84

Chapter 3

lives, and be self-sufficient so as not to bring any disrepute upon the community (4:6, 11–12; 5:13). They were to persevere and increase in their love for one another with all benevolence (4:9–10; 5:15), patiently encourage those struggling in life or in their faith (5:11, 14), admonish the disorderly (5:14), and hold in the highest esteem those serving in some form of leadership positions (5:12–13). In sum, they were to continue to build their own spiritual community with all diligence, prayerfulness, and thankfulness. Finally, they were to change their perspective on death and be neither troubled by the fate of those who had already died nor be concerned about the “day of the Lord” (4:13–5:11). Excessive grief for “those who have fallen asleep” was unwarranted, for God would raise them again, in the same way that Jesus had been resurrected (4:13–14). They would in fact precede those who are still alive at the parousia of Christ, when he would descend from heaven to gather his elect (4:15–17). They only needed to keep watch patiently, soberly, and prayerfully for the unpredictable return of the Lord, and not be distracted by unfounded rumors (5:1–8). Ultimately, as children of light, salvation alone awaited them in Christ (5:4–10). Overall, not a great deal transpires in the letter about the circumstances and outlook of the church at Thessalonica. The community to which Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy wrote within a few months of their initial visit was still very much in its infancy stage. It was beset by the usual challenges confronting the earliest Christ groups, namely, opposition from a hostile polytheistic environment and from Jewish communities that likely felt threatened by the gospel. Hence, it needed more encouragement than admonition, as well as corrective theological instruction, in order to consolidate its foundations. This said, no hint is given as to its actual size. The mention of those in position of prominence or leadership (τοὺς προϊσταμένους) somewhat suggests a basic organizational structure (5:12–13), or at least an informal hierarchy based on age and social respectability, while Paul’s insistence on his diligent manual labor (as an example to follow) could imply that the Thessalonian congregation mostly comprised artisans from the lower levels of society (2:9; cf. 2 Thess 3:8–10).110 Similarly, the final injunction (with oath) to read the letter to everyone could indicate that the whole church might not have been able to gather in the same place at the same time, or that it met separately in various households throughout the city. The urgency conveyed by the oath also hints at the importance the three evangelists placed on their message for the well-being of the church, which was still at a vulnerable stage of its development.

110 Cf. de Vos, Church and Community Conflicts, 147–54; Ascough, Paul’s Macedonian Associa­ tions, 169–77.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

85

As a final incidental note, it may be pointed out that although 1 Thessalonians has gone down in history as one of Paul’s earliest authentic letters, it is one of the least personal. Except at 1 Thess 2:18 and 5:27 where he is more emphatic and employs the first-person singular, he appears otherwise rather withdrawn and mostly relies on the first-person plural.111 This somewhat goes to say that, despite the weight of tradition, Silvanus and Timothy perhaps deserve as much credit as Paul for the successful beginnings of Christianity at Thessalonica in the first century. 4.3 Second Thessalonians112 The circumstances surrounding the second (preserved) letter written to the Thessalonians, which has been traditionally attributed to Paul, are even more enigmatic than those of the first letter, as we possess no information concerning its occasion, date, and place of composition. Further, since the early nineteenth century, its authorship has been seriously contested by scholars who have taken issues with its apparent literary dependence on 1 Thessalonians (in its epistolary framework at least), its stylistic variations, and its theological divergences, in particular its apocalyptic outlook (cf. 2:1–12).113 Thus, many interpreters have come to consider 2 Thessalonians as having been written by a pseudonymous author after Paul’s death despite, or perhaps (partly) because of, the final autograph claiming to be by his own hand in 2 Thess 3:17,114 and despite its reception as an authentic Pauline epistle in the early church tradition.115 Others, however, have pointed out that the stylistic and linguistic evidence neither proves, in

111 Cf. the discussion in Rigaux, Thessaloniciens, 77–80; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 86–89. 112 As noted above, the secondary literature on the Thessalonian correspondence and its context is consequential. For a sample of significant studies, see the bibliography referenced in n. 98 above. 113 The studies by Wrede (Die Echtheit des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs) and Trilling (Unter­suchungen zum zweiten Thessalonicherbrief ) have been most influential in this regard. Cf., e.g., Lindemann, “Abfassungszweck”; Bailey, “II Thessalonians”; Marxsen, Der zweite Thessalonicherbrief, 15–41; Holland, Tradition That You Received; Nicklas, Thessalonicherbrief, 26–58. See also the review of scholarship in Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence, 3–18. 114 A pseudepigraphic autograph could have been included precisely to try to convince its recipients of the authenticity of the letter (cf. Col 4:18). However, the case never seems to be made for other Pauline autographs (1 Cor 16:21; Gal 6:11; Phlm 19). 115 It is cited or alluded to by Polycarp (2 Thess 1:4 in Phil. 11:3 possibly), Irenaeus (haer. 3.7.2; 5.25.1), Clement of Alexandria (str. 5.3), and Tertullian (Scorp. 13; Res. 24), and was included in 𝔓⁴⁶ (most likely), in Marcion’s collection, and in the Muratorian fragment. Cf. Best, Thessalonians, 37–38; Bailey, “II Thessalonians,” 131–32; H.Y. Gamble in McDonald and Sanders, Canon Debate, 282–87; Thiselton, Thessalonians, 11–15; Nicklas, Thessalonicherbrief, 58–63.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

86

Chapter 3

absolute terms, its pseudepigraphic origin or even its fraudulent character,116 nor accounts for an adequate context in which 2 Thessalonians might have been written.117 While some verbatim reiterations—mostly epistolary or liturgical formulas—do occur,118 it could be that either Silvanus or Timothy had been commissioned to write the letter (with the help of 1 Thessalonians), to which Paul would have then simply apposed his signum (σημεῖον) of approval in order to reassure readers that the letter was not the work of impersonators (3:17; cf. 2:2).119 This could explain some of the similarities though not its theological singularity, which must have been demanded by a particular contingency or a changed situation since the first letter had been written,120 or, as Adolf von Harnack (unconvincingly) argued, by the theological disposition of its predominantly Jewish audience.121 Whatever the case may have been, what is clear is that 2 Thessalonians should not be dismissed altogether as it could provide some insight into the life of the church in the years, or decades, after Paul’s initial visit and first letter—assuming, of course, that it was not written by a pseudonymous author to a community in Asia Minor.122 Whether written by Paul himself, by Silvanus or Timothy, or by an unknown follower of theirs, it remains important for our understanding of the church’s situation at Thessalonica and of Pauline (or pseudo-Pauline) theology. If indeed authentic, 2 Thessalonians is likely to have been written shortly after 1 Thessalonians in the early to mid-AD 50s. If pseudepigraphical, then it must have been written after Paul’s death, and can thus potentially inform us on the evolution of the Thessalonian church in the second half of the first century.

116 Trilling (Untersuchungen, 45) and Friesen (“Second Thessalonians,” 201) themselves ad­mit this point. 117 See Best, Thessalonians, 50–58; Jewett, Thessalonian Correspondence, 3–18; Barclay, “Con­ flict in Thessalonica,” 527; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 364–70. 118 E.g., 1 Thess 1:1 and 2 Thess 1:1; 1 Thess 3:11 and 2 Thess 2:16; 1 Thess 5:23 and 2 Thess 3:16; 1 Thess 5:28 and 2 Thess 3:18. The parallelisms between 1 Thess 5:14 and 2 Thess 3:6, and 1 Thess 3:4a and 2 Thess 3:10a, are less significant than that between 1 Thess 2:9 and 2 Thess 3:8. See esp. Wrede, Echtheit, 3–36; Marxsen, Der zweite Thessalonicherbrief, 15–41; Holland, Tradition That You Received, 8–33. On the thanksgiving periods, see also Schubert, Pauline Thanksgivings, 17–30. 119 Cf. Donfried, Paul, 53–55; Elmer, “Pauline Letters,” 48–49. 120 Cf. Barclay, “Conflict in Thessalonica,” 527; Malherbe, Thessalonians, 368–69. 121 1 Thessalonians would have thus been addressed to the gentile core of the church, and 2 Thessalonians to its smaller Jewish nucleus. See Harnack, “Problem des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefes,” who is followed by Lake, Earlier Epistles of Saint Paul, 83–86. 122 Cf. Trilling, Thessalonicher, 27–28. But see Nicklas, Thessalonicherbrief, 49–50.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

87

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

What is immediately apparent is that two of the issues that had motivated the first letter, namely, local opposition and eschatological anxieties, had not been resolved and that the Thessalonians were in dire need of exhortation. These issues notwithstanding, the evangelists’ earlier wish that the Thessalonians’ faith and love for one another would continue to abound seemed to have been in part fulfilled, making them thankful and proud for their “perseverance and faithfulness in all their persecutions and afflictions” (1:3–4; cf. 1 Thess 3:1–10). Though they were already under duress at the time 1 Thessalonians was penned, the situation had apparently worsened, their earlier afflictions (θλίψεις) now turning into outright persecutions (διωγμοί), which had likely amplified their eschatological anxieties and which now justified another letter of encouragement.123 This time, however, the authors offered more than mere words of comfort to help them endure what they had been found worthy to suffer for the kingdom of God (1:5), for they promised divine retribution upon their enemies as vindication. God would indeed repay their tormenters with afflictions and bid the Thessalonians relief from their miseries, when Christ would be revealed with his angels and execute vengeance upon those who rejected him (1:6–8). Eternal damnation and alienation from the presence of God would be their “reward,” whilst those who had believed in God and proven themselves worthy of his calling through benevolence and works of faith would be saved (1:9–12). Once again, the Thessalonians needed to readjust their eschatological perspective and expectations concerning the parousia of Christ, the consummation of the world, and the gathering of the elect, and not let themselves be troubled or led astray by false rumors or letters from impersonators asserting that the “day of the Lord” had already come (2:1–2). They had not missed the “eschatological train,” as it were, for the apostasy preceding it and its chief re­presentative, the “man of lawlessness” and “son of destruction,” had not yet been made manifest (2:3, 9–12). As they had been warned, he himself would easily be recognized when all the restraints placed upon him have been removed, since he would openly antagonize God and exalt himself above every idol, claiming himself to be God by taking his seat in his temple (2:4–7). However, the “lawless one” would not last long as Christ would immediately destroy him at “the epiphany of his parousia,” and thus annihilate his deceptive power (2:8–10). The Thessalonians need not be concerned, therefore, but rather be grateful to have been chosen as the “first fruits unto salvation,” set apart by the sanctification of the Spirit and true faith (2:13–14). Unbelievers who have been 123 Cf. Donfried, Paul, 49–67; Barclay, “Conflict in Thessalonica,” 527–30.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

88

Chapter 3

led astray by “God’s enemy” would, on the other hand, receive their just condemnation and perish for having despised the truth and delighted in unrighteousness (2:9–12). The Thessalonians’ main challenge was simply to “stand firm” and hold fast unto the teachings and traditions they had received from the evangelists (2:14–15). God, being faithful, would preserve them from the evil one, comfort them with hope and grace, strengthen them in every good deed and word, and establish them in peace (2:16–17; 3:3, 5, 16). Finally, they were to continue to live in a manner fitting of the gospel, following the moral example Paul and his associates had set while in Thessalonica, and not tire of doing good (3:7, 9, 13). It was imperative—note the commands at 2 Thess 3:4, 6, 10 and 12—that all remained financially independent by working diligently and earning their own living, as the evangelists had themselves done, and not become a burden to anyone by relying on free handouts from others, as some indolent members of the community were now indulging in (3:6–12). As the apostles had instructed, whoever did not want to work should not eat either (3:10). Disorderly or disobedient believers were thus to be shunned and shamed in reprimand, though not altogether alienated as though they were enemies (3:6, 12, 14–15). Overall, 2 Thessalonians offers limited insight into the life of the church in the middle or late first century. Although it addresses some specific theological and ethical issues, the letter is rather generic in its outlook and could have easily been read by any other community with some benefit—hence, its inclusion in the corpus Paulinum most likely.124 Just as in 1 Thessalonians, not a single member is mentioned by name and no hint is given as to its possible size, structure, or expansion (other than its spiritual growth; cf. 1:3–4). The church continued to face adversity, albeit with increasing intensity, and to struggle with its own eschatological uncertainties, which may have led some to rely on others for their personal needs. Yet, while outsiders posing as apostles may have been responsible for the Thessalonians’ troubled conscience about the eschaton, no sign of inner conflict or division is immediately apparent—a rare enough occurrence in the early Christian movement to be underlined. Ultimately, whether 2 Thessalonians was written by Paul in the middle of the first century, or by someone else slightly later on, may not be as fundamental a question as it seems for our understanding of early Christianity in Macedonia—provided one does not assume that it was written to a different community altogether, in which case 2 Thessalonians might be considered either as a commentary on 1 Thessalonians or as a corrective of its (supposedly erroneous) eschatological perspective and/or misinterpretation within the 124 Cf. Nicklas, Thessalonicherbrief, 58–60.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

89

Paulusschule.125 For our purpose, what is indeed more important to appreciate is that the evangelists’ early efforts had likely not been in vain, and that Paul’s influence continued to be felt at Thessalonica throughout the second part of the first century. 4.4 Philippians126 As noted in the introduction of this section, Philippians is generally understood to be one of, if not the last of Paul’s letters written (with the assistance of Timothy) at the culmination of his life and ministry while in chains in Rome in the early AD 60s (if it was not composed earlier during his imprisonment at Ephesus or Caesarea Maritima).127 The date and place of composition, however, are but two of the main uncertainties concerning the letter whose literary unity remains a major point of contention. Since the nineteenth century, a number of partition hypotheses have indeed been proposed to account for abrupt shifts in tone at Phil 2:19; 3:1; 4:1; and 4:10, and have resulted in the segmentation of the canonical letter into two, three, or even five different documents, which are thought to have been written at intervals during an undetermined period of time.128 While examining these various hypotheses lie beyond the scope of this section, it must be noted that the adoption of a particular hypothesis has important implications for one’s reading of the letter as a whole. It affects one’s understanding of the chronology of the events alluded in the letter, one’s understanding of Paul’s relationship with the Philippians, and, ultimately, one’s understanding of the development of the church itself. Similarly, one’s assumption about the place of composition, in particular one’s 125 Cf. Bultmann, Theologie, 484; Trilling, Thessalonicher, 27–28; Holland, Tradition That You Received; Roose, “Thessalonicherbriefe”; Popkes, “Bedeutung.” But see Nicklas, Thes­ salonicherbrief, 49–58. 126 As with the Thessalonian correspondence, the secondary literature on the letter is too abundant to be referenced in full here. Besides exegetical commentaries such as Stand­ hartinger’s recent Philipperbrief, fundamental studies include Lemerle, Philippes, 7–60; Pilhofer, Philippi; Bormann, Philippi; Oakes, Philippians. For recent contributions see, e.g., Harrison and Welborn, Philippi; Frey and Schliesser, Philipperbrief; Marchal, People beside Paul; Betz, Studies; Friesen, Lychounas, and Schowalter, Philippi. On the Hellenistic and Roman history of the city, see esp. Collart, Philippes; Lemerle, Philippes; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 405–13; Brélaz, Philippes. 127 On the possible place(s) of composition, see Thielman, “Literary Setting of Philippians”; Holloway, “Provenance of Philippians”; id., Philippians, 19–24; Standhartinger, Philipper­ brief, 31–35; Flexsenhar III, “Provenance of Philippians”; Brélaz, “Paul’s Imprisonments,” 494–98. 128 See the review of scholarship and the literature therein referenced in Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia, 223–34. Cf. Reumann, Philippians, 8–16; Holloway, Philippians, 10–19; Stand­ hartinger, Philipperbrief, 14–23.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

90

Chapter 3

identification of the praetorium (πραιτώριον, 1:3; cf. 4:22) where Paul was kept under guard, can bring the date of composition forward by a few years.129 The outstanding uncertainties surrounding its final edition, in particular the possible compilation of several documents into one, thus renders any historical reconstruction inevitably conjectural. This justifies that, for the sake of convenience at least, it be herein examined in its final canonical form. These interpretive difficulties aside, what is clear is that, over the years, Paul had maintained a privileged relationship with the Philippians who were probably the very first church (amongst those he had himself established) to participate materially and/or financially in his evangelistic efforts throughout Greece (1:5; 4:3, 15–16; cf. 2 Cor 11:8–9).130 And, like Timothy (Phil 2:19–24), they had remained loyal to him until the closing stages of his life, sending even one of their own, Epaphroditus, to deliver provisions and attend to his necessities while in prison (2:25–30).131 What is also immediately apparent from Paul’s repeated pleas for unity and his exhortations to rejoice is that the Philippians were affected by internal divisions and were dispirited by the pressure of their social environment and the attacks of opponents (1:27–30; 2:1–4, 18; 3:1; 4:1–4).132 In addition, judging by his long report on his personal situation and the progress of the gospel, they seem to have been distressed about Paul’s imprisonment and the outcome of his ministry (1:5–7, 12–18).133 Visibly moved by the Philippians’ genuine concern and material assistance, which Epaphroditus had conveyed on their behalf (2:25–30; 4:10–19), Paul thus begins his letter with an outburst of thanksgiving for their unwavering support and partnership in the gospel “from the first day until now” (1:3–5). As he acknowledges at the end of the letter, they were indeed the first and only church to have associated with him in his ministry when he left Macedonia 129 Cf. n. 127 above. 130 For a detailed examination of Paul’s privileged relationship with the Philippians, see Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia, which is summarized in id., “Paul’s Κοινωνία.” Cf. Sampley, Pauline Partnership; Peterman, Paul’s Gift; Briones, Paul’s Financial Policy; all of whom are reviewed and discussed in Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia, 1–42. On the Philippians’ involvement in Paul’s mission, see also Ware, Mission, 163–284; Dickson, Mission-Commitment, 141–50, 201–12. 131 On Epaphroditus’s role, see, e.g., Dickson, Mission-Commitment, 315–17; Wansink, Chained in Christ, 126–46. 132 On the Philippians’ disunity, see esp. Peterlin, Philippians. On possible external conflicts, see, e.g., Bormann, Philippi, 217–24; Oakes, Philippians, 77–102; de Vos, Church and Community Conflicts, 261–87. 133 See Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia, 244–65. For Holloway (Consolation), Paul principally wrote to the Philippians to alleviate their distress caused by his imprisonment, using rational argumentation and exhortation.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

91

(4:15). And they persevered with him through thick and thin, remaining faithful to him even in his imprisonment and legal defense (ἀπολογία) of the gospel (1:7). Despite his captivity, they should not be worried in any way for his welfare and the outcome of his mission since it has contributed to advance the gospel in the most unlikely of places, namely, the Roman praetorium where he is kept under watch while awaiting trial, so that even some from Caesar’s household have now become Christians (1:12–14; 4:22).134 For news has spread throughout the praetorium and beyond that his chains are a consequence of his faith in Christ, which has emboldened some to proclaim the gospel, be it out of noble or selfish ambitions (1:12–17). Whatever the outcome of his imprisonment might be—he does hope to come shortly after Timothy (2:24)—they are exhorted to continue to live in a manner worthy of the gospel and to remain united, not giving way to dissension but “contending in one spirit and one soul for the faith of the gospel” (1:27; 2:14). They are not to cower in the face of opposition but to take heart in the fact that, like the Thessalonians and Paul himself, they have been found worthy not merely to believe in Christ but also to suffer for him (1:28–30). Therefore, they are to take courage in his spiritual communion and compassion, and to persevere in the same mind and love, “united in soul” (σύμψυχοι, 2:1–2; cf. μιᾷ ψυχῇ, 1:27). Adopting Christ’s humble demeanor, they are to take care of each other with selfless consideration, leaving personal ambitions and interests aside (2:3–8).135 In a similar vein, they are to imitate Paul in his pursuit of Christ as the ultimate prize, τέλος, on earth, and to live as citizens of heaven who will soon be glorified into his likeness by his transforming power (3:12–17, 20–21).136 They are not to succumb to the pressure of doomed “enemies of the cross of Christ” who have tried to impose circumcision on them (3:2–3, 18–19).137 The truly circumcised are those who serve and worship God in the Spirit, place their pride 134 Caesar’s household (Καίσαρος οἰκία) here corresponds to the imperial administrative personnel ( familia Caesaris), whether slave or freed, and not to the members of Nero’s family. Cf. Weaver, Familia Caesaris, 3–4; Reumann, Philippians, 729–30; Holloway, Philippians, 190–91; Flexsenhar III, Christians in Caesar’s Household, 27–44, 134–40; Standhartinger, Philipperbrief, 101–3. 135 No other passage in the letter has attracted as much attention as the so-called Christ hymn of Phil 2:6–11. See, e.g., Reumann, Philippians, 333–83; Holloway, Philippians, 114–29; Standhartinger, Philipperbrief, 148–82, and the rich bibliography therein referenced. 136 On this topic, see esp. Arnold, Christ as the Telos. 137 On the question of Paul’s and the Philippians’ opponents, see recently Vollenweider, “Rivals”; Nanos, “Out-Howling the Cynics.” Cf. Reumann, Philippians, 469–70; Holloway, Philippians, 148–49.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

92

Chapter 3

in Christ, and do not put their trust in the flesh (3:3), as Paul himself once did before his dramatic revelation of Christ (3:4–11). Paradoxically, Philippians actually tells us much more about Paul himself than about the church, as it is rich in autobiographical details about his past, current situation, and theology. As one of his most intimate letters, it gives us a rare glimpse into his psychological state during one of the darkest moments of his life, when the sword of Rome was hovering over his head. It perspires pathos as he lays his soul bare and evokes his deep affection for the Philippians. At the same time, it contains some of the most profound and inspiring theological poetry in the form of the so-called Christ hymn, an original composition that, if he did not himself author, he at least appropriated (and possibly adapted) from a now lost oral tradition.138 Overall, the letter provides little practical information about the situation of the church at Philippi other than it was prone to dissension, as the admonition addressed to Euodia and Syntyche exemplifies (4:2–3), and that it was hard pressed by external opposition. Likely written in the decade following his initial visit, it also reveals that the church had grown to a size significant enough as to require some “overseers and deacons” (ἐπίσκοποι καὶ διάκονοι, 1:1), though it is not clear what the first of these functions entailed. The fact that there were several episkopoi, and not a single episkopos, indicates that it cannot have corresponded to the formal office of bishop (as the term would a century or so later), which in turn suggests that these overseers must have merely supervised the activities and finances of the church—incidentally, less than a century later, Polycarp only addresses himself to presbyters and deacons (Phil. 5:3).139 Finally, Philippians provides some crucial insight into logistical aspects of the Pauline mission, in particular the question of its financial support. As investigated at length elsewhere,140 the letter indeed reveals what significant role the church played early on for Paul, how it supported him materially when he was in Thessalonica, and later on when he left Macedonia to evangelize the southern regions of Greece (4:15–16; cf. 1:5). Simply no other church had, until then, entered into a partnership with him for the purpose of disseminating the Christian faith. This likely explains their apparent concern for the fate of Paul and his mission, and his insistence on the progress of the gospel at the beginning (1:12–18). It also accounts for his digressive travelogue and solemn 138 Cf. the discussion in Reumann, Philippians, 333–83; Holloway, Philippians, 114–29. 139 Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 52–56; Pilhofer, Philippi, 140–47; Standhartinger, Philipperbrief, 76–79. See also Stewart, Original Bishops, 213–18; Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia, 560–61. 140 Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia. Cf. id., “Christian Accounting.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

93

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

recommendation of Timothy and Epaphroditus, his fellow “soldiers” in the gospel (2:19–30; cf. 4:3), and for the lengthy acknowledgement of their latest contribution by the hands of Epaphroditus at the end of the (canonical) letter (4:10–19).141 Understandably, Paul intended to reassure them that, despite his imprisonment, neither his efforts nor their material support had been in vain. His chains had in fact offered him new opportunities to preach Christ and to win people to his cause, including some from the emperor’s household (4:22). In an ironic twist, he who had once been arrested and expelled from the colony for social disturbance was now proclaiming the gospel at the very heart of the imperial establishment. 5

Macedonian Christianity in the Second Century

5.1 General Overview With the second century commences what can only be described as the darkest period of Macedonian Christianity, that is, the period about which we know the least, and which extends from the end of the first century to the end of the third century, or the start of the fourth, when the first Christian inscriptions begin to appear. As noted in introduction, this “dark age” is principally due to the near complete absence of primary sources for about two hundred years, which leaves us virtually ignorant of the fate of the Christian communities Paul founded, and of the development of Christianity in the region more gene­ rally. Notwithstanding the fact that the book of Acts could date from the early second century, Polycarp’s letter to the church at Philippi is the only extant piece of literary evidence that sheds light on Macedonian Christianity in this period, since the book of Acts, just as the Acts of Paul and the Acts of Andrew, which also evoke the apostles’ stay at Philippi and Thessalonica, actually tells us little about Macedonian churches from the first or second century.142 Likely written in the first quarter of the second century, it gives us a last, though distant, glimpse into the life of the first community Paul established in the Balkan peninsula and some insight as to how his letters might have been received and his ministry remembered two or three generations later. 141 See esp. Ogereau, Paul’s Koinonia, 265–309. 142 The letter supposedly written by Ignatius to the Philippians is unanimously recognized to be spurious. See Lemerle, Philippes, 67–68. The Philippian episode in Acts Paul 10–11 is poorly preserved, and the Latin version of Andrew’s miracula at Philippi and Thessalonica was radically edited by Gregory of Tours in his Epitome 9–18 (cf. BHL 430). See the textual recensions in Pervo, Acts of Paul, 135–48; MacDonald, Acts of Andrew, 219–53. Cf. Standhartinger, “Beloved Community,” 322–24.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

94

Chapter 3

Hardly anything else is heard of the Macedonian Christians after Polycarp, apart from rare allusions in a handful of early church writings,143 and nothing else will apparently be written to them, or by them, until the Byzantine era when historically doubtful hagiographies start to be composed.144 This situation stands in stark contrast with that of regions such as Rome, North Africa, central Asia Minor, or the Eastern Mediterranean, which have produced a wealth of literary and documentary evidence between the second and fourth centuries. At first glance, it suggests that Christianity was slower to take root and impose itself in Macedonia, and that its churches never rose to any significant size, influence, or prominence in the Christian ecumene, lacking, as they might have, outstanding leaders and intellectuals.145 Be that as it may, in the early third century Tertullian nonetheless consi­ dered the church of Philippi, where the chairs and writings of the apostles were still revered, to be of equal (apostolic) standing with the churches of Corinth, Ephesus, or even Rome—note the absence of Thessalonica.146 All rhetoric aside, this indicates that Christian communities were still known to exist in Macedonia at the time. And indeed, from the fourth century onwards ecclesiastical synods were regularly attended by bishops from various Macedonian cities such as Stobi, Beroea, or Heraclea Lyncestis (and not just from Philippi or Thessalonica).147 This further illustrates the relative vitality of Macedonian churches and the widespread dissemination of Christianity throughout the Balkans during this period. More likely than not, Macedonian churches had continued to grow slowly but steadily in the second and third centuries. However, they began to emerge from their obscurity and to leave traces in the historical record only in the late third or the early fourth century.

143 E.g., Tertullian, Praescr. 36; Origen, comm. in Rom. 10:41 (PG 14:1289) (the Gaius of Rom 16:23 is named as the first bishop of Thessalonica); Apos. Con. 7.46 (Onesimus, the servant of Philemon, is identified as the bishop of Beroea). Eusebius (h.e. 4.26.10) also reproduces a letter of Melito of Sardis supposedly written to Antoninus Pius that evokes a rescript of Hadrian instructing the cities of Thessalonica, Larissa, and Athens not to adopt new policies (μηδὲν νεωτερίζειν) against Christians. For literary testimonia, see esp. Mullen, Expansion of Christianity, 154–69. 144 The most famous is that of St. Demetrios, on which see Lemerle, Saint Démétrius. Cf. sec. 2.3.1 in chap. 5 below. 145 Cf. Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 786–87. 146 Tertullian, Praescr. 36 (see the full citation in n. 5 above). Cf. Pilhofer, Philippi, 257–58. 147 Cf. Mullen, Expansion of Christianity, 159–69 (passim), and the relevant sections in the following chapters.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

95

5.2 Polycarp’s Letter to the Philippians148 Detached from its historical context, the occasion of Polycarp’s letter to the Philippians may strike as rather odd at first, its actual “purpose” remaining “somewhat ambiguous” even for scholars themselves.149 As the bishop of Smyrna, an important city lying slightly north of Ephesus on the western coast of Asia Minor, it is not clear how Polycarp came into contact with the church at Philippi in the first place, and it is not certain that he ever visited it. His acquaintance with the Philippians seems, for the most part, due to the intermediation of Ignatius, the famed bishop of Syrian Antioch who passed through Macedonia and briefly stayed in the colony on his way to Rome towards the end of Trajan’s reign. Prior to his arrival at Philippi, Ignatius had stayed in Smyrna (whence he wrote letters to the churches of Rome, Ephesus, Magnesia, and Tralles),150 before traveling the same route (via Alexandria Troas and Neapolis) that Paul had taken more than half a century earlier.151 Following their encounter with the Antiochian bishop, the Philippians then decided to write to Polycarp to enquire about a theological and moral issue (Phil. 3:1), to ask him to forward their letter to the church at Antioch (13:1), and to request copies of Ignatius’s letters (13:2).152 Whether this was their first contact with Polycarp, whose reputation was already quite established in the Aegean world,153 or whether they had been in communication before is difficult to judge. The final paragraph of Polycarp’s response in which he commends a certain Crescens, the letter carrier, whom he had previously “commended in (their) presence” (in praesenti commendavi, 14:1), suggests that the two parties had already met or, at least, had exchanged letters.154 That is, either Polycarp had paid the Philippians a visit or they had 148 For an overview of scholarship on the letter, see Schoedel, “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch,” and Hartog, Polycarp and the New Testament, 3–16. Cf. Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 381–406; Lemerle, Philippes, 60–68; Pilhofer, Philippi, 207–28. For detailed introductions and commentaries, see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 2/2:433–722; Schoedel, Polycarp; Paulsen, Polykarp; Bauer, Polykarpbriefe; and Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle. 149 Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 50. 150 Ign. Rom. 10:11; Eph. 21:1; Magn. 15:1.; Trall. 13:1. Cf. Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 49. 151 Cf. Acts 16:11. Ignatius’s other letters were written from Troas (Phld. 11:2; Smyrn. 12:1). 152 Cf. Hartog, Polycarp and the New Testament, 81–87. 153 Cf. Mart. Pol. 12:2; 19:1. See also Meinhold, “Polykarpos,” 1663–69; Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 43. 154 The temporal sense of in praesenti (commendavi vobis) has sometimes been argued, despite the clause immediately following it (et nunc commendo). However, it is much more likely to mean “in presence” or “in person.” Cf. OLD, s.v. praesens. See also Bauer (Polykarpbriefe, 74) and Oakes (“Leadership and Suffering,” 370–73) who suggest in praesenti might have translated κατὰ πρόσωπον in the original Greek letter. Cf. the discussion

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

96

Chapter 3

sent a delegation to him in Smyrna, and/or they had already written to each other—Polycarp’s extant letter has sometimes been interpreted as a combination of two documents, with the last two chapters taken as a cover letter written shortly after Ignatius’s visit to Philippi and appended to his epistolary collection (cf. 13:2).155 One cannot be entirely sure, however, since the Greek text for this last section is lost and since the quality and accuracy of the Latin translation, on which we are reliant for Phil. 10–12 and 14, is rather uncertain.156 The date of the letter (or letters) is equally difficult to establish precisely as it depends on the date of Ignatius’s martyrdom, its terminus ante quem (cf. 13:1), which is itself disputed, but which most likely took place in the last few years of Trajan’s reign between AD 107 and 117, if not slightly later in the AD 120s or 130s.157 Hence, a date of composition between AD 100 and the 130s is generally accepted, though some have suggested that it could have been written in the Hadrianic period between the AD 120s and the 140s.158 In any case, what is more important to appreciate is that Polycarp’s letter to the Philippians was composed some forty to eighty years after Paul’s very own letter, that is, two to four generations after the first generation of believers. While it is unlikely, though not impossible, that some of the recipients had met Paul in person, just as Polycarp had himself supposedly been taught by the apostles (according to

in Schoedel, Polycarp, 41; Paulsen, Polykarp, 126; Hartog, Polycarp and the New Testament, 78–81; id., Polycarp’s Epistle, 160–61. 155 See, e.g., Harrison, Polycarp’s Two Epistles; Joly, Ignace d’Antioche, 17–37; Pilhofer, Philippi, 206–9. Cf. the discussions in Meinhold, “Polykarpos,” 1682–85; Schoedel, Polycarp, 4; id., “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch,” 279–81; Hartog, Polycarp and the New Testament, 148–69; id., Polycarp’s Epistle, 27–40. 156 On the manuscript tradition, see Schoedel, “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch,” 272; Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 26–27. 157 In his Chronicon, Eusebius places the date of Ignatius’s execution in the tenth year of Trajan’s reign (AD 107/108) but gives no specific year in h.e. 3.36. The difficulty is compounded by an apparent discrepancy between Phil. 9:1 and 13:1–2 (on which see Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 28, 33, 38–39; Joly, Ignace d’Antioche, 17–20). In Phil. 9:1, which some view as a later interpolation, Polycarp counts Ignatius “among the blessed” (ἐν τοῖς μακαρίοις), which implies that he has already been martyred. However, in Phil. 13:1 he affirms that Ignatius wrote to him to ask him to convey his letters to the church in Antioch (cf. Ign. Pol. 7:2; 8:1), and in Phil. 13:2 he requests news that the Philippians might have received from Ignatius. See the discussion in Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 40–45. On the date of Ignatius’s letters and death, see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 2/2:435–72 (see esp. 471–72); Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 388–406; Schoedel, Ignatius of Antioch, 4–7; id., “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch,” 285–92. 158 See Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 386–88; Lemerle, Philippes, 60–64; Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 44–45.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

97

Irenaeus),159 the souvenir of Paul must have remained vivid in the community’s collective memory. Polycarp himself appeals on two occasions to the “blessed and glorious Paul” who used to boast about the Philippians among all the churches, and invites them to revisit the letters he had written to them for edification (3:2; 11:3). In these, he reminds them, they will be able to find the “word of truth” that will build their faith and instruct them in the “righteousness” (δικαιοσύνη), which is fulfilled through faith, hope, and love towards God and one’s neighbor (3:1, 3). The question of “righteousness” is precisely what seems to have motivated the Philippians to write to Polycarp in the first place (3:1), faced as they were with a significant moral issue within the community.160 The bishop obliges and begins by stressing how the “love of money” (φιλαργυρία) is the primary source of trouble or grief (4:1). He then continues in typical paraenetic fashion by dispensing ethical instructions to household members—wives, widows, young men, and virgins (4:2–3; 5:3)—and to those with responsibilities in the church, namely, presbyters and deacons (5:2–6:1). Noteworthily, in three instances he warns them specifically against avarice (4:3; 5:3; 6:1), as though the issue was especially relevant at Philippi,161 which he sets in opposition to the love of God, Christ, and humankind (3:3).162 And indeed, further down he expresses his consternation at the behavior of a certain Valens, a former presbyter with a (common) Roman name, who, out of covetousness (avaritia), had abused his position in the church (11:1, 4). What wrong he and his wife had committed is not made explicit, but one might presume that they had somehow defrauded the church and/or some of its members, perhaps stealing from the common fund, embezzling monies originally aimed as charitable relief, or taking advantage of their position as (wealthy) patrons of the church.163 Alternatively, as Peter Oakes has proposed, Valens may have “compromised his Christianity to escape economic suffering,”164 or, like the Demas of the Pastoral Epistles who “loved the present 159 Irenaeus, haer. 3.3.4. Cf. Eusebius, h.e. 3.36.1, 10; 4.14.1–9; 5.20.4–8; Tertullian, Praescr. 32. Polycarp’s apostolic connection is debated. See Meinhold, “Polykarpos,” 1669–73; Schoedel, “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch,” 275; Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 2, 11–16. 160 Cf. Steinmetz, “Polykarp”; Schoedel, “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch,” 282; Pilhofer, Philippi, 218–24. 161 Cf. Oakes, “Leadership and Suffering,” 363–69. 162 Cf. Steinmetz, “Polykarp,” 71–72. 163 Cf. Steinmetz, “Polykarp,” 67; Paulsen, Polykarp, 123; Hartog, Polycarp and the New Testa­ ment, 86–87; Stewart, Original Bishops, 217–18; Maier, “Sin of Valens.” 164 Oakes, “Leadership and Suffering,” 369.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

98

Chapter 3

age” (ἀγαπήσας τὸν νῦν αἰῶνα),165 he may have simply left his role as presbyter in the church to pursue riches and worldly pleasures.166 Whatever the case may have been, Polycarp reiterated his admonitions against avaritia, stressing the need to exercise self-control and abstain from all evil, so as not to fall into idolatry (11:1–2). He also pleaded for their genuine repentance and swift restoration into the community, inviting the Philippians, remarkably, to handle the situation with mercy and moderation and not consider Valens and his wife as enemies (11:4).167 This issue aside, the Philippians appear to have been holding firm onto their faith, as Polycarp congratulates them in his opening (1:2), and to have kept away from idolatry (11:3), their mind being “well exercised in the sacred writings” (12:1). They also showed themselves to be hospitable towards other servants of Christ, having warmly welcomed Ignatius and his two companions, Zosimus and Rufus (cf. 9:1), and having escorted them away in a manner befitting those chained for the gospel (1:1). Thus, he encourages them to steady themselves and to continue to “serve God in fear and truth” (2:1; cf. 6:3), believing that he who resurrected Christ will also raise them from the dead, if indeed they persevere in his teaching and love and keep away from all unrighteousness, including greediness (φιλαργυρία, 2:1–3). In a typically Johannine fashion, he warns them against the false teaching of “pseudo-brothers,” hypocrites who take on the name of Christ but refute his coming in the flesh, reject the cross, and deny Christ’s teachings on the resurrection and the final judgment (6:3–7:2).168 Rather, they are to “return to the word initially entrusted to them,” persevere in prayers and fasting so that they may not fall into temptation, and hold fast unto Christ’s hope of salvation (7:2–8:1). They are to take courage in his example of endurance, as well as that of Ignatius and his companions who have suffered along with Christ (8:2–9:2). Finally, they are to continue in his love and benevolence, caring for one another in unity and with gentleness (10:1–3), as Paul himself had also exhorted them. Much like Paul’s letters, Polycarp’s address to the Philippians represents an important source of information on early Christianity in Macedonia in the absence of any other primary evidence. Although it fails to give us a full and detailed picture of the church at Philippi, we can nonetheless gain some insight, albeit limited insight, in its organization and the issues it had to face by 165 2 Tim 4:10. Note the contrast with the Philippian martyrs who despised the present age (οὐ γὰρ τὸν νῦν ἠγάπησαν αἰῶνα, Pol. Phil. 9:2). 166 Cf. Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 141–43. 167 Cf. Pilhofer, Philippi, 223–24. 168 See 1 John 4:2–4; 2 John 7. Cf. Hartog, “Opponents of Polycarp.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

99

carefully reading between the lines. Not unlike other churches in this period, it was overseen by a group identified as the “presbyters” (πρεσβύτεροι, 6:1), and no longer as the episkopoi (cf. Phil 1:1), who were themselves assisted by “deacons” (δίακονοι, 5:2). The change of designation from episkopoi to presbyters is puzzling but may not necessarily have indicated a change of function, as the duties of the episkopoi probably corresponded to those of the presbyters—these included dispensing compassionate and pastoral care, looking after (ἐπισκεπ­ τόμενοι) the sick, and providing social support to widows, orphans, and the poor (Phil. 6:1).169 Whatever the reason may have been, both groups were expected to behave in a manner worthy of their responsibilities as leaders and role models in the community, and to uphold the highest possible moral standards (such as those outlined in one of the Pastoral Epistles),170 something which Valens had obviously failed to achieve. Just as the first generation of Christ-believers, the Philippian Christians of the second century had also encountered some opposition and had had to suffer for their faith (8:2–9:2), though no detail is given as to the kind of trials they had to endure.171 For Oakes, they may have simply been subject to the hostile pressure of their cultural environment, and as a result may have suffered ostracization from familial and social networks, harassment by the local authorities, and economic repression (rather than outright martyrdom).172 However, in his exhortation to display the same “endurance” (ὑπομονή) that the “blessed” (μακάριοι) Ignatius, Zosimus and Rufus (his companions in imprisonment and martyrdom), Paul and the apostles, and “some others from among you” (καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις τοῖς ἐξ ὑμῶν) had demonstrated in their afflictions, Polycarp clearly hints that some of the Philippians had been persecuted for their faith, even to the point of death (9:1). For having “run in faith and righteousness,” they had taken “their due place by the Lord’s side with whom they had also suffered” (εἰς τὸν ὀφειλόμενον αὐτοῖς τόπον εἰσὶ παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ ᾧ καὶ συνέπαθον, 9:2).173 When, and with what intensity, this wave of persecution took place is not told, but it could have happened in Domitian’s or Trajan’s reign, if not earlier. Yet, just as Paul

169 Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 65–66; Stewart, Original Bishops, 213–18; Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 123–24. See also Pilhofer, Philippi, 226–28; Oakes, “Leadership and Suffering,” 356–63. 170 Compare Phil. 5:2 and 6:1 with 1 Tim 3:1–13. This is one of the reasons that led H. von Campenhausen to suggest that Polycarp had written the Pastoral Epistles. See Schoe­del, “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch,” 285; Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 17. 171 Cf. Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 76–79. 172 Oakes, “Leadership and Suffering,” 363–69. Cf. Pilhofer, Philippi, 214–15. 173 Cf. Joly, Ignace d’Antioche, 22–23; Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 135–38.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

100

Chapter 3

had once encouraged them,174 they were to pray for their persecutors and take comfort in the fact that they had not run in vain (9:2; 12:3). Another form of opposition they had experienced, one more pernicious in kind, seems to have been the false teachings of those whom Polycarp describes as pseudo-Christians who, in their hypocrisy, lay down stumbling blocks in believers’ path and lure people away from the truth of the gospel (6:3–7:1).175 As he reminds the Philippians, anyone who denies Christ’s incarnation is “against Christ” (ἀντίχριστος), anyone who does not acknowledge the “witness of the cross” is “from the devil” (ἐκ τοῦ διαβόλου), and anyone who “perverts” Christ’s teaching on the resurrection and the final judgment is “the firstborn of Satan” (πρωτότοκος τοῦ σατανᾶ, 7:1). It is not entirely clear whether Polycarp simply meant to offer a general warning or whether he had in mind someone specific such as Cerinthus, the gnostic from whose presence the elder John is said to have run away at a bath house in Ephesus, or Marcion whom Polycarp opposed and used to call “the firstborn of Satan” (according to Irenaeus).176 The indefinite construction ὃς ἄν (“whosoever”) rather supports the first interpretation and raises the question whether Polycarp had actually heard reports that the Philippians had been troubled by false teachers, or whether he was merely anticipating the possibility that the very opponents he had had to confront in Asia might at any time try to deceive the Philippians as well.177 Similarly, the subsequent exhortation to “abandon the futility of the crowds and their false teachings” and to “return to the word initially handed to them” (by Paul) leaves some ambiguity as to the actual situation at Philippi (7:2), even though the rhetorical use of the first-person plural (ἐπιστρέψωμεν) rather suggests that Polycarp might have meant it more as a general admonition, reading perhaps his own situation into that of the Philippians.178 Overall, what is clear is that three or four generations after Paul’s initial campaign in Macedonia, the church at Philippi was still standing relatively strong and presumably growing, if not in numbers, at least in unity and spiritual maturity, withstanding external opposition, and striving to overcome the moral shortcomings of some of its members. Though not as informative as one would wish, Polycarp’s letter nonetheless sheds some suggestive light into 174 Cf. Phil. 3:1–4:1. 175 See esp. Hartog, “Opponents of Polycarp”; id., Polycarp’s Epistle, 72–76. 176 Irenaeus, haer. 3.3.4; relayed in Eusebius, h.e. 4.14.6–7. This would, by implication, place the letter towards the middle of the second century. Cf. Harrison, Polycarp’s Two Epistles, 172–206; Meinhold, “Polykarpos,” 1685–87; Nielsen, “Polycarp and Marcion.” But see Schoedel’s commentary on Phil. 7:1 (Polycarp, 23–26). 177 Cf. Hartog, Polycarp’s Epistle, 72–76. 178 Cf. Meinhold, “Polykarpos,” 1685–87; Steinmetz, “Polykarp,” 73–74.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Christian Beginnings in Macedonia

101

the obscure, second-century Macedonian Christianity, instilling the hope that it may not have been as dark and gloomy as the dearth of primary evidence makes it to be. 6

Summary

As seen throughout this chapter, the historical reconstruction of the origins and development of Christianity in Macedonia in the first and second centuries constitutes a challenging task due to the paucity of our primary sources. Adding to the difficulty is the one-sided and circumstantial nature of the sources themselves, which can, to some extent, undermine one’s confidence in their reliability and prevent a full and objective appreciation of the historical events behind them. Acts is undoubtedly selective in the information it provides, and its representation of the Pauline mission in Macedonia obviously serves a broader ideological agenda. Be that as it may, there is little reason to doubt that the apostle Paul and his companions, Silas/Silvanus and Timothy, played a critical role in the dissemination of Christianity and the establishment of the first churches in the region in the mid-first century. However late and edulcorated the account of Acts might be, little in it immediately contradicts what is found in the two or three earlier letters written by (or attributed to) Paul and his two associates, whose role and influence are generally ignored or underappreciated. At the same time, little of the content of these letters is echoed in the Acts account (except perhaps the constant opposition from their cultural environment), which raises the question whether the author of Acts actually had copies of them, and whether he had been a direct participant and eyewitness of the Macedonian mission. Overall, the letters tell us more about the main writer himself—his theology, ministry philosophy, internal and external struggles—than about the churches to whom they were written. What is known of their situation, organization, theological and existential anxieties, inner divisions and conflicts with the outside world can only be derived indirectly by reading between the lines, with all the hermeneutical challenges and dangers it implies. Ultimately, these unique and precious documents give us only a very shadowy picture of small struggling communities striving to hold onto their faith and the traditions they received from their founders, caught in between religious opponents zealous to lure them away from the gospel and a hostile pagan environment. Yet they hardly provide us with any detailed information on their social and ethnic composition, their size, growth, or impact on Macedonian society, leaving it all to our imagination to fill in the gaps.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

102

Chapter 3

With the passing away of their main founder, our documentation becomes even poorer as we are left with a single letter written by a distant bishop from the western coast of Asia Minor. His contribution to our understanding of second-century Macedonian Christianity is all the more limited insofar as he only wrote to the church at Philippi and does not seem to have had any contact with, or knowledge of, other communities in the region. Whether this means that none of them had survived because of inner conflicts, Roman persecutions, or some other reason is impossible to say. What is not improbable is that they would have encountered the same kinds of issues and hardships that affected the Philippians, namely, leadership misconduct, moral shortcomings, internal conflicts, local opposition, and false teaching. On the positive side, the perseverance of the Philippian congregation in the face of adversity strongly suggests that all of the churches founded in the first century did endure and continued to grow throughout the rest of the second and third centuries. Indeed, this seems to be the easiest explanation for the emergence of Christian funerary inscriptions at Thessalonica, Beroea, and Edessa towards the end of the third century. Leaving the obscurity of the apostolic and post-apostolic age behind, let us now turn our attention to the Nicene and post-Nicene era guided, as it were, by the dim light of inscriptions.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Chapter 4

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia 1

Introduction

In the following chapter, eastern Macedonia corresponds approximately to the first of the four μερίδες of the province of Macedonia established after the Roman conquest of 168 BC.1 It comprises the Pangaion region and the plain of Philippi near the eastern border, the lower Strymon valley with the cities of Amphipolis and Serrai, and the area around Parthicopolis in the middle of the Strymon valley.2 As related in the previous chapter, eastern Macedonia was likely the first region to be visited by Christian missionaries in the late AD 40s or the early 50s. Crossing from Asia Minor, the apostle Paul and his companions established what must have been the first Macedonian Christian community at Philippi, the second-most important city in eastern Roman Macedonia after Amphipolis (city which they only passed through on their way to Thessalonica).3 Interestingly, the distribution of Christian inscriptions in the region somewhat follows the path of the earliest missionaries and remains concentrated at Philippi, where more than half of the Christian epigraphic evidence has been discovered. Significant archaeological vestiges excavated at Philippi, Amphipolis, and Parthicopolis nonetheless attest that all three cities functioned as episcopal sees in late antiquity. 2

Philippi and Its Territory

The first Macedonian city to be named after its founder, Philippi was established by Philip II in 356 BC on the site of the Thasian colony of Krenides, which enjoyed a strategic position in the rich and fertile region of what has now become known as the plain of Drama.4 Following a decisive battle between the 1 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 67, 345, 413. 2 Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 345–413. 3 On the prominence of Amphipolis over Philippi, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 392–97; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, “Amphipolis,” 427–36; Brélaz, “Outside the City Gate,” 124–25. 4 For a detailed history of the city, see Collart, Philippes; Fournier, Philippes; Brélaz, Philippes. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 405–13; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, “Philippi”; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 147–52 (no. 98); TIB 11:852–60.

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_005

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Eastern Macedonia a. städtler

Chapter 4

Map 4

104

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

105

Pompeian and Caesarian forces outside its walls in 42 BC, Philippi was made a Roman colony and granted a vast territory that encompassed the entire plain of Drama, the Pangaion and Symbolon highlands, as well as the fertile grasslands of Pieria (possibly as far as Galepsos).5 The first city of the Balkan peninsula to have been visited by Paul and his associates, Philippi appears to have remained deeply attached to its apostolic heritage.6 Much like the rest of Macedonia, however, the local Christian epigraphic evidence is rather late, leaving an unbridgeable gap of two or three centuries with the earliest literary sources. About a quarter of the extant material has been estimated to date from the fourth century (or slightly later), while the bulk of it originates from the fifth or sixth century.7 This is corroborated by the predominant use of Greek in inscriptions,8 which, at Philippi, progressively supplanted Latin from the third century onwards.9 The number of Christian inscriptions discovered on the territory of Philippi remains overall rather limited, representing only a quarter of that from Thes­ salonica and about half of that from Edessa. Altogether, the Philippian material amounts to a mere tenth of all the known Christian inscriptions from Macedonia. Most of it was found reemployed in the basilica B (southwest of the forum), or in situ in the Octagon church (southeast of the forum) and in the extra muros basilica, a building of major importance that has delivered some of the best preserved and more precisely dated burials.10 2.1 The Basilica of Paul and the Octagon Complex One of the earliest, and perhaps the most famous, of all the Christian inscriptions at Philippi is the dedication of the so-called basilica of Paul by Bishop 5

See most recently Brélaz and Tirologos, “Philippes”; Brélaz, Philippes, 100–106. Cf. Papa­ zoglou, “Philippes”; ead., Les villes de Macédoine, 398–99, 408–12; Rizakis, “Philippes”; id., “Une praefectura”; Tirologos, “Philippes.” 6 Cf. Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi”; Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory”; id., “Outside the City Gate.” 7 Precise dating of Christian inscriptions at Philippi is rendered all the more difficult by the fact that epitaphs continued to be written in a more ancient style well into the fourth century, period during which inscriptions usually start to become more distinctively Christian. See I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 196, 198. 8 I.e., fifty-six Greek Christian inscriptions for only two published Latin inscriptions (ICG 3272–3273; I.Chr. Macédoine 251–252). Pilhofer (I.Philippi², p. 332) has also noted the presence of what appears to be an unpublished Christian Latin inscription lying next to the epitaph ICG 3267 (I.Chr. Macédoine 246) in the narthex of basilica B. 9 Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 102; I.Philippes, p. 64; Brélaz and Rizakis, “Le fonctionnement des institutions,” 161. 10 I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 17–18.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

106

Figure 2

Chapter 4

Octagon complex, Philippi photo by N. Stournaras; © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports

Porphyrios, which was found on a colorful mosaic floor underneath the eastern gallery of the octagonal church: “Porphyrios, bishop, made the mosaic of the basilica of Paul in Christ.”11 A mosaic inscription of rare quality (with the name and title of the bishop set in golden letters at the top across a sizeable tabula ansata),12 it suggests that the dedicant and sponsor of the basilica was a person of prominence, most likely the bishop named Porphyrios who attended the council of Serdica (modern Sofia) in AD 343.13 There being no other known bishop (presbyter or deacon) named Porphyrios at Philippi (or in Macedonia),14 it is highly likely that they are indeed one and the same person, making this mid-fourth-century 11 ICG 3247 (I.Chr. Macédoine 226; SEG 27.304; I.Philippi² 329; BE 1977, no. 284; mid-AD IV): Πο[ρφύ]ριος ἐπίσκο|πος τὴ[ν κ]έντησιν τῆς βασιλικῆ|ς Παύλο[υ ἐπ]οίησεν ἐν Χρ(ιστ)ῷ. See figure 3. 12 The words Παύλου and Χριστῷ are also written in golden letters. Apart from ἐν, which is in red, all other letters are set in blue against a white background (ll. 2–3). Cf. Abrahamsen, “Porphyrios,” 81; Hattersley-Smith, “Churches of Macedonia,” 230; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 278 (no. I, 1.31), with pl. 140. 13 Mansi 3:38D, 42, 48; Hilary of Poitiers, ep. B.II.4.9 (Feder, 133). Cf. Pelekanidis, “Kult­ probleme,” 393; Lemerle, Philippes, 270; Abrahamsen, “Porphyrios”; Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 41–42; Pilhofer, Philippi, 19–20. 14 Cf. Vailhé, “Les évêques de Philippes.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

107

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 3

ICG 3247 (I.Chr. Macédoine 226): mosaic inscription by Bishop Porphyrios in the basilica of Paul, Philippi photo by J.M. Ogereau; © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports

structure one of the earliest (known) Christian buildings in the whole of Macedonia, and so far the only basilica that has been identified by its original name.15 Porphyrios aside, it is perhaps the mention of the basilica of Paul (βασιλικὴ Παύλου) that has intrigued the most. Not much is known about the rectangular building (which remains partly buried underneath the foundations of the Octagon), except that it had a single nave and a narthex (27.50   ×  9.90 m) and that it stood adjacent to an imposing Hellenistic heroon (4.50   × 5.40 m) built for an elite teenager of Thasian origin (who might have been related to the founders of the city).16 Nor can one be entirely certain about the identity 15

Coins of the empresses Eudoxia, the wife of Arcadius (AD 395–408), or Eudocia, the wife of Theodosius II (AD 408–450), have been discovered in the layer above the mosaic and suggest a date in the mid-fourth century. See Pelekanidis, “Ἀνασκαφαὶ Φιλίππων,” 177–78. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 192; Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 42, 47; Sève, “Philippes en Macédoine,” 198; Rizos, “Paulus et Sileas,” 103–5. 16 Pelekanidis, “Ἀνασκαφὴ Φιλίππων” (1977), 101; id., “Ἀνασκαφὴ Φιλίππων” (1980), 70–72. Cf. Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 111–13; Gounaris, Το βαλάνειο, 55–57; Pelekanidou and Mentzos, “Οκτάγωνο Φιλίππων,” 597–600; Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 41–43; HattersleySmith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 73–74; Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1518–21; Schörner, Sepulturae graecae, 230–33, cat. A12 (with extensive bibliography); Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 246–53; Rizos, “Paulus et Sileas,” 95–98, 103–4.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

108

Chapter 4

of this Paulos who is neither acknowledged as a saint nor as the apostle in the dedication. While he is generally thought to refer to the founder of the first Christian community at Philippi,17 others have proposed that he might be a homonymous Philippian martyr18—a suggestion that is hardly convincing since no Philippian martyr by the name of Paulos seems to be attested.19 More intriguing still is the role of the heroon itself within the Octagon complex.20 Its discoverer, Stylianos Pelekanidis, considered it to be the only reason for which the basilica was built in this location, as the local Christians attempted to transform the hero cult into a “Märtyrerkultus.”21 The original cult, however, had likely faded away in the Roman period and the tomb, which could neither be displaced nor destroyed, might have simply been preserved as a memorial of the city’s Hellenistic past.22 The space above the tomb (where hundreds of fourth- to sixth-century coins have been discovered) nonetheless appears to have been refurbished later on as an oratorium or a martyrial shrine, which could be accessed from the basilica by a small passage where a hagiasma (a sarcophagus possibly containing relics) may have also been placed.23 Although this does not constitute definitive evidence that the heroon was considered as a martyrium of Paul stricto sensu, it does suggest that “the space above the Hellenistic tomb was used as a chapel devoted to the martyrial cult of Paul.”24 The only other inscription found in the foundations of the same complex consists of an ordinary prayer by a certain Priskos, who inscribed his petition

17 18 19 20 21

22 23

24

Recently, Mentzos (“Paul and Philippi,” 304–6) has argued that the heroon was a family tomb. On the mosaic panels, see Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 629–36; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 107–10, 275–80 (no. I, 1.31), with pls. 127–147. Pelekanidis, “Ἀνασκαφὴ Φιλίππων” (1977), 101–2; id., “Kultprobleme,” 393. Cf. Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 42. Gounaris, Το βαλάνειο, 57; Valeva and Vionis, “Balkan Peninsula,” 359. Cf. Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 255. For a recent discussion, see esp. Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 245–58. Pelekanidis, “Kultprobleme,” 394, 397. Cf. Gounaris, Το βαλάνειο, 55–57; Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 45–47; Verhoef, “Syncretism.” But see Ward-Perkins (“Memoria,” 13) who contests that Hellenistic hero-cults played any direct role in shaping Christian martyrial cult. Cf. Grabar, Martyrium, 1:31–32. Cf. Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 249–51; Mentzos, “Paul and Philippi,” 306. See Pelekanidis, “Excavations in Philippi,” 395; id., “Ἀνασκαφαὶ Ὀκταγώνου Φιλίππων” (1966), 88. Cf. Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 45–47; Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1526–28; Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 251–53; Rizos, “Paulus et Sileas,” 103–104. According to Gounaris (Το βαλάνειο, 57), the coins might have fallen down from a second storey where the church’s treasury was kept, but this seems improbable. For a plan of the installation, see fig. 10.2 in Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 252. Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 254. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

109

on another piece of mosaic pavement of the basilica of Paul.25 The plea for help (βοήθει τοῦ δούλου σου) is nothing unusual, but the direct address to Christ (Χριστέ) is rare enough in eastern Macedonia to be highlighted.26 Its orientation here suggests that it may have been intended to be read by visitors entering the basilica from a northern entrance (from the courtyard of the heroon?),27 who were reminded to intercede for Priskos, the donor of the art work (presumably) and a self-proclaimed “slave of Christ” (ὁ δοῦλος Χριστοῦ).28 Rather more common are simple invocations to the Lord (Κύριε), which, at Philippi, are exemplified by a late graffito carved by another δοῦλος (Χριστοῦ) named Petros on the western stylobate of the portico leading to the Octagon29—the name is slightly less frequent than the name Paulos in Macedonia.30 Christian graffiti such as that of Petros are extremely rare at Philippi, but another example has been sighted on the wall of a staircase in the anti-chamber of the baptistery of the sixth-century museum basilica (C).31 Tentatively reconstructed as Δομ[νίν]ου μ[άρτυρος],32 it is thought to have referred either to the Domninus martyred under Maximian in Thessalonica,33 or to a martyr from Philippi.34

25 ICG 3248 (I.Chr. Macédoine 227; I.Philippi² 328; BE 1977, no. 284; SEG 34.671; mid-AD IV): Χ̣ ριστέ, βωήθι το͂ δούλου σου Πρίσκου σὺν παντὶ τοῦ οἴκου αὐτοῦ. “Christ, help your servant Priskos with all his household!” Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 278 (no. I, 1.31), with pl. 143. 26 Cf. ICG 3647 (SEG 47.881; Amphipolis). It is more commonly attested in northern Mace­ donia, especially at and around Stobi. See ICG 3312 (I.Stobi 258), 3317 (I.Stobi 263), 3322 (I.Chr. Macédoine 278; I.Stobi 268), 3634–3635 (I.Chr. Macédoine 283–284). 27 Cf. Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 43. 28 The designation δοῦλος (or servus) is frequent in inscriptions from Macedonia and beyond (e.g., ICG 3119, 3201, 3634; I.Chr. Macédoine 107, 180, 283) but rarely found at Philippi (cf. ICG 3249, 3267, 3273; I.Chr. Macédoine 228, 246, 252). Its origins are unclear and likely stem from Paul’s self-identification as a δοῦλος Χριστοῦ (e.g., Rom 1:1; Phil 1:1), which may have derived from the expression δοῦλος κυρίου/Θεοῦ frequently used in the Septuagint (e.g., Josh 24:30; 2 Kgs 10:23; 18:12; Ezra 5:11; Ps 35:1). Guarducci (Epigrafia greca, 4:307) opines the imagery originates from the language of Roman slavery. 29 ICG 3249 (I.Chr. Macédoine 228; BE 1967, no. 364; I.Philippi² 324; AD VI): Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθη τοῦ δούλου σου | Πέτρου, ἀμήν. “Lord, help your servant Petros, amen!” A similar, shorter petition accompanied with a cross has also been found on an undated seal from Rhodolivos, a small village on the northwestern slopes of the Pangaion. See ICG 3293 (SEG 35.762; I.Philippi² 594; AD IV–VI?): ✝ Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθη. “Lord, help!” 30 For another occurrence of Petros at Philippi, see ICG 3266 (I.Chr. Macédoine 245). For western Macedonia, see ICG 3080, 3172, 3190 (I.Chr. Macédoine 70, 152, 169). 31 See also the graffito of Ioannes in the macellum (ICG 3250; I.Chr. Macédoine 229) in n. 138 below. 32 ICG 3291 (SEG 42.622; I.Philippi² 196; AD IV–VI): “Of Domninus, martyr(?).” 33 Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, “Η βασιλική του Μουσείου Φιλίππων,” 468. 34 I.Philippi², p. 248. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

110

Chapter 4

The restoration μ[άρτυρος] being highly conjectural, however, neither solution imposes itself. No other inscription seems to have been discovered in the Octagon, which owes its name, evidently enough, to its geometrical shape (33   ×   29.70 m), and which was topped with a cupola or a “pyramidal wooden roof.”35 Neither mosaic inscriptions nor wall paintings have indeed survived, and most of the other Christian inscriptions at Philippi were found either in situ in the extra muros basilica or reemployed as building material in the basilica B. Just as with the basilica of Paul, our understanding of the history and function of the Octagon remains vague.36 Probably built in the first half of the fifth century as a freestanding building (Octagon A), it was renovated in the following century and fenced by a square wall enclosure (Octagon B).37 Accessible from the decumanus maximus through a monumental portico, it connected to sizeable building annexes on its northern side, which included a four-room baptistery (which was likely decorated with mosaic walls and ceilings), a phiale, a diakonikon, baths, and what is usually identified as a two-storey episcopal residence.38 To the west, it opened onto an atrium surrounded by a number of storage rooms and/or what might have been lodgings for pilgrims visiting the site.39 Given the sheer size of the complex (which extended over 7,000 m² in a prime location southeast of the forum), the presence of a baptistery, and the proximity of a large residence, it is very likely that the Octagon functioned as the episcopal church of Philippi in the fifth century.40

35 Pelekanidis, “Excavations in Philippi,” 396. 36 Excavations began in 1958 under the direction of Pelekanidis (see the relevant sections in PAE from 1958 to 1983). For a recent summary, see Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1516–28. See also Pelekanidis, “Excavations in Philippi”; Pelekanidou and Mentzos, “Οκτάγωνο Φιλίππων”; Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 110–18; Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 39–40 (with figs. 5 and 6). 37 For Pelekanidis (“Kultprobleme,” 393; “Ἀνασκαφαὶ Φιλίππων,” 178), it could date from as early as Arcadius’s reign (AD 383–408). Cf. Pelekanidou and Mentzos, “Οκτάγωνο Φιλίπ­ πων,” 604; Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 47. Krautheimer (Architecture, 128), followed by Sodini (“Mosaïques paléochrétiennes de Grèce: Catalogue,” 736 n. 76) and Pallas (Les monuments paléochrétiens, 117), dated it to the early sixth century. None of them acknowledges the earlier phase of the building. 38 Cf. Bakirtzis, “Το επισκοπείον των Φλιππων”; Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, “Επισκοπείο των Φιλίππων.” 39 See Pelekanidis, “Excavations in Philippi”; Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 110–19; Gounaris, Το βαλάνειο; Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 39–40; Müller-Wiener, “Bischofs­ residenzen,” 659–64. 40 On the debated identification of the episcopal see at Philippi, see Mentzos, “Paul and Philippi,” 296–97.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

111

Whether it was also considered as a martyrium of the apostle Paul remains debated, as noted above.41 While octagonal structures have often been linked to martyria and the cult of saints in the Greek East,42 it does not necessarily ensue that the Octagon held relics of Paul, as has been claimed.43 Nevertheless, the presence of the heroon, of the adjacent (suspected) hagiasma, of the hundreds of fourth- to sixth-century coins (thrown as offerings?), and of a small reliquary in the southeast corner of the Octagon strongly suggest that, in late antiquity, the Octagon was indeed the locus of a martyrial cult devoted to the apostle Paul (who might have actually been martyred at Philippi, according to pseudepigraphical 3 Corinthians).44 2.2 Fourth-Century Funerary Epigraphy As noted earlier, the bulk of the Christian epigraphic evidence from Philippi dates from the fifth or sixth century, while only a few inscriptions from the fourth century have survived. One of the most notable among these is a prayer painted on the inner wall of a vaulted family tomb (2.28   ×   1.73   ×   1.95 m), which was discovered in the eastern necropolis, underneath the modern village of Krenides. Inserted within the border of an arcosolium that contains an enwreathed Latin cross flanked by two birds (probably two peacocks symbolizing the resurrection),45 the inscription records one of the most unusual petitions ever found in Macedonia: “Lord, have mercy on us and raise us up, we who have been laid to rest here in the (up)right faith!”46 Particularly striking are the deceased’s plea to be resurrected (ἐλέησον καὶ ἀνάστησον ἡμᾶς), a prayer rarely encountered in Macedonia,47 and the claim to have died in the “(up)right (or true) faith” (ἐν τῇ ὀρθῇ [πί]στι).

41 See the recent discussion in Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 246–47 (with various interpretations referenced in n. 24). 42 See Grabar, Martyrium, 1:141–52, with further remarks in Ward-Perkins, “Memoria,” 15. 43 Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 45–48. But see Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 255. 44 Cf. Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi,” 45–48; Koester, “Paul and Philippi,” 63–65; Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 263–66. On 3 Corinthians (which was included in Acts Paul 10), see Pervo, Acts of Paul, 135–43; Standhartinger, “Beloved Community,” 327–28. Cf. Callahan, “Dead Paul.” 45 See similar iconographic examples in DACL 13/1:1075–97. Cf. Steier, “Pfau,” 1420. 46 ICG 3255 (I.Chr. Macédoine 234; I.Philippi² 099; AD IV): + Κ(ύρι)ε ἐλέησον ἡμᾶς καὶ ἀνάστησον ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἐν τῇ ὀρθῇ | [πί]στι ἐνθάδε κοιμηθέντας +. See figure 4. 47 Cf. ICG 3043 (I.Chr. Macédoine 35; Edessa, AD V–VI): Χ(ριστ)έ, [σῶσον] || κ(αὶ) πάλ[ιν ἀνά-]| στησ[ον ἡμᾶς]. For other mentions of the resurrection (ἀνάστασις), see ICG 3012 (I.Chr. Macédoine 5; Edessa, AD III) and 3137–3138 (I.Chr. Macédoine 119–120; Thessalonica, AD III–IV).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

112

Chapter 4

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 4

ICG 3255 (I.Chr. Macédoine 234): painted prayer on the inner wall of a vaulted family tomb, Philippi photo by S. Pelekanidis; reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. LV

While not infrequent in literary sources from the second century onwards,48 the expression ὀρθὴ πίστις is altogether rare in inscriptions, even though the adjective πιστός is often employed in epitaphs to emphasize the departed’s faith or faithfulness.49 More common is the formula ὀρθόδοξος πίστις, which has been observed at Constantinople, Thebes, Ephesus, or Iconium, where a

48 E.g., Serapion apud Eusebius, h.e. 6.12.3–6 (ὀρθῇ πίστει); Origen, fr. 1 in Jo. (Preuschen, 483, l. 11: τῆς ὀρθῆς πίστεως); comm. in Rom. 20 (Ramsbotham, 224, ll. 6–7: περὶ τῆς ὀρθῆς πίστεως); Gregory of Nyssa, ep. 17.4 (Pasquali, 52: ὀρθῆς πίστεως). Cf. Ps.-Justin Martyr’s treaty entitled ΕΚΘΕΣΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΟΡΘΗΣ ΠΙΣΤΕΩΣ (Expositio rectae fidei) (Otto). The origin of the expression is unclear. No mention of ὀρθὴ πίστις is ever made in Jewish or Christian literature prior to the second century, though reference is often made to ὀρθὴ ὁδός (Prov 14:12; Jer 38:9; Herm. Mand. 35:2, 4; Josephus, A.J. 6.13), ὀρθαὶ τροχιαί (Prov 4:11, 26; Heb 12:13), ὀρθοὶ λόγοι (Prov 16:13; Sib. Or. 8:367, 402; Philo, Opif. 1.143), ὀρθὴ καρδία (Prov 15:14), etc. 49 E.g., ICG 2079 (IG II/III² 5.13493: Χριστιανὸς πιστός), 116 (MAMA 8.325: Ματρ[ώ]να πιστή), 117 (MAMA 8.326: Κόϊντος πιστός). In ICG 3268 (I.Chr. Macédoine 247) in n. 111 below, the adjective simply seems to stress the trustworthiness of the deceased tribunus notariorum (τριβοῦνος νοταρίων). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 208.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

113

deacon prided himself to have led his life ἐκ πίστεως ὀρθοδόξου.50 The orthodox claim to ὀρθὴ πίστις here is likely to have been directed against Arianism, which in turn helps date the tomb to the Nicaean era, or at least to the first half of the fourth century.51 By implication, it suggests that the church at Philippi had been directly affected by the Arian controversy, which further explains the presence of Bishop Porphyrios at the synod of Serdica.52 Significantly, no other claim to ὀρθὴ πίστις has so far been noted on church buildings or funerary monuments throughout the region—not even on those erected in memory of the local clergy—even though the term πίστις is found once more in a carefully inscribed, fragmentary epigram from Philippi.53 Nor is any Macedonian church ever referred to as the “church of the Orthodox” (ἐκκλησία τῶν ὀρθοδόξων), the epithets καθολική and ἁγία/ἁγιοτάτη (ἐκκλησία) being generally preferred. Incidentally, the first of these terms appears on a neatly carved marble epitaph from the late fourth century that was set up by the “newly appointed presbyter of the catholic church” (πρεσβύτερος νέος τῆς καθολεικῆς ἐκλησίας),54 Aurelios Kapiton, in memory of his parents, his wife Baibia Paula and his beloved son Elpidios, in the year 410 (i.e., AD 379).55

50 ICG 286 (SEG 6.442; AD IV). See also the “psalmist of the Orthodox” (ψαλταναγνωστῶν τῶν ὀρθοδόξων) in ICG 975 (MAMA 6.237; AD V–VI). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 199. Pelekanidis (“Παλαιοχριστιανικός τάφος,” 228) deems ὀρθὴ/ὀρθόδοξος πίστις to be somewhat synonymous and equivalent to καθολικὴ πίστις. 51 I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 199. Based on stylistic similarities, Pelekanidis (“Παλαιοχριστιανικός τάφος,” 225–27) concluded that the tomb was painted by the same artist who decorated that of the presbyters Faustinos and Donatos in the extra muros basilica (ICG 3256; I.Chr. Macédoine 235), which has been dated to the mid-fourth century thanks to numismatic evidence. 52 Pelekanidis, “Παλαιοχριστιανικός τάφος,” 228. 53 ICG 3251 (I.Chr. Macédoine 230; SEG 19.447; I.Philippi² 107; AD V–VI): οὐδὲ θανὼν [–] | -μος ἀλλὰ σὲ π̣ [άντες –] | κυδένουσι [– σο]|φίης χάριν ε[–] ||5 ἑπτὰ γὰρ λ̣υ[κάβαντας –] | καὶ τέσσερα[ς δεκάδας –] | οὐδενὶ οὐδ[–] | ἔλαχες σο[–] | πάντας γὰρ [–] ||10 ειδε πᾶσιν [–] | ΠΙΟΟΙΕΥΝΟ[–] | δικαζομεν̣[–] | τ̣οὔνεκα Ϲ̣ [–] | θεὸς πανό̣[λβιος –] ||15 σὺν πίστι Ν̣ [–] | μακαρτατ[–]. The text is too fragmented to be translated as the right half of the stone is missing. Neither the mention of Θεός (l. 14) nor the occurrence of πίστις (l. 15) is enough to prove the Christian character of this inscription (cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 194). The language of fides/πίστις is not exclusively Christian, although it was increasingly so in late antiquity. For a study of the origin and development of πίστις in early Christian thought and theo­logy, see Morgan, Roman Faith and Christian Faith. 54 Cf. Coupry and Feyel, “Inscriptions de Philippes,” 47; Lemerle, Philippes, 94–95. 55 ICG 3254 (I.Chr. Macédoine 233; AE 1937, no. 48; I.Philippi² 360; AD 379): Αὐρ(ήλιος) Καπίτων πρεσβύ(τερος) | νέος τῆς καθολει|κῆς ἐκλησίας ἀνέ|στησα τὴν στή||λην ταύτην τοῖς | ἰδίοις γωνεῦσιν | καὶ τῇ εἰδίᾳ συνβίῳ | Βεβίᾳ Παύλᾳ καὶ | τῷ γλυκυτάτῳ || μου υἱῷ Ἐλπιδίῳ | υʹ κὲ δέκα. “I, Aurelios Kapiton, new presbyter of the catholic church, set up this

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

114

Chapter 4

The only Christian inscription from Philippi to be precisely dated,56 it suggests that in the late fourth century some ecclesiastics still felt the need to stress their adherence to the Nicaean confession (possibly to legitimize their own authority) and to distance themselves from “deviant” doctrinal positions.57 Another notable contemporary (AD 330s–360s) example that mentions the “holy catholic and apostolic church of the Philippians” (καθολικῆς καὶ ἀποστολικῆς ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας Φιλιππησίων) is the epitaph of the presbyters Faustinos and Donatos, which was found lying over the entrance of tomb Β in the extra muros basilica.58 A sizeable vaulted tomb (2.65  ×  1.90  ×  1.84 m) situated underneath the southern aisle of the basilica, it contained two skeletons and had walls decorated with large enwreathed Latin crosses seemingly inlaid with pearls and precious stones.59 Interestingly, although the two inscriptions date from the same period, Faustinos and Donatos’s epitaph is more characteristically Christian in its appearance and formulary (i.e., κοιμητήριον τοῦ εὐλαβεστάτου δεῖνος) than the tombstone set up by Kapiton, which looks more traditional in terms of style (i.e., framed stele), palaeography (i.e., neat angular letters), and formulary (ὁ δεῖνα ἀνέστησα τὴν στήλην τῷ δεῖνι).60 More intriguing still

56

57

58

59 60

stele for my own parents and (my) own wife, Baibia Paula, and for my dearest son, Elpidios. (Year) 410.” Despite its traditional style and appearance, this inscription is more likely to date from AD 379, and not from AD 262/263. That is, it follows the Actium era (starting after the battle of Actium in 31 BC), rather than the provincial era starting in 148 BC. See Lemerle, Philippes, 94–101; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 198. The adjective καθολικός here is not to be understood in the sense of “universal,” as in early Christian literary sources (e.g., Ign. Smyrn. 8:2; Mart. Pol. 1:1; 8:1), but more specifically in the sense of “orthodox” (i.e., not Arianizing). See Lemerle’s detailed survey of the expression καθολικὴ ἐκκλησία in juristic and epigraphic sources in Philippes, 96–101. Cf. Pelekanidis, “Παλαιοχριστιανικός τάφος,” 228. For additional epigraphic examples of the expression καθολικὴ ἐκκλησία, see I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 198. ICG 3256 (I.Chr. Macédoine 235; BE 1963, no. 140; SEG 19.441; I.Philippi² 101; mid-AD IV): Κοιμητήριον τῶν εὐλαβεστάτων | πρεσβ(υτέρων) Φαυστίνου καὶ Δωνάτου | τῆς καθολικῆς καὶ ἀποστολικῆς | ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας Φιλιππησίων. “Tomb of the most pious presbyters, Faustinos and Donatos, of the holy catholic and apostolic church of the Philippians.” The date is suggested by the discovery of coins of Constantius between the floor slabs covering the entrance of the tomb and the epitaph above it. However, as Feissel has noted, these may only provide a terminus post quem for the inscription, which, despite their differences in style and formulary, seems to be contemporary with ICG 3254 (I.Chr. Macédoine 233) that is likely dated to AD 379. See Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 152–53, 173–75; id., “Παλαιοχριστιανικός τάφος,” 225; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 200. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 153, 155, 157 (photos nos. 40–43). Similar decorations have been observed at Thessalonica. See ibid., 153 n. 1. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 198.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

115

is the expression καθολικὴ καὶ ἀποστολική, which is seldom encountered in inscriptions—the adjective ἀποστολικός itself is observed nowhere else in Macedonia.61 More common in literary sources from the fourth century onwards,62 it may have been derived from the last paragraph of the Nicaean creed and its concluding anathema (Τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας […] ἀναθεματίζει ἡ καθολικὴ καὶ ἀποστολικὴ ἐκκλησία).63 Alternatively, it might have simply been meant as a commemoration of Philippi’s apostolic heritage, about which the Philippians appear to have been particularly proud.64 The reoccurrence of the expression καθολικὴ ἐκκλησία nonetheless suggests that the local clergy were very much aware of contemporary theological disputes and felt it essential to differentiate themselves from Arius’s proponents. Nothing of the sort appears in the last two epitaphs from this period, both of which conclude instead with a threat of a fine to be paid to the imperial fiscus.65 The first one, a rough slab of local marble broken in half, was discovered in the eastern necropolis (in the vicinity of Dikili Tasch) and erected for the teacher (διδάσκαλος) Aurelios Kyriakos and his wife and children.66 The second, a roughly dressed quadrangular pillar, comes from the Turkish cemetery of Raktcha, north of the eastern necropolis, and was put up for the (estate) 61 Outside Macedonia, see the rare examples in ICG 316 (SEG 34.1341; Lycaonia, ca. AD V: Σέλευκος πρεσβίτερος τῆς καθολικῆς καὶ ἀποστολικῆς ἁγίας τοῦ θ̣εοῦ ἐκλησίας, ll. 1–4), 327 (SEG 52.1866; Lycaonia, AD V–VI: εἱερέ|ων τῆς κατο|λικῆς κὲ ἀποσ|τολικῆς ἁγίας || τοῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ἐκλησίας), and 619 (SEG 52.1355; North Lycaonia, AD IV–V: διάκων | τῆς καθολεικῆς | κὴ ἀποστολεικῆς | ἁγείας τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκλη|σείας, ll. 1–5). 62 E.g., Eusebius, v.C. 3.53.2 (ἀξίαν τῆς καθολικῆς καὶ ἀποστολικῆς ἐκκλησίας βασιλικήν); Epiphanius, haer. 1.157 (πίστις ἀληθείας τῆς καθολικῆς καὶ ἀποστολικῆς καὶ ὀρθοδόξου ἐκκλησίας); 2.349 (τῆς μόνης ἀποστολικῆς καὶ καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας). The earliest attestation is found in Origen, exp. in Pr. 24 (PG 17:225): δόγμα ὁμοίως τῆς καθολικῆς καὶ ἀποστολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας. 63 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 215–16. The actual text of the creed was reconstituted in the early twentieth century (see pp. 208–11). Cf. Epiphanius, anc. 118.12 (Πιστεύομεν […] εἰς μίαν ἁγίαν καθολικὴν καὶ ἀποστολικὴν ἐκκλησίαν); Athanasius, decr. 37.2 (τοὺς τοιούτους ἀναθεματίζει ἡ καθολικὴ καὶ ἀποστολικὴ ἐκκλησία); cf. Socrates, h.e. 1.8.29–30. The expression is very rare in inscriptions (see n. 61 above), though more common in literary sources from the fourth century (e.g., Eusebius, v.C. 3.53.2; Epiphanius, haer. 1.157; 2.349). 64 Cf. Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 258. 65 For an overview of funerary fines at Philippi, see I.Philippes, pp. 70–74. 66 ICG 3252 (I.Chr. Macédoine 231; I.Philippi² 071; AE 1937, no. 49; AD IV): Αὐρήλιος | Κυριακὸς διδ̣[άσ]|καλος ἐποίησ̣ [α] | τὸ χαμοσόρ[ιον] ||5 τ[ο]ῦ̣το ἐ̣[μαυτῷ] | κ̣ [αὶ τῇ συμβίῳ] | μου [Α]ὐ̣ρη[λίᾳ] | Μαρκελλίνῃ | καὶ τέκνοις· ||10 εἰ δέ τις τολ|μήσι ἕτερον σκή̣ |νωμα καταθέσ|θαι, δώσει τῷ | ἱερωτάτῳ τα||15[μ]ε̣ίῳ χρυσοῦ | [λί]τ̣ρ̣αν μίαν. “I, Aurelios Kyriakos, teacher, made this tomb for [myself and] my [wife] Aurelia Markelline, and for (our) children. If anyone dares to lay another corpse (here), s/he shall pay one pound of gold to the most sacred treasury.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

116

Chapter 4

manager (πραγματευτής) Aurelios Severos and his family.67 The stylistic and linguistic similarities between the two stones (including the formulary and ligatures) are particularly striking and suggest that they were most likely executed by the same hand, in the same workshop, and about the same period in the early fourth century, if not in the third century (judging by the use of the praenomen Aurelios/Aurelia for both husband and wife).68 Neither of these can be surely identified as Christian. The cognomen Kyri­ akos is no definitive evidence of Christian faith,69 especially since there is no other iconographic clue such as the Latin footed cross engraved on the rough stele of Kyriakos (and Nikandra) found reused in the basilica B.70 Nor are fines of one gold pound restricted to Christian epitaphs.71 However, the metaphorical use of the term σκήνωμα, which replaces the words πτῶμα and νέκυς more commonly observed in non-Christian inscriptions at Philippi,72 does appear to have been predominantly used by Christians.73 Late Antique Epigraphy from the Eastern Necropolis and the Colony’s Territory 2.3.1 Inscriptions from the extra muros Cemetery Basilica The epitaph of Faustinos and Donatos mentioned in the previous section introduces us to one of the most important buildings for the history of the Christian community at Philippi, namely, the extra muros cemetery basilica that was located in the eastern necropolis underneath the village of Krenides. Unknown until its excavation in 1956, the ruins of the fourth largest (33   ×    15.60 m), and perhaps the second oldest, basilica at Philippi have yielded about fifteen epitaphs, which represent a quarter of all the Christian inscriptions so 2.3

67 ICG 3253 (I.Chr. Macédoine 232; I.Philippi² 083; BE 1987, no. 432; AD IV): Αὐρήλιος | Σεβῆρος | πραγματευ|τὴς ἐποίησ[α] ||5 τὸ χαμοσόρ[ιον] Β | τοῦτο ἐμαυ[τῷ] | καὶ τῇ συμβ[ίῳ] | μου Αὐρ(ηλίᾳ) Κλαυδίᾳ̣ | καὶ τοῖς γλυ[κυτά]||10τοις μου τέκν[οι]ς· | ἰ δέ τις τολμήσι ἕτε|ρον σκήν⟨ω⟩μα κατα{ι}|θέσθα̣ι, δώσι τῷ ἱερ[ω]|τάτῳ ταμίῳ χρυσοῦ̣ ||15 λίτραν μίαν. “I, Aurelios Severos, an (estate) manager, made this (second?) tomb for myself and my wife Aurelia Klaudia, and my dearest children. If anyone dares to lay another corpse (here), s/he shall pay one pound of gold to the most sacred treasury.” 68 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 195, 197. 69 Cf. Feissel, BE 1987, no. 432. 70 See ICG 3264 (I.Chr. Macédoine 243; AD IV–V) in n. 165 below. 71 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 197. 72 E.g., I.Philippi² 022, 137, 273, and 387A. 73 The term is in any case rare in inscriptions and appears to have been used exclusively in Christian epitaphs. See, e.g., I.Zoora 89 (Zoora, AD 405); I.Pisidia Central 56 (AD III–IV); I.Tyana 108 (ca. AD IV); SEG 59.1713 (Jerusalem, AD IV–V). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 197; PGL, s.v.; NewDocs 4:172 no. 85.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

117

far discovered on the territory of the colony.74 Erected in the second half of the fourth century at the earliest,75 on a site a few hundred meters east of the Neapolis gate, the church underwent two major building phases in antiquity (after a fire damaged most of the upper structure in the mid- or late fifth century), before being destroyed and abandoned around the eighth century.76 The first edifice had a typical three-aisled layout with annexes to the north and south (but no baptistery),77 and was modestly decorated with simple mosaics and sculptures.78 Of particular interest are the reliquary located beneath the pavement where the altar would have stood79 and the sixteen tombs scattered over the floor of the basilica (Α–Π), all of which except one (Π) seem to date from the first building phase.80 Several of these tombs were sealed with nicely executed epitaphs, including two Latin ones,81 which celebrated the lives of

74

75

76

77 78 79 80 81

For the excavation report, see Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων.” For a detailed, though not entirely reliable, description in English, see Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches, 99–106. Cf. Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 107–10. On the mosaics panels, see Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 636–42; AsimakopoulouAtzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 280–83 (no. I, 1.32), with pls. 148–155. Based on the simple decoration of the building, numismatic evidence, the two Latin inscriptions ICG 3272–3273 (I.Chr. Macédoine 251–252), and the absence of a baptistery, Pelekanidis (“Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 172–79) estimated it to be the oldest (known) church at Philippi at the time. But it must surely be later than the basilica of Paul (ca. AD 340s), which was only discovered twenty or so years later in 1975. Pallas (Les monuments paléochrétiens, 110) and Spiro (Mosaic Pavements, 636–42) date it to the fifth century. Coins of Theodosius II (AD 408–450) were found underneath repaired sections dating from the second building stage, while coins from Justinian I (AD 527–565) were discovered in the brick stylobate separating the nave from the northern aisle in the second structure. The church may have been destroyed by fire during the siege of Philippi by Theodoric Strabo in AD 473, before being restored a few decades later in the early sixth century. A third, single-nave Byzantine chapel was constructed on the old ruins in medieval times. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 172–79. Cf. Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches, 105–6. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 132–36, 176. Cf. Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 109; Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches, 100–101, 104–5. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 115 (esp. with photos nos. 8, 12–17, 20–26); Sodini, “Mosaïques paléochrétiennes de Grèce: Catalogue,” 736–37 n. 59. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 119–21. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 150–62 (with drawings, pp. 155, 158), 178–79. Cf. Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 108; Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches, 100, 103–5. See ICG 3272–3273 (I.Chr. Macédoine 251–252) in nn. 106 and 101 below.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

118

Chapter 4

some of the illustrious members of the community, mostly clerics or notables under whose leadership and patronage the church flourished.82 Besides the epitaph of Faustinos and Donatos, four more inscriptions commemorating five presbyters have been discovered in situ. To begin with, a funerary plate for the “most devout presbyters” (τῶν θεοφιλεστάτων πρεσ­ βυτέρων) Gourasios and Konstantios was laid over the entrance of tomb Γ (2.50  × 1.46  ×  1.75 m),83 a double-apse vaulted structure slightly smaller than tomb B that was located underneath the central axis of the nave, west of the apse.84 The chamber itself contained several skeletons and eighteen skulls, which indicate that it was used several times for, presumably, the burials of other clerics.85 Paulos(?), the “presbyter and doctor of the Philippians” (πρεσβύτερος καὶ ἰατρὸς Φιλιππησίων), was interred in tomb A (2.20  ×  1.40  ×  1.65 m) at the eastern end of the northern aisle, left of the apse, and remembered with a notable epitaph.86 Possibly the first of only two Philippian presbyters named after the founding apostle, Paulos seems to have felt less sanctimonious than Gourasios and Konstantios, for his epitaph concluded with a humble petition to Christ to have mercy on him and not remember his sins on the day of judgment (ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς κρίσεως μὴ μνησθῇς τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν μου, ἐλέησόν με). The mention of 82 Three epitaphs are simply too fragmented to be of much use. See ICG 3251 (I.Chr. Macédoine 230 in n. 53 above), 3261 (I.Chr. Macédoine 240; I.Philippi² 105; SEG 19.445; AD V–VI: Σιρο[–] | κομι[–]|ος | ἐκυ[μήθη] || πρὸ αʹ [Νω]|νῶν | Ὀκτωβρί[ων], “Siro … laid to rest on the 6th of October”), and 3271 in n. 164 below. ICG 3271 was initially published by Pelekanidis alongside two small fragments, which Feissel did not include but which were later republished by Pilhofer. See ICG 3297 (I.Philippi² 108; SEG 19.448; AD V–VI: [–]άσιος | [–]ΜΑ vac | [–]ΡΩΝΧΗ) and 3298 (I.Philippi² 109; SEG 19.449; AD V–VI: ✝ ΠΡΟ�Τ). Cf. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 170–71 (nn. 9–11). Several other tombs (Μ, Ν, Ξ, Ο, Π) were closed with reused tombstones bearing Roman inscriptions. See ibid., 161. 83 Tomb C in Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches, 104. 84 ICG 3257 (I.Chr. Macédoine 236; BE 1963, no. 140; SEG 19.442; I.Philippi² 102; AD IV–VI): Κυμητήρ(ιον) | τῶν θεοφιλλ(εστάτων) | πρεσβ(υτέρων) | Γουρασίου καὶ || Κωνσταντίου | ἀναπαυσαμ(ένων) ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ | ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) ιδʹ. “Tomb of the most devout presbyters, Gourasios and Konstantios, who died in Christ on the 14th indictio.” 85 Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 154 (photo no. 34). Cf. Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches, 104. 86 ICG 3258 (I.Chr. Macédoine 237; BE 1963, no. 140; SEG 19.440; I.Philippi² 100; AD IV–V): Kοιμητήριον Πα[ύλου] | πρεσβ(υτέρου) καὶ ἰατροῦ | Φιλιππησίων. | Κ(ύρι)ε Ἰ(ησο)ῦ Χ(ριστ)ὲ ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ὁ ποιήσας || ἀπὸ τῶν μὴ̣ ὄ̣ν̣των εἰ⟨ς⟩ | εἶναι, ἐν τῇ ἡ̣ μ̣έρᾳ τῆ⟨ς⟩ | κρίσεως μὴ μ̣ νη̣ σ̣θῇς | τῶν ἁμαρτ̣ι ̣ῶν μου, ἐλ[έ]|ησόν με. “Tomb of Paulos, presbyter and doctor of the Philippians. Lord Jesus Christ, God who brought into being that which was not, do not remember my sins in the day of judgment, have mercy on me!” Cf. Samama, Les médecins, 189–90 no. 089.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

119

his medical occupation is noteworthy but not at all peculiar as clerics often combined their ecclesiastical functions with other economic or vocational activities.87 What is more unusual, however, is the acclamation to the ex nihilo creator God Jesus Christ (ὁ θεὸς ὁ ποιήσας ἀπὸ τῶν μὴ ὄντων εἰς εἶναι), which echoes a similar invocation in an epitaph from Thessalonica,88 and which finds some parallels in early Christian literature and liturgy as well.89 At the opposite western end of the northern aisle, between the two entrances of the diakonikon annexes, was buried another Paulos in a marble sarcophagus in tomb Η (2.05   ×   0.75   ×   0.23 m).90 A “first presbyter” (πρωτοπρεσβύτερος) of the “holy church of God of the Philippians” (τῆς Φιλιππισίων ἁγίας τοῦ θεοῦ ἐκλησίας),91 Paulos enjoyed the privilege of being interred in a single tomb (μονόσωμον)92 that could not be reused, as the penultimate clause threatened (ἤ τις δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν κατάθεσιν ἐπιχειρήσει ἐνθάδε ἕτερον θεῖναι νεκρόν, λόγον δώσει τῷ θεῷ). While common in Christian inscriptions from Asia Minor,93 such warnings are rarely observed in Macedonia and only a few other instances have been discovered at Edessa, Beroea, and in the southern Pangaion region near Kipia.94 One final gravestone from the extra muros 87 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 201. See also Wipszycka, Les ressources et les activités économiques des églises, 154–73; Destephen, “La christianisation de l’Asie Mineure,” 173–74. 88 ICG 3201 (I.Chr. Macédoine 180; IG X 2,1.*786; AD IV–V): · Ἰ · (ησο) · ῦ · Χρ(ιστ)ὲ · ὁ ποιήσας ἑνὶ λόγου τὰ πάντα (ll. 1–4). 89 Cf. Rom 4:17 (θεοῦ τοῦ […] καλοῦντος τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς ὄντα); Herm. Mand. 26:1 (ὁ θεὸς ὁ […] ποιήσας ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος εἰς τὸ εἶναι τὰ πάντα); Theophilus, Autol. 1.4 (τὰ πάντα ὁ θεὸς ἐποίησεν ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων εἰς τὸ εἶναι); Apos. Con. 8.12.7 (ὁ τὰ πάντα ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος εἰς τὸ εἶναι παραγαγών). See also the liturgy of Basil in Brightman, Liturgies, 1:313 (l. 10: ὁ ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος εἰς τὸ εἶναι παραγαγών). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 201. 90 ICG 3259 (I.Chr. Macédoine 238; BE 1963, no. 140; SEG 19.443; I.Philippi² 103; AD IV–V): ✝ Kυμητήριον Παύλου | πρεσβοιτέρου τῆς Φι|λιππισίων ἁγίας τοῦ | θεοῦ ἐκλησίας· ἤ τις δὲ || μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν κατάθε|σιν ἐπιχειρήσει ἐνθάδε ἕτε|ρον θεῖναι νεκρόν, λόγον δώ|σει τῷ θεῷ· ἔστιν γὰρ μονό|σωμον πρωτοπρεσβοιτέρου ✝. “Tomb of Paulos, presbyter of the holy church of God of the Philippians. Whoever attempts to lay another corpse here after my burial shall give an account unto God. For this is the single tomb of a first presbyter.” 91 A πρωτοπρεσβύτερος was the highest-ranked cleric after the bishop himself, whom he could replace in his absence. Cf. Socrates, h.e. 6.9.3. See also PGL, s.vv. ἀρχιπρεσβύτερος, πρωτοπρεσβύτερος; Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 166–67; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 203. For examples from Asia Minor, see ICG 554 (MAMA 7.89), 1443 (MAMA 11.113), 2466 (I.North Galatia 449). 92 For similar examples of the term at Thessalonica, see ICG 3173 and 3191 (I.Chr. Macédoine 153 and 170). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 202; BE 1965, no. 2. 93 See Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia, 683–84. 94 Cf. ICG 3040, 3068, 3239–3240 (I.Chr. Macédoine 32, 58, 218–219), and 3295–3296 (I.Philippi² 631–632). The last two are likely to be the two (then unpublished) inscriptions kept at the museum of Philippi and reported by Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 202).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

120

Chapter 4

basilica commemorates a presbyter named either Εὔπλο(υ)ς (so Pelekanidis), or Εὐστάθιος (so Feissel).95 Found reemployed as a doorstep of the diakonikon, the white marble plate simply features a large Latin cross at the top from which two vine leaves grow, and under which was inscribed a monogram made with the letters Υ, Ε, and Λ (or Ϲ and Τ). Regrettably, none of these inscriptions is precisely dated, which renders the establishment of a chronology of ecclesiastical offices at Philippi nearly impossible.96 Only tomb Β of the presbyters Faustinos and Donatos (post AD 330s–360s),97 and tomb Η of the presbyter Paulos (post AD 380s–390s),98 might be dated approximately to the end of the fourth century at the earliest thanks to coins of Constantius II and Theodosius I found underneath the engraved slabs.99 The epitaph of Gourasios and Konstantios does mention that the presbyters died in the fourteenth indictio,100 but no consular year is given to help identify in which fifteen-year cycle they passed away. In any case, the skeletons and the eighteen skulls discovered in their tomb indicate that it was reopened on a regular basis between the fourth and sixth centuries to place additional corpses. No other ecclesiastic is known from the extra muros basilica. A Latin inscription might have made reference to a servus dei named Lauricius,101 but the designation servus dei (or δοῦλος θεοῦ/Χριστοῦ) need not imply that Lauricius was a member of the clergy.102 Found reemployed in a later chapel, its date is uncertain though the use of the Latin suggests it might be as early as the fourth century.103 The expression in nomine Christi, which is commonly

95 ICG 3260 (I.Chr. Macédoine 239; SEG 19.446; I.Philippi² 106; AD IV–V): ✝ κοιμ(η)τ(ήριον) (monogram) πρεσ(βυτέρου). “Tomb of Eustathios(?), presbyter.” 96 The best attempt at reconstructing a chronology of the bishops of Philippi from literary and documentary sources remains that of Lemerle (Philippes, 268–80), who improved the list given by Vailhé (“Les évêques de Philippes”). 97 ICG 3256 (I.Chr. Macédoine 235). 98 ICG 3259 (I.Chr. Macédoine 238). 99 Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 153, 161. But as Feissel notes, the numismatic evidence can only provide a terminus post quem. See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 200. 100 ICG 3257 (I.Chr. Macédoine 236). 101 ICG 3273 (I.Chr. Macédoine 252; AE 1983, no. 891; I.Philippi² 112; AD IV–V): Hic in pac[e requiescit] | in nomine Cḥ[risti] | Lauricius sẹ[rvus Dei] | qui vixit an[nos] X̣ XII +. “Here [rests] in peace, in the name of Christ, Lauricius, servant [of God], who lived 22 years.” The epitaph of the deaconess Agathe (see ICG 3381 in n. 145 below) may have also come from the extra muros basilica (or from the eastern necropolis). 102 See n. 28 above on the possible origins of the title. 103 Cf. Pelekanidis, “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων,” 175–76.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

121

associated with the formula hic in pace requiescit,104 appears on yet another epitaph from the same basilica and the same period (presumably)—the last of only two (published) Latin Christian inscriptions at Philippi. Placed over tomb Θ,105 the fine white marble plate commemorates a vir clarissimus and ex-count named Mauricius.106 Rarely attested at Philippi,107 the two titles, even if only meant honorifically,108 situate Mauricius among the local elites. That is, he may have been a military or civic official of senatorial status,109 who might have also served as one of the patrons of the church in which he was inhumed. Mauricius is one of two high-profile Christian laymen laid to rest in the extra muros basilica. The other one, a “faithful tribune of the notaries” (ὁ πιστὸς τριβοῦνος νοταρίων) named Andreas,110 was interred in tomb Δ by the narthex.111 Buried at eighteen years of age, it is unlikely that Andreas ever performed any tribunitian or notarial function,112 the office of tribunus et notarius being usually attributed to sons of influential court officials at the onset of their career from the late fourth century onward.113 Thus, he must have received the title honorifically due to his nobility (cf. εὐγένια πολλή, ll. 5–6), which is further indicated by the laudatory language employed (cf. ll. 4–6)114 and his massive, neatly carved marble tombstone. 104 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 210. 105 Tomb H in Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches, 104. 106 ICG 3272 (I.Chr. Macédoine 251; I.Philippi² 111; AE 1983, no. 890; AD IV–V): + Hic in pace requies|c[i]t in nomine | [C]ḥristi Mauric̣ị|[us] vir clariṣsi|[mus] ẹx̣ c̣ọṃite. “Here rests in peace, in the name of Christ, Mauricius, a vir clarissimus, ex-count.” 107 Cf. I.Philippes 37, 38, 41, 42. 108 So AE 1983, no. 890. From the fifth century, the title clarissimus ceases to indicate effective membership of the senate. See Jones, Later Roman Empire, 8, 104–5, 379. 109 Cf. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 8, 104–5, 528–31; Demandt, Spätantike, 250, 273–74, 281–82. 110 Mentzu-Meimare (review of I.Chr. Macédoine, 324) understands πιστός here “im Sinne des getauften Christen und Mitglieds der Kirche,” and suggests placing a comma after the adjective (i.e., “the young believer, a tribune of the notaries”). But see PLRE 2:87 (s.v. Andreas 7): Andreas qui et Comitas v(ir) d(evotus), tribunus et notarius. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 208. 111 ICG 3268 (I.Chr. Macédoine 247; BE 1963, no. 140; SEG 19.444; I.Philippi² 104; AD V): ✝ Ἐνθάδε κῖται Ἀνδρέας | οὗ τὸ ἐπίκλην Κομιτᾶ ὁ | πιστὸς τριβοῦνος νο|ταρίων, συνετὸς ὤν, ἡλι||κία, κάλλος καὶ εὐγένια|{α} πολλὴ ἦν παρ᾿ αὐτῷ · | οὗτος δ᾿ ἐτελεύτα ἐτῶν | δέκα ὀκτὼ παρὰ μῆ(να) αʹ ἡμ(έρας) ϛʹ. “Here lies Andreas, nicknamed Komitas, the faithful tribune of the notaries, an intelligent (man). Youth, beauty, and great nobility were his. He died at eighteen, minus one month and six days.” 112 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 208. 113 Demandt, Spätantike, 241. Cf. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 573–75. For equally young notarii, see ibid., 1235 n. 21. 114 The themes of beauty and nobility are not uncommon in Christian hagiography. See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 208.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

122

Chapter 4

2.3.2 Inscriptions from the Eastern Necropolis and the Basilica B The name of the young tribune buried in the extra muros basilica, Andreas, seems to have been a popular name for it is observed in three more Christian inscriptions from the territory of Philippi. It appears, for instance, after a staurogram on an undated drinking cup discovered at a site five kilometers north of Philippi.115 A lector named Andreas dedicated a piece of cornice (found west of Philippi, in the modern village of Lydia) “for the glory of God.”116 More significantly still, a long epitaph unearthed in the nave of a basilica from the eastern necropolis commemorates a cleric named Andreas, whose “prudence” (ἐχεφροσύνη) was legendary and who was proven “worthy of dwelling near the heavenly scepters” (οὐρανίων γὰρ ἄξιος ἦν σκηπτρῶν ἔγγυθι ναιετάειν).117 Remarkably, the metric epigram also evokes Andreas’s “mystagogical authority” (cf. μύστιδος ἀρχῆς, ll. 11–12) and his pious execution of all his duties (τερπόμενος θεσμοῖς· ἀὶ [ἐ]π᾿ εὐσεβίης, ll. 12–15), which suggests that he was a prominent cleric, possibly a bishop, who was in charge of initiating young catechumens and/or performing sacraments.118 The basilica where Andreas was buried belongs to a sizeable funerary complex located three hundred meters south of the extra muros basilica that has been dated to the second half of the fourth century at the earliest. It comprises a central courtyard hedged by porticoes, around which were built a basilica (south), storage rooms (north), and a 100 m² structure (east), which may have 115 ICG 3292 (I.Philippi² 421; AD IV–VI?): ⳨ Ἀνδρέου. “Belonging to Andreas.” Cf. Pilhofer, Philippi, 30 n. 87. 116 ICG 3246 (I.Chr. Macédoine 225; I.Philippi² 353; AD V–VI): Ἀνδρέας ἐλάχ(ιστος) ἀναγν(ώσ­ της) εἰς ⟨δ⟩ό⟨ξ⟩αν ⟨θ⟩[εοῦ –]. “Andreas, the most humble lector, for (the) glory of [God?].” 117 ICG 3290 (I.Philippi² 125; SEG 34.669; 36.629; AD IV–V): ✝ Ἀνδρέαν ὡ̲ |ς νέκυν οὗ̲|τος ἔχει τάφ|ος· ἀλλὰ κ||5αλύπτειν κί|νοῦ ἐχεφροσ|ύνην οὐδὲ χρ|όνος δύνατ|{ατ}αι· πάντα γὰρ ||10 ἐξετέλεσεν ἐ|πάξια μύστιδ|ος ἀρχῆς τερπ|όμενος θεσμο|ῖς ἀὶ [ἐ]π᾿ εὐσεβί||15ης· τοὔνεκεν | ὃς μιν ἔτευξε | καὶ ἔλαβεν· οὐ|ρανίων γὰρ ἄξι|ος ἦν σκηπτ||20ρῶν ἔγγυθι να|ιετάειν. “This tomb contains the deceased Andreas, whose prudence time cannot conceal. For he has fulfilled everything (in a manner) worthy of (his) authority as a mystagogue, delighting in the divine ordinances always piously. Therefore, he who created him also took (him), for he was worthy of dwelling near the heavenly scepters.” Cf. Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 223–27 (pl. XI.19); Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 110–13, 283–86 (no. I, 1.33), with pls. 156–166. 118 The significance of μύστις ἀρχή, a collocation not found in literary sources, is not entirely clear. Pilhofer (I.Philippi², p. 133) wonders whether it is not an “Umschreibung für Gott.” Pennas (“Christian Burials at Philippi,” 225 n. 31) and Petridès (“Note sur une inscription chrétienne d’Amasée,” 276) suggest, on the other hand, that μύστις (or μύστης) is to be understood in the sense of μυσταγωγός, which more commonly refers to an initiated Christian teacher or spiritual leader in patristic sources, and which might be a poetical rendering of ἐπίσκοπος, ἀρχιερεύς, or ἱεράρχης. Cf. PGL, s.vv. ἀρχή II.D, μύστης, μυσταγωγός; I.Chr. Crete 77 (p. 105).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

123

been used as a place of worship or as a hagiasma, and under which a sizeable burial chamber was constructed.119 In total, nine vaulted tombs (some of which with marble walls), twenty tile graves, several lead coffins, and nineteen skeletons (oriented towards the east) were discovered on site along with a large vaulted chamber (designated as a ἡρῷον) and three inscriptions.120 The first one, the tomb’s foundation inscription, was engraved and painted in red letters on the revetment by the entrance of the south chamber. It relates how a prominent couple from Pontus, Flavios Gorgonios and Glykeris, settled in Philippi and built the tomb for themselves and their children, before concluding with a threat of a hefty fine to be paid both to the “holiest church” (ἁγιωτάτῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ) and to the imperial fiscus, if the tomb is ever reused.121 A second metric inscription dedicated to the memory of the same Glykeris, the daughter of a vir clarissimus from Pontus, was also engraved in red letters on the southern wall of the south chamber.122 While none of the members of this illustrious family can be identified with certainty as Christian (especially in the absence of iconographic elements),123 the metaphorical usage of the term σκήνωμα,124 the orientation of the bodies, 119 Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 215–22. 120 Besides ICG 3289A and B immediately below, a third inscription, a funerary fine, was found on the side of a (reused) sarcophagus lid (Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 218): τοῦτο τὸ πῶμα ὃς ἄν μεταθῇ ἀπο|τείσι τῇ πόλει | 𐆖 Φ. “Whosoever moves this lid shall pay to the city 500 denarii.” An inscribed column fragment found nearby may have also come from the same basilica. See ICG 3383 (SEG 34.670; BE 1987, no. 445; I.Philippi² 124; AD IV–V): Ὑπὲρ ε[ὐχ]ῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου. “Ex-voto of Alexandros.” For details of the excavations, see Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 215–27 with plans II–VI. 121 ICG 3289A (I.Philippi² 125A; SEG 45.795; AD IV–V): Φλάβιος Γοργόνιος ὁ Κρατεροῦ | καὶ ἡ Γλυκερὶς ἡ Ἀνδρονείκου τοῦ λ(α)μ(προτάτου) | ἐκ πατρίδος Πόντου, οἰκήσαντες | ἐν Φιλίπποις, ἑαυτοῖς καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις ||5 κατεσκεύασαν τὸ ἡρώιον, παρανγέ|λοντες μηδὲν ἐπεισφέρειν σκήνωμα | ἀλλότριον τοῦ γένους. Εἰ δέ τις τολ|μήσιεν δώσει{ι} προστείμου τῇ μὲν | ἁγιωτάτῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ χρυσοῦ ||10 λείτρας δύο, τῷ δὲ ἱερωτάτῳ | ταμείῳ χρυσοῦ λείτρας πέντε. “Flavios Gorgonios, son of Krateros, and Glykeris, daughter of the vir clarissimus Androneikos, from their homeland Pontus, lived in Philippi and built this tomb for themselves and their children, ordering that no one should bury another corpse from another family (here). But if someone dares (to do so), s/he shall pay two pounds of gold as a fine to the most holy church, and of five pounds of gold to the most sacred treasury.” Cf. Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 216–21; BE 1998, no. 631. 122 ICG 3289B (I.Philippi² 125B; SEG 45.795; AD IV–V): Ἀνδρονείκοιο παὶν Γλυκερὶν παράκοιτιν ὀλέσσας | τοῖσδ᾿ ἐνὶ γῆς κόλποις κά[τ]θετο Γοργόνιος ἐκ καμάτων ἰδίων σῆμα τόδ᾿ ἐξανύσας. “Gorgonios, losing his wife Glykeris, the daughter of Androneikos, placed her in the bosom of the earth, having made this tomb from his own toil.” Cf. Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 219–21; BE 1998, no. 631. 123 Cf. Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 220; BE 1998, no. 631; I.Philippi², pp. 134–36. 124 See n. 73 above.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

124

Chapter 4

and the mention of the church as the recipient of the fines are sufficient elements to conclude that Flavios Gorgonios and Glykeris were indeed Christians. Their relation to the other persons buried in the complex is unclear, but they are likely to have belonged to the couple’s household. Evidently, by the late fourth century, the church at Philippi counted within its rank persons of affluence and nobility, and had become a socially significant institution.125 This impression is further reinforced by a late boundary stone found fortuitously near Argyroupolis (ca. 10 km west of Drama), which demarcated the property of a certain Maurentios from that of the “holy church of the Philippians” (Φιλιππισίων ἁγίᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ).126 A vir magnificentissimus, that is, a high official at the imperial court in the fifth or sixth century (and not the metropolite of Philippi),127 Maurentios obviously belonged to the elite of the Philippian church that, by then, had grown sufficiently wealthy as to own an estate side by side with prominent figures such as Maurentios.128 Further, as was claimed in a remarkable, sixth-century, funerary mosaic found in a third (cemeterial?) church or chapel, some twenty meters southeast of the extra muros basilica, the Philippian church had acquired a strong reputation as a community that was “proud of its apostolic bonds in Christ” (ἐκλησία ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀποστολικοῖς | δεσμοῖς ἐν Χριστῷ καυχωμένη, ll. 5–6).129 Laid down over the tomb 125 Cf. Pennas, “Christian Burials at Philippi,” 221; I.Philippes, p. 73; Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 258–63. 126 ICG 3245 (I.Chr. Macédoine 224; BE 1978, no. 306; SEG 27.259; I.Philippi² 528; AD V–VI): (A) [– δι]α[φ]έρο̣[ν] | Μαυρεν|τίου | ✝ μ(εγαλο)π(ρεπεστάτου) ✝. (B) [–]ΜΕΓΕΟ̣ ․․Ν̣ | διαφέ[ρ(ον)] τ̣ῇ | Φιλιππισ(ίων) | ἁγ(ίᾳ) ἐκκλ(ησίᾳ). (A) “… belonging to Maurentios, a vir magnificentissimus.” (B) “… belonging to the holy church of the Philippians.” 127 See Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 191), contra Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou (ArchD 27 B2 [1977]: 575), who misread Α(ΡΧΙ)Ε(ΠΙΣΚΟΠΟΥ) on the first line of face A. On the title and function, see Koch, Beamtentitel, 45–58; Demandt, Spätantike, 199–200. 128 C. Brélaz recently recognized another boundary stone of the Philippian church in the reused Latin epitaph I.Philippi² 402, which was found near a mill at Kalamonas. See ICG 4056 (I.Philippi² 403; AD V–VI). The revised text will appear in the third volume of I.Philippes. 129 ICG 3389 (BE 2019, no. 285; AD VI): + Κωνσταντίνου τοῦ βασιλέ|ως ἡ πόλις ἐμὲ ἠνέγκατο : ἥτις ἀπεπέμ|ψατο ἐν τῇ Φιλίππου : τοῦ τῶν Μα|κεδώνων : ἧς ἡ προκαθημένη παγκή||5ρυκτος ἐκλησ(ία) καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀποστολικοῖς | δεσμ(οῖς) ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ καυχωμένη : ἐν τοῖς κόλ|ποις δεξα�μένη με : + : διά τε θίων δογμάτων | καὶ πατρικῶν αὐτῆς συγκροτήσεων | ὁρατῶς καὶ νοητῶς γνησίως ἀνε||10θρέψατο : ὧν : Ἰάκωβος μὲν : ὁ ἀοίδημος | ἐν μνήμαις : τῇ τῶν ἀναγνωστῶν αὐ|τῆς χώρᾳ μὲ ἐνκατέταξεν : + : Δημ⟨ή⟩τριος δὲ | ὁ διὰ βίου σώφρονος Θ(εὸ)ν καὶ βασιλέας : θε|ραπεύ�σας ἐν τῷ τῶν διακόνων συλ||15λόγῳ ἐπανήγαγεν : + : ὁ δὲ τούτων δι|άδοχος : καὶ τῶν εὐαγγελικῶν παραγ|γελμάτων βέβαιος φύλαξ : Βισάλτιος | + ὁ ἐκ Θ(εο)ῦ δοθεὶς ἡμεῖν ποιμὴν : τῆς τε πατρί|δος : καὶ τῆς πόλεω̣ [ς θερ]μὸς προστάτης ||20 καὶ κηδεμὼν ἐν [τῇ τῶν πρ]εσβυτέρων | καθέδρᾳ ἱδρυ̣[– –]ν ὄνομα δέ μοι | Δανιήλ : ὅς : τό[δε σῆ]μα ζῶν : hedera | ἑαυτῷ κατεσκ[εύασα]

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

125

of the presbyter Daniel and his “reverent wife and sister in Christ” Aspilia, the epitaph retraces Daniel’s cursus clericalis within the Philippian Christian community. Sent by the “city of king Constantine” (i.e., Constantinople) to that “of Philip (king) of the Macedonians,” Daniel was nurtured in the church’s “divine ordinances” (διά τε θίων δογμάτων … ἀνε|θρέψατο, ll. 7–10), and progressed through the lower clerical ranks of reader and deacon before being eventually made a presbyter. Incidentally, Daniel’s epitaph also reveals the identity of two, hitherto unknown, bishops under whose supervision he served and who join the long list of late antique bishops at Philippi.130 The “notoriously remembered Iakobos” (Ἰάκωβος ὁ ἀοίδημος | ἐν μνήμαις, ll. 10–11) appointed him among the readers. The “prudent Demetrios who served God and kings his entire life” (Δημ⟨ή⟩τριος δὲ | ὁ διὰ βίου σώφρονος Θ(εὸ)ν καὶ βασιλέας θε|ραπεύσας, ll. 12–14) led him into the assembly of deacons.131 Finally, their successor Bisaltios, the “firm guardian of evangelical ordinances” (τῶν εὐαγγελικῶν παραγ|γελμάτων βέβαιος φύλαξ, ll. 16–17), the “God-given shepherd and fervent(?) leader and protector” of Philippi (ὁ ἐκ Θεοῦ δοθεὶς ἡμεῖν ποιμὴν τῆς τε πατρί|δος καὶ τῆς πόλεω̣ [ς θερ]μὸς προστάτης | καὶ κηδεμών, ll. 18–20), likely promoted him to the office of presbyter. While none of the remaining Christian epitaphs from Philippi match Daniel’s remarkable funerary mosaic, they nonetheless provide some insight into the social composition of the local Christian community. The fourthcentury epitaphs of the teacher (διδάσκαλος) Kyriakos and of the manager (πραγματευτής) Severos seen in the previous section (if they were indeed Christians)132 can probably be counted among the few Philippian examples καὶ τῇ ἐμῇ γνησίᾳ | συμβίῳ καὶ ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ ἀδελφῇ hedera | Ἀσπιλίᾳ τῇ σεμνοτάτῃ + hedera. “The city of king Constantine brought me forth (and) sent me away to the (city) of Philip, (the king) of the Macedonians, whose residential church is renowned and proud of her apostolic bonds in Christ. Receiving me in her bosom, she brought (me) up nobly through her divine ordinances and hereditary support in a visible way and invisible (i.e., mental) way. The notoriously remembered Iakobos appointed me among the readers, while Demetrios, who was prudent throughout life in serving God and kings, led me into the assembly of deacons. And their successor and firm guardian of evangelical ordinances, Bisaltios, our God-given shepherd and fervent(?) leader and protector of our fatherland and city (seated me?) in the chair of presbyters. My name is Daniel, who prepared this tomb in my lifetime for myself and my lawful wife and sister in Christ, the revered Aspilia.” Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 286–88 (no. I, 1.34), with pls. 170–171. On the archaeological context, see ibid., 113–14, 286 (n. 1409), 288. 130 See Lemerle, Philippes, 268–80. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 413. 131 This might be the same Demetrios mentioned by Procopius, Goth. 3.5. Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 271. 132 See ICG 3252 and 3253 (I.Chr. Macédoine 231 and 232) in nn. 66–67 above.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

126

Chapter 4

that record the occupation of the deceased—the phenomenon is more common in Christian inscriptions from Attica and the Corinthia.133 Just as the “newly baptized Christian teacher” (διδάσκαλος χρηστιανὸς νεοφώτειστος) from Thessalonica,134 Kyriakos was probably a school teacher (rather than an instructor of catechumens),135 while Severos was likely an estate manager (actor/ vilicus),136 such as those mentioned in several Greek and Latin inscriptions from Philippi and Kavala.137 Only a few similar inscriptions mentioning occupations have been discovered at Philippi. One peculiar example is a circular hopscotch game (∅ 1 m) by/for the butcher (μάγειρος) Ioannes that was inscribed on the floor of the northern hall of the macellum (before it was destroyed to make way for the basilica B in the sixth century), and which was adorned with two simple crosses likely indicating the shop owner’s faith.138 One of several board games found scattered around the forum and macellum,139 it may have been intended as a topos inscription for Ioannes’s meat shop or stall,140 or simply to entertain bored customers and bystanders.141 Ioannes, who was likely a butcher (rather than a cook),142 is one of the few Christian μάγειροι known from Greece and

133 Sironen, “Early Christian Inscriptions from the Corinthia,” 201–3. 134 ICG 3141 (I.Chr. Macédoine 123). 135 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 195. 136 Cf. Collart, Philippes, 289; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 197. Another Christian πραγματευτής named Nikandros is known at Philippi, but his epitaph has not been published yet. See Bakirtzis, “Ἔκθεση Παλαιοχριστιανικῶν ἀρχαιοτήτων,” 95; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 18 (n. 84bis). 137 E.g., I.Philippi² 248, 333, 344, 432, 525. 138 ICG 3250 (I.Chr. Macédoine 229; BE 1948, no. 107; I.Philippi² 247; AD IV–VI): ✝ Ἰωάννου | ✝ μαγ[ί]ρου. “(Game/place?) of Ioannes, butcher.” The inscription is written in circular fashion around the game, one letter per slot. Concerning cross graffiti on the doorposts of individual shops, see the discussion in Jacobs, “Cross Graffiti,” 186. 139 Cf. Collart, Philippes, 362; Coupry, “Un joueur de marelle,” 102 (n. 5); Sève and Weber, Phi­ lippes, 74–75. For a brief description of the macellum (53  ×  27 m), see De Ruyt, Macellum, 133–37. 140 The two crosses are particularly intriguing, their use being quite rare in public inscriptions before the fourth century (so Lemerle). They might have been meant to reassure potential customers that the meat sold met Christian dietary standards (i.e., that it had not been dedicated to pagan deities). On the significance of the other two crosses carved in the rock of the acropolis at Philippi, see below in sec. 2.4 and Lemerle, Philippes, 85–86 (with add., p. 519). On this type of inscriptions, see also Ascough, “Τόπος Inscriptions.” 141 Cf. Coupry, “Un joueur de marelle,” 104–5. On this particular type of board games, see Lamer, “Lusoria tabula,” 1987–88 (no. 45). 142 Cf. Coupry, “Un joueur de marelle,” 104; Robert, “Grèce centrale,” 448 (n. 4). See also Rankin, ΜΑΓΕΙΡΟΙ, 64–66.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

127

Asia Minor,143 a profession that is itself seldom mentioned in inscriptions in the Roman era.144 Equally exceptional is the “receiver” (ὑποδέκτης) Ioannes, the husband of the deaconess Agathe, who was also a linen-worker or seller (ὀθονίτης).145 The nature of his responsibilities as a ὑποδέκτης are difficult to determine in the absence of a specific context and comparable epigraphic evidence.146 Given his second vocation as an ὀθονίτης, Peter Pilhofer concluded that Ioannes held the office of church treasurer (“Kassierer [‘Kirchmeister’?]”),147 even though no mention of the church is made and the terms more commonly used to designate administrators of public or religious treasuries were either ταμίας (quaestor in Latin) or οἰκονόμος (especially in the church).148 If he was indeed some kind of church treasurer, then he would have presumably been responsible for collecting donations and bequests, or perhaps funerary fines in the case of tomb desecrations.149 But Ioannes could have equally been a “receiver” of imported products at a warehouse or, more likely, a tax or duty collector,150 similar to those attested in papyri from the fourth century.151 143 See, e.g., ICG 1921 (IG II/III² 5.13343; AD V–VI); MAMA 3.82 (AD V–VI). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 194. 144 The term is more frequently observed in inscriptions at Delphi and Olympia in relation to the performance of sacrifices. See Rankin, ΜΑΓΕΙΡΟΙ, 55–64. 145 ICG 3381 (I.Philippi² 115; AD V): ✝ Κυμιτίριον | διαφέροντα | Ἀγάθης δια|κόνου καὶ Ἰω||άν⟨ν⟩ου ὑποδέ|κτου κὲ ὠθο|νιτοῦ ✝. “Tomb belonging to Agathe, a deaconess, and to Ioannes, a ‘receiver’ (of public/church dues?) and linen-worker/seller(?).” The noun ὀθονίτης seems to derive from ὀθόνη (“fine linen or cloth”; cf. s.v. in LSJ and PGL). Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 18 n. 84bis) understands him to be a “marchand de toile”—Philippi was certainly not known as a production center for the textile industry. Cf. Mentzu-Meimare, Συμβολαί, 107–8; Sodini, “L’artisanat urbain,” 90–92; Labarre and Le Dinahet, “Les métiers du textile,” 59. An unpublished epitaph for another Ioannes, which features a large Latin cross with foliage at its foot, is also on display at the archaeological museum of Philippi. 146 The term is rarely attested in comparison to ἀποδέκτης, which is commonly found in Attic inscriptions from the Classical and Hellenistic periods (e.g., IG I³ 84, ll. 16–17; IG II/III³ 1.298, l. 43). 147 I.Philippi², p. 122. Cf. Abrahamsen, “Women at Philippi,” 23 (n. 22): “treasury official.” 148 Cf. Wipszycka, Les ressources et les activités économiques des églises, 135–41. But see PGL, s.v. ὑποδέκτης. 149 Cf. ICG 3252 (I.Chr. Macédoine 231), 3253 (I.Chr. Macédoine 232), 3289A (I.Philippi² 125A). On the administration of church finances in late antiquity, see esp. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 894–910. 150 Feissel understands him to be a “percepteur,” which is the sense more commonly encountered in literary sources (e.g., John Chrysostom, Laz. 4.4 [PG 48:988: exactor]; hom. in Mt. 85.4 [PG 58:762: exceptores]; Justinian, Novellae 163.2 [Schoell: susceptor]). See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 18 (n. 84bis). Cf. PGL, s.v. ὑποδέκτης. 151 E.g., P.Col. 7.150, 161 (Karanis, AD 347–351). Cf. Oertel, Liturgie, 222–25; Lallemand, L’ad­ ministration civile de l’Égypte, 212–15.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

128

Chapter 4

Rather less ambiguous is the (common) occupation of Alexandros, a builder or architect (οἰκοδόμος) whose sizeable marble tombstone was found reemployed in the eastern necropolis.152 Given that the term could refer to a range of building activities and implies varying levels of knowledge and experience, Alexandros might have simply been a builder with basic training and no significant responsibility on construction sites. Alternatively, he might have been one of the accomplished workers or foremen from Constantinople or Thessalonica who were likely employed to build one of the basilicas erected in Philippi between the fourth and sixth centuries.153 Little else is known of the economic activities of the Philippian Christians, and not much can be deduced about their involvement in the military either, which is known to have drawn large numbers from Macedonia.154 One reemployed epitaph found in basilica B does indicate that a Christian woman named Theodora, a “slave of God” (δούλη τοῦ Θεοῦ), was married to a centurion of Greek origin.155 However, nothing is said about her husband Agroikios. If he did share her faith, then he would be one of the very few Christian military officers attested in Macedonia.156 Theodora’s epitaph is one of six inscriptions found reemployed in the large sixth-century basilica B, the so-called Direkler basilica erected immediately south of the forum.157 Others include the imposing marble stele of the devout lector Aresias, the second known liturgist at Philippi whose tombstone was as carefully engraved as that of Theodora.158 By comparison, the remaining few inscriptions retrieved from the basilica B and the extra muros basilica 152 ICG 3269 (I.Chr. Macédoine 248; SEG 30.584; I.Philippi² 116; AD V–VI): ✝ Μνῆμα | Ἀλεξάν|δρου οἰ|κοδόμου || καὶ τῆ⟨ς⟩ συν|βίου αὐτοῦ | ἅμα τῇ γλυ|κυτάτῃ μη|τρ{ρ}ί {ι}. “Tomb of Alexandros, builder, and his wife, together with his dearest mother.” 153 Cf. Sodini, “L’artisanat urbain,” 79. See also Mentzu-Meimare, Συμβολαί, 169–76; Orlandos and Travlos, Λεξικόν, s.v. οἰκοδόμος; Hellmann, Recherches, 296–97. 154 Sarikakis, “Des soldats Macédoniens.” 155 ICG 3267 (I.Chr. Macédoine 246; I.Philippi² 268; AD IV–V): + Ἐνθάδε κῖτε | ἡ δούλη τοῦ Θ̣ (εο)ῦ | Θεοδώρα γαμ̣ η̣τὴ̣ | Ἀγρυκίου κεντυ̣|ρίων̣ο̣ς.̣ “Here lies the servant of God, Theodora, wife of Agroikios, a centurion.” A cross with vine leaves on both sides was once visible at the top of the stele. Pilhofer (I.Philippi², p. 332) noted the presence of an unpublished Christian Latin inscription lying next to it in the narthex of basilica B. 156 Others include the ταξεώτης Demetrios from Thessalonica (ICG 3169; I.Chr. Macédoine 149), the protector and comes Valentinus from Beroea (ICG 3643; I.Beroia 438), the eparchos Stephanos and the optio Ioannes from Edessa (ICG 3602; I.Kato Maked. II 336), and the spectabilis Romylos from Diocletianopolis (ICG 3700; I.Ano Maked. 203). 157 Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 101–3. For a detailed description of basilica B, see Lemerle, Phi­ lippes, 415–513. 158 ICG 3263 (I.Chr. Macédoine 242; I.Philippi² 292; AD V–VI): + Κοιμητήρι[ον] | διαφέροντα̣ | Ἀρε­σίου τοῦ εὐ|λαβεστάτου | ἀναγνώστου καὶ | τῆς συνβίου αὐτοῦ. “Tomb belonging to Aresias, the most devout lector, and to his wife.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

129

are roughly cut, cheaply decorated, and without any refined formulary, which suggests a relative decline in the local epigraphic habit in the late fifth and sixth centuries.159 This is no more evident than with the unadorned epitaphs of the two men named Philokyrios and of Eutychiane,160 which lack any ostentatious symbols. By contrast, Petros’s marble stele features a carefully incised Latin cross splitting the inscription in half,161 while that of Euodiane and Dorothea displays a large Maltese cross at the top.162 These epitaphs nonetheless highlight further the predominantly Greek character of the church in late antiquity.163 Herakleon,164 Kyriakos and Nikandra,165 Harmodios and Charidemos,166 Alexandra and Glyker(i)os (or Glykeria?), whose tombstone was decorated with a poorly executed cross with unequal branches,167 obviously all bore common Greek names. No other Christian inscription seems to have been recovered from basilica B. The last known Christian epitaph from the eastern suburb of Philippi is that of the deaconess (διακόνισσα) Posidonia and the canoness (κανονική) Pancharia, whose Hellenistic-styled stele also features three Maltese crosses at the top underneath its pediment.168 Little is known of canonesses, who may have been celibate (ascetic?) women involved in charitable works and funeral

159 Cf. Lemerle, “Inscriptions,” 160. 160 ICG 3270 (I.Chr. Macédoine 249; I.Philippi² 308; AD V–VI): Μεμόριον | Φιλοκυρί|ου καὶ Εὐ|τυχιανῆς. “Tomb of Philokyrios and Eutychiane.”—ICG 3382 (I.Philippi² 123; SEG 34.667; BE 1987, no. 445; AD V–VI): Μεμόριον Φιλοκυρί[ου]. “Tomb of Philokyrios.” 161 ICG 3266 (I.Chr. Macédoine 245; I.Philippi² 293; AD V–VI): ✝ [Κοι]μη|[τή]ριο|ν | Πέτρου | ΔΥ ΓΑ+. “Tomb of Petros …?” 162 ICG 3380 (I.Philippi² 114; AD V–VI): ✠ Κυμ(ητήριον) Εὐοδι|ανῆς κέ Δω|ροθέας. “Tomb of Euodiane and Dorothea.” 163 Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 102. 164 ICG 3271 (I.Chr. Macédoine 250; I.Philippi² 110; SEG 19.450; AD V–VI): ✝ Ἑρακλέ|ωνο̣[ς] | μιμό[ριον] | ἐν τω̣ [….]. “Monument of Herakleon.” 165 ICG 3264 (I.Chr. Macédoine 243; I.Philippi² 274; AD IV–V): ✝ Κοιμητ̣ή̣|ριον Κυρια̣|κοῦ καὶ Νικ[ά]|ν̣δ̣ρ̣α̣ς.̣ “Tomb of Kyriakos and Nikandra.” 166 ICG 4455 (AE 2018, no. 1448; AD IV–VI): Κοιμ(ητήριον) Ἁρ̣μωδ̣ίου | κ(αὶ) Χαριδήμου | ὃ ἠγοράσαμε[ν] | παρὰ Μαρτυρίου || πληρώσαντες | τὰς τιμάς. “Tomb of Harmodios and Charidemos, which we bought from Martyrios, having paid the full price.” 167 ICG 3265 (I.Chr. Macédoine 244; I.Philippi² 275; AD V–VI): + Κοιμητ(ήριον) | Ἀλεξά(ν)|δρας κ(αὶ) Γλ[υ]|κερ[ίου(?)]. “Tomb of Alexandra and Glykerios(?).” Note the unusual order of the deceased’s names here: the female precedes the male, which suggests that the former was the mother of the latter (rather than his wife). 168 ICG 3262 (I.Chr. Macédoine 241; I.Philippi² 077; AD IV–V): ✠ ✠ ✠ | + κοιμ(ητήριον) διαφέρ|ον­τα Ποσιδω|νίας διακ(ονίσσης) κ(αὶ) Πα|νχαρίας ἐλαχ(ίστης) | κανονικῆς ✠. “Tomb belonging to Posidonia, the deaconess, and to Pancharia, the most humble kanonike.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

130

Chapter 4

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 5

ICG 3380 (I.Philippi2 114): epitaph of Euodiane and Dorothea, archaeological museum of Philippi photo by J.M. Ogereau; © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

131

services.169 Along with the deaconess Agathe mentioned above,170 Posidonia and Pancharia are the only two female church officers attested at Philippi, which in turn makes it difficult to assess the role and significance of women in the eastern Macedonian church. 2.4 Apotropaic Inscriptions A detailed survey of the Christian epigraphic evidence from the city of Philippi would not be complete without examining the two badly damaged, fifth- or sixth-century, apotropaic inscriptions discovered outside the eastern Neapolis gate. The first document, which consists of three small marble fragments, appears to have been an invocation to Christ and the Virgin Mary and includes a short prayer for the divine protection of the city and its inhabitants: “[Lord Jesus Christ, born of the] Virgin Mary, crucified [because of us, help] this [city] to stand for all [time and keep its] inhabitants in you for [your] glory.”171 The restored text by Henri Grégoire is rather unusual (for an inscriptions placed at a city gate), but the prayer does present some similarities with contemporary liturgy and with a shorter invocation found at Amphipolis.172 The second inscription, which is now lost, consists of a very fragmented marble copy of Abgar’s two-part correspondence with Jesus. It belongs to a rich and complex tradition of apocryphal letters translated in several languages and preserved on various media (i.e., parchment, ostracon, stone, and metal) during the late antique and Byzantine eras.173 The following restoration by Denis Feissel is based on two very similar epigraphic versions from Ephesus and Gurdju (Pontus),174 as well as on Eusebius’s fourth-century copy.175 Part A, 169 Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 92–93; Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Ly­caonia, 665–67; Eisen, Amtsträgerinnen, 183–84. 170 ICG 3381 (I.Philippi² 115). 171 ICG 3244 (I.Chr. Macédoine 223; I.Philippi² 130; AD V–VI): [Κύριε Ἰησοῦ Χριστὲ γεννηθεὶς ἐκ τῆς π]α̣ρ̣θέ|νου Μαρ̣ί ̣ας ̣ σ̣ ταυρ̣[ωθεὶς δι᾿ ἡμᾶς, βοήθει τῇ πόλ]ε̣ι ταύτῃ | στῆναι εἰς ἅπαντ̣[α χρόνον καὶ φύλαξον τοὺς ἐ]ν̣ σοὶ κατο[ι]|κ̣ οῦντας εἰς δόξα̣ ̣[ν σου]. vac [–] παρθέν[–]. The vertical bars here indicate the borders between fragments A and B, and not the end of the lines. 172 See ICG 3647 (SEG 47.881) in n. 257 below. 173 More than one hundred literary testimonia attest to the legend. See von Dobschütz, Christusbilder, 158*–249*. Cf. id., “Briefwechsel”; Picard, “Abgar,” 49–50; Lemerle, Philippes, 87–88. 174 I.Ephesos 46 (AD V–VI); Studia Pontica III 211 (AD IV?). Another fragment of Jesus’s response has been found at Hadji Keui (Pontus). Cf. Picard, “Abgar,” 42, 52; Lemerle, Phi­ lippes, 89. See also von Dobschütz, “Briefwechsel,” 422–26; Grégoire, I.Chr. Asie Mineure, pp. 37–39. 175 Eusebius, h.e. 1.13 (cf. 2.1.6–8). A fourth incomplete Greek inscription found in a cave near Edessa (Osroene) along with a papyrus copy from Nessana (P.Ness. 2.7) testify of the sixth-century editorial work that produced the final epistula Abgari. The first epigraphic

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

132

Chapter 4

which is made up of nine fragments, contains Abgar’s initial letter to Jesus and his request for healing:176 A.   vac [+ Ἄβγα]ρ̣ος Οὐχαμᾶ τοπάρχης Ἰ(ησο)ῦ ἀ̣[γαθῷ σ(ωτῆ)ρι ἀναφανέντι ] [ἐν πόλει Ἱ]ε̣ρ̣οσολύμων χαίρειν̣.  [ vac   ] [Ἤκουσταί μ]ο̣ι ̣ τὰ περὶ σοῦ κ(αὶ) τῶν σῶ̣ [ν ἰαμάτων, ὡς ἄνευ ] [βοταν]ῶ̣ ν κ(αὶ) φαρ̣μ̣άκων ὑπὸ σοῦ γι ̣[νομένων, – – – – – – –  ] 5 [– λόγ]ῳ̣ τυφλοὺς ἀναβ̣ λ̣έπειν ποιεῖς, χωλοὺς ̣ [περιπατεῖν, vac? ] [κ(αὶ) λεπρο]ὺ̣ς καθαρ[ίζεις] κ̣ (αὶ) ἀκάθα̣ρ̣τα̣ ̣ [πνεύματα ἐκβάλλεις κ(αὶ)] [τοὺς ἐν μ]α̣κρονοσί ̣[ᾳ βασανιζομένους θεραπεύεις. ] [Ταῦτ]α̣ π̣ ά[ν]τ̣α̣ ἀ̣κ̣ο̣ύ̣[σας περὶ σοῦ, – – – – – – – –] ἢ ὅτι σὺ εἶ ὁ θ(εὸ)ς [– – – – ἢ υἱὸς εἶ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ ποιῶν] 10 ταῦτα. Ἰδού, [– – – – – ἐδεήθην σου σκυλῆναι πρός με] κ̣ (αὶ) τὸ πάθος [ὃ ἔχω θεραπεῦσαι. – καταγογγύζου-] σ̣ ί ̣ν σου κ(αὶ) ὑ̣[– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –πόλις] μικροτ̣[άτη μοί ἐστι κ(αὶ) σεμνή, ἥτις ἐξαρκεῖ ἀμφοτέροις. +] [Abgar], son of Ouchama, toparch, to Jesus, [(the) good savior who appeared in the city of] Jerusalem, greetings. vac [I have heard] about you and your [healings] that you performed [without plants] and remedies. [By your word] you make the blind to see again, the lame [to walk, vac?], you purify [the lepers], and [expel] impure [spirits], [and heal those afflicted] by a long illness. Having heard all [these] things [about you … I became convinced that] you are either God [… or the son of God who does] these things. Behold, [I have prayed to you to trouble yourself with me] and [to heal] the affliction I have … [(I have heard that the Jews) murmur] against you and […? I have] a tiny [and respectable city, which is enough for both (of us).] Part B, whose size cannot be determined precisely as only four small fragments have survived, features Jesus’s response to Abgar. It was written in larger and slightly more spaced-out letters, as if to highlight the importance of Jesus’s reply.177 It likely closed with a promise to protect the city, an important clause

copy (in Sahidic) ever discovered was on a Coptic tomb near Faras, in the Nubian desert. See Picard, “Abgar,” 50; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 186. 176 ICG 3243 (I.Chr. Macédoine 222; I.Philippi² 131; AD V–VI). Cf. Picard, “Abgar,” 41–69; Lemerle, Philippes, 87–90. 177 Picard, “Abgar,” 48. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

133

of inviolability that also concluded the Ephesian and Gurdju copies,178 but which was probably unknown to Eusebius (who used an earlier Syriac version obtained from the local archives of Edessa):179

5

10

B. [+ Μακάριος εἶ πιστεύσας ἐν ἐμοὶ μὴ ἑορα-] [κώς με· γέγραπται γὰρ περὶ ἐμοῦ τοὺς ἑο-] [ρακότας με μὴ πιστεύσειν ἐν ἐμοὶ κ(αὶ) ἵνα] [οἱ μὴ ἑορακότες με αὐτοὶ πιστεύσωσι κ(αὶ)] [ζήσον]τ̣α̣[ι· περὶ δὲ οὗ ἔγραψάς μοι ἐλθεῖν] [πρός] σε δέ̣[ον ἐστὶ πάντα δι᾿ ἃ ἀπεστάλην] [ἐνταῦθ]α πλη̣[ρῶσαι κ(αὶ) οὕτως ἀναληφθῆναι] [πρὸς τ]ὸν ἀπ[οστείλαντά με – – – – – – – κ(αὶ)] [ἐπει]δ̣ὰν ἀν[αληφθῶ – – – – – – – – – – – – –] [ἀποσ]τέλλω σ[οί τινα τῶν μαθητῶν μου ἵνα?] [ζω]ὴ̣ ν αἰών[ιον κ(αὶ) εἰρήνην κ(αὶ) σοὶ κ(αὶ) τοῖς] [σ]ὺν σοὶ π[αράσχηται κ(αὶ) τῇ πό]λ̣ ει̣ ̣ σο[υ –] [–] π̣ ρὸς τὸ̣ [μηδένα τῶν ἐχθρῶ]ν σου [ἐξου-] [σίαν τ]α̣ύ̣τ[̣ ης ἔχειν ἢ σχεῖν π]ο̣τ[̣ ε. +] [Blessed are you who have believed in me without having seen me. For it is written about me (that) those who have seen me will not believe in me, and (that) those who have not seen me will believe and live. And concerning the (letter) that you wrote to me, to come to] you, [it is necessary] to fulfil [all the things for which I was sent here and thus to be taken up to] the one who sent [me … and] when(?) I am taken up […?] I send [to you one of my disciples so that(?)] eternal life [and peace (may be) to you and to those] with you, [and to] your city […] so that [none of] your [enemies may gain power] (over) it [or seize it].

The third-century origins and development of the Abgar tradition need not concern us here, as these questions have been examined at great length elsewhere.180 What is more important to consider is the actual purpose of the 178 Picard, “Abgar,” 51. The clause was likely due to Syrian influence and probably date from the late fourth century. See von Dobschütz, Christusbilder, 102–4; id., “Briefwechsel,” 423; Picard, “Abgar,” 52–53. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 189. 179 Eusebius, h.e. 1.13. On the origin of Eusebius’s copy, see von Dobschütz, “Briefwechsel,” 433, 448, 454. 180 The fundamental study remains von Dobschütz, Christusbilder, 102–96 and 158*–249*. See also id., “Briefwechsel,” 422–86; Picard, “Abgar”; DACL 1:87–97; Kirsten, “Edessa,” 588–93; Drijvers, “Abgarsage.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

134

Chapter 4

letter, which remains the only exemplar discovered at a city gate.181 Whether parts A and B were engraved on the same plate next to each other, or on separate plates on either side of the gate, is not entirely clear. What the letter’s final clause (frag. B, ll. 12–14) and actual display location strongly suggest, however, is that it fulfilled an apotropaic function, function which is well attested in Greek and Syrian traditions as the letter became increasingly employed as an amulet to ward off evil and diseases from the fourth century onward.182 The copy at the eastern Neapolis gate may thus have been put on display as a kind of palladium to safeguard the city against potential invaders, who, ironically, would later come from the north (and not the east) between the fifth and the seventh centuries.183 But it could have also been meant in a more general prophylactic manner,184 or to supplant pagan apotropaic deities that were commonly honored with statues or altars in niches of city gates throughout Macedonia and the island of Thasos.185 The large altar dedicated to Isis for the safety of the colony (pro salute coloniae),186 which was discovered by the same eastern gate, is a good example of such pagan cultic practices, which the Philippian Christians sought to “exorcize” by subsequently engraving a cross and a dove on its right lateral face.187 Similar acts of consecration (or of spatial appropriation) are also attested on the acropolis, where two Latin crosses were cut into the face of the cliff 181 Cf. Picard, “Abgar,” 56. 182 The Nubian and, possibly, the Edessan copies, which were both found in necropoleis, suggest its protective power might have been applied to the netherworld as well. The Ephesian version, which was discovered engraved on the lintel of a house, illustrates its apotropaic usage in private dwellings. The Abgar legend itself developed from an alleged incident related by the bishop of Edessa to the pélerine d’Aquitaine, during which the original letter had supposedly been brandished to put to flight a besieging Persian army. The autographed document was then kept as some sort of talisman, before being copied, distributed, and employed in a similar way throughout the Latin West and the Greek East. See von Dobschütz, Christusbilder, 104–9, 178–79; id., “Briefwechsel,” 467–85; Picard, “Abgar,” 43, 53, 56–57; Collart, Philippes, 466–68; Lemerle, Philippes, 87–88; Kirsten, “Edessa,” 590–91. 183 Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 89–90, 106–18. 184 So Lemerle, Philippes, 89–90. 185 See Picard, “Abgar,” 59–63; Lemerle, Philippes, 90. Reliefs of the Dioscuri may have also been displayed at the Golden gate in Thessalonica. See Edson, “Cults of Thessalonica,” 199–204. 186 I.Philippes 23 (mid-AD II). 187 It is not entirely clear whether the altar was initially erected by the gate (so Brélaz, I.Philippes, p. 118), or in the Egyptian sanctuary on the slopes of the acropolis, from which it may have been moved later on (so Picard, “Les dieux de la colonie,” 182–83 n. 7). Cf. Collart, Philippes, 467.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

135

overlooking the many votive reliefs dedicated to Artemis/Diana.188 The first one was roughly incised right above the reliefs themselves, while the second one was engraved with a more confident hand, in a neatly carved square frame (similar to that used for pagan votives), on the right-hand side of the ramp leading up to the Egyptian sanctuary.189 Their position vis-à-vis the reliefs suggests that they may have played an apotropaic role as well, unless they were simply meant to purify the acropolis where pagan cults had been celebrated since Hellenistic times at least.190 Whatever their real purpose may have been, these two crosses and the two apotropaic inscriptions at the Neapolis gate further illustrate how Philippi was progressively Christianized in late antiquity as some, perhaps the majority, of its inhabitants reappropriated for themselves ancient sacred spaces and placed their city under the protection of Christ and of the Virgin Mary.191 2.5 Christian Monumental Architecture The desire to Christianize Philippi with ecclesiastical monuments is further evidenced by the vast building program that transformed the central civic landscape in late antiquity.192 Beside the basilica of Paul, the Octagon, and the extra muros churches mentioned previously,193 a total of four basilicas were constructed within the city walls in the late fifth and sixth centuries. Most impressive among them are basilicas A and B excavated in the 1930s, which enclosed the forum to the north and south (while the Octagon edged it to the east). Built in the late fifth or the early sixth century, basilica A (55  ×  39.5 m) featured a monumental propylaeum and a large atrium (39  ×  30 m) paved in marble

188 Collart and Ducrey, Les reliefs rupestres, 246 nos. 162–163 (with p. 182, figs. 198–199). 189 See Heuzey and Daumet, Mission archéologique, 85–86 (pl. IV.9); Picard, “Les dieux de la colonie,” 200; Collart, Philippes, 466–67 (pl. LXXXIII.1 and 2); Collart and Ducrey, Les reliefs rupestres, 182–83 (with nn. 162–163 and figs. 198–199), 246. Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 85. 190 Cf. Heuzey and Daumet, Mission archéologique, 86; Collart and Ducrey, Les reliefs rupestres, 32, 246; Lemerle, Philippes, 85. Tsochos (Makedonien, 45) remains unsure about the significance of these crosses. But see the general discussion in Jacobs, “Cross Graffiti.” On the pagan votives themselves, see Picard, “Les dieux de la colonie,” 117–201; Collart and Ducrey, Les reliefs rupestres. 191 A Byzantine cross was also engraved within a niche on a supporting stone of the Krenides gate. See Roger, “Philippes,” 33 (pl. XII.A). Cf. Lemerle, Philippes, 86. 192 For recent overviews, see Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 67–87; Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes”; Sève, “Philippes en Macédoine,” 197–202. Cf. Pele­ kanidis, “Οι Φίλιπποι”; Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 261–62. 193 Cf. sec. 2.1 and 2.3 above.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

136

Figure 6

Chapter 4

Christian monuments of Philippi in late antiquity © EFA/Patrick Weber, Samuel Provost, 2013; with the permission of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Kavala, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

137

(a feature that has been associated with pilgrimage activity).194 Extending over the entire upper esplanade (where temples dedicated to the Capitoline Triad had presumably stood),195 the massive transept structure would have effectively dominated the entire civic landscape on the northern side. Sadly, little has survived of the two-storeyed, three-aisled monument apart from marble columns, stylobates, and capitals, and no inscription has been recovered in situ either on stone or on mosaics. This is likely due to its brutal destruction (possibly following an earthquake) and the reemployment of some of its architectural elements as construction material in basilica B.196 Later in the sixth century, basilica A was matched on the opposite, southern side of the forum by an equally impressive basilica B (ca. 40   ×   30 m), the so-called Direkler (i.e., “column”) basilica, which was erected on top of the macellum and palaestra.197 Slightly shorter than basilica A, it was built in the Constantinopolitan style characterizing Justinianic cupola basilicas (such as the Hagia Sophia) by using a significant number of architectural elements from earlier Roman monuments. It is unlikely that it was ever put in service, however, as the cupola appears to have collapsed before the basilica was finished (probably as a result of an earthquake in the 620s),198 and since the naos (with its pavement, altar, and synthronon) and the atrium were never completed. Finally, a third basilica (C) has been partially excavated on the southwestern slopes of the acropolis (next to the modern museum), immediately west of basilica A, while a sixth-century(?) basilica (D, 46  ×  22 m?) has been tentatively identified further to the west of the city.199 Probably constructed in the early sixth century initially, the three-aisled structure (38.20   ×   27.50 m) was converted into a transept basilica in the middle of the sixth century. It was fitted with luxurious marble revetment and featured two ambos, including one shaped like a fan that was similar to that found in the Rotunda at Thessalonica.200 194 For a detailed study, see Lemerle, Philippes, 281–412. Cf. Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1529–33; Rizos, “Paulus et Sileas,” 110–16. 195 On the site itself, see Lemerle, Philippes, 283–90. It remains unclear to which deities these temples were dedicated. See Sève and Weber, Philippes, 19–20, 32–38. Cf. id., “Le côté Nord” (see esp. pp. 579–81). 196 Lemerle, Philippes, 289. 197 Lemerle, Philippes, 415–513. Cf. Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1536–40. 198 Lemerle, Philippes, 424–25. Cf. Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1538. 199 Provost and Boyd, “Philippes, les quartiers Sud-Ouest,” 492–96; id., “Philippes, les quartiers Ouest,” 460–69. The epitaph of Aurelios Kapiton (ICG 3254; I.Chr. Macédoine 233) was found reemployed in the cemetery adjacent to the Byzantine chapel that was built in the ruins of basilica D. 200 Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, “Η ανασκαφή στη βασιλική του Μουσείου”; ead., “Η βασιλική του Μουσείου Φιλίππων”; ead., “Οἱ δύο ἄμβωνες”; Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Marki, Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

138

Figure 7

Chapter 4

Basilica B, Philippi photo by N. Stournaras; © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports

As at Stobi, which counted no fewer than four intra muros basilicas,201 the number of churches at Philippi in the sixth century appears to have exceeded the liturgical needs of the local population, even though it is not clear how long basilica A was in use and whether basilica B was ever inaugurated. This suggests that the city had become an important pilgrimage center in late anti­ quity, and a major stopover for anyone traveling to and from Constantinople on the via Egnatia.202 Whether, as has been argued, each and every single basilica corresponded to a specific stage of a liturgical procession that commemorated a particular episode of Paul’s initial stay in the colony is debatable.203 What is nonetheless apparent is that Philippi remained strongly attached to its apostolic heritage in late antiquity, and indeed sought to capitalize on it.

“Des innovations liturgiques et architecturales.” Cf. Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1532–36; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 150 (no. 98). 201 Cf. sec. 2.2–3 in chap. 7 below. 202 See esp. Rizos, “Paulus et Sileas.” 203 See Mentzos, “Ζητήματα τοπογραφίας”; id., “Paul and Philippi.” Cf. Sodini, “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes,” 1541; Rizos, “Paulus et Sileas,” 115–16. But see the critique in Brélaz, “Authority of Paul’s Memory,” 256–57.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

139

2.6 Inscriptions from the Philippian Territory The Christian epigraphic material outside of Philippi is rather scarce and dispersed throughout the rural territory of the colony, primarily in villages around the Pangaion mountain. Apart from an undated seal from Rhodolivos (which may have belonged to the territory of Amphipolis)204 and the late boundary stone found fortuitously near Argyroupolis mentioned earlier,205 most of the evidence consists of simply carved epitaphs from the southwestern part of the territory that can be approximately dated to the fifth and sixth centuries. Two inscriptions, however, were discovered on the northwestern slopes of the Pangaion overlooking the Angites valley, in the villages of Proti and Rhodolivos. The first one, which was found in the narthex of the church of the Great Taxiarchs at Rhodolivos, was set up for a man who may have been a citizen of Philippi and was named after the Carthaginian martyr Cyprian.206 Inscribed around a large footed cross, it evokes the kingship of Christ (βασιλεύοντος τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ) and was dated according to the regnal year of an unknown emperor—both formulas are rarely, if ever, included. The second inscription, which appears to be equally late and was found reused as a stepping stone in a metochion of the monastery of Kosinitza at Proti, was erected for a lector named Philippos.207 While these two isolated stones and other archaeological remains suggest that Christianity had penetrated deeper into the rural hinterland by late antiquity, they may have actually come from Philippi or Amphipolis, the two main urban centers of the region.208 In other words, Philippos could well have officiated at one of the major churches at Philippi or Amphipolis, unless he served at one of the two sixth-century basilicas uncovered underneath the modern chapels of Hagia Marina and Hagia Paraskevi at nearby Mikro Souli.209 Further evidence of the diffusion of Christianity throughout the Philippian territory has been found in the form of a three-aisled basilica (24.70  ×  17 m) at Kipia, at the eastern end of the Pierian plain stretching between the Pangaion 204 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 396. 205 See ICG 3293 (I.Philippi² 594) and 3245 (I.Chr. Macédoine 224) in nn. 29 and 126 above. 206 ICG 3241 (I.Chr. Macédoine 220; SEG 35.762; I.Philippi² 591; AD VI?): +Ἔνθα κῖτε Κυπριανὸς Φι[– με]|τὰ τῖς συμβί(ου) αὐτο[ῦ –]|ρήας, βασιλεύοντο[ς – τοῦ] | Κ(υρίο)υ ἡμῶν Ἰ(η)σ(ο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ἐπὴ βασιλέος [–]. “Here lies Kyprianos [from Philippi?] with his wife … (Maria?), when our Lord Jesus Christ was king, under the reign of …(?).” 207 ICG 3242 (I.Chr. Macédoine 221; I.Philippi² 583; AD V–VI?): Φιλί|ππου | ἀναγν(ώστου). “(Tomb) of Philippos, lector.” 208 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 17. 209 Architectural elements have also been retrieved at Angista and Rhodolivos. See Kara­ gianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 198 (no. 229), 202–3 (nos. 235–236), 205 (no. 240). Cf. Papa­ zotos, “Τα χριστιανικά μνημεία.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

140

Chapter 4

and Symbolon. Erected around the sixth century a few hundred meters away from the ruins of the Hellenistic-Roman sanctuary of the Hero Auloneites,210 it remained in use well into the sixth or seventh century when it was probably destroyed by an earthquake.211 Three rather similar, sixth-century inscriptions for the “most devout” (θεοφιλέστατος) local presbyters have emerged from graves located in the narthex of the basilica.212 Of the three, that of Basilios is the simplest and shortest,213 while those of Stephanos and Petros conclude with a typical imprecation that tomb desecrators shall give an account to God ͂ καὶ ἐν ἡμέρα here on earth and on the day of judgment (δόσι λόγον Θεῷ ὁδε κρίσεως).214 As with Philippi, the absence of a precise dating prevents the establishment of a clear chronology of the presbyterian offices at Kipia. What can only be deduced is that a Christian community existed in the fertile plain of Pieria between the fourth and the seventh centuries. It must have populated the entire plain stretching from Kipia to Galepsos (near modern Kariani) at the opposite western end, as remains of late antique basilicas were unearthed ten to fifteen kilometers northeast of Kariani at Podochori and in a field two kilometers north of Akropotamos.215 A vase offering inscribed with a prayer was also discovered in the wall of a house at Kariani.216 Christians must have lived along the coast from Galepsos to Neapolis (modern Kavala), but no firm trace 210 See recently Koukouli-Chrysanthaki and Malamidou, “Hero Auloneites.” Cf. Tsochos, Makedonien, 76–80; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 338–44. 211 See Bakirtzis, “Ανασκαφή Παλαιοχριστιανικής Βασιλικής στο Παγγαίο”; id., “A propos de la destruction de la basilique paléochrétienne de Kipia”; id., “End of Antiquity,” 125. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 142 no. 85. 212 A fragment of a fourth tombstone was also discovered in the nave of the basilica. See ICG 3386 (I.Philippi² 633; AD VI): [–]NAI[–]. 213 ICG 3294 (SEG 42.608A; I.Philippi² 630; AD IV): ✝ Κοιμιτίριον τοῦ | θεοφιλ(εστάτου) Βασιλίου πρ(εσ)β(υτέρου). “Tomb of the most devout presbyter Basilios.” 214 ICG 3295 (SEG 42.608B; I.Philippi² 631; AD VI): ✝ Κοιμητήριον | τοῦ θειοφ(ι)λ(εστάτου) ͂ κ(αὶ) ἐν ἡμέρᾳ | Στε|φάνου πρ(ε)σβ(υτέρου). ὅσ|τις ἐπειβουλεύ||σει, δόσι λόγον Θ(ε)ῷ ὁδε κρίσεος ✝. “Tomb of the most devout presbyter Stephanos. Whoever deals treacherously (with this tomb) shall give an account to God here (in this world) and on the day of judgment.”—ICG 3296 (SEG 41.572C; I.Philippi² 632; AD VI): ✝ Κοιμητήριον τοῦ | θεοφι­λ(εστάτου) Πέτρου πρ(εσ)β(υτέρου). | ὅστις ἐπειβου|λεύσετει ἕτερον θόσει, δόσι λό||γον το͂ͅ ͂ κ(αὶ) | ἐν ἡμέρᾳ κρίσεος ✝. “Tomb of the most devout presbyter Petros. Whoever θ(ε)ῷ ὁδε plots to lay another (corpse in this tomb) shall give an account to God here (in this world) and on the day of judgment.” 215 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 130 (no. 64), 146–47 (no. 94). Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 268–70 (no. I, 1.28), with pls. 101–115. 216 ICG 3238 (I.Chr. Macédoine 217; SEG 56.706; AD V–VI): [–] μέμνησθαι ὑπὲρ τοῦ προσενέγ­ καντ[ος –]. “… remember the donor (of this offering) …” Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 17) remarks that the inscription could have also come from nearby Amphipolis, whose

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

141

of their presence appears to have been found outside of a large number of architectural elements (likely originating from late antique basilicas), which were reused in later churches and buildings at Kavala.217 Little other evidence attesting to a Christian presence in the area has survived except for two late fragmentary epitaphs found reused in a house at Moustheni, some ten kilometers west of Kipia, and in a church at Elefthe­roupolis (where remnants of a late antique basilica have been identified),218 some five kilometers east of Kipia—both might have actually originated from Philippi.219 The first was likely set up for a deacon, whose name (Primasios?) was commemorated by an elaborate monogram, and included a final imprecation comparable to those observed on Stephanos’s and Petros’s tombstones.220 A similar threat may have also concluded the second epitaph, which was crudely carved in the shape of a cross.221 The (apparent) systematic use of such imprecations in the Christian epigraphy around Kipia is noteworthy and unlike anything observed elsewhere in Macedonia. It contrasts with the evidence from Philippi where fine threats are more common,222 and could be explained by a certain Asian influence on the funerary formulary from southeastern Macedonia.223 The diffusion of Christianity to the north-northwest of Philippi is even more poorly documented. Other than the boundary stone of Maurentios mentioned earlier,224 no significant early Christian epigraphic evidence seems to have emerged from the highlands north of the plain of Drama. Traces of late antique basilicas and architectural elements have nonetheless been discovered in the court of the church of the Taxiarchs at Drama, at a site two territory might have also encompassed Galepsos, according to Papazoglou (Les villes de Macédoine, 396). 217 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 140 (no. 83). Cf. TIB 11:350–54. 218 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 130 (no. 67). 219 See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 17. 220 ICG 3239 (I.Chr. Macédoine 218; SEG 2.416; I.Philippi² 613; Moustheni, AD V–VI): [– δια-]| ͂ θ̣ωσι (sic) δώσ̣ ι ̣ [λόγον] | vac τῷ θ(ε)ῷ. κό(νου) (monogram) vac(?). | Ἐάν τις ἄ[λλο σῶμα] | ὁδε “[Tomb …] of the deacon (Primasios?). … If someone lays [another corpse] here, s/he shall render [an account] to God.” On the monogram, see BE 1987, no. 432. 221 ICG 3240 (I.Chr. Macédoine 219; I.Philippi² 634; Eleftheroupolis, AD V–VI): Κυμητή̣ [ριον] | Μάρκου [–] | ὥστης ἐ̣[πιχειρή]|σῃ ΘΟΥ[–], | δώσ[ει λόγον θ(ε)ῷ]. “Tomb of Markos … Who­ ever attempts to … (lay another corpse here?) shall render [an account to God].” 222 Cf. ICG 3252, 3253 (I.Chr. Macédoine 231, 232), and 3289A (I.Philippi² 125A). 223 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 202. For two similar examples from Edessa and Beroea, see ICG 3040 (I.Chr. Macédoine 32: [ἐὰν δέ τις] μ̣ ετὰ τὴν τελ⟨ευτ⟩ὴν̣ || [αὐτῶν τολ]μήσι αἰπανῦ|[ξαι, λόγο]ν̣ δ̣ούσι τοῦ θε(οῦ)) and 3068 (I.Chr. Macédoine 58: ἴ τις δὲ τολμῇ | ἀνῦξεν, δώσι Κυρίῳ | λόγον). 224 See ICG 3245 (I.Chr. Macédoine 224) in n. 126 above.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

142

Chapter 4

kilometers south of Prosotsani (some 15 km northwest of Drama), at Petroussa (4 km northeast of Prosotsani), at Kokkinogeia (about 15 km northwest of Drama), and in the ruins of the fort at Adriani (11 km east of Drama, towards Mesochori).225 This clearly indicates a stronger Christian presence in the area in late antiquity. Just as Roman colonists had established rural estates throughout the entire plain of Drama in the first century, so did Christians establish faith communities throughout the area in subsequent centuries. 3

The Strymon Valley: Amphipolis, Serrai, and Parthicopolis

3.1 Amphipolis Founded by Athenian colons in 438/437 BC on a plateau of the Strymon delta, Amphipolis was by far the largest and most important city of eastern Macedonia, enjoying from 42 BC the privileged status of a “free city” (civi­tas libera) where Augustus was honored both as “Savior” (Σωτήρ) and “Founder” (Κτίστης).226 For some unexplained reasons, Christian beginnings at Amphipolis appear to have been rather modest. Paul is never said to have established a community there, but only passed through the city on two or three occasions as he traveled along the via Egnatia.227 Nor does he seem to have ever written to an Amphipolitan church, which is apparently never mentioned in subsequent patristic sources. Nevertheless, Amphipolis pro­bably became an episcopal see in the fourth or the early fifth century, and grew into a regional Christian center in the sixth century (judging by the number of churches built in its vicinity).228 As elsewhere, the epigraphic (and archaeological) evidence offers us only a shadowy glimpse of the Christian community in and around Amphipolis between the fourth and sixth centuries.229 It comprises about twenty inscriptions, which consist of a dozen epitaphs, three boundary stones, two ex-votos,

225 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 107–9 (nos. 12, 14, 15, 18). 226 See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 392–95; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, “Amphipolis”; TIB 11:203–7. Cf. Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 253–55; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 198–201 (no. 230); Zarmakoupi, “Urban Space,” 275–79. 227 See the discussion in chap. 3, sec. 3 above. Cf. 2 Cor 8:1–5; 9:1–7. See also 1 Cor 16:5–9; 2 Cor 1:15–16; 2:13; 7:5. 228 Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas, “Νέες επιγραφές,” 139; Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 255–57; Gounaris, “Amphipolis,” 50. 229 For a detailed archaeological survey of the city in late antiquity, see Taddei, “Amphipolis.” Cf. Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 103–12.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

Figure 8

143

Christian monuments of Amphipolis in late antiquity reproduced with permission from Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 262, fig. 2

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

144

Chapter 4

two invocations, and one acclamation.230 Hardly any inscription has been found in situ, which renders their dating and interpretation particularly difficult, as most have been discovered around Amphipolis by local villagers or retrieved from the city’s fortifications where they were reemployed.231 One of the two inscriptions found in situ consists of a classic anonymous dedication dated to a seventh indiction: “Ex-voto, those whose names God knows have made (this decoration), 7th indictio.”232 Set on a long mosaic floor (4.09 m) across the narthex of basilica C, it greeted worshippers entering the smallest of the five Amphipolitan churches, which is estimated to date from the second half of the fifth century.233 Likely one of the first churches to have been built, basilica C had a typical three-aisle layout with a large porticoed atrium to the south, and was decorated with mosaics depicting geometric patterns and various animals.234 Along with an acclamation to the cross inserted in the façade of a Byzantine tower,235 basilica C provides the surest proof that a sizeable Christian community existed in the city by the early fifth century. Only a very few of these Christians are known to us from their tombstones, which, in the absence of internal dating and a precise archaeological context, can only be approximately dated to the fifth or sixth century—many of these appear to have been of secondary use as well.236 Apart from the elaborate Trini­ tarian epitaph of Likkon detailed below, their formulary is mostly unassuming 230 About a third of them were included in Feissel’s recueil, while the remaining two thirds were later published by Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas (“Νέες επιγραφές”). Cf. the topical study by Zapheiriou, “Παλαιοχριστιανικές επιγραφές.” A couple of inscriptions mentioning a reader and (possibly) a bishop have also been discovered in recent years, and will hopefully be included in the epigraphic corpus of Amphipolis currently in preparation. 231 Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas, “Νέες επιγραφές,” 128. 232 ICG 3235 (I.Chr. Macédoine 214; BE 1970, no. 383 with corrections in BE 1971, no. 408; mid-AD V): + Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς οὗ οἶδεν ὁ Θεὸς τὰ ὀνόματα καλιέργησαν + | ἰνδ(ικτίωνι) ἑβδόμῃ. The plural genitive ὧν should be understood instead of οὗ, and an augment supplied to καλιέργησαν (i.e., ἐκαλλιέργησαν). Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 376 (no. I, 1.76), with pls. 378–379. For similar anonymous mosaic dedications from Macedonia, see ICG 3113, 3116, 3121, 3581 (I.Chr. Macédoine 102A, 104, 109; I.Kato Maked. II 57A). 233 Zikos, Amphipolis, 14–16; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 199–200 (no. 230). 234 See the reports in PAE 1959 (1965): 44–45; 1962 (1966): 42–46; 1964 (1966): 41–43; 1966 (1968): 39–46; 1969 (1971): 57–58; 1970 (1972): 53–54; 1971 (1973): 45–46; 1983 (1986): 40; 1989 (1992): 220–21; 1991 (1994): 212–18; 1995 (1998): 115–19; Ergon 1962 (1963): 55–65; 1964 (1965): 19–45; 1969 (1970): 65–68; 1971 (1972): 42–47; 1991 (1992): 77–79. Cf. Zikos, Amphipolis, 14–16; Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 611–29. 235 See ICG 3233 (I.Chr. Macédoine 212) in n. 253 below. 236 See, e.g., ICG 3651, 3656, 3657 (SEG 48.725, 730, 731). Cf. Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas, “Νέες επιγραφές,” 135. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

145

and consists of the (variously spelt) word μνημόριον followed by the (generally Greek) name of the defunct and his ecclesiastical title or vocation. A handful, however, simply display a cross or the epithet μνημόριον with the name of the deceased (in the genitive or the nominative),237 or even just an invocation (i.e., “Emmanuel”).238 No one is recorded as bearing a civic title except Euphemos, a principalis (πρωτεύων) who counted among the leading men of the city, and who may have held additional responsibilities (unless the rest of his truncated epitaph simply mentioned his wife).239 Family relationships are never stated and women hardly ever mentioned, Dionysia and Paramona being the only two females attested so far. The first seems to have been buried with her husband Alexandros, as her name was engraved in the nominative form alongside his epitaph, around a footed cross.240 The second was apparently interred in a tomb chamber in the central hexagonal church (also known as the Rotunda), or at least her marble plate (which features a large Latin cross) was found there.241 This is rather peculiar considering that none of the other church officials seems to have been interred in or near the basilica at which they served, unlike what has been observed in the extra muros basilica at Philippi. In addition to Bishops Alexandros and Andreas who attended the councils of Constantinople in AD 553 and 691/692 respectively,242 only four other 237 Besides ICG 3237 (I.Chr. Macédoine 216) and 3618 (SEG 33.502) in nn. 240–241 below, see the following: ICG 3656 (SEG 48.730; AD VI): [Μ]ιμό|ριν Βρα|σίου. “Tomb of Brasios.”—ICG 3657 (SEG 48.731; AD VI): ✝ Φίλιπος. “(Tomb of) Philippos.” Another undetermined fragment (with a cross at the top), which could well be an epitaph, is ICG 3234 (I.Chr. Macédoine 213; BE 1977, no. 280; SEG 26.725; AD V–VI): [–] + | Νικα[ε]ύ̣ς ̣ [․․|․․․․]τη Θ̣ [εσ]|σαλονικεύς, || Ἀμφιπόλεως | [․․․․․]ω̣ νος | [․․]νυα[․․]ης. “… Nikaeus (a Nicaean?) … a Thessalonian, of Amphipolis …(?).” The names of the persons mentioned at ll. 1, 3, 6, and 7, appear to have been intentionally erased. 238 ICG 3658 (SEG 48.732; AD VI): Ἐμμα✝νουήλ. “Emmanuel (i.e., God is with us),” or less likely “(tomb of) Emmanuel.” Cf. Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas, “Νέες επιγραφές,” 136 (no. 10); Zapheiriou, “Παλαιοχριστιανικές επιγραφές,” 159. See also the invocatory use of the name on a lintel fragment (ICG 3354; I.Chr. Macédoine 274; I.Stobi 303), on an epitaph (ICG 3033; I.Chr. Macédoine 25), or in a tomb from Zagora (Pillinger and Zimmermann, Wandmalereien Bulgariens, 38–39 no. 28). 239 ICG 3649 (SEG 48.723; AD IV–V): ✝ Μημό̣[ρι]|ον Εὐφίμ̣ |ου προτεύ̣|οντος καὶ [–]. “Tomb of Euphemos, a principalis, and …” 240 ICG 3237 (I.Chr. Macédoine 216; CIG 4.9441; AD V–VI): (left) [Δι]|ον ✝ υσί|α. (right) Μ̣ημ̣ ό|ριον | Ἀλε|ξάν||δρου. “Dionysia. Tomb of Alexandros.” 241 ICG 3618 (SEG 33.502; BE 1987, no. 444; AD V–VI): Μιμόριν | Παραμό{α}|νας. “Tomb of Paramona.” 242 Mansi 9:392; 11:993. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 396–97; Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 255–56. Bishop Narcissus who attended the council of Serdica did not represent Am­phipolis, as was thought earlier, but the Cilician city of Eirenoupolis. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

146

Chapter 4

ecclesiastics are known to us by name from the epigraphic sources.243 These include Bishop Leon (who may have officiated in the early seventh century),244 the presbyter Secundinos (whose Hellenistic-styled epitaph displays a prominent Christogram on the pediment),245 the deacon Posidonios,246 and the subdeacon Ioannes247—the names of another presbyter and of a “servant of God(?)” (δοῦλος [Θεοῦ?]), who might have been a cleric, have not been preserved unfortunately.248 Incidentally, the presbyter Secundinos appears to be one of only two Amphipolitan Christians who had a Roman name, if “Aurelianos” is indeed to be read on another stele as the name of “the one who has departed from the world.”249 None of these epitaphs, however, compares to that of Likkon, the most elaborate of the Amphipolitan Christian tombstones discovered so far that exudes piety and includes an exceptional reference to the Trinity.250 After confessing his steadfast hope in “the eternal life” (τῆς ἐωνίου ζοῆς) that stems from the “majestic and vivifying incorruptible Trinity” (μεγάλης καὶ ζωοποιοῦ ἀχράντου Τριάδος), Likkon adjures the “blessed episcopacy of the holy church of Amphipolis” and its devout clergy, “by the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit” (κατὰ 243 Cf. Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas, “Νέες επιγραφές,” 139–40; Velenis, “Συμβολή,” 9–10. 244 ICG 3695A (SEG 48.721A; 55.671; AD 609?): [Ὑπὲρ εὐ|χ]ῆς Λέω[ντος/νίδους(?) | τ]οῦ ἁγηωτάτο̣[υ | ἡ]μῶν ἐ⟨π⟩ησκό||π̣ ου ἐν ἔτῃ | ͵ϛμʹ · ἀμήν · | γένητω. “Ex-voto of Leon (Leontios? Leonides?), our holiest bishop in the year 6040(?). Amen, let it be so.” The date in ll. 5–6 is difficult to read on the stone itself as it is currently displayed at the archeological museum of Amphipolis. If the reading ͵ϛμʹ is to be understood as 640 (i.e., 6(00) + 40), then it may be dated to AD 492 (following the provincial era), or perhaps more likely to AD 609 (following the Actium era), as with the epitaph of Aurelios Kapiton at Philippi (ICG 3254; I.Chr. Macédoine 233; cf. n. 55 above). Velenis (“Συμβολή,” 7–10; cf. SEG 55.671) reads ἐν ἔτη κ(όσμου) ͵ϛρϙαʹ and suggests the date AD 682/683 (i.e., the year 6191 after the creation of the world). This reading, however, is difficult to support by autopsy, and such an early occurrence of the Byzantine dating system in Amphipolis is very doubtful. See Feissel, Chroniques, 33 (no. 112). Cf. BE 2006, no. 540. 245 ICG 3651 (SEG 48.725; AD V): ☧ Μιμόριον Σε|κουνδίν|ου πρε⟨σ⟩β(υτέρου). “Tomb of Secun­ dinos, a presbyter.” 246 ICG 3652 (SEG 48.726; AD V–VI): ✝ Κυμιτήρ̣|ι{ν}ων Πω|σιδουνί|ου διακώ|νου ✝. “Tomb of Posidonios, a deacon.” 247 ICG 3650 (SEG 48.724; AD V): ✝ Μημόρι|ον Ἰωάν|νου ὑ|ποδια̣|κόνου ✝. “Tomb of Ioannes, a subdeacon.” 248 ICG 3654 (SEG 48.728; AD V–VI): [․․]IC̣ [–] | π̣ ρεσβ(υτέρου) C̣ [–]. “[Tomb of …?] presbyter …(?).”—ICG 3655 (SEG 48.729; AD V–VI): [–]τωρ δοῦλος | [Θεοῦ ἐτ]ε̣λεύτη|[σεν –]. “[Tomb of?] … tor, servant of [God?]. He died … (date?).” 249 ICG 3653 (SEG 48.727; AD V–VI): ✝ Μεμόριν ✝ | κατάκιτε̣ | ὃς ἀποχ[ωρ]|ῶν ἀπὼ κό[σμο]|ν Ἀβ⟨ρ⟩ηλι[ανός?] ✝. “Tomb wherein lies he who has departed from the world, Aurelianos(?).” 250 For other epigraphic allusions to the Trinity in Greece, see ICG 4055 (SEG 39.449; Tanagra, AD V), 3861 (BE 1993, no. 755; Thessalian Thebes, AD V–VI), 2104 (IG II/III² 5.13518; Attica, AD V). Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

147

Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου Πνεύματος), not to concede to anyone else the right to use his tomb.251 One of the most theologically articulate Christian epitaphs from Macedonia, Likkon’s gravestone confirms that Amphipolis was an episcopal see around the fifth century and that, not unlike Philippi, it had probably been affected by the doctrinal controversies of the fourth century as well.252 Further insight into the devotion, and also perhaps anxieties, of the Am­phipolitan Christians can be gained from another remarkable inscription, namely, a unique acclamation to the cross that draws its inspiration from Constantine’s vision at the Milvian bridge: “By this (cross/sign), the faithful conquer!”253 Found enwalled (upside-down) into a Byzantine tower (where it has remained), it may have originally been displayed at one of the city gates as some kind of apotropaic or prophylactic talisman in the fourth and fifth centuries (just as Abgar’s letter was put up at the Neapolis gate at Philippi). Alternatively, it may have adorned the entrance of one of the basilicas built in the fifth or sixth century. Interestingly, unlike similar acclamations, it is preceded by a staurogram (⳨) instead of a Christogram (☧) or a simple cross (as is more frequent), and it is the “faithful” themselves (οἱ πιστοί) who claim victory rather than Christ or the cross itself, as is more often the case.254 Who, or what, the Amphipolitan Christians were supposed to overcome remains unclear. It may have been a catastrophic earthquake, the plague of AD 541–543, the threat of the Avaro-Slavs in the late sixth century,255 or even pagan cults such as the Bacchic festivals evoked in the Byzantine hagiographical account of Mokios, a presbyter from Amphipolis.256 Whatever the case

251 ICG 3236 (I.Chr. Macédoine 215; AD V–VI): + Τὸν κοινὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον εὐσχημόνως (hedera) | διαγαγών, διὰ παντὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα + | τῆς ἐωνίου ζοῆς ἱκετεύσας ἀπολαβῖν παρὰ τῆς | μεγάλης καὶ ζωοποιοῦ ἀχράντου Τριάδος, ||5 ἐγὼ Λίκκων ἐνθάδε κῖμε· ὁρκίζω οὖν | τὴν εὐλογημένην τῆς Ἀμφιπολιτῶν | ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας ἐπισκοπὴν καὶ τὸν ταύτης | θεοφιλῆ κλῆρον κατὰ Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ καὶ Ἁγίου Πν(εύματο)ς | μὴ συνχωρῆσε ἕτερόν τινα τοῦ λοιποῦ τεθῆνε ||10 ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κοιμητηρίῳ μου (hedera) +. “Having spent the common human life honorably, having always beseeched (God) to receive the hope of the eternal life from the majestic and vivifying incorruptible Trinity, I, Likkon, lie here to rest. Therefore, I adjure the blessed episcopate of the holy church of the Amphipolitans and its devout clergy, by the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, not to concede (the right) to anyone else in the future to be laid in my tomb.” 252 Cf. sec. 2.2 above (passim). 253 ICG 3233 (I.Chr. Macédoine 212; AD IV–V): ⳨ Ἐν τούτῳ οἱ πιστοὶ νικοῦσιν. Cf. Eusebius, v.C. 1.28: τούτῳ νίκα. 254 See additional examples (IGLS 3.746A and 4.1457; I.Chr. Bulgarien 77) in I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 178. Cf. Peterson, Εἷς Θεός, 153; Guarducci, “Le acclamazioni.” 255 Cf. Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 256–57; Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas, “Νέες επιγραφές,” 137–38; Bakirtzis, “Early Christian Amphipolis.” 256 Mokios was allegedly arrested in Amphipolis under Diocletian after opposing the Bacchic festival. Tortured multiple times (to little effect), he was eventually sent to Constantinople Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

148

Chapter 4

may have been, the Christian community at Amphipolis must have suffered greatly in late antiquity, for it erected yet another monumental marble stele (0.84   ×  0.46 m) with an invocation to Christ “to rescue and raise up this city also.”257 Engraved with two large footed crosses on both sides, it must have likewise been displayed in a prominent public place, possibly by the southern gate near which it was found, in order to exhort believers to pray Christ to safeguard their city that had once more been brought to its knees.258 Around the same period possibly, the ex-voto of Bishop Leon mentioned earlier was also repurposed and engraved on another side with an invocation to the “God of the Holy Theotokos” (Θεὸς τῖς Ἁγίας Θεωτώκου)—one of only two references to the Virgin Mary as the Mother of God (θεοτόκος) in Macedonia259—to shelter and guard her servants.260 This sentiment of insecurity is easily understandable given the turmoil the Balkans experienced in late antiquity, but is somewhat moderated by the actual archaeological evidence, which indicates that, architecturally speaking at least, the local Christian community thrived in this period. Indeed, it erected no fewer than five basilicas (including an episcopal one) within less than two centuries and even possessed some estate(s), as three boundary stones found in the environs suggest.261 Two of these, basilica C (18.2  ×  28.1 m), which was decorated with rich polychromatic mosaics,262 and basilica D where he was martyred. His passio develops classical martyrial motifs, many of which are historically dubious. See Delehaye, “Saints de Thrace,” 163–76. Cf. BHG2 1298; CSLA E06221. 257 ICG 3647 (SEG 47.881; 48.720; AD VI): ✝ Χ(ριστ)ὲ ὁ Θ(εὸ)ς | ἡμῶν | σῶσον καὶ ἀνά|στησον || καὶ τὴν | πόλειν | ταύτην. “Christ, our God, rescue and raise up this city also!” 258 Cf. Bakirtzis in PAE 1996 (1998): 234–35; Doukata-Demertzi and Commatas, “Νέες επιγραφές,” 137–38; Bakirtzis, “Early Christian Amphipolis,” 163. 259 Another reference to the (ἁγία) θεοτόκος was found on a faded mosaic in the basilica of St. Demetrios at Thessalonica (ICG 3118). The Virgin Mary (παρθένος Μαρία) is also mentioned on an invocation to Christ (and perhaps to Mary as well) at Philippi (ICG 3244). 260 ICG 3695B (SEG 48.721B; AD VI–VII): ✝ Ὡ Θ(εὸ)ς τῖς Ἁ[γία]|ς Θ(ε)ωτώκ[ου σκέ]|πε κ(αὶ) φύλατ[τε τ]|οὺς δούλους ⟨Σ⟩ου̣ || γνοστῶν κὲ [φ]|ήλων τοὺς [ἐν Σοὶ ζ]|ῶντ[ας –] | PHẠT․[–]. “O God(?) of the Holy Theotokos, shelter and guard your servants who know and love those who live [in you] …(?).” 261 ICG 3232 (I.Chr. Macédoine 211; BE 1946, no. 140; AD V–VI): Ὅρ(ος) ἐκκ(λησίας) | Ἀμφι|πο(λιτῶν). “Boundary stone of the church of the Amphipolitans.”—ICG 3670 (SEG 59.648; AD V–VI): Ὅροι | τῆς Ἁ|γίας τοῦ | Θ(εο)ῦ | ἐκκλ(ησίας). “Boundary stone of the holy church of God.”—ICG 4446 (SEG 48.697; AD V–VI): ἐκλη(σία) Ἀμφι(πόλεως). “Church of Amphipolis.” 262 See the reports in PAE 1959 (1965): 44–45; 1962 (1966): 42–46; 1964 (1966): 41–43; 1966 (1968): 39–46; 1969 (1971): 57–58; 1970 (1972): 53–54; 1971 (1973): 45–46; 1983 (1986): 40; 1989 (1992): 220–21; 1991 (1994): 212–18; 1995 (1998): 115–19; Ergon 1962 (1963): 55–65; 1964 (1965): 19–45; 1969 (1970): 65–68; 1971 (1972): 42–47; 1991 (1992): 77–79. Cf. Spiro, Mosaic

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

149

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 9

ICG 3647 (SEG 47.881): marble stele with an invocation to Christ, archaeological museum of Amphipolis Photo by J.M. Ogereau; © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

150

Chapter 4

(24.7  ×  18.5 m),263 were likely built in the second half of the fifth century, while the other three, namely, the two-storey basilica A (21.1  ×  28.8 m),264 basilica B (23.25  ×  16.45 m),265 and the so-called Rotunda (∅ 15.4 m),266 were constructed in the early to mid-sixth century. All except the Rotunda were designed according to a three-aisle plan with a narthex and a large atrium and were laid with marble revetments and mosaic floors featuring typical motifs such as the deer and peacocks drinking from canthari that were depicted in the southern aisle of basilica A—only basilica D had side aisles with clay-tiled floors, but wall mosaics.267 As its name suggests, the Rotunda consisted of an hexagonal colonnaded naos surrounded by semicircular exterior walls, to which a large quadrangular atrium (and a baptistery, possibly) was adjoined. It was decorated in expensive fashion with marble-tiled floors and revetments, mosaic walls, and elaborately carved marble capitals featuring heads of rams, lions, and eagles.268 Although none of these buildings matches in size and majesty those of Philippi and Thessalonica, the Christian monumentalization of late antique Amphipolis must have been deeply impressive. In particular, the concentration of five churches intra muros further evidences that the Christianization Pavements, 611–29; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 158–63, 371–78 (no. I, 1.76), with pls. 358–384. 263 PAE 1966 (1968): 46; 1972 (1974): 51–57; 1976 (1978): 101–6; 1977 (1980): 46–53; Ergon 1966 (1967): 25–42; 1976 (1977): 40–50; 1977 (1978): 38–46. Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 378–79 (no. I, 1.77), with pl. 385. 264 PAE 1967 (1969): 83–88; 1969 (1971): 54–57; 1970 (1972): 50–53; 1971 (1973): 43–45; 1972 (1974): 49–51; 1976 (1978): 99–100; 1979 (1981): 88–89; 1983 (1986): 39–40; 1994 (1997): 131–37; Ergon 1966 (1967): 25–42; 1967 (1968): 54–65; 1969 (1970): 49–64; 1972 (1973): 33–42; 1976 (1977): 38–39. Cf. Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 587–607; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 164–68, 362–68 (no. I, 1.74), with pls. 333–351. 265 PAE 1959 (1965): 44; 1972 (1974): 57–61; 1973 (1975): 34–38; Ergon 1973 (1974): 27–34. Cf. Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 607–610; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 163–64, 368–71 (no. I, 1.75), with pls. 352–357. 266 PAE 1976 (1978): 107–10; 1978 (1980): 59–63; 1979 (1981): 80–88; 1980 (1982): 14–20; 1981 (1983): 26–32; 1995 (1998): 119–23; Ergon 1978 (1979): 17–22; 1979 (1980): 14–15; 1995 (1996): 50–51. 267 Besides the above-mentioned excavation reports in Ergon and PAE, see the recent overview by Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 269–304. Cf. Zikos, Amphipolis. On the mosaics themselves, see Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 587–629; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 362–79 (no. I, 1.74–77), with pls. 333–385. Cf. Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 90–106; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 198–201 (no. 230); Gounaris, “Amphipolis.” The large rectangular structure immediately east of basilica A, which had initially been identified as an episcopal palace, was later proven to be a large cistern (46.5  ×  47 m). See Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 267–69. 268 Zikos, Amphipolis, 17–22. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 200.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

151

of Macedonia was characterized by a dramatic transformation of the central urban topography. Yet, just as in Philippi and Stobi, it is difficult to imagine that the local Christian community was large enough to have required all these edifices at the same time, or that the local population had sufficient resources to finance a building program on such a grand scale. Since these basilicas follow a Constantinopolitan architectural and decorative style, one may conclude that the impetus behind this construction boom came directly from the imperial court, possibly to promote Amphipolis as an episcopal see.269 Local affluent families and bishops seeking to enhance their prestige probably also contributed to the effort,270 but personalized mosaic or architrave dedications similar to those found at Philippi or Stobi are altogether rare,271 the ex-voto by Bishop Leon being the sole exemplar.272 Be that as it may, Amphipolis began to decline from the late sixth century, most likely as a consequence of the Avaro-Slavic raids, the series of earthquakes hitting the region in the sixth century, and the Justinianic plague.273 The intra muros area shrunk by a fifth approximately, a new fortification wall was built right across basilica A in the seventh century (splitting the atrium from the main building along a north-south axis), and the episcopacy was likely transferred further north to Serrai by the eighth century.274 As with other Macedonian cities, Christianity in Amphipolis flourished in the Theodosian and Justinianic eras, and slowly withered away in the early Byzantine period, unable to adapt, it seems, to the dramatic changes affecting the Balkans in late antiquity. 3.2 Serrai275 Nestled on the southwestern edge of the Orbelos mountain range, Serrai enjoyed a commanding position in the lower Strymon valley as it controlled the vast plain stretching from the Strymon gorge to Amphipolis and the main road connecting the northern Aegean to Serdica. As a result, it flourished as an 269 Cf. Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 111–12; Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 304. 270 Cf. Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 257, 304. 271 See ICG 3247 (I.Chr. Macédoine 226; Philippi) and 3320–3321, 3349, 3354 (I.Stobi 266–267, 298, 303; Stobi). 272 See ICG 3695A (SEG 48.721) in n. 244 above. 273 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 397; Bakirtzis, “Early Christian Amphipolis.” 274 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 397; Zikos, Amphipolis, 6–7. Cf. Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 111; Bakirtzis, “Early Christian Amphipolis,” 164; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 198, 201; Taddei, “Amphipolis,” 279. 275 This is the form given in Hierocles’s Synekdemos 639.10 (Honigmann, 15). The name of the city is spelt as Σίρρα or Σίραι in other ancient sources. See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 379, 381; TIB 11:967.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

152

Chapter 4

autonomous Greek city (which belonged to the Macedonian koinon) during the imperial and Byzantine eras.276 Sadly, hardly any early Christian evidence has survived in Serrai, probably because the city was sacked several times in medieval and modern times. To date, only three inscriptions dated to the fifth or sixth century have been found, one of which, an epitaph for what may have been a lector named Anastasios and his wife Matrona, has now been lost.277 By far the most significant piece consists of a late marble capital featuring an inscribed tabula ansata that was dedicated by an otherwise unattested bishop named Prektikios.278 Discovered in the southern court of the Byzantine basilica of the Hagioi Theodoroi, it likely decorated one of Serrai’s first episcopal churches, which Prektikios may have either founded or helped renovate. A third capital fragment, which was also retrieved from the Hagioi Theodoroi, may have displayed a similar dedication, but the surface of the stone is too damaged to allow for a confident restoration.279 Regrettably, nothing else is known of the early Christian community at Serrai, which became a bishopric and a regional center for monasticism and religious art in the Byzantine period.280 Bishop Maximios who attended the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon in AD 449 and 451 has simply left no epigraphic or archaeological traces,281 as have the earliest Christian edifice(s) on the ruins of which the Hagioi Theodoroi, the oldest Byzantine basilica of Serrai, was likely erected in the eleventh or twelfth century.282 Little early Christian evidence has been discovered around Serrai or in the rest of the lower Strymon valley either, although architectural elements and vestiges of

276 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 379–81; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 206–8 (no. 241); TIB 11:967–77. Cf. Samsaris, Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας, 126–28; id., “Bas-Strymon,” 351–52, 363. 277 ICG 3231 (I.Chr. Macédoine 210; AD V–VI): + Ἀναστα|σίου ἀνα(γνώστου?) | καὶ συμβίου | αὐτοῦ Μα||τρώνας. “(Tomb of) Anastasios, a lector(?), and his wife Matrona.” 278 ICG 3230 (I.Chr. Macédoine 209; AD VI?): + Πρεκτήκιος | ἐπίσκοπος | εὐξόμε|ν̣ο̣ς ̣ [․․․․]. “Prektikios, bishop, having made a vow …” The name is so far unattested in this form (cf. LGPN) and could be a Greek variant of the Latin name Praejecticius, according to Feissel. The form εὐξόμενος for the aorist εὐξάμενος is analogical to the present participle εὐχόμενος. See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 176. 279 ICG 3646 (SEG 45.804; AD V–VI): [–]ΚΟΝ | [–]ΟΥΑΓ[–] | Ο C Ο̣ Λ̣ Ο̣ [–]. Zapheiriou (“Δεύτερη � � | δια]κόν(ου) | [τ]οῦ Ἁγ[ίου] | ανάγνωση”) restored the fragment as follows: [εὐχὴ nomen Θ̣ ε̣ο̣δ̣ώ̣[ρου](?). 280 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 381; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 206–8 (no. 241). 281 Honigmann, “Original Lists,” 35 (l. 61) and 58 (l. 386). 282 On the Byzantine metropolitan church, see Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 208.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

153

two sixth-century basilicas have been uncovered further to the southeast at Mikro Souli, Angista, and Rhodolivos, slightly north of Amphipolis.283 3.3 Parthicopolis The northernmost city in eastern Macedonia, Parthicopolis (or Paroikopolis) lay on a major commercial road on the eastern bank of the Strymon river, about halfway between Amphipolis and Serdica.284 Likely never visited by the first generation of Christian evangelists, Parthicopolis would nonetheless become an important episcopal center in late antiquity, around which smaller communities from the middle of the Strymon valley gravitated.285 To date no fewer than eight three-aisled basilicas and several late antique necropoleis have been uncovered underneath the modern Bulgarian city of Sandanski, including a splendid episcopal basilica (IV), two cemetery basilicas (V, IX), and a few vaulted tombs decorated with crimson Latin crosses.286 This rich archaeological context contrasts with a meagre epigraphic harvest that offers a very modest glimpse into the Christian community that flourished in northeastern Macedonia in the fifth and sixth centuries. To date, less than ten inscriptions have been discovered on site, which re­presents the smallest tally for an episcopal see in Macedonia. This is rather surprising given the presence of at least five necropoleis to the north and south of the city,287 which have so far delivered only three Christian epitaphs.288 The most notable one consists of a sizeable and carefully engraved marble 283 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 198 (no. 229), 202–3 (nos. 235–236), 205 (no. 240). Cf. Papazotos, “Τα χριστιανικά μνημεία.” 284 The identification of the city is now certain after being disputed throughout the twentieth century. See Hierocles, Synekdemos 639.8 (Honigmann, 14); Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 93–96; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 345–60; Mitrev, “Parthicopolis.” Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 371–75; TIB 11:824–25. 285 See, e.g., the fifth-century basilica excavated at Mikrevo, fifteen kilometers north of Sandanski. Cf. Petkov, “Mikrevo”; Asamer and Zimmermann, “Mikrevo.” Excavations at Heraclea Sintica began in 2007 and have so far not yielded any Christian building or inscription. See Vagalinski and Nankov, Heraclea Sintica (esp. pp. 86–125). 286 For detailed overviews, see Petrova, “Urban Planning of Parthicopolis”; ead., “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis”; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 410–44; Petkov and So­mova, “Eine spätantike Nekropole.” A ninth basilica, the so-called “monastery basilica” (VI), was discovered near the monastery of St. Kosmas and Damianos, two kilometers northwest of Sandanski’s city center. See Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 115. 287 See Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 99–104; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthico­ polis,” 459–73; Petkov and Somova, “Eine spätantike Nekropole.” 288 Besides ICG 4143 and 4144 immediately below, a third epitaph was found in a necropolis, namely, that of the subdeacon Krispinos. See ICG 4145 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 242) in n. 293 below.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

154

Chapter 4

stele that begins with a maladroit hexameter. The first of only two Christian epitaphs set up for a lay person, it commemorates an accountant (numera­ rius) of the military commandment of Illyria, who “lived a spotless life” (βίον ἀκιλίδουτον) until he was “ordered by Christ” (κελεύσι δὲ Χριστοῦ) to leave this world.289 The second tombstone is much less impressive, more crudely engraved, and consists of two oddly arranged epitaphs. The earliest(?) one cut in the middle of the stone simply pleads Christ to remember Demetrios, a primicerius, while the second one for Nikostrate was likely added later on at the top and bottom of the stone.290 It remains unclear whether Demetrios was a superintendent in a civil or an ecclesiastical office,291 but it seems improbable that he was a candle-bearer, as has been suggested.292 The remaining inscriptions discovered in the city and its surroundings merely provide us with an illustrative sample of local clerics whose epitaphs, incidentally, become slightly more elaborate the higher they stood in the ecclesiastical hierarchy. That of the subdeacon Krispinos, which was carved between two Latin crosses on a columbarium-sized plate (0.2  ×  0.28 m), only records his name and rank in the genitive.293 By contrast, that of the “reverent” (εὐλαβέστατος) psalmist Andreas, who was buried with his wife Eudokia on the 22nd of December, was engraved on a limestone stele that is twice as big as Krispinos’s plate and was decorated with twice as many Greek crosses.294 An equally typical epithet (μακαριώτατος) was conferred upon a presbyter 289 ICG 4143 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 240; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 570; AD V–VI): ✝ Τί σπεύδις; μάν|θαν⟨ε⟩ θανῆν κὲ ἐρεῦ | τάφῳ γιγνόσκιν Γέ|νολον εἶνε τοὔνομα, ||5 ὅστις γῆρας τίμιον ἐ|σχικὸς κὲ βίον ἀκιλίδ|ουτον ἐπὶ μίκιστον βί|ου χρόνον ζήσας πλι|ρόσας εὐσέμνος στρατί||10αν νουμεραρίου τῆς σ|τρατοπεδαρχικῖς τά|ξεος τοῦ Ἠλλυρίο⟨υ⟩. Κ|ελεύσι δὲ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ἐνθάδ|ε κατετέθη μη(νὸς) Ὀκτ||15ονβρίου ἰνδ(ικτίωνι) δευτ|έρᾳ ✝. “Why do you hasten? Look, (he is) dead, and tell the grave that you know his name was Genolos. He was of honorable age and a spotless life he lived for the longest lifetime, fulfilling his august military service as numerarius of the military commandment of Illyria. And by the command of Christ he was laid to rest here in the month of October in the second indictio.” 290 ICG 4144 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 241; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 571; AD VI): (1) [+] ἔνθα κῖτε | Νι- ⳨ (monogram) ⳨ κοστρά|τη ✝. (2) [μ]ν̣ήσθη|τ̣ι, Χ(ριστ)έ, Δημητρί[ου] | πριμικιρί[ου]. | ναί, ἀμήν. (1) “Here lies Nikostrate.” (2) “Remember, Christ, Demetrios, a primicerius. Yes, amen!” 291 Cf. Beševliev, I.Chr. Bulgarien, p. 174; Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 99; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 571. 292 See Pillinger, “Stifterinschrift des Johannes,” 56. 293 ICG 4145 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 242; BE 1962, no. 183; AD VI): ✝ Κρι|σπίνου ✝ | ὑποδι|ακόνου. “(Tomb of) Krispinos, a subdeacon.” 294 ICG 4146 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 243; BE 1962, no. 183; AD VI): + Μνημῆον + | Ἀνδρέου τοῦ εὐ|λαβεστάτου | ψάλτου. + κ(αὶ) ἡ || τούτου σύνβ(ιος) | Εὐδοκ(ία) ἡ κ(αὶ) ἐτελ(εύτησεν) | μη(νὸς) Δεκεμ(βρίου) κβʹ, ἰν(δικτίωνος) ϛʹ +. “Τomb of Andreas, the most reverent psalmist, and of his wife Eudokia who also died on 22 December in the 6th indictio.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

155

Figure 10 ICG 4142 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 239): building dedication by Bishop Ioannes at the entrance of basilica II, Parthicopolis photo by J.M. Ogereau

named Petros who died on the 26th of February after “reverently serving God and the holy church for forty years,” and whose epitaph was unearthed near a chapel at Petrovo, slightly south of Sandanski.295 More impressive still is the mosaic inscription commemorating Bishop Ioannes, a “wise and prudent man” (ἀνὴρ πινυτὸς τὰ δ᾿ ἄλλα σώφρων), which was ostentatiously placed at the entrance of the basilica that is now named after him (II), a “wondrous work relishing the eyes by its beauty.”296 295 ICG 4147 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 244; Petrovo, AD VI): ἐνθάδε κῖτε Πέτρος | ὁ μακαριώτ(ατος) πρεσ­β(ύτερος), | ὅστις σεμνῶς ἐδού|λευσεν τῷ θ(ε)ῷ καὶ τῇ || ἁγίᾳ ἐκκλησί|ᾳ ἔτη μʹ · ἐτελεύτησεν | δὲ μηνὶ Φεβρουαρίου | κϛʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνι) ιʹ hedera. “Here lies Petros, the highly blessed presbyter, who reverently served God and the holy church for 40 years. He died on 26 February, in the 10th indictio.” 296 ICG 4142 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 239; SEG 35.763; BE 1965, no. 2; AD V–VI): + Τίς ἔτευξε θέσκελον ἔργον | καλλονῇ ὄμματ᾿ εὐφρε͂νον | ποθῖς μαθῖν; Ἰωάννης πέλι | ἀνὴρ πινυτὸς τὰ δ᾿ ἄλλα || σώφρων, ὃς ἀρχιέριον ἔλαχε | ἀμφιέπιν θῶκον τούτου δ᾿ ἔσχε | προηγήτορα ἄνδρα ὁ[σιώτατον] | τοὔνομα φέροντ᾿ ο̣[–]. “Who made this wondrous work (that) rejoices the eyes by its beauty, do you wish to know? Ioannes did, a prudent man and a wise one too, who had care of the seat of archiereus (i.e., bishop), which his predecessor, a holiest man by the name of …(?), had held.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

156

Chapter 4

Inserted within a colorful mosaic floor stretching the entire length of the exonarthex, the metrical dedication would have greeted worshippers entering one of the churches where Ioannes, possibly the bishop represented by the presbyter Cyril at the council of Chalcedon in AD 451, likely officiated.297 Constructed in the mid-fifth century,298 the basilica connected to a residence (for the bishop, presumably)299 and to another basilica (I) to the south, which must have been inaugurated by one of Ioannes’s predecessors, perhaps the one whose name has not been preserved in Ioannes’s dedication.300 Likely the first church to be built in the middle of the fourth century, west of the central street, basilica I might have in fact been commissioned by Bishop Ionas who, according to Hilary of Poitiers, participated in the council of Serdica in AD 343.301 However, no epigraphic evidence has been found to confirm this possibility (unlike at Philippi).302 As at Stobi, most of the intra muros churches were erected along the principal via passing through the city on a north-south axis and, unusually enough, all had walls made of river boulders, bricks, and spolia from earlier Roman buildings.303 Further south of basilicas I and II, sections of three more basilicas (III, VII, VIII) dating from the fifth or sixth century have been partially excavated, one of which (basilica III) featured a tribelon arch at the entrance of the nave and rich polychromatic mosaic floors in the narthex and nave.304 Yet the most impressive structure undoubtedly consists of the large episcopal basilica IV (22   ×  23 m for the naos), which was built in several phases a few meters to the northwest of basilicas I and II, on the opposite side of the central

297 Mansi 6:578; Honigmann, “Original Lists,” 58 (l. 389). See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macé­doine, 372; Petrova, “Urban Planning of Parthicopolis,” 166–67; ead., “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 94, 98, 106–7; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 422–24. Cf. Popova, “Mosaics of Ioannes’ Basilica”; Pillinger, “Monumenti paleocristiani,” 298; ead., “Stifterinschrift des Johannes,” 60–65. 298 A second building (or restoration) phase took place in the sixth century, according to Pillinger, “Stifterinschrift des Johannes,” 72. Cf. Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 424. 299 Pillinger, “Stifterinschrift des Johannes,” 71–72. 300 See the end of ICG 4142 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 239) above. Cf. Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 104–5; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 414–22. 301 Mansi 3:47; Hilary of Poitiers, ep. B.II.4.33 (Feder, 136). See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macé­ doine, 372; Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 98, 105; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 320. 302 See above the dedication by Bishop Porphyrios at Philippi (ICG 3247; I.Chr. Macédoine 226). 303 Petrova, “Roman Architectonic Decoration.” 304 Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 107, 115–16; Stojanova-Serafimova, “Die früh­christliche Basilika”; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 425.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

157

Figure 11 Restored episcopal basilica (IV), Parthicopolis photo by J.M. Ogereau

street. Initially constructed in the late fourth or the early fifth century,305 the two-storey monument was decorated in lavish style with geometrical and polychromatic mosaic floors, wall frescoes, marble revetments, opus sectile (in the presbyterium), and chancel panels carved with biblical scenes (possibly Jesus and the apostles).306 To the south, it opened to a large atrium with fountains. To the west, it connected to what has been interpreted as a martyrium (despite 305 Pillinger (“Stifterinschrift des Johannes,” 67, 72) proposes that the first building phase of basilica IV in the late fourth or the early fifth century preceded the first building phase of basilica II, which itself seems to have coincided with the second building phase of basilica IV in the mid-fifth century. In the sixth century, both churches underwent, respectively, a third and second building (or restoration) phase. Cf. Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 435. 306 The panels may originate from a sarcophagus and were later repurposed as chancel screens. See Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 108–14; Dimitrova-Milčeva and Petkov, “Basilika Nr. 4”; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 425–43; Petrova, “Chancel Screens”; Pülz, “Considerations on the Relief Panels.” Cf. Pillinger, “Stifterinschrift des Johannes,” 65–72.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

158

Chapter 4

Figure 12 Restored episcopal basilica (IV), Parthicopolis photo by J.M. Ogereau

Figure 13 Restored baptistery of the episcopal basilica (IV), Parthicopolis photo by J.M. Ogereau

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

159

the absence of a reliquary)307 and to a rotunda baptistery (∅ 11 m), which was sumptuously adorned with marble revetments, frescoes, and a baldachin (just as in Stobi).308 It is precisely in the baptistery and its adjacent rooms that were disco­ vered several fragments of one final inscription, namely, a reused marble plate that was probably displayed on the wall of the baptistery. One of the most intriguing Christian artefacts ever found in Macedonia, it features at the top an enwreathed Christogram flanked by an alpha and an omega and, underneath it, an open book or tabula (22  ×  30 cm) in which was inscribed in minute letters a dedication by the “slave” (of God) Anthimos.309 Although he only identifies himself as the “craftsman” (τεχνίτης) who built this “place of remembrance” (ἐπ[ο]ίησεν ὐκητήρι||ον μνημόσυνον), Anthimos might well be the bishop who founded (or renovated?) basilica IV, which, according to the original editor, he compares to the temple that Solomon had raised in Jerusalem in his great wisdom and for the glory of God310—this reading and interpretation are difficult to verify on the plate due to its erosion. What is clear is that basilica IV suffered a tragic fate in late antiquity, the violence of which is attested by the destruction of Anthimos’s dedication in several fragments and its dispersion throughout the baptistery. This might have been the direct consequence of a raid by the Avaro-Slavs or of the earthquake that hit the city at the turn of the seventh century. Whatever the case may have been, Parthicopolis inexorably declined from the late sixth century and, just as many other Macedonian cities, was eventually abandoned in the seventh century.311

307 Petrova, “Urban Planning of Parthicopolis,” 171–73. 308 See Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 113–14; ead., “Baptistery”; DimitrovaMilčeva and Petkov, “Basilika Nr. 4,” 420–21. 309 ICG 4447 (SEG 60.750; BE 2012, no. 293; AD V–VI): (col. 1) Ὁρκισμὸς Σολο|μῶνος ὑεοῦ Δαυ(ίδ). | ὁ βασιλεὺς [ὁ ἡμῶν?] | ἐν Εἰσστραῆ[λῳ ε]ὐλο||γητὸς κύριος [ὁ θεὸς?] | τῷ Σολομῶνι Δ(α)υ(ὶδ) | σοφίαν [–] | σοῦᾳ(?) δόξα [–]. (col. 2) εἰς τοὺς ἐῶ|νας, ἀμήν. | τὶς τε[χ]νίτης | ἐπ[ο]ίησεν ὐκητήρι||ον μνημόσυνόν | του. Μνημηνεύ|εσ(α)τε αὐτὸν εἰς τοὺς | ἐῶνας. Θε(έ), βοήθι τῷ | δοῦλῳ σοῦ Ἀνθίμῳ. (col. 1) “Oath of Solomon, the son of David. [Our?] king in Israel, blessed (be) (the) Lord [God?] to/for(?) Solomon, (son of) David(?), wisdom … glory …(?).” (col. 2) “… into the ages, amen. The craftsman who made this place of remembrance, remember him forever. God, help your slave Anthimos.” A second fragment of a similar codex or tabula has been found, but it is hardly decipherable. See frag. XXVII (with pl. XXXVI.1) in Gerassimova, “Inscriptions from the Basilica No. 4,” 202–4. 310 Gerassimova, “Inscriptions from the Basilica No. 4,” 203–4. Cf. Petrova, “Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis,” 113; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 428, 478. 311 Petrova, “Urban Planning of Parthicopolis,” 183–84; Petrova and Petkov, “Parthicopolis,” 484.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

160

Chapter 4

Figure 14 ICG 4447 (SEG 60.750): building dedication by Anthimos, Parthicopolis Photo by J.M. Ogereau

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Eastern Macedonia

4

161

Summary

The first Macedonian city to have been visited by Paul and his companions, Philippi retained a prominent place in the history of Christianity in the region, especially since Paul wrote to the Philippian Christ-believers one of his most poignant letters. Surprisingly, however, Christian epigraphic material from Philippi and the lower Strymon valley remains rather scarce in comparison with that of central Macedonia, which, as we shall see in the next chapter, has proven to be much more prolific epigraphically. While, at first glance, it seems that Christianity had a more limited impact on eastern Macedonia, vestiges of sumptuous ecclesiastical monuments attest quite the opposite. Christian communities thrived at Philippi, Amphipolis, and Parthicopolis, three major episcopal centers that underwent considerable architectural development between the fourth and the sixth centuries, before declining in the seventh century. Most notable during this period is the multiplication of basilicas at Philippi and Amphipolis, which must have exceeded the liturgical needs of the local communities. This suggests that, in late antiquity, both cities had become significant pilgrimage sites for travelers sojourning on the via Egnatia who, in the case of Philippi at least, were eager to commemorate the apostle Paul and also perhaps to commune with what they thought were his relics.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Chapter 5

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia 1

Introduction

In the following chapter, central Macedonia corresponds more or less to the regions of Crestonia, Mygdonia, and Chalcidice, which are confined by the Strymon river to the east, the Strumica to the north, and the Axios to the west. As noted in the third chapter, Christianity most likely reached central Macedonia in the late AD 40s or the early AD 50s thanks to the apostle Paul and his associates who, according to Acts, established the first Christ-believing communities at Thessalonica. Christianity, however, would take almost two centuries to come out of obscurity (in the epigraphic sources at least), and more than three centuries to impose itself in the region. As with the rest of the province, little is known of the development of the church in central Macedonia in the second and third centuries, the earliest epigraphic and archaeological material being usually dated between the end of the third century and the beginning of the fourth century. Predictably, the bulk of the evidence originates from Thessalonica itself, which explains why this chapter primarily focuses on the material discovered in its vicinity and on that whose provenance has been (rightly or wrongly) attributed to Thessalonica.1 2

Thessalonica

Located near a crossroad between the via Egnatia and the via Axia, the city of Thessalonica commanded a strategic position in central Macedonia as it enjoyed a direct access to the Aegean Sea, to the fertile Axios-Haliacmon delta and its historic cities (Beroea, Pella, and Edessa), and to territories further

1 Material such as brick stamps and early Byzantine graffiti, which were left out from Feissel’s corpus (cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 16), will not be examined in this chapter. On the graffiti discovered in a sixth- or seventh-century hagiasma (or funerary chamber) in the forum and on the walls of a cryptoporticus in the odeion, see Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 65–68, 75–76 (cf. ICG 3621; SEG 34.1682); Bakirtzis, “Ἡ ἀγορὰ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης,” 14–17 (cf. BE 1987, no. 438); Spieser, Thessalonique, 90; Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne,” 129–30; Bonnekoh, Malereien in Thessaloniki, 207–75, 524.

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_006

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

163

Map 5

Central Macedonia a. städtler

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

164

Chapter 5

inland, namely, Upper Macedonia, the Axios valley, Mygdonia, and Chalcidice.2 First established as the capital of the short-lived diocese of Macedonia by Constantine I (who also constructed or expanded its harbor), it was made the capital of the prefecture of eastern Illyricum after the death of Theodosius I in AD 395 and served as the seat of the papal vicariate of eastern Illyricum (in principle at least) from the beginning of the fifth century until the eighth century.3 The main economic and cultural center of the province, Thessalonica would eventually become a metropolis of great political and ecclesiastical significance throughout the Balkan region in late antiquity.4 The epigraphic material from Thessalonica constitutes by far the largest corpus of primary sources on Macedonian Christianity with a total of about 160 inscriptions, which represent roughly a third of all the Christian inscriptions discovered in the region.5 Nevertheless, the material so far collected somewhat fails to provide a complete picture of the development of Christianity in the city over the first few centuries. Not a single bishop, for instance, is attested in the epigraphic and archaeological record before the end of the sixth century, which defies belief for a city of this size and importance.6 Much of the 2 For an overview of the history and topography of Thessalonica in the Roman imperial and late antique eras, see Ogereau, “Thessaloniki,” and the vast secondary literature therein referenced. Cf. Oberhummer, “Thessalonike”; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 189–212; Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne”; Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 118–70; Ćurčić, “Christianization of Thessalonikē”; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 55–59; TIB 11:116–32. 3 Theodosius’s destiny was to be bound with the city. After Valens’s defeat against the Goths at Hadrianopolis in AD 378, Theodosius retreated to Thessalonica where he was baptized by its bishop A(s)cholius following a severe illness in AD 380, proclaimed an edict in support of Nicene Christianity in February of the same year (Cod. Theod. 16.1.2, reiterated in Cod. Theod. 16.2.25 and Cod. Iust. 1.1.1; cf. Cod. Theod. 16.5.14 of AD 388), and had seven thousand rioters massacred in the hippodrome in retaliation against the assassination of the Gothic magister militum of Illyricum in AD 390 (which would earn him a reprimand from Ambrose of Milan; cf. Theodoret, h.e. 5.17–18; Sozomen, h.e. 7.25.1–8; Ambrose, ep. 51 [PL 16:1210–14]). Thessalonica lost the praefectus praetorio when the office was relocated to Sirmium for a brief interlude from AD 438 to 440/441 (Justinian, Novellae 11). On the vicariate of eastern Illyricum, see sec. 2.2 and the bibliography referenced in n. 62 below. 4 Thessalonica is, for example, referred in literature as “the metropolis of Macedonia” (ἡ μητρόπολις τῆς Μακεδονίας, Strabo 7, frag. 21), the “greatest city of Macedonia” (πόλεως τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τῆς μεγίστης Θεσσαλονίκης, Lucian [Asinus Lucius 46]), and even as “the mother of all Macedonia” (μήτηρ ἡ πάσης Μακηδονίης, Anth. Pal. 9.428). 5 This number could actually be much higher if the modern city had not developed on top of the ancient one. It is likely to continue to grow as rescue excavations along the metro line regularly bring out new inscriptions. 6 See ICG 3101 (I.Chr. Macédoine 91) in n. 55 below.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

165

material is also rather late, dating approximately between the fourth and sixth centuries,7 and quite fragmentary (particularly the gravestones of the humbler members of society). Despite these shortcomings, the extant primary sources testify to the rich and vibrant Christian heritage of Thessalonica and justify regarding the city as one of the most important centers for the establishment and expansion of Christianity in the central Balkan region. 2.1 Third- and Fourth-Century Christian Inscriptions As seen in the third chapter, the history of the first Christian community founded by the apostle Paul and his associates is only partially known. How it fared in the subsequent decades is even more obscure for, not unlike the Christian community at Philippi, it almost completely faded away from ancient sources over the next two centuries. The earliest possible Christian evidence brings us to the end of the third century when the first Christian epitaphs appear to have been carved. However, hardly any of these can be surely identified as Christian as they lack the stylistic and iconographic features that would later become distinctive of Macedonian Christian tombstones. Their simple formulary follows more or less the Graeco-Roman standard at the time (ὁ δεῖνα τῷ δεῖνι μνήμης χάριν), and they present only very subtle iconographic or lexical hints that could indicate adherence to the Christian faith. Standing out among these is the second- or third-century epitaph of the presbyter Apollonios, if indeed it is at all Christian: “Apollonios, son of Apollonios, presbyter.”8 Neither the title πρεσβύτερος nor the palm branch (or lulab) adjacent to it—a widely used, and not exclusively Christian, symbol of victory on epitaphs and jewelry9—can decisively identify Apollonios as Christian (or Jewish for that matter).10 However, since the terms ἱερεύς or ἀρχιερεύς (followed by the name of the divinity or cult in the genitive) predominates in non-Christian inscriptions,11 and since most presbyteroi in Macedonia are

7

Very few are precisely dated by a consular or imperial date. See, e.g., ICG 3147–3149, 3151–3155 (I.Chr. Macédoine 128–130A, 131–135). 8 ICG 3131 (I.Chr. Macédoine 113; IG X 2,1.431; AD II–III): Ἀπολλώνιος | Ἀπολλωνίου | ⟨π⟩ρεσβύτερος. The forms of the sigma and omega, along with the use of a patronymic (Ἀπολλωνίου) and of the nominative Ἀπολλώνιος (rather than the genitive), suggest a date earlier than the fourth century AD. For the I.Jud. Orientis editors (no. 1 Mac 18), “the inscription is much more likely to be Jewish than Christian” given its early date. 9 Cf. DACL 13/1:947–54; Mühlenkamp, “Palme,” 832–47. 10 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 112. 11 E.g., IG X 2,1s.1059, 1074–1075. Cf. IG X 2,1, p. 310, s.v.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

166

Chapter 5

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 15 ICG 3133 (I.Chr. Macédoine 115): epitaph of Markiane’s grand-mother, Thessalonica reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XXIII; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

167

Figure 16 SEG 56.1274: epitaph of the priest Aurelius Marius, Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara photo by J.M. Ogereau

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

168

Chapter 5

Christian,12 it is more than plausible that this presbyteros, one of three (so far) attested at Thessalonica,13 was indeed Christian. The small stele set up by Markiane on behalf of her grandmother proves to be equally ambivalent: “Markiane, to her own grandmother, in remembrance. Not because I was your heiress, but as a deed towards God.”14 Although the last clause alluding to her godly devotion (πρὸς θεὸν ἐργαζομένη)15 finds some echoes in the New Testament,16 the representation of a veiled woman pointing to (or touching?) a small altar in a libation gesture casts some serious doubt on her Christian identity.17 Inscribed with a unique exhortation to enjoy eternal life (αἰωνίᾳ ζοῇ χρο͂), the funerary altar erected by a Roman citizen and his wife for their daughter Epigone invites somewhat greater confidence: “Enjoy eternal life! Markos Kalpurnios Noullon and Mestria to Epigone (their) child, in remembrance.”18 Seemingly without parallel in inscriptions,19 the acclamation might have been coined as a Christian adaptation, or response to a dictum of Epicurean inspiration that occurs on a handful of inscriptions (ζῶν/ζῆ κτῶ χρῶ, i.e., “as long as you live, get hold of it, make use of it!”).20 Taken at face value, the phrase clearly signals the family’s inclination towards Christianity,

12 13 14 15 16 17

18 19 20

But see the unusual (Jewish) μελλοπρεσβύτερος in Beroea (I.Jud. Orientis 1 Mac 8; AD IV–V) or the πρεσβυτεράρχης τῶν Ὀλυμπίων in I.Ano Maked. 38 (Elimaea, AD III). Cf. the presbyters Timothy (ICG 3157) and Achillios (ICG 3156) in nn. 63–64 below. ICG 3133 (I.Chr. Macédoine 115; IG X 2,1.433; AD II–III): Μαρκιανὴ τῇ ἰδίᾳ τήθῃ | μνείας χάριν, οὐχ ὅτι σαι | κεκληρονόμηκα, ἀλλὰ | πρὸς θεὸν ἐργαζομένη. See figure 15. Robert (“Inscriptions de Thessalonique,” 241, with n. 398) translated the phrase as “par piété religieuse.” Cf. Matt 26:10 (ἔργον γὰρ καλὸν ἠργάσατο εἰς ἐμέ); Mark 14:6 (καλὸν ἔργον ἠργάσατο ἐν ἐμοί); John 3:21 (ἐν θεῷ ἐστιν εἰργασμένα); 6:28 (τί ποιῶμεν ἵνα ἐργαζώμεθα τὰ ἔργα τοῦ θεοῦ); 1 Cor 9:13 (οἱ τὰ ἱερὰ ἐργαζόμενοι). Edson (IG X 2,1, p. 145) is adamant: “Tit. haud dubie Christianus.” Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 113) does not consider the presence of an altar to be necessarily problematic but finds the relief to be without parallel (cf. Rüsch, “Porträt in Makedonien”). No other engraved Christian funerary portrait is known in Macedonia (for painted funerary portraits, see ICG 3142 [I.Chr. Macédoine 124] below in n. 45 and ICG 3624 [SEG 35.734] in chap. 6, sec. 3 [n. 188]). See, however, the rather similar representation of the priest Aurelius Marius found in northeast Lydia (SEG 56.1274; AD 251/252), which is now on display at the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations in Ankara. See figure 16. ICG 3132 (I.Chr. Macédoine 114; IG X 2,1.459; AD II–III): Αἰ⟨ω⟩νίᾳ ζοῇ χρο͂ | Μ(ᾶρκος) Καλ(πούρνιος) Νούλ̣λων | καὶ Μεστρία Ἐπι|γόνῃ τῷ τέκνῳ | μνίας χάριν. But see Sironen’s restoration in IG IV² 3.1618 (ICG 3007; Corinth, AD IV–VI): + ζῶ | χ̣ρ̣ῶ̣. E.g., IG XII 9.1240 (Aidepsos, ca. AD I); TAM III 1.596 (Termessus, AD III); I.Ephesos 2217D (AD III). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 112; Preuner, “ΖΩΝ ΚΤΩ ΧΡΩ,” 40–41; Robert, Collection Froehner, 136–37 no. 90.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

169

even though non-Christian epitaphs could also express hope in everlasting afterlife.21 A similar conclusion may be reached, though with greater confidence, regarding inscriptions that abide by the typical Graeco-Roman formulary, but which also feature symbols or animal figures favored by Christians. Euhemeros’s standard epitaph, at the bottom of which was carved a small roughly shaped fish, well illustrates this emerging trend in the local epigraphy at the turn of the third century: “Ioulianos and Makedon, to Euhemeros, (their) dearest brother, in remembrance.”22 While the absence of other characteristically Christian elements (such as a cross) invites caution when dealing with such inscriptions, doubt is no longer permitted for equally early epitaphs that employ distinctively Christian symbols and phraseology. The funerary plate Kalokairos set up for his parents provides a classic example, which, in some respect, sheds some important light on the emergence and development of the Christian epigraphic habit in Macedonia: “Kalokairos (made) for Makedon and Sosigenia, his dearest parents, this tomb (κοιμητήριον) (where they sleep) until the resurrection (ἕως ἀναστάσεως).”23 Whereas the beginning of the formulary resembles Euhemeros’s epitaph (ὁ δεῖνα τῷ γλυκυτάτῳ δεῖνι), it diverges at the end by omitting the typical μνείας χάριν and by introducing the word κοιμητήριον (lit., “sleeping place”). Likely deriving from the New Testament idea of the saints’ repose prior to the resurrection,24 which can sometimes be conveyed by the verb ἀναπαύω,25 the term κοιμητήριον would become a standard heading on Christian tombstones in Macedonia, Attica, and the Corinthia in the fifth and sixth centuries.26 More remarkable still is the fact that Kalokairos’s plate concludes with a direct allusion to the resurrection 21 Cf. Lattimore, Greek and Latin Epitaphs, 44–59. But inscriptions could also express doubt in the afterlife or even deny the immortality of the soul. See ibid., 59–82. 22 ICG 3136 (I.Chr. Macédoine 118; IG X 2,1.*931; Thessalonica, AD III–IV): Ἰουλιανὸς | κὲ Μακεδὼν | Εὐημέρῳ | τῷ γλυκυ||τάτῳ ἀδελ|φῷ μνίας | χάριν (fish). Palaeographic and stylistic features suggest a date in the late third or the early fourth century AD. 23 ICG 3137 (I.Chr. Macédoine 119; IG X 2,1.440; ca. AD 300): Καλόκερος Μακεδό|νι κὲ Σωσιγενίᾳ τοῖς | γλυκυτάτοις γονεῦ|σιν τὸ κοιμητήριον ἕως | ἀναστάσεως. See figure 17. Feissel’s commentary (I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 115–16) is particularly important. Cf. Dölger, ΙΧΘΥΣ, 5:710–14. 24 Cf. Matt 27:52; John 11:11–12; Acts 7:60; 13:36; 1 Cor 7:39; 11:30; 15:6, 18, 20, 51; 1 Thess 4:13–15; 2 Pet 3:4. 25 E.g., ICG 3149, 3180, 3197 (I.Chr. Macédoine 130A, 159, 176), 3676 (IG X 2,1s.1530). 26 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 116–17. On the origin, significance, and specific Christian usage of the term, see Rebillard, “Koimetérion et coemeterium.” Cf. Creaghan and Raubitschek, “Christian Epitaphs from Athens,” 5–6. On the impact of Christian eschatological views on funerary practices, see esp. Rife, Isthmia, 222–30.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

170

Chapter 5

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 17 ICG 3137 (I.Chr. Macédoine 119): epitaph of Kalokairos for his parents with fish, Thessalonica reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XXV; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

(ἕως ἀναστάσεως), as though he wanted to emphasize the temporariness of his parents’ resting place.27 Rarely found in early inscriptions,28 the expression τὸ κοιμητήριον ἕως ἀναστάσεως appears on yet another well-known inscription from Thessalonica that probably dates from the same period as Kalokairos’s tombstone, if it is not slightly later, given the resemblance in style (and despite minor palaeographic differences): “Flavios Kallistos, vir perfectissimus, procurator of imperial estates, made this tomb (τὸ κοιμητήριον) for himself and his wife, together with (his)

27 28

Compare the formula with a claim in a non-Christian, third-century epitaph that “there is no resurrection” (IG X 2,1s.1382, ll. 8–9: κ⟨ο⟩ὐδ᾿ ἐπα|νάστασίς ἐστι). The expression was not confined to Thessalonica, or even Macedonia. For additional examples from Galatia, Phrygia, and Corinth, see ICG 3709 (I.Ancyra 2.357; AD IV), 1379–1380 (SEG 31.1116, 1118), 2583 (IG IV² 3.1300; AD IV). See also perhaps ICG 2588 (IG IV² 3.1408; AD VI).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

171

daughter, until the resurrection (ἕως ἀναστάσεως), in remembrance.”29 On the basis of the formulary, the nomen Flavios, and the title διασημότατος (i.e., perfectissimus), which was commonly born by imperial officials after Constantine, one can date this neatly engraved epitaph more precisely to the second quarter of the fourth century. Consequently, this procurator of imperial estates may be regarded as one of the earliest attested Christian equestrians in Macedonia. In this instance, the merging of the Graeco-Roman standard formulary with Christian elements confirms the view that the Constantinian era inspired new developments in the Christian funerary formulary. In particular, it illustrates how Christians began to feel more confident to identify themselves as such on their gravestones. It is indeed around this period that more overtly Christian symbols start to appear on epitaphs. The inscribed sarcophagi of Ailia Alexandra and her husband Ailios Lykos,30 along with that of Ioulios Ioulianos,31 the only two Christian marble sarcophagi so far discovered at Thessalonica, likely display two of the earliest examples. The first one clearly belongs to the late third century judging by its formulary, letter forms, duo nomina, and its concluding clause ζῶσα Χ(ριστ)ῷ, which is more characteristic of pre-Constantinian inscriptions by its discretion. Two additional features deserve attention: firstly, the cross separating Χ and Ꞷ, an abbreviation that becomes more frequent in the sixth century,32 and secondly, the participial phrase ζῶσα Χριστῷ, which signifies that Ailia commissioned the sarcophagus for herself and her husband “while living in/for/by Christ.”33 Likewise, two singularities make Ioulianos’s 29 ICG 3138 (I.Chr. Macédoine 120; IG X 2,1.351; ca. AD 325–350): Φλά(βιος) Κάλλιστος | ὁ ⟨δ⟩ιασημ(ότατος) ἐπίτρο|πος χωρίων δε|σποτικῶν ἐποί||5ησεν τὸ κοιμη|τήριον τοῦτο ἑαυ|τῷ καὶ τῇ συμβίῳ | ἑαυτοῦ ἅμα θυγατρὶ | ἕως ἀναστάσεως ||10 μ̣νήμης χάριν. 30 ICG 3134 (I.Chr. Macédoine 116; IG X 2,1.551; late AD III): Αἰλία Ἀλεξάνδρα Αἰλίῳ Λύκῳ τῷ ἀνδρὶ μνήμης χάριν καὶ ἑαυτῇ ζῶσα Χ(ριστ)ῷ. “Ailia Alexandra to Ailios Lykos, her husband, in remembrance, and for herself, (being) alive in Christ.” 31 ICG 3135 (I.Chr. Macédoine 117; IG X 2,1.607; ca. AD III): Ἰούλ(ιον) Ἰουλιανὸν τὸν α[–]τατον χρ(ιστιανὸν) οἱ ἀδελφοί. “To Ioulios Ioulianos, the most  …(?) Christian, his brothers.” It could alternatively be translated as follows: “The brothers (buried) Iulius Ioulianos, the most …(?) Christian.” The use of a duo nomina in the accusative (instead of the dative) indicates an early date. This inscription was cut on the upper fragment of the anterior face of the sarcophagus that was found reused in the floor of the nave of Hagios Demetrios. 32 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 114. The abbreviations ΘΥ, ΙΥ, ΧΥ, ΚΥ, and ΚC are, for instance, common at Mylasa and Constantinople during this period. 33 The early epitaphs of Edessa employ the preposition ἐν in the final acclamation ζήσῃς ἐν θεῷ. See ICG 3015–3018 (I.Chr. Macédoine 8–11).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

172

Chapter 5

sarcophagus stand out from other funerary monuments from the same period. Firstly, it abbreviates the adjective χριστιανός by means of a chi-rho, and secondly, it mentions “brothers and sisters” (οἱ ἀδελφοί), who likely represent the Christian community (rather than his siblings) who buried Ioulianos.34 Surprisingly, the epithet χριστιανός hardly ever occurs in Macedonia.35 At Thessalonica, it appears once more on the gravestone of the teacher and neophyte Eutychios, which concludes with an evasive threat of retribution against potential tomb desecrators: “Tomb of Eutychios, a teacher (and) newly baptized Christian (διδασκάλου χρηστιανοῦ χρηστειανοῦ νεοφωτείστου). May no one else dare to open (this tomb) to lay another corpse here, for the one daring (to do so) does not ignore the danger s/he incurs.”36 Oddly enough, the stonecutter repeated the adjective twice one after the other, though with a minor spelling difference (χρηστιανός, χρηστειανός), as though he wanted to emphasize that Eutychios was both a Christian teacher and a Christian neophyte.37 This peculiarity aside, the heading κοιμητήριον followed by a single name in the genitive allows to date Eutychios’s epitaph towards the beginning of the fourth century, thus making it one of the oldest representatives of the κοιμητήριον (τοῦ δεῖνος) type.38 The marble stele put up for Aurelios Aphrodisios must likewise belong to the late third or the early fourth century given the nomen Aurelios, which is split by a Christogram (now partly erased), and given the unusual affirmation at the end that he purchased the tomb: “I, Au☧relios Aphrodisis bought this tomb (τὸ κοιμητήρειν).”39 By the end of the third century, chi-rhos begin to adorn tombstones more conspicuously, as the coarse stele of Kopryllos, another early epitaph starting with a name in the genitive, further illustrates: “(Tomb) of Kopryllos.”40 34 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 114. 35 For another example outside of central Macedonia, see the epitaph of the Christian virgin (χρηστιανὴ παρθένος) Epiktesis at Dium (ICG 3659; SEG 48.790A). 36 ICG 3141 (I.Chr. Macédoine 123; IG X 2,1.397; AD IV): Κοιμητή̣ρ̣ι ̣ο̣ν̣ Ε̣ὐ̣τ̣υ̣|χίου διδασκάλου χρη|σ­ τιανοῦ {χρηστειανοῦ} | νεοφωτείστου, ὅπου ||5 μή̣ τ̣ις ἕταιρος τολμήσι | ἀνύξας ἄλλο σκήνω|μα ἀποθῆτε· ὁ γὰρ | τοῦτο τολμήσας οὐ|κ ἀγνοεῖ τὸν ἐπικεί||10μενον αὐτῷ κίνδυ|νον. What the retribution might have consisted of is not articulated. Most often, it took the form of a fine, as exemplified by two other Thessalonian epitaphs, ICG 3218 and 3219 (I.Chr. Macédoine 197 and 198). For examples from Philippi, see ICG 3252 and 3253 (I.Chr. Macédoine 231 and 232). 37 The stone gives no indication that he noticed and sought to correct the dittography. 38 Tsigaridas and Loverdou (Κατάλογος χριστιανικών επιγραφών, 41–42 no. 8), and Velenis (“Προβληματισμοί πάνω σε δύο παλαιοχριστιανικές επιγραφές,” 397–98), date it to the sixth century AD. But see I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 120. 39 ICG 3139 (I.Chr. Macédoine 121; IG X 2,1.*366; AD III–IV): Α̣ὐ̣☧ρ̣ή̣|λιος Ἀ|φροδεί|σεις ἠ||γόρα­σα | τὸ κοι|μητή|ρειν. 40 ICG 3140 (I.Chr. Macédoine 122; IG X 2,1.*778; AD IV): ☧ Κοπρύλλου. See figure 18. Such names usually indicated exposure as a child. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

173

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 18 ICG 3140 (I.Chr. Macédoine 122): epitaph of Kopryllos with Christogram, Thessalonica reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XXVI; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

174

Chapter 5

Occasionally, they are also found painted on the walls of some of the sixty-five vaulted tombs discovered in the western and eastern necropoleis.41 Remark­ able among these is the tomb of Flavios and Eustorgia that provides the sole example of a Christian funerary portrait at Thessalonica,42 and possibly in the whole of Macedonia.43 Its back-wall features the dead couple dressed in fine attires, each holding a laurel branch, alongside two children (or servants?) standing on either side of a table (or altar?), while floral motifs, birds, and canthari adorn the side walls. In the arcosolium above them, an inscription painted in red ink within a delicate wreath identifies the couple as Flavios (whose cognomen did not survive) and Aurelia Eustorgia,44 and concludes with an elegant Christogram: “To Flavios …(?) and Aurelia Eustorgia. Farewell, passerby!”45 Like the previous epitaphs, this exceptional tomb can probably be dated to the fourth century given its stylistic features, which follow contemporary artistic trends from Rome, and given its standard formulary with the names of the defunct in the dative and the traditional health wish to passersby (ὑγιένετε παροδῖτε).46 41 See Marki, “Grabmalerei in Thessaloniki” (with photos pp. 140–80); ead., Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 120–204 (with pls. 1–26, 59–68); Bonnekoh, Malereien in Thessaloniki, 13–206. The eastern cemetery appears to have been progressively abandoned around the seventh century AD (due to the Slavic incursions) and moved intra muros. On the earliest Christian cemeteries, see Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki”; ead., Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης. Cf. Perdrizet, “Le cimetière chrétien”; Eleutheriadou, “Χριστιανικό κοι­μητήριο.” 42 That is, unless the funerary portrait of Markiane’s grandmother seen above is actually Christian, which is unlikely. See ICG 3133 (I.Chr. Macédoine 115). 43 For a detailed description, see Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 138–39; ead., “Grab­ malerei in Thessaloniki,” 58–60. For another possible example of a Christian fune­rary portrait from Beroea, see ICG 3624 (SEG 35.734; AD IV) in chap. 6, sec. 3 (n. 188). 44 By 1963, the alpha of Εὐστοργίᾳ had disappeared and was restored by Pelekanidis (Gli affreschi paleocristiani, 8), who did not know Kotzias’s earlier edition, with the masculine ending [ΟΥ] or [ΟΝ]. Hence, the tomb is sometimes mistakenly referred to in the literature as that of Eustorgios. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 121. 45 ICG 3142 (I.Chr. Macédoine 124; AD IV): + Φλαβί|ῳ | [–] | κὲ [Αὐρ]ηλ̣[ίᾳ] || Εὐστοργίᾳ· | ὑγιένετε παρ[ο]|δῖτε ☧. Line 3 of Feissel’s text, which is based on the earliest and more complete edition of Kotzias, had vanished by 1931 (along with ll. 1–2 by 1963) and is thus not included in subsequent editions that rely on Pelekanidis’s 1963 text. Another inscription was found painted above a female figure (the mother of Flavios or Eustorgia?) in the southeastern corner of the tomb (ICG 3143; I.Chr. Macédoine 125): κὲ Αὐρηλίᾳ Πρόκλᾳ μητρὴ πάν̣|των. “… and to Aurelia Prokla, mother of all.” The name in the dative accords with the formulary of Flavios and Eustorgia’s epitaph, but the tomb, in which only two bodies were found, was likely destined for the couple primarily (cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 122). 46 The tomb could be as early as AD 300–320 (based on stylistic features), according to Pelekanidis (Gli affreschi paleocristiani, 8–12). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 121; Marki, “Grab­-

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

175

Vaulted tombs such as these undoubtedly belonged to more prominent and affluent Christian families who could afford not only to buy or build the monuments but also to decorate them in the latest artistic fashion with expensive pigments—the iconography differs only slightly from what can be observed in the Roman catacombs.47 A handful of these, which have been dated to the fourth century,48 and which can now be viewed at the Museum of Byzantine Culture of Thessaloniki, were adorned with large crimson Latin crosses or Christograms, and popular biblical (or apocryphal) scenes depicting Noah in the ark, Abraham sacrificing Isaac, Daniel in the lions’ den, the Good Shepherd, the raising of Lazarus, or even Thekla’s martyrdom.49 Apart from Flavios and Eustorgia’s tomb, however, none of these chambers included inscriptions (besides the legends of the scenes themselves) that could give us more information about the deceased or that could allow us to date them more precisely.50 Nor have they delivered many inscribed grave malerei in Thessaloniki,” 58–60; Bonnekoh, Malereien in Thessaloniki, 142, 146, 154. Rizos (“Christian Society,” 320–22) doubts that the couple is actually Christian and, taking the Christogram as Constantine’s new military insignia, offers a different interpretation of the scene. 47 Cf. Marki, “Grabmalerei in Thessaloniki,” 56; Gounaris, “Wandmalereien,” 81; MavropoulouTsioumi, “Susanna,” 97–101; Bonnekoh, Malereien in Thessaloniki, 19–167 (passim). 48 Marki (Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 137) dates twenty-nine tombs to the fourth century AD. For a detailed overview, see ibid., 137–84. For the tombs from the fifth and sixth centuries AD, see ibid., 184–200. 49 The three most outstanding specimens are tomb 15 found in the eastern necropolis at the theological faculty (ICG 3144, see n. 50 below; labeled tomb 18 in Marki, “Grabmalerei in Thessaloniki,” 61–62, and Gounaris, “Wandmalereien”), tomb 49 excavated on Apol­ loniados St. 18 (ICG 3145, see n. 50 below), and tomb 52 discovered in the western necropolis on Demosthenous St. See Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 130–37, 142–54; Bonnekoh, Malereien in Thessaloniki, 19–167 (on tomb 52 on Demosthenous St.). Based on archaeological and numismatic evidence, as well as iconographic features, Marki, Gounaris (“Wandmalereien,” 87–89), and Bonnekoh (Malereien in Thessaloniki, 141–59) have generally dated these (with more or less precision) to the fourth century AD. Also noteworthy are the large Christograms of tombs 29 (AD IV; Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 218, pls. 13–14) and 53 (ibid., 223, pls. 19–20), the Latin crosses of tombs 67, 87, 101, and 102 (AD V–VIII; ibid., 225, 228–30, pls. 25–26), and tomb 89 (AD IV), which features Jesus as the Good Shepherd and a large red Christogram contained within a wreath held by two cupids (ibid., 229, pl. 6). Cf. Pelekanidis, Gli affreschi paleocristiani, 7–28; id., Studien, 75–96; Marki, “Grabmalerei in Thessaloniki,” 61–63; ead., “Frühchristliche Darstellungen”; Gounaris, “Wandmalereien”; Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, “Susanna”; Bonnekoh, Malereien in Thessaloniki, 19–206. 50 ICG 3144 (I.Chr. Macédoine 126; SEG 44.559; AD IV): Ἠεισοῦ, “Jesus” (eastern wall); Δανιήλ, “Daniel” (west); Λάζαρ(ος) – Ἠεισοῦ, Ἀβραὰς θυσία – φωνή, “Lazarus, Jesus, Abraham’s sacrifice—voice” (north); Νόερ, “Noah” (south). The legends were only partially published by Feissel, but reedited in full by Gounaris (“Wandmalereien”) and Marki (Η νεκρόπολη

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

176

Chapter 5

goods (other than the usual clay or glass vessels, jewelries, and coins).51 In this respect, the exhortation to drink and live with the saints, which was engraved on a glass flask found in a tomb from the eastern necropolis, offers us an all too rare (and intriguing) glimpse into some of the funerary beliefs and practices of the Thessalonian Christians in this period.52 Ironically, due to the dearth of epigraphic evidence, the people who were once among the most prominent are now probably those about whom we know the least. 2.2 Inscriptions Related to the Clergy The clergy of Thessalonica are not particularly well documented, especially during the third and the fourth centuries, period for which we simply have (so far) no epigraphic evidence (except for the epitaph of the presbyter Apollonios mentioned above, if indeed he was Christian).53 Only a dozen of inscriptions are known to us, which must represent a tiny fraction of the numerous mini­ sters and attendants who served the Thessalonian church from the first century onward. Remarkably, only one (very late) archbishop has so far emerged from the epigraphic record.54 Copied in 1874 in the rubble of the maritime wall, the commemorative plate suggests that he had overseen, and perhaps even sponsored, the construction or restoration of the harbor fortification towards the end of the sixth century: “Under the holiest archbishop Eusebios was made/restored  …(?).”55 Identified as the archbishop of Thessalonica

51 52

53 54 55

της Θεσσαλονίκης, 130–37). See also ICG 3145 (I.Chr. Macédoine 126bis; SEG 32.653; AD IV) with similar scenes and legends, including Thekla’s martyrdom: φωνή. θυσία. Ἀβραᾶς. Ἰσάχ, “voice—sacrifice—Abraham—Isaac” (southern wall, left); [δ]ένδρον (with Adam and Eve), “tree” (southern wall, left); Δανιήλ. Λέων, “Daniel—lion” (northern wall, left); περιστερά (with Noah’s ark?), “dove” (northern wall, right); Θέκ[λα]. πῦρ. Χριστός, “Thekla—fire—Christ” (west). The eastern wall features the Good Shepherd without any inscription. See Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 142–45. See under “Ευρήματα” in each entry of Marki’s catalogue (Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 211–41, with pls. 68–69)—not all of these tombs are Christian. Cf. ead., “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 51–52. ICG 3146 (I.Chr. Macédoine 127; AD IV): Ὑσύχι πίε [ζήσ]ῃς μετὰ [τῶν | ἁγί]ων πίε ζ[ήσῃ]ς. “Hesychios, drink, [live] with [the] saints! Drink, [live]!” It was discovered in a tomb in the eastern necropolis in 1966 (see pl. 69δ in Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης). The object’s significance is unclear. Is it alluding to a banquet the deceased is supposed to partake of in the afterlife? Or was it used and dedicated during a funerary celebration in honor of the deceased? For a similar acclamation (Χαίροις μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων) from Beroea, see ICG 3067 (I.Chr. Macédoine 57). Cf. ICG 3131 (I.Chr. Macédoine 113) in n. 8 above. As discussed below in sec. 2.5 (cf. ICG 3114; I.Chr. Macédoine 102B), the identification of Bishop Andreas in a votive of the Acheiropoietos basilica is conjectural. ICG 3101 (I.Chr. Macédoine 91; IG X 2,1.46; ca. AD 600): + Ἐπὶ τοῦ ἁγιω(τάτου) | ἀρχιεπισκό(που) | Εὐσεβ(ίου) ἐγέ[νετ]|ο ΡΥΜ(–) ΛΥΤ(–). Line 4 remains unresolved. Cf. Rizos, “Late-Antique Walls of Thessalonica,” 455 n. 11. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

177

with whom Gregory the Great corresponded about various administrative matters between AD 597 and 603,56 Eusebios also reportedly wrote to the emperor Maurice to deny any knowledge of the whereabouts of the relics of St. Demetrios, the city’s patron saint in the late antique and Byzantine eras.57 In effect, inscriptions provide us with little information on the highest clerical office in Thessalonica and leave us to depend primarily on more or less reliable literary sources and traditions.58 These shed light on notorious bishops such as Alexandros who attended the council of Nicaea in AD 325 and accompanied Constantine to Jerusalem,59 or A(s)cholius who baptized Theodosius I in Thessalonica in AD 380, participated in the council of Constantinople the following year, and corresponded with Basil the Great.60 They also highlight the important role Thessalonica played in ecclesiastical and political developments in the late antique Balkans, revealing, for instance, that Innocent I extended (wittingly or unwittingly) patriarchal responsibilities to Bishop Anysios and his successor Rufus in AD 402 and 412 respectively.61 As a result, Thessalonica would remain (in principle at least) the seat of the papal vicariate of eastern Illyricum until the eighth century (despite mounting pressure from the patriarchate of Constantinople from AD 421 onward).62 Similarly, hardly any presbyter is represented in the local inscriptions. Only two are so far attested (beside Apollonios seen earlier), namely, the fifth- or sixth-century presbyters Timothy and Achillios whose fragmentary epitaphs strike by their banality. The first features nothing more than an ivy leaf as decoration, begins with the locative clause ὧδε κῖτε (rather than the more usual ἐνθάδε κεῖτε), and briefly commemorates Timothy as a venerable presbyter:

56 See Jaffé, Regesta pontificum romanorum, nos. 1497, 1683, 1723, 1847, and 1921. 57 Miracula Sancti Demetrii 50–54 (Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:87–90; PG 116:1240–41). Cf. Petit, “Les évêques de Thessalonique,” 213; Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 2:27–28. For a detailed survey of the cult of the saint, see Bauer, Eine Stadt und ihr Patron. 58 See esp. Petit, “Les évêques de Thessalonique”; Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:27–31. Cf. TIB 11:120–21. For the earliest (but not entirely trustworthy) list of bishops, see Le Quien, Oriens christianus, 2:27–66. 59 Socrates, h.e. 1.8.5 and 1.13.12; Eusebius, v.C. 4.43. 60 Socrates, h.e. 5.6; Sozomen, h.e. 7.4; cf. Basil, ep. 154, 164, 165. 61 Innocent I, Ep. 1 and 13 (PL 20:463–68 and 515–17) reproduced in Silva-Tarouca, Epis­ tularum romanorum Pontificum, 20–22. Cf. Innocent I, Ep. 18 (PL 20:537–40); Dunn, “Innocent I and Anysius”; id., “Innocent I and Rufus.” 62 On the papal vicariate of eastern Illyricum, see esp. Dunn, “Innocent I and Anysius”; id., “Innocent I and Rufus”; id., “Innocent I and the Illyrian Churches.” Cf. Duchesne, “L’Illyricum ecclésiastique”; Greenslade, “Illyrian Churches”; Pietri, “Illyricum ecclésiastique”; Bratož, “Kirche in Makedonien,” 522–27. On the vexed question of the authenticity of the Collectio Thessalonicensis, see more recently Gratsianskiy, “Issue of Authenticity.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

178

Chapter 5

“Here lies Timothy, the presbyter of revered memory.”63 The second is adorned with a simple cross above the heading μημόριν (in lieu of κοιμητήριον) and ends in enigmatic fashion with an indecipherable word after ὁ͂δε κῖτε: “Tomb of the most reverent presbyter Achillios. Here lies  …(?).”64 One would expect here either some clarification about the monument itself or the name of the person who might have been buried in Achillios’s tomb. The sixth-century epitaph of the subdeacon Eleutherios, for instance, indicates that someone else was buried in his grave: “Tomb belonging to Eleutherios, subdeacon (ὑποδιάκονος), where Theodoulos (or Theodoule?) lies …”65 This example, incidentally, is typical of later Christian epitaphs from mainland Greece that are characterized by the standard formula κοιμητήριον διαφέρον(τα) τοῦ δεῖνος … ἐνθά(δε) (κατα)κεῖτε (“tomb belonging to so-and-so; here s/he lies”).66 Significantly, funerary inscriptions of deacons and lectores slightly outnumber those of presbyters and bishops (possibly because they existed in greater number). The longest of them, which can be precisely dated to the post-consulships of the Flavii Lampadios and Orestes in AD 532, particularly stands out by its religious verbosity, which contrasts with the brevity of Timothy’s and Achillios’s epitaphs. Not content of being merely remembered as a “most devout” (θεοφιλέστατος) deacon, Andreas also felt the need to stress that he was “the ex-night-watchman (νυκτοφύλαξ) of beloved memory of the venerable church” at which he officiated.67 63 ICG 3157 (I.Chr. Macédoine 137; IG X 2,1.675; AD V–VI): Ὧδε κῖτε Τιμόθεο|ς ὁ τὴν εὐλαβῆ μν|ήμην πρεσβύτερ|[ο]ς. 64 ICG 3156 (I.Chr. Macédoine 136; IG X 2,1s.*1542; SEG 47.980; AD V–VI): + Μημόριν | τοῦ εὐλ(αβεστάτου) πρ(εσβυτέρου) | Ἀχιλλίου· | ὁ͂δε κῖτε Α̣ |ΦΟΡΟΥ. The SEG editors suggest δίφορον (i.e., δίσωμον) at the end. 65 ICG 3160 (I.Chr. Macédoine 140; IG X 2,1.*790 c. Suppl.; AD VI): Κοιμητήριον δι|αφέρον­τα Ἐλευ|θερίου οἱποδι|α̣κόνου, ἔνθα κα||τάκιτε Θεόδου|[λος –]. See also ICG 3150 (I.Chr. Macédoine 130B) in n. 70 below indicating that another deacon buried his grandparents in his tomb. 66 Cf. Sironen, “Early Christian Inscriptions from the Corinthia,” 201–2. 67 ICG 3153 (I.Chr. Macédoine 133; SEG 29.643; IG X 2,1s.1519; AD 532): [– ca. 8 –]Ι̣ S μ(ετὰ) ὑ[π](ατείαν) Φλ(αβίου) Ι̣Ο̣ Υ̣ Σ̣ Τ̣ Ι ̣Ν̣ [– ca. 15 – | – ca. 5 – ἀνε]παύσατο ὁ αὐτὸς θεοφιλ(έστατος) διάκο(νος) Ἀνδρέας | [μη(νὶ)—ca. 7 –]ε̣ʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) ιʹ ἡμ(έρᾳ) γʹ δεὶς μ(ετὰ) τὴν ὑπ(ατείαν) Φλ(αβίων) Λαμπαδίου | [κ(αὶ) Ὀρέστου] τ̣ῶν μεγαλοπρ(επεστάτων) + hedera. Γέγονεν δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς || [ὁ τὴν θεοφ]ι ̣λῆ μνήμην ἀπὸ νυκτοφυλάκ(ων) τῆς εἰρημ(ένης) σεπτ(ῆς) ἐκκλ(ησίας). “… post-consulship of Flavius Justin/Justinian(?). The said Andreas, a most devout deacon, died on 5 (or 15? 25?) (in the month of …?) in the 10th indictio, on the 3rd day (i.e., Tuesday), in the second post-consulship of Flavios Lampadios [and] Flavios [Orestos], viri magnificentissimi. He was also the ex-night-watchman of beloved memory of the aforesaid venerable church.” Note that μετά in ll. 1 and 3 is unusually abbreviated with the letter mu and a cross. The name of the church (cf. l. 5) must have appeared on the now

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

179

Other tombstones generally provide only scraps of information and simply identify deacons by their name, when they do,68 and sometimes by a generic epithet (e.g., εὐλαβέστατος). Based on their late formulary (κοιμητήριον διαφέροντα τοῦ δεῖνος), one can hardly deduce anything other than a Georgios,69 a Demetrios (who buried his grandparents in his tomb),70 a Ioannes (who came from an unidentified village),71 and the Eleutherios mentioned above72 served as deacons or subdeacons in one of the local basilicas in the fifth and sixth centuries. How many they were, and what influence they had at Thessalonica, is difficult, if not impossible, to say, although we might infer that, over time, they rose to a certain prominence. For in the ruins of the eastern city wall once emerged a plate that commemorated deacons with an epithet (ἁγιώτατος) that bishops (or churches), rather than deacons, would more ordinarily wear.73

68 69 70

71

72 73

lost, top fragment. The ecclesiastical function of νυκτοφύλαξ seems unattested. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 130; PGL (which has no entry for the term). The subdeacon’s name has not been preserved in ICG 3693 (IG X 2,1s.1514; AD IV–VI): [– ? –] | ΧΡ․․Ο․Ι | ος ὑποδι|άκων ἐ|ποίησα || τὸν τό|πον ζῶ|ν ἐκ τῶν | ἐμῶν | κόπων. “… I, … os, a subdeacon, I made this tomb in my lifetime out of my own efforts.” ICG 3159 (I.Chr. Macédoine 139; IG X 2,1.653; AD V–VI): [Κοιμ]ητήριον | διαφέροντα | Γεωργίου δια|κ[όνου –]. “Tomb belonging to Georgios, a deacon.” ICG 3150 (I.Chr. Macédoine 130B; IG X 2,1.*780; AD VI): + Κυμητήριον διαφέ|ροντα τοῦ εὐλα­β(εστάτου) | διακόνου Δημητρίου | ΑΞΙ[… ἔν]θα κῖντε οἱ | πρὸς π̣[ατ]έραν πάποι. “Tomb belonging to the reverent deacon Demetrios … where (his) paternal grandparents lie.” Another cleric (who wears the epithet εὐλαβής) was likely also mentioned in the epitaph that was originally engraved in the top, left-hand corner of Demetrios’s tombstone, namely, ICG 3149 (I.Chr. Macédoine 130A; IG X 2,1.*779 c. suppl.; AD 469?): Ἀνεπαύσατο̣ [ὁ δεῖνα, ἰνδ(ικτίωνι) ζʹ], | π̣(ρὸ) δʹ Νωνῶν Φ̣εβ̣ ̣[ρουαρίων, ὑπατείᾳ] | Ζ̣ήνωνος κ̣αὶ̣ Μα[ρκιανοῦ], ὁμοίως καὶ | [ὁ] αὐταυτῆ̣ ς σύνβιο̣ς Παῦλος ὁ εὐλα||[β]ῶ̣ς [μ]ν̣[ήμη]ς τ̣ῇ αὐτῇ ἰνδ̣ικτ⟨ί⟩ων[ι | πρὸ ․] Καλανδῶν Μαρ̣τ̣ίων. “Has died [so-and-so, in the 7th indictio], on the 4th day before the nones of February (i.e., 2 February), [under the consulship] of Zenon and Markianos, just as her husband Paulos of pious memory, on the same indictio, … [before] the calends of March.” ICG 3161 (I.Chr. Macédoine 141; IG X 2,1.*365; AD V–VI): [Κοιμητήριον μονό|σ]ω̣μω[ν δ]ι̣α̣φ[έρον | Ἰ]ωάννῃ [ὑ]ποδιακώ|νῳ τῆς ἐν̣θάδε ἁγί(ας) || τ̣οῦ Θ(εο)ῦ ἐκ̣[κ]λησία[ς | ὁ]ρ̣μού[μεν]ος ἀ[πὸ | κώ]μ[ης –]. “[Tomb] for one person belonging to Ioannes, subdeacon of the holy church of God here, (and) originating from the village …” See ICG 3160 (I.Chr. Macédoine 140) in n. 65 above. ICG 3158 (I.Chr. Macédoine 138; IG X 2,1s.1501; AD V–VI): Μνημεῖον τῶν ἁγιωτάτων διακόνων | τῆς ἐκκλησίας ταύτης. “Memorial of the holiest deacons of this church.” The stone, which had been reused in the city fortifications and is now lost, must have indicated the tomb where the deacons of one of the local churches were successively inhumed. For a similar use of the epithet for bishops or churches, see, e.g., ICG 3021, 3275 (I.Chr. Macédoine 14, 254), 3349, 3354 (I.Stobi 298, 303), 3633 (IG X 2,1s.1497), 3697 (IG X 2,2.149), 3289 (I.Philippi² 125). It seems to have also been applied once to the clergy in a notarial act for a tomb at Beroea (ICG 3072; I.Chr. Macédoine 62, ll. 11–13: τὸ⟨ν⟩ ἁγιώτατον | [κλῆρ]ον τῆς ἁγίας καὶ καθολικῆ⟨ς⟩ ἐκκλησί|[ας]).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

180

Chapter 5

The epigraphy of the fifth and sixth centuries brings to light lower-level clerics as well. It includes the two men named Andreas and Ioannes whose damaged epitaphs tell us very little except that they were devout lectores.74 It also features a doorkeeper (θυρωρός) named Kassianos, who must have served at a church or a martyrium dedicated to an unidentified saint,75 and possibly another lector named Demetrios who, as ἀποθηκάριος, managed a storehouse as well.76 Although they must have played a significant role in the life of the church, and indeed could often serve as deaconesses,77 Christian women remain overall quasi invisible in the epigraphy of Thessalonica outside of two epitaphs of virgins—one of which is very fragmentary.78 One would be hard-pressed, however, to determine whether they belonged to a small monastic community, such as those possibly attested at Beroea and Edessa,79 or whether they simply died unmarried. The latter seems more probable for the virgin Ioanna since she was buried by her own parents after having passed

74 ICG 3162 (I.Chr. Macédoine 142; IG X 2,1.*793; AD VI): + Κυμητήριν δ̣[ιαφέρον] | Ἀνδρέου τοῦ τεοφ[ιλεστάτου] | ἀναγνόστου, οιἡὸς [τοῦ τῆς ἀρίσ]|της {εμ} μνήμης Ἀρε[σίου/Ἀρειστείδου?]. “Tomb belonging to Andreas, the most devout lector, son of Aresias(?) of excellent memory.”—ICG 3633 (IG X 2,1s.1497; SEG 52.642; AD V–VI): [Κοιμ]ητήριον | [δίσω]μον δια|[φέρον] Ἀνδρέου τ|[οῦ εὐ]λαβεστάτου || [ἀναγ]νόστου τῆς ἐν|[ταῦθ]α ἁγιωτ(άτης) ἐκκλη|[σίας καὶ τ]οῦ υἱοῦ … | …ΥΙ[–]. “Tomb for two people belonging to Andreas, the most reverent lector of the holiest church here, and son of …(?).”—ICG 3163 (I.Chr. Macédoine 143; IG X 2,1.632; AD V–VI): ΕΒΣΑΛΙΤΟΥ[–] | τῇ αὐτοῦ [–] | Ι Ν Ἰωάννης ἀναγ⟨ν⟩ώ⟨σ⟩της. “… and to his (wife?) … Ioannes, lector.” 75 ICG 3164 (I.Chr. Macédoine 144; IG X 2,1.360; AD V–VI): + + + | Μιμόριον | Κασιανοῦ θυ|ρ̣ωροῦ τοῦ̣ ἁ̣γ̣ί̣[ου –]. “Tomb of Kassianos, doorkeeper of the holy …(?).” See Apos. Con. 57.10.21 on the responsibilities of a θυρωρός. 76 ICG 3175 (I.Chr. Macédoine 155; IG X 2,1.*796; AD VI?): [Κο]ιμητήριον̣ [διαφέρον Δη­μ|η]τ̣ρίου ἀνα{π}[γνώστου καὶ ἀ|πο]θηκαρίο̣[υ – το|ῦ μ]ακαριω̣[τάτου]. “Tomb [belonging] to Demetrios, lector(?), [and] storehouse superintendent, (son of?) of the most blessed …” According to Feissel, this is likely the same inscription as ICG 3176 (I.Chr. Macédoine 155bis; IG X 2,1.650), which was first copied by R. Pococke between 1734 and 1741 and reexamined by Papageorgiou before 1890. On the function of ἀποθηκάριος, see Robert, Opera minora selecta, 2:923–25. 77 See the virgins and deaconesses of Edessa and Beroea in chap. 6, sec. 2–3 below. Cf. Eisen, Amtsträgerinnen, 154–92; Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia, 650–60. 78 ICG 3165 (I.Chr. Macédoine 145; IG X 2,1s.1524; AD V–VI): [–]|ας παρ|θένου | ⳨  . ⳨⳨ “[Tomb?] … of a virgin.”—ICG 3694 (IG X 2,1s.*1533; AD V–VI): [μημ]όρι[ον] | Εὐγενίας | παρθένου | vac. “Tomb of Eugenia, a virgin.” 79 See the inscription for the abbess Theodora, an “eternal virgin” (ἀειπάρθενος) and “mother of pious virgins” (μήτηρ παρθένων εὐσεβῶν) at Beroea (ICG 3070; I.Chr. Macédoine 60; AD V–VI), and the series of epitaphs of virgins at Edessa (ICG 3027–3029, 3032; I.Chr. Macédoine 20–22, 24; AD V–VI) in chap. 6, sec. 2–3 below.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

181

away “by divine ordinance” (θεοῦ κελεύσει)80—an expression that is rare enough in Macedonian inscriptions to be noted.81 2.3 Inscriptions Related to Martyrial Cults 2.3.1 St. Demetrios et alii The sanctuary over which the above-mentioned doorkeeper Kassianos kept watch has not been identified unfortunately. It may have been that of the (otherwise unknown) martyr Ioannes that was presumably located by the entrance of the Hagios Demetrios hospital,82 and next to which a certain Domesticus was buried ad sanctum after paying three and a half solidi.83 Or it could be one of the other eight late antique martyria discovered or suspected outside the city walls, which Efterpi Marki has connected, more or less persuasively, to various saints known from Byzantine hagiographical traditions.84 Alternatively, Kassianos may have served at the large cross-transept basilica dedicated to St. Demetrios (ca. 55  ×  38 m), which was built around AD 500–525 80 ICG 3155 (I.Chr. Macédoine 135; IG X 2,1.403; AD 535): [․]Δ̲ , θ̲(εο)ῦ̲ δ̣ὲ̣ κ̣ε̣λεύσ̣ι̣ ἀ̣ν̣ε̣παύ̣σα[το | ἡ] γ̣νησιωτάτη καὶ πολυπόθη̣[τος | ἡ]μ̣ο͂ν θυγάτηρ Ἰωάννα οὖσα πα[ρθ(ένος) | μη(νὶ)] Ν̣οεμβρίου καʹ ἡμ(έρᾳ) δʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) ιδʹ vac || [ὑπ(ατείᾳ)] Φλ(αβίου) Βιλισαρίου τοῦ μεγαλοπ̣[ρεπ(εστάτου)]. “…  and, by the command of God, has died our dearest and much regretted daughter Ioanna, a virgin(?), on 21 November, on the 4th day (i.e., Wednesday), in the 14th indictio, under the consulship of Flavios Belisarios, the magnificentissimus.” For the restitution of the end of l. 3 (οὖσα πα[ρθ(ένος)]) see BE 1987, no. 432. 81 The phrase κελεύσ(ε)ι Χριστοῦ appears in another epitaph from Parthicopolis (ICG 4143; I.Chr. Bulgarien 240; AD V–VI). Cf. ICG 20 (MAMA 1.306): βουλῇ μεγί̣|[στ]ου ⟨θ⟩εοῦ (ll. 12–13). For additional examples from Constantinople or Asia Minor, see I.Chr. Macé­ doine, pp. 132–33. 82 Cf. Pelekanidou, “Νέα ευρήματα,” 379–81; Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 47; ead., Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 69–74. On the martyr himself, see Delehaye, Les origines, 231. 83 ICG 3225 (I.Chr. Macédoine 204; IG X 2,1.358; AD V–VI): Domesti|cus posi|tus ad do(mnum) | Ioan(nem) dat sol(idos) || tres et semis | pro memorium. “Domesticus, laid next to the martyr Ioannes, gives three and a half solidi for the memorial.” 84 See Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 45–50; ead., Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 69–99. Marki enumerates nine martyria in total: five outside the eastern walls, three beyond the western walls, and one to the north. Not all have left archaeological traces, however. The western sanctuary of Matrona and that of the three sisters Agape, Irene, and Chione are only mentioned in Miracula Sancti Demetrii 50, 107–108 (Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:87–90, 122–26; cf. PG 116:1240, 1277). Incidentally, the archbishop John of Thessalonica, who composed the passio prima of St. Demetrios in the seventh century, clearly explains that the Thessalonians secretly interred all their martyrs, so that, in his day, nobody knew their exact burial location except for St. Matrona. See Miracula Sancti Demetrii 50 (Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:87–90). On the martyrdom of Agape, Irene, and Chione under Maximian, which is known from a Byzantine menologion that may have preserved excerpts from the original trial proceedings, see Musurillo, Christian Martyrs, xlii–xliii, 280–93; Delehaye, Les passions des martyrs, 103–4; CSLA E00393.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

182

Chapter 5

over an earlier structure that may have contained the relics of the saint,85 though these have never been found.86 The first sanctuary itself is said to have been constructed in the fourth century near the public baths located north of the forum where Demetrios, a young military officer of senatorial descent (according to his passio altera), was allegedly martyred under Maximian and secretly interred.87 Restored in the seventh century after a fire damaged it the AD 620s,88 the sixth-century basilica would attract thousands of pilgrims seeking healing and protection from the saint throughout the Byzantine period.89 When the cult actually started is not clear.90 The myron located in the so-called 85 An inscription commemorating the completion of some construction work—the church itself?—has been found reused in the external wall of the church of Demetrios, right of the apse. Its dating and original provenance are unclear, although the monogram seems to point to the post-Justinian era. See ICG 3102 (I.Chr. Macédoine 92; IG X 2,1s.1489; AD VI?): + Ἐπὶ Δημητρίου υἱοῦ Βινδεμίου(?) το[ῦ ․․]ο[…. γέγο]νεν τὼ | ἔργων τοῦτω μ̣η(νὶ) [Ἀ]π̣ρ̣ι̣λ̣ί̣ο̣υ̣ σ̣ω̣[–]. “Under Demetrios, the son of Vindemios(?), … was this work made, in the month of April …” On the architecture and date of the basilica, see esp. Soteriou and Soteriou, Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου; Lemerle, “Saint Démétrius de Thessalonique” (with important critical remarks on earlier excavations); Spieser, Thessalonique, 165– 214. Cf. Kleinbauer, “Dating of S. Demetrios”; Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 153–63; Bauer, Eine Stadt und ihr Patron, 64–141. Lemerle (“Saint Démétrius de Thessalonique,” 660–73) strongly opposes the Soterious’s conclusion that the basi­ lica was a martyrium. On the relics, see Skedros, Saint Demetrios, 56–60, 85–94. On the mosaics specifically, see Diehl and Le Tourneau, “Saint-Démétrius”; Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration”; Skedros, Saint Demetrios, 70–82; Bakirtzis, Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 131–79; Brenk, “Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 19–21. 86 As noted earlier, the archbishop Eusebios allegedly denied knowledge of the exact location of the saint’s relics. See Miracula Sancti Demetrii 50–54 (Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:87–90; PG 116:1240–41). Cf. Petit, “Les évêques de Thessalonique,” 213; Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 2:27–28. 87 See AASS, Oct. 4, pp. 50–209; PG 104:104–5 (summary by Photius of Constantinople); 116:1167–72 (passio prima), 1173–84 (passio altera), 1185–1324 (passio tertia); BHG2 496–547. For a commented and annotated edition, see Lemerle, Saint Démétrius. Cf. Delehaye, Les légendes grecques, 103–9, 259–63; Soteriou and Soteriou, Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου, 1–15, 35–63; Lemerle, “La composition”; id., Saint Démétrius, 1:9–12; Speck, “De miraculis Sancti Demetrii”; CSLA E01343–E01344. 88 Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 2:100; Spieser, Thessalonique, 165–67. 89 Cf. Bakirtzis, “Christianity in Thessalonikē,” 398–405; id., “Ξενὼν τοῦ Ἁγίου Δημητρίου.” On the history of the cult in late antiquity, see Skedros, Saint Demetrios; Bakirtzis, “Démétrius.” For a well-documented and illustrated diachronic survey, see Bauer, Eine Stadt und ihr Patron. 90 On the obscure origins and development of the cult, see, e.g., Delehaye, Les légendes grecques, 103–9; Lemerle, “Saint Démétrius de Thessalonique,” 671–73; Vickers, “Sirmium or Thessaloniki?”; Skedros, Saint Demetrios, 7–40; Woods, “Thessalonica’s Patron”; Spieser, “Le culte de Saint Démétrius.” Cf. Kazhdan and Ševčenko, “Demetrios of Thessalonike.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

183

crypt underneath the apse and cross-transept of the sixth-century basilica is not mentioned in literary sources before AD 1040.91 However, both archaeological and literary evidence indicate that an hexagonal marble ciborium placed in the middle of the nave functioned as the saint’s oratorium already by the sixth century.92 Furthermore, two ex-votos and a fragmentary decree by Justinian mentioning the “revered house” (σεβάσμιος οἶκος) of Demetrios confirm the existence of a vibrant cult of the saint in Thessalonica in the sixth century.93 Admittedly, the first ex-voto, a white marble medallion featuring a cross on top of a monogram, hardly tells us anything about the cult itself other than the name of the dedicant, if indeed it can be deciphered correctly.94 The second, more explicit votive consists of a marble sundial dedicated by, presumably, an undertaker (δεκανός) to the “holy martyr” (ἅγιος μάρτυς), who, in the religious context of Thessalonica, can be more or less safely identified as Demetrios.95 Found reused in the western part of the city at the Golden gate, it is not clear where the object might have been displayed initially. One possibility is that it was set 91

See Lemerle, “Saint Démétrius de Thessalonique,” 661–64; Bakirtzis, “Pilgrimage to Thes­ salonike.” Cf. Soteriou and Soteriou, Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου, 47–63; Bauer, Eine Stadt und ihr Patron, 143–83; Bogdanović, Framing of Sacred Space, 206–16. The crypt was refurbished and fitted with a myron and a ciborium in the Middle Byzantine period. It was later filled with earth and closed when the church was transformed into a mosque in the Ottoman period. 92 See recently Bogdanović, Framing of Sacred Space, 206–16. Cf. Lemerle, “Saint Démétrius de Thessalonique,” 665–73; Bakirtzis, “Pilgrimage to Thessalonike,” 177–79; Spieser, “Le culte de Saint Démétrius,” 283–85. The identification of the saint’s tomb and relics remains a point of contention. Their location seems to have been kept secret by the local church authorities for fear that the relics might be transferred to Constantinople. However, a small bottle that supposedly contained a few drops of the martyr’s blood was found in a reliquary in the enkainion underneath the altar. See Soteriou and Soteriou, Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου, 61–63; Spieser, Thessalonique, 89–96. 93 ICG 3091 (I.Chr. Macédoine 81; IG X 2,1.23 c. Suppl.; AD 538–565): [– Ἰουσ]τινιανὸς Ἀλαμανικὸς Γοτ[θικὸς – | –] νικητ(ή)ς τροπαιοῦχ(ος) ἀεισέβασ[τος | – μάρτυρο]ς Δημητρίου τοῦ κατὰ τ̣[– | – σ]ε̣βασμίῳ οἴκῳ κατὰ τη[– ||5 –] π̣ροσευξόμενοι τ̣ῷ θ[(ε)ῷ – | –]πρακτων τῶν δ[– | –] π̣ρᾶγμα ἐλαττω[– | –]ε̣ιναι αὐτὰς τ[– | – ἀν]α̣κωχῆς κα̣[– ||10 –]ι̣ναι του[– | –]ι̣στ[–]. A staurogram replaces the rho in the martyr’s name (i.e., Δημητ⳨ίου). The plate was found reused in the floor of the Hagios Demetrios. Towards the end of the sixth century, the church may have also operated a hospice where patients sought healing from the saint. See Bakirtzis, “Christianity in Thessalonikē,” 398–405; id., “Ξενὼν τοῦ Ἁγίου Δημητρίου.” 94 ICG 3104 (I.Chr. Macédoine 94; SEG 47.995; BE 1987, no. 432; AD VI): + Γρηγορίου μαγίσ­ τρου(?). “Of Gregorios magistros(?).” 95 ICG 3103 (I.Chr. Macédoine 93; IG X 2,1.66; AD V–VI): Ἐγὼ Βιταλιανὸς | δεκανὸς ἀνεθέμην | ὡ̣ρ̣ο̣λόγιον τῷ ἁγίῳ μάρτυρι̣. “I, Vitalianos, dekanos (i.e., gravedigger?), dedicated this sundial to the holy martyr.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

184

Chapter 5

up as a piece of decoration somewhere in or near the church devoted to the saint, which was also adorned with a unique mosaic frieze stretching about thirty meters across a two-meter-high arcade in the northern inner aisle. Sadly, none of the original mosaic panels has been preserved as they were all destroyed in the devastating fire of 1917. Of those that had been copied or photographed by Petros N. Papageorgiou, N.K. Kluge, and Walter S. George a decade or so earlier, only a handful can be confidently dated to the late fifth or mid-sixth century, that is, prior to the restoration of the basilica after a fire damaged it in the first half of the seventh century.96 The focal point of the frieze is without a doubt Demetrios himself who is represented with a golden halo, wearing a chlamys and a tablion, and in the orans position or standing in front of an aedicula or pyramidal ciborium (the locus sanctus where the saint effectively was thought to “meet with” supplicants).97 Indeed, he occupies the central stage on all spandrels (A, B, D, F), except for spandrels C and E, which depict, respectively, an enthroned Virgin Mary and child (surrounded by attendant angels and saints, including Demetrios), and a standing Virgin.98 Other saints are also portrayed, but only in small medallions in the background and with their name sometimes written in the golden haloes (for lesser known saints, it seems). Among them, in the panel above arch 4, are St. Pelagia (who is otherwise unattested at Thessalonica) and St. Matrona (whose fortified extra muros sanctuary is mentioned in St. Demetrios’s miracle account),99 and, possibly, St. Alexandros in spandrel H, between arches 8 and 9.100

96 See Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration”; Bauer, Eine Stadt und ihr Patron, 185–233; Fourlas, Acheiropoietos-Basilika, 110–56; Bakirtzis, Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and MavropoulouTsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 148–79. Feissel only edited the inscriptions predating the restoration. 97 According to Cormack (“Mosaic Decoration,” 31), the representation of the ciborium actually “provides an almost precise visual counterpart of the descriptions in the Miracula text.” On the importance of the ciborium, see also Bakirtzis, “Pilgrimage to Thessalonike,” 177–79; Spieser, “Le culte de Saint Démétrius,” 283–85; Yasin, Saints and Church Spaces, 173–75. 98 Demetrios is represented wearing the same consular chlamys to the left of the Virgin and child, behind an angel. Further to the right and left of the spandrel are depicted five saints in medallions, including Pelagia and Matrona. Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 26–31. 99 ICG 3117 (I.Chr. Macédoine 105; AD V–VI): (A) Ἡ ἁγ(ία) | Πελαγία. (B) Ἡ ἁγ(ία) | Μ̣ ατρώνα. (A) “Saint Pelagia. (B) “Saint Matrona.” On St. Matrona’s sanctuary, see Miracula Sancti Demetrii 50 and 107 (Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:87–90, 122–26; cf. PG 116:1240, 1277). Cf. Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 49–50. 100 ICG 3120 (I.Chr. Macédoine 108; AD V–VI): (A) [Ὁ ἅγιος –]ος. (B) Ὁ ἅγι[ος Ἀλέξαν]δρος. (A) “Saint …(?).” (B) “Saint Alexandros(?).” On Alexandros of Pydna who is said to have been martyred in Thessalonica under Maximian, see AASS, Mar. 2, pp. 339–40; BHG3 49m; BHL

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

185

Who commissioned and financed the frieze (or part thereof) remains unk­ nown as no surviving inscription identifies the actual donor(s)101—the inscription over arch 6 commemorating the restoration of the basilica under Leon dates from the seventh century.102 The dedications that were inserted at both ends of the frieze (spandrels A and H) are completely anonymous —one of them features next to the portrait of one of the donors (presumably), to the right of Demetrios.103 Another clue, however, might be given in the central rectangular frame extending from spandrels D to H across arches 5 to 8.104 Beginning with spandrel D, a woman brings (in dedication?) an infant marked with a cross on her forehead to Demetrios who, standing in front of his open ciborium, welcomes and reaches out to the child in an apparent gesture of blessing.105 In the next spandrel (E), to the right of spandrel D, the same mother and child are represented standing next to the Virgin in what could be a theophany scene.106 The Virgin herself, who seems to be invoked in a damaged inscription at the bottom of the next spandrel (F),107 holds her arms to the right “in a gesture of intercession” towards a lost figure in the apex of arch 6 who “can scarcely have been other than Christ.”108 In spandrel F, the mother and child, who is now shown as a little girl, are depicted as supplicants offering 280; Dimitrakopoulos, “Ἅγιος Ἀλέξανδρος.” Cf. Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 45; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:204. 101 Cf. Diehl and Le Tourneau, “Saint-Démétrius,” 227–28; Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 23. 102 See the mosaic inscription (which was destroyed in the 1917 fire) commemorating the restoration of the church by a certain Leon after a fire had damaged it: ᾽Επὶ χρόνων Λέοντος ἡβῶντα βλέπεις | καυθέντα τὸ πρὶν τὸν ναὸν Δημητρίου (“in the time of Leon, you see, renewed in its youth, the church of Demetrios, which had burnt previously”; see Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 41; Spieser, “Les inscriptions de Thessalonique,” 155 no. 6). The identity and function of this Leon remain debated. See Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 41–43; Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:192 (n. 5); Bakirtzis, “Mosaics of the Basilica of St Demetrios,” 98. 103 ICG 3116 (I.Chr. Macédoine 104; AD V–VI; western end): Ὑπὲρ εὐ|χῆς οὗ | οἶδεν̣ | ὁ Θ(εὸ)ς τὸ || ὄνο|μα +. “Ex-voto of the one whose name God knows.” Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 24–25.—ICG 3121 (I.Chr. Macédoine 109; AD V–VI; eastern end): + Ὑπ̣[ὲρ ε]|ὐχῆ̣ [ς ο]|ὗ οἶδ[εν] | ὁ Θ(εὸ)ς̣ [τὸ] || ὄνο̣[μα] +. “Ex-voto of the one whose name God knows.” Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 38–39. For similar votive inscriptions from Thessalonica, see ICG 3113 and 3114 (I.Chr. Macédoine 102A–B). 104 See Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 31–39. 105 In the background, a partly erased figure enclosed in a medallion and thought to be Christ (likely of a Pantocrator type) also extends his hand towards the child. See Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 32–33. 106 Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 34. 107 ICG 3118 (I.Chr. Macédoine 106; AD V–VI): κ̣α̣ὶ̣ τὴν δ̣έσποι|ναν τὴν θεοτ̣[ό]|κ̣ο̣ν τὴν̣ ἁ̣γ[ίαν]. “… and the Lady Mother of God, the holy …” Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 31–32. 108 Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 34. The panel above arch 6 was replaced by three me­dal­ lions of St. Demetrios, an archbishop, and another cleric with an inscription

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

186

Chapter 5

candles to Demetrios.109 The rectangular frame concludes with a last scene on spandrel G in which five figures approach the saint (whose bust and head are missing) from the left. The mother here seems to push forward her child who is now represented as a young girl offering a couple of doves to Demetrios.110 Underneath the panel, a final touching inscription written in silver letters and with gold crosses records the family’s petition to the saint and identifies the little girl as Maria, a gift of St. Demetrios himself: “And you, my Lord, Saint Demetrios, help us, your servants, and your servant Maria whom you gave to us.”111 What occasion prompted the mosaic frieze is unclear. Given the saint’s renowned miraculous agency, it is likely that Maria was thought to have been born or healed of some disease as a result of her parents’ intercession who, in the last scene, are seen wearing scarlet shoes (a sure sign of imperial nobility).112 Quite possibly then, the parents themselves (who remain anonymous) sponsored, at least in part, the monumental artwork to express their gratitude to Demetrios and to commemorate his miracle.113 What is sure is that there could hardly be found a better illustration of the saint’s attractive power and importance in the popular imagination in late antique Thessalonica. As shown in the last spandrel (H), Demetrios continuously stood orans as the great intercessor of the city, ever ready to answer the people’s petitions to heal and rescue them from impending dangers, be it foreign invaders or the plague.114 Yet saint or martyr veneration in Thessalonica was not solely restricted to Demetrios but also extended to other lesser known saints, as the nine martyria excavated or suspected to the east and west of the city walls illustrate.115 Despite a rich Byzantine hagiographical tradition, only a handful of them have commemorating the restoration of the basilica in the seventh century under a certain Leon (see n. 102 above). Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 41. 109 Cf. ibid., 35. 110 Cf. ibid., 35–37. 111 ICG 3119 (I.Chr. Macédoine 107; AD V–VI): + Καὶ σύ, δέσποτά μο[υ] | ἅγιε Διμήτρι, βοήθι ἡμῖν | τοῖς δούλοις σου καὶ | τῇ δούλῃ σου Μαρί||ᾳ ἣν ἔδωκες + | ἡμῖν +. Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 31–32. 112 Cf. Diehl and Le Tourneau, “Saint-Démétrius,” 235; Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 31. 113 Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 31; Bakirtzis, “Mosaics of the Basilica of St Demetrios,” 98. 114 Cf. Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 37–39. 115 With the help of Byzantine literary sources (mainly the tenth-century menologion of Basil II), Marki has identified nine martyria in the eastern and western necropoleis, namely, those of Alexandros of Pydna, Florentius, Domninus, Ioannes, Anysia, Theodolous and Agathopous, Matrona, Theodoros, and of the three sisters Agape, Irene, and Chione. However, none of these deductions can be confirmed by epigraphic or archaeological evidence. See Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 45–50 (with plan, pp. 114–15); ead., Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 69–99. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

187

left a trace in the epigraphic record. Among them are St. Pelagia, St. Matrona, and St. Alexandros, who, as seen above, are more or less confidently identified on the mosaic frieze in St. Demetrios’s church.116 Others include St. Laurentios who was commemorated on a marble plate (from an unknown provenance),117 and the twenty male martyrs whose mosaic portraits adorned the walls of the cupola of the Rotunda (also known as the church of Hagios Georgios).118 2.3.2 The Martyrs in the Rotunda Initially built as a temple of patron deities (modeled on Rome’s Pantheon) that connected to Galerius’s palace via a colonnaded street,119 the Rotunda was possibly converted (in two successive phases?) into a Christian place of worship in the Theodosian era (at the earliest), while relics (of the martyrs displayed in the mosaics?) were placed under its altar and in the two crypts adjacent to the apse at a later stage.120 Possibly dedicated to Christ,121 it was decorated with exquisite mosaics about the same time as its transformation in the late fourth

116 Cf. ICG 3117 and 3120 (I.Chr. Macédoine 105 and 108) in nn. 99 and 100 above. 117 ICG 3110 (I.Chr. Macédoine 99bis; IG X 2,1s.*1486; AD VI): Ἁγείου Λαβρετείου. “Of Saint Laurentios.” 118 On the original name of the church, see Tafrali, Topographie, 155–60; Kleinbauer, “Hagios Georgios”; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:59–60. 119 The initial building was never completed and unlikely to have been intended as a mausoleum. See the latest discussion in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:13–33 (and the rich bi­b­ liography therein). On Galerius’s imperial complex (including his triumphal arch), see, e.g., Laubscher, Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbogens; Spieser, Thessalonique, 97–123; Stefanidou-Tiveriou, “Palastanlage des Galerius”; Hadjitryphonos, “Palace of Galerius”; Athanasiou et al., Η αποκατάσταση; Mentzos, “Tetrarchic Palace Complex.” An “equilateral cross surrounded by rays” and “standing between two stylized plant ornaments” has been found in the apsidal wall of the palatial Octagon (Vickers, “Octagon at Thessaloniki,” 114; cf. figs. 17 and 44 in Athanasiou et al., Η αποκατάσταση, 258–59). However, its significance and the function of the building itself, in particular its supposed conversion into a church, remain debated. See Vickers, “Octagon at Thessaloniki,” 114–20; Spieser, Thessalonique, 118 (with n. 237); Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne,” 129 (with n. 80); Athanasiou et al., Η αποκατάσταση, 227–326, 380–81; Mentzos, “Tetrarchic Palace Complex,” 336–52. 120 On the various proposed dates for this conversion, which ranges from the end of the fourth century to the sixth century, see the discussions and bibliographies in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:35–68, 76–83, and Ćurčić, Early Christian Architecture in Thessaloniki, 14–15; Mentzos, “Rotunda of Thessaloniki,” 73; Akrivopoulou, “Rotunda.” Despite recent attempts by Ćurčić (Early Christian Architecture in Thessaloniki) and Bakirtzis and Mas­ tora (“Mosaics in the Rotunda”; cf. Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 115–16) to attribute this conversion to Constantine, definitive archaeological evidence supporting a pre-Theodosian date remains to be found. See Brenk, “Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 21–31; Spieser, “À propos de trois livres récents sur des monuments de Thessalonique,” 303–5. On the relics, see Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:43–47, 59, 199–200, 211; Kleinbauer, “Rotunda,” 55 (with n. 108). 121 See Kleinbauer, “Hagios Georgios”; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:59–60. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

188

Chapter 5

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 19 The Rotunda, Thessalonica photo by J.M. Ogereau; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

century or around the mid- to late fifth century (if not in the sixth century),122 and furnished with a sumptuous fan-shaped ambo with reliefs featuring the epiphany of Christ in the mid-sixth century.123 Just as the basilica of Hagios Demetrios, the edifice has greatly suffered over the centuries, and only about a third of the original mosaic decoration has survived.124 The central mosaic in the cupola medallion is now almost completely lost, but traces indicate that it must have represented a glorious Christ encircled by a starry band 122 For a recent, detailed examination of the edifice and its mosaics (with an up-to-date bibliography), see the magisterial treatment by the art historian Torp (La rotonde pala­ tine). See also, e.g., Grabar, “Saint-Georges”; Spieser, Thessalonique, 113–64; Fourlas, Acheiropoietos-Basilika, 156–67, 177–95; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda” (with excellent photographic reproductions); Eastmond and Hatzaki, Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited. The date of the mosaics remains disputed. For Torp (La rotonde palatine, 1:82–83, 445–89), the conversion and decoration of the Rotunda were both undertaken by Theodosius I. Brenk (“Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 30–31), on the other hand, argues (among others) that they were likely completed in the second half of the fifth or sixth century based on historical, topographical, architectural, and iconographic grounds. 123 See Warland, “Ambo aus Thessaloniki”; Zchomelidse, “Epiphany.” Cf. Sodini, “SaintGeorges.” 124 Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:71. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

189

Figure 20 Cupola mosaic of the Rotunda, Thessalonica reproduced with permission from Bakirtzis, Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, eds., Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 113, fig. 72

and a vegetal garland, a phoenix (a symbol of the resurrection),125 and four supporting angels.126 Similarly, almost nothing (except the feet of floating 125 On the significance of the phoenix in Christian art, see Kleinbauer, “Rotunda,” 35; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:368–70. A similar phoenix was discovered on a mosaic panel from the fourth-century, single-nave building excavated underneath the mid-fifth-century basilica of Sintrivani Square. See Paisidou, “Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική,” 253–56. 126 Still visible on the masonry in the clipeus are the preliminary drawing of a male figure, the upper part of a halo, a raised right hand, and the tip of a cross or scepter. See the detailed examination in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:353–88, who interprets the medallion mosaic as a theophanic vision of the victorious Christ Sol. Bakirtzis and Mastora (“Mosaics in the Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

190

Chapter 5

figures) has been preserved of the intermediary zone between the medallion and the base of the dome,127 which is thought to have symbolized angels in the celestial realm.128 Fortunately, most of the panels around the base of the cupola have survived more or less intact (except for the one above the apse), along with thirteen of the twenty original mosaic inscriptions.129 The 75 m circular ensemble can thus be divided into seven panels (I–VII),130 each of which contains two or three portraits with a legend providing the name and occupation of the martyr (in the genitive), and the month in which he was presumably commemorated.131 All of the figures are depicted without a nimbus, wearing either a chlamys (if a soldier) or a paenula (if a cleric or a civilian),132 and standing orans in front of a golden aedicula or frons scaenae that likely represents God’s palace or temple in the heavenly Jerusalem.133 Following Denis Feissel’s Rotunda,” 39–40) argue, on the other hand, that the central scene represents the adventus of Constantine in the form of Sol invictus. For Grabar (“Saint-Georges”), Kleinbauer (“Rotunda”), and Nasrallah (“Empire and Apocalypse in Thessaloniki”), the whole mosaic program of the Rotunda revolves around the parousia of Christ. 127 The original mosaics in the apse have also been lost. Those currently visible date from the ninth to tenth century AD. See Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:389–90. 128 See Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:353–88 (esp. 354–57), 389–90. 129 Four inscriptions are lost, one was restituted (III.1), and one arbitrarily restored (V.1). See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 105. 130 Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine 110) and Bakirtzis (“Rotunda,” 64–65) retain a seven-panel division, while Torp (La rotonde palatine, 1:162) follows an eight-panel division that is out of sync with that of Feissel and Bakirtzis. Panel I in Torp thus corresponds to panel II in Feissel and Bakirtzis. The panel above the apse (panel VII in Torp) was reconstituted by the painter Rossi in the late nineteenth century on the basis of the other panels and features neither martyr nor inscription. Cf. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:72–73. 131 The names in the genitive conform to the formula of the synaxaria and implies the word μνήμην, according to Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 109). Peculiarly, Bakirtzis (“Rotunda,” 111) suggests that the “inscriptions accompanying the supplicating men are ‘voice’ [sic]” implying “prayer of …” However, the word εὐχή is nowhere to be read. For an exhaustive study of the martyrs, see chaps. 6–11 in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:161–351. Cf. Kleinbauer, “Rotunda,” 44–62; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 62–114 (with excellent photos). 132 The martyrs can be divided into two distinct groups: chlamys-wearing soldiers (seven in total) and paenula-wearing civilians, either laymen (six) or clerics (four), with the latter representing the minority. Porphyrios may be counted as a layman (despite wearing a purple paenula like the other four clerics), along with the anonymous martyr (Alexandros?) of panel IV (panel V in Feissel and Bakirtzis) who wears a white paenula. See Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:208–10. Cf. Grabar, “Saint-Georges,” 75–76; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 110–11. 133 For a detailed examination of their portraiture, clothing, and possible identity, see chaps. 6–7 in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:162–220. On the architectural elements and their significance, see ibid., 271–351 (chaps. 10–11). Cf. Grabar, “Saint-Georges,” 69–75; Kleinbauer, “Rotunda,” 58–62.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

191

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 21 ICG 3123 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110): panel II with the martyrs Onesiphoros and Porphyrios photo by J.M. Ogereau; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

classification, and running clockwise when facing the apse, the martyrs con­sist of the soldier Leon (featured with a jeweled crown) and the flutist Phile­ mon (panel I),134 the soldier Onesiphoros and a certain Porphyrios (II),135 the 134 ICG 3122 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110, panel I; AD VI): (1) Λέοντος | στρατ(ιώτου) | μηνὶ | Ἰουν(ίου). (2) (left) Φηλή|μονος | χοραύ|λου (right) μηνὶ | Μαρ|τ(ίου). (1) “Leon, soldier, in the month of June.” (2) “Philemon, chorus flutist, in the month of March.” The third martyr to the right of Leon has not been preserved, but Torp suspects he may have been an ecclesiastic to mirror panel VI across the liturgical axis, possibly Apollonios, Philemon’s fellow martyr. Leon himself remains elusive. Torp (La rotonde palatine, 1:206) identifies him as the young deserter of Constantius II’s army who died in Samos and is mentioned on 24 August in the Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. The flutist Philemon, a martyr from Egypt, was celebrated on 14 December in the Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. Cf. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:206–7; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 88–91; CSLA E00596–E00597. 135 ICG 3123 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110, panel II; AD VI): (1) Ὀνησι|φόρου | στ̣ρ(ατιώτου) μηνὶ | Αὐγ(ούστου). (2) Πορ|φοιρίου | μηνὶ Αὐ|γ(ούστου). (1) “Onesiphoros, soldier, in the month of August. (2) “Porphyrios, in the month of August.” Onesiphoros and Porphyrios are usually identified as the martyrs from Iconium, Lycaonia. No source considers Onesiphoros as a soldier (other than a miles Christi), however. Cf. BHG3 2325; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:201–2; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 66–73; CSLA E00591.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

192

Chapter 5

Figure 22 Plan of the martyr mosaics in the Rotunda, Thessalonica drawing by E. Dyggve; reproduced with permission from Torp, La rotonde palatine, 2:172–73, pl. XII

physician Damianos alongside Kosmas most likely (III),136 the presbyter Ro­manos and the soldier Eukarpion (IV),137 the presbyter Ananias and an 136 ICG 3124 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110, panel III; AD VI): (1) Κ[οσμᾶ | ἰατροῦ | μηνὶ Σεπ|τεμβρίου]. (2) Δαμια|νοῦ ἰα|τροῦ μη|νὶ Σε||πτεμ(βρίου). (1) “K[osmas, physician, in the month of September].” (2) “Damianos, physician, in the month of September.” The restoration of the first inscription does not rest on any reading but is supported by the fact that the two brothers were generally commemorated together. Cf. BHG3 372; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:202–3; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 100–105; CSLA E00590. 137 ICG 3125 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110, panel IV; AD VI): (1) Ῥωμα|νοῦ | πρεσβ(υτέρου). (2) Εὐκαρ|πίωνος | στρατ(ιώτου) | μηνὶ Δε|κεμβρ(ίου). (1) “Romanos, presbyter.” (2) “Eukar­ pion, soldier, in the month of December.” Romanos cannot be identified with certainty but could correspond to the deacon (and not presbyter) from Caesarea mentioned by Eusebius, according to Torp (La rotonde palatine, 1:203). He is surrounded here by two other martyrs, Eukarpion (to the left) who was martyred at Nicomedia with Trophymos (cf. BHG3 2464), and another (to the right) whose inscription has not survived. Cf. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:203–4; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 80–87; CSLA E00594–E00595.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

193

un­­identified ecclesiastic (Alexandros?) (V),138 the soldiers Basiliskos and Pris­ kos (VI),139 and, finally, the soldier Therinos (also featured with a jeweled crown) flanked by the bishops Philippos and Kyrillos (VII).140 The configuration of the panels around the Rotunda and their particular iconography deserve some consideration, as they offer some hints on the significance of the mosaic ensemble and the Rotunda itself. Especially important are the representations “enthroned” at the center of each panel,141 namely (following Hajmar Torp’s panel classification), a jeweled cross crowned with a dove and standing above a water stream in front of a ciborium (I, V),142 a closed gemmed codex placed on a podium or stool within a ciborium (II, IV),143 and a martyr standing orans in front of a chancel screen (III [and VII]).144 The eight original panels can thus be divided into three type groups that mirror each other thematically along an east-west liturgical axis, and that project, according 138 ICG 3126 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110, panel V; AD VI): (1) Ἀ[–] | Δ[– | –]. (2) Ἀνανί|ου πρεσ|β(υτέρου) μηνὶ | Ἰανου|αρί(ου). (2) “Ananias, presbyter, in the month of January.” Ananias must correspond to the Phoenician presbyter celebrated at Constantinople on 26 and 27 January. Torp (La rotonde palatine, 1:204) conjectures that the other martyr could have been Alexandros of Pydna who was buried in Thessalonica under Maximian. Cf. AASS, Mar. 2, pp. 339–40; BHG3 49m and 2023; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:204–5; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 106–9; CSLA E00601. 139 ICG 3127 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110, panel VI; AD VI): (1) Βασιλί|σκου στρα(τιώτου) | μηνὶ Ἀπρι|λίου. (2) Πρίσκου | στρα(τιώτου) | μηνὶ | Ὀκτωβρί(ου). (1) “Basiliskos, soldier, in the month of April.” (2) “Priskos, soldier, in the month of October.” Basiliskos may be the martyr of Comana Pontica celebrated at Constantinople on 22 May and 3 March. Priskos cannot be identified with certainty but may have featured among the forty martyrs from Sebaste commemorated in December, March, and August in the Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. Cf. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:205–6; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 74–79; CSLA E00592–E00593. 140 ICG 3128 (I.Chr. Macédoine 110, panel VII; AD VI): (1) Φιλίπ|που ἐπι|σκ(όπου) μη|νὶ Ὀκτω||βρ(ίου). (2) Θερινοῦ | στρατ(ιώτου) | μηνὶ Ἰου|λ(ίου). (3) Κυρίλ|[λ]ο̣υ̣ ἐπι̣|σκ̣(όπου) μην̣[ὶ | Ἰ]ο̣υ̣λ̣(ίου). (1) “Philippos, bishop, in the month of October.” (2) “Therinos, soldier, in the month of July.” (3) “Kyrillos, bishop, in the month of July.” Philippos, a martyr from Hadrianopolis, is not found in the Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae but appears in the Breviarum Syriacum and the Martyrologium Hieronymianum (cf. BHL 6834). Therinos is likely the martyr from Buthrote celebrated on 23 and 24 April in Constantinople (cf. BHG3 1799). Kyrillos may be the martyr from Gortyn commemorated on 14 June, 9 July, and 5 September in Constantinople (cf. BHG2 467). Cf. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:206–7; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 92–99; CSLA E00598–E00600. 141 For detailed plates, see Torp, La rotonde palatine, 2:88–97, 168–73. 142 Panels II and VI in Feissel and Bakirtzis. 143 Panels III and V in Feissel and Bakirtzis. 144 Panels IV and would-be VIII in Feissel and Bakirtzis. Only the right hand of the presbyter Romanos is visible in the middle of the extant panel. The same configuration is presumed in Torp’s panel VII, which has not been preserved. See Torp, La rotonde palatine, 221–22.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

194

Chapter 5

to Torp, allegorical representations of Jesus’s baptism (gemmed cross; I, V), of Jesus teaching his disciples from his cathedra (gemmed codex; II, IV), and of the church’s liturgical intercession (martyr orans; III [and VII]).145 The southwestern panel II, which features the physician Damianos with (presumably) his counterpart Kosmas standing on either side of a codex, is thus matched across the cupola by the northwestern panel IV, in which the presbyter Ananias and another paenula-wearing martyr are represented next to an analogous codex.146 Similarly, the southern panel I, which depicts a cross flanked by the soldier Onesiphoros and Porphyrios, mirrors the northern panel V with a comparable cross edged by the soldiers Basiliskos and Priskos.147 Likewise, the two eastern panels VI and VIII representing each a crowned soldier escorted by two paenula-dressed martyrs coincide with each other across the liturgical axis.148 Finally, the western panel III above the entrance, which portrays the presbyter Romanos accompanied by the soldier Eukarpion and another anonymous soldier, would have been facing, Torp presumes, a similar panel (VII) featuring three martyrs above the apse.149 Of the twenty original portraits (fifteen of which have survived),150 only thirteen are known to us by name. Not all, however, can be identified with certainty or linked to a known martyr in hagiographical traditions.151 None of them originates from Thessalonica itself and none appears to have been venerated there in subsequent centuries, or indeed to have become a major saint.152 All come from the eastern part of the empire, and all seem to have been martyred during the Diocletian persecutions.153 More puzzling still, almost none of the calendar months attributed to each martyr appears to correspond to his celebratory month(s) in the Roman martyrologium (except in the case of Damianos) or in the synaxarium ecclesiae of Constantinople (except in the case of Ananias and Kyrillos).154 These discrepancies have led Edmund Weigand 145 See esp. chaps. 8 and 9 in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:221–69. 146 Panels III and V in Feissel and Bakirtzis. 147 Panels II and VI in Feissel and Bakirtzis. 148 The third martyr to the right of the soldier Leon is missing in panel VIIi. These correspond to panels VII and I in Feissel and Bakirtzis. 149 Torp, La rotonde palatine, 243. These consist of panels IV and would-be VIII in Feissel and Bakirtzis. 150 As noted previously, only the right hand of the presbyter Romanos standing in the middle of panel IV (III in Torp) has been preserved. 151 E.g., Leon, Romanos, Priskos. 152 Cf. Brenk, “Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 31. 153 Cf. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:207, 211–13; Brenk, “Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 31. 154 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 106–10; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:207–8.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

195

to suggest that this ad hoc collection of martyrs might have been designed before the eastern calendar was standardized.155 For Torp, these reveal instead that the iconographic program of the Rotunda was primarily motivated by the ideological and socio-political agenda of the imperial house, rather than by liturgical or hagiographical considerations.156 The preponderance of soldiers is certainly striking,157 particularly the prominence placed upon Leon and Therinos who are both represented with a jeweled crown,158 while the blending of imperial and ecclesiastical iconographical motifs is altogether unique.159 Judging from its spatial relation to the palatial complex, the Rotunda clearly belongs to an imperial context and must have therefore been intended as a palatine chapel for the imperial court, rather than as a church for the general population of Thessalonica (which would have fallen under an ecclesiastical jurisdiction).160 According to Charalambos Bakirtzis and Pelli Mastora, the martyrs may in fact correspond to “specific persons in the Constantinian élite” who were present at “the triumphal adventus of Constantine the Great,” and who must have been depicted in the dome medallion alongside “his tutelary deity Helios [represented by the phoenix] and the revealed Christ [represented by the cross].”161 For W. Eugene Kleinbauer, on the other hand, the orans figures merely represent the founders of the Christian Rotunda or its financial sponsors.162 Alternatively, Torp has argued, they may have functioned as heavenly protectors representing, and interceding for, the various dioceses of the eastern empire from which they 155 Weigand, “Kalenderfries von Hagios Georgios.” But see Kleinbauer, “Rotunda,” 74–78; Spieser, Thessalonique, 153–57; I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 109–10; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:207–11. 156 Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:207–13, 467–89. 157 Assuming that the lost panel VII (which would be panel VIII in Feissel and Bakirtzis) above the apse depicted an ecclesiastic flanked by two soldiers (just as in the opposite panel III across the dome [or panel IV in Feissel and Bakirtzis]), military martyrs would have thus represented almost half of the martyrs. See Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:209, 480. 158 See Torp, La rotonde palatine, 327–28. 159 Cf. Kleinbauer, “Rotunda,” 63–68; Nasrallah, “Empire and Apocalypse in Thessaloniki”; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:82. 160 Cf. Mentzos, “Rotunda of Thessaloniki,” 70; Bakirtzis and Mastora, “Mosaics in the Ro­tunda”; Bakirtzis, “Rotunda”; Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:480–81. 161 Bakirtzis, “Rotunda,” 116. Cf. Bakirtzis and Mastora, “Mosaics in the Rotunda.” They propose (p. 42) that the month in each inscription does not refer to a hagiographical calendar but indicates their month of birth. They fail to explain, however, why this piece of information might have been relevant here. 162 Kleinbauer, “Orants.” But see Nasrallah’s objections (“Empire and Apocalypse in Thes­ saloniki,” 489).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

196

Chapter 5

originated.163 In this respect, Torp somewhat rejoins Laura Nasrallah who views “the soldier-martyrs of the Great Persecution as [representing] the new elite of the Roman Christian empire,” a “kind of new senatorial class” exuding “peaceful force and authority.”164 Yet he extrapolates the political and theological implications much further.165 When considered within its monumental and historical context, Torp concludes, the mosaic ensemble should be interpreted as a symbolical expression of Theodosius’s politico-religious agenda, whereby he sought to unite the eastern empire under the Trinitarian dogma and catholic faith of Nicaea (as promulgated in his decree of February AD 380 at Thessalonica).166 Overall, the Rotunda remains somewhat of an enigma, and its liturgical and artistic significance will continue to be debated by archaeologists, art historians, and Byzantinists until thorough stratigraphic excavations and structural surveys of the building are finally conducted.167 To this day, no real consensus has emerged as to the date and iconographic significance of this eclectic assemblage of eastern martyrs, except that it is altogether exceptional and without any known parallel in terms of style or form in the whole Mediterranean world.168 Most problematic is the fact that so little is known about the cult of these particular saints in late antiquity, apart from Kosmas and Damianos, two popular medical saints whose “veneration outside Syria is nowhere documented before the second third of the fifth century.”169 However one chooses to interpret the Rotunda’s iconographic program, what is certain is that various martyrial cults blossomed in Thessalonica between the fourth and sixth centuries, encouraged in part by the imperial house itself. As seen in 163 Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:210–13, 480–81. See esp. p. 213: “le chœur de martyrs orants— civils et militaires—par leur droit d’intercéder auprès du Christ, révélé au zénith de la coupole, forme un cercle de protecteurs, symboliquement rangés autour de l’Empire chrétien d’Orient.” 164 Nasrallah, “Empire and Apocalypse in Thessaloniki,” 489, 508. 165 See esp. chaps. 15–16 in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 445–89. 166 Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:467–83. On Theodosius’s decree, see Cod. Theod. 16.1.2, which is partly reiterated in Cod. Theod. 16.2.25 and Cod. Iust. 1.1.1. Cf. Cod. Theod. 16.5.14 (Thes­ salonica, AD 388). 167 Cf. Eastmond and Hatzaki, Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited, 15–17; Brenk, “Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 21–31; Nasrallah, “Empire and Apocalypse in Thessaloniki,” 468–69. On the history of research, partial excavations and restorations, see Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:69–86. Torp’s magisterial two volumes should be followed in the near future by Bakirtzis and Mastora’s study (as announced in their article “Mosaics in the Rotunda”). 168 Cf. Brenk, “Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 29–30; Torp, “Rotunda Mosaics,” 35; Bakirtzis, “Ro­tunda,” 116. 169 Brenk, “Mosaics of Thessaloniki,” 29. Cf. Mango, “Saints Cosmas and Damian”; Akri­ vopoulou, “Rotunda,” 29–30; Kazhdan and Ševčenko, “Kosmas and Damianos.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

197

the previous section, however, it is St. Demetrios who would eventually emerge as the patron saint of the city in the Byzantine era. 2.4 Inscriptions Related to the Laity One question that magnificent edifices such as the Rotunda or the Hagios Demetrios naturally raise is who actually sponsored their construction. In the case of the Rotunda, the sheer size of the monument, its integration into the palatial complex, and its two thousand square meters of magnificent mosaic decoration undoubtedly point to the imperial house (despite the absence of explicit literary or epigraphic evidence).170 The architectural and ornamental similarities between the Acheiropoietos basilica and ecclesiastical buildings at Constantinople further suggest an imperial impetus behind the monumentalization (and fortification)171 of Thessalonica between the fifth and sixth centuries, and the direct involvement of workshops from Constantinople.172 Still, the emperors may not have been solely responsible for this construction boom. High imperial officials such as the praetorian prefect of Illyricum, bishops, and wealthy individuals or families must have also played a role in the emergence of Christian art and architecture in late antique Thessalonica—the first two groups certainly contributed to its fortification.173 Besides those found 170 See esp. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:52, 467–89. Cf. Fourlas, Acheiropoietos-Basilika, 175 (with the bibliography referenced in n. 277). C. Texier (in Diehl, Le Tourneau, and Saladin, Les monuments chrétiens de Salonique, 29) estimated that 36 million of fine glass tesserae were required to decorate the 75 m circumference of the cupola (cf. Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:71). On the material and construction technique of the mosaics, see chap. 14 in Torp, La rotonde palatine, 1:409–43. 171 See the rampart dedication by Theodosius II (ICG 3098; I.Chr. Macédoine 88; IG X 2,1.42; ante AD 450): Θ̣ε̣υδόσιος σκη⟨π⟩τοῦ[χος | ἄν]α̣ξ̣ τ̣όδ̣ε τεῖ⟨χος⟩ ἔτε̣⟨υξ⟩εν(?). “Theodosios, scepterbearing Lord, built this wall.” On the fortification of Thessalonica in general, see Spieser, Thessalonique, 25–80; Velenis, Τα τείχη της Θεσσαλονίκης; Rizos, “Late-Antique Walls of Thessalonica.” 172 Cf. Spieser, Thessalonique, 123; Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne,” 125–26, 131–32; id., La rotonde palatine, 1:467–89; Ćurčić, “Christianization of Thessalonikē,” 213–22; B. Killerich in Eastmond and Hatzaki, Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited, 49; Raptis, “Acheiropoietos Basilica.” 173 See the following building inscriptions by Hormisdas, likely the praetorian prefect of the East in AD 450 (who may well have been the praetorian prefect of Illyricum previously): ICG 3099 (I.Chr. Macédoine 89; IG X 2,1.43 c. suppl.; ante AD 450): τείχεσιν ἀρρήκ­ τοις vac Ὁρμισδας ἐξετέλεσε τήνδε πόλιν μεγάλην χεῖρας ἔχων καθαράς. “Having pure hands, Hormisdas has completed this great city with unbreakable walls.”—and by the consul Paulus in AD 512: ICG 3100 (I.Chr. Macédoine 90; IG X 2,1.280; ca. AD 512): Παύλου τοῦ Βιβιανοῦ. “(Work) of Paul, son of Vivianos.” See also ICG 3101 (I.Chr. Macédoine 91) mentioned in n. 55 above. On the role of bishops in late antiquity (as evidenced in epigraphic sources), see Feissel, “L’évêque”; Avraméa, “Les constructions profanes de l’évêque.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

198

Chapter 5

in the basilica of Hagios Demetrios, the Acheiropoietos, and the Hagia Sophia basilica,174 the series of late monogrammatic ex-votos discovered in the city’s eastern wall,175 the mosaic of Sergios found in a subterranean oratorium slightly west of the forum,176 and other dedication fragments177 provide evidence that affluent individuals were willing and able to participate financially in the foundation and embellishment of places of worship. This in turn implies that, as elsewhere in the Mediterranean world, the church had made significant forays in the upper echelons of Macedonian society and the imperial administration, as funerary inscriptions further attest. Aurelios Gerontios, who bought a tomb from a certain Flavia Maria to bury his son Philippos under the consulship of Flavios Anastasios in AD 507, stands among the more socially prominent Thessalonian Christians of this period.178 While his function or office cannot be determined precisely, the use of the duo nomina in the early sixth century indicates an elevated social status.179 The same could be said of the clarissimus comes and former numerarius Demetrios of “illustrious and notorious memory,” a contemporary of Gerontios who died

174 Cf. ICG 3108, 3111, 3113, 3114, 3116, 3121 (I.Chr. Macédoine 98, 100, 102A–B, 104, 109) above. 175 ICG 3105 (I.Chr. Macédoine 95; SEG 47.964; BE 1987, no. 432; post AD 525): + Ὑπ(ὲρ) | εὐχῆς | Χριστοδούλου/Χριστοδ(ώ)ρου(?). “Ex-voto of Christodoulos (or Christodoros?).”— ICG 3106 (I.Chr. Macédoine 96; SEG 47.965; BE 1987, no. 432; post AD 525): + Ὑπ(ὲρ) εὐχῆς + | Μελετίου/Εὐτολμίου(?), Ἀνθεστίου/Θεοφάντου(?), Ἰωάννου. “Ex-voto of Meletios/ Eutolmios(?), Anthestios/Theophantos(?), (and) Ioannes.”—ICG 3107 (I.Chr. Macédoine 97; SEG 47.966; BE 1987, no. 432; post AD 525): + Ὑπ(ὲρ) + | εὐχῆς | Φιλίππου. “Ex-voto of Philippos.” 176 ICG 3129 (I.Chr. Macédoine 111; BE 1987, no. 432; AD V–VI): + Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς Σερ|γίου πραγ{α}ματ(ευτοῦ). “Ex-voto of Sergios, business agent.” Cf. Xyngopoulos, “Ὑπόγειος ναὸς τοῦ Πραγαμάτου”; Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne,” 129–30. 177 ICG 3109 (I.Chr. Macédoine 99; IG X 2,1.*282; AD VI): [Μνήσθητι Κύριε?] τῶν καλλιεργούντω[ν τὸν οἶκον τοῦτον?]. “[Remember, Lord?] those who built [this house?].”—ICG 3112 (I.Chr. Macédoine 101; IG X 2,1.*803; ca. AD 469): [–]Ṣ π̣ αλS ΕΚΙ̣[– | ὑπ(ατείᾳ) Ζ]ή̣ νων(ος) κ(αὶ) Μ̣ [αρκιανοῦ]. “… under the consulship of Zenon and Markianos.” Feissel remains uncertain about the nature of this fragment but suggests it consists of a dedication rather than an epitaph. 178 ICG 3151 (I.Chr. Macédoine 131; IG X 2,1s.1518; AD 507): + Κοιμητήριον Αὐρ(ηλίου) Γε|ροντίου ΟΡΘΙΛΑΤΟΥ(?) | ἀγορασθὲν αὐτῷ | παρὰ Φλαβίας Μαρί||ας, τῇ ὑπ(ατείᾳ) τοῦ δεσπό(του) | ἡμῶν Φλ(αβίου) Ἀναστασί|ου τὸ γʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) ειʹ, ἔνθα | κῖτε τὸ παιδίον | αὐτοῦ Φίλιππος +. “Tomb of Aurelios Gerontios, orthilates(?), bought for himself from Flavia Maria, under the third consulship of our Lord Flavios Anastasios, in the 15th indictio. Here lies his child Philippos.” One would expect Gerontios’s military or civic function to be mentioned after his name, but the meaning of ὀρθιλάτης remains unclear (cf. LSJ suppl., s.v.). 179 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 127.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

199

in AD 519.180 A former financial controller in the civil or military administration (numerarius), Demetrios likely gained the honorary title of comes upon retirement (as a law by the emperor Anastasios instituted).181 Yet one did not have to retire to receive such distinctions, which could be bestowed at a young age, as the (rare) Latin epitaph of the sixteen-year-old notarius and vir clarissimus Barbatio, the son of an advocatus, makes clear.182 As a recipient of the clarissima dignitas, which was extended to all notaries (and not just to tribunus et notarius) after Theodosius I, Barbatio is probably one of the earliest attested Christians of senatorial status at Thessalonica.183 He may not have been the only one, however, for at least one other fragmentary epitaph of a consular clarissimus was discovered in the southern corridor of the central part of Galerius’s palace.184 Judging by his title (ὁ λαμπρότατος ὑπατικός), the deceased could have been the governor of Macedonia himself at some point during the fourth or fifth century, or at least an official working in the consular offices that operated at Thessalonica until the end of the sixth century.185 If this consular was indeed Christian, which can only be conjectured on the basis of the late date of the inscription and the name of his spouse (Aitheria),186 then he could be one of the highest-ranked Christian imperial dignitaries attested in the whole of Macedonia. Until this is established with greater certainty, if it can ever be, the prefect (ὕπαρχος) Basileios is more likely to represent the foremost Christian imperial official from the province. His statue, which was prominently displayed (in a prophylactic or apotropaic manner) above or in an alcove of the eastern gate

180 ICG 3152 (I.Chr. Macédoine 132; IG X 2,1.674 c. Suppl.; AD 519): [+ Ὁ τ]ὴ̲ ν̲ λ̲ α̲μ̣πρὰν κ̲ α̲ὶ ̲ ἀ̲ο̲ί ̲δ̲ι ̲μ̲ [ον] | μ̲ ν̲ή̲μ̣ην Δημήτριος ὁ̣ λ̣α̲μ̲π̲ρ̲[ότα]|τ̲ο̲ς ̲ κ̣όμ̣(ης) κ̣(αὶ) ἀ̣πὸ νουμεραρίων̣ [ἔν|θ]α̣ κεῖται, τελευτήσας μ[ηνὶ || –]βρίου ϛʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) γιʹ ὑπ(ατείᾳ) τοῦ δ[εσ|πό(του) ἡμ]ῶ̣ ν Ἰουστίνου. “Here lies Demetrios, the clarissimus comes and ex-numerarius of illustrious and notorious memory, who died on 6 …bre(?), in the 13th indictio, under the consulship of our [Lord] Justinian.” 181 Cf. Cod. Iust. 12.49.12. 182 ICG 3224 (I.Chr. Macédoine 203; IG X 2,1.331; AD V?): + Depositio Ba|rbationis | notari v(iri) c(larissimi) | Eutropi adv||ok(ati) in ann|is XVI + + +. “Tomb of Barbatio, notarius, vir clarissimus, (son of) Eutropios, advocatus, (who died) at 16 years of age.” This is one of only four Latin Christian epitaphs found at Thessalonica so far. For an equally young tribune of the notaries at Philippi, see ICG 3268 (I.Chr. Macédoine 247) in chap. 4, sec. 2.3.1 (n. 111) above. 183 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 172. 184 ICG 3166 (I.Chr. Macédoine 146; IG X 2,1s.1509; AD IV–V): [– | τ]οῦ λαμ(προτάτου) ὑπα|[τ]ικοῦ κ(αὶ) τῆς | τούτου γα||μετῆς Αἰ|θερίας. “[Tomb?] … of the clarissimus consular, and his wife Aitheria.” 185 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 139. 186 Cf. ibid.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

200

Chapter 5

of Kalamaria (also known as Kassandreotiki) up until the tenth century,187 was accompanied with a striking epigram exalting the prefect and urging passersby to the utmost respect and gratitude for his good governance and sense of virtue and justice:188 Exult in your heart, O stranger, who sees above the gate the prefect Basileios, the destroyer of the might of the arrogant Babylon, a beacon of incorruptible Justice. You travel towards the land of good governance that produces the best. Neither fear the barbarian nor men who lie together.189 The Lacedaemonian (has) his weapons (as a rampart), but you have the statue of Basileios as a rampart.190 Known only from a copy in the Anthologia Palatina (9.686), a collection of Greek epigrams, this inscription has been variously dated by epigraphists and Byzantinists depending on their identification of Basileios. Thought to be the emperor Basil I (AD 867–886) by the earliest editors,191 subsequent commentators have instead considered him to be either the patrician and parakoimomenos Basil (the son of Romanus I who defeated the Arabs at Samosata in AD 958),192 an archon and maritime prefect of Thessalonica from the ninth 187 The custom of erecting images of deities or dignitaries in a prophylactic or apotropaic manner in niches of city gates is observed throughout Macedonia, Thrace, and the island of Thasos, from archaic times until late antiquity. See Picard, “Abgar,” 59–63; Lemerle, Philippes, 90. The custom is also observed in the East, where in the Syrian city of Anasartha, for example, statues of Christ, the emperors, the praetorian prefects, and the local bishop were set up at the main city gates to protect it against Persian attacks (IGLS 2.288; ca. AD 594/595). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 88. 188 For a more detailed discussion of this inscription, see Ogereau “Authority and Identity,” 217–21. Cf. Rizos, “Civic Administration in Illyricum,” 209. 189 On the sense of ἀρρενοκοίτης, see Wright, “Meaning of ἀρσενοκοῖται,” 130–31, 134, 136, 141–42. 190 ICG 3097 (I.Chr. Macédoine 87; IG X 2,1.47; AD 529): Ἠνορέης ὀλετῆρα ὑπερφιάλου Βαβυλῶνος | καὶ σέλας ἀκτεάνοιο Δίκης Βασίλειον ὕπαρχον, | ξεῖνε, νόῳ σκίρτησον ἰδὼν ἐφύπερθε πυλάων· | Εὐνομίης ποτὶ χῶρον ἀριστογένεθλον ὁδεύεις· || βάρβαρον οὐ τρομέεις, οὐκ ἄρρενας ἀρρενοκοίτας· | ὅπλα Λάκων, σὺ δὲ τεῖχος ἔχεις Βασίλειον ἄγαλμα. The epigram only relates to Basileios’s statue and not to the construction of the wall itself (cf. Edson, IG X 2,1, p. 27). A golden equestrian statue erected at one of the city gates at Stobi was likely accompanied with a similar fragmentary epigram in honor of Flavius Theodosius, the father of the emperor Theodosius I. See ICG 3309 (I.Chr. Macédoine 273; IG X 2,2.832; AD 379–450). 191 See Beckby, Anthologia graeca, 806; Paton, Greek Anthology, 3:380 n. 3; Waltz and Soury, Anthologie grecque, 264. 192 Kyriakides, “Εἰς ποῖον ἀναφέρονται,” 503–5. For a refutation, see Dölger, review of Kyriakides, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

201

century,193 or a praetorian prefect of Italy or Illyricum who officiated between the fourth and eighth centuries,194 perhaps the praefectus praetorio Orientis of AD 486 under Arcadius.195 Noting that the production of statues ceased in the East after the seventh century,196 Cyril Mango has more recently argued that Basileios was none other than Basilides, “one of Justinian’s most trusted ministers,”197 who happened to be the praetorian prefect of Illyricum in AD 529, a year only after Justinian outlawed pederasty at the very beginning of his reign in AD 528.198 This could account for the second part of l. 5 (concerning “men who lie together”), though it would not really explain the allusion to the military victory at the beginning, a defeat that, Mango himself acknowledges, no prefect could have inflicted on the Persians “between the reign of Constantine and the end of the 6th century,” since the praefectus praetorio no longer had military power (which now rested with the magister militum).199 Whoever this Basileios might have been, what remains striking is that he is here depicted as a “beacon of incorruptible Justice” (σέλας ἀκτεάνοιο Δίκης, l. 2) and as the defender of the city who ensures its safety, “good governance” (εὐνομίης χῶρος, l. 4), and moral uprightness—attributes that, one would have thought, might have been reserved for Christ,200 or at least for Demetrios, the patron saint of 193 Ahrweiler, Byzance, 48 (n. 6), 126. 194 Dölger, review Kyriakides, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται; Robert, Hellenica, 4:24; Edson, IG X 2,1, pp. 26–27; Spieser, “Les inscriptions de Thessalonique,” 150–51 (n. 2); I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 87. For the list of praetorian prefects of Italy and Illyricum, see Enßlin, “Praefectus praetorio,” 2497–98. 195 PLRE 2:214–15 (s.v. Basilius 5). See Begass, Senatsaristokratie, 95–96 no. 44. 196 Cf. Smith and Ward-Perkins, Last Statues of Antiquity, 3–4. 197 Mango, “Anthologia Palatina, 9.686,” here 490. Mango explains the slight name variance by the habit of later poets of the anthology to adjust personal names to the meter. 198 Cf. Procopius, Historia arcana 11.34–36. Basilides was also praetorian prefect of the East (possibly under Justin I), master of offices in AD 531–532, quaestor in 532–534, and master of offices in 535–539. In support of an earlier dating, Mango (“Anthologia Palatina, 9.686,” 490) further notes that the production of statues ceased in the East after the seventh century. Cf. Enßlin, “Praefectus praetorio,” 2497. 199 Mango, “Anthologia Palatina, 9.686,” 490. Mango resolves this issue by suggesting that it was through “some diplomatic move” that Basilides had “put the Persians at a grave disadvantage” (p. 491). Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 88) explains it by the fact that Basileios’s military and judicial functions alluded in ll. 1 and 5 could correspond to an earlier stage in his career, when he served as stratelates in the East prior to assuming his prefectship. On the office of praefectus praetorio, see Enßlin, “Praefectus praetorio”; Jones, Later Roman Empire, 100–103, 126, 370–72, 448–52; Demandt, Spätantike, 213–14. 200 In one late epitaph, for instance, Jesus is said to be the king (of the world) (ICG 3241; I.Chr. Macédoine 220; AD VI): βασιλεύοντο[ς – τοῦ] | Κ(υρίο)υ ἡμῶν Ἰ(η)σ(ο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ. Compare it with an altar dedicated to Julian, “the almighty and sole king of the world” (ICG 3096; I.Chr. Macédoine 86bis; IG X 2,1s.1487; AD 361–363: Κλαυδίου Ἰουλια|νοῦ παντοκράτο|ρος

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

202

Chapter 5

the city who is also compared to an “unshakable” and “unconquerable wall” (τεῖχος ἄσειστον νοητόν, τεῖχος ἀκαταμάχητον) in his hagiographical account.201 Imperial officials of lower ranks are, however, better represented than pro­ minent figures such as Basileios in the epigraphy of the fifth and sixth centuries. One of them, the “most admirable (θαυμασιώτατος) eparchikos” Martinos, served in a prefectural office in the early sixth century.202 Others include the eparchikos Archetimos,203 an ex-assistant (ἀπὸ σουβαδιούβων) from an undetermined officium (probably that of the prefect of Illyricum),204 an officer (ταξεώτης) named Demetrios whose epitaph features a large footed cross,205 and the palatinos Bardion, likely a civil servant from the imperial treasury whose stele was decorated with a neatly carved Latin cross flanked by two birds.206 We also know of a newly baptized (νεόφυτος) subordinate of an ex-prefect

201

202

203 204 205 206

καὶ μόνου τῆς || οἰκουμένης βασι|λέως, ll. 7–11). Robert (Hellenica, 4:24–25, 97–99, 107) has pointed out, however, that some of the praises therein lavished upon Basileios, along with the themes of Δίκη and Εὐνομία, are not specifically Christian but belong to a rich repertoire of laudatory epigrams usually composed for governors and prefects, be they Christian or not, between the end of the third century and the sixth century. On epigrams composed for governors in general, see esp. ibid., 35–114. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 87–88. Miracula Sancti Demetrii 4 and 25 (Lemerle, Saint Démétrius, 1:51, 68–69; cf. PG 116:1220). He is also represented as the protector and redeemer (λυτρούμενος) of the city on two Byzantine mosaic inscriptions from St. Demetrios basilica at Thessaloniki. See Skedros, Saint Demetrios, 94–102. On the central role of St. Demetrios in the civic life and identity of Thessalonica, see esp. ibid., 105–34; id., “Christian Thessalonikē.” ICG 3154 (I.Chr. Macédoine 134; IG X 2,1.*804 c. suppl.; AD 525–535): + Κοιμητήριον δίσωμον [διαφέρον] | Μαρτίνῳ τῷ θαυμ(ασιωτάτῳ) ἐπα̣[ρχικῷ] | τῷ κατὰ τὸν τὴν ἐνδ[οξ(οτάτην) μνή]|μην ἀπ̣[ὸ ἐπ]άρχων Λ̣[– ca. 6 –] ||5 -νον, ἔν̣[θα κατά]κιτε ἡ [– ca. 6 –] | ΠΑϹ[– ca. 7 –]ΗΤΗ[– ca. 6 –] | ΠΑΡ[․ ἀναπαυ]σαμέν[η– ca. 5 –] | κζʹ ἰν[δ(ικτίωνος) γʹ ὑπατε]ίᾳ Φλ(αβίων) [Φιλο]|ξένο[υ καὶ Π]ρόβου [τῶν λαμ]||10προτάτων. + Ἀναπ[άη ὁ μα]|κάριος Ἀντωνῖνος τῇ [– ca. 6 –] | ἰνδ(ικ­ τίωνος) διʹ ὑπ(ατείᾳ) Βελισαρίου λ[αμ(προτάτου)· ἔνθα] | κατάκιτε +. “Tomb for two persons belonging to Martinos the admirable eparchikos (who served) the ex-prefect of most glorious memory, A/L(…)nos(?). Here lies …, having died on 27 (month), in the [3rd] indictio, under the consulship of Flavios Philoxenos [and] Flavios Probos, viri clarissimi. Has died the blessed Antoninos on the …, in the 14th indictio, under the consulship of Belisarios, vir clarissimus. [Here] he lies.” The second epitaph for Antoninos was carved ten years after that of Martinos. ICG 3677 (IG X 2,1s.1512; SEG 52.640; AD V–VI): Κοιμητή|ριον Ἀρχε|τίμου, · ἐ|παρχικοῦ. “Tomb of Archetimos, eparchikos.” ICG 3168 (I.Chr. Macédoine 148; IG X 2,1s.*1541; AD V–VI): Μημόριο[ν –] | ἀπὸ σουβ(αδιούβων) [τῆς –] | τάξεω[ς] hedera. “Tomb of …, ex-assistant of the office of …(?).” ICG 3169 (I.Chr. Macédoine 149; IG X 2,1.335; AD V–VI): + Κυμητήρια δ(ια)|φέρων Δημητρ(ίου) | ταξεώτου +. “Tombs belonging to Demetrios, an officialis.” Note the plural κυμητήρια, which suggests Demetrios owned several tombs. ICG 3171 (I.Chr. Macédoine 151; IG X 2,1.*781; AD V–VI): (avis) + (avis) | Μημόριν Βαρδίωνος | παλατίνου. “Tomb of Bardion, palatinos.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

203

(if he was not his household servant; cf. δεσπότης, l. 6),207 of the wife of a former eloquentissimus,208 and of a lector (possibly) named Demetrios who may have also been a warehouse attendant (ἀποθηκαρίος) or a manager of an imperial storehouse.209 Christian military personnel are also attested in the period. A certain Mar­tyrios, for instance, held the functions of stratelatianos, an assistant of the stratelates (likely the magister militum of Illyricum), and of curiosus, a magis­trianus responsible for inspecting the post system or patrolling the harbor.210 A man named Petros served as a courier (κούρσωρ) either in the army (as a lightly armed horseman) or in the civil administration.211 Others such as Maximianos from the Ascarii iuniores212 or Leontianus from the Atecotti (seniores)213 were elite soldiers in the Auxilia palatina, special units in charge of escorting the emperor in Illyricum.214 Yet not all recorded their detachment. The Stephanos who was buried with two seemingly unrelated persons, Pelagia and Konstantinos, was simply remembered as a soldier (στρατιώτης).215 207 ICG 3167 (I.Chr. Macédoine 147; IG X 2,1s.*1543; AD V–VI): + [Μημόρ]ιον | [νεοφ]ωτίστῳ | [․․․]α̣τίῳ ἀπὸ | [․․․]σ̣ώνων γε||[νό]μ̣ενος τοῦ | [δ]εσπότου μου | Εὐθηρίῳ τοῦ ἀπὸ | ἐπάρχων· ἐν⟨θ⟩ά|⟨δ⟩ε κεῖτε. || ⳨ ΜΗΡΙ. “Tomb of … atios(?), newly baptized, ex … son(?) of my master Eutherios, ex-praefectus. Here he lies.” 208 ICG 3202 (I.Chr. Macédoine 181; IG X 2,1s.*1538; AD V–VI): + Φλαβιανῇ ΔΕ̣[– γυναῖκα(?)] | τοῦ τῆς ὁσίας μν̣[ήμης – οἱ] | πατέρες Εὐστόρ̣[γιος καὶ – μετὰ(?)] | Ἀλεξάνδρας καὶ [– || – τ]οῦ πρὶν ἐλλογ[ιμωτάτου – | ἐν Φι]λίποις μ[–]. “Flaviane … (wife of …?), … of holy memory … (buried by?) her parents Eustorgios (and …?) … with Alexandra and (…?) formerly eloquentissimus … in Philippi(?).” On the title ἐλλογιμώτατος/eloquentissimus, which was attributed to officials who required rhetorical eloquence (e.g., lawyers, judges), see Hanton, “Lexique,” 84. 209 Cf. ICG 3175–3176 (I.Chr. Macédoine 155–155bis) in n. 76 above. On the function of ἀποθηκάριος, see Robert, Opera minora selecta, 2:923–25. On the presence of horrea in the Balkan region, see Rizos, “Survey of horrea” (esp. p. 686 for archaeological evidence from Macedonia). 210 ICG 3170 (I.Chr. Macédoine 150; IG X 2,1.*791, *799A, *799B; AD V–VI): + Μνημῖον διαφέ̲ρ̲ο̲ν̲ | Μαρτυρίου στρα̲|τηλατιανοῦ̲ | κ̲ α̲ὶ ̲ κ̲ ουριού̣[σου]. “Memorial belonging to Martyrios, stratelatianos and curiosus.” 211 ICG 3172 (I.Chr. Macédoine 152; IG X 2,1.*792; AD V–VI): Κυμητήριο|ν Πέτρου κού|ρσουρος, ἔνθα | κατάκιτε, ἀνα̣π̣- || [․․․]Ι̣ Ο ̣ Ο ̣ Ε ̣ Ι ̣ [․․․]. “Tomb of Petros, cursor, where he lies …” 212 ICG 3173 (I.Chr. Macédoine 153; IG X 2,1.359; AD V): Κυμητήριον μο|νόσωμον {σωμο|ν} ἔνθα κῖτε Μαξι|μιανὸς νομέρου || Ἀσκαρίον εἴνου|ρος +. “Tomb for one person in which lies Maximianos of the numerus of the Ascarii iuniores.” 213 ICG 3226 (I.Chr. Macédoine 205; IG X 2,1s.*1493; AD V–VI): Mem(oria) ⋮ Leonti|ani ⋮ mil(itis) ⋮ de ⋮ n|um(ero) ⋮ Ate⟨c⟩u|t∶torum. “Tomb of Leontianus, soldier of the numerus of the Atecotti.” 214 Cf. Not. Dign. or. 9.25, 29 (Seeck, 29). 215 ICG 3174 (I.Chr. Macédoine 154; IG X 2,1.336; AD V): + Κοιμη⟨τή⟩ρι̣|ν διαφέρον|τα Πελαγί|ας καὶ Στεφ||άνου στρατ|ιότου καὶ Κο|σταντίνου. “Tomb belonging to Pelagia, and Stephanos, soldier, and Konstantinos.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

204

Chapter 5

The number of administrative and military staff represented in the local epigraphy (and of soldier martyrs revered in the Rotunda) is not surprising considering that Thessalonica was the imperial center of the province, and suggests that Christianity had also made significant forays in the Roman army. Yet the greater majority of the tombstones approximately dated to the fifth or sixth century, perhaps as many as seventy percent, were set up for and by ordinary Christians from the rank and file of Thessalonian society,216 who at times insisted that they paid for their own funerary expenses.217 Their epitaphs are usually made of white or grey marble and are simply decorated with one or two crosses or staurograms, though not carelessly en­graved. They feature no elaborate formulary and generally follow, with small variances in spelling and syntax, the Christian formulary that, by the fifth century, was prevalent throughout mainland Greece, namely, κοιμητήριον/ μεμόριον (μονόσωμον/δίσωμον)218 διαφέρον(τα) τοῦ δεῖνος … ἐνθά(δε) (κατα)κεῖτε (i.e., “tomb belonging to so-and-so; here s/he lies”).219 The second part of the epitaph can slightly differ when someone other than the tomb owner(s)— most often a relative—was buried in it, in which case it is indicated with the following clause: ἐνθά(δε) (κατα)κεῖτε ὁ δεῖνα (ἀναπαυσάμενος/ἀνεπαύσατο and date of death). Few are dated, and when they are, they normally include the date of death (day and month), the indiction, and the consular year.220 216 Most come from the eastern necropolis, on top of which the Hagios Demetrios hospital and the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki were later built, and from the western necropolis (also known as the Vardar quarter). Their provenance was not always recorded scrupulously, but there seems to be little doubt that they were found in Thessalonica. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 12–14. 217 ICG 3214 (I.Chr. Macédoine 193; IG X 2,1.*998; AD IV–V): [․ Μα]κε|[δ]ο̲νίου | κ̲ α̲ὶ ̲ Παρε­ γ|ο̲ρ̲ί ̲ου || ἐ̲κ̲ τῶν | ἐ̲δ̲ί ̲ων̣. “(Tomb?) of Makedonios and Paregorios, (set up) at their own expenses.”—ICG 3674 (IG X 2,1s.1523; SEG 51.898; AD IV–VI): Αὐριλι[–] | ἐποίησ[εν ἐκ τῶν ἰ]|δίων [ἐνθάδε] | κῖτα̣[ι – || ἡ] μήτ[ηρ αὐτοῦ]. “Aurelios made (this tomb) at his own (expenses). Here lies his mother.” 218 The mention of the number of occupants is only occasionally included. See, e.g., ICG 3161, 3173, 3186, 3191 (I.Chr. Macédoine 141, 153, 165, 170). 219 Cf. Creaghan and Raubitschek, “Christian Epitaphs from Athens,” 6–11; Sironen, In­scriptions of Athens and Attica, 384–400; id., “Early Christian Inscriptions from the Corinthia,” 201–2. 220 The best examples are ICG 3149, 3151–3155 (I.Chr. Macédoine 130A, 131–135). Not all include the consular year. See, e.g., ICG 3198 (I.Chr. Macédoine 177; IG X 2,1.*788; AD V–VI): [Μημόριον διαφέ|ρο]ν Θωμᾷ καὶ Λε̣|οντίῳ τῶν Εὐαγ|γέλου, ἔνθα κα||τάκειντε · ἀνε|παύσατω δὲ Λε|όντιος μη(νὶ) Ἰου|λίου ιβʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) θʹ. “Tomb belonging to Thomas and Leontios, the (sons) of Evangelos, where they lie. Leontios died on 12 July, in the 9th indictio.” See also ICG 3199 (I.Chr. Macédoine 178; IG X 2,1.*794; AD V–VI): [Μημόριον δι]αφέρ[ον ․․․․․․]ῃ κ(αὶ) Δημητρίᾳ | [ἔνθα κατ]ά̣κειτε Ἀ̣ [․․․․․․․․]ιος ὁ ὑὸς αὐτῶν· ἀνεπαύ|[σα]τ̣ο δὲ

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

205

The vocation of the deceased is only very occasionally mentioned after his name—women’s occupations are hardly, if ever, included. This contrasts quite starkly with the Christian epigraphic habit observed in Attica or the Corinthia, where one’s profession is frequently recorded (as though it were an important social identifier).221 However scarce this information may be, it is nonetheless valuable to help us sketch the social contours of the Christian community at Thessalonica in the fifth and sixth centuries, which must have comprised for a good part, perhaps the greater part, members from the lower levels of society, that is, the artisans and small-scale traders that usually populated the main urban centers in antiquity. Among them were the carpenter or joiner (λεπτουργός) Heliodoros222 and a couple of clothes dealers (ἱματιοπράτης), perhaps a father and son.223 Yet the church also included members who had a higher level of education, such as the anonymous pedagogue who buried his son.224 Not all exercised their skills freely for some were simply domestic servants or slaves (οἰκέτης) in noble households. Such is the case of a Philoxenos who served an otherwise unknown comes named Patrikios,225 and of Paramonos, the oiketes of the clarissima Tryphoniane, who could afford to put up a long stele for a certain Demetrios (a relative?) for a little over four gold pieces.226 μη(νὶ) Ἰανο̣[υαρίου ․․ ἰν]δ(ικτίωνος) βʹ hedera. “Tomb belonging to … es and Demetria, in which lies A … ios, their son. He died on … January, in the 2nd indictio.” 221 Cf. Creaghan and Raubitschek, “Christian Epitaphs from Athens,” 7–8; Sironen, Inscriptions of Athens and Attica, 121; id., “Early Christian Inscriptions from the Corinthia,” 202–3. 222 ICG 3177 (I.Chr. Macédoine 156; IG X 2,1.*787; AD V–VI): [Μημό]ριον Ἡλιοδώ|[ρου λε]π̣τουρ­γοῦ | [καὶ Σω]σ̣άννας +. “Tomb of Heliodoros, carpenter, and Sousanna(?).” 223 ICG 3178 (I.Chr. Macédoine 157; IG X 2,1.*795; AD VI): [Κοιμητήριον] δ̣ιαφέροντα | [․․․․․․․․ ἱμα]τ̣ιοπράτου κα̣ὶ̣ | [τοῦ υἱοῦ(?) αὐτο]ῦ̣ Δομνή̣ν̣ο̣[υ | ․․․․․․․․․․ κ]αὶ ἱμα̣[τιοπρά||του –]. “[Tomb] belonging to … a clothes dealer, and to [his son?] Domninos … and a clothes dealer …” 224 ICG 3179 (I.Chr. Macédoine 158; IG X 2,1.374; AD VI): [Κοιμητή]ρ̣ιον δια[φέρον – | – π]αιδαγω[γοῦ – | –]․ γαμετη[– ἔνθα | κεῖται] ὁ ὑὸς αὐ̣[τῶν – || – μη(νὶ) Ἰο]υνίου θ̣ʹ ἰ[νδ(ικτίωνος) ․․]. “Tomb belonging to …, teacher, [and to his] wife(?) [– ; here lies] their son …, on 9 June, … indictio.” 225 ICG 3181 (I.Chr. Macédoine 160; IG X 2,1.338; AD V–VI): Ἐνθά⳨δε κα|τάκιτε | Φιλόξεν|ος οἰκέτης || τοῦ κόμητος | Πατρικίου· ὃ ἠ|γόρασα παρὰ Βο|νοφατίου ⳨. “Here lies Philoxenos, the household slave of the comes Patrikios. (Tomb) which I bought from Bonifatios.” 226 ICG 3180 (I.Chr. Macédoine 159; IG X 2,1.*784; AD V): + + | Μεμόριον Παρα|μόνου οἰκέτη|{ς} τῆς λαμπροτά|της Τρυφωνια||5νῆς, ἀγορα|σθέντον χρ|υσίνων τεσσά|ρων καὶ γράμ|ματος· ἐνθά||10δε κῖτε Δημή|τριος ἀναπαυ|σάμενος τῇ | πρὸ δεκαπέν|τε Καλανδῶν ||15 Μαρτίων ἡμέ|ρᾳ Κρόνου. “Tomb of Paramonos, household slave of the clarissima Tryphoniane, bought for four gold pieces and a gram (i.e., a quarter of a coin). Here lies Demetrios, having died fifteen days before the calends of March, on the day of Kronos (i.e., on Saturday, 15 February).” The price of the tomb is relatively high, but see above in n. 83 that of Domesticus who paid three and a half solidi (ICG 3225; I.Chr. Macédoine 204).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

206

Chapter 5

Whether the masters were Christians, and what kind of relationship they might have had with their slaves, remain unclear. Neither Philoxenos nor Paramonos seems to have felt any embarrassment at their servile status, and the mention of their masters’ dignitas betrays a certain pride in having served prominent families, or at least some aspiration for social recognition. Similarly, the fact that a Christian master could sometimes provide a grave for his or her slave, as the Syrian Dorotheos did for his servant (δούλη) Theodora,227 suggests that some masters were somehow attached to their slaves. Most of the Christian epitaphs from the period (5th–6th cent. AD) remain very basic, however. They mainly record the praenomen of the defunct without giving any further information about their vocations, social status, or involvement in the church, leaving us with meagre historical data to exploit. On their own, single names indeed tell us very little about the deceased other than, in some cases, their social or ethnic origin, family traditions of name-giving, and, at times, their religious background. Not much can be said, for instance, of the couple Alexandros and Antonina other than that he was likely of Greek descent (with a typical Macedonian name), and she of Roman or Italian parentage.228 The same goes for the Plo(u)tina (probably of Latin origin), who was interred in the single tomb of Kassandra (the female version of the name Kassander, the founder of the city),229 for Maxima, the wife of Agathangelos,230 and for Alexandros and Tetradia (lit., “born-on-the-fourth-day”), who were both of Greek origin, and in whose tomb were later buried the siblings Thalasios and Zenobia (their children?).231 In other instances, names such as Ioannes and Apostolia could indicate a Christian parentage.232 Theophoric names such as 227 ICG 3182 (I.Chr. Macédoine 161; IG X 2,1.332; AD V): ⳨ Μιμόριν | Δωροθέου | κώ(μης) Αδα­­δηγων, | ἔνθα κεῖτε ἡ || δούλη αὐτοῦ | Θεοδώρα | ⳨. “Tomb of Dorotheos, from the village of Adadega. Here lies his slave, Theodora.” 228 ICG 3184 (I.Chr. Macédoine 163; IG X 2,1.*782; AD V–VI): +̣ Κυμητήρ̣[ιον] | δηαφέροντ̣[α] | Ἀλεξάνδρου | καὶ Ἀτονήνας. “Tomb belonging to Alexandros and Antonina.” 229 ICG 3191 (I.Chr. Macédoine 170; IG X 2,1.353; AD V–VI): + Μιμόριον | μονόσωμ|ον Κασσάν|δρας, ἔνθα || κῖτε Πλου|τίνα. “Single tomb of Kassandra, where Plo(u)tina lies.” 230 ICG 3673 (IG X 2,1s.1529; SEG 51.897; AD V–VI): [Μ]ημόρ[ιον] | Μαξίμα[ς καὶ] | Ἀγαθαγ[γέ-] | + λου. “Tomb of Maxima and Agathangelos.” 231 ICG 3185 (I.Chr. Macédoine 164; IG X 2,1s.1515; AD VI): (A) Κοιμ[ητήριον] | διαφέρ̣[ον Ἀλε-]| ξάνδρου κ⟨α⟩ὶ | Τετραδίας. (B) [Ἐν]θάδε | κῖντε Ζη|νοβία καὶ Θα|λάσιος ἀδελ||φοί. (A) “Tomb belonging to Alexandros and Tetradia.” (B) “Here lie Zenobia and Thalasios, brother and sister.” Inscriptions A and B were engraved at an interval by different hands. 232 ICG 3188 (I.Chr. Macédoine 167; IG X 2,1.334; AD V–VI): Κυμητήριον | Ἰωάνου καὶ | τῆς συνβίου | αὐτοῦ Ἀποσ||στολίας hedera. “Tomb of Ioannes and his wife Apostolia.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

207

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 23 ICG 3187 (I.Chr. Macédoine 166): epitaph of Dionysios and Zoson with Christograms, Thessalonica Reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XXXIX; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

Theodoulos,233 Theodora,234 Theodote,235 Kyriakos,236 or Theophilos237 were also favorite classics, though not exclusively used by Christians. Others were given more traditional Greek or Latin names, some of which had a strong mythological resonance as, for example, Nikon and Dionysia (who were buried

233 ICG 3192 (I.Chr. Macédoine 171; IG X 2,1.*364; AD V–VI): + Μημόρι ̲ο̲ν̲ | ἔνθα κ̲ α̲τά̲ ̲|κιτε Θεό̲|δ̲ο̲υλος̲. “Tomb where Theodoulos lies.” 234 ICG 3193 (I.Chr. Macédoine 172; IG X 2,1.333; AD V–VI): ✝ Μημόριον Θεωδόρας· ἐν|θάδε κατάκειται ✝ ✝. “Tomb of Theodora, where she lies.” 235 ICG 3194 (I.Chr. Macédoine 173; IG X 2,1.633; AD V–VI): Μημόριον Ἀβραμήου | καὶ τῆς συνβίου αὐ|τοῦ Θεωδότης. “Tomb of Abramios and his wife Theodote.” Her husband’s name, Abramios, is of Semitic origin but was commonly worn by Christians. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 157. 236 ICG 3195 (I.Chr. Macédoine 174; IG X 2,1.*783; AD V–VI): Μημόρ̣ι̣ο̣ν̣ Κυριακοῦ̣ | κ(αὶ) Τρυφένας. “Tomb of Kyriakos and Tryphaina.” 237 ICG 3684 (IG X 2,1s.1505; AD V–VI): ⳨ ⳨ + Μημόριον | Θεοφίλου, | ἔνθα κῖτε || καὶ Μάρκελλα. “Tomb of Theophilos, where Markella also lies.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

208

Chapter 5

with a Ioannes),238 Achillios,239 Nike,240 Glauka (laid to rest with a Maria?),241 Polychronios and Pasagat(h)e,242 or Victoria.243 Additional information about one’s provenance can also sometimes be supplied by a specific reference to the village of origin, though it is rarely possible to locate those precisely. Such is the case of the Dorotheos mentioned above,244 of the anonymous Apamean man from the village of Thodea,245 or of the Basilis from the village of Nitibis (or Nisibis),246 who, along with the three other men with the name Sabbatis,247 confirm the presence of Syrian Christians in Thessalonica in late antiquity.248 Very few of these epitaphs stand out of the ordinary by their specifically Christian decoration or iconography, apart from those of Flavios and Demetrios,249 which, respectively, begin and end with the enigmatic ΧΜΓ 238 ICG 3675 (IG X 2,1s.1520; SEG 51.899; AD IV–VI): Νίκωνος | Διονυσίας | καὶ Ἰωάννου | κοιμητήριον. “(Tomb of) Nikon, Dionysia, and Ioannes.” 239 ICG 3678 (IG X 2,1s.1521; SEG 55.716; AD IV–VI): hedera Κυμητήριον ἐν ᾧ ἀναπαυσά|μενοι ἀπόκινται οἱ μακαριώτα|τοι Ἀχίλλιος μὲν μη(νὶ) Νοεμβρ(ίῳ) κα(ὶ) | Ἐλπιδία δὲ μη(νὶ) Φεβρ(ουαρίῳ) ιβʹ hedera || αʹ. “Tomb in which were laid to rest the most blessed Achillios in the month of November, and Elpidia on 12 February, in the 1st (indictio?).” 240 ICG 3680 (IG X 2,1s.1496; SEG 58.655; AD IV–VI): hedera Κοιμητήριων δίσουμον | διαφέροντα Νίκις, ἔνθα | κατάκιτε ὡ ταύτης σύμ|βιο[ς] Σεκοῦνδος hedera. “Tomb for two bodies belonging to Nike. Here lies her husband Sekundos.” 241 ICG 3681 (IG X 2,1s.1495; SEG 58.656; AD IV–VI): [Μημόριον? Γ]λαύκας· ἔνθα κατά|[κειται Μα]ρία, μη(νὶ) Ἰανουαρίου | [ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) θ΄ ἡμέρᾳ ․] ὑ(πα)τ(είᾳ) Φλ(αβίων) Ἰορδάνου | [καὶ Σεβήρο]υ τῶν λαμ(προτάτων) hedera. “[Tomb] of Glauka. Here lies Maria(?), in the month of January, [9th indictio, x day?] in the consulship of the illustrious Flavios Iordanes and Flavios Severos.” 242 ICG 3682 (IG X 2,1s.1502; SEG 58.657; AD V–VI): Μημόριον | Πολυχρο|νίου καὶ | Πασαγάτης. “Tomb of Polychronios and Pasagat(h)e.” 243 ICG 3683 (IG X 2,1s.1504; AD IV–VI): + Μημόριον | μονόσο|μων Βικτω|ρίας. “Single tomb of Victoria.” 244 ICG 3182 (I.Chr. Macédoine 161) in n. 227 above. 245 ICG 3183 (I.Chr. Macédoine 162; IG X 2,1s.*1527; AD VI): [– |․․․] ὅ̣ρ̣ω̣ν̣ | Ἀπ̣αμέων | ἀπὸ κώμης | Θοδέων + hedera +. “[Tomb of] … (so-and-so) from the region of Apamea (Syria), from the village of Thodea.” 246 ICG 3632 (IG X 2,1s.*1532; SEG 52.641; AD IV–VI): ✝ ✝ ✝ Μημόριον δίσω|μον, ἔνθα κῖτε Βα|σιλις, κώμης Νιτί|βις. “Tomb for two people. Here lies Basilis, from the village of Nitibis.” 247 ICG 3685 (IG X 2,1s.1506; AD IV–VI): ✝ Κοιμητί|ριον διαφ(έ)|ρον Εὐφη|μίω καὶ Σ||[α]ββατί|δος +. “Tomb belonging to Euphemios and Sabbatis.” Cf. ICG 3189 and 3196 (I.Chr. Macédoine 168 and 175) in nn. 258 and 256 below. 248 Cf. Nigdelis, “Habent sua fata lapides,” 95–104. 249 ICG 3148 (I.Chr. Macédoine 129; IG X 2,1.350; AD 412): Χ̣ Μ [Γ | Ἀνεπαύσ]ατο Φλ(άβιος) Κα̣[– | –]ί̣ου Αὐγ(ούστου) τ⟨ὸ⟩ θʹ κ[αὶ – | –] Α̣ὐ̣γ̣ [–]. “Christ born of Mary(?). Has died Flavios Ka …(?), [under the consulships of Honor]ius Augustus, (consul for) the 9th time, and [Theodosius] Augustus, [(consul for) the fifth time] …”—ICG 3186 (I.Chr. Macédoine 165; IG X 2,1s.*1534; AD V–VI): + Κοιμητήριον | δήσουμον, | ἔνθα κῖται | Δημήτριος || υἱὸς Ἀνδρέου |

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

209

symbol,250 or that of Dionysios and Zoson, which features no fewer than five Latin crosses and two carefully executed Christograms on either side at the bottom.251 Few indeed match the couple’s proud Christian identity except perhaps Petros and Alexandra, whose crudely carved gravestone includes (at least) four crosses at the top,252 and the notarius Barbatio mentioned earlier whose epitaph begins with one Latin cross and ends with three.253 Markella’s stele features three staurograms in the header,254 while that of Euphrosynos, the husband of Ampelochia, displays three Latin crosses at the top and, at the bottom, an odd shape with a cross at its center—either a breastplate (so Edson), indicating that he was a soldier(?), or a vase (so Feissel).255 Just as unusual are the two (perhaps three) encircled and framed Christograms heading Sambatios’s stele,256 and the small Latin cross standing over an angular base (perhaps a table or an altar) underneath Theodoros and Maria’s epitaph.257 Stranger still is the geometric pattern in the middle of Demetrios

καὶ Βερόης | ΧΜΓ. “Tomb for two persons. Here lies Demetrios, son of Andrea and Beroe. Christ born of Mary(?).” 250 The signum appears on three other inscriptions from Beroea (ICG 3070; I.Chr. Macé­doine 60), Edessa (ICG 3033; I.Chr. Macédoine 25), and Stobi (ICG 4534; IG X 2,2.787), and on numerous papyri, inscriptions, and amphorae throughout the Greek East between the fourth and the seventh centuries AD. Its significance remains debated and has been variously interpreted (even in antiquity) as the three names Χριστός, Μιχαήλ, Γαβριήλ, as the phrase Χριστὸν Μαρία γεννᾷ (“Mary begot Christ”), as the phrase Χριστὸς ἐκ Μαρίας γεννηθείς (“Christ born of Mary”), or even as an apotropaic isopsephism meaning θεὸς βοηθός (“God the helper”: ΧΜΓ = 643 = θ-ε-ὸ-ς-β-ο-η-θ-ό-ς). See the brief discussion in I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 43–44, 124–25. Cf. Grégoire, “Épigraphie Chrétienne,” 700; Dölger, ΙΧΘΥΣ, 1:298–317; Kaufmann, Handbuch, 72–76; DACL 1:180–82, 1691–96; 15:3271; Tjäder, “ΧΜΓ”; NewDocs 8:156–168. 251 ICG 3187 (I.Chr. Macédoine 166; IG X 2,1s.1503; AD V–VI): + Κ̣υμητήριν +̣ | Διονυσίου καὶ Ζώ|σωνος + ἔνθα κῖ|ται ὁ καλοκύμη||τος ☧ Διονύσις + ☧ +. “Tomb of Dionysios and Zoson. Here lies Dionysios, well asleep.” See figure 23. 252 ICG 3190 (I.Chr. Macédoine 169; IG X 2,1.404; AD V–VI): + + + | + Κυμιτήριον | Π⟨έτρ⟩ου καὶ Ἀλεξά|δρας καὶ Ἀνδρέα | τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτῶν. “Tomb of Petros and Alexandra, and Andrea their son.” 253 See ICG 3224 (I.Chr. Macédoine 203) in n. 182 above. 254 ICG 3672 (IG X 2,1s.1507; SEG 42.627; AD V–VI): ⳨ ⳨ ⳨ Μημόριον | Μαρκέλλας, | ἔνθα κῖτε ὁ || ὑός μου Φωκᾶς. “Tomb of Markella. Here lies my son Phokas.” 255 ICG 3197 (I.Chr. Macédoine 176; IG X 2,1.337; AD V–VI): + + + Ἔνθά̣δ̣ε ἀναπαύ|εται Εὐφρόσυ|νος σύμβιος | Ἀμπελοχίας. “Here rests Euphrosynos, spouse of Ampelochia.” 256 ICG 3196 (I.Chr. Macédoine 175; IG X 2,1.352 c. suppl.; AD V–VI): [Ἔ]νθα κατά|[κιν]τε Σαμβά|[τ]ις κὲ Μα|ξήμα. “Here lie Sambatios and Maxima.” See figure 24. 257 ICG 3215 (I.Chr. Macédoine 194; IG X 2,1s.1511; AD V–VI): [– | ․․]ΙΙ Θ̣ε̣ω̣|δώρου κὲ | Μαρίας +. “(Tomb?) of Theodoros and Maria.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

210

Chapter 5

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 24 ICG 3196 (I.Chr. Macédoine 175): epitaph of Sambatios and Maxima, Thessalonica reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XLII; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

211

and Sabbatis’s tombstone, which consists of a circle (a corona?) to which two hederae are connected at the end of two long stems.258 Animal figures are altogether rare. Fish are no longer represented, and birds are found on only two epitaphs, that of the palatinos Bardion seen earlier,259 and that of (the little?) Chionis at the top of which was engraved a small cantharus flanked by two peacocks and hederae. The latter is particularly moving as the mother expresses her personal distress at the loss of her young: “For my260 salvation and my troubles, having received the words of God, Chionis she was called, a crown without blemish, (whom) I handed over to her own repose where toil ceases. And in my pain I received good offsprings, sons and a daughter of equal zeal, virgins.”261 This is by far one of the most touching and elaborate Christian epitaphs from Thessalonica, though perhaps not the most theologically evocative when considering Fortunatos’s plea to Jesus Christ, “the maker of all things by a single word,” who grants “relief and forgiveness of sins.”262 The last clause is at least what Feissel could read on a squeeze of the stone, for ll. 7–8 were subsequently hammered out and replaced by a large staurogram flanked by an alpha and omega, a “common Christian symbol representing Jesus as the beginning and the end of all things.”263 The rest of the Christian inscriptions from Thessalonica mainly consists of fragments of epitaphs, dedications, or invocations on pieces of architecture such as a baptismal font.264 In most cases, one can only discern traces of a 258 ICG 3189 (I.Chr. Macédoine 168; IG X 2,1.*785; AD V–VI): Κυμητήριον Δημη|τρίου καὶ Σαβ­ βατί|δος κὲ τῆς τούτω[ν] | θυγατρὸς Γ̣λυκερία̣[ς]. “Tomb of Demetrios and Sabbatis and their daughter Glykeria.” 259 See ICG 3171 (I.Chr. Macédoine 151) in n. 206 above. 260 The absence of a personal pronoun makes it unclear whether it is Chionis’s salvation or her mother’s that is in view here. But see καμάτους ἐμούς (ll. 2–3). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 160. 261 ICG 3200 (I.Chr. Macédoine 179; IG X 2,1s.1498; AD IV–V): Εἰς σωτερία|ν κὲ καμάτου|ς ἐμοὺς θεο⟨ῦ⟩ λό|γους προσδεξα||5μένη Χιονὶς μὲν | ἐκαλέσθη, ἄσπιλος | στέφαν⟨ο⟩ς οὖσα κὲ | ταμίοις εἰδίοις | παρέδωκα λυσιπό||10νοις κὲ πόνῳ ⟨ἐ⟩ν ἐμῷ | βλαστοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἐ|γδέχομε{ν} υεἱοὺς κὲ | θυγα̣τέραν ὁμοιοζήλους | παρθένους. See figure 25. 262 ICG 3201 (I.Chr. Macédoine 180; IG X 2,1.*786; AD IV–V): · Ἰ · (ησο) · ῦ · Χρ(ιστ)ὲ · ὁ | ποιήσας | ἑνὶ λόγου | τὰ πάντα, || δὸς ἄνεσ|ιν καὶ ἄφε|⟦σ̣ι̣ν̣ ἁ̣[μ]α̣|[ρτιῶν] {τ̣ο̣}⟧ | τῷ δούλῳ | σου Φορτου|νάτῳ. “Jesus Christ, who made all things through a single word, give relief and ⟦forgiveness of sins⟧ to your servant Fortunatos.” See figure 26. 263 Sironen, “Early Christian Inscriptions from the Corinthia,” 209. 264 E.g., ICG 3691 (IG X 2,1s.*1490; AD IV–VI): [– κύ]ριος ἐπὶ ὑδ[άτων –]. “The Lord upon the waters.”—ICG 3692 (IG X 2,1s.*1491; AD V–VI): [β]οήθησον Τ –. “(Lord/Christ?) help!”—ICG 3679 (IG X 2,1s.1556; SEG 47.998; AD VII–VIII): [– τ]ὸν κυριον | [–]CΕCΧΕΜΜΟΙ | [–]ΟΙ ὁ θεός +.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

212

Chapter 5

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 25 ICG 3200 (I.Chr. Macédoine 179): epitaph of Chionis with peacocks and a cantharus, Thessalonica reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XLIII; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

213

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 26 ICG 3201 (I.Chr. Macédoine 180): epitaph of Fortunatos with staurogram, Thessalonica reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XLIII; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

214

Chapter 5

date,265 of a cross,266 or of the typical funerary formulary (not all of which can be identified with certainty as Christian),267 and at times, one can only tentatively reconstruct the name of the defunct. All in all, not much historical insight can be gained from such stones other than a Nikon,268 a Sambatis(?),269 an Antonina,270 a Florentios,271 a Domna,272 a Faustinos and a Demetrios,273

265 ICG 3147 (I.Chr. Macédoine 128; IG X 2,1.*776; AD 366): Ὑπ(ατείᾳ) Δαγαλα[ΐφου καὶ Γρατια­νοῦ] | πρὸ γʹ εἰδ[ῶν –] | ἀνε[παύσατο –]. “Under the consulship of Dagalaiphos [and Gratian], 3 days before the ides of …, died (so-and-so) …”—ICG 3220 (I.Chr. Macédoine 199; IG X 2,1.959; AD V–VI): Λ ∽ Σ ΕΠΒΙ‾|ΙΔΚ ∽ ΕΠΧ ∽ | Α + Ꞷ.—ICG 3221 (I.Chr. Macédoine 200; IG X 2,1.*802; AD VI): [–]Τ̣ Ο ΜΗ̣ [– | –]ο δʹ κ(αὶ) ιʹ ἰν̣[δ(ικτίωνος) – | –]ντος τ̣[– | –]Β̣[–].—ICG 3222 (I.Chr. Macédoine 201; IG X 2,1s.*1544; AD V–VI): [–]δ̣ε̣ μη(νὶ) Ἰα̣[νουαρίου ․․] | ἰν­δ̣(ικ­ τίωνος) [․․]. 266 ICG 3690 (IG X 2,1s.*1546; SEG 47.1012; AD VI): ΜΑΥ[–] | ✝ ΚΙ[–]. 267 ICG 3203 (I.Chr. Macédoine 182; IG X 2,1.*797A, *800B; AD V–VI): [Κοιμητήριον – – | ἔνθα κεῖνται – –]|α̲ς ̲ κ̲ α̲ὶ ̲ Φαῦστα οἱ πατέρες | α̲ὐ̲το̲ ̲ῦ̲, ὅπερ ἠγόρασεν || μ̲ η̲(νὶ) Μ̲α̲ΐ ̲ῳ̲ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) η̣ʹ. “[Tomb … where lie …]as and Fausta, his parents, which he bought in the month of May, in the 8th indictio.”—ICG 3204 (I.Chr. Macédoine 183; IG X 2,1s.*1537; AD V–VI): Κοι[μη]τήριο̣[ν διαφέρον] | ΑΥ̣ [․․]Ι̣ Ε ̣ Α ̣ Ρ ̣ Ι ̣ [–] | Τ[․․]Ε̣ [ – | ․] αὐτοῦ [–] || ἔνθα κ̣(α)τ(ά)[κειται –].—ICG 3205 (I.Chr. Macédoine 184; IG X 2,1.*798; AD V–VI): Κυμητ̣ή̣[ριον δι]|αφέρο[ν ․․․․․․]|νου κ[αὶ ․․․․․]|ας.—ICG 3207 (I.Chr. Macédoine 186; IG X 2,1s.1528; AD V–VI): + + [+] | + Κοιμ̣[ητήρ]|ι̣ον δι̣[αφέρ|ον –].—ICG 3208 (I.Chr. Macédoine 187; IG X 2,1.651; AD V–VI): + Κυμ[ητήριον διαφέ]|ρον [τοῦ δεῖνος –].—ICG 3211 (I.Chr. Macédoine 190; IG X 2,1s.*1539; AD V–VI): Μημό[ριον διαφέ]|ροντ̣[α –].—ICG 3213 (I.Chr. Macédoine 192; IG X 2,1.660; AD V–VI): [–] ἀνταξία Ι̣ [– | – ζή]σασα ἔτη[– | – ἀν]επαύσα̣τ[ο –]. “… worthy of … having lived … years, she died.”—ICG 3216 (I.Chr. Macédoine 195; IG X 2,1.*889; AD VI): [–] κ̣αὶ | [–] Π̣ εωνίου | [– ἀ]δελφοῖς.—ICG 3217 (I.Chr. Macédoine 196; IG X 2,1.649; AD V–VI): [–]ν̣ καὶ̣ τ̣[ῶν] | διαφερόν|των αὐτῇ. “… and of those belonging to her.”—ICG 3671 (SEG 59.710; AD V–VI): Κοιμητ[ήριον | –]ΟΥΡΣΙΚ[– | –]ΕΝΩΚ[– | –]ΤΟΤΗΝ[–].—ICG 3687 (IG X 2,1s.1522; AD IV–VI): [κοιμη]τήριον – | – Ap –.—ICG 3688 (IG X 2,1s.1526; AD V–VI): Μημ[όριον – nomen] | ἐτέθη [– τῇ πρὸ] | ἓξ Καλ[ανδῶν – nomen mensis] +. “Tomb of … set up … six (days) [before] the calends of …”—ICG 3689 (IG X 2,1s.*1536; SEG 47.1009; AD V–VI): [Κοιμητήριον] διαφέ[ρον –] | ΤΩ̣ Μ ΕΝ̣ [–]. 268 ICG 3206 (I.Chr. Macédoine 185; IG X 2,1s.*1535; AD IV–V): ✝ Κοι̣[μητήριον] | διαφ[έροντα] | Νίκω[νος]. “Tomb belonging to Nikon.” 269 ICG 3210 (I.Chr. Macédoine 189; IG X 2,1.398; AD IV–V): [Μημ]όριων̣ [– | –] κ̣ὲ Σαμβ̣[ατ – | ἐνθά]δ̣ε κῖτε Φ[–]. “Tomb of …(?) and Sambat …(?), where F …(?) lies.” 270 ICG 3212 (I.Chr. Macédoine 191; IG X 2,1.406; AD V–VI): [–]Α�ΕΚ�ΖΩ� [– | –] κ̲ (αὶ) ἡ̲ σ̲ ύμβιος [– | –] Ἀ̲ ν̲τω ̲ νίνα ἡ̣ [– | –] κ̲ α̲τὰ̲ νοῦν λ̣[–]. “… and his wife … Antonina …” 271 ICG 3686 (IG X 2,1s.1508; AD V–VI): + Κ̣οιμητήριον μονό|[σ]ωμον, ἔνθα κῖται | Φλορέντις. “Single tomb where Florentios lies.” 272 ICG 3676 (IG X 2,1s.1530; SEG 51.900; AD V–VI): ἀνάπαυ[σον – | –]ου καὶ Δώμν[ας –]. “Rest(?) …os and Domna(?).” 273 ICG 3209 (I.Chr. Macédoine 188; IG X 2,1s.1510; AD IV–V): + Μημ̣[όριον] | Φαυσ̣[τίνου] | ἔνθ[α κῖτε Δη]|μήτ̣[ριος]. “Tomb of Faustinos(?), where Demetrios(?) lies.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

215

and perhaps an Agathetyche274 identified themselves as Christians in the fifth or sixth century. One will note among these fragments the only two Christian examples of a funerary fine at Thessalonica,275 and, possibly, a rare Christian epigram (if indeed it was Christian).276 2.5 Christian Monumental Architecture Just as in Philippi and Amphipolis, it is during the fifth and sixth centuries that a number of ecclesiastical buildings were constructed to accommodate the needs of a growing Christian population. Among the most notorious and imposing are the churches of Hagios Demetrios and the Rotunda (also known as Hagios Georgios) already seen above, the Acheiropoietos, and the large mid-fifth-century episcopal basilica on top of which the Hagia Sophia was later erected.277 It is unlikely, however, that these were the first to be built.278 More modest edifices, such as the smaller ecclesiastical structures identified underneath the Hagios Demetrios and the Hagia Sophia, are presumably earlier by a century or so. The cemeterial church and the adjacent cross-shaped martyrium found in the eastern necropolis underneath Third Septembre St. can be approximately dated to the late fourth century (thanks in part to a hoard of coins).279 Likewise, the single-nave church located underneath the small mid-fifth-century, three-aisled basilica (13.5  ×  16 m) recently discovered 274 ICG 3227 (I.Chr. Macédoine 206; IG X 2,1s.*1540; AD V–VI): Memoṛ[ia –]|tychạ[e, depo]|sita i[n pace(?) –] | corp[–] +. “Tomb of …tyche, laid (in peace?) …” This is the last of four Latin Christian epitaphs. 275 ICG 3218 (I.Chr. Macédoine 197; IG X 2,1s.*1525; AD V–VI): [– εἰ δέ τις τολ]μήσῃ ἀνοῖξε ἕτερ[ος – δ]ώσει ταῖς ἁγιωτάτες [ἐκκλησίαις –]. “… [and if someone] else dares to open …, s/he shall pay to the holiest [churches …].”—ICG 3219 (I.Chr. Macédoine 198; IG X 2,1.*996 c. suppl.; AD V–VI): [–Σ]ωζο̣̣ |μένου ὁλο|κοτίν(ων) δέ|κα. “… of Sozomenos(?), ten coins.” Cf. examples from Philippi (ICG 3289; I.Philippi² 125) and Beroea (ICG 3072; I.Chr. Macédoine 62). 276 ICG 3223 (I.Chr. Macédoine 202; IG X 2,1.*775; AD V–VI): [–]Ο̣ Ι ̣ [– | –]Ο̣ Ν ΟΜΟ̣ [– | –]ν̣ δὲ γυναι[– | –]ς κείνη πέλει [– || –] αἰαῖ τῆς πινυτῆς̣ ̣ [– | –]ς ἀμβροσίοιο[– | – λέλ]ο̣ιπεν ἑῷ γλυκερῷ[– | – δόμ]ον ἡμιτελ̣ῆ̣[– | –]Λ̣ Ο Υ[–]. “… and the woman … it was this one … Ha! What wisdom … immortal … she has left to her dear (husband) … a half-completed house …” 277 See the previous section (2.3) for brief discussions of the Hagios Demetrios and the Rotunda. Vestiges of a fifth- or sixth-century octagonal structure (∅ ca. 22 m) have also been excavated near the Golden gate, where St. Nestor, St. Demetrios’s disciple in his passio altera, was allegedly martyred. It featured an octagonal baptistery and a martyrium, and was erected on a symmetrical axis to the Rotunda at the opposite end of the via regia. See Marki, “Ένας άγνωστος οκταγωνικός ναός.” Cf. Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne,” 127–28; Ćurčić, “Christianization of Thessalonikē,” 224–26. 278 Marki (“Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 44) notes that there is no attested place of worship earlier than the fourth century AD. 279 See Makropoulou, “Ο παλαιοχριστιανικός ναός,” 42–43; Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 79–83; ead., “Das kreuzförmige Martyrion.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

216

Chapter 5

Figure 27 Christian monuments of Thessalonica in late antiquity Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund Legend: 1. Heptapyrgion; 2. Acropolis; 3. Hosios David; 4. Hagios Demetrios; 5. Agora; 6. Odeon; 7. Acheiropoietos; 8. Rotunda; 9. Galerius’s arch; 10. Hippodrome; 11. Galerius’s palace; 12. Hagia Sophia ; 13. Martyrium(?); 14. Maritime wall; 15. Constantine’s harbor; 16. Golden gate; 17. Western wall; 18. Lete gate; 19. Kalamaria gate; 20. Eastern wall; 21. Eastern cemetery; 22. Via regia

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

217

one hundred meters from the Kalamaria gate (also known as Kassandreotiki gate), in Sintrivani Square, can be attributed to the same period given its basic architecture and floor plan, which resemble that of the basilica of Paul at Philippi.280 The cemeterial church, which features an apsidal crypt similar to that found in the episcopal basilica at Stobi,281 must have actually been a popular site for Christians wishing to be buried ad sanctum, for about seventy graves, including vaulted ones, were excavated in its immediate vicinity.282 Likewise, eleven tombs (presumably reserved for bishops) were laid in the floor of the martyrium itself.283 No funerary or votive inscription has been found, however, and only a small silver reliquary decorated with crosses and a monogram was discovered in the enkainion underneath the altar.284 Incidentally, the same may be said of the basilica of Sintrivani Square and the other eight late antique martyria identified or suspected in the western and eastern necropoleis, none of which has yielded any epigraphic material.285 Other impressive monuments from the late antique and early Byzantine eras include the Acheiropoietos basilica located north of the via regia and the Hagia Sophia on its opposite southern side, west of Galerius’s imperial palace, which was erected on top of a massive five-aisled edifice (ca. 120   ×  50 m) in the fifth century.286 Thought to have been dedicated to St. Mark initially, the predecessor of the Hagia Sophia must have functioned as the first episcopal basilica given its size and the presence of a large quatrefoil baptistery to the 280 See Paisidou, “Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική.” 281 Snively (“Apsidal Crypts,” 1184) doubts that the apsidal crypt had a martyrial function (since tombs clustered around the martyrium chapel instead) and suggests it may have been used by pilgrims for “special cults.” 282 The site, which is about 150 m east of the archaeological and Byzantine museums, is now partly covered by an overpass (Third Septembre St.) and by the Thessaloniki International Exhibition Center. See Makropoulou, “Ο παλαιοχριστιανικός ναός”; Marki, Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 79–83; ead., “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 45 (with photos pp. 121–36); ead., “Das kreuzförmige Martyrion.” Cf. Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne,” 122–23. 283 Marki suggests the martyrium was dedicated to Alexandros of Pydna, but the literary evidence presented in favor of this interpretation is rather tenuous. See Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 45; ead., Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 81–83. 284 ICG 3620 (SEG 33.555; AD 380–450): ☧ | Οὐ(γγίαι) δ´ γρ(άμματα) ιδ´. “4 unciae, 14 grams (i.e., 123.75 g).” Cf. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, “Το εγκαίνιο”; Makropoulou, “Ο παλαιοχριστιανικός ναός,” 30. 285 See Marki, “Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki,” 45–50 (with plan pp. 114–15); ead., Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης, 69–99; Paisidou, “Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική.” 286 The fifth-century basilica, the largest of its kind at Thessalonica, appears to have been constructed over a mid-fourth-century church, which itself had been built on top of a fourth-century Roman thermal complex and nymphaeum. See Drossoyianni, “Αγία Σοφία”; Mentzos, “Συμβολή”; Theoharidou, Hagia Sophia, 9–13. Cf. Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 141–44; Torp, “Thessalonique paléochrétienne,” 124–26. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

218

Chapter 5

south (which is now revered as the hagiasma of John the Baptist).287 Destroyed in the seventh century (perhaps after the earthquake of the AD 620s), it was renovated in the iconoclastic period in the eighth century (hence, its sparse decoration) and served as the metropolitan church of Thessalonica during the Byzantine era.288 Despite its importance, however, no significant late antique inscription has been discovered in its vicinity,289 not even an ex-voto recording the name of a donor, as in, for example, the basilica of the Acheiropoietos. An imposing two-storey building (ca. 52  ×  31 m), the three-aisled structure was erected on the ruins of a bath complex in the last quarter of the fifth century (ca. AD 475).290 Known originally as the church of the Virgin (to whom it was dedicated), it was renamed as the Acheiropoietos (“not-made-by-hands”) after receiving a “miraculous” icon of the Virgin Hodegetria in the fourteenth century.291 Decorated in luxurious Theodosian style, it features large floor slabs of Proconesian marble (in the central aisle), delicately carved marble columns and capitals, and idyllic mosaics with floral motifs, birds, and crosses in the intrados of the two central colonnades.292 Several mosaic ex-votos have been discovered in its vicinity,293 including two on the soffits of the central and

287 The general layout of the site is comparable to that of the episcopal complex in Stobi, which also features a magnificently decorated quatrefoil baptistery. Cf. sec. 2.2 in chap. 7 below. 288 For a detailed survey of the history and architecture of the Hagia Sophia, see Theoharidou, Hagia Sophia; Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Hagia Sophia (esp. pp. 4–9). Cf. Gregory and Šev­čenko, “Acheiropoietos Church”; Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Tourta, Byzantine Thes­ saloniki, 197–213. 289 Besides the fragmentary epitaph ICG 3155 (I.Chr. Macédoine 135; cf. n. 80 above) found reused in the floor of the apse, only a small inscribed piece of bronze decoration featuring vine foliage seems to have been discovered during the excavations of the basilica. See ICG 3111 (I.Chr. Macédoine 100; AD V–VI): [– ἀ]νέθετο +. “[So-and-so …?] dedicated (this).” On the early Byzantine mosaic inscriptions, see Bakirtzis, “Νεότερες παρατηρήσεις”; Bakirtzis, Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 241–95. 290 See Xyngopoulos, “Περί την Αχειροποίητον Θεσσαλονίκης”; Bakirtzis, “Ἀχειροποίητος τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης”; Vickers, “Brickstamps from Thessaloniki,” 291–94 (on the dating esp.); Klein­bauer, “Acheiropoietos”; Spieser, Thessalonique, 212 (on the dating); Bakirtzis, Kour­koutidou-Nikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 199–237; Four­ las, Acheiropoietos-Basilika. For a comprehensive architectural study of the basi­lica across the centuries, see the three-volume dissertation by Raptis (“Αχειροποίητος Θεσ­σα­ λο­νί­κης”). The church of St. Menas likely dates from the same period given its architectural design and decorative reliefs. See Kabouri-Vamvoukou, “Αρχιτεκτονικά γλυπτά.” Cf. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Tourta, Byzantine Thessaloniki, 141–45. 291 Tafrali, Topographie, 160–65; Xyngopoulos, “Η λατρευτική εικών.” 292 For detailed study of these mosaics, see Fourlas, Acheiropoietos-Basilika, 30–109. 293 Beside ICG 3113 and 3114 (see immediately below), another late ex-voto inscription was found on the broken upper border of a chancel plate. See ICG 3108 (I.Chr. Macédoine 98; IG X 2,1.*281; AD VI): [Ὑπὲ]ρ̣ εὐχῆς Δημητρίου. “Ex-voto of Demetrios.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

219

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 28 Mandorla mosaic of Hosios David, Thessalonica photo by J.M. Ogereau; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

southern arches of the tribelon entrance.294 While the first is anonymous,295 the second records the name of one of the main donors, the “humble Andreas.”296 First identified as the bishop of Thessalonica attested between AD 491–497,297 Andreas may have simply been a presbyter—the title ἐπίσκοπος is missing298—if he was not a noble layman who contributed financially to the edifice.299 Whatever the case may have been, Andreas must have been connected to the foundation of the church since his dedication was prominently displayed on the intrados of the central arch of the tribelon.300 294 Both were written in silver letters on a red background within tabula ansata. 295 ICG 3113 (I.Chr. Macédoine 102A; AD V): + Ὑπὲρ ε̣[ὐχῆς οὗ ο]ἶδεν hedera | + ὁ θεὸς τ̣ὸ̣ ὄνομα hedera. “Ex-voto of the one whose name God knows.” 296 ICG 3114 (I.Chr. Macédoine 102B; AD V): + Ὑπὲρ ε[ὐχῆ]ς ̣ hedera | [Ἀ]νδρέου [τα]πινοῦ +. “Ex-voto of the humble Andreas.” 297 Cormack, “Mosaic Decoration,” 51. Cf. Sodini, “Saint-Georges,” 510; Feissel and Spieser, “Les inscriptions de Thessalonique,” 312 no. 6. On the archbishop Andreas, see Petit, “Les évêques de Thessalonique,” 144. Cf. Fourlas, Acheiropoietos-Basilika, 197–99. 298 For Bakirtzis (“Acheiropoietos à Thessalonique”), he could be the presbyter who represented the bishop of Thessalonica at the council of Chalcedon in AD 451. 299 See A. Ferrua and P.-A. Février in Bakirtzis, “Acheiropoietos à Thessalonique,” 45; Klein­ bauer, “Acheiropoietos,” 248. 300 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 97. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

220

Chapter 5

Yet none of the preserved mosaics of the Acheiropoietos basilica is as spectacular as that which adorned the apse wall of the chapel of Hosios David, the former katholikon of the nearby monastery of Latomos (wrongly) named after the famous dendrite.301 Presumably founded and dedicated to the prophet Zacharias in the late fifth or the early sixth century,302 it was decorated with a majestic mandorla mosaic of an enthroned beardless Christ. Lost for centuries until its rediscovery by Andreas Xyngopoulos in 1927,303 the theophanic scene depicts a glorified youthful Jesus seated on a rainbow arch with four rivers flowing at his feet and surrounded by representations of the four gospels, that is, four codices held by, respectively, a lion, a bull, an eagle, and an angel.304 His right hand raised up, his left hand holds an open roll on which can be read an adapted citation of Isa 25:9–10 (wherein Mount Zion, τὸ ὄρος, is replaced by the church, ὁ οἶκος): “Behold our God in whom we hope and rejoiced over our salvation, for he shall give rest to this house.”305 In addition, two bearded men feature to his right and left, one standing with a fearful and ecstatic look, his hands raised to his face, the other calmly seated, almost contemplative, and holding an open codex on which is written an acclamation likening Christ and the church to a “vivifying source welcoming (and) nourishing faithful souls.”306 The same acclamation is repeated once more on a band at the bottom of the mosaic and is completed by an anonymous ex-voto of a female donor who, having had her prayer answered, fulfilled her vow and had the mosaic made.307 301 For a description of the building and its mosaics, see Xyngopoulos, “Το καθολικόν της Μονής Λατόμου”; Tsigaridas, Οι τοιχογραφίες της μονής Λατόμου Θεσσαλονίκης, 11–23; id., Latomou Monastery; Bakirtzis, Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 180–95. On the saint’s life, see Rose, Leben des heiligen David. Cf. BHG2 493; Vasiliev, “David of Thessalonica”; Loenertz, “Saint David”; CSLA E05347. 302 Cf. Xyngopoulos, “Το καθολικόν της Μονής Λατόμου,” 172, 179; Bakirtzis, KourkoutidouNikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 194; Fourlas, Acheiro­poietos-Basilika, 144–45 (with a detailed bibliography in n. 141). Morey (“Hosios David”) rejects a date earlier than the seventh century AD. 303 Xyngopoulos, “Το καθολικόν της Μονής Λατόμου,” 142–43. 304 On the symbolism of the mosaics, see Spieser, “Osios David”; Snyder, “Hosios David”; Nasrallah, “Mosaic of Moni Latomou”; ead., “Ezekiel’s Vision”; Bakirtzis, KourkoutidouNikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 188–95. 305 ICG 3115 (I.Chr. Macédoine 103B; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 572; AD V–VI): + Ἰδοὺ ὁ θ(εὸ)ς | ἡμῶν ἐ|φ᾿ ᾧ ἐλπίζο|μεν κ(αὶ) ἠγαλ||λιώμεθα | ἐπὶ τῇ σω|τηρίᾳ ἡ|μῶν ὅτι ἀ|νάπαυσιν || δώσει ἐπὶ | τὸν οἶκον | τοῦτον. 306 ICG 3115 (I.Chr. Macédoine 103C; AD V–VI): (left) +̣ Π̣ η|γὴ ζω|τική, δ̣ε|κτ⟨ικ⟩ή, θ̣ρ̣επτική (right) ψυ̣|χῶν̣ πι|στοῦν | ὁ ⟨π⟩ παν|έν⟨τι⟩μος̣ ̣ | οἶ⟨κ⟩ος ο|⟨ὗτ⟩ος +̣. “Vivifying source, welcoming, nourishing the faithful souls, (such is) this venerable house.” 307 ICG 3115 (I.Chr. Macédoine 103A; AD V–VI): + Πηγὴ ζ⟨ω⟩τική, δεκτική, θρεπτικὴ ψυχῶν πιστῶν ὁ παν̲έν̲ ̲τι̲ ̲μ̲ ο̲ς ̲ ο̲ἶ ̲κ̲ ος οὗτος. Ε̲ ὐ̲ξα̲ ̲μ̲ένη ἐπέτυχα καὶ ἐπιτυχοῦ̲σ̲α ἐπλήροσα. + | Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς ἧ̲ ς ̲ ο̲ἶ ̲δ̲εν̲ ̲ ὁ̲ θ̲εὸ̲ ̲ς ̲ τ̲ὸ̲ ὄ̲ν̲ο̲μ̲α̲. “Vivifying source, welcoming, nourishing the faithful souls, (such is) this

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

221

The two bearded men cannot be identified with certainty but have generally been interpreted as the prophets Ezekiel, Habakkuk, Isaiah, or even John of Patmos.308 Whoever they might be, what is clear is that the acclamation on the open codex is not found anywhere else in biblical literature and that the identification of the church as a “vivifying, welcoming, and nourishing source” (πηγὴ ζωτική, δεκτική, θρεπτική) is exceptional in inscriptions in Macedonia and beyond. Equally noteworthy are the iconographic allusions to Jewish-Christian texts such as Ezekiel and Revelation, and the unusual invitation to “behold God” (Ἰδοὺ ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν).309 Whoever sponsored this magnificent art work, she must have been deeply attached to the “venerable house” (ὁ πανέντιμος οἶκος) and displayed great artistic and theological sensitivity. 3

Chalcidice

The extant Christian epigraphic evidence from Chalcidice is minimal and can be summarily reviewed. It consists primarily of votives and dedications that attest to the presence of Christian communities throughout the region from at least the fourth century.310 The archaeological evidence, on the other hand, is much more substantial as no fewer than seventy-six late antique or early Byzantine ecclesiastical buildings and countless late antique tombs have been identified.311 Although only a few of them have been excavated systematically, their sheer number indicates that Christianity penetrated deep into the

venerable house. Having made a vow, my wish was granted, and, being (thus) granted, I fulfilled (my vow). Ex-voto of the one whose name God knows.” The donor is unlikely to have been Theodora, the daughter of Emperor Maximian, as the ninth- or tenth-century legendary narrative by the abbot Ignatios recounts (on which see Vasiliev, “David of Thessalonica,” 137–40). Cf. Xyngopoulos, “Το καθολικόν της Μονής Λατόμου,” 172–78. 308 Cf. Xyngopoulos, “Το καθολικόν της Μονής Λατόμου,” 158–59; Tsigaridas, Latomou Monastery, 36–50; Wisskirchen, “Hosios David,” 588–92; Bakirtzis, Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, Mosaics of Thessaloniki, 190–94. For Snyder (“Hosios David,” 151) and Exner (“Thron Christi”), the figure seated to the right represents John of Patmos. 309 See Nasrallah, “Mosaic of Moni Latomou”; ead., “Ezekiel’s Vision.” 310 Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 24. The Byzantine tradition claiming that Paul visited the region during his stay at Thessalonica cannot be verified. See ibid., 23–24, 111. 311 Detailed archaeological data have been gathered for only fifteen of these buildings, thirteen of which are basilicas dated to the middle of the fifth century AD. See Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 31–43 (with table 1.2). Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 215–26.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

222

Chapter 5

peninsula and flourished in the fifth century, before receding due to the Avaro-Slavic invasions in the sixth century.312 Among the most important of these are the basilica and the late antique cemetery unearthed at Byadoudi and Limori near Epanomi, a small town some thirty kilometers directly south of Thessaloniki. Excavated over a period of fifteen years (1994–2007), the site of Limori has yielded a total of forty-two tombs that are oriented along a typical east-west axis and dated between the fourth and the sixth centuries (on the basis of coins, pottery finds, and architectural features).313 The types of tombs range from simple pit graves to cyst-graves, which were covered either by horizontal limestone slabs, arched tiles, or a pyramidal roof.314 The tombs contained a significant amount of unpainted pottery vessels of good quality (e.g., wine jugs, small amphorae, ointment bottles), basically decorated oil-lamps (occasionally featuring a cross), and jewelry made of copper, iron, silver, and gold that are quite similar to those found in Thessalonica.315 Combined to the numismatic evidence (which mostly dates from the fourth century), all of these artefacts indicate that a rural community prospered in the area in the Constantinian and post-Constantinian periods thanks to its proximity to Thessalonica, before declining steadily in the sixth and seventh centuries.316 What is also noteworthy is that many tombs appear to have been reused (being fitted with a small entrance to allow for corpses to be removed and replaced),317 and that not a single epitaph has been recovered (except for an inscribed funerary altar that was reemployed as a slab cover).318 This practice of “recycling” graves, which were all disposed close to one another, may seem puzzling given the spaciousness of the site (ca. 1 ha) but was in fact common in the late antique and Byzantine Greek world.319 However, this does not account for the absence of a funerary epigraphic habit, especially this close to Thessalonica, which might be due to the low literacy of the local population and/or the prohibitive cost of epitaphs.

312 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 24–27. 313 See Pazaras, Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες, 38–165 (with an English summary, pp. 276–81). Cf. Akrivo­ poulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 60–65; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 117–18 (nos. 42–43). On the orientation of burials in late antiquity, see Rife, Isthmia, 181–83. 314 Pazaras, Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες, 98–104, 277. 315 Ibid., 115–50. 316 Ibid., 151–54, 278. 317 Ibid., 277. 318 Ibid., 55, 107–9. 319 Cf. Rife, Isthmia, 169–71.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

223

Be that as it may, the only two inscriptions so far discovered in the area actually come from the three-aisled basilica excavated at the site called Byadoudi, some five hundred meters southeast of Limori. Built according to the pattern commonly observed throughout Macedonia, the church (25  ×  16 m) features a central nave edged by two colonnaded aisles, a large semicircular apse to the east, inner and outer brick-floored narthexes to the west, and was decorated in elaborate fashion with multicolored marble revetment and mosaics (judging by the numerous glass tesserae discovered on site).320 A cruciform enkainion containing relics was also placed in the middle of the naos, while a small cross-shaped baptistery (8.30   ×  2.5 m) was built in a southwest annex, in the vicinity of which was found a small bronze cross (4.2   ×  2.8 cm) inscribed on both sides with the following prayer:321

5

A.   Κ(ύρι)ε β  οήθ  η ττα ὸν τ(οῦτ)ο   φ  ορ  ο͂ν-

5

B.   Φονὶ   Κ(υρίο)υ ἐ  πὴ ὑδ⟨άτ-⟩ vac το͂ν   ο  ν

Immediately south of the baptistery were built another annex, which was later converted into a winery, and an underground vaulted tomb (1.88  ×  1.16  × 1.36 m), whose long walls were decorated in Thessalonian style with large red Latin crosses flanked by green foliage.322 Right underneath these motifs ran, at mid-height all around the grave, an inscription painted in red letters over a white band—perhaps a verse or a prayer—of which only fragments have survived: “… their house(?) … our God(?) … their names(?) …”323 Its meaning cannot be deciphered precisely, nor can the identity of the tomb’s occupant(s) be determined. Given its location and the quality of its decoration, however, 320 Pazaras, Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες, 167–97, 211–19. Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκι­ δική,” 58–59. 321 ICG 3664 (SEG 51.819; AD VI): (A) “Christ, help her/him who bears this (cross)!” (B) “The voice of the Lord over the water.” Note: The last two letters of φορο͂ντα in A are written on the left arm of the cross. See Pazaras, Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες, 243–44. For a similar artefact from Philippi, see ICG 3384 (I.Philippi² 322A). 322 Pazaras, Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες, 201–7. 323 ICG 3663 (SEG 51.818; mid-AD V–VI): [ca. 7–8]ΥΤΩΝ οἰκι̣[ῶν?] αὐτῶ̣[ν] CT[–]ẠỊ[ca. 4–5]ΘC̣ Η[Μ]ΩΝΑ̣ ΤΑ̣ [–]ḲA[–]C̣ ANTO τὰ ὀνόματα : αὐτ[ῶν –] τ̣ῶ̣ν γα̣ι̣ῶ̣ν αὐτῶ̣ ν.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

224

Chapter 5

one is inclined to agree with Theocharis Pazaras that it was probably “intended for some prominent clerical figure,” perhaps a bishop since the basilica had a baptistery.324 When the church was constructed and fell out of use is difficult to tell. What is sure is that it was destroyed by fire around the mid-seventh century and plundered shortly thereafter. Meanwhile the large amount of fifth-century coins recovered on site, some of which were actually found inside the mortar of the southern wall, suggests it was founded in the middle of the fifth century.325 What became of the local Christian community remains a mystery. It seems that there was no attempt to rebuild the church—not even a chapel—and the site simply ceased to be revered as sacred, as though the population had entirely vanished from the area or resettled elsewhere. Although this basilica remains (to date) “the only one of its kind to have been fully excavated in western Halkidiki,”326 several important ruins and artefacts have been discovered at Pulaia and Panorama, immediately south of Thessalonica,327 and along the southwestern coast of the peninsula at Nea Silata,328 Nea Herakleia,329 and Mariana, near Olynthos.330 All these further indicate that Christianity had spread southeast of Thessalonica by the fourth or fifth century. Just as with Epanomi, however, hardly any epigraphic evidence has surfaced in these localities. An empty vase, which was used as a 324 Pazaras, Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες, 279. 325 Ibid., 269–70, 280. 326 Ibid., 281. 327 On the painted tombs and the fifth-century basilicas therein discovered, see Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 83–86 (with figs. 29–34). Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισ­ μοί, 125 (nos. 46–47). The basilica at Panorama featured two aisles only but was richly decorated with frescoes and mosaic floors. Late antique Christian vestiges have also been found at Ardameri and Chortiatis, slightly east of Panorama. See ibid., 115 (no. 34) and 129 (no. 61). 328 On the sixth-century basilica unearthed there, see Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλ­ κιδική,” 67–73; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 218–20 (no. 274). 329 On the elaborate silver reliquary fortuitously found in a field at Nea Herakleia, see Akri­ vopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 65–66 (with figs. 6A–9). Delicately carved on all sides, it features a Christogram on the lid and, on the sides, representations of the traditio legis, Jesus with the apostles Peter and Paul, Daniel in the lions’ den, and the three young men in the fiery furnace. Its exact origin remains unclear, but it is suspected to have come from Thessalonica or from an unidentified church nearby. 330 On the post-Byzantine church erected in the nave of a three-aisled basilica, see Akri­ vopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 74; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 222 (no. 280); Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 390–91 (no. I, 1.88). Several (undated) basilicas are also reported north of Olynthos. See Akrivopoulou, “Πα­λαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 75–80 (with table 1.2); Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 216 (no. 266).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

225

“moneybox” and inscribed with a petition for help (✝ Κύριε βοήθι), is all that was discovered in a building excavated at Nea Kallikrateia, for instance.331 Further to the south, on the westernmost tip of the peninsula, two additional artefacts testify to a Christian presence deep into the headland of Kassandreia (Pallene) in the fifth century. The first one consists of a column capital that was engraved with a large monogrammatic cross and offered as a votive by a certain Vinkentios, before being reused in the southern wall of the church of Hagios Athanasios at Fourka.332 The second artefact, which was recovered at Gerani, south of Nea Potidaia, consists of a fragment of an inscribed clay stamp that served to mark eucharistic bread with a word of thanks.333 The original provenance of both objects is unknown, but there is little doubt that they came from a nearby basilica, perhaps the (unidentified) episcopal basilica at Kassandreia (Nea Potidaia), whose bishop Hermogenes attended the second council of Ephesus in AD 449.334 Or it might have come from the fifth- or sixth-century, three-aisled basilica located at Solinas, which was decorated with mosaic floors featuring typical representations of Ps 41 LXX (i.e., deer drinking from canthari).335 No other significant epigraphic evidence has emerged, but ecclesiastical vestiges and architectural elements discovered on the western side of the peninsula at Sani, Kassandreia, Fourka, Kalandra, and Nea Skioni, on the eastern side at Peukochori, Chaniotis, Polychrono, Kallithea, Aphytos, and at its extremity near Hagia Paraskevi and Paliouri clearly point to a well-established Christian presence throughout the headland in the fifth and sixth centuries.336 Similar observations could be made about the central southern headland of Sithonia, where only a handful of Christian inscriptions have so far been found on the isthmus at Nikiti and at its extremity at Toroni. Particularly noteworthy are the five mosaic inscriptions from the mid-fifth-century basilica at 331 ICG 3662 (SEG 50.603; AD VI). Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 217 (no. 272). 332 ICG 3228 (I.Chr. Macédoine 207; SEG 29.589; AD V–VI): Ὑ̣πὲρ εὐχῆς Βινκεντίου. “Ex-voto of Vinkentios.” Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 116. 333 ICG 3668 (SEG 55.684; AD V–VI): ✝ εὐχ(αριστοῦ)με(ν) ἐν παντὶ Κ(ύρι)ε. “We give thanks in all things, Lord.” 334 See Mansi 6:609B. Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 24, 107–11; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 217–18 (nos. 271, 273). On the Roman colony of Kassandreia, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 424–26; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 217–18 (no. 273); Giannakopoulos, “Greek Presence,” 93–109; TIB 11:541–43. 335 See Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 123 (with fig. 61); Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 224–25 (no. 293); Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 171–72, 391–93 (no. I, 1.89), with pls. 410–417. 336 See Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 111–12, 114–25. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 217 (nos. 270, 272), 223 (no. 286), 224 (no. 288).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

226

Chapter 5

Nikiti,337 which record donations for the embellishment of the edifice with mosaics—by all means an exceptional find in Macedonia.338 The earliest of two churches unearthed in the locality,339 the three-aisled basilica (15   ×  14.70 m), was built in three stages and decorated with mosaics and marble floors thanks to Bishop Sophronios, the only known bishop from Sithonia (who features prominently in a medallion in the center of the nave),340 and three other donors whose names and contributions were commemorated in separate panels in the nave.341 Thus, a certain Hermes gave a semissis (i.e., half a gold solidus) as a vow,342 while a lector whose name has not been preserved donated two tremisses worth two thirds of a gold solidus.343 Ten kilometers to the southeast of Nikiti, another fifth-century, three-aisled basilica (15.20   ×   13.80 m) was excavated at Elia.344 Its narthex featured five tombs, one of which yielded a ring that was inscribed with (presumably) the name of its owner (+ Ῥηγῖνα).345 Further south, three additional fifth- or sixth-century churches have been identified, though not fully excavated, in 337 See Karadedos and Nikonanos, “Βασιλική Σωφρονίου”; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 169–71, 387–89 (no. I, 1.86), with pls. 403–408. Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 127–31 (with figs. 62–64); Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 220–21 (no. 278). 338 For an example from Crete, see I.Chr. Crete 67. 339 On the sixth-century, three-aisled (14  ×  12.50 m) basilica of Hagios Georgios (and its adjacent cemetery), which was excavated 60 m from that of Sophronios, see Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 131–33 (with figs. 62–66). 340 ICG 4451 (Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 388 no. I, 1.86.4; ca. AD 450): ἐμ[ουσ(ώθη)] | ἐπὶ τ(οῦ) ἀγ[ι](ώτα)|τ(ο)ῦ ἐπισκ(όπου) | Σωφρόνιου. “The mosaic was laid under the holiest bishop Sophronios.” 341 Besides the votives of Hermes and a lector below, a third anonymous ex-voto seems to have mentioned a donation of one gold coin. See ICG 4452 (Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 388 no. I, 1.86.5; ca. AD 450): + Ὑπὲρ εὐχ(ῆς) οὗ ὁ Θ(εὸ)ς | οἶδ(εν) τὸ ὄν(ομα) αἰμου|σώ(θη) χρυ⟨σ⟩ίν[ου]. “Ex-voto of the one whose name God knows. This mosaic was laid for one gold coin(?).” A fifth inscription on a band by the entrance of the nave is simply unintelligible. See ICG 4450 (Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 388 no. I, 1.86.3; ca. AD 450): ΟΣ [Μ]ΟΥΣΑΡΙΟΣ(?). Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 127, 130 (with n. 307). 342 ICG 4449 (Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 388 no. I, 1.86.2; ca. AD 450): + Ὑπὲρ ε|ὐχῆς | Ἑρμῆνος | σιμίσιου. “Ex-voto of Hermes of (one) simisios.” 343 ICG 4448 (Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 388 no. I, 1.86.1; ca. AD 450): + Ὑπὲρ εὐχ|ῆς ΣΑ․․|ν(οῦ) ἀναγ(νώστου) | τριμίσ[σι]||α δοίο. “Ex-voto of Sa…nos(?), a lector, two trimissia.” 344 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 134–36 (with figs. 67–68); Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 216 (no. 268); Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακε­ δονίας, 389–90 (no. I, 1.87). 345 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 136.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

227

the vicinity of Toroni.346 As at Nikiti, all three were destroyed by fire in the sixth century (following an attack most likely). Unlike Sophronios’s church, however, all three were partially restored and single-aisled chapels erected within their naves, which indicates that a small Christian population continued to reside in the area well into the Byzantine era. Little significant epigraphic evidence has emerged in Toroni apart from one fragment of a terracotta basin or bowl found near the church of Hagios Athanasios (18.60   × 14.70 m), which was engraved with an anonymous entreaty for help: “Lord, help your servant!”347 Overall, just as in Kassandreia, the basilicas excavated at Nikiti, Elia, Toroni, Episkope (near Sykia),348 and Hagios Nikolaios,349 and other material remains collected at Hagios Paulos and Neos Marmaras,350 clearly confirm that Christian communities had taken root in some of the most remote areas of Macedonia by the fifth century. Undoubtedly, the place where a Christian presence is the most deeply felt in Chalcidice is on the eastern peninsula of Mount Athos, a region that has been a haut lieu of cenobitic monasticism since the Middle Byzantine period (10th cent. AD), as a rich epigraphic corpus attests,351 and which now counts no fewer than twenty cloisters.352 When the first monastic communities were established on the nearly deserted headland is not certain,353 but it could be as early as AD 843, if the tenth-century historian Genesios is to be trusted, or 346 Two (partially excavated) churches (I and II) were found intra muros, while the third, the basilica of Hagios Athanasios (thus called because of a small shrine dedicated to the saint nearby), stands slightly to the north of the city. See Nikonanos, “Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική του Αγίου Αθανασίου”; Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 138–44 (with figs. 69–77); Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 172–73, 393–95 (no. I, 1.90), with pls. 418–419. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 429–30; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 225–26 (no. 294); TIB 11:1057–59. 347 ICG 3629 (SEG 38.718; mid-AD VI–VII): Κύριε, βοήθησον τοῦ δού|λου σου [–]. Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 142. 348 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 144–45; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 224 (no. 292). 349 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 145–46. 350 See ibid., 133–34, 136–38. 351 Millet, Pargoire and Petit, Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Athos. 352 See TIB 11:241–44; Talbot and Kazhdan, “Athos.” For a topographical survey of monasteries in the tenth century AD, see Papazotos, “Athos.” Cf. Millet, “Mont-Athos,” 72–98. 353 Earlier settlements or towns are reported in ancient sources, and a dozen of archaeological sites have been discovered along with hundreds of ancient artefacts (some of which were likely brought from Thasos or Lemnos). However, no site has been identified with certainty. See Millet, “Mont-Athos,” 55–72; Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 149–50; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 431–32; Winter, Stadtspuren, 204. On the collections of antiquities kept at the various monasteries, see Kadas, Mount Athos, 53–151.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

228

Chapter 5

at least by the AD 880s.354 Monks from the nearby regions (and not from the eastern provinces, as was initially thought) are likely to have settled down as hermits in the late eighth or the early ninth century, and only progressively developed small communities (partly under the protection of the Byzantine emperor Basil I).355 The earliest epigraphic evidence found reused in the monasteries of Iviron and Prokopios on the eastern coast points in any case to a date no earlier than the fifth century.356 It consists of another capital ex-voto that is very similar to that of Vinkentios discovered at Fourka,357 and of a dedication on a marble plate (within a tabula ansata) by an otherwise unknown bishop named Domninos who, by means of a rare citation of Ps 25:8, boasted of having decorated an unidentified church: “The most holy and blessed bishop Domninos, applying the (verse) ‘Lord, I have loved the beauty of your house,’ has likewise made this decoration.”358 The uncertain provenance of both artefacts invites caution, however, especially since most of the building materials employed in the construction of the monasteries were not quarried locally but brought from further inland or from Thasos.359 It is therefore more than likely that these two stones were originally put up by Christian communities established elsewhere in Chalcidice or Macedonia, and that they bear little to no relation to the development of Christianity on the Athos headland. One of the closest and largest of these communities was probably based near modern-day Varvara, some ten kilometers west of ancient Stageira on the northeastern coast of Chalcidice, where a fifth-century complex of three basilicas has been excavated and a handful of inscriptions recovered at a place named Giazos-Tzortzi.360 Among them are a clay roof tile from basilica I, which was inscribed with a basic invocation,361 and a tile fragment from basilica III on which was carved an enigmatic reference to Zotikos the 354 Talbot and Kazhdan, “Athos,” 224. 355 Ibid. 356 The cloister has now been abandoned and lies on the territory of that of Vatopedi. See Papazotos, “Athos,” 156; Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 150. 357 ICG 3627 (SEG 37.543; AD V–VII): (A) Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς Μυ[․․․․]δίου. (B) Ὑπὲρ ε[ὐχῆ]ς Εἰωάννου. (A) “Ex-voto of Mu…dios.” (B) “Ex-voto of Ioannos.” 358 ICG 3229 (I.Chr. Macédoine 208; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 573; AD V–VI): Ὁ ἁγιότα(τος) καὶ μα|καριώτα(τος) ἐπίσκο|πος Δομνῖνος ἔ|χων τὸ “Κ(ύρι)ε ἠγάπη||σα εὐπρέπιαν οἴ|κου σου” οὕτως κ(αὶ) ἐ|καλλιέργισεν. 359 Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 431–32. 360 See Tavlakis, Bitzikopoulos, and Maladakis, “Ανασκαφή παλαιοχριστιανικών Βασιλικών.” Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 92–94; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 215 (no. 263); TIB 11:255–56; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 384 (no. I, 1.81–82). 361 ICG 3665 (SEG 53.634; BE 2005, no. 356; AD V): Κύριε βοήθη. “Lord, help!”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Central Macedonia

229

“ruptured” (κηλήτης).362 Who this Zotikos was is not clear, but he may have been so nicknamed due to a protruding hernia (just like the fifth-century patriarch of Alexandria, Ἀθανάσιος ὁ ἐπίκλην Κηλήτης).363 The final inscription is a classic invocation from a “slave” of Christ named Martyrios, which was engraved on a marble capital from basilica I.364 As with the rest of Chalcidice, the epigraphic harvest at Varvara mostly disappoints, especially since a sizeable Christian community appears to have lived in the area. The almost complete absence of an epigraphic habit may in fact suggest that, as at Limori, the local population was barely literate or too poor to afford grave stones. Alternatively, they might simply have had no inclination to commemorate their dead and affirm their Christian identity on funerary monuments. No other Christian inscription has been retrieved in eastern Chalcidice despite the identification of basilicas, architectural elements, and late antique cemeteries north of Sithonia at Ormylia and Metagkitsi,365 at Pyrgadikia on the gulf coast,366 at Ierissos (ancient Acanthus) on the isthmus leading to Mount Athos,367 further north inland at Palaiochori, Neposi, and Stratoniki,368 and on the coast at Zepkos and Stratoni (near modern Stageira).369 Likewise, the late antique and Byzantine settlement at Rentina on the shores of Lake Bolbe370 and the (scant) vestiges of basilicas at Melissourgos and Apollonia (an episcopal see in late antiquity) have not yielded any inscription.371 The same may be said about the rescue excavations at Paliambela in the demos 362 ICG 3667 (SEG 53.636; BE 2005, no. 356; AD V): Ζωτηκὸς Κη|λήτης. “Zotikos, the ‘ruptured.’” 363 See Feissel, BE 2006, no. 539. 364 ICG 3666 (SEG 53.635; BE 2005, no. 356; AD V–VI): Χρη⟨σ⟩τὲ βο⟨ή⟩θη τοῦ δούλου | Μαρτυρίου vac | καὶ MNH ✝ HMH. “Christ, help the servant Martyrios and …(?).” Cf. Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 93. 365 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 101–2; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 222 (no. 281). 366 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 100 (with figs. 40–45); Karagianni, Οι βυζαν­ τινοί οικισμοί, 223 (no. 287). 367 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 98–99; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 216–17 (no. 269). Papazoglou (Les villes de Macédoine, 433–34) suspects it was an episcopal see in late antiquity. 368 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 90–92; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 223 (no. 284), 224 (no. 291). 369 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 96–97 (with figs. 39). 370 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 94–96 (with figs. 36–38); Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 127–29 (no. 56). 371 Akrivopoulou, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική,” 88–90. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 115 (no. 33); TIB 11:222–23. A bishop of Apollonia is attested in the Notitia episcopatuum. See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 186–87, 218–23. The region stretching from Thes­ salonica to the Strymon delta, immediately north of Chalcidice, is generally considered to belong to Mygdonia.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

230

Chapter 5

of Arethousa, near Rentina, which have unveiled a fifth-century, three-aisled basilica that was decorated with mosaic floors featuring typical late antique Christian motifs (i.e., deer and peacocks flanking canthari) and a unique representation of a eucharistic chalice and communion bread.372 Despite the scarce epigraphic evidence discovered throughout the region, all these archaeological remains nonetheless attest to a strong Christian presence in eastern and northern Chalcidice in the fifth and sixth centuries. 4

Summary

As discussed in the third chapter, the advent of Christianity in central Mace­ donia is traditionally connected to the ministry of the apostle Paul who, in the middle of the first century, established the first Christ-believing community in Thessalonica. As was made evident in this chapter, Christianity, however, started to gather momentum only in the Constantinian age and did not impose itself before the Theodosian age. At Thessalonica, Christians indeed remain conspicuously absent in the epigraphy and archaeology of the second and third centuries, begin to identify themselves as such on their epitaphs from the late third or the early fourth century, and pervade the funerary epigraphy of the fifth and sixth centuries. The same may be said of ecclesiastical architecture in general. Though the earliest buildings excavated at Thessalonica date to the fourth century, it is in the fifth century that a vast monumental program, which was sponsored in great part by the imperial house and Christian elites, transformed the entire civic landscape. By then, Thessalonica had evidently flourished into a major religious and artistic center of the southern Balkans, whose influence radiated throughout neighboring regions and to the remotest confines of Chalcidice. 372 See Karivieri, Basilica of Arethousa (esp. pp. 15–24 on the mosaics); ead., “Floor Mosaics”; ead., “Mosaics and sectilia pavimenta.” Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 115–16 (no. 35); TIB 11:231–32; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 143–44, 261–63 (no. I, 1.24), with pls. 78–84. The basilica is located along the road between the modern villages of Arethousa and Ano Vrasna.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Chapter 6

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia 1

Introduction

In the following chapter, western Macedonia corresponds for all intents and purposes to the vast area stretching west of the Axios river, which is generally subdivided into two distinct regions, namely, “Lower Macedonia” (Κάτω Μακεδονία) and “Upper Macedonia” (Ἄνω Μακεδονία).1 These comprise the Bottiaean and Pierian plains with the historical cities of Beroea, Edessa, Pella, and the Roman colony of Dium, as well as the mountainous territories west of Mount Bermion. Excluded from this chapter is the region of Lyncestis and the city of Heraclea, which will be treated in the next chapter alongside Stobi. As reviewed in the third chapter, Paul and his companions were likely the first to spread Christianity in the region in the early AD 50s, as they evangelized Beroea shortly after their stay in Thessalonica and Philippi (according to Acts).2 Based on the extant sources, there is no direct evidence that they visited any other major cities (except perhaps the harbor town of Pydna),3 even though Paul claims to have traveled to the confines of Macedonia bordering Illyricum.4 While hardly anything is known of the development of Christianity in the region in subsequent decades, a number of early inscriptions discovered at Edessa, a major station on the via Egnatia that Paul may never have visited, clearly indicate that a community thrived there in the second half of the third century. The limited epigraphic and archaeological evidence from the rest of the region, however, rather suggests that Christianity became more diffused throughout western Macedonia only in the fourth and fifth centuries.5

1 Cf. sec. 2 in chap. 2 above. Historically, Lower Macedonia also included Crestonia and Myg­ donia. On the geographical delineations of these regions, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 101–2, 227–33. 2 Cf. sec. 3 in chap. 3 above. 3 Acts 17:14. 4 Rom 15:19. See the end of sec. 3 in chap. 3 above. 5 Most of the archaeological evidence consists of tombs, architectural elements, and vestiges of basilicas. See the sections on the districts of Pella and Pieria in Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 175–98 nos. 182–228.

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_007

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Western Macedonia A. Städtler

Chapter 6

Map 6

232

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

2

233

Edessa

One of the three main cities of the third administrative unit (μερίς) set up by the Romans,6 Edessa stood as the last stop on the via Egnatia as it leaves the Bottiaean plain to penetrate deeper into the rugged hinterland beyond Mount Bermion.7 Nestled at the foot of a cliff with an abundant water supply and a fertile plain, it attracted numerous Roman and Italian merchants in the late Republican era who established a conventus civium Romanorum and contributed to the prosperity of the city in the early imperial period.8 Although the apostle Paul probably never visited Edessa itself (as far as his letters and Acts recount), the city is nonetheless characterized by a rich Christian epigraphy with about eighty-five documents, which represent some eighteen percent of all the Christian material discovered in Macedonia, or just as many inscriptions as were found in the eastern part of the province, that is, the plain of Philippi and the lower Strymon valley. 2.1 Third- and Fourth-Century Funerary Epigraphy What gives Edessa a special significance in the history of Christianity and the development of the local Christian epigraphic formulary is the fact that it has yielded some of the earliest Christian inscriptions in the entire region. Unlike those found at Thessalonica,9 which are not as easily distinguishable from non-Christian epitaphs, the earliest Christian inscriptions from Edessa are more clearly identifiable as such on the basis of distinctive phraseology and/or iconography. Among them is an exceptional series of five epitaphs that all conclude with the acclamation “may you live in God!” (ζήσῃς ἐν θεῷ), an acclamation that is rarely attested in Greece and Asia Minor but encountered in Christian inscriptions from Rome (and other western provinces) dated to the third and fourth centuries:10 6 7

Livy 45.30.5: Tertia regio nobilis urbes Edessam et Beroeam et Pellam habet. Cf. Strabo 7.7.4; Polybius 34.12.7. For other literary testimonia, see Chrysostomou, Τα Νεκροταφεία, 49–51; I.Kato Maked. II, pp. 237–41. 8 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 129. Cf. Rizakis, “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine,” 117; Tataki, Roman Presence, 37–38. For a historical overview of the city, see Chrysostomou, Έδεσσα, 81–135; ead., Τα Νεκροταφεία, 65–73; Paisidou, “Από την παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα”; Papaefthymiou, Édessa de Macédoine, 21–32; I.Kato Maked. II, pp. 245–51. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 176–80 no. 189; TIB 11:404–8. 9 Cf. sec. 2.1 in chap. 5 above. 10 E.g., ICUR 1.3547, 4015; 3.9289 (EDB 33449, 11893, 19504; Rome, AD III–IV). Cf. Kaufmann, Handbuch, 141–42; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 31.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

234

Chapter 6

(1) Xanthippos and Anthylla, to Xanthias, their sweetest father, in remembrance. May you live in God!11 (2) Paramona with her children Sterkoria, and Sterkorilla, and Epinikios, and Kerbion, to her sweetest husband Sterkorios, in remembrance. May you live in God!12 (3) Charidemia to her sweetest husband Olympios, and (his) children Olym­ pias and Kassandra, in remembrance. May you live in God!13 (4) Apollodoros to his sweetest wife Eusebion, and his son Bragantis, in remembrance. May you live in God!14 (5) … Silvina with her children, in chaste remembrance, and his parents Isi­ doros and Mennaeis, to their sweetest child Menneas, in remembrance. May you live in God!15 An equally early stele erected for another child named Xanthias may well have included a similar acclamation, but its nineteenth-century discoverer read instead an incomplete date (ἔτους […]) right above a roughly carved fish and two birds, the only specifically Christian element in this inscription.16 While the inclusion of a date is highly unusual this early for Christian epitaphs in Macedonia, and is in fact more typical of late antique epitaphs at Thessalonica,17 the simple formulary, the Greek onomastic, and the omission of a cross do suggest a date in the third century.18 11 ICG 3015 (I.Chr. Macédoine 8; I.Kato Maked. II 325; AD III): Ξανθ̣ίᾳ τῷ | γ⟨λ⟩υκυτά|τῳ πατρὶ | Ξάνθιππος κα[ὶ] || Ἄνθυλλα μν[εί|ας] χάριν· ζή⟨σ⟩ῃ⟨ς⟩ | ἐν θε⟨ῷ⟩. 12 ICG 3016 (I.Chr. Macédoine 9; I.Kato Maked. II 335; AD III): ☧ Παραμόνα τῷ γλ̣[υ]|κυτάτῳ ἀνδρὶ | καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ | Στερκορία καὶ Στερ||κόριλλα καὶ Ἐπινί|κις καὶ Κερβίων | Στερκορίῳ μνίας | χάριν· ζήσῃς ἐν θεῷ. 13 ICG 3017 (I.Chr. Macédoine 10; I.Kato Maked. II 326; AD III): Χαριδημία τῷ | γλυκυτάτῳ | ἀνδρὶ Ὀλυμπί|ῳ κὲ τὰ τέκνα || Ὀλυμπιὰς καὶ | Κασάνδρα μν|ίας χά{ι}ριν· ζή|σῃς ἐν θεῷ. 14 ICG 3018 (I.Chr. Macédoine 11; I.Kato Maked. II 301; AD III): Ἀ[π]ολλόδωρ[ος] | τῇ γλυ­⟨κυ⟩τάτῃ | συνβίῳ Εὐσεβί|ῳ καὶ ὁ υἱ⟨ὸ⟩ς Βρα||γάντις μνίας | χάριν· ἐν θεῷ | ζήσῃς. 15 ICG 3609 (I.Kato Maked. II 350; SEG 65.465; AD III): Μεννέου τάφος οὗτος ἀγαπηθέντος ὑ|πὸ πάντων. hedera Ἄνδρ᾿ ἀγαθὸν θεράπον|τα Θεοῦ τε καὶ Χρηστοῦ μεγίστου, hedera ἐνθά|δε (γ)ῆ κατέχι δέγμενον ἀϊταγίην. hedera Σιλ||βίνα σὺν τεκέεσιν μνήμης [ἁγ]νῆς ἕνεκεν | καὶ οἱ γονῖς αὐτοῦ̣ Ἰσίδωρος καὶ Μεννα|εὶς τῷ γλυκυτάτῳ τέκνῳ Μεννέανι μνή|[μ]ης χάριν. Ζήσῃς vac ἐν vac Θε vac ῷ. “This is the tomb of Menneas, who was loved by all. A good man who served God and (his) great Christ, here the earth conceals, having received (his) eternal abode(?). Silvina with her children, in chaste remembrance, and his parents Isidoros and Mennaeis, to their sweetest child Menneas, in remembrance. May you live in God!” 16 ICG 3014 (I.Chr. Macédoine 7; I.Kato Maked. II 218; AD III): Ἑρμαῒς Ξανθίᾳ τῷ | τέκνῳ μνή­μης | χάριν ἔτους [–]. “Hermais to Xanthia, her child, in remembrance, year …(?).” 17 See the consular dates in ICG 3149–3155 (I.Chr. Macédoine 130–135; AD V–VI). 18 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 30.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

235

The same may be said of the first five examples. The absence of a cross, the inclusion of an acclamation that is more characteristic of the early Christian epigraphic formulary from Rome,19 characteristically Greek names,20 and the persistence of the Graeco-Roman standard formulary (ὁ δεῖνα τῷ γλυκυτάτῳ δεῖνι μνείας χάριν), all indicate a date in the third century.21 In effect, these epitaphs could well be the earliest Christian inscriptions from Macedonia. Even Sterkorios’s stele, which features at the top a (now worn-out) Christo­ gram resembling that carved on the epitaphs of Ioulios and Aphrodisis at Thessalonica,22 might actually predate the reign of Constantine.23 The use of an overtly Christian symbol this early is altogether remarkable in Macedonia and overall quite rare at Edessa, Greek and Latin crosses being much more common. So far only one other Christogram (flanked by an alpha and an omega, and two peacocks) has been found on a broken inscription dated to the fourth century, which was written in the form of a dialogue between a son and his parents who greet each other “in Christ”: “Greetings (Χαίροις), Nikasios, our child! Greetings (χέρετε) to you as well, [dear?] parents in Christ (ἐν Χριστῷ)!”24 While such funerary greetings are fairly common in Macedonia and beyond, its Christian adaptation with the inclusion ἐν Χριστῷ here is particularly original.25 It echoes another exhortation to rejoice (Χαίροις μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων) observed on an early inscription at Beroea, in which believers are identified as the “saints” or “holy ones” (οἱ ἅγιοι).26

19 20

21 22 23 24

25 26

The acclamation comes in various forms, i.e., ζῇς/ζῇ ἐν θεῷ/Κυρίῳ/Χριστῷ, vivas in Deo. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 31. Note especially the typical Macedonian names Ὀλύμπιος, Ὀλυμπιάς, and Κασάνδρα in ICG 3017 (I.Chr. Macédoine 10), or how some of the children’s names are derived from their father, e.g., Ὀλυμπιάς from Ὀλύμπιος (ICG 3017), Ξάνθιππος from Ξανθίας (ICG 3015; I.Chr. Macédoine 8), Στερκορία and Στερκόριλλα from Στερκόριος, which comes from the Latin name Stercorius (ICG 3016; I.Chr. Macédoine 9). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 31. See ICG 3135 and 3139 (I.Chr. Macédoine 117 and 121) in chap. 5, sec. 2.1 (nn. 31 and 39) above. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 31. As Ramsay (Cities and Bishoprics, 1/2:527) once observed, “the monogram ☧ was perhaps employed before the time of Constantine; and its origin is likely to have been in the eastern provinces.” ICG 3019 (I.Chr. Macédoine 12; I.Kato Maked. II 324; AD IV): α ☧ ω | [Χαίροι]ς Νικάσιε τέκνον ἡ|[μέτερ]ον: χέρετε κὲ ὑμῖς | [φίλοι?] π̣ατέρες ἐν Χ(ρισ)τῷ. “Farewell, Nikasios, our child! Farewell to you as well, [dear?] parents in Christ!” Note the use of the ligature ΧΤꞶ, rather than a nomen sacrum, for Χριστῷ. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 34. For examples in non-Christian inscriptions from Thessalonica, see Robert, “Inscriptions de Thessalonique,” 223–24 (e.g., IG X 2,1.286, 295, 310, etc). See ICG 3067 (I.Chr. Macédoine 57) in n. 181 below.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

236

Chapter 6

In one third-century epigram from Edessa, departed Christians are designated instead as the “faithful” or “believers” (πιστοί),27 whom a man named Epaphroditos has now joined.28 This epitaph would be difficult to recognize as Christian were it not for the specific reference to the πιστοί and the paradisiacal scene at the bottom, which depicts a tree surrounded by what resembles two peacocks and three fish.29 The poignant epigram, which is composed of eleven (mostly irregular) hexameters, is indeed rather conventional in the way the defunct bids his loved one, Rhodope, to cease from crying and offers her and his children words of consolation. His death is only the beginning of a new life (μοι τέλος ζωὴ ἀρχὴ(ν) πέλει, l. 3) and a fate no one can escape (γένεσιν ἣν φυγεῖν οὐχ οἷον, ll. 7–8; οὗτος γὰρ πάντεσσι ἐπ᾿ ἀνθρώπου̣, ll. 10–11). Though a common enough topos in Hellenistic funerary eulogy,30 the allusion to Epaphroditos’s fulfilment of his astrological destiny (γένεσιν ἴδι ἀναπίμπλησε, l. 7) nonetheless strikes as somewhat incongruous in a Christian epitaph, especially since the concept was vigorously opposed, and even condemned, by church fathers.31 Another third-century epigram, which is slightly more regular in its metrical form, follows a more conventional theological line.32 No consolation is 27 28

29 30 31 32

The language of fides/πίστις was of course not exclusively employed by Christian, but the designation οἱ πιστοί/πιστεύοντες seems to have been distinctively Christian. See Morgan, Roman Faith, 234–41. Cf. Trebilco, Self-Designations and Group Identity, 68–121. ICG 3013 (I.Chr. Macédoine 6; I.Kato Maked. II 349; AD III): Παῦσε ὦ σύ, Ῥ οδόπη ἄλοχε, καταδα[κρύουσα]· | ἴσ̣θ̣ι γὰρ ὡς πιστοῖς σύν, ἐν ἀνδράσιν Ι[⏑ ⏑ – –] | κέ μοι τέλος ζωὴ ἀρχὴ(?) πέλει ὑμ⟨ε⟩τ̣ερ[– –]. | Μή μοι τήκετε θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ἑο̣[ῖσι], ||5 μήτε σύ, Ἀγροίκιε, μήτε σύ, φίλτατε Πρίσ̣[κε], | μήτε {τ} Ἀδέλφιε, πολὺ φίλτατα σεμνά μου τ̣[έκνα]· | ἴστε γὰρ ὡς γένεσιν ἴδι ἀναπίμπλησε [– –], | ἣν φυγεῖν οὐχ οἷόν τε, εἰ κὲ μάλα πολλὰ [⏑ – –]. | Ἰμὶ δ᾿ Ἐπαφρόδιτος Ἐπαφροδίτου φί[λος υἱός]· ||10 μή με πυκνὰ θρήνει μηδὲ στενάχι[ζε ⏑ – –] | οὗτος γὰρ πάντεσσι ἐπ᾿ ἀνθρώπου̣ [⏑ ⏑ – –]. “Cease, O you, Rhodope, (my) spouse, from wailing: know indeed that (I am) with the faithful, among men …(?), and that for me the end is the beginning(?) of life. Do not consume for me (your) soul in (your) bosom, neither you, Agroikios, nor you, dear Priskos, nor you, Adelphios, my very dear and noble children: know indeed that … (your father?) has accomplished (his) destiny, which one cannot escape, even though very many …(?). I am Epaphroditos, [dear son?] of Epaphroditos. Neither lament excessively over me nor wail, … (passersby?), for such is (the destiny?) of all people.” See figure 29. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 29. The scene is incomplete as the stone is broken at the bottom, right-hand corner. One expects a symmetrical representation with two birds and two fish on either side of the tree in the center. Cf. Lattimore, Greek and Latin Epitaphs, 217–20; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 29. The concept can sometimes be observed in Latin Christian epitaphs (e.g., ILCV 2.3312: decretum genesis conpleuit, ll. 3–4), although fatum is more commonly used (e.g., ILCV 2.3314: fatum conpleuit, ll. 7–8). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 29; PGL, s.v. γένεσις 8. ICG 3012 (I.Chr. Macédoine 5; I.Kato Maked. II 351; AD III): ΝΕ◊ΦΡΩΨΕΙ[–] | δάμαρ τε vac | Ἀντιγόνη, Νείκ⟨α⟩νδρος ἐπὶ | βιότοιο τελευ[τὴν] ||5 δέξατο, ⟨ἐ⟩ν νο⟨ύ⟩σοις ⏑⏑ – ⟨στ⟩υ | γερα⟨ῖσι⟩(?) δα⟨μ⟩ασθε⟨ί⟩ς, | ψυχὴ⟨ν⟩ αἰθερείαις α⟨ἰ⟩ῶσι(?) | θέτο, σῶμα δὲ γα⟨ί⟩ῃ, | εἰσόκαι ἀναστάσεω⟨ς⟩ εὐ⟨ά⟩||10γγε⟨λ⟩ον ἦμα⟨ρ⟩ εἵκητε, | ἀγνός, ἐπὶ καὶ ⟨θ⟩είου ποθῶν | ἐπετεύξατο λουτροῦ. “… and his wife Antigone, for Neikandros received the end of his life, having been afflicted Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

237

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 29 ICG 3013 (I.Chr. Macédoine 6): epitaph of Epaphroditos (inv. no. ΑΚΕ 43), Edessa reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. II; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Pella, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports

explicitly given for the deceased, who is said to have given up his soul to the “ethereal aeon” (αἰθερείαις αἰῶσι, l. 7) after having received the “divine

by wretched(?) illnesses, he gave his soul to the ethereal ages(?), and his body to the earth, until comes the day of the good news of the resurrection. (He is) pure for he has received the divine washing (which) he desired.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

238

Chapter 6

washing” (θείου λουτροῦ, ll. 11–12), that is, baptism.33 Hope, however, is impli­ citly expressed in that his body was committed to the earth until the “day of the good news of the resurrection” (ἀναστάσεως εὐάγγελον ἦμαρ). One of only three mentions of the resurrection in Macedonian inscriptions,34 this likely represents the earliest epigraphic attestation of the belief in the region. Just as remarkable is the epitaph of Menneas partially mentioned above, which describes him (in traditional civic terminology) as a “good man” (ἄνδρ᾿ ἀγαθόν) who “served God and his great Christ” (θεράποντα Θεοῦ τε καὶ Χρηστοῦ μεγίστου), and which ends with the acclamation ζήσῃς ἐν θεῷ.35 The reference to the “great Christ” (μέγιστος Χριστός), with the typical early Christian spelling (Χρηστός),36 is altogether unique in Macedonia37—the adjective μέγιστος is usually reserved for Roman emperors in the local epigraphy.38 And so is the hapax legomenon ἀειταγία at the end of the second (rather approximate) hexameter (l. 4), which likely alludes to the deceased’s “eternal place” or “eternal residence.”39 One should also note the iconographic similarities between Menneas’s stele and that of Epaphroditos seen above.40 Particularly striking are resemblances between the two paradisiacal scenes featuring birds and fish at the bottom, which suggests that the two stones were produced by the same workshop around the same period.41 By contrast, the epigraphic material from the fourth century remains very basic and unimpressive. Simple Latin crosses flanked by sketchily drawn birds at the top have replaced the acclamation ζήσῃς ἐν θεῷ as a Christian distinctive in the epitaph of Andreanos and his wife,42 and in that of the couple Eutychon 33 If νεόφυτος is to be read in l. 1, then Neikandros might have received baptism at the end of his life, possibly just before he died of a disease. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 27. 34 Cf. ICG 3137 and 3138 (I.Chr. Macédoine 119–120; Thessalonica, ca. AD 300–350). 35 ICG 3609 (I.Kato Maked. II 350) in n. 15 above. 36 See BE 2016, no. 586. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 120 (ICG 3141). 37 But see ICG 480 (JHS 22 [1902]: 361–62 no. 125), 481 (MAMA 8.320), 1031 (SEG 6.210, l. 11), 2412 (I.North Galatia 347) for examples of μεγάλος Θεός/Χριστός, and ICG 20 (MAMA 1.306) and 211 (MAMA 1.196) for examples of μέγιστος Θεός. 38 E.g., I.Beroia 68–70; SEG 35.737; IG X 2,2.361–362. 39 Cf. Feissel, BE 2016, no. 586: “séjour éternel.” The inscription is composed of a prosaic header (l. 1), followed by a metrical section (ll. 2–4) with two approximate hexameters enclosed by ivy leaves. The meaning of the last hexameter depends on the sense of ἀειταγία. Cf. I.Kato Maked. II, pp. 459–60. 40 ICG 3609 (I.Kato Maked. II 350) and 3013 (I.Chr. Macédoine 6) respectively. 41 Traces of a cantharus similar to that found at the top of ICG 3200 (I.Chr. Macé­ doine 179; Thessalonica) also seems to have featured at the bottom of Menneas’s stele, in between the two trees. 42 ICG 3584 (I.Kato Maked. II 285; SEG 63.439; AD IV–V): (avis) ✝ (avis) Μημόριον | Ἀνδρεανο(ῦ) | [․]ΕΑΜΓ̣ ΑΤΟΡΟ[ς | κ]αὶ τ̣ῆς συμ[βί||ου –]. “Tomb of Andreanos … and his wife […].”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

239

and Tryphena—by far the best preserved exemplar from the period.43 The formulary is anything but elaborate, consisting primarily of the (variously spelt) term μεμόριον (rather than κοιμητήριον, which is hardly attested at Edessa), followed by the name of the defunct(s) in the genitive.44 Only one or two epitaphs deviate from this standard and begin with ἐνθάδε (κεῖται). The first one is very fragmentary (and thus difficult to date precisely),45 while the second, which could actually date from the fifth or sixth century, designates the tomb as a τόπος—a term hardly ever employed by Christians in Macedonia46—and identifies the deceased Zenon and Kasta as among “the faithful” (τῶν πιστῶν).47 Judging by the onomastic, the church in this period seems to have primarily comprised members of Greek background, the only attested Latin names being Kasta (i.e., Casta)48 and Markellina (i.e., Marcellina).49 In fact, we know of only one fifth- or sixth-century Latin epitaph for another Marcellina,50 which is surprising given Edessa’s position on the via Egnatia and the strong Roman presence in the city in the imperial period.51 There may well be another Christian Latin epitaph from this period, but the letter forms of this roughly cut and poorly preserved stone do not allow to determine its language more precisely.52 2.2 Fifth- and Sixth-Century Funerary Epigraphy As with most other sites in Macedonia, the bulk of the Christian epigraphic evidence at Edessa is to be dated to the fifth or sixth century. It was primarily 43 ICG 3590 (I.Kato Maked. II 303; SEG 63.438; AD IV–V): (avis) ✝ (avis) Μημόριον | Εὐτύχονο|ς κὲ τῆ(ς) συβ|ίου αὐτοῦ || Τρυφένας | κὲ Χαρμοσύ|νη. “Tomb of Eutychon and his wife Try­ phena and of Charmosyne.” 44 Cf. ICG 3020 (I.Chr. Macédoine 13) and 3603 (I.Kato Maked. II 337) in nn. 155 and 138 below. 45 ICG 3608 (I.Kato Maked. II 348; SEG 64.539; AD IV–V): Ἐνθά|δ̣ε κῖ✝[ται]. “Here lies …(?).” 46 One possible additional example from the region is ICG 3385 (I.Philippi² 467), though it may not necessarily have been Christian. 47 ICG 3591 (I.Kato Maked. II 304; AD IV–V): Ἐνθάδε τό|πος Ζήνωνο[ς] | καὶ Κάστας | τῶν πιστῶν ✝. “Here is the tomb of the faithful Zenon and Kasta.” 48 See ICG 3591 (I.Kato Maked. II 304) immediately above. 49 ICG 3594 (I.Kato Maked. II 316; SEG 64.536; AD IV–V): + Μημόριον | Μαρκ̣αιλίν|νας. “Tomb of Markellina.” 50 ICG 3062 (I.Chr. Macédoine 54; I.Kato Maked. II 355; AD V–VI): + Memoria | Marcilli|ne. “Tomb of Marcellina.” 51 Non-Christian Latin inscriptions amount to a handful as well. See I.Kato Maked. II 134, 269–270, 380, 389 (AD II–III), 354, 356 and 381B–C (AD IV). 52 ICG 3610 (I.Kato Maked. II 357; AD IV–V): ✝ Memoṛi[a –] | TLAELN[–] | ΤΟ[–]. “Tomb of … (?).” The final two letter traces of l. 1 consist of two vertical bars, and it is difficult to determine whether the penultimate letter is a rho or the roman letter R. See I.Kato Maked. II, p. 470.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

240

Chapter 6

discovered in the ancient lower city or the densely wooded area known today as the Longos, in the various cemeteries excavated in the upper and lower parts of the city, or reused at the Hagia Triada monastery and in constructions of the modern upper town (which was built on top of the ancient acropolis at the edge of a plateau).53 The clearest epigraphic clues attesting the existence of a sizeable Christian community in the fifth and sixth centuries consist of an Ionic capital dated to the episcopacy of an unidentified bishop,54 an impost engraved with a foundational prayer to the “Almighty Lord Sabaoth” (Κύριος παντοκράτωρ Σαβαώθ),55 an inscribed column base donated by three dedicants,56 and a funerary plate identifying a tomb belonging to “the holiest church” (ἁγιωτάτη ἐκλισία).57 While the capital and impost were respectively discovered in the ruins of the Hagia Triada and in the late Byzantine chapel of Hagios Nikolaos, it is unclear where the latter two originated. They could have come from the early-sixth-century, three-aisled basilica (13.20   ×  14.85 m) excavated right outside the eastern city walls in the Longos. But apart from a few partially preserved mosaics (including one panel depicting deer flanking a cantharus) and numerous roof tiles, no inscription, not even a single coin, seems to have been reported during the excavations.58 53

54

55

56 57

58

On the excavations of the cemeteries (which span from the Classical era to late antiquity), see Chrysostomou, Τα Νεκροταφεία (with pp. 36 and 75–78 on their locations, pp. 192–389 on the Roman and late antique cemeteries, and an English summary, pp. 537–41). Cf. ead., Έδεσσα. ICG 3009 (I.Chr. Macédoine 2; I.Kato Maked. II 272; AD V–VI): Ἐ̣πισκοπεύ|οντος | τοῦ ✝ ἁγι|ωτάτου. “While the most holy …(?) was bishop.” The text is written on either side of a cross. A similar capital currently held in Beroea may have come from the same basilica. See ICG 4454 (SEG 65.468; AD VI): ὁ ἁμα✝ρτωλὸς | ἔγρα✝ψα | χιρε✝ὶ ἐμῇ. “I, a sinner, wrote (this) with my own hand.” ICG 3010 (I.Chr. Macédoine 3; I.Kato Maked. II 274; AD V–VI): +̲ Κ̲ ύ̲ριε παντο|κράτωρ Σαβαώθ, στήριζε τ|ὸν οἶκον το̣[ῦτον]. “Lord Almighty Sabaoth, establish this house.” The impost (just as other architectural elements) seems to come from the first phase of the building, which likely predates the Byzantine era. Cf. ArchD 25 B2 (1970): 414; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 25; I.Kato Maked. II, p. 409; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 178 no. 189. ICG 3011 (I.Chr. Macédoine 4; I.Kato Maked. II 273; AD V–VI): Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς Θεωπρεπ̣(ίου) | καὶ Ἰκαρίλλα (sic) | καὶ Ἐθερίου. “Ex-voto of Theoprepios (Theoprepia?), Ikarilla and Etherios.” ICG 3021 (I.Chr. Macédoine 14; I.Kato Maked. II 275; AD V–VI): ✝ [Μ]ημόριον δι|[α]φέροντα | [τ]ῇ ἁγιωτά|[τ]ῃ ἐκλισίᾳ. “Tomb belonging to the holy church.” Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 36) wonders whether the tomb or ossuary was reserved for the poor, for the clergy (as in the case of the memorial for the deacons at Thessalonica, cf. ICG 3158; I.Chr. Ma­cédoine 138), or whether it was simply an individual tomb owned by the church. See Michaelidis, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα.” Cf. ArchD 20 B3 (1965): 475–76 (with pls. 591–595); Chrysostomou, Έδεσσα, 125–26; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 178 no. 189; Snively, “Edessa,” 451. On the mosaic panels, see Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 569–81;

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

241

Alternatively, they could have come from the suspected, mid-sixth-century basilica built in the midst of a necropolis southeast of the lower city, on the site where the chapel and monastery of the Hagia Triada now stands,59 and where an intriguing marble plate dedicated to the “saints Peter and Paul” was once copied by the archimandrite Antonin at the end of the nineteenth century.60 The use of the adjective ἁγίων and the heading μεμόριον suggest that the plate indicated the site of a martyrium dedicated to the apostles Peter and Paul (rather than the tomb of two ordinary believers named after them).61 However, no trace of a mausoleum or martyrium has ever been discovered.62 Nor do the two dozen epitaphs found reused in the Hagia Triada provide any indication that their owners were buried ad sanctum (in spite of the existence of later hagiographical traditions).63 Equally intriguing is another inscription copied by C.G. Curtis in the forecourt of the Hagia Triada around the same period, which simply features the following words, one on top of the other: “Presbyter, Psalmist, Doctor, Virgin.”64 Originally thought to indicate that the church functioned as some kind of hospital (probably because of the mention of a ἰατρός), the actual purpose of this stone (which is now lost) remains enigmatic as Curtis did not provide a detailed description of the artifact itself.65 One wonders whether it was not affixed to a wall alongside a list of names of persons who served in such capacities, although it is odd that the offices of bishop, deacon, or reader, which are otherwise attested epigraphically, would have been omitted (unless they were mentioned on another lost plate). Whatever the case may have been, the inclusion of a ἰατρός in the list does evoke the possibility that, not unlike the Hagios

59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 144–46, 338–40 (no. I, 1.57), with pls. 271–273. A large late antique complex was also excavated inside the lower city at the end of the main colonnaded street (in which the famous column with numerous manumission dedications to the Syrian goddess Ma was found; cf. I.Kato Maked. II 148–152, ca. AD 246). However, it is not clear whether it consists of a basilica, an episcopal palace, or a monumental residence for a local official. See Chrysostomou, Έδεσσα, 123–24. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 179; Snively, “Edessa,” 451. Only architectural elements were discovered. See ArchD 16 (1960): 226; Paisidou, Πέλλα, 63. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 178; Snively, “Edessa,” 451. ICG 3008 (I.Chr. Macédoine 1; I.Kato Maked. II 271; AD V–VI): Μημόρι|ον τῶν | ἁγίων | Πέ­τρου || καὶ Παύ|λου. “Memorial of the saints Peter and Paul.” Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 23. A fourteenth-century church of the upper town was named after the two saints, which could indicate the existence of an earlier establishment once dedicated to them. See Paisidou, Byzantine Pella—Byzantine Edessa, 44. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 179. Cf. Paisidou, “Από την παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα,” 165. ICG 3605 (I.Kato Maked. II 343; AD IV–V): Πρεσβ(ύτερος) | Ψάλτης | Ἰατρὸς | Παρθένος. See Curtis, “Επιγραφαί,” 158 no. IX.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

242

Chapter 6

Demetrios at Thessalonica,66 the church at Edessa might have also offered some kind of medical care to the local residents.67 As elsewhere in Macedonia, not much is actually known of the local body of ministrants, which is represented by a small dozen of more or less intact epitaphs dated to the fifth or sixth century. These provide us with little information other than the names of a few individuals and the types of responsibilities they assumed. The variety of the attested ministries, however, further confirms the presence of a well-established and sizable Christian community in the city, which became an episcopal see that oversaw several smaller communities nearby in late antiquity.68 Still, we do not know of any bishop before the seventh century (other than the anonymous one mentioned earlier),69 possibly because Edessa came under the supervision of Thessalonica.70 Of all these epitaphs, that of the presbyter Kyprianos is by far the most striking as it includes a long prayer to the Pantocrator for the remission of his sins: “Almighty (God), do not destroy us with our trespasses, but have mercy on us as …(?) his sons, through the intercessions and prayers of all the holy angels, prophets, apostles, and martyrs, with whom you have been pleased since the foundation of the world. Amen.”71 While this kind of petition for mercy is not at all unique in Macedonia (and beyond),72 the appeal to the intercession of all the angels, prophets, apostles, and martyrs is rather original and bears close resemblance to liturgical formulas (albeit that the angels 66 See Bakirtzis, “Christianity in Thessalonikē,” 398–405; id., “Ξενὼν τοῦ Ἁγίου Δημητρίου.” 67 Cf. Curtis, “Επιγραφαί,” 158 no. IX. 68 Vestiges of basilicas and architectural elements have been uncovered at Ekklisiochori, Margarita, Nisi, Prodromos, Promachoi, and Flamouria, north and southwest of Edessa. See Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 180–84 nos. 190, 196, 200, 207–208, 212. 69 See ICG 3009 (I.Chr. Macédoine 2) in n. 54 above. 70 Isidoros who attended the Quinisextus council of Constantinople in AD 691/692 is the only attested bishop (Mansi 11:993B). Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 130; Paisidou, “Από την παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα,” 165. 71 ICG 3022 (I.Chr. Macédoine 15; I.Kato Maked. II 315; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 575; AD V–VI): ✝ ✝ Μημόριον Κυπριανοῦ πρεσβ(υτέρου). Παντοκρά[τορ μὴ συ]|⟨ν⟩απολέσῃς ἡμᾶ⟨ς⟩ μετὰ τῶν ἀ[νομιῶν] | ἡμῶν, ἀλλὰ ἐλέησον ἡμᾶς ὡς C[–] | υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ, πρεσβίαις καὶ εὐχαῖς π[άντων τῶν] || ἁγ⟨ί⟩[ων] ἀν⟨γ⟩έλων, προφητῶν, ἀπο[στόλων] | κ(αὶ) μαρτύρων τοῖς σοι ἀρέσασε[ι ἀπὸ | κατα]βο{υ}λῆς κόσμου, ἀμ⟨ήν⟩. vac | Ἐνθάδε κεῖτε Ἰωάννης κ(αὶ) ἡ τούτο[υ γυνὴ – | ․․․ ἀ]ναπαυσαμένη ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ μ[η(νὶ) –]. “Tomb of Kyprianos, presbyter. Almighty (God), do not destroy us with our trespasses, but have mercy on us as …(?) his sons, through the intercessions and prayers of all the holy angels, prophets, apostles, and martyrs, with whom you have been pleased since the foundation of the world. Amen. vac Here lie Ioannes and his [wife], who rested in Christ in the month of …(?).” 72 Cf. ICG 3033 (I.Chr. Macédoine 25; Edessa), 3255 and 3258 (I.Chr. Macédoine 234 and 237; Philippi). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 44.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

243

here supplant the patriarchs).73 Also particularly noteworthy is the epitaph of Doulkitios—the first of only two (surely) attested psalmists (ψάλτης) in the whole of Macedonia74—at the top of which features, above three Latin crosses flanking the letters alpha and omega, the acronyms ΙΧΘΥϹ (i.e., Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Υἱὸς Σωτήρ) and ΧΜΓ.75 The occurrence of ΙΧΘΥϹ is quite rare in the region,76 although another stele discovered south of Pella displays an enigmatic Φ̣ Ζ (φῶς ζωή/ζωής?) ΙΧΘΥϹ on its pediment.77 Its combination with ΧΜΓ here, which could stand for “Christ born of Mary” (Χριστὸς ἐκ Μαρίας γεννηθείς),78 is no less exceptional, as is the final petition “Emmanuel, have mercy on us!” (Ἐμμανουήλ, ἐλέησον ἡμᾶς), which is almost without parallel in the region (the invocation Κύριε ἐλέησον ἡμᾶς being more customary).79 The epitaphs of other presbyters are much more concise and to the point, and, with the exception of that of Eudoxios whose tomb might have been said to be “eternal” (μημόριον αἰ[ώνιον]),80 do not really stand out from the ordinary. Their formulary is indeed most basic (μεμόριον τοῦ δεῖνος), and typical epithets such as εὐλαβέστατος or θεοφιλέστατος are never employed, which makes the description of the previously mentioned Menneas (who may not have been a 73 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 37. For a similar example from Heraclea Lyncestis, see ICG 3304 (I.Chr. Macédoine 268). 74 Another is known from Parthicopolis (ICG 4146; I.Chr. Bulgarien 243). 75 ICG 3033 (I.Chr. Macédoine 25; I.Kato Maked. II 295; AD V–VI): (Α) ΙΧΘΥϹ ΧΜΓ | ✝ Α ✝ Ω ✝ | Μημόρια δύο· | ἕνα Δουλκιτίου ||5 ψάλτ(ου) hedera καὶ τὸ | ἕνα Μαύρου | οἰκοδόμου καὶ | τῆς συμβίου | αὐτοῦ Δομνί||10νας + hedera. (B) Ἐμμανουήλ, | ἐλέησον | ἡμᾶς hedera. (A) “Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior. Christ born of Mary(?). Alpha (and) Omega. Two monuments: One (monument) of Doulkitios, a psalmist, and one (monument) of Mauros, a builder/architect, and his wife Domnina.” (B) “Emmanuel, have mercy on us!” The archimandrite Antonin copied both fragments A and B at the Hagia Triada monastery without providing an explanation or a description as to the exact relation between the two plates, which have now disappeared. 76 The acronym ΧΜΓ is slightly more common (cf. ICG 3070, 3148, 3186; I.Chr. Macédoine 60, 129, 165). 77 See ICG 3090 (I.Chr. Macédoine 80) in n. 236 below. Cf. also ICG 3311 (I.Stobi 257) in chap. 7, sec. 2.2 (n. 35) below. 78 As noted before, the signum has been variously interpreted. See the literature referenced in chap. 5, sec. 2.4 (n. 251) above. 79 Acclamations to Ἐμμανουήλ are rare in funerary epigraphy. See, e.g., ICG 3658 (SEG 48.732; Amphipolis: Ἐμμα✝νουήλ), 3354 (I.Chr. Macédoine 274; Stobi: Ἐμμανουήλ + μεθ᾿ ἡμῶν ὁ Θ(εό)ς). Cf. ICG 4130 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 44; Moesia: + Alleluia + | Emmanuel | nobisc[um] D(eu)s), 1429 (MAMA 5.312; Phrygia: Ἐ̣μμα̲ν̲οὴλ | ἡ̣μ̣ῶ(ν) Κύρι(ε) Πάτηρ̣), and 1702 (MAMA 1.397; Phrygia: Ἐμμανουὴλ μεθ᾿ ἡμῶν ὁ Θ(εό)ς). See also I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 44. 80 See ICG 3023 (I.Chr. Macédoine 16) in n. 85 below. As Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 38) observes, while the expression οἶκος αἰώνιος is encountered both in Christian and nonChristian epitaphs, the phrase μημόριον αἰώνιον seems otherwise unattested.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

244

Chapter 6

cleric) as a “servant of God and his great Christ” (θεράπων Θεοῦ τε καὶ Χρηστοῦ μεγίστου) stand out all the more from the rest.81 What is also peculiar is that, apart from the presbyter Elpidios82 and the deacon Ioulios,83 no presbyter seems to have been buried on his own.84 Eudoxios shared his tomb with the deacon Ioannes,85 Martyrios with the lector Demetrios,86 and a nameless presbyter with an oikonomos (i.e., an administrator of church properties).87 Markellos might have been interred with his own children,88 while another unidentified presbyter with his brother possibly89—the latter two epitaphs are very fragmentary. Likewise, a number of virgins were buried together, as, for example, the virgins Aspilia and Agathoklea who shared a grave with the deaconess Theodosia.90 What motivated these individuals to be joined together in death—whether it was charity, family relationships, economic reasons, or strong community bonds—is generally hard to tell when no clear information is provided, such as on the tombstone of the deacon Eirenikos who was laid to rest with his wife Basilissa.91 As at Beroea, the interment of virgins together might be explained by 81 See ICG 3609 (I.Kato Maked. II 350) in n. 15 above. 82 ICG 3589 (I.Kato Maked. II 297; SEG 63.440; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | Ἐλπιδίου | πρεσβ(υτέρου). “Tomb of Elpidios, a presbyter.” 83 ICG 3026 (I.Chr. Macédoine 19; I.Kato Maked. II 310; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | Ἰουλίου δια|κόνου +. “Tomb of Ioulios, a deacon.” 84 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 39. 85 ICG 3023 (I.Chr. Macédoine 16; I.Kato Maked. II 300; AD V–VI): + + [+] Μημόριον αἰ[ώνιον] | Ε̣ὐδοξίου πρεσβυ(τέρου) | καὶ τοῦ ἁμαρτουλο⟨ῦ⟩ | [Ἰ]ωάννου διακόνο⟨υ⟩. “Eternal tomb of Eudoxios, a presbyter, and the sinful Ioannes, a deacon.” 86 ICG 3024 (I.Chr. Macédoine 17; I.Kato Maked. II 318; AD V–VI): [Μη]μ̣ό̣ρ̣ιον | Μαρτυρίου πρ|εσ­β(υτέρου) καὶ Δημ|ητρίω ἀναγν||ώ(στου). “Tomb of Martyrios, a presbyter, and De­metrios, a lector.” 87 ICG 3025 (I.Chr. Macédoine 18; I.Kato Maked. II 341; AD V–VI): [Μημόριον –]ν̣ου | [–] οἰκον(όμου) | [καὶ –] πρεσβ(υτέρου). “Tomb of  … nos(?) …, an administrator, [and] … a presbyter.” The length of the lacunae suggests that the oikonomos and the presbyter were two different persons. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 39. 88 ICG 3595 (I.Kato Maked. II 317; AD V–VI): [✝ Τ]ύ̣μβος [– Μα]ρκέ[λλου(?) – | πρ]εσβ(υτέρου) [–]Ε̣ Η Γ[–] | τ̣ῶν ἑ[αυτοῦ(?) τέκνων(?) –]Β̣ Υ ΝΘΗ̣ [– | –]Ο̣ Ν̣[–]Τ̣ Ω Ν vac [–]. “Tomb of … Markellos(?), a presbyter …” 89 ICG 3604 (I.Kato Maked. II 342; AD V–VI): Μ̣η̣μ̣[όριον τοῦ δεῖνος] | πρεσβ[υτέρου καὶ τοῦ ἀδελ]|φοῦ αὐ̣[τοῦ τοῦ δεῖνος] +. “Tomb of …(?), a presbyter …(?).” 90 ICG 3027 (I.Chr. Macédoine 20; I.Kato Maked. II 306; AD V–VI): +̣ + + Μημόριον Θεο|δοσίας διακόνου | καὶ Ἀσπηλίας | καὶ Ἀγαθοκλή||ας παρθένον. “Tomb of Theodosia, a deaconess, and Aspilia and Agathoklea, virgins.” 91 ICG 3592 (I.Kato Maked. II 311; AD V–VI): Μημόριον | Ἰρηνικοῦ διακ(όνου) vac | κ(αὶ) τῆς συνβ(ίου) Βασιλίσ|σης, μη(νὶ) Μαΐῳ ιεʹ, ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) ε̣ʹ. “Tomb of Eirenikos, a deacon, and his wife Basilissa. (Laid to rest) on 15 May, in the 5th indictio.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

245

the existence of a community of consecrated maidens, among whom were the “eternal virgins” (ἀειπάρθενοι) Kalemera, Aquilina, and Amantia,92 and the virgins Theodoule,93 Theodosia, and Aspilia.94 However, archaeological evidence of an ancient convent has never been discovered in the vicinity of Edessa.95 One will note here their appetence for names with religious resonance,96 and the absence of any abbess such as the Theodora from Beroea.97 In fact, apart from the above-mentioned deaconess Theodosia98 and the virgin deaconess Agathoklea,99 nothing suggests that these virgins held any significant responsibilities in the church.100 The steles of the deacon Eirenikos and of the deaconess Agathoklea,101 both of which feature a small cross within a circle flanked by two birds at the top, or that of the virgins Theodosia and Aspilia, which have similar representations of birds and crosses at the top and bottom,102 are among the epitaphs from this period with the most elaborate iconography (which overall remains fairly basic). More sophisticated depictions of birds and fish moving amongst trees, such as those observed on earlier monuments,103 are indeed no longer to be found from the fourth century onwards. Many merely display one or several Greek or Latin crosses,104 out of which vine leaves are sometimes shown to 92 ICG 3031 (I.Chr. Macédoine 23; I.Kato Maked. II 314; AD V–VI): [Μημ]όριον | Καλιμέρας | κ(αὶ) Ἀκυλίνα[ς κ(αὶ)] | Ἀμάντιας || ἀε̣ιπαρθ̣ένο[ν]. “Tomb of Kalemera, and Aquilina, and Amantia, eternal virgins.” 93 ICG 3032 (I.Chr. Macédoine 24; I.Kato Maked. II 308; AD V–VI): Μημ̣[όριον – ca. 4–5 –] | κ(αὶ) Θεωδού⟨λ⟩ις παρ|θένου. “Tomb of …? and of Theodoule, a virgin.” 94 ICG 3029–3030 (I.Chr. Macédoine 22–22 bis; I.Kato Maked. II 307; AD V–VI): + | + Μημόριον | Θεοδοσίας | κ(αὶ) Ἀσπιλίας | παρθένων | +. “Tomb of Theodosia and Aspilia, virgins.” 95 One suspects the convent, or at least a basilica, might actually lie right underneath the current monastery of Hagia Triada, which was founded in the nineteenth century. See Michaelidis, “Παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα,” 195; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 40; Asi­makopoulouAtzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 340–42 (no. I, 1.58). Cf. Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 563; ead., “Invisible in the Community?,” 61–64. 96 E.g., Ἀσπιλία derives from ἄσπιλος (“faultless,” “without blemish”) and evokes the idea of purity. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 40. 97 See ICG 3070 (I.Chr. Macédoine 60) in n. 172 below. 98 ICG 3027 (I.Chr. Macédoine 20) in n. 90 above. 99 ICG 3028 (I.Chr. Macédoine 21; I.Kato Maked. II 276; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | Ἀγαθωκλί|ας παρθέν|νου || καὶ διακώνου. “Tomb of Agathokleia, a virgin and deaconess.” 100 On deaconesses, see Eisen, Amtsträgerinnen, 154–92; Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia, 650–60. 101 ICG 3592 (I.Kato Maked. II 311) and 3028 (I.Chr. Macédoine 21), respectively. 102 ICG 3029 (I.Chr. Macédoine 22). 103 Cf. ICG 3013 and 3016 (I.Chr. Macédoine 6 and 9). 104 E.g., ICG 3047, 3050–3052, 3055, 3057, 3059–3061 (I.Chr. Macédoine 39, 42–44, 47, 49, 51–53), 3606–3607, 3612 (I.Kato Maked. II 346–347, 359).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

246

Chapter 6

grow, as on the tombstones of Alexandros and his family,105 of Nikandros and his wife Philete,106 or of Paulos and Glauka.107 However, not all present crosses or distinctive Christian signs, which leaves some room for doubt when trying to identify some of them. The lost epitaph of Popilios and his wife,108 or that of the soldier Vitellianos,109 for example, can only be categorized as Christian because they begin with the typical word μεμόριον, which appears to be exclusively used by Christians at Edessa.110 Staurograms remain a rare occurrence throughout this period. In fact, only one has so far been evidenced right next to an equally exceptional nomen sacrum (Χ̅ Ε̅ ) on the badly mutilated epitaph of Athanasios and Chryseros (or Chrysermos), which may have concluded with a poorly preserved and seldom observed invocation for salvation: “Christ, save us and raise us again!”111 The only other regional parallels of this prayer have been found on a stele displayed by the southern gate at Amphipolis,112 and on the wall of a vaulted tomb at Philippi.113 Classic Christian expressions such as these are uncommon in the epigraphy of Edessa, which, generally speaking, employs theological language rather parsimoniously. The Eumenean-like threat against grave desecrators on Thekla and Michael’s tomb (λόγον δώσει τῷ θεῷ) is, for example, the only one of its kind in the vicinity.114 105 ICG 3046 (I.Chr. Macédoine 38; I.Kato Maked. II 282; AD V–VI): + + + | Μημόριον Ἀλε|ξάνδρου κὲ Σαν|βάτας κὲ τῶν πε|δίων αὐτῆς Ἰω||άννου κὲ Ἀλεξάν|δρας +. “Tomb of Alexandros and Sambata, and her children Ioannes and Alexandra.” Note the Semitic origin of the names of the wife and son (Sambata, Ioannes), while the father and daughter have Macedonian names (Alexandros, Alexandra). Sambatis, rather than Sambata, is more common. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 52; LGPN 4:303. 106 ICG 3049 (I.Chr. Macédoine 41; I.Kato Maked. II 323; AD V–VI): + + + | Μημόριον Νι|κάνδρου κὲ τῆς | συμβίου αὐτοῦ | Φιλήτης. “Tomb of Nikandros and his wife Philete.” 107 ICG 3599 (I.Kato Maked. II 330; SEG 63.437; AD IV–V): hedera + [Μ]η̣μόριο[ν | Παύ]λου [καὶ | Γλ]αύκας hedera. “Tomb of Paulos and Glauka.” 108 ICG 3045 (I.Chr. Macédoine 37; I.Kato Maked. II 338; AD V–VI): Μημόριον | Ποπιλίου | ΦΛΙΑΡΧΙΟΥ | καὶ τῆς γυν||αικ[ὸς] αὐτοῦ. “Tomb of Popilios …(?) and his wife.” 109 ICG 3037 (I.Chr. Macédoine 29; I.Kato Maked. II 319; AD V–VI): [Μη]μ̣όριον | [Βι]τ̣ιλιανοῦ | [στρ]α̣τ̣ιό(του) κ(αὶ) τῆς συ̣|[μβ(ίου)] αὐτοῦ || [Μα]τρούνας. “Tomb of Vitellianos(?), a soldier, and his wife Matrona.” Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 46) suspects a cross may have featured above l. 1, where the surface of the stone is badly eroded. 110 Cf. I.Kato Maked. II, p. 879, s.v. μημόριον. 111 ICG 3043 (I.Chr. Macédoine 35; I.Kato Maked. II 280; AD V–VI): Μημ+[όριον] | Ἀθαν[ασίου] | κ(αὶ) Χρυσ[έρωτο/ερμο]|ς. ⳨   Χ(ριστ)έ, [σῶσον] || κ(αὶ) πάλ[ιν ἀνά]|στησ[ον ἡμᾶς]. “Tomb of Athanasios and Chryseros (Chrysermos?). Christ, save us and raise us again!” 112 ICG 3647 (SEG 47.881). 113 ICG 3255 (I.Chr. Macédoine 234). 114 ICG 3040 (I.Chr. Macédoine 32; I.Kato Maked. II 305; AD V–VI): [Μημόριον διαφ]έ̣ρ̣οντα | [τοῦ δεῖνος –]ρου κ(αὶ) τῆς συμ|[βίου αὐτοῦ Θ]έκλας κ(αὶ) Μηχαεί|[λ· ἐὰν δέ τις] μ̣ετὰ τὴν

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

247

As noted above, the most widely attested decoration at Edessa is by far the bird-and-cross motif, which is not restricted to the tombstones of deacons and virgins. It also appears on those of lay people such as Diogenes and his sister Prokopia,115 Eutychides and his wife Nike,116 Vitidanos and Maxentios (or Maxentia),117 Aphrodisios and Rhodope (or Rhodous),118 Alexandros and his three companions,119 Seviras and her daughter Pelegrinas,120 or even on that of the soldier Kallikrates and his wife (or mother?) Sophia.121 Other animals are also represented, though much more rarely and not always recognizably. An unidentifiable quadruped was, for instance, drawn next to a vase or a cantharus at the bottom of the second fragment of Doulkitios’s stele, right underneath his appeal for mercy.122 Likewise, a misshapen peacock was crudely inscribed between two crosses on Paramona’s stone.123 Others, however, were more carefully executed. For instance, two hoofed animals (perhaps two sheep or deer) drinking at the foot of an elaborate cross were carved at the top of the half-broken schist plate of the retailer (κάπηλος) Mauros,124 while two fish or

115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124

τελ⟨ευτ⟩ὴν̣ || [αὐτῶν τολ]μήσι αἰπανῦ|[ξαι, λόγο]ν̣ δ̣ούσι τοῦ θε(οῦ) +. “Tomb belonging to … (?) and to [his] wife Thekla and to Michael. [If anyone], after [their] death, dares to open (this tomb), s/he shall give an account to God.” For other examples of the imprecation λόγον δώσει τῷ Θεῷ/Κυρίῳ (seemingly borrowed from Rom 14:12), see ICG 3068 (I.Chr. Macédoine 58; Beroea) and 3259 (I.Chr. Macédoine 238; Philippi) with Feissel’s commentary (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 202). ICG 3044 (I.Chr. Macédoine 36; I.Kato Maked. II 293; AD V–VI): (avis) ✝ (avis) Μημόριον | Διογένους | καὶ τῆς τού|του ἀδελφῆς || Προκοπίας +. “Tomb of Diogenes and his sister Prokopia.” ICG 3048 (I.Chr. Macédoine 40; I.Kato Maked. II 302; AD V–VI): (avis) ✝ (avis) Μημόριον | Εὐτυχίδου | καὶ̣ τ̣ῆς συν|βίου αὐτοῦ || ✝ Νίκης ✝. “Tomb of Eutychides and his wife Nike.” ICG 3054 (I.Chr. Macédoine 46; I.Kato Maked. II 289; AD V–VI): (avis) + (avis) Μημόριον | Βιτιδανο[ῦ] | κ(αὶ) Μαξε̣[ντίου]. “Tomb of Vitidanos and Maxentios/Maxentia(?).” ICG 3585 (I.Kato Maked. II 286; SEG 63.443; AD V–VI): (avis) ✝ [avis] Μ̣ημόρι[ον] | Ἀφροδισ[ίου | κ]αὶ τῆς συμ[βίου | αὐτ]ο̣ῦ Ῥοδο[ca. 2–3]. “Tomb of Aphrodisios and his wife Rhodope (or Rhodous).” Only the tail of a bird is visible on the left. ICG 3053 (I.Chr. Macédoine 45; I.Kato Maked. II 281; AD V–VI): (avis) + (avis) Μημόριον | Ἀλεξάνδρου, | Δροσερίας, Ζω|σιμιαν⟨ῆ⟩ς, Ἰοάνας. “Tomb of Alexandros, Droseria, Zosimiane, and Ioana.” The relation between these four individuals is not clear. ICG 3601 (I.Kato Maked. II 333; SEG 64.537; AD V): (avis) ✝ (avis) Μημόριον | Σεβίρας καὶ τῆς | θυγατρὸς αὐ|τῆς Πελεγρίνας ✝. “Tomb of Seviras and her daughter Pelegrinas.” ICG 3036 (I.Chr. Macédoine 28; I.Kato Maked. II 334; AD V–VI): (avis) ✝ (avis) | Μημόριον | Σωφίας καὶ Καλλι|κράτου στρατιούτου. “Tomb of Sophia and Kallikrates, a soldier.” ICG 3033 (I.Chr. Macédoine 25). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 44. ICG 3058 (I.Chr. Macédoine 50; I.Kato Maked. II 328; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | Παραμόνας + | + (peacock) +. “Tomb of Paramona.” ICG 3056 (I.Chr. Macédoine 48; I.Kato Maked. II 320; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον Μ̣|αύρου κα̣π̣ [ή|λου –]. “Tomb of Mauros, a dealer.” See figure 30.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

248

Chapter 6

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 30 ICG 3056 (I.Chr. Macédoine 48): epitaph of Mauros (inv. no. ΑΚΕ 62), Edessa reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. IX; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Pella, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports

dolphins were engraved at the bottom of the tombstone of Glykeria and her daughter Kalliste.125 The presence of the soldier Kallikrates mentioned above is nothing surprising given Edessa’s position on the via Egnatia,126 and given its relative proxi­ mity to the Danube frontier. He is in fact one of several Christian military personnel attested in the city in the fifth and sixth centuries. Among them were two legionaries from the units of the Germaniciani and devoted Secundani, who made a point of mentioning the names of their divisions—nothing indicates with certainty that the latter was Christian though.127 However, not all 125 ICG 3588 (I.Kato Maked. II 292; AD V—VI): Μ̣ ημόριον | Γλυκερίας | καὶ τῆς θυ|γατρὸς αὐ||5τῆς Καλλίστης. | Ἐνθάδε κῖν|ται. Ἀνεπαύσα|το ἰνδ(ικτίωνι) διʹ τῇ | πρὸ αʹ Καλ(ανδῶν) Νοε||10μβρ(ίων) | (fish) ✝ (fish). “Tomb of Glykeria and her daughter Kalliste. Here they lie. She fell asleep in the 14th indictio, one day before the calends of November.” 126 See ICG 3036 (I.Chr. Macédoine 28) in n. 121 above. 127 ICG 3034 (I.Chr. Macédoine 26; I.Kato Maked. II 294; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον Διονυσίου γναφέος | καὶ Δημητρίου στρατιώτου νουμέρο̣[υ] | Γερμανικιαν(ῶν). “Tomb of Dionysios, a fuller, and Demetrios, a soldier of the numerus of the Germaniciani.”—ICG 3035 (I.Chr. Macédoine 27; I.Kato Maked. II 344; AD V–VI): [–]ΡΟΤΙ ν[ου]|μέρου τῶν καθοσιω|μένων

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

249

shared the same concern. The soldiers Vitellianos128 and Nigellon,129 and the actuarius Ioannes130 give no such indication, for instance. Of all these, the epitaphs of the eparchos Stephanos and the optio Ioannes, who were respectively a military commander (praefectus) and an adjutant,131 and that of Baskilas, a clarissimus comes of Thracian origin,132 are the most significant. The latter, an honorary member of the senatorial ordo who boasted of his “illustrious memory among the saints” (ὁ ἐν ὁσίοις τὴν λαμπρὰν μνήμην κόμης),133 was incidentally commemorated with a two-meter-long funerary plaque, one of the largest Christian tombstones ever found in the region. Importantly, all these inscriptions thus give evidence of the presence of Christians in the upper military ranks in late antiquity, the above-mentioned Stephanos and Ioannes being among the few attested Christian military officers in Macedonia.134 Epitaphs of civilians such as the veterinary (ἱπποΐατρος) Iordanes (and his wife Demetria),135 or the doctor (ἰατρός) Anthemios (and his wife Sophia),136 are of course also encountered. As in Thessalonica, these only occasionally mention the occupation of the deceased. Thus, we know of a Ioannes, Paulos, Σεκουνδανῶν. “… of the numerus of the devoted Secundani.” Antonin, who copied the stone, did not consider it Christian, but as Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 45) notes, it certainly belongs to late antiquity as the Secundani feature in the Notitia dignitatum among the Legiones comitatenses of eastern Illyricum, right after the Germaniciani. Cf. Not. Dign. or. 9.34–35 (Seeck, 29). 128 See ICG 3037 (I.Chr. Macédoine 29) in n. 109 above. 129 ICG 3596 (I.Kato Maked. II 322; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | Νηγέλλωνος | στρατιώτου | καὶ τῆς συνβίου || αὐτοῦ Λουκίλας. “Tomb of Nigellon, a soldier, and of his wife Loukila.” 130 ICG 3593 (I.Kato Maked. II 313; cf. BE 2016, no. 586; AD V–VI): Μημόριον | Ἰωάννου στρατιούτου | ἀτουαρίου το͂ν Σεκονδανοῦ(ν) | καὶ τῆς μι̣τρὸς αὐ(τοῦ). “Tomb of Ioannes, a soldier (and) actuarius of the second legion, and of his mother.” 131 ICG 3602 (I.Kato Maked. II 336; SEG 65.464; AD V–VI): hedera ✝ hedera | Μημ[όρ]ιον Σ[τ]|εφάνου ἐπάρχο̣υ̣ | καὶ Ἰωάννου ὀπ|τίωνος καὶ Πασ||κεντιώλου. “Tomb of Stephanos, eparchos, and of Ioannes, optio, and of Paskentiolos.” 132 ICG 3586 (I.Kato Maked. II 287; SEG 63.445; cf. BE 2016, no. 586; AD V): ✝ ✝ ✝ | Ὧδε κῖτε ὁ ἐν ὁσίοις τὴν λαμπρὰν μνή|μην κόμης Βασκίλας μετὰ τῆς συμβίου | αὐτοῦ Πρόκλης. Α ✝ Ω. “Here lies Baskilas, a comes of illustrious memory among the saints, with his wife Prokla.” 133 He was hardly the only comes to do so. Cf. ICG 3152 (I.Chr. Macédoine 132; Thessalonica) and 3303 (I.Chr. Macédoine 267; Heraclea Lyncestis). 134 See also the ταξεώτης Demetrios from Thessalonica (ICG 3169; I.Chr. Macédoine 149), the protector and comes Valentinos from Beroea (ICG 3643; I.Beroia 438), or the spectabilis Romylos from Diocletianopolis (ICG 3700; I.Ano Maked. 203). 135 ICG 3038 (I.Chr. Macédoine 30; I.Kato Maked. II 309; AD V–VI): + Μ̲η̲ μ̲όριον Ἰο̣ρ̲|δ̲ά̲νου ἱπποϊάτ̲ρ̲ο̲υ̲ | κ̲ α̣ὶ τῆς συμβίου α̲ὐ̲|τ̲οῦ Δημητρία̣ς ̲ +̲. “Tomb of Iordanes, a veterinary, and of his wife Demetria.” 136 ICG 3039 (I.Chr. Macédoine 31; I.Kato Maked. II 296; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον Δροσερίας | κ(αὶ) Εὐδοξίας κ(αὶ) Ἀνθε|μίου εἰατροῦ κ(αὶ) τῆς συμ|βίου αὐτοῦ Σοφίας +. “Tomb of Droseria and Eudoxia and Anthemios, a doctor, and of his wife Sophia.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

250

Chapter 6

Stephanos, Mauros, and Georgios(?), who, respectively, worked as a linen merchant (ὀθονιακός),137 builders (οἰκοδόμος),138 a dealer (κάπηλος),139 and possibly a furrier (γουνάριος).140 The majority of these inscriptions, however, fail to include any such information and mainly record the names of the defunct, usually those of the husband and wife, without necessarily giving those of the children (even when mentioned), as on the epitaph of Vigilantius and Maxima.141 Few bore specifically Christian names such as Adeodatos or Anastasios.142 Rather, the majority wore typical Greek names such as Eugenes,143 Glauka or Glaukos,144 Euphemia,145 Myrtilla,146 Hesychios,147 Harmonia and Eudoxia,148 or (Graecized) Latin names such as Romanos and Bassa.149

137 ICG 3041 (I.Chr. Macédoine 33; I.Kato Maked. II 312; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον δη|αφέροντα Ἰω|άννου ὀθωνια|κοῦ καὶ τῆς συμ||βίου αὐτοῦ Δα|μη[–]. “Tomb belonging to Ioannes, a linen merchant, and to his wife Damiane(?).” 138 ICG 3598 (I.Kato Maked. II 329; SEG 63.441; AD V–VI): (avis) + (avis) | [Μη]μόριον | [Πα]ύ̣λου οἰ|[κο]δ̣όμου. “Tomb of Paulos, a builder.”—ICG 3603 (I.Kato Maked. II 337; AD V–VI): ✝ | + Κυμητίριον | Στεφάνου οἰκο|δόμου κ(αὶ) τῆς συν|βίου αὐτοῦ Ἰω⟨ά⟩νας. “Tomb of Stephanos, a builder, and of his wife Ioana.” 139 See ICG 3056 (I.Chr. Macédoine 48) in n. 124 above. 140 ICG 3042 (I.Chr. Macédoine 34; I.Kato Maked. II 340; AD V–VI): [Μημόρ]ιον + | [Γεωρ]γίου γου|[ναρίου κ]αὶ τῆς σ|[υμβίου αὐ]τοῦ Κ[․․|| –]ης +. “Tomb of Georgios, a furrier(?), and of his wife K…(?).” 141 ICG 3047 (I.Chr. Macédoine 39; I.Kato Maked. II 288; AD V–VI): +̣ Μημόριον̣ | διαφέροντ̣|α Βιγε̣λε̣ντίου | καὶ τῆ̣ς τούτ̣||ου συνβίου Μα̲|ξίμας καὶ το͂ν̣ | πεδίων αὐ̣|τοῦ +. “Tomb belonging to Vigilantios and to his wife Maxima and their children.” 142 ICG 3052 (I.Chr. Macédoine 44; I.Kato Maked. II 279; AD V–VI): + Μημόρηο̣[ν] | δηαφέρο̣[ντα] | Ἀδευδάτ[ου με]|τὰ Ἀνασ̣ [τασίου] || κ̣αὶ τ[ῆς συμ|βίου αὐτοῦ]. “Tomb belonging to Adeodatos and Anastasios(?), and [his wife?].”—ICG 3583 (I.Kato Maked. II 284; AD VI): ✝ Ἀναστασίου. “(Tomb of) Anastasios.” 143 ICG 3061 (I.Chr. Macédoine 53; I.Kato Maked. II 299; AD V–VI): Εὐγένου[ς] ✝. “(Tomb) of Eugenes.” 144 ICG 3051 (I.Chr. Macédoine 43; I.Kato Maked. II 291; AD V–VI): + + + | Μημόριον Γλαύκου | Παραμονίουνος | [κ(αὶ) τῆς συ]μβίου [αὐτοῦ]. “Tomb of Glaukos (son of?) Paramonion and his wife …(?).” The editors of I.Kato Maked. II (p. 421) take Paramonion to be the second name of Glaukos. See also the Glauka in ICG 3599 (I.Kato Maked. II 330) in n. 107 above. 145 ICG 3050 (I.Chr. Macédoine 42; I.Kato Maked. II 332; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | Ῥ ωμανοῦ καὶ | τῆς συνβίου αὐ|τοῦ Εὐφιμίας +. “Tomb of Romanos and his wife Euphemia.” 146 ICG 3055 (I.Chr. Macédoine 47; I.Kato Maked. II 321; AD V–VI): + + | Μημόριον̣ [Μ]|υρτίλλ[ας κ]|αὶ Βικ̣[․․․․․]. “Tomb of Myrtilla and Vic…(?).” 147 ICG 3059 (I.Chr. Macédoine 51; I.Kato Maked. II 298; AD V–VI): + + + | Ἐσυχίου | μημόριον | Βάσας. “Of Hesychios. Tomb of Bassa.” Hesychios may have owned the tomb in which Bassa was buried. 148 ICG 3597 (I.Kato Maked. II 327; AD V–VI): Μημό̣ρ̣ι [̣ ον δια]|φέροντα [Ἁρ]|μονήας καὶ Εὐ|δο­ ξήας. “Tomb belonging to Harmonia and Eudoxia.” 149 See Romanos in ICG 3050 (I.Chr. Macédoine 42) and Bassa in ICG 3059 (I.Chr. Macédoine 51) immediately above in nn. 145 and 147. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

251

A small number of these epitaphs, however, are too fragmented to provide any useful social or onomastic insight,150 or to be safely identified as Christian, especially when no cross is visible.151 Their succinct formulary (μεμόριον τοῦ δεῖνος) and basic ornamentation, which mainly consists of one or several Latin crosses at the top or bottom, suggest that these monuments belonged to the humbler members of the community. They mostly used coarser material such as schist and engraved nothing more than a cross with a name in the genitive underneath,152 or recycled architectural blocks such as the fluted marble bloc used for Agathias’s stele.153 Surprisingly though, the carving is generally sharp and neat, making for very legible letters, which suggests that care was nonetheless taken to commemorate lost family members. This universal concern to provide beloved with an appropriate burial place is perhaps no better illustrated than with the tombstone of the grandmother Agoraste, which records from the second line onwards a rare donation act.154 Her three grandchildren, Demetrios, Iordanes, and Theodora donated the tomb they inherited from their father Theodoros to ensure their grandmother would receive a proper sepulture, and had the legal act inscribed for posterity.155 150 ICG 3057 (I.Chr. Macédoine 49; I.Kato Maked. II 345; AD V–VI): + | + Μημό[ριον τοῦ δεῖνος –]| καὶ τῆς [συμβίου αὐτοῦ –] | ΑΝΑΤΙ[–] | ΤΗΝΤΟΥ[–] | vac(?) || CΙΝΛ̣ C ̣ [–]. “Tomb of …(?) and of his [wife?] …(?).”—ICG 3600 (I.Kato Maked. II 331; SEG 64.538; AD V): + Μημόριον | Πολυγιρ[–] | ΓΑΛ[–] | Λ̣ CC․[–]. “Tomb of Polygir(os/Polygirios?) …(?).”—ICG 3606 (I.Kato Maked. II 346; AD V–VI): [+] + | [Μημόρι]ον | [–]ω. “Tomb of  …(?).”—ICG 3607 (I.Ka­to Maked. II 347; SEG 63.442; AD V–VI): ✝ Μημ̣[όριον]. “Tomb of …(?).”—ICG 3612 (I.Kato Maked. II 359; AD V–VI): [–] | ΝΟΝΝ[–] | ΝΗΚΙΝΩ[–] | ΤΟΥ ΣΥΝ̣ [–] | ✝ ΚΟ̣ [–]. 151 ICG 3582 (I.Kato Maked. II 283; SEG 63.444; AD V–VI): [Μημό]ριον | [Ἀλεξά]νδρου | [– ca. 7–8 –]Β̣ Η̣ | [–]. “Tomb of Alexandros …”—ICG 3587 (I.Kato Maked. II 290; SEG 64.540; AD V–VI): [–] | Γαυδεντ[–] | γλυκυτ[ατ –] | ΒΙ[․] vac Κ[–]. “[Tomb of?] Gaudentios … [and his] sweetest … (wife?).” 152 Cf. ICG 3061 (I.Chr. Macédoine 53) and 3583 (I.Kato Maked. II 284) above in nn. 142–143. 153 ICG 3060 (I.Chr. Macédoine 52; I.Kato Maked. II 277; AD V–VI): + Μεμό[ριον] | Ἀγαθ[ίου] | κ̣α̣ὶ ̣ [–]. “Tomb of Agathias/Agathes(?) and …(?).” 154 For Christian examples from Asia Minor, see MAMA 3.299A, 556, 780B (Korykos) and TAM IV 1.361 (Nicomedia)—none of these have been entered into ICG yet. 155 ICG 3020 (I.Chr. Macédoine 13; I.Kato Maked. II 278; AD V–VI): ✝ Κυμητήριον Ἀγοράστης τῆς μάμμης ἡμῶν· | καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτῆς Θεόδωρος καὶ Θεοδώρου τὰ | τέκνα οἱ τρῖς ἀδελφοὶ δορούμεθα τὸ μημόριον | [τὸ] διαφέρον ἡμῆν ἀπὸ τῶν γονέων ἡμῶν, εἱμῆς ||5 [Δ]ημήτριος, Ἰορδάνης καὶ Θεοδώρα, ἦναι ἱμ[ῶν | αὐ]τῶν, ἱμῶν δωρουμένων καὶ χαριζομέν[ων | τῆς] αὐτοῦ κυρίας δεσποτίας Π̣[α]υλι̣ [α]ν[ῇ? – ca. 4 –] | χαρίζεστε χωρὶς δώλου κ̣α̣[κοῦ – ca. 7 –] | παρισταμένων δωροῦν[τε] τ[ὸ] μη[μόριον – ca. 5 –] ||10 Ρ̣Ι ΟΥ[․]ΙΟΝ χαλκᾶ μηλαρί[σ]υ̣α Κ̣ [ ․․]ΝC̣ Υ̣ [․․]ΑΙ̣ Ι̣ Α . “Tomb of Agoraste, our grandmother. We, her son Theodoros and the children of The­ odoros, the three siblings, have donated the tomb belonging [to us] from our parents, we, Demetrios, Iordanes and Theodora, whereby (the tomb) is ours, being received freely as a gift and in full possession from Pauliane … donating without any wrong intent (i.e., sine dolo malo) … in the presence of (witnesses?) the tomb was given as a gift … copper miliarisia (i.e., small coins) … .” By Feissel’s own admission (cf. BE 2016, no. 586), the text of I.Kato Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

252

Chapter 6

As many other Macedonian cities, Edessa began to decline under the pressure of the Goths, Huns, and Avaro-Slavs in the sixth and seventh centuries, period that coincides with a drastic decrease in epigraphic material. Its inhabitants progressively abandoned the lower town and took refuge in the fortified acropolis, which survived in the Byzantine age as the city of Vodena.156 3

Beroea

Strategically positioned on the southeastern slopes of Mount Bermion, Beroea featured amongst the most important Macedonian cities (with a rich epigraphic culture) since the Antigonids.157 The host of the Macedonian koinon and a neokoros metropolis from the first century, Beroea continued to prosper as a commercial and cultural center in the Roman period thanks, in part, to its location on the road running from Thessalia to Thessalonica via Dium and Pydna (and despite its slight distance off the via Egnatia).158 As related in the third chapter, Paul and his companions likely visited Beroea in AD 50, attracted as they may have been by the Jewish community living there. However, the church failed to leave any significant traces in literary and epigraphic sources. Christian inscriptions from Beroea indeed only amount to about a third of those uncovered at Edessa, with the earliest being dated to the fourth century. Just as at Edessa and Dium, little information about the history of the Beroean church has effectively come down to us. The acts of councils record that its bishops Gerontios and Loukas attended, respectively, the synod of Serdica (AD 343) and the Latrocinium of Ephesus (AD 449), but no epigraphic evidence has been found to corroborate or supplement the scant literary sources.159 One interesting document, however, may confirm the presence of Maked. II 278 significantly improves that of I.Chr. Macédoine 13 (thanks to a new autopsy), although he remains unconvinced about the decipherment of l. 10. The grandchildren inherited the tomb from their father, who must have retained some right to the monument since he is mentioned as one of the donors. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 35. 156 Paisidou, “Από την παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα”; ead., Byzantine Pella—Byzantine Edessa, 19–40. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 176–80 no. 189. 157 Cf. Edson, “Antigonids”; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 141–42; I.Beroia, pp. 37–52; TIB 11:283–90. For literary and epigraphic testimonia, see I.Beroia, pp. 27–35. On the topography of the ancient city, see Brocas-Deflassieux, Béroia, cité de Macédoine. 158 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 141–48. 159 Mansi 3:39B, 42D, 46. Cf. Honigmann, “Original Lists,” 35 (l. 63); Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 147 n. 42. The passage in Apos. Con. 7.46.13 also claims, rather dubiously, that the Onesimos from Paul’s letter to Philemon had been appointed as the first bishop of Beroea by the apostles.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

253

a clergy (κλῆρον) in the city at least by the fourth century. It consists of the transcription of a notarial act for the foundation of a family tomb, in which a certain Aurelia Ariane(?), a self-identified “servant of God” (δούλη τοῦ Θεοῦ), calls as a witness (in the juristic sense; cf. μαρτύρομαι, l. 11) “the holiest clergy of the holy and catholic church” (τὸν ἁγιώτατον κλῆρον τῆς ἁγίας καὶ καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας),160 and charges the “holy church of Beroea” (τῇ ἁγίᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Βέροιαν) to collect a fine of five pounds of gold in case of the illegal appropriation of her tomb.161 The end of the inscription is lost, but the final conjunction καί (l. 18) indicates that the church would not have been the sole beneficiary—the city, or perhaps the imperial fiscus, is likely to have been the other recipient.162 The mention of the two entities side by side strongly suggests that, just as in Philippi and Amphipolis where ecclesiastical institutions were also authorized to collect fines or required to protect tombs from violations,163 the church of Beroea had risen to a certain social prominence by the fourth century, period around which this foundation act was probably carved given the reference to

160 The longer restoration [ἐπίσκοπ]ον (instead of [κλῆρ]ον) would not be impossible (cf. ICG 3236; I.Chr. Macédoine 215) but less likely, according to Feissel (I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 68). Ricl (“Family Quarrel,” 101) suggests to restore [δίκαι]ον (rather than [κλῆρ]ον), which in papyri sometimes designates “a corporate body governing a church or a monastery and managing its property.” 161 ICG 3072 (I.Chr. Macédoine 62; I.Beroia 445; SEG 51.806; AD IV–V): [Αὐρ]η̣λία Ἀ̣ρ̣ιαν̣ὴ̣ [δούλη το]ῦ Θ(εο)ῦ ✝ ✝ [․] ζῶ|σα καὶ παροῦ̣σα̣ ̣ κ̣α̣ὶ̣ π̣αρ̣ ̣οῦ̣σα τὸν γλυκύτατόν | μου ἄνδρα vac Ἀρεστίδην τ[ὸ]ν κὲ Οὐάλ[εντα ․․] | βετρανὼν(?) vac καὶ τὴν γλυκ[υτά]την μου θυγατέ||5ρ̣α Ἀγροτέριν καὶ τὸ γλυκύτατόν μ̣[ο]υ̣ θ̣ρεπτάριν | ὃ ἐγὼ [ἀ]νέθρεψ̣α ὑπ̣[ὸ] τὰς ἐμὰς μάλας Γερόντιν, ἰδοῦσα | ὅτι [․․]Ε̣ C ꞶCΕ Γ̣ερ̣ όντ[ιν] ἔτ(η) ἐποίησα τοῦτο τὸ | κοιμ̣[ητ]ή̣ριν ἐκ τῶν ἰδείων μόχθων ἐπὶ τὰ | π̣αιδά̣[ρι]α ποιήσασα, καὶ μηδὲ ἑνός, τῶν θυγατέ||10ρων μου μὴ θελουσῶν, συνκα̣ταθέσθαι τε͂ς ΔΑ | [․․․․]Ε̣ C̣ · τοῦτο οὖν μαρτύρομε τὸ⟨ν⟩ ἁγιώτατον | [κλῆρ]ον τῆς ἁγίας καὶ καθολικῆ⟨ς⟩ ἐκκλησί|[ας ὡς], μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν τελευτὴν καικη̣|[δευμέν]ης ἐμοῦ τῆς προγεγραμμένης ||15 [․․․․․․․]ίου εἰς τοῦτο τὸ κοιμητήριν, ἤ τι|[ς τολμήσ]ῃ τῶν θυγατέρων μου ἕτερός τις, | [δώσει τῇ ἁγί]ᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Βέροιαν | [προστίμου χ]ρ̣υσοῦ λίτρας πέντε καὶ | [τῇ πόλει –]. “Aurelia Ariane, [servant of] God, alive and present … my dearest husband Arestides, also known as Valens, a veteran(?), and my dearest daughter Agroterion, and my dearest adopted daughter whom I raised under my arms, Gerontion, seeing that …(?) I made this tomb at my own expense (making it) for my children, while not one of my daughters consenting to contribute to the costs(?). Thus, I call to witness the most holy [clergy?] of the holy and catholic church, [so that] after my death, when I will have been buried in this tomb …(?), if anyone else other than my daughters dares (to do so), [s/he shall pay to the holy] church of Beroea [a fine] of five pounds of gold and [to the city a fine of …?].” 162 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 69. 163 Cf. ICG 3236 (I.Chr. Macédoine 215) and 3289A (I.Philippi² 125A).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

254

Chapter 6

the “holy and catholic church” (ἁγία καὶ καθολικὴ ἐκκλησία, l. 12), which can hardly predate the Constantinian era.164 A few members of the Beroean clergy are in fact known to us by name. Among them are the presbyters Theodoulos and Eutropios who were buried together,165 and the presbyter Eugenios,166 all of whom seem to have officiated in the fifth or sixth century. Two subdeacons are attested as well, namely, Martyrios, who was also a tailor,167 and Polykarpos, whose epitaph likely ended with an imprecation or a threat against the illegal use of his tomb.168 Yet, just as in Thessalonica, these late inscriptions provide us with little information about the personal life or ministry of the defunct (and of his family), and are scantily decorated with one or two Greek or Latin crosses (if any). Their formulary basically consists of the word μημόριον followed by the (single) name of the deceased and, effectively, differ very little from those of lay people such as Silvinos,169 Vitellianos,170 or Stephanos and Sabina,171 albeit that they mention their clerical office. Remarkably, one of the most elaborate Christian inscriptions from Beroea was actually set up in honor of an “eternal virgin” (ἀειπάρθενος) named Theo­ dora.172 Commemorated as a “divine gift” (θεῖον δώρημα), a “teacher of chastity” 164 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 69, 198. See also Lemerle, Philippes, 96–101, and the discussion in chap. 4, sec. 2.2 above. 165 ICG 3075 (I.Chr. Macédoine 65; I.Beroia 424; AD V–VI): Μημόριον | Θεοδούλου κ(αὶ) | Εὐτρο­ πίου πρεσβ(υτέρων). “Tomb of Theodoulos and Eutropios, presbyters.” 166 ICG 3076 (I.Chr. Macédoine 66; I.Beroia 423; AD V–VI): Μημόριον | Εὐγενίου | πρεσβυτέρου ✝. “Tomb of Eugenios, presbyter ✝.” 167 ICG 3622 (I.Beroia 425; SEG 35.732; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | Μαρτυρίου | ῥαπτοῦ | ὑποδιακό(νου). “Tomb of Martyrios, a tailor (and) subdeacon.” 168 ICG 3637 (I.Beroia 426; SEG 48.774; AD V–VI): [✝ vac] ✝ vac ✝ | [Μημόρι]ο̣ν Πολυκ|[άρπου ὑ]π̣οδιακώ|[νου ὃ ἐ]π̣οίησεν | [ἐξ ἰδί]ω̣ ν καμά||[των · ε]ἰ δέ τις | [τολμήσει –]. “Tomb of Poly­ karpos, a subdeacon, which he made out of his own efforts. If anyone [dares to …].” 169 ICG 3077 (I.Chr. Macédoine 67; I.Beroia 427; AD V–VI): + Μημ(όριον) | Σιλβήνο[υ]. “Tomb of Silvinos.” 170 ICG 3079 (I.Chr. Macédoine 69; I.Beroia 422; AD V–VI): + Μημόρι|ον Βιτιλι|ανοῦ. “Tomb of Vitellianos.” 171 ICG 3638 (I.Beroia 428; SEG 48.777; AD VI?): Μημ(όριον) Στεφά[νου κ(αὶ)] | Σ̣αβή̣νας. “Tomb of Stephanos and Sabina.” 172 ICG 3070 (I.Chr. Macédoine 60; I.Beroia 447; AD V–VI): + Χ̅ Μ̅ Γ̅ θεῖον δώρημα, ἁγνίας διδάσκα|λος, τὸν μακαρισμὸν Κ(υρίο)υ κτησαμένη, | μήτηρ παρθένων εὐσεβῶν ⟨κ⟩αθηγεμόν, | λέγω ⟨δ⟩ὴ Μυγδονίης κ(αὶ) Γρατισήμης, ῥίζης ὁσίης || κλάδων ε⟨ὐγ⟩ε⟨ν⟩εστάτων, Θ̣ εοδώρα τοὔνο­μ[α], | ἀειπάρθενος, ὸ πν(εῦμ)α παρ[α]{φ}θεμένη τῷ θ(ε)ῷ | κ(αὶ) δεσπότῃ, | τύμβῳ τὸ σῶμα φρουρῖν καταλί|ψασα τὰς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ποιεῖτε ἱκεσίας. “Christ born of Mary(?). Divine gift, teacher of chastity, recipient of the blessing of the Lord, leading mother of the pious virgins, I speak of Mygdonia and Gratissima(?), noble offshoots of a holy root named Theodora, an eternal virgin, who entrusted her spirit to (her) God and Lord and left the keep of her body to the tomb. Make intercession for them.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

255

(ἁγνίας διδάσκαλος), a “leading mother” of reverent virgins (μήτηρ παρθένων εὐσεβῶν καθηγεμόν), and a “holy root” (ῥίζης ὁσίης) from which sprang forth “noble shoots” (κλάδων εὐγενεστάτων)—that is, younger virgins such as Mygdonia and Gratissima who set up her metrical epitaph—Theodora likely headed a spiritual community of young women informally living together, or served as the abbess of a local convent.173 If the latter was indeed the case, then Theodora would be the only abbess (so far) attested in the whole of Macedonia, which would in turn imply that cenobitic monasticism might have developed in the region two or three centuries earlier than what the evidence from Mount Athos indicates.174 When and where exactly the convent might have been established is, however, impossible to say in the light of the extant epigraphic and archaeological evidence. Only two other Roman virgins are mentioned in one of the few Latin epitaphs from the same period, but it cannot be determined whether they belonged to the same community.175 The same may be said of the Paula who was commemorated with a semi-iambic epigram as a compassionate “mother of orphans” (ὀρφανῶν μήτηρ) and a “helper(?) of the afflicted” (καταπονουμ[ένων βοηθός?]).176 But if Konstantina Mentzu-Meimare is correct to restore the two letters following Paula’s name as διάκονος or διακόνισσα,177 she might have actually been a deaconess in the church along with Hagne, the only so far surely attested.178 173 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 65; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 563; ead., “Invisible in the Community?,” 61–64. 174 While not precisely dated, the absence of a strict scansion for the last seven verses (which prefigures the Byzantine dodecasyllable) suggests a date in the fifth or sixth century. See I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 65. On monasticism at Mount Athos, see chap. 5, sec. 3 above. 175 ICG 3084 (I.Chr. Macédoine 74; I.Beroia 450; AD V–VI): ⟦⳨⟧ Memoria dua⟨ru⟩m ⟨p⟩ue⟨ll⟩a|rum virg⟨i⟩num Ṛome|um (i.e., Romanarum) Abu⟨n⟩dantiae | ⟨e⟩t Termantiae ⟦⳨⟧. “Tomb of two young Roman virgins, Abundantia and Termantia.” The two large monogrammatic crosses were hammered out at a later stage and a typical Greek graffito carved underneath the epitaph: Εὐτύ(χ)ι (κ)ὲ σύ (I.Beroia 449). 176 ICG 3071 (I.Chr. Macédoine 61; I.Beroia 448; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 574; AD VI): vac + Ἠ βούλει ἰδέναι, ὦ [ξεῖνε, –]|αιστε τύμβος οὗτος, μάθ᾿ ὡ[ς –]|το· φιλελαιείμον ἶν μὲν γάρ, χε[ὶρ –] | ὀρφανῶν μήτηρ, καταπονουμ[ένων –] || καὶ εἵνα μὴ δόξω πολλὰ λέγιν, παν[–]|γιον· τοὔνομα δ᾿ αὐτ̣ῆ̣ς ̣ Παῦλ̣α δι̣[–]. | Ἀνεπαύσατο̣ δὲ [μη(νὶ)] Α̣ ὐγ[ούσ]τ̣[ου –]. | + Ἔτι δὲ ἀ̣ν̣ε̣π̣[αύσατο | ․․]ρ̣α̣ Μακ̣ε̣δ̣ο̣[νία –]. “If you want to know, O [stranger, to whom belongs] this tomb, learn that … for she was compassionate, (her) hand …, a mother of the orphans, (a helper?) of the afflicted, and not to seem to say too much … her name was Paula, [a deaconess?]. She passed away in the month of August … Died as well … Makedonia …” The second person, Makedonia, seems to have been buried in the same tomb a few years afterwards. 177 Mentzu-Meimare, review of I.Chr. Macédoine, 323. 178 ICG 3642 (I.Beroia 435; SEG 48.775; AD V–VI): Ἁγ̣νῆς διακό| vac νο[υ?]. “(Tomb of) Hagne, a deaconess.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

256

Chapter 6

Not all epitaphs abide by the standard μεμόριον τοῦ δεῖνος employed in those of the clergy. As at Edessa, the earliest of them, the epitaph of a certain Maximos, follows in fact more or less the usual Graeco-Roman formula (ὁ δεῖνα τῷ δεῖνι μνήμης/μνείας χάριν) and ends with a variant of the imprecation more commonly observed in eastern Macedonia and Asia Minor (λόγον δώσει τῷ Θεῷ).179 Together with the above-mentioned foundation act,180 this inscription attests to the presence of Christians at Beroea in the late third or the early fourth century, presence that is further confirmed by a third- or fourth-century fragment of a (presumably) metrical epitaph ending with the acclamation “rejoice with the saints” (χαίροις μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων).181 The exhortation, which is addressed to the defunct, is very similar to that found engraved on a vessel in a Thessalonian tomb from the same period (πίε ζήσῃς μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων),182 and prefigures the later prayer for the eternal repose of the dead with the saints (ἀνάπαυσον μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων).183 The amalgamation of Christian and Graeco-Roman elements observed in the earliest Christian documents is perhaps no better illustrated than in the adjuration to “the almighty and holy God” and to “the Tyche of the invincible emperor” found inscribed on a small cippus dated to the fourth century.184 Though not unusual in papyri from the late sixth or the early seventh century, this (unofficial) double invocation is altogether rare in inscriptions this early. The function of the column itself is not at all clear but seems to fit a funerary context, in which, in accordance with funerary laws, it was probably meant to

179 ICG 3068 (I.Chr. Macédoine 58; I.Beroia 446; AD III–IV): [Τ]ῷ γλυκυτάτῳ | ἀνδρὶ Μαξίμῳ hedera | Ἰσιδώρα ἐποίη|σεν ταύτην τὴν || στιλῖδα μνήμης χά|ριν· ἴ τις δὲ τολμῇ | ἀνῦξεν, δώσι Κυρίῳ | λόγον. “For (her) dearest husband, Maximos, Isidora made this stele, in remembrance. If anyone dares to open (it), s/he shall give an account to the Lord.” On the imprecation λόγον δώσει τῷ Θεῷ, see esp. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 202. 180 See ICG 3072 (I.Chr. Macédoine 62) in n. 161 above. 181 ICG 3067 (I.Chr. Macédoine 57; I.Beroia 436; AD III–IV): [–]Ϲ̣ Ι ̣ | [–] ἐ̣ν|θάδε ⟨δ⟩άκρυν | μηδεὶς ἀφῇ. || Χαίροις | μετὰ τῶν ἁγί|ων hedera. “…(?) may no one shed a tear here. Rejoice with the saints!” The lettering and the exhortation χαίροις suggest a date earlier than the fourth century AD (cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 62). 182 ICG 3146 (I.Chr. Macédoine 127). 183 E.g., ICG 3303–3304 (I.Chr. Macédoine 267–268). Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 62. 184 ICG 3069 (I.Chr. Macédoine 59; I.Beroia 444; AD IV): hedera Τὸν παντοκράτο|ρά σοι κὲ ἅγιον θεὸν | κὲ τὴν Tύχην σοι τοῦ | ἀνεικήτου βασιλείου, || μὴ κλάσῃς μηδὲ ἄρῃς | τὸν στῦλον μηδὲ τοὺς | λ̣ίθους, ἄνθρ̣ω̣πε. “I (adjure) you, by the almighty and holy God and by the Fortune of the invincible emperor, neither break nor remove this pillar or the stones, O man.” For similar epigraphic adjurations to the fortune of the emperor or to Kabeiros, see, e.g., IG X 2,1s.1217 and 1422 (Thessalonica, AD II–III).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

257

prevent the removal of the pillar (τὸν στῦλον) bearing the adjuration and the stones of the tomb (τοὺς λίθους).185 Not all Christian monuments from the period are as ambivalent. One vaulted tomb (T₁₂) from the western necropolis, for example, had its interior walls decorated with two large, purple Latin crosses and two staurograms, above one of which was painted an invocation to Christ, “our hope and re­fuge” (ἡμῶν ἡ ἐλπὶς καὶ καταφύγιον), and also possibly to God, the “heavenly ruler and governor(?).”186 Approximately dated to the middle of the fourth century on the basis of the style of the staurogram, this could well be one of the earliest Christian tombs at Beroea. Along with another underground burial chamber known as T₁₃, it certainly stands out as one of the most notable of the fifty-two rock-hewn graves excavated beyond the western walls in 1978.187 Dated to the middle of the fourth century as well (on stylistic grounds), tomb T₁₃ was more lavishly decorated with a large enwreathed Latin cross (on the eastern wall) and portraits of two figures standing orans between a candlelight and a cypress tree (on the northern and southern walls). Further, to the left of the better preserved female figure, on the northern side, was painted a rather unusual inscription: “Lady, give me, Alexandros, your breast!”188 Supposedly uttered by her orphaned child, the exclamation seems to be without any pa­rallel in inscriptions, even though similar requests for drinks have been found in the funerary epigraphy of Rome.189 This peculiarity aside, these funerary frescoes

185 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, pp. 63–64. Both Grégoire (BE 1952, no. 72) and Robert (Hellenica, 13:101 n. 2) considered the stele to have been displayed in front of a public building instead. 186 ICG 3623 (SEG 35.733; BE 1987, no. 435; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 577; ca. AD 350): A ⳨ Ω | Χ(ριστ)ὲ ἡμῶν ἡ ἐλπὶς καὶ καταφύγιον | ΕΛΙΛΑΝΟΥ. “Alpha ⳨ Omega, Christ, our hope and refuge!” Traces within the circle around one of the staurograms: ὁ Θ(εὸ)ς ἄρχ(ων) οὐράνιος καὶ κυβερνήτης(?). “God, the heavenly ruler and governor(?).” Cf. Pazaras, “Δυο τοιχογραφημένοι παλαιοχριστιανικοί τάφοι από τη Βέροια,” 235–38. Feissel (BE 1987, no. 435) suspects that the undeciphered ΕΛΙΛΑΝΟΥ could be an acclamation in Hebrew. 187 Apart from T₁₂ and T₁₃ and the epitaph of the subdeacon Martyrios (ICG 3622; I.Beroia 425), little else interesting has been uncovered. See ArchD 33 B2 (1978): 273–82; Pazaras, “Δυο τοιχογραφημένοι παλαιοχριστιανικοί τάφοι από τη Βέροια” (esp. p. 235). The same observation applies to the 110 tombs excavated to the northeast, beyond the city walls. See Makaronas, “Χρονικά αρχαιολογικά,” 626–27. For a brief overview of the other necropoleis (which mostly date from the Classical to the early Roman periods), see Allamani-Souri, Επιτύμβιες στήλες, 48–58. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 113. 188 ICG 3624 (SEG 35.734; BE 1987, no. 435; AD IV): (northern side) Κυρά, δός μοι τιτθὶν Ἀλεξάν[δρ]ῳ. Letter traces of what might have been a name (Γλα[ῦκος]/Γλα[ύκη]) are still visible above the head of the other male or female figure on the southern side. Cf. Pazaras, “Δυο τοιχογραφημένοι παλαιοχριστιανικοί τάφοι από τη Βέροια,” 238–40. 189 Cf. Pazaras, “Δυο τοιχογραφημένοι παλαιοχριστιανικοί τάφοι από τη Βέροια,” 241.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

258

Chapter 6

clearly match the style and forms of Christian funerary art dated to the fourth century, as examples from Philippi and Thessalonica have already illustrated.190 As in the latter two cities, these two painted hypogea probably belonged to the more affluent and socially prominent members of the community (as is suggested by the double-line pearl necklace worn by the woman in tomb T₁₃), who are slightly better represented in the material dated to the fifth and sixth centuries. Among them is the archer Arias who served for thirty-six years in the army, perhaps in one of the numeri of the Equites sagittarii seniores or with the Sagittarii lecti of the Auxilia palatina (both of which were stationed in eastern Illyricum),191 and who, upon retirement, was awarded the title of vir clarissimus—an unusual but not entirely exceptional honor for a mere soldier.192 Interestingly, his epitaph begins with a footed Latin cross followed by the formula ἐν Χριστῷ κυμητήριον, which echoes Paul’s expression in 1 Cor 15:18 (οἱ κοιμηθέντες ἐν Χριστῷ).193 Another Christian who was recompensed for his military services upon retiring is the protector and comes Valentinos, who was laid to rest with his wife Theodoule in December of AD 545.194 Other prominent Christians include a gloriosissimus and a comes who were buried together,195 the clarissimus Silvanos who was interred in September AD 492 in the tomb of his grandparents, and the magnificentissimus comes Fatalios with his clarissima wife Kelerina.196 Among those of lower rank and status also 190 Cf. ICG 3255–3256 and 3142 (I.Chr. Macédoine 234–235 and 124) in chap. 4, sec. 2.2 (nn. 46 and 58–59) and chap. 5, sec. 2.1 (n. 45) above. 191 Cf. Not. Dign. or. 9.19, 27 (Seeck, 29). 192 ICG 3073 (I.Chr. Macédoine 63; I.Beroia 443; cf. BE 1987, no. 432; AD V–VI): ✝ Ἐν Χριστῷ κυμ(ητήριον) | Ἀρία λαμ(προτάτου) στρατευ|σαμένου ἐν τῷ γεν|νεοτάτου ἀριθ||μοῦ τῶν καθοσιωμ(ένων) | σαγιτταρίων αἴτι λϛʹ | μῆνες ϛʹ ἡμ(έρας) ιεʹ · τὰ δὲ | πάντα {τον} τῆς ζοῆς | μου ἔτι ὖδεν ὁ κτίστης. “Resting place in Christ of Arias, vir clarissimus, who served (as soldier) in the most noble numerus of devoted archers 36 years, 6 months, (and) 15 days. The sum of the years of my life, the Creator knows.” 193 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 70. 194 ICG 3643 (I.Beroia 438; SEG 48.776; cf. BE 2000, no. 799; AD 545): Μ̣ ημόριον Βαλλεντίνου προτί[κ]|τορ(ος) (καὶ) κόμ(ητος) κ(αὶ) τῆς συμβ(ίου) αὐτοῦ | [Θ]ε̣οδούλης· Ἐτάφι ἐνταῦθα μ(ηνὶ) Δεκε|μ̣β̣ρ̣(ίῳ) ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) ηʹ βασιλίας τοῦ θειοτάτ[ου || Αὐγού]σ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ Φλ(αβίου) Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἔτους ηιʹ. “Tomb of Valentinos, a protector (and) comes, and of his wife Theodoule. They were buried here in the month of December, (in) the 5th indictio of the 18th year of the reign of the divine Augustus Flavius Justinianus.” 195 ICG 3082 (I.Chr. Macédoine 72; I.Beroia 437; AD VI): [– ο]υ̣ κ(αὶ) Ι̣Ι̣Γ․Ι̣ | [–]ο̣υ̣ κ(αὶ) ἐνδο|[ξοτάτου –]έ̣σκου κ(αὶ) Ἰωάννο̣υ̣ | [– γεναμέ]ν̣ου τοῦ τὶν μα||[καρίαν μνήμην – ο]υ κόμ(ητος) κ(αὶ) τῖς τού|[του συμβίου –]. “[Tomb?] … and of the gloriosissimus(?) …skos, and of Ioannes (who was?) of … comes of [blessed memory?], and [of his wife?].” The nature of Ioannes’s relationship to the unnamed gloriosissimus and comes is unclear. 196 ICG 3074 (I.Chr. Macédoine 64; I.Beroia 441; AD 492): + Μημ̣(όριον) τ̣ῶ̣ν̣ μ(εγαλο)π(ρεπεστάτου) κόμ(ητος) Φαταλίου κ(αὶ) | τῆς λαμ(προτάτης) συμβίου αὐτοῦ Κελερίνη[ς] | κ(αὶ) τοῦ

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

259

feature a former defensor civitatis (ἔκδικος) from Diocletianopolis,197 another defensor civitatis from an undetermined city,198 and the ex-tribunus Belisarius whose Latin epitaph is one of only four so far discovered at Beroea.199 Similar to what has been observed elsewhere in Macedonia, one may assume that such prominent figures contributed in significant ways to the monumental development of the church in the city and throughout the region. At Beroea, this is best illustrated by an inscribed capital that the secretary Strymonios dedicated as a votive offering on behalf of the magnificentissimi prefects, who, though referred in the plural, was probably none other than the prefect of Illyricum himself (who resided in Thessalonica).200 Given the high profile of the dedicant, who surprisingly remains anonymous, the ex-voto must have commemorated the foundation of the whole monument, a church most likely, rather than the donation of a single column or capital.201 ἔγγ̣ ̣ο̣νο̣ ς̣ ̣ α̣ὐτῶν λαμ(προτάτου) Σιλβ[ανοῦ], | ὅστις ἐτάφι ἐνταῦθα Καλά̣[νδ(αις)] || Σεπτεμβρ(ί­αις) ἰνδ̣(ικτίωνος) α´ ὑπ(ατείᾳ) τοῦ δεσπό(του) ἡμῶν Ἀναστασίου τὸ αʹ, | κ(αὶ) ̔Ρούφου λαμ(προτάτου) ✝. “Tomb of the magnificentissimus comes Fatalios, and of his clarissima wife Kelerina, and of their clarissimus grandson Silvanos, who was buried here on the calends of September, in the 1st indictio, under the consulship of our lord Anastasios, (consul) for the first time, and of the clarissimus Rufus.” 197 ICG 3078 (I.Chr. Macédoine 68; I.Beroia 440; AD V–VI): + Μ[ημ]ό[ρι]ο̣ν̣ [δι]α̣φ[έρον] | Π[․3–4․]α̣σίῳ ἀπὸ ἐκδ[ίκ|ων ․]Ι̣ Ι ̣ ․Ι̣ Ϲ Διοκλητια|νουπ(όλεως)· ἔνθ̣α ἀπ̣ετέθ[η] || μ̣[η](νὶ) Ὀκτο̣β̣ρ̣ί̣ῳ̣ αʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) [․․]. “Tomb belonging to …sios, ex-ekdikos (i.e., ex-defensor civitatis) … from Diocletianopolis. He was buried here on 1 October, in the …(?) indictio.” It is not clear which Diocletianopolis was meant, whether the Diocletianopolis that was located near Pella according to the Itinerarium Antonini, or the Diocletianopolis in Orestis that became Kastoria. Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 74; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 140. For additional Christian evidence from the latter, see sec. 6 below. On the office of defensor civitatis, see Rizos, “Civic Administration in Illyricum,” 204–6; Feissel, “Trois fonctions municipales,” 480–83. 198 ICG 3081 (I.Chr. Macédoine 71; I.Beroia 439; AD V–VI): Ἐνθ̣ά̣δε κῖτε Ἰωά̣ννης | νέο̣ς ̲ υ̲ἱὸς Ζηνοβ̣ίου τοῦ ΕΔΕ | ἐκδ̲(ίκου)· ἐτελ̣ε̣ύ̣τησεν ἐτ(ῶν) ηʹ μη(νὶ) | Μ̲α̲ρ̲τί̲ ̲ο̲υ̲ ϛ̲ ´̲ ἰ ̲ν̲δ̣(ικτίωνος) θʹ. “Here lies Ioannes the younger, the son of Zenobios, the ekdikos (i.e., defensor civitatis) of  … (Edessa?). He died at 8 years of age, on 6 March, in the 9th indictio.” The interpretation of ΕΔΕ (l. 2) is not certain. It could either stand for Ἐδέ(σσης) or ἐδε(σιμωτάτου) for αἰδέσιμος, in which case Zenobios could have been the “venerable defensor civitatis” of Beroea. Cf. Mentzu-Meimare, review of I.Chr. Macédoine, 323. 199 ICG 3085 (I.Chr. Macédoine 75; I.Beroia 452; AD VI): ✝ M(e)m(oria) Belesari OPH(?) KAN[․․․] | ex trib(uno) ⟨e⟩t Gerontia ✝. “Tomb of Belisarius  …(?), ex-tribunus, and of Gerontia.” For the other three Latin epitaphs, see ICG 3083–3084 (I.Chr. Macédoine 73–74) and 3645 (I.Beroia 453). 200 ICG 3065 (I.Chr. Macédoine 56; I.Beroia 421; AD V–VI): Ὑπ(ὲρ) εὐχ(ῆς) ΤcΧΤcΙΝΙ | [τῶ]ν̣ μ(εγαλο)π(ρεπεστάτων) ἐπάρχ(ων) + | +̣̣ ἀνέθ(ηκε) Στρυμόνιος | ⳨ ὁ σεκ(ρετάριος) + ⳨. “As a vow …(?) of the magnificentissimi prefects. Strymonios, the secretary, set (it) up.” 201 Cf. I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 60.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

260

Chapter 6

As is often the case, Christians of more modest status have hardly left any traces in the epigraphic record, even though their presence can still be documented in the western and northeastern necropoleis.202 In addition to the lay people mentioned earlier,203 the soldier Petros and his wife Demetria,204 the domna Aquilina and her husband Innocentius,205 the trimitarios Apostolios and Kyrillos,206 the Rhodope who lived with her husband Dometianos for twenty years,207 and a certain Lupercia208 are the only other known Christians from Beroea.209 Regrettably, these few epitaphs (which were reused as building material throughout the city) barely tell us anything about their lives and the character of the church in the fifth and sixth centuries (other than its members were primarily of Greek and Roman background). Nor do they allow us to fully appreciate the size of the church, which must have been much more considerable than this handful of inscriptions suggest. To date, five basilicas have been uncovered within the city (which now counts no fewer than forty-eight Byzantine and post-Byzantine churches),210 on or near the via principalis that is now located underneath Venizelou St.211 Traces of two late antique basilicas were found right underneath the foundations of the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century churches of Panagouda and St. Anna in 1979 and 1988,212 while (the left half) of a chapel was excavated

202 On which see ArchD 33 B2 (1978): 273–82; Makaronas, “Χρονικά αρχαιολογικά,” 626–27; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 113. 203 See ICG 3077, 3079 (I.Chr. Macédoine 67, 69), and 3638 (I.Beroia 428) in nn. 169–171 above. 204 ICG 3080 (I.Chr. Macédoine 70; I.Beroia 432; AD V–VI): + Μ̣ ν(η)μ(εῖον) Πέτρου στρατι|ώτου κ⟨αὶ⟩ Δημητρίας | τῖς συνβίω αὐτοῦ. “Tomb of Petros, a soldier, and of Demetria, his wife.” 205 ICG 3083 (I.Chr. Macédoine 73; I.Beroia 451; AD V–VI): [I]n nomine domiṇ[i | m]emoria domna [A|q]ụilina ucsor In|[no]centi. “In the name of the Lord, tomb (where lies) lady Aquilina, wife of Innocentius.” 206 ICG 3639 (I.Beroia 429; SEG 48.778; AD VI): [Κοι]μ̣ιτίριον vac | [Ἀποσ]τ̣ολίου τριμ̣[ιταρίου? | –]ου κὲ Κυρίλ|[λου –]ẸCς || [–]․ου. “Tomb of Apostolios, a trimitarios (i.e., a weaver), and Kyrillos …(?).” A trimitarios made trimitoi, i.e., three-threaded garments. 207 ICG 3644 (I.Beroia 442; SEG 48.772; AD IV): ✝ | Δομετιανοῦ | κὲ Ῥοδόπης | μεμόριον | συνοικήσα||σα τῷ ἀνδρὶ | ἔτη εἴκοσι. “Tomb of Dometianos and Rhodope, who lived with her husband twenty years.” 208 ICG 3645 (I.Beroia 453; AD VI): [Memoria? L]upercia Ị | [–]Ν. Χύριε ․ιστε(?). “(Tomb?) of Lupercia … Lord Christ(?).” 209 See also the following two fragmented epitaphs: ICG 3640 (I.Beroia 430; AD V–VI): Κ̣ υμι­τίριον ΝΑΝ[– | ․]ωΝ̣ ἔνθα κῖτε[–].—ICG 3641 (I.Beroia 431; SEG 48.773; BE 2000, no. 799; AD V–VI): Κυμητ[ήρ]|ηων Θ̣ [εο]πόνπ[ου]. 210 See Papazotos, Βέροια (with an English summary, pp. 301–28). Cf. Petkos, Τα μνημεία της Βέροιας; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 113. 211 Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 112. 212 See ArchD 34 B2 (1979): 313–15; 43 B2 (1988): 414–15. Cf. Papazotos, Βέροια, 235–36, 309, 312; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 112. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

261

on a private property on Karatasou St. in 1972.213 Oriented towards the south rather than the east (due to the presence of two vaulted tombs), the latter was decorated with geometrical mosaics and marble floorings. It was surrounded by numerous graves and by another building (decorated in similar style) that may have fulfilled some ecclesiastical function. Remains of a fourth-century building and of a fifth-century, three-aisled basilica have also been unearthed in the vicinity of the sixteenth-century church of Hagios Patapios.214 Fitted with a large octagonal baptistery and decorated with rich mosaics and marble revetment, the complex may have served as Beroea’s episcopal see in late antiquity.215 Finally, the recent demolition of the eighteenth-century church of Hagios Ioannes has brought to light an even more considerable, sixth-century, transept basilica, which was constructed on top of a fifth-century church (itself erected on Roman baths), and which remained in service throughout the Byzantine period.216 Just as Edessa, Beroea suffered from the late antique Gothic invasions and may have been momentarily handed over to Theodoric in AD 482 in exchange for peace.217 From the seventh century, the city declined steadily as its population contracted and moved to the southern upper part, where it has endured until now.218 4

The Bottiaean Plain

Outside of the main urban centers of Edessa and Beroea reviewed above, little Christian epigraphic material has surfaced in the Bottiaean plain, which stretched from the western bank of the Axios to Mount Bermion.219 213 Deriziotis, “Παλαιοχριστιανικον κτίσμα”; ArchD 29 B3 (1973–1974): 757–58; AsimakopoulouAtzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 245–50 (no. I, 1.15.1–2), with pls. 51–59. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 112. 214 Petkos, “Δύο κτιριακά συγκροτήματα”; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 137–43, 238–45 (no. I, 1.12–14), with pls. 22–50. Cf. Petkos, Τα μνημεία της Βέροιας, 9; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 112; Petkos, Kaltapanidou, and Christoforidou, “Ο αρχαιολογικός χώρος Αγίου Παταπίου.” 215 The archaeological situation makes it difficult to determine the exact relation between the two buildings and the actual function of the fourth-century edifice. Cf. Petkos, “Δύο κτιριακά συγκροτήματα,” 103. 216 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 112. 217 Jordanes, Get. 287–288. 218 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 148; Karagianni, “Ζητήματα τοπογραφίας”; ead., Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 110–13. 219 On the geographical delineations of the Bottiaean plain, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 124–27. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

262

Chapter 6

Nevertheless, enough archaeological evidence has been identified to suggest that Christianity was actually well diffused throughout the region. Pella, the ancient capital of the Macedonian kingdom that became a Roman colony around 40 BC, has itself yielded only two or three Christian inscriptions so far.220 The first consists of a basic epitaph for a physician named Alexandros.221 Found by the northwestern Hellenistic cemetery, it lacks any distinctive Christian features except for the standard designation μημόριον, which appears to be exclusively used by Christians at nearby Edessa in this period.222 The second consists of a classic Graeco-Roman epitaph (ὁ δεῖνα τῷ δεῖνι μνείας χάριν) that differs little from those discovered at Edessa in the third century, but which commits the deceased to her “eternal home” (αἰώνιον οἶκον), instead of concluding with the acclamation “may you live in God!”223 While the expression was not strictly employed by Christians, it remains nonetheless deeply evocative of a Christian belief in everlasting life.224 Noteworthily, neither of these bear any specific iconographic sign that could have set them apart from other inscriptions, unlike a tiny epitaph fragment discovered a little northwest of Pella on which a small Latin cross was incised (and on which only letter traces can now be read).225 However scant the epigraphic evidence from Pella might be, it raises the possibility that a Christian community existed in the area in late antiquity. This is confirmed by a large and richly decorated three-aisled basilica (42.5   ×

220 For the historical background of the city, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 135–41; Giannakopoulos, “Greek Presence,” 109–18; I.Kato Maked. II, pp. 601–26. Cf. Chrysostomou, “Ανασκαφή στη ρωμαϊκή και βυζαντινή Πέλλα”; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 182 no. 199; TIB 11:833–35. 221 ICG 3615 (I.Kato Maked. II 553; SEG 52.612; BE 2003, no. 361; AD V): Μημό|ριον | Ἀλε|ξάνδ[ρ]||ου ἰατ[ρ]|οῦ. The editors of I.Kato Maked. II (p. 718) consider it to be the only Christian inscription from Pella. 222 Cf. sec. 2 above. 223 ICG 3614 (I.Kato Maked. II 536; SEG 48.826; BE 1999, no. 345; AD II–III): Λονγεῖνος Ἀρτεμεισίᾳ | τῇ ἰδίᾳ συνβίῳ ἰς αἰώνιο|ν οἶκον μνείας χάριν. “Longinos to Artemisia, his own wife, (whom he deposited) into an eternal house, in remembrance.” 224 Cf. ICG 2029 (IG II/III² 5.13444; Athens, AD IV–V: ο⟨ἶ⟩κος | αἰώνιος, ll. 2–3), 2096 (IG II/III² 5.13510; Salamis, AD VI: οἶκος αἰώνιος, l. 1), 3952 (SEG 26.645; Demetrias, AD IV–V: ἐωνίῳ οἴκῳ, l. 15), 4299 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 209; Philippopolis, AD IV–V: ὖκος | ἐώνειος, ll. 3–4). For non-Christian examples, see Dimitsas, Μακεδονία, 644 no. 789 (Robert, “Hellenica,” 133–34: αἰώνιον οἶ|[κο]ν, ll. 6–7); IG XII 9.88 (Euboea, Roman era: ἐθ̣έ̣μην αἰώ|νιον οἶκον, ll. 3–4); I.Prusias 72 (Roman era: κατέχει εἰς αἰώνιον οἶκον, l. 12). 225 ICG 3616 (I.Kato Maked. II 573; SEG 43.438; AD VI): ỴBHḄ ✝.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

263

20.2 m)226 that was discovered in 1987 and excavated between 1995 and 1997 on the site of the Roman colony at Nea Pella, one kilometer and a half west of the Hellenistic city.227 Initially built in the second half of the fifth century on top of a public or cultic Roman edifice, the wooden-roofed structure likely functioned as the episcopal basilica of Pella. It featured geometrically patterned floors made of multicolored marble and slate tiles, murals (of which only traces survived), and ionizing columns and capitals. Renovated in the sixth century, it was extended with an exonarthex, an atrium, a southern gallery, and a monumental staircase that connected to another building to the south that was fitted with a propylaeum and (possibly) a baptistery. Although the colony appears to have been declining and the population decreasing from the fourth century, the size of the complex and the quality of the decorations rather point to a peaceful and prosperous period until the seventh century, when the basilica was eventually destroyed by an earthquake.228 Just as at Pella, epigraphic evidence remains more limited than archaeological material throughout the rest of the Bottiaean plain. Architectural elements, mosaic pavements, or ruins of late antique or early Byzantine basilicas (or apsidal buildings), which are usually dated between the fifth and sixth centuries, have indeed been identified at Aravissos and Livaditsa (north of Pella),229 at Flamouria (southwest of Edessa),230 north of Edessa at Aloros, Apsalos, Ekklisiochori, Margarita, Nisi, Prodromos, and Promachi (possibly),231 as well as in the eastern part of the lower Axios valley at Anthofyto, Ano Sourmena, Gavra, Gerakari, Dipotamos, Doirani, Kolchida, Koromilia, and Ryzia.232 Similar archeological finds, including three-aisled basilicas, have been excavated in the south-southwestern confines of the Bottiaean plain at Lefkadia 226 The length is that from the apse to the exonarthex. See Chrysostomou, “Πελλαία χώ­ρα,” 225. 227 Chrysostomou, “Ανασκαφή στη ρωμαϊκή και βυζαντινή Πέλλα,” 123–24; id., “Πελλαία χώρα,” 225–29. Cf. Petkos, “Early Byzantine Pella”; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 182. 228 Chrysostomou, “Πελλαία χώρα,” 225–29; Petkos, “Early Byzantine Pella,” 149. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 182. 229 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 175 (no. 185) and 181 (no. 194). 230 Ibid., 184 (no. 212). 231 Ibid., 175–76, 180–82, 184 (nos. 184, 187, 190, 196, 200, 207–208). Strictly speaking, the small enclosed plain north of Edessa did not belong to Bottiaea but to the region of Almopia. See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 169–73. 232 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 158–64 (nos. 108–109, 111–112, 115–116, 119–120, 132). Here as well, the Axios valley stretching east-northeast of Pella did not strictly belong to Bottiaea (nor to neighboring Mygdonia) and is sometimes identified as the Amphaxitis region in ancient sources. See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 174–76.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

264

Chapter 6

and Trilofo (between Edessa and Beroea), at Aliakmona (immediately south of Beroea), at Neokastro (north of Vergina), and at Sfikia (on the southern bank of the Haliacmon gorge).233 Only five whole or fragmented epitaphs have so far been fortuitously disco­ vered at Naousa (halfway between Edessa and Beroea),234 at Kyrros (between Edessa and Pella),235 at Partheni (a few kilometers southeast of Pella),236 and at Vergina (southeast of Beroea), a little northeast of the ancient Macedonian capital Aegae.237 Of all these, the tombstone of Markellinos retrieved at Kyrros is perhaps the most peculiar as it is made of granite, is oval in shape, and features a large footed cross in the middle, while the text is engraved all around on the edge.238 Also unusual is the epitaph of Philokyrios found at Partheni that begins with two letters (Φ̣ and Ζ) preceding the acronym ΙΧΘΥΣ, which itself is altogether exceptional in Macedonia.239 These two characters have been interpreted either as abbreviations for the words φῶς and ζωή (possibly alluding to John 1:4 and 8:12),240 or as a “stylized anchor” (similar to those found in Christian inscriptions from Rome) followed by the letter zeta in lieu of the participle ζώντων (as in the famous epitaph of Licinia Amias from Rome).241 Finally, two inscriptions were uncovered in the three-aisled basilica excavated at Vergina, which was decorated with typical late antique mosaics (i.e., 233 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 114–15 (nos. 26–30). Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 259–61 (no. I, 1.23), with pls. 76–77. 234 ICG 3064 (I.Chr. Macédoine 55bis; I.Kato Maked. II 108; SEG 24.528; AD V–VI): Μημό+[ριον] | ΟΛ̣ Λ̣ [– –]. The editors of I.Kato Maked. II read: Ὁλυ[μπι –]. Feissel included another inscribed piece of mosaic fragment, but it is not clear whether it belonged to a basilica or not. See ICG 3063 (I.Chr. Macédoine 55; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 256–58 no. I, 1.21; AD IV–V): Ὁ βο̣υ̣λόμ̣ε̣νο[ς – – –]. “He who wants …(?).” 235 ICG 3613 (I.Kato Maked. II 421; SEG 43.397; AD VI): + Μνιμῖ̣ο̣ν τοῦ μα+κα̣ρίου + Μαρκελλίνου. “Tomb of the blessed Markellinos.” 236 ICG 3090 (I.Chr. Macédoine 80; I.Kato Maked. II 584; IG X 2,1.1017; AD III–IV): Φ̣ (ῶς?) Ζ(ωή/Ζωῆς?) ΙΧΘΥϹ | Μαξίμα | Φιλοκυρεί|ῳ τῷ γ⟨λ⟩υ||[κυτάτῳ –]. “Light of life(?), Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior. Maxima to Philokyrios, her dearest [husband] …” See figure 32. 237 The identification of Aegae at Vergina is no longer disputed since the discovery of a theater, sanctuaries, and an extensive necropolis in the 1970s–1980s, including a large royal tumulus that presumably contained the remains of Philip II. Though located at the border between Bottiaea and Pieria on the northern slope of the Pierian range, slightly south of the Haliacmon, Aegae has historically always been considered to be part of Bottiaea. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 131–35; Drougou, “Vergina.” 238 See ICG 3613 (I.Kato Maked. II 421) in n. 235 immediately above. 239 Cf. ICG 3033 (I.Chr. Macédoine 25) in n. 75 above and ICG 3311 (I.Stobi 257) in chap. 7, sec. 2.2 (n. 35) below. 240 I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 81. 241 Felle, “Greek in the Early Christian Inscriptions,” 312–15 (citation p. 315). The order of the words is inverted in the epitaph of Licinia (ICUR 2.4246; EDB 8818), i.e., ΙΧΘΥΣ ζώντων (“Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior of the living ones”). See figure 31. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

265

Figure 31 ICUR 2.4246 (EDB 8818): stele of Licinia Amias, Museo Nazionale alle Terme di Diocleziano, Rome reproduced with permission from EDB

deer, birds, and water-gushing canthari) in its second construction phase dated to the late fifth or the early sixth century, before it was destroyed in the seventh century.242 The first one consists of a classic anonymous dedication on a marble plate placed in the floor of the narthex, in front of the entrance to the nave: “Ex-voto of the one whose name God knows.”243 The second, a mosaic inscription divided into two tabulae ansatae placed on either side of a cantharus, was laid on the floor of the baptistery located north of the narthex as

242 ArchD 41 B (1986): 158–59; Loverdou-Tsigarida, “Παρατηρήσεις πάνω στα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα βασιλικής στη Βεργίνα”; ead., “Αἰγαί”; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 134–37, 231–33 (no. I, 1.6), with pls. 11–15. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 110 no. 22; TIB 11:280. 243 ICG 3581 (I.Kato Maked. II 57A; SEG 44.564A; BE 1996, no. 602; AD V–VI): Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς οὖ ὁ Θ(εὸ)ς οἶ|δεν τὸ [ὄνομα]. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

266

Chapter 6

Due to rights restrictions, this illustration is not available in the digital edition of the book.

Figure 32 ICG 3090 (I.Chr. Macédoine 80): epitaph of Philokyrios, Partheni reproduced from I.Chr. Macédoine, pl. XVII; with permission from the Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Resources Fund

a votive offering for “the healing” (ὑπὲρ ἰάσεως) and “forgiveness of sins (ὑπὲρ ἀφέσεως ἁμαρτιῶν) of Eugenios and Alexandros.”244 Overall, the epigraphic and archaeological evidence so far discovered attest to the widespread diffusion and vitality of Christianity throughout the AxiosHaliacmon delta in the fifth and sixth centuries. 5

Dium and the Pierian Plain

Once the religious and cultural heart of the Macedonian kingdom, the Augus­ tan colony of Dium (which was primarily populated with freedmen and negotiatores of Italian origin) stood as the most important urban settlement in

244 ICG 3631 (SEG 44.564B; BE 1996, no. 602; cf. SEG 39.639; AD VI): Ὑπὲρ ἰάσεως κὲ ἀφέσεως ἁμαρτιῶν | Εὐγενίου κὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

267

the Pierian region in the Roman period.245 A major stop on the road running from Thessalonica to Athens, it may have been visited by Paul and his associates on their return from Athens to Thessalonica (Dium being the southern “gate” into Macedonia), though we lack any firm evidence that this was indeed the case.246 In late antiquity, the city became an episcopal center and at least two bishops, Palladius and Stephanos, are known to have attended the councils of Serdica and Ephesus in AD 343 and 431 respectively.247 Although they have left no epigraphic traces, it is fair to assume that Stephanos at least would have officiated at the episcopal basilica built west of the forum at the beginning of the fifth century. Apparently destroyed by an earthquake a few decades later, a second three-aisled basilica (34.45  ×  19.7 m) was then erected exactly on top of the first single-nave building (28.4   ×  19.7 m), about two meters above the initial floor level.248 The original basilica was thus expanded with a large atrium (with a fountain at its center), three spacious annex rooms to the west (one of which was fitted with a large baptismal font in the shape of a Maltese cross), and a triconch structure to the south that may have belonged to the bishop’s residence and functioned as a triclinium (rather than as a martyrium).249 Although little epigraphic evidence from the period has surfaced to confirm this, the two superposed basilicas excavated in the center of the colony undoubtedly indicate that a substantial Christian community already existed in Dium by the end of the fourth century at least. The material so far published is indeed very scant and consists of a handful of fourth- or fifth-century inscriptions,250 namely, five epitaphs and a bronze plate (to which a lamp 245 See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 108–11; Demaille, “La fondation de la colonie romaine de Dion”; id., “La population d’origine italienne.” Cf. Mentzos, “Late Roman Dion”; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 186–88 no. 216; Zarmakoupi, “Urban Space,” 286–92; TIB 11:375–78. 246 Cf. Acts 20:1–2. See the earlier discussion in chap. 3, sec. 3 above. 247 See Mansi 3:48 (no. 68) and 4:1153. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 111. 248 Little has survived of the first building phase except mosaic and opus sectile floors from the nave and the narthex, as well as traces of wall paintings. Fragments of mosaics from the northern aisle and marble revetment from the nave of the second basilica have also been preserved. The building was damaged once again in the fifth century and its wooden roof replaced by a dome structure in the fifth or sixth century. See ArchD 19 B3 (1964): 384; 21 B2 (1966): 371–76; Fragoulis, “Επισκοπική Βασιλική”; id., “Episcopal Basilica of Dion.” Cf. Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 77–80; Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 253–57; id., Dion, 45–48; Mentzos, “Late Roman Dion,” 334; id., “Dion”; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 188 no. 216. On the mosaic panels, see Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 521–29; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 146–51, 346–51 (no. I, 1.64–65), with pls. 277–297. 249 Fragoulis, “Επισκοπική Βασιλική,” 82–85; id., “Episcopal Basilica of Dion.” 250 A few more inscriptions still remain to be published, according to I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 11.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

268

Chapter 6

would have been attached by a chain), which was dedicated to the memory of a certain Thekla in the episcopal basilica.251 Remarkably, not a single bishop is attested in the epigraphic record. In fact, only one cleric is known to us, namely, the presbyter Andreas who was buried in the atrium of the extra muros cemeterial basilica located south of the city.252 Other clerics may have included a certain Alexandros who identified himself as a “slave of Christ” (δοῦλος τοῦ Χριστοῦ) on his tombstone, which features a large and thick cross with a squiggle at the top giving it the appearance of a staurogram.253 The fact that he omitted his title or function, however, makes it doubtful that he actually held any significant responsibility in the church, so that his epithet should probably be understood as a mere expression of piety. The same may be said of the expression χρηστιανὴ παρθένος on the epitaph of the fourteen-year old Epiktesis, which need not imply that the young maid served her community as a “nun” or a consecrated virgin, as has been suggested.254 She may simply have died unmarried (and childless), leaving her Athenian father and Thessalonian mother with nothing else but “great sorrow” (πένθος μέγα) and “many tears” (δάκρυα πολλά).255 None of the other (published) Christian tombstones elaborates much on the grief of the deceased’s family. As with the epitaph of the presbyter Andreas, they only include the heading μεμόριον followed by the (single) name of the defunct and omit any additional information about his or her vocation. The first of these, which was discovered enwalled high in the façade of a church in the nearby town of Karitsa, was set up in remembrance of Theoprepia 251 ICG 3089 (I.Chr. Macédoine 79; AD IV): ✝ Ὑπὲρ μνήμ✝|ης hedera Θέκλας. “In remembrance of Thekla.” Bronze crosses (to which glass lamps were suspended) have also been recovered from the cemeterial basilica and are now on display at the archaeological museum of Dium. Cf. Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 262. 252 His epitaph, which could still be seen in the museum garden in 2016, has yet to be published and is only mentioned in passing in Pandermalis’s archaeological guide to the site (Dion, 44; cf. id., Discovering Dion, 254, 258). Broken in half, the stele features three large crosses at the top and, underneath, a description of the monument (μεμόριον), the name of the defunct, followed by his ecclesiastical office. 253 ICG 3660 (SEG 48.790B; AD IV–V): ✝ Μημόριον | το͂ν δούλον τοῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ | Ἀλεξάνδρου | καὶ Σεβερίνας.̣ “Tomb of the servant of Christ Alexandros and Severina.” 254 See Pandermalis, Dion, 83. 255 ICG 3659 (SEG 48.790A; AD IV–V): Οὔνομά μοι Ἐπί|κτησις, πατρὸς Ἀ|θηνέου, μητρὸς | Θεσσαλονεικέας ||5 ἐτῶ⟨ν⟩ ιδʹ ἐνθάδε | κεῖμε χρηστια|νὴ παρθένος· κατέλιπόν | μου τῇ τεκού­σ[ῃ] | πένθος μ̣έ̣[γα] ||10 κὲ τῷ π[ατρὶ δά]|κρυα πολ[λά· χαί?]|ρετε Λ̣ [ –]|CΤΟΝΑΙ. “My name is Epiktesis, my father (being) Athenian, my mother from Thessalonica. Here I lie, 14 years of age, a Christian virgin. I leave behind great grief to the one who bore me and to my father many tears. Farewell(?).” Note: παρθένος was subsequently inserted between ll. 5–6 right above κατέλιπόν.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

269

and Hermione,256 while the second, a pedimental stele featuring a footed cross flanked by the letters kappa and eta (i.e., Κύριε Ἠσοῦ) at the top, commemorated Agathopous and Makedonis.257 Although neither provides much insight into the life of the local Christian community, they do illustrate the persistence of epichoric names, or names of mythological origins, amongst Macedonian Christians well into the fifth century. The last of these consists of a funerary plaque that was positioned face up next to a marble table, at the northern entrance of the atrium of the cemeterial basilica, when it was remodeled around the sixth century. It is equally minimalistic in style, though neatly engraved and decorated with two finely cut staurograms at the top, and simply identifies the deceased as Magna.258 No other inscription seems to have been retrieved from the basilica, even though three additional graves were excavated in the south colonnade of the atrium (in which fragments of clothing and jewelry were found).259 Likewise, no painted inscription has been reported in the chamber tomb excavated underneath the northern aisle (in which the skeletons of seven or eight adults and five or six children were retrieved), or in that located on the southern side of the atrium (which was adorned with colorful paradisiac scenes and purple crosses).260 Not much information about the people buried in the nearby necropolis has surfaced either, and one can only hope that some of their epitaphs might eventually be recovered and published. What is in any case apparent is that the three-aisled, extra muros basilica (19.75   ×  14.30 m) was erected in the second quarter of the fifth century, a few meters away from the main southern gate, at the edge of the necropolis.261 It was decorated with Ionic columns and floor mosaics featuring geometric patterns and floral motifs, and may have served 256 ICG 3088 (I.Chr. Macédoine 78; AD V): + + + Μημόριον | Θεοπρεπ|ίας καὶ Ἑρμι|όνης. “Tomb of Theoprepia and Hermione.” 257 ICG 3625 (SEG 35.736; AD V): Κ̣ (ύριε) ✝ Ἠ(σοῦ) | Ἀγα|θόπο|υς κὲ || Μακ|εδο|νίς. “Lord ✝ Jesus. Agathopous and Makedonis.” 258 ICG 3661 (SEG 34.634; 49.701; AD V): ⳨ Μημόριον ⳨ | Μάγνας. “Tomb of Magna.” Cf. Mentzos, “Η κοιμητηριακή βασιλική,” 34; Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 260–61; id., Dion, 45. Mentzos and Pandermalis suspect that the marble table was used for oblations and that the plaque was connected to a later martyrial cult (even though no grave was found underneath it). 259 See Mentzos, “Η κοιμητηριακή ή έξω των τειχών βασιλική του Δίου,” 231, 234. Cf. Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 258. Cf. id., Dion, 44. 260 See Mentzos, “Η κοιμητηριακή βασιλική”; id., “Η κοιμητηριακή ή έξω των τειχών βασιλική του Δίου,” 234–35, 240 (figs. 10–11); Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 254, 258–59; id., Dion, 44. 261 A second extra muros basilica has been identified to the west of the city but has not been excavated yet. See Mentzos, “Η εκκλησιαστική αρχιτεκτονική της Πιερίας,” 153–54. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 188 no. 216.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

270

Chapter 6

as the primary basilica once the city center (and its episcopal basilica) had been mostly destroyed and abandoned in the sixth or seventh century following a series of earthquakes.262 Around the middle of the sixth century, its prothesis was converted into a small baptistery (for infant baptism, likely) and the atrium extended with additional rooms to make wine, store oil and grain, and even hoard money (judging by the hundreds of coins therein discovered). All of these modifications suggest that the cemeterial basilica eventually functioned as a parochial church for the rural community living around Dium in the early Byzantine era.263 The scarcity of the epigraphic and archaeological Christian evidence at Dium naturally raises questions about Christianity’s impact and penetration in the colony and its territory. In contrast with Philippi and Thessalonica, the sacred topography of the city seems to have been little affected by the new faith, and the impressive sanctuaries of Demeter and Artemis/Isis, which were built respectively in the fifth and third centuries BC, continued to function until at least the end of the fourth century AD when they were finally destroyed by an earthquake.264 The persistence of ancestral cults in late antiquity, which is illustrated by the many statues and votives to Demeter, Isis, Serapis, and Zeus Olympos/Hypsistos that were discovered on site, may in part explain why Christianity failed to dominate the public space and to impose itself throughout the Pierian region.265 Significantly, little Christian evidence has been unearthed in the vicinity of Dium itself, even though small communities must have existed throughout the Pierian plain as ruins or traces of fifth- or sixth-century basilicas have been unearthed at Pydna (from which the martyr Alexandros supposedly 262 See Mentzos, “Η κοιμητηριακή ή έξω των τειχών βασιλική του Δίου”; id., “Η κοιμητηριακή βασιλική του Δίου: Τα προσκτίσματα”; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μα­κεδονίας, 151–54, 351–53 (no. I, 1.66), with pls. 297–307. Cf. Mentzos, “Late Roman Dion,” 335. Some of the architectural elements of the episcopal basilica were later reused to build the church of Kountouriotissa located some six kilometers north of Dium in the eighth or ninth century. See Mentzos, “Η εκκλησιαστική αρχιτεκτονική της Πιερίας,” 160–61. 263 See Mentzos, “Η κοιμητηριακή ή έξω των τειχών βασιλική του Δίου”; id., “Η κοιμητηριακή βασιλική του Δίου: Τα προσκτίσματα”; Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 254, 258–63. Cf. Mentzos, “Late Roman Dion,” 334–35; id., “Dion”; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 188 no. 216. 264 See Pandermalis, Discovering Dion, 62; Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 232–44, 248– 58. 265 On the main sanctuaries of the city, see esp. Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 222–64; Tsochos, Makedonien, 15–38. A cult to Zeus Hypsistos (as an amalgamation of Zeus Olympos and Jupiter Capitolinus) also appears to have developed in the second century AD. See Falezza, I santuari della Macedonia, 260, 263; Demaille, “La fondation de la colonie romaine de Dion,” 5.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

271

originated),266 at Kitros,267 Louloudies Kitros,268 Methoni,269 down south at Leptokarya,270 and further west inland at Kato Milia (Vrondismene).271 Of all these, the site excavated at Louloudies Kitros, less than five kilometers south of Pydna (modern Aliki), is by far the most impressive.272 It consists of a quadriburgium (i.e., a fortified settlement) with curtain-walls and towers (80  × 90 m),273 which enclosed a richly decorated three-aisled basilica (35.50   ×  19 m), a large residential complex (18.50  ×  9.30 m) with a mosaiced triclinium, and sizeable storage facilities and workshops. Possibly built in the fifth century over an earlier mansio on the road between Pydna and Dium, the whole complex was thought by the original excavators to have functioned as the seat of the bishop of Pydna (after his expulsion from the city by the Goths in AD 479), until its destruction in the mid-sixth century and its abandonment in the seventh century.274 However, the absence of a baptistery and the existence of fortifications suggest it may have simply served as an administrative and/or military center that had a strong ecclesiastical presence (as was common in late antiquity).275 Notably, two funerary inscriptions were retrieved on site amidst numerous graves and eleven vaulted tombs (three of which were decorated with wall paintings).276 One such vaulted tomb (located west of the narthex of the basilica) featured a partly erased citation of Ps 131:14 that was painted above a large 266 See Marki, “H βυζαντινή Πύδνας,” 59–60; ead., “Παρατηρήσεις στον οικισμό της αρχαίας Πύδνας,” 47. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 191–94 no. 223. On Alexandros of Pydna who is said to have been martyred in Thessalonica under Maximian, see AASS, Mar. 2, pp. 339–40; BHG3 49m; BHL 280; Dimitrakopoulos, “Ἅγιος Ἀλέξανδρος.” 267 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 189 no. 218. Cf. TIB 11:573–76. 268 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 189–90 no. 219. 269 Ibid., 194 no. 224. 270 Ibid., 190 no. 221. 271 A fifth-century martyrium was also identified on top of a hill, northeast of the basilica. Marki, “Παλαιοχριστιανικά μνημεία Βροντισμένης.” Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 188 no. 217. 272 See Marki, “Λουλούδια Κίτρους.” For detailed excavation reports, see Marki’s various articles published in To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake in 1993–1995, 1997, and 1999. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 189–90 no. 219. On the various mosaic decorations, see Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 128, 154–56, 354–60 (no. I, 1.69–71), with pls. 308–329. 273 More recently, a larger, sixth-century fortified settlement (ca. 170   ×  180 m) was identified some 150 m south of the quadriburgium. See Poulter, Beckmann, and Strange, “Field Survey at Louloudies.” 274 See Marki, “Λουλούδια Κίτρους.” Cf. Jordanes, Get. 287–288. 275 Cf. Poulter, Beckmann, and Strange, “Field Survey at Louloudies,” 483–84; Rizos, “Survey of horrea,” 686. 276 Marki, “Λουλούδια Κίτρους,” 183–85; ead., “Μια άγνωστη πόλη,” 727–29.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

272

Chapter 6

Latin cross flanked by two birds: “This is my resting place into eternity. Here I will dwell, for I have chosen this (place).”277 Although Christians commonly appropriated and adapted Septuagintal texts in funerary contexts,278 Ps 131 is hardly ever invoked in inscriptions in the Greek East—biblical citations in fact remain altogether rare in Macedonia.279 More exceptional still is the bilingual and metric epitaph that was placed over the grave of the “famous lector” (ἀοίδιμος ἀναγνώστης) Euphrosynos (Eufrosynus in Latin), an “unshaken pillar of affection among his friends” (σταθμὸς στοργῆς τῆς ἐν φίλοις ἀκράδαντος), who was buried within the supposed episcopal residence (once it had been abandoned following an earthquake). Each of the two imposing, white marble plates commemorate (in Greek and Latin) the reader, who was obviously much revered by his friends and by a certain Johannes, perhaps the bishop or presbyter who performed and/or paid for his funerals (cf. munera solvit):280 (A) Here (is) the tomb that Eu­phrosynos, the famous lector, an unshaken pillar of affection among his friends, acquired.

(B) Eufrosynus, a simple, genuine and faith­ful friend, a reader of the holy scripture, highly respected, having received his repose here he shines with the praise of all. For you, Johannes fulfilled his duties with a sincere (heart).

Whoever Johannes may have been, the extent to which he sought to honor Euphrosynos, who was by all means a cleric of lower rank, is quite remarkable and reveals the deep affection Johannes and the community must have felt for their lector. More importantly, his epitaph, along with the large complex in which it was found, further attest to the presence of a significant Christian local community to the northeast of the Pierian plain in the fifth and sixth centuries. 277 ICG 3648 (SEG 47.909; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 576; AD 550–575): Αὕτη [ἡ] κα[τ]άπαυσίς [μου εἰς αἰῶνα αἰῶνο]ς·̣ ὧ̣δ̣ε̣ κ̣[ατοικήσ]ω̣ ὅ̣τ̣ι αὐ̣τὴ̣ν ἑ̣ρ̣ετι̣[σ]άμι̣ν̣. “This is my resting place into eternity. Here I will dwell, for I have chosen this (place).” For a description of the tomb, see Marki, “Deux tombeaux monumentaux.” 278 See, e.g., Breytenbach, “Early Christians and Their Greek Bible.” For a comprehensive survey, see Felle, Biblia Epigraphica. 279 Cf. Kiourtzian, “Psaume 131”; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, 263–67. 280 ICG 3696 (SEG 49.728; AE 1999, nos. 1406–1407; BE 2002, no. 600; AD V): (A) Ἐνθάδε σῆμα | λέλαχεν Εὐφρόσυνος, | ὁ ἀοίδιμος ἀναγνώστ(ης), | σταθμὸς στοργῆς ||5 τῆς ἐν φίλοις | ἀκράδαντος hedera. (B) ✝ Eufrosynus | simplex verusque | fidelis amicus | scribturae lector ||5 sanctae reverentia | pollens | hic requiem nanctus | cunctorum laude | nitescit ||10 haecque tibi sincera | Johannes munera | solvit. The plates measure 1.04   ×  0.76   ×  0.025 m (A) and 1.08  ×  0.75  ×  0.03 m (B).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

6

273

The Western Macedonian Frontier

The epigraphic material from Edessa and Beroea reviewed above takes us to the edge of the Bottiaean plain where the via Egnatia passes the Bermion range to enter the Eordaean plateau, before taking a sharp right turn, near Petres, towards the Lyncestis region to the north. Very few inscriptions have come to the surface in this western frontier bordering Epirus and Illyricum, although vestiges of late antique and early Byzantine settlements (together with fortifications) have been found aplenty, especially west and south of modern Kastoria.281 And, unlike at Edessa and Beroea where some third- and fourth-century inscriptions have emerged, the great majority of the material discovered in the upper regions of Eordaea, Elimaea, and Orestis, dates from the fifth century at the earliest. Though closest to Edessa, the district of Eordaea itself has produced almost no epigraphic or archaeological evidence.282 So far only a single inscription, namely, a funerary larnax engraved with the name Θεόδοτος, has been assigned by excavators to the “palaeo-Christian era” (i.e., late antiquity).283 Found in a burial ground with other brick tombs, pithoi, and larnakes at a place near Petres, north of Eordaea, the inscribed larnax, however, by no means indicates that Theodotos and those interred alongside him were actually Christians. The material discovered further to the south in Elimaea, on the southern and southwestern slopes of Mount Bermion, can be more assuredly considered Christian. Three mosaic inscriptions were unearthed in 1935 and 1977 in two separate edifices built at unidentified ancient locations on the road linking Beroea to the Adriatic coast, halfway between Kozani and Beroea. The first one was uncovered in what seems to have been a late antique basilica (which was surrounded by a few tombs) in a field at modern-day Polymylos, a small village near the entrance of the Haliacmon gorge. No precise information was provided by the excavators other than the mosaic pavement, and perhaps the whole structure, had been donated as a vow by a certain Ariston Nikola and his household.284 281 See Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 153–57 (nos. 100–105), 165–75 (nos. 139–181), 210–14 (nos. 244–260). 282 Remains of a late antique basilica have nonetheless been identified at Skopos, some fifteen kilometers north of Petres. See Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 213–14 no. 258. 283 ICG 3630 (SEG 39.624; AD V–VI). On the archaeological context, see ArchD 39 B (1984): 259; BCH 115 (1990): 902. 284 ICG 3702 (BE 1987, no. 433; AD V–VI): Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς Ἀρίστωνος Νικόλα κὲ τοῦ οἴκου. “Ex-voto of Ariston Nikola and his household.” Cf. ArchD 32 B2 (1984): 228. Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 192–93, 331–32 (no. I, 1.52), with pls. 262–263.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

274

Chapter 6

The other two mosaics, which differ little in content and style and likely date from the early sixth century, were discovered in another three-aisled basilica (19.50   ×  10.60 m) in a field at Voskochori (Boskochorion), near Polymylos.285 That placed on the threshold between the narthex and the nave consists of a typical anonymous dedication by “those whose names God knows,”286 who might have actually been too many to be mentioned by name.287 That laid between the nave and the sanctuary, on the other hand, mentions the donors Philippos and Domitia, and concludes with an elusive imperative to “remember” (μνήσθητι), which recalls the usual invocation “Lord, remember your servants!” (Κύριε μνήσθητι τῶν δούλων σου).288 While it is not entirely clear to whom the injunction was addressed—whether to God or to the officiant—its position at the entrance of the sanctuary suggests it may have been meant to remind the officiant to intercede on behalf of the donors.289 Little else can be known about these communities based on the limited rescue excavations that were conducted. The existence of at least two basilicas on the southwestern side of Mount Bermion nonetheless clearly evidences a Christian presence in Elimaea, in particular in the Haliacmon valley, in late antiquity.290 This is further confirmed by the discovery of a small triconchal basilica or martyrium (12.15   ×  12.4 m) outside of the village of Akrini, about ten kilometers north of Voskochori. Dated approximately to the late fifth or sixth century, it was richly decorated with (now destroyed) marble floors and fine colorful mosaics featuring common paradisiacal motifs in the narthex (e.g., deer and birds drinking from canthari), and, more remarkably, twelve haloed doves

285 On the excavations, see Xyngopoulos, “Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική του Βοσκοχωρίου.” Cf. Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 540–47; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μα­κεδονίας, 192–93, 316–19 (no. I, 1.48), with pls. 239–240; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 167 no. 148. 286 ICG 3086 (I.Chr. Macédoine 76; I.Ano Maked. 107; early AD VI): + Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς ἐπ|οίησαν ὧν | οἶδεν ὁ θεὸ|ς τὰ ὀνόματα. “As a vow, those whose names God knows have made (the mosaic).” Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 317 (no. I, 1.42), with pl. 240. 287 Cf. Donceel-Voûte, Les pavements, 474. 288 ICG 3087 (I.Chr. Macédoine 77; I.Ano Maked. 106; early AD VI): Φίλιππος καὶ | Δομετία ὑπ|ὲρ εὐχῆς ἐποί|ησαν· μνήσθητι. “Philippos and Domitia have made (the mosaic) as a vow. Remember!” Cf. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 317 (no. I, 1.42), with pl. 240. For similar examples from Greece, see ICG 2787 (IG IV² 3.1267; Corinth, AD V–VI), 3357 (SEG 34.304; Leukai?, ca. AD V), 3961 (SEG 27.218; Olosson, AD V). 289 Cf. Xyngopoulos, “Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική του Βοσκοχωρίου,” 19–20; I.Chr. Macédoine, p. 79. 290 As noted earlier in sec. 4 (n. 233) above, a basilica was also discovered at Sfikia on the southern bank of the Haliacmon gorge. See Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 114 no. 28.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

275

(symbolizing the twelve apostles) arranged in two rows on either side of a tree, on a panel at the threshold of the naos.291 Further to the west, some twenty kilometers north of Kozani, less impressive mosaics featuring geometrical patterns and floral motifs were also brought to light in the ruins of a fifth-century edifice at the lignite mine of Komanos, halfway between Ptolemaida and Akrini. While the exact purpose of the building remains unclear, its general layout, column bases, fragments of a cross, and the presence of some twenty tombs strongly suggest that these vestiges belong to a late antique church.292 However, in neither of these sites were votive inscriptions similar to those observed at Voskochori and Polymylos uncovered. The same observation can be made about the sizeable, mid- to late-sixthcentury, cross-transept basilica (32   ×   14.5 m) excavated in 1970–1971 next to the modern church at Agia Paraskevi, a small village located at a midway point between Kozani and Aiani.293 Apparently erected above a Macedonian tomb, the three-aisled basilica stands out of the ordinary thanks to its transverse aisle that ends in two apsidal niches, and thanks to the exceptional state of preservation of its mosaics, which feature various geometrical patterns, floral arrangements, and animals that were characteristically produced by sixth-century mosaic workshops from eastern Illyricum.294 Remarkably, apart for the marble capital engraved on all four faces with either an enwreathed Christogram or a cross flanked by the letters alpha and omega,295 the basilica has not yielded a single inscription. 291 See ArchD 16 B (1960): 227–28 (with pls. 200b and 201a); BCH 84 (1960): 767–68 (with good quality photos, figs. 9–10); Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 88–89 no. 51; Grabar, “Une forme essentielle du culte des reliques”; Sodini, “Mosaïques paléochrétiennes de Grèce: Catalogue,” 731 no. 49; Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 547–55; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 53–54, 178–85, 306–10 (no. I, 1.43), with pls. 213–225. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 165–66 no. 141. 292 See ArchD 41 B (1986): 161–64. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 170 no. 157. 293 See Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Michaelidis, Βασιλικὴ τῆς Ἁγίας Παρασκευῆς. See also ArchD 20 B3 (1965): 475 (with pls. 589–590); 26 B2 (1971): 446–47 (with pl. 446); 41 B (1986): 164. Cf. Pallas, Les monuments paléochrétiens, 90 no. 52; Sodini, “Mosaïques paléochrétiennes de Grèce: Catalogue,” 731 no. 50; Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 165 no. 139; TIB 11:822–23. On the mosaic pavements, see Spiro, Mosaic Pavements, 538–40; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 185–91, 301–6 (no. I, 1.42), with pls. 190–212. 294 These are permanently displayed in situ under a canopy. A baptistery (west of the narthex), remnants of frescoes, and two tombs have also been brought to light. See Kour­koutidou-Nikolaidou and Michaelidis, Βασιλικὴ τῆς Ἁγίας Παρασκευῆς, 13–19, 36–48. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 165 no. 139. 295 ICG 4101 (I.Ano Maked. 73; AD V–VI). Cf. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Michaelidis, Βασι­ λικὴ τῆς Ἁγίας Παρασκευῆς, 13–14.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

276

Chapter 6

Oddly enough, it is at nearby Kaisareia, a village less than five kilometers east of Aiani where, surprisingly, no Christian edifice has been formally identified yet (although it was a bishopric attached to the Thessalian diocese of Larissa from Diocletian onwards),296 that three inscriptions were found reused in later buildings. Two of them mention a bishop of Kaisareia (one very fleetingly on an undetermined and now lost fragment),297 while a third one, a broken piece of chancel board featuring a large cross, seems to have recorded the name of a comes who likely helped finance the construction of the church.298 Of the three, the best preserved and most informative is by far the large marble stele (1.54   ×  0.52 m) of Bishop Makedonios, which was reused as a doorstep in the Byzantine fort. A “man reputable in all things” (ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα εὔφημος) and “called by God, the Lord of all, to the prohedria (i.e., the episcopacy),” Makedonios officiated as bishop for only a year and a month before dying “to live with God” (πρὸς Θεὸν ἐνεδήμησεν).299 Beside the precise date included at the end (i.e., 23 January in the 11th indictio), what is particularly noteworthy is the final sentence that echoes Paul’s aspiration in 2 Cor 5:8 to depart from his body and “to dwell with the Lord” (ἐκδημῆσαι ἐκ τοῦ σώματος καὶ ἐνδημῆσαι πρὸς τὸν κύριον). No similar allusion to Pauline or biblical texts is to be detected in the only other Christian epitaph from the region, which was set up for a fifth- or sixth-century “admirable tribunus” (περίβλεπτος τριβοῦνος) named Romylos at Diocletianopolis.300 Judging by his honorary title περίβλεπτος (spectabilis 296 Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 248–49; TIB 11:506–7. Cf. Hierocles, Synekdemos 642.11 (Honigmann, 16). The recent discovery of an ex-voto inscription on a mosaic fragment in a late-six-century building should soon lead to the identification of a basilica. See ICG 4453 (Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 320 no. I, 1.49; BE 2019, no. 257; late AD VI): ☧ Ὑπ[ὲ]ρ [εὐ]χῆς Ἰουστινιανο[ῦ] | ☧ κ(αὶ) [– –]ΛΟΚΡΑΤΙ[Α]Σ ✝. “Ex-voto of Ioustinianos and Philokratia(?).” 297 ICG 3701 (I.Ano Maked. 82; SEG 37.480; AD V–VI): [– Και]σαρείας ἐπίσκο(πος) +. “… bishop of Kaisareia …” 298 ICG 3971 (I.Ano Maked. 83; AD V–VI): [ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς?] ․․․ν̣ου κόμ(ητος). “[Ex-voto?] of … nos, a comes.” 299 ICG 3699 (I.Ano Maked. 66; SEG 37.479; AD V–VI): [– ca. 8 –]ν̣ι̣κ̣ων | [․․․]ω̣ [․․] κλήσι τοῦ τῶν | ὅλων δεσπό(του) Θ(εο)ῦ τὴν | προεδρίαν ἔλα||5χ(ε)ν τῆς Καισαρ(έ)ων | πό(λεως). Μακεδόνιος· ἐσ|τὶν οὗτος ἀνὴρ τὰ πάν(τα) | εὔφημος, ὃς ἐπισκο|πήσας ἔτος ἓν μῆ{ι}να ||10 αʹ, τοῦ τῇδε βίου ἐκδημή|σας μη(νὶ) Ἰανουαρίῳ | κγʹ, ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) αιʹ, πρὸς Θ(εὸ)ν | ἐνεδήμησεν. “… by the calling of God, the Lord of all, Makedonios received the prohedria (i.e., episcopacy) of the city of Kaisareia. This is a man reputable in all things, who, having officiated as bishop one year and one month, departed this life on 23 January, in the 11th indictio, to live with God.” 300 ICG 3700 (I.Ano Maked. 203; SEG 37.475; AD V–VI): + Μημόριον | τοῦ περιβλέ|πτου Ῥωμύλου | τριβούνου +. “Tomb of the admirable Romylos, a tribune.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

277

in Latin), which is unusually high for a military tribune and rarely born by Christians, this tribunus must have held senatorial status and may have been a tribunus et notarius.301 The only known Christian spectabilis from mainland Greece,302 Romylos must have belonged to the local elites of the city of Diocletianopolis (modern Argos Orestikon),303 or of Battyna,304 near which his stele was found reused in the church of Hagios Athanasios at Nestorion. While Romylos represents the westernmost, epigraphically attested Mace­ donian Christian, he can hardly have been the only one living in the area.305 Judging by the number and the size of the churches excavated in the vicinity of Diocletianopolis (which, just as Kaisareia, belonged to the Thessalian diocese of Larissa in late antiquity),306 the local Christian population must have indeed been quite significant in the fourth and fifth centuries. In its northern quarter, the city possessed at least one large intra muros basilica (26.9   ×  23.4 m), which was built on a three-aisled floor plan and was decorated with mosaic floors and wall frescoes imitating marble revetment.307 Five hundred meters northwest of the city walls, another three-aisled basilica (30  ×  11 m) was also 301 Cf. PLRE 2:950 (s.v. Romulus 5). On the title spectabilis/περίβλεπτος, see Koch, Beam­ tentitel, 22–33 (esp. pp. 29–30). For another Macedonian tribunus, see ICG 3268 (I.Chr. Macédoine 247; Philippi, AD V). 302 For examples of Christian spectabiles from Asia Minor, see I.Prusa 1095 (AD IV–VI: περίβλεπτον ἀπὸ τριβούνων νοταρίων) and ICG 2428 (I.North Galatia 142; AD V–VI). 303 The identification of Diocletianopolis has long been problematic, though it is now usually agreed that the city was built in the late third century or in the early fourth century at a place called Armenochori, to the northwest of modern Argos Orestikon. The city was probably sacked by the Ostrogoths at the end of the fifth century and then later moved and refounded by Justinian on a small peninsula of Lake Kastoria, where the modern city still lies. See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 236–39; Papazotos, “Ανασκαφή Διοκλητιανουπόλεως,” 195–97; Petkos, “Ανασκαφή νοτιοδυτικού τμήματος τειχών Διοκλητιανουπόλεως,” 587–88. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 153–55 no. 100; TIB 11:374–75. 304 On this city, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 239–41. 305 A bishop from Diocletianopolis named Bassus is reported to have attended the council of Serdica in AD 343, according to Hilary of Poitiers (ep. B.II.4.8, Feder, 133). Cf. Mullen, Expansion of Christianity, 166. An epitaph of a defensor civitatis from Diocletianopolis was also found in Beroea (ICG 3078; I.Chr. Macédoine 68; AD V–VI), but, as discussed in sec. 3 (n. 197) above, this Diocletianopolis may have been that supposedly located near Pella (according to the Itinerarium Antonini). 306 See Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 91, 239. Cf. Hierocles, Synekdemos 642.12 (Honig­ mann, 16). 307 In a later phase, a second church was built on a reduced scale on the same site, before being abandoned and used as a cemetery. See Papazotos, “Ανασκαφή Διοκλητιανουπόλεως,” 205–7. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 153–54; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 176–77, 289–93 (no. I, 1.35), with pls. 174–180.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

278

Chapter 6

in service until its destruction by fire at the end of the fifth century.308 In an earlier phase, it had a small rectangular shape (12  ×  8.6 m), which opened onto some kind of portico to the south (while lacking a northern aisle) and, more intriguingly, featured a large vaulted tomb with a vestibule (7.5  ×  1.9 m) at its center.309 Finally, a third three-aisled, wooden-roofed basilica (34.5  ×  18.5 m) was partially excavated about one kilometer west of the city walls and, just as intriguingly, stood immediately south of a large funerary monument dated to the early Roman era.310 In sum, despite the paucity of epigraphic evidence, these three churches indicate beyond any reasonable doubt that Christianity was already thriving in western Macedonia at least a century or so earlier than Romylos’s epitaph might suggest. Overall, the scarcity of Christian inscriptions in the region and the conspicuous absence of believers from humbler socio-economic status recall the situation observed in Chalcidice. At first glance, it seems that Christianity penetrated and took root in the area only in later antiquity, and/or that the local population was less receptive than in the main cities along the via Egnatia. But the dearth of epigraphic material can be deceiving and needs to be counter-balanced with the archaeological evidence from Voskochori, Poly­mylos, Akrini, Komanos, Agia Paraskevi, and Diocletianopolis briefly reviewed above. Along with the vestiges of basilicas or Christian tombs identified at Skopos (north Eordaea),311 Kastoria,312 Aliakmon and Apidia (west of Kozani),313 and, further west, at Kivotos, Kipoureio, and Sydendro,314 these attest to the vitality and relative prosperity of the Christian communities established west of the Bermion range, which, not unlike those of Chalcidice, never seem to have developed an epigraphic habit similar to that of the main urban centers of Macedonia. 308 Papazotos, “Ανασκαφή Διοκλητιανουπόλεως,” 209–11. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 154. On the vaulted tomb recently excavated next to the basilica, see Damaskos and Skreka, “Ένα υπόγειο ταφικό μνημείο.” 309 Papazotos, “Ανασκαφή Διοκλητιανουπόλεως,” 207–9. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 154; Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας, 293–94 (no. I, 1.36), with pls. 181–183. No date is provided by the excavators for the first edifice. In some respect, it resembles the basilica of Paul at Philippi, which is generally dated to the mid-fourth century (cf. sec. 2.1 in chap. 4 above). Whether this first basilica functioned as some kind of martyrium is not discussed by the original excavators. 310 Papazotos, “Ανασκαφή Διοκλητιανουπόλεως,” 211–15. Cf. Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 154. Here as well, the excavators unfortunately do not discuss whether the basilica was somehow connected to the funerary monument. 311 Karagianni, Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί, 213–14 no. 258. 312 Ibid., 156 no. 101. 313 Ibid., 166 nos. 142 and 145. 314 Ibid., 105–6 nos. 2–3, 7. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Western Macedonia

7

279

Summary

As highlighted in the third chapter, the involvement of the apostle Paul and his companions in western Macedonia appears to have been minimal, as they stayed only briefly in Beroea on their way to Athens, and passed through the region on two additional occasions (while traveling between Corinth and Ephesus).315 Whether they penetrated deeper into the western Macedonian hinterland, as far as Illyricum as Paul once claimed,316 remains difficult, if not impossible, to confirm based on the extant historical sources. Whatever the case may have been, Christianity must have spread rapidly along the via Egnatia and throughout the Bottiaean plain since it established itself fairly early at Beroea and Edessa, where some of the oldest Christian inscriptions from Macedonia (ca. 3rd cent. AD) have been discovered. Yet, just as in eastern and central Macedonia, it is not until the fifth century that Christians become more conspicuous in the inscriptional and archaeological record, with epitaphs (mostly) and basilicas being identified in all the major cities east of the Bermion range. Overall, however, the epigraphic harvest remains very modest in the Pierian plain and west of the Bermion, where, as in Chalcidice, archaeological vestiges dated to the fifth and sixth centuries attest to a diffused Christian presence throughout the region. 315 See the discussion in chap. 3, sec. 3 above. 316 See Rom 15:19.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Chapter 7

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia 1

Introduction

This penultimate chapter surveys the Christian material originating from northern Macedonia, which, for all intents and purposes, corresponds to the area north of the Bottiaean plain and the Eordaean plateau, and which more or less coincides with the southern territory of the Republic of North Macedonia. It encompasses Pelagonia and the middle Axios valley, the Paeonian plain with the cities of Stobi and Bargala, the Strumica valley to the east, and the Lyncestis region with the city of Heraclea to the west. However, it excludes Scupi and the upper Axios valley, which historically belonged to Dardania, as well as Lychnidos, an important Christian center of eastern Illyria in late antiquity and early Byzantine times.1 As alluded in the third chapter, there is no evidence that Paul and his com­ panions ever visited northern Macedonia apart from his claim in Romans that he evangelized “round about as far as Illyricum” (κύκλῳ μέχρι τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ).2 This could imply that he traveled north along the via Axia,3 or perhaps more likely, that he journeyed westward on the via Egnatia as far as Dyrrhachium—thus passing through Heraclea Lyncestis—as Alfred Suhl and Peter Pilhofer have proposed.4 Whatever the case may have been, a Christian presence cannot be detected with certainty in the region before the fourth century. The bulk of the epigraphic evidence in fact dates from a century or two later, and is contemporary with a wealth of archaeological remains that attest to the existence of episcopal sees in the main cities of northern Macedonia in late antiquity.

1 On the history and geographical delineations of the region, see Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 256–343. On Lychnidos and its surroundings, see Mikulčić, “Frühchristlicher Kir­chenbau,” 238–24; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1334–45. See also Tutkovski, Ранохрис­ тијанските мозаици, for the exceptional mosaics of the Plaošnik complex in Lychnidos, and Babamova and Kuzman-Dodevska, Epigraphic Monuments from Plaošnik, for the local inscriptions. 2 Rom 15:19. 3 Cf. Mikulčić, Stobi, 115. 4 Suhl, Paulus, 94, and Pilhofer, Das Neue Testament, 235–38. Cf. vom Brocke, Thessaloniki, 199–206.

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_008

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

281

Map 7

Northern Macedonia A. Städtler

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

282 2

Chapter 7

Stobi

Strategically located at a major crossroad of the Balkans, the Roman municipium of Stobi stood as the main commercial and administrative center of northern Macedonia. When and how Christianity actually reached the city is difficult to say, although it is unlikely to have taken many decades.5 Nestled on a plain in the middle of the Axios valley, Stobi was indeed easily accessible from any direction and was a transiting point for anyone traveling from the northern Aegean to the regions south of the Danube. The most direct route from the Thermaic gulf, which was neither the easiest nor the safest, started in Thessalonica and ran north for about one hundred kilometers alongside the eastern bank of the Axios river.6 But Stobi could also be reached more conveniently and safely from the southwest via Edessa and Heraclea Lyncestis.7 It is therefore not unreasonable to assume that some Christians lived in and/or near the city already by the second or third century. Their presence, however, is more strongly felt in the ecclesiastical architecture of the late fourth and fifth centuries, which rather exceeds in significance the local Christian fune­ rary inscriptions. 2.1 Theater-Seat Graffiti as the Earliest Christian Evidence? What might be the earliest evidence of a Christian presence in Stobi is nothing as one would expect. Remarkably, it consists neither of the foundations of an early-fourth-century church, such as the basilica of Paul at Philippi, nor of third- or early-fourth-century epitaphs, such as those found at Edessa, Beroea, and Thessalonica. Instead, it might consist of a handful of crosses carved on the seats of the city theater alongside the names of citizens who were presumably Christian.8 According to James Wiseman, one such cross was cut in row 9 of cuneus 2 next to the names Γάϊος and Πέτρος and next to a name starting with the letter zeta, all of whom were members of phyle 6.9 Similarly, three crosses were reportedly incised on the lip, riser, and vertical frame of a seat 5 On Stobi’s geographical situation, see Mikulčić, Stobi, 21–23. On its urban setting, see Blaževska, “Urban Transformation of Stobi.” 6 See map 14 in Hammond, History of Macedonia, 140–41. Cf. Edson, “Strepsa,” 173. 7 This was indeed the “best route from the Aegean Sea to the central Balkans,” according to Hammond (History of Macedonia, 7; cf. p. 153). 8 Some eleven metallic crosses have also been discovered throughout the site, but these have been generally dated to the late fifth or sixth century. One of them (no. 4) was engraved with the standard votive formula ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς and a monogram deciphered as Λέων (see ICG 4461; IG X 2,2.803). See Spasova, “Early Christian Metal Crosses.” 9 Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 795. Cf. id., “Municipal Tribes,” 1758, on the cuneus/kerkides division of the theater. For the inscriptions of cuneus 2, see Saria, “Inschriften des Theaters,” 18–22. Of these three names, Saria only records ΓΑΙ (no. 116) in the same location, although he does not indicate any cross. No such cross, nor any trace of the names Gaios and Petros, could Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Figure 33 Christian monuments of Stobi in late antiquity reproduced from Blaževska, “Urban Transformation of Stobi,” 190; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

283

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

284

Chapter 7

with the name Τελ[–] in row 8 of cuneus 3, which was reserved for phyle 9.10 Another was carved on the bisellium (i.e., the seat of honor) of a city councilor whose named started with alpha in row 2 of cuneus 2,11 which is likely that identified by Balduin Saria on row 3 (sic) of cuneus 2 after the letters Π̣ �̣ Β̣ Α̅ .12 Of all these, only that on the bisellium has remained clearly visible, along with what looks like a staurogram ligatured with a large omega on row 5 of cuneus 2, which only Saria reported.13 When exactly these crosses were engraved, and what their actual significance or purpose was, is not so easy to determine, however. Archaeological evidence suggests that the theater was probably completed in the third quarter of the second century and operated until the third quarter of the fourth century when it was finally abandoned.14 Most of the seats were thus likely inscribed with the names of the individuals and of the voting tribes for whom they were reserved between the end of the second century and the first quarter of the third century.15 As to their significance, Wiseman is confident that the crosses identified the seats assigned to Christian families, just as, he assumes, they also did in the theater at Aphrodisias.16 The evidence from Aphrodisias

10

11 12 13

14 15

16

be found in this location during two field surveys conducted in the early hours of the morning in May and September 2018, when the eastern sunlight hits seats at about a 45-degree angle. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 795–96. See seat 8/5 of cuneus 3 on fig. 4. Neither the crosses nor the name Τελ[–] were reported by Saria. For the inscriptions of cuneus 3, see Saria, “Inschriften des Theaters,” 22. Only the crosses on the riser and on the vertical frame, which resemble the aligned crosses dividing seating sections on the edges of seats (on which see Gebhard, “Theater at Stobi,” 15), could be seen during a survey conducted in 2018. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 796. Saria (“Inschriften des Theaters,” 18 no. 67) gives “� C (Name ausgemeißelt) Α̅ ✝.” Row 3 in Saria’s table is actually row 2. Wiseman omits͘ ͘ it, although it is still clearly visible. See figure 34 (K. Hallof suggests reading Βιβια|νός αʹ). A large alpha may have featured above it, but the surface of the seat is too eroded to confirm this. Alternatively, it could have simply been intended as a monogram composed of the letters tau, rho, and omega. See no. 6 in fig. 7 in Saria, “Inschriften des Theaters,” 26, and figure 35. The theater was partly dismantled and quarried for building material, used as a rubbish dump, and then later reused for modest housing. See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 402; id., “Stobi, 1971,” 418; id., “Stobi, 1972,” 400–401. A total of 502 seat inscriptions, which still await publication, have been recorded in the theater itself, and another 57 have been sighted on seats reused elsewhere. According to Wiseman (“Municipal Tribes,” 1760), their date is suggested by the “successive occupation of seats in the proedria and elsewhere, the third-century remodeling of the theater, and the few ties between seat inscriptions and other dated inscriptions.” Cf. id., “Early Churches,” 795–96. Similar layers of inscriptions dating within a range of one or two centuries have been observed in the theater at Aphrodisias. See Roueché, Performers, 120. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 795–96 (with n. 2). Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

285

Figure 34 Latin cross carved on a theater seat at Stobi no. 67 in Saria, “Inschriften des Theaters,” 18; photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Figure 35 Staurogram or monogram(?) carved on a theater seat at Stobi no. 6 in fig. 7 in Saria, “Inschriften des Theaters,” 26; photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

286

Chapter 7

is more diverse and complex to interpret than Wiseman acknowledges, however, and is later by at least two centuries. Crosses there appear to have been employed either as religious graffiti,17 as Christianized symbols of good fortune (especially when associated with a victory acclamation),18 and, on only two occasions, as topos inscriptions (presumably) marking out the seats of Christians19—such topos inscriptions are actually more common outside of the theater.20 As Charlotte Roueché has concluded, the theater inscriptions at Aphrodisias thus remain “of limited use in helping us to understand how seating at public spectacles was organised.”21 The significance of the crosses on theater seats at Stobi is even more ambiguous. What is certain is that they differ from the small crosses carved on the front edges of seats—many of which are still visible—that served as sections dividers.22 The Latin cross and the apparent staurogram observed in rows 2 and 5 of cuneus 2 are indeed out of alignment with these smaller crosses and too conspicuous to have been meant as sections dividers. Rather, they appear to have been cut by Christians as some kind of religious graffiti, though without necessarily intending to mark these seats as reserved for Christians. They could have been inscribed as early as the late second or the early third century or, perhaps more likely, in the late third or the early fourth century when the theater was still in use and when the sign of the cross became more popular amongst Christians. 17 I.Aphrodisias 2007 8.56, row 15 (+) and row 16 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 137.ii: Α ☧ Ꞷ). 18 E.g., I.Aphrodisias 2007 8.59, row 4 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 137.v: Φροντίνου Νικᾷ ἡ τύχη τοῦ +), row 12.i (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 181.iii: + Νικᾷ ἡ τύχη τῶν Βενέτων). Cf. I.Aphr­ odisias 2007 8.272 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 59a–b; inscribed game board found in the theater): (a) + νικᾷ ἡ τύχη τοῦ Μαρδαητο̣υ̣ +, (b) [νικᾷ ἡ τύ]χη τῶν Πυθε̣ανιτῶν. 19 I.Aphrodisias 2007 8.59, row 12.ii (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 181.iv: + τόπος | Σπανδι|ο̣(υ)); 8.60, row 6.iii (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 181.v: τόπ(ος) +). For a brief discussion of some of these, see Ascough, “Τόπος Inscriptions,” 102. See also more generally Jacobs, “Cross Graffiti.” 20 E.g., I.Aphrodisias 2007 5.11 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 190; Hadrianic baths: ․․․ + τόπος Ἐπικτήτου + || κανψαρίου hedera | +), 1.506 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 208; Tetrapylon street: + τό(πος) μυδροστα|σίας +), 4.9 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 206; south agora: τόπος | vac Ζοτικοῦ | vac καπήλου + | vac εὐτυχῶς +), 8.605 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 191; theater baths: + Ἀλέξαν|δρος | κουρέος | τόπος || +). Other possible examples include I.Aphrodisias 2007 4.16 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 202; south agora: + Θεοκτίστου), 4.14 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 199; south agora: + Μ(․․․)ου), 4.15 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 200; south agora: Καλλινίκου +), 12.718 (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 211.i–ii; reused in southern wall?: [i] + | Λεον̣|το vac, [ii] + Φιλίππ(ου) ϛ). See also the three topos inscriptions found in the vicinity of the Temple-Church, I.Aphrodisias 2007 1.11 (+ ΧΜΓ | τόπος Λου|κᾶ φιλο|πόνου), 1.35 (+ [? τόπος] | Τρύφωνος | ἀρχιδεκά|νου +), 1.301.ii (+ + + | τόπος | Κυριακοῦ | βρακαρίου). Cf. I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 187–189. 21 Roueché, Performers, 120. 22 See Gebhard, “Theater at Stobi,” 15. Cf. Saria, “Inschriften des Theaters,” 32.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

287

Whatever the case may have been, without a more comprehensive examination of all the theater seat inscriptions (and of other similar pavement inscriptions),23 it remains difficult to interpret these symbols decisively and to assess how common they might have been at Stobi. For the time being, these crosses merely allow us to entertain the possibility that Christians lived in the municipium already by the late second or the early third century. Their presence would not at all be implausible given the city’s geographic position. However, the attestation of Christians by means of graffiti on theater seats would undoubtedly be exceptional, indeed sensational, in light of the rest of the Christian epigraphic material from Macedonia and mainland Greece. 2.2 Episcopal Epigraphy and Monumental Architecture Whether or not these graffiti constitute the earliest piece of Christian evidence at Stobi, the remarkable vestiges unearthed throughout the city plainly show that Christianity eventually made an impression on a much more monumental scale than a few crosses on theater seats. By the end of the fifth century, the church had reached its apogee, from an architectural point of view at least, and the central urban landscape had been entirely remodeled along a north-south axis. Within a century or two, no fewer than three extra muros and four intra muros basilicas (two of which with baptisteries) had been erected together with a luxurious (episcopal?) residence that connected to the main basilica via a portico. The latter was decorated in lavish fashion with mosaics, wall and ceiling frescoes, and gilded capitals,24 and, to this day, has yielded some of the most notable Christian inscriptions and graffiti in the whole of Macedonia. According to the most recent excavation results,25 the first episcopal basi­ lica (I) was built in two phases on a bedrock foundation—and not on an earlier

23 A two-volume set of all the theater inscriptions was first announced in 1993 by Wiseman (“Municipal Tribes,” 1757 with n. 2) but still awaits publication. 24 Dimitrova, Blaževska, and Tutkovski, Wall Paintings, 18. For an overview of all the capitals discovered, see Egger, “Kirche von Stobi,” 47–58. See also figure 37. 25 Given the complexity of the excavations of the episcopal basilica and its associated literature, Snively’s recent summary (“Episcopal Basilica”) represents the best starting point (see esp. the bibliography included in ibid., 286 n. 2). Cf. Mikulčić, Stobi, 117–35. Earlier archaeological reports, including Snively’s dissertation (“Christian Basilicas of Stobi”), ought to be read with caution as more recent works have either proved or disproved earlier hypotheses and have significantly revised the chronology of the various building phases. Earlier important reports can be found in Egger, “Ausgrabungen in Stobi”; Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 398–401; id., “Stobi, 1971,” 420–22; id., “Stobi, 1973–1974,” 142–46; id., “Stobi,” 283–93; Wiseman, “Stobi,” 395–426; Aleksova and Wiseman, Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi, 61–80, 133–77. Cf. Mikulčić, Stobi, 17–19.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

288

Chapter 7

Figure 36 Episcopal basilica (I) at Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

ecclesiastical structure as Blaga Aleksova once proposed26—in the second half of the fourth century (so Wiseman),27 or perhaps right at the end of the fourth century (so Snively).28 The only church at Stobi likely dated to the fourth century, its construction is thought to have been connected to the visit of the emperor Theodosius I in AD 388, who may have encouraged the construction or completion of the basilica,29 or, as Wiseman once speculated, who might have attended its dedication.30 The first edict he promulgated there on 14 June certainly aimed at inciting wide adherence to the Christian faith,31 while that proclaimed two days later sought to dissipate theologically motivated disputes 26 Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 83, 116–17; ead., “Domus Ecclesiae,” 400–401. Excavations conducted in 2010 by Snively and her team indicated that the remains of a house, which Aleksova thought to be a domus ecclesiae, belonged to a different building and period than that suggested by Aleksova. See Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 290 (with n. 17); ead., “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 793–94. 27 Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 793. 28 Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 288–90. Cf. ead., “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76 [in Mace­ donian]. Thanks are due to the author for providing an English translation of this important overview. 29 Cf. Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 288–300. 30 Wiseman, “History at Stobi,” 42. Cf. id., “Macedonia Secunda,” 295. 31 Cod. Theod. 16.5.15.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

289

Figure 37 Gilded capital from the episcopal basilica, Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

and to restore public order.32 Yet no mention is made of the foundation of a church in these edicts, nor has the emperor left any tangible trace of his short stay in the city or in the basilica itself. The same can be said of Bishop Bodius (or Bunius) who is listed among the participants of the council of Nicaea,33 and who, despite the absence of any epigraphic evidence, has sometimes been put forward as the founder of the basilica.34 The earliest mosaic inscriptions adorning the floor of the nave are in fact simple ΙΧΘΥΣ monograms hailing “Jesus Christ” as “Son of God (and) Savior” (Θεοῦ Υἱὸς Σωτήρ).35 The largest of these was placed towards the western end of the nave, right in front of a medallion containing an unparalleled inscription 32 Cod. Theod. 16.4.2. 33 Socrates, h.e. 1.13.12. Cf. Mansi 2:696. Two additional late antique bishops are attested in literary sources, namely, Nicolaus who attended the council of Chalcedon in AD 451 (Mansi 7:162), and Phocas who took part in that of Constantinople in AD 553 (Mansi 9:174). Cf. Wiseman, “Gods, War and Plague,” 144 (n. 2); Aleksova, “Domus Ecclesiae,” 401 (n. 8). 34 For a refutation of Aleksova’s thesis, see Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 796–97. 35 ICG 3311 (IG X 2,2.751; I.Stobi 257; AD 375–400): Ἰ(ησοῦς) Χ(ριστὸς) Θ(εοῦ) Υ(ἱὸς) Σ(ωτήρ) +. See figure 39. A smaller ΙΧΘΥΣ inscription within a small circular field was found on the same mosaic floor in the middle of the nave (see ICG 4533; IG X 2,2.752). For a detailed analysis of the mosaics of the first basilica, see Kolarik, “Early Church at Stobi,” 296.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

290

Chapter 7

Figure 38 ICG 3310 (I.Stobi 256): mosaic inscription from the episcopal basilica (I), Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

that was likely meant to inspire worshippers as they entered the church: “Prayers, (acts of) charity, fasts, and repentance out of a sincere heart, save from death.”36 The rest of the nave was covered with an odd patchwork of colorful mosaic panels with geometrical motifs,37 while, more remarkably, the southern wall was decorated in the fresco technique “with an arrangement of six panels imitating marble incrustation and divided by fluted pilasters with Corinthian capitals.”38 Only the lower section of the southern wall has been preserved, but remains of the lower and upper sections of the northern and western walls have been recovered. In the second phase of the church (ca. AD 400–450), these were painted in the secco technique with similar architectural, floral, and zoomorphic motifs, and what looks like biblical scenes 36 ICG 3310 (IG X 2,2.750; I.Stobi 256; SEG 36.638; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 578; AD 375–400): Εὐχαὶ καὶ ἐλε|ημοσύναι καὶ | νηστίαι καὶ με|τάνοια ἐκ κα||θαρᾶς καρδίας | ἐκ θανάτου ῥύετε. The formula seems to be without equivalent, although Tob 4:10 and 12:9 present interesting parallels: διότι ἐλεημοσύνη ἐκ θανάτου ῥύεται (4:10); ἐλεημοσύνη γὰρ ἐκ θανάτου ῥύεται καὶ αὐτὴ ἀποκαθαριεῖ πᾶσαν ἁμαρτίαν (12:9). See figure 38. 37 It looks as though each panel was commissioned and paid separately by a different dedicant. See Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. Cf. Wiseman, “Stobi,” 403–5, 417–20. 38 Dimitrova, Blaževska, and Tutkovski, Wall Paintings, 12. Cf. ibid., 22–24; Wiseman, “Stobi,” 398–99, 406.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

291

Figure 39 ICG 3311 (I.Stobi 257): mosaic inscription from the episcopal basilica (I), Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

(e.g., Daniel in the lions’ den, Jesus as the Good Shepherd), while a new layer was applied to the southern wall.39 It is on some of these fresco panels, at the western end of the northern wall, that dozens of graffiti were scratched by worshippers. For the most part, those that are legible consist of bribes of the formulaic prayer “Christ, help your servant (so-and-so),” to which is sometimes added the clause “and those who love him” in reference to the petitioner’s family.40 While such supplications are not uncommon throughout Greece, Asia Minor, and Rome,41 nowhere else have they been found in such a concentration in Macedonia. Among the best preserved and most notable examples are the following four:42 39 Dimitrova, Blaževska, and Tutkovski, Wall Paintings, 12–14, 21–29. 40 The clause might have been included more frequently, but only three examples have survived. Cf. Babamova, “Stobi,” 272–73. 41 Cf. Felle and Ward-Perkins, Cultic Graffiti, 47–76. 42 Other, more fragmented, graffiti include: ICG 3312 (IG X 2,2.790; I.Stobi 258): (9) [Χ(ριστ)έ], β̣οήθησον … “Christ, help …” (12) Κ(ύρι)ε, βοήθη τῷ | δούλο συ Λ ỴΟ̣ [–] | ΛΕΔΡΟ καὶ τῷ | ἑαυτοῦ οἴκῳ. “Lord, help your servant … Alexandros/Menandros(?) and his house”—ICG 3317 (IG X 2,2.795; I.Stobi 263): (2) [Κύριε, βοῆθι] τo͂ δούλο σου [– | Χριστ]έ, βοῆθι τo͂ δού(λο) σου. “Lord, help your servant … Christ, help your servant …” The remaining graffiti merely contain words or names (e.g., Κύριε, Εἰουλιανός, Χριστός, Ἁγ(ίων) μαρτύριον), or traces of letters. See IG X 2,2.790 nos. 3–7, 10–11, 13–16 (I.Stobi 258c–g, i–j, o–p, r; ICG 3312), 791–794

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

292

Chapter 7

(1) Christ, (help) your servant Ursikinos and those who love him.43 (2) Christ, help your servant Eutherios and those who love him.44 (3) Christ, help your servant Martinianos and those who love him.45 (4) Christ, help your servant Dion.46 According to Aleksova and Wiseman, several other graffiti, which consisted of chi-rho monograms and Greek letters,47 were carved or impressed with a finger on the wet plaster of one of the fresco panels from the same northern wall.48 Regrettably, however, these frescoes have since then faded away, as the panels were left in situ. At some point in the first half of the fifth century,49 the first episcopal basi­ lica (I) was renovated in grander fashion. The 31 m long building was extended by five or six meters to the east, stone screens were erected to separate the nave from the aisles, the presbyterium was laid in opus sectile,50 and a baptistery was built to the south.51 The restorations undertaken under Bishop Eustathios, the earliest epigraphically attested cleric at Stobi, were commemorated with an elegant mosaic inscription featuring a large cantharus with a grape cluster above it, which was placed in the center of the nave and read: “The holy church of God was renovated when the holiest Eustathios was bishop.”52 However, the most dramatic transformation took place in the last quarter of the fifth century (according to ceramic evidence), when a second episcopal basilica (II) was erected on top of a 4.5 m terrace right above the first basilica.53 Likely one of the largest ever built in Macedonia Secunda, it measured seventy

43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51

52 53

(I.Stobi 259–262; ICG 3313–3316), 795 nos. 3–7 (I.Stobi 263d–g; ICG 3317), 796–797 (I.Stobi 264–265; ICG 3318–3319), 787 (ICG 4535). Cf. Babamova, “Stobi,” 272–73. See figure 40. ICG 3312 (IG X 2,2.790; I.Stobi 258): (1) Χρι̣σ̣[τέ, βοῆ]|θ̣ι τo͂ δού[λῳ σου | Ο]ὐρσικίνῳ κ̣[αὶ τοῖς] | φιλοῦσιν αὐτών. ICG 3312 (IG X 2,2.790; I.Stobi 258b): (2) Χρ(ι)στέ, β̣ο[ῆ]|θι τo͂ δούλο | [σ]ου Εὐθηρίο | [κα]ὶ τοῖς φιλοῦ||σιν αὐτών. ICG 3312 (IG X 2,2.790; I.Stobi 258h): (8) Κ(ύρι)ε, βοήθει τῷ δούλῳ σου | Μαρτινιανῷ καὶ τοῖς φι|λοῦσι[ν αὐ]τόν. ICG 3317 (IG X 2,2.795; I.Stobi 263a): (1) [Χρι]στέ, βοῆθι τῷ δούλ[ῳ | σου] Δίωνι. Aleksova suggests that some of these monograms stood for the names of bishops, but this seems rather implausible. See Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 107, 119–20 (with pls. 20–21). Wiseman, “Stobi,” 398 (with p. 402, fig. 8). See Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 290. Cf. ead., “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. Cf. Snively, “Articulation of Space”; Wiseman, “Stobi,” 420–21. See Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 286–88. Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 797–98; Dimi­ trova, Blaževska, and Tutkovski, Wall Paintings, 17. On the construction of the first baptistery, see Kolarik, “Baptistery,” 941–42. Disagreements subsist as to the various construction phases of the baptistery. See Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 290 n. 15. ICG 3349 (IG X 2,2.755; I.Stobi 298; AD 400–450): Ἀνεναιώθη | ἡ ἁγία τοῦ θεοῦ | ἐκκλησία ἐπι|σκόπου ὄντος || τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου | Εὐσταθίου. See figures 41 and 42. See Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 288–90. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

293

Figure 40 Graffiti on a fresco fragment from the episcopal basilica (I), Stobi Photo by S. Babamova; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

meters from the atrium to the apse and fifty-three meters from the narthex to the apse. Many of the top seats of the theater were dismantled and reused in the apse wall and as stylobates in the nave of the new cathedral, which now projected over the remaining lower half of the theater and the Isis temple further to the southeast54—whereas basilica I had previously been somewhat sheltered behind the theater’s external western wall.55 Church furnishings, architectural elements, and even sections of opus sectile from the presbyterium

54 Archaeological evidence suggests that the temple was deliberately and violently de­stroyed in the early fifth century, precisely at the time when the city experienced a boom in ecclesiastical constructions. The complex was later converted into a residential area. See Blaževska and Radnjanski, “Temple of Isis.” The small sanctuary of Nemesis in the scene of the theater probably ceased to be visited slightly earlier, towards the end of the fourth century. See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1973–1974,” 132. 55 Cf. Wiseman, “Stobi,” 412–13; Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1973–1974,” 142. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

294

Chapter 7

Figure 41 ICG 3349 (I.Stobi 298): mosaic inscription from the second phase of the episcopal basilica (I) commemorating Bishop Eustathios’s restoration, Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

of basilica I were disassembled and reused in the new building,56 which was constructed according to a similar floor plan, albeit on a grander scale with screens and colonnades isolating the nave from the side aisles, while lateral benches for the clergy were added to the presbyterium.57 A sunken apse or apsidal crypt with an eastern annular corridor was also built 1.75 m underneath the apse and the episcopal throne.58 It may have functioned as some kind of martyrium (despite the absence of a reliquary), as Aleksova initially proposed,59 or it may have simply been used as a grave (as the reported presence of a skull suggests).60 56 Wiseman, “Stobi,” 405. 57 Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 798–99; Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 288. 58 This construction resembles the apsidal crypt of the episcopal basilica under the Hagia Sophia and that of the cemetery church on Third Septembre St. at Thessalonica. See sec. 2.5 in chap. 5 above. 59 Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 113–15. 60 Egger, “Kirche von Stobi,” 66. Cf. Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 114. Snively (“Apsidal Crypts,” 1184) suspects it might have held some “icons or other holy objects” and might have been the focus of “a special cult” or of a cult to some unidentified saint. However, no hydraulic element (e.g., pipe, drain, basin) similar to those found in the crypt of St. Demetrios at Thessalonica has been found, which rules out the possibility that the crypt served as a

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

295

Figure 42 ICG 3349 (I.Stobi 298): mosaic inscription from the second phase of the episcopal basilica (I) commemorating Bishop Eustathios’s restoration, Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

A new marble baptistery was erected on top of the old one and accessed by a monumental staircase from the narthex.61 It connected via a small corridor to a crypt located underneath the southern aisle, which might have held the remains of one or several clerics, or the relics of a martyr that could have played a role in baptismal ceremonies.62 Given its dimension (1.3 m deep and 2.4 m wide), the presence of sealed joints and of a drain, the baptistery must have been used for full-immersion baptism. Its floor was laid with fine colorful mosaics depicting deer and peacocks drinking from overflowing canthari (a widespread motif illustrating the regenerative power of baptism), while its hagiasma. See Snively, “Apsidal Crypts”; ead., “Underground Cult Place”; ead., “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 117–28. Cf. Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 398; Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 799. 61 See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1971,” 422; Wiseman, “Stobi,” 424–26; Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 123–27; Kolarik, “Baptistery,” 942–44; Downing, “Wall Paintings.” On the earlier piscina, see Wiseman, “Stobi,” 411–12. See figure 43 and 44. 62 Wiseman initially proposed that the deceased could have been Bishop Philippos himself who is commemorated on a marble lintel (see ICG 3354 in n. 81), but later changed his mind when a large vaulted tomb was discovered right under the southern aisle (see below). See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1972,” 399; Wiseman, “Stobi,” 421–26.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

296

Chapter 7

interior walls were decorated with frescoes of biblical (or biblically inspired) scenes accompanied with legends. Sadly, only two of these have survived (in rather poor condition), as they were later covered with a layer of lime and painted over with simple geometrical patterns.63 The first one, on the eastern wall, depicts Jesus healing a (presumably) mute man,64 while the second, in the northeast conch, has been tentatively interpreted as the evangelist Matthew preaching to the crowds.65 The interior walls of the new cathedral were also decorated with frescoes, judging by the few fragments discovered in the southern aisle in the 1930s. One of them was painted with a rather unusual inscription, which its first editor apparently restituted with the help of John’s Gospel: “… source of life. [He who] thirsts, let him come [to me], and he will no longer thirst in eternity.”66 While the restoration of the first line suggested by Saria is highly conjectural and rather implausible,67 the expression πηγὴ τῆς ζωῆς on l. 2 is attested several times in the Septuagint and Pseudepigrapha.68 The second exhortative clause on ll. 2–3, “[He who] thirsts, let him come [to me],” does not correspond to any known biblical or liturgical text either, even though it is strongly reminiscent of John 7:37 (ἐάν τις διψᾷ ἐρχέσθω πρός με καὶ πινέτω). Thus, it is only the last clause of ll. 4–5 that appears to be a partial citation of John 4:14a (ὃς δ᾿ ἀν πίνῃ ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος οὗ ἐγὼ δώσω αὐτῷ, οὐ μὴ διψήσει εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα). 63 Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1973–1974,” 145. Cf. Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 130–39; Downing, “Wall Paintings.” 64 Cf. Matt 9:32–33. Two legends were applied to the scene that depicts a youthful Jesus with a halo. ICG 3353 (IG X 2,2.789; I.Stobi 302; AD 480–600): (4) Ἱερουσ|[αλήμ] (“Jerusalem”), (5) φημί (“I speak”). Legend (4) written above the roof of a pedimented building sets the scene in Jerusalem, while (5) confirms the miracle. Kolarik (“Baptistery,” 943–44) suggests the scene depicts Jesus’s healing of the blind man. See also Downing, “Wall Paintings,” 267–71. 65 The following legend accompanied the second scene (ICG 3353; IG X 2,2.789; I.Stobi 302; AD 480–600): (1) εὐα[γγελι]σ̣τή̣ς (“evangelist”), (2) Μ[ατ]θ̣έος ̣ (“Matthew”; the restoration of the name is uncertain), (3) λαός (“people”). The excavators suspect that the three other conches had similar representations of the remaining evangelists. See Dimitrova, Blaževska, and Tutkovski, Wall Paintings, 32–36; Downing, “Wall Paintings,” 262–66. 66 ICG 3323 (IG X 2,2.788; I.Chr. Macédoine 277; I.Stobi 269; Felle, Biblia Epigraphica, no. 579; AD 475–525): [–]ωε[–] | πηγὴ τῆς ζωῆ[ς· ὁ δὲ] | διψο͂ν ἔλθῃ [ἔς με,] | κα(ὶ) οὐ μὴ διψ[ήσει] || εἰ[ς] τὸν ἐῶν[α]. Saria (“Bischofskirche von Stobi,” 134 no. 5) restores l. 1 as follows: [Ἐγ]ώ εἰ[μι ἡ]. 67 Saria (“Bischofskirche von Stobi,” 134 no. 5) makes the text start too far to the right above ζωῆς, leaving a gap of seven to eight letters to the left, while there seem to be traces of a letter above the eta of πηγή. In any case, the phrase Ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ πηγὴ (τῆς) ζωῆς is not attested and does not correspond to one of the known “I am” statements attributed to Jesus. 68 Ps 35:10; Prov 10:11; 13:14; 14:27; 16:22; 18:4; Sir 21:13; Jer 17:13; Odes Sol. 14:44. See also the allusion to the church as a πηγὴ ζωτική on the apsidal mosaic wall of the chapel of Hosios David at Thessalonica (ICG 3115; I.Chr. Macédoine 103) in chap. 5, sec. 2.5 above. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

297

Given the discovery of other similar fragments in situ, which were unfortunately too small to be deciphered, it is reasonable to conclude that, either during the first or the second phase of basilica II, similar excerpts of biblical or liturgical texts were painted on some of its inner walls to inspire local worshippers. Along with the frescoes and mosaics retrieved from basilica I and the baptistery, these undoubtedly represent some of the most extraordinary examples of late antique Christian art in Macedonia.69 In the first or the second quarter of the sixth century (ca. AD 530), significant damage to the basilica (probably caused by an earthquake) necessitated extensive repairs.70 Some walls were rebuilt from their foundations, the presbyterium extended to the west, the width of the southern aisle reduced, and larger columns with capitals carved in the latest Constantinopolitan fashion were set up to support galleries. The baptistery also underwent some reno­vation, the exact nature and extent of which is not entirely clear.71 Marble columns were introduced to support a baldachin or canopy (though no trace of it has been found), and the baptismal font was slightly remodeled.72 The processional path from the western entrance of the basilica to the baptistery was diverted through the adjacent apsidal hall (building D) to the south, which was decorated with mosaic motifs similar to those found in the baptistery, though using material of superior quality.73 At some later point in the sixth century, the baptistery was fitted with a one-meter-high marble cantharus resembling that depicted on the mosaic floor.74 An altogether exceptional find, it was “handsomely carved from a single block” and placed over the southwestern steps leading into the piscina.75 Its position on the edge of the piscina, the presence of a drain, and the neat cut to its rim, all suggest it may have been used for baptisms by effusion, as though baptisms by immersion had gone out of fashion.76

69 Cf. Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1971,” 423. For a comparison with the material from nearby Thracia, see Pillinger, Popova-Moroz, and Zimmermann, Wandmalereien Bulgariens. 70 Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 288–90. Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 800. 71 For more details, see Kolarik, “Baptistery,” 944–46. 72 Dinsmoor, “Baptistery”; Kolarik, “Baptistery,” 945–46. Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 799– 800; Dimitrova, Blaževska, and Tutkovski, Wall Paintings, 19–20. 73 Kolarik, “Baptistery,” 945. 74 In 1972, there was “no vessel of comparable size known from any other baptistery,” according to Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1971,” 423. Almost fifty years later, this statement seems to remain valid as far as Macedonia is concerned. 75 Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 799. 76 See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1971,” 423; Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 800–801; Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 274; Kolarik, “Baptistery,” 946–47; Dimitrova, Bla­ ževska, and Tutkovski, Wall Paintings, 19–20. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

298

Chapter 7

Figure 43 Baptistery of the episcopal basilica, Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

The renovation of the basilica was also accompanied by a significant reconfiguration of its immediate surroundings, likely in an effort to enhance its approach from the south. A 35 m portico was erected on the eastern side of the via sacra leading from the porta Heraclea to the basilica, and a semicircular court was constructed across the atrium, on the opposite side of the street.77 The building D southwest of the atrium and narthex, which probably used to be a sophisticated (episcopal?) residence, was possibly acquired and repurposed around this period.78 Together with the sumptuous residence northeast of the basilica, which served some ecclesiastical function in the fifth century (as an episcopal residence?),79 the monumental ensemble would have effectively dominated the entire city and would have been the focal point of its religious and social life, at least up until its destruction by fire at the end of the sixth 77 Snively, “The Episcopal Basilica, the Via sacra, and the Semicircular Court.” Cf. ead., “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. 78 Kolarik, “Baptistery,” 945. Cf. Wiseman, “Stobi,” 408–13. 79 Excavations of the residence conducted by Mano-Zissi were interrupted by World War II and the reports subsequently never published. Among the few items therein discovered were “a bronze censer and a golden finger ring decorated with an elaborate cross” (Wiseman, “Stobi,” 427). For a detailed description, see Hemans, “Late Antique Residences at Stobi,” 28–69. Cf. Wiseman, “Stobi,” 426–28.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

299

Figure 44 Baptistery of the episcopal basilica, Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

300

Chapter 7

century.80 As such, it would have stood as a powerful symbol of the affluence and prominence of the church as the metropolitan see of Macedonia Secunda, at a time when similar monumental structures were being erected at Thessalonica, Philippi, and Parthicopolis. Without a doubt, it would have also enhanced the prestige of its bishops such as Philippos, the second epigraphically attested bishop who proudly claimed responsibility for the erection of basilica II on a 3 m long, carefully carved, white marble lintel: “Emmanuel, God with us. The holiest bishop Philippos built the holy church of God.”81 The (partial) citation of Matt 1:23 is unusual enough to be noted,82 and is perhaps to be understood as a subtle acknowledgement of, or a request for, divine assistance. It is certainly a much less common expression of piety than the more explicit invocation for help “God, have mercy! Christ [have mercy!],”83 which was impressed with a finger on a clay brick found in the ruins of the basilica.84 Yet, despite his claim, Philippos is unlikely to have been the sole sponsor of the monumental structure. Local believers must have also been put to contribution to help build and decorate the new edifice. Two mosaic inscriptions found in the southern aisle, which may have been reserved for female worshippers,85 record for example the donation of mosaic pavements by a certain Peristeria86 and a deaconess probably named Matrona.87 Another 80 On traces of destruction, see Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1971,” 411, 418, 422; id., “Stobi, 1972,” 399; id., “Stobi, 1973–1974,” 139. 81 ICG 3354 (IG X 2,2.758; I.Chr. Macédoine 274; I.Stobi 303; AD 480–500): hedera Ἐμμανουήλ hedera + hedera μεθ᾿ ἡμῶν ὁ Θ(εό)ς. hedera | hedera Ὁ ἁγιώτατος ἐπίσκοπος Φίλιππος + οἰκοδόμησεν τὴν ἁγίαν τοῦ Θ(εο)ῦ ἐκκλ(ησίαν) hedera. An elaborate frieze stretches along the reverse side of the lintel. It features birds and crosses intertwined around two vine branches, which grow out of a cantharus in the center. See figure 45. 82 For another example from Macedonia, see ICG 3033B (I.Chr. Macédoine 25; Edessa, AD V–VI): Ἐμμανουήλ, | ἐλέησον | ἡμᾶς. Cf. ICG 3658 (SEG 48.732; Amphipolis, AD VI): Ἐμμα✝νουήλ. See also ICG 4130 (I.Chr. Bulgarien 44; Vratsa, AD V–VI): + Alleluia + | Em­manuel | nobisc[um] D(eu)s. 83 ICG 3322 (IG X 2,2.799; I.Chr. Macédoine 278; I.Stobi 268; AD 525–600): Θεέ, ἐ|λέησον, | Χ̣ρισ̣τέ̣, | [ἐλέησον]. 84 Of all the bricks that were recovered in the rubble layer dated to the second phase of basilica II and that featured representations of crosses, birds, fish, or, occasionally, of “a more complex scene involving a human,” this was the only one inscribed with a text. See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1971,” 424. 85 Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 800; Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 113. 86 ICG 3321 (IG X 2,2.754; I.Chr. Macédoine 276; I.Stobi 267; AD 480–500): Ὑπὲρ εὐχῆς | ἐποίησεν̣ | Π̣ εριστε[ρία]. “As a vow, Peristeria made (this mosaic).” 87 ICG 3320 (IG X 2,2.753; I.Chr. Macédoine 275; I.Stobi 266; AD 480–500): Ὑπὲρ εὐ̲[χῆς αὐ]|τῆς Ματ[ρώνα] | ἡ εὐλαβ[εστά]|τη διάκ[ονος] || τὴν ἐξ[έδραν] | ἐψήφω̣ [σεν]. “As her vow, Matrona(?), the most devout deaconess, made the mosaic in the exedra.” For the

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

301

Figure 45 ICG 3354 (I.Stobi 303): dedication of Bishop Philippos reproduced from I.Stobi, p. 141; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

donor who might have participated in the restoration of the basilica is the unidentified, forty-year-old man who was buried in a large vaulted tomb (2.03  ×  0.71  ×  1.2 m) at the eastern end of the southern aisle.88 Whether he was Bishop Philippos himself, as Wiseman once proposed,89 cannot be confirmed with certainty as no commemorative plaque was ever found.90 The actual archaeological context, see Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1972,” 397–98 (with p. 422, fig. 31). 88 For a detailed description of the vaulted tomb (referred to as the “crypt” in excavation reports) and of the well-preserved skeleton found therein, see Wiseman, “Stobi,” 421–24. On the basis of a small bronze plaque found in the nave in-between the mortar surface of the first phase of basilica II and the underpinning of the second phase of basilica I, Wiseman identified another possible donor, a certain Aulus Numisius Romanus, whom, he suggested, might have been the tabularius annualis of Stobi who was involved in the “remodelling or repair of some part of the Episcopal Basilica [II] during its first phase” (ibid., 419). Wiseman’s reading of the abbreviated Latin text is, however, highly conjectural and rather implausible. The proposed syntactical order of the first line would be unusual (as he himself admits), the name of the male dedicant very uncertain, and his function is simply unattested in literary and documentary sources. See ICG 3352 (IG X 2,2.802; I.Stobi 301; AD 450–530): R(estituit)/R(enovavit) s(ua) i(mpensa) A(ulus) Num(isius?) | R(omanus) t(abularius)(?) an(nualis)(?) S(tobens)ium. “Aulus Numisius Romanus(?), tabularius annualis of the people of Stobi, restored (this) at his own expense” (Wiseman’s trans.). Equally improbable is Mikulčić’s suggestion that the plate was fixed to a wooden reliquary and recorded a dedication “To the one that came from Asia” (Asianum transitum). See Mikulčić, Stobi, 119. 89 Cf. Wiseman, “Stobi,” 421–23; id., “Early Churches,” 801 (with n. 23). 90 The “placement of the tomb, the decorative arrangement of the mosaic, the alteration of the stylobates, and the plan of the new presbyterium,” which “were all elements in a single design,” do strongly suggest that the tomb was purposefully built at the same time as the basilica itself for the very person responsible for its construction. See Wiseman, “Stobi,” 423.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

302

Chapter 7

location of his burial, the fragments of the woven shroud in which he was enve­loped, and the pointed leather shoes he wore nonetheless indicate that he was a prominent figure. Not much is known of the Matrona and Peristeria who sponsored the mosaics of the southern aisle either. Given the rarity of the latter name in Macedonia and beyond,91 its appearance (along with seven other names) on a mosaic panel in the triclinium of a nearby fifth-century villa raises the possibility that the donor of the basilica mosaic might have been a member of the wealthy family who lived in a spacious residence occupying a single insula slightly northeast of the basilica, between the viae principalis superior and inferior.92 Whether she was the actual owner of the villa is impossible to say, however. Nothing suggests that she was more prominent than the seven other persons mentioned in the medallion (including another Peristeria who might have been a daughter or granddaughter),93 or than the six people commemorated on another panel of the same mosaic floor.94 What is sure is that Peristeria and her entourage had a taste for opulent mosaics (and sculptures), as the entire triclinium was covered with elaborate and colorful depictions of various fish and wild animals, including, once again, two deer standing next to a large cantharus.95 2.3 Basilicas along the via sacra Running further to the northeast, away from the episcopal basilica and past the “house of Peristeria,” the via principalis inferior leads to one of the most intriguing blocks at Stobi where no fewer than three ecclesiastical buildings of similar size have been unearthed, next to each other, on the eastern side of the street: the so-called “Central Basilica” (also known as the “Synagogue Basilica”), the “Civil Basilica,” and the “North Basilica.” None of them was built 91 Cf. LGPN, s.v. 92 ICG 3350 (IG X 2,2.756; I.Chr. Macédoine 279; I.Stobi 299; AD IV–V): Ῥουφῖνος, Περιστερία, | Περπέτουα, Πρωτάσις, | Ἐλπίδις, Ἰωάννης, | Αὐρηλλιανός, Περιστερία. “Rufinus, Peristeria, Perpetua, Protasios, Elpidios, Ioannes, Aurelianus, Peristeria.” The mosaics of the house of Peristeria appear to date from the same period as the mosaic panel in the southern aisle of the episcopal basilica. See Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 803; Kolarik, “House of Peristeria,” 270. 93 Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 802–3; Kolarik, “House of Peristeria,” 270. 94 ICG 3351 (IG X 2,2.757; I.Chr. Macédoine 280; I.Stobi 300; AD IV–V): [–]ι̣ος ⁝ Σισινία, | [– Γεώρ]γις, | [–]σις, | [– Πρω]τάσις ⁝ Ἐλπιδία, || [–]ς ⁝ Περπέτουα. “…ios(?), Sisenia, Georgis(?), …sis, Protasios(?), Elpidia, …(?), Perpetua.” 95 Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 399. For a general overview of the complex, see Sokolovska, “House of Peristerias.” On the mosaics, see Kolarik, “House of Peristeria” (with excellent photos).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

303

or decorated on a scale or style as majestic as the episcopal basilica,96 but their relatively contemporaneous construction in the fifth century on a narrow block of land is particularly striking. Naturally, it raises questions as to the purpose and function of each building, their relation to each other and to the episcopal basilica, and the nature of the Christian religious landscape in late antique Stobi. Unfortunately, the lack of precise and reliable archaeological data seriously impedes any attempt to reconstruct chronologically the monumental development of this area. Much of the original documentation produced by the first excavators in the 1930s has been lost, and hardly any epigraphical material has been recovered in situ.97 Though identified as a church, the “Civil Basilica” has only been partially excavated and has been “‘conserved’ in such a way as to make any later study of the building impossible,” while the “North Basilica” was only partially investigated in 1937, 1955, and 1959.98 Of all three, it is only the “Central Basilica” (or “Synagogue Basilica”), which was first examined in 1931–1932, that has been the most intensely studied throughout the 1960s and 1970s.99 The structure furthest north—hence the “North Basilica”—was built on a modest scale in apparently five different phases, although an absolute chronology cannot be determined.100 At its earliest stage, which could date from the late fourth century, it may have consisted of a single-aisled rectangular structure that was subsequently extended to the three-aisled pattern that is now visible. Later in the early fifth century, various annexes were added along with a colonnaded atrium, which gave access to the via principalis inferior. In the last two phases, which are approximately dated between the middle of the fifth century and the beginning of the sixth century, the floor levels and water channels were all raised and a baptistery was built in a quatrefoil annex on the northern side.101 Undoubtedly, the basilica’s main originality lies in this unusually narrow, cruciform baptistery, which featured six porphyry columns

96

The length from apse to narthex ranges between twenty-six and thirty meters. See Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. 97 On this issue, see Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 10. Although now dated, Snively’s study of the North and Central Basilicas still remains particularly useful. See ibid., 20–83. 98 Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 296. Cf. ead., “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 20–21. 99 Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 48–49. 100 For a detailed discussion, see Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 36–38; ead., “Episcopal Basilica,” 296; ead., “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. Cf. Mikulčić, Stobi, 139–41. On the chronology of the various phases, which are difficult to establish with certainty, see Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 38–40. 101 Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 26–28, 40. Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 801.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

304

Chapter 7

that likely supported a baldachin and which, given its size, may have been mostly used for infant baptism.102 Immediately south of the “North Basilica” lies a somewhat similar, threeaisled apsidal structure commonly labeled as the “Civil Basilica.”103 When exactly it was built, and whether it was built before or after the other two ecclesiastical structures adjacent to it, will probably never be determined, although all three buildings seem to have coexisted in the fifth century at least.104 Its actual function has likewise remained somewhat enigmatic until 2005 when it was definitely identified as a church,105 which was later converted into some kind of residence to house presbyters or monks possibly.106 Officiants, however, are more likely to have resided in the large villa immediately south of the “Central Basilica” (or “Synagogue Basilica”), which could be accessed via a staircase in the atrium.107 Either referred as the “house of Polycharmos”—the “father of the synagogue in Stobi” identified in a famous dedicatory inscription dated to the late second or early third century108—or as the “house of Psalms” (because of the symbolic representation of Ps 41 LXX on the mosaic floor of the apsidal dining hall), this villa used to be attached to a synagogue to the north (itself built in two stages 102 Wiseman (“Early Churches,” 801) opines that the neophyte could have simply stood in the piscina, whilst water was being poured over his/her head. However, it is hard to see how an adult neophyte could have comfortably stepped into the piscina in the first place. 103 Partial excavations took place in 1955–1956, 2001, and 2004–2005. See Mano-Zissi, “Stratigraphic Problems,” 191–96; Ivanovski, “Civil Basilica.” Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 801–2; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. 104 Snively, “Episcopal Basilica,” 296. On the absence of excavation material and documentation, which renders the issue of dating extremely difficult to resolve, see esp. ead., “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 10, 249–52. 105 See Ivanovski, “Civil Basilica.” Cf. Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 801–2; Snively, “Early Chris­ tian Period,” 1357–76; ead., “Episcopal Basilica,” 296; ead., “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 249–52. 106 Mano-Zissi, “Stratigraphic Problems,” 193; Ivanovski, “Civil Basilica,” 113. 107 The entrance of the former synagogue from the via principalis inferior seems to have been blocked when it was converted into an ecclesiastical residence. Access to the villa was then only possible through the atrium of the basilica. For a detailed archaeological analysis, see Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 48–83. Cf. Mikulčić, Stobi, 135–37. 108 See IG X 2,2.739 and 740 (I.Stobi 19 and 20) and the rich bibliography therein. Four other dipinti commemorating Polycharmos’s donation of the synagogue (IG X 2,2.741–745; I.Stobi 21–24) were found on fresco fragments in 1970, along with two other dedications by Alexandros and Posidonia (IG X 2,2.748–749; I.Stobi 25–26) and a menorah graffito. Cf. Wiseman, “Jews at Stobi,” 330–35. On the archaeological context, see Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 406–11; id., “Stobi, 1971,” 408–9; id., “Stobi,” 296 (with fig. 31); Poehlman, “Polycharmos Inscription and Synagogue”; Wiseman, “Jews at Stobi”; Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 50.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

305

Figure 46 “North Basilica,” Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Figure 47 Baptistery of the “North Basilica,” Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

306

Chapter 7

in the second and fourth centuries), before it was acquired by the church and converted into a house to accommodate ecclesiastics (presumably)—what Wiseman identifies as the “rectory.”109 The mosaic floor in the dining hall (with its typical deer-cantharus motif), and especially its stylistic resemblance with that in the baptistery of the episcopal basilica, together with other architectural features and numismatic evidence all indicate that this radical conversion took place in the second half of the fifth century, by which time the Jewish community had apparently altogether disappeared from Stobi.110 Indeed, no sign of its existence seems to be found in the archaeological or epigraphic record after the fourth century,111 apart from a bronze seal featuring a menorah, which was probably found either in the sewer of Polycharmos’s villa or in the house of Peristeria before 1942.112 Whatever happened to the Jewish community remains a mystery. It may have been forcefully expelled from the city, or it may have moved elsewhere out of its own initiative, if it did not convert en masse to Christianity or simply dwindled away naturally.113 This said, the fact that Polycharmos’s column with its long Greek inscription was kept in the atrium of the “Central Basilica” (or “Synagogue Basilica”) suggests that there had been no systematic attempt to blot out the memory of the local Jewish community114—the excavators certainly did not observe any trace of violent acts of destruction against the synagogue.115 Whatever the case may have been, the “Central Basilica” does not seem to have ever sat comfortably in its location (despite a later restoration phase), being squeezed out between the “house of Psalms” to the south, the “Civil Basilica” to the north, and the via principalis inferior to the west. This explains its unusually long and narrow shape and various other architectural peculiarities, such as the absence of north or south annexes and an atrium that is out of 109 See the excavation reports in Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 406–11; id., “Stobi, 1971,” 408–11; Wiseman, “Stobi,” 392–95. Cf. Mikulčić, Stobi, 83–88. 110 Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 801; Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 66–70; ead., “Episcopal Basilica,” 296; ead., “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. 111 The only other inscriptions found in the vicinity of the synagogue are dated to the second or third century. See I.Stobi 21–24, 26 (ex-votos) and 25 (building dedication). Cf. Wiseman, “Jews at Stobi.” 112 IG X 2,2.801 (I.Stobi 297; AD IV–V). Cf. Wiseman, “Jews at Stobi,” 335–37. 113 Snively (“Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 72) remains uncertain about the actual reasons and the exact date for the conversion of the synagogue. She is unwilling to attribute the destruction of the synagogue and the construction of the basilica to Theodosius I who visited the city in AD 388. 114 The main question remains whether the column had been taken from elsewhere in the synagogue (so Wiseman and Mano-Zissi), or whether it was left in its original position before being reused in the new basilica. See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 407; Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 50. 115 Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1357–76. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

307

Figure 48 “House of Psalms,” Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Figure 49 “House of Psalms,” Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

308

Chapter 7

Figure 50 “Central Basilica,” Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

alignment with the nave’s axis.116 But more importantly, its construction above two earlier synagogal structures and its elevated apse mean that it would have dominated the monumental landscape in the northern part of the city. Along with the small cruciform reliquary crypt discovered right underneath the altar,117 this suggests that the “Central Basilica” (or “Synagogue Basilica”) would have been a church of relative significance for the community. Overall, the construction of these three churches next to each other in the fifth century remains deeply puzzling. One wonders whether the North and Central Basilicas might not have accommodated different theological factions or might not have been used temporarily as the episcopal basilica was being dismantled and rebuilt in the second half of the fifth century.118 What is certain is that late antique Stobi hosted a large and vibrant Christian community. Indeed, together with the small fifth- or sixth-century extra muros basilica located right outside the porta Heraclea,119 the cemetery basilica built a fur116 For details, see Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 51–70. Cf. White, Christian Archi­ tecture, 343–52. 117 Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi,” 294–95 (with fig. 29). 118 Cf. Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 297–99. 119 The church seems to have been built in the fifth century initially and renovated in the sixth century, during which a baptistery was also added. Its nave and presbyterium were

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

309

ther 250 meters to the west,120 and the sixth-century Palikura basilica found a further two kilometers in the same direction (near the village of Palikura),121 Stobi counted no fewer than seven churches (and three baptisteries), which is just about as many as Philippi, Amphipolis, Parthicopolis, and Thessalonica. 2.4 Christian Funerary Epigraphy For the most part, the local Christian inscriptions originate from the western necropolis and the late-fifth-century cemetery basilica located about 250 meters to the southwest of the porta Heraclea.122 Built over a number of existing tombs, it features a large hypogeum with three arcosolia, together with several vaulted chambers and cist tombs embedded in the floor of the nave, aisles, narthex, and annexes.123 Thought to have been reserved for the local Christian elites and members of the clergy, the cemetery basilica (just as the western necropolis) has surprisingly delivered few inscriptions confirming this assumption.124 Approximately dated to the fifth or sixth century, the majority indeed consists of banal epitaphs in terms of outlook and content, and sometimes without too much historical value.125 The tombstones of Zopyros,126 Ingenua,127 decorated with typical sixth-century mosaics and opus sectile. See Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1374–75. 120 See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 403–4; Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 182–215; Mikulčić, Stobi, 145–47. Cf. Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1372; ead., “Cemetery Churches,” 122. 121 The simple, three-aisled church may have been attached to a monastery and had lodgings to accommodate presumably travelers on the road between Stobi and Heraclea. See Hald, Auf den Trümmern Stobis, 29–41; Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 217–56; Mikulčić, Stobi, 147. Cf. id., “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 233; Wiseman, “Early Churches,” 802; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1372–73. 122 See Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1970,” 403–4. On the excavations of the Roman western cemetery, see Wiseman and Mano-Zissi, “Stobi, 1971,” 413–17. Cf. Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1372. 123 Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 182–215. Cf. ead., “Early Christian Period,” 1372. 124 See Snively, “Cemetery Churches,” 124. 125 E.g., ICG 3344 (IG X 2,2.772; I.Stobi 291; AD V–VI): Μνῆ+[μα] | A[–] + [–] (“Tomb of …”), and 3345 (I.Stobi 292; AD IV–VI): ✝ | Y. The latter stele only features a large Latin cross at its center and what looks like a tall upsilon underneath it, but letters appear to have been inscribed sideways vertically to the left, before being erased. 126 ICG 3324 (IG X 2,2.774; I.Stobi 271; AD V–VI): + Ἐνθ|άδε κῖτε | Ζώπυρ̣ο̣ς. “Here lies Zopyros.” The column fragment was found reused in the “Central Basilica” (or “Synagogue Basilica”), though without any indication that Zopyros might have been buried therein. Cf. Snively, “Christian Basilicas of Stobi,” 60. 127 ICG 3328 (IG X 2,2.768; I.Stobi 275; AD V–VI): + Ἐνθάδε κα|τάκιτε Ἰν|γένουα. “Here lies Ingenua.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

310

Chapter 7

Figure 51 Extra muros basilica, Stobi photo by J.M. Ogereau; Courtesy of National Institution Stobi

Alexandros,128 or Fadios,129 for example, simply feature a cross and begin with the common formula ἐνθάδε κῖτε, or the term μνημεῖον/μνῆμα, followed by the name of the deceased in the genitive. Surprisingly, the term κοιμητήριον, which is so frequently employed throughout Macedonia, is attested only once.130 The occupation of the defunct is only occasionally mentioned, as on the tombstones of the builder (οἰκοδόμος) Heron,131 or of the sheath-maker (vaginarius) Demetrios.132 Unlike at Thessalonica or Edessa, military or administrative imperial personnel is hardly represented apart from the eparchikos Basilios,133

128 ICG 3332 (IG X 2,2.775; I.Stobi 279; AD V): ✝ Μνημῖ|ων Ἀλεξά|νδρου {ΔI}. “Tomb of Alexandros.” 129 ICG 3334 (IG X 2,2.761; I.Stobi 281; AD V–VI): ✝ Μνῆμα | Φαδίου. “Tomb of Fadios.” 130 ICG 3333 (IG X 2,2.782; I.Stobi 280; AD V–VI): ✝ Εὐ|αγόρ|ο|υ κυ||μη{ι}τ(ί)ρι|ον τοῦ | εὐλαβ|εσ{σ}τάτο|[υ –]. “Tomb of Euagoros, the most pious  …” Εὐαγόρου is actually carved inside the cross. 131 ICG 3336 (IG X 2,2.764; I.Stobi 284; AD V–VI): hedera + hedera Μημόριον | Ἥρωνος οἰ|κοδόμου, ἔν|[θα κ]ῖτε Ῥιψίμ(η). “Tomb of Heron, a builder. Here lies Ripsime.” 132 ICG 3341 (IG X 2,2.783; I.Stobi 288; AD V–VI): + Δημητρί(ου) | βαγινα|ρίο̣υ̣ Λ̣ Α̣ Μ̣ | [–]. “Tomb of Demetrios, a vaginarius.” 133 ICG 3338 (IG X 2,2.771; I.Stobi 283; AD V–VI): Βασιλί|ου ἐπ|αρχικοῦ hedera. “Tomb of Basilios, eparchikos.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

311

the bookkeeper (actuarius) Isidoros,134 and the “chief physician” (ἀρχιατρός) Euandrios, who may have served as an official doctor.135 Epithets expressing piety are used very sparingly and appear only on the epitaphs of Sousanna, who is said to be of “blessed memory” (τὴν μακαρίαν μνήμην),136 of the “most reverent” (εὐλαβέστατος) Euagoros,137 and of the “most God-loving” (θεοφιλέστατος) archdeacon Zopyros, whose stele ends with an unusual acclamation to the holiness of God (Ἅγιος ὁ Θεός).138 Zopyros is likely to be the only cleric mentioned in the local funerary inscriptions, bringing the number of epigraphically attested ecclesiastics to four, which is rather puzzling considering the number of churches in Stobi.139 Tombstone decorations are also rather scarce and simple, being mostly limited to a single, more or less crudely engraved Greek or Maltese cross at the top,140 which can occasionally 134 ICG 3335 (IG X 2,2.776; I.Stobi 282; AE 2012, no. 1352; BE 2016, no. 588; AD V–VI): + Μνημῖον | ἔνθα κῖται | τὸ παιδίον | Κιττζα θυ||γάτριον Ἰσι|δόρ[ο]υ ἀκτ̣ου|αρίου̣ +. “Tomb where the child Kittza lies, the little daughter of Isidoros, the actuarius.” 135 ICG 3329 (IG X 2,2.769; I.Stobi 276; AD V–VI): ✝ Ἐνθάδε ✝ | κῖτε Εὐάν|δριος ὁ ἀρ|χιητρὸς | καὶ Νικιανή ✝. “Here lie Euandrios, the chief physician, and Nikiane.” On archiatroi, see Samama, Les médecins, 42–45. 136 ICG 3327 (IG X 2,2.763; I.Stobi 274; cf. AE 2012, no. 1344; AD V–VI): + Ἐνθά|δε κῖτε | ἱ τὴν μα|καρίαν || μνή[μ]ην | Σούσα[ν|ν]α̣ –. “Here lies Sousanna of blessed memory …” The expression ὁ/ἡ τὴν μακαρίαν μνήμην appears on two other inscriptions, including the following discovered more recently. See ICG 4534 (IG X 2,2.787; AD V–VI): Χ Μ [Γ | ✝ κ]οιμη̣[τήρ(ιον) | ἔν]θα κατά[κι|τε] ὁ τὴν μ[α||5κ]αρίαν μνήν | Τ[– –]ΙΛΝ | [– –]MAΡ | Π̣ A Ι[– –] | ἀνεπαύσ(ατο) μη(νὶ) ||10 Σεπτεμβρ(ίῳ) | [.]Iʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος). “Christ born of Mary(?). Tomb. Here lies the blessedly remembered T…(?) … He rested in the month of September in the …th indictio.” See also ICG 3342 (IG X 2,2.784; I.Stobi 289; AD V–VI): [– | –] Ἀνθ̣η̣|μίωλος ὁ τὴ|ν μακαρ(ίαν) μ|νήμην ἀν||απαυσάμ(ενος) | μη(νὶ) Ἰουν(ί)ο(υ) ιςʹ | ἰνδ(ι κ̣ τίωνος) ιαʹ | [–]. “… Anthemiolos of blessed memory who was laid to rest on 16 June, in the 11th indictio” (cf. AE 2012, no. 1357). 137 See ICG 3333 (I.Stobi 280) in n. 131. 138 ICG 3325 (IG X 2,2.760; I.Chr. Macédoine 281; I.Stobi 272; AD V–VI): α ✝ ω | ἐνθάδ̣[ε] | κῖτε ὁ θ[ε]|οφιλ(έστατος) Ζ[ώ]||πυρος | ἀρχιδ(ιάκονος)· | ἅγ(ιος) ὡ Θ(εό)ς. “Here lies the most God-loving Zopyros, the chief deacon. God is holy!” 139 See above in nn. 52 and 81 the dedications by the bishops Eustathios and Philippos (ICG 3349 and 3354; I.Stobi 298 and 303) and by the deaconess Matrona (ICG 3320; I.Chr. Macédoine 275). The letters ΠΡ featuring at the end of a broken slab found in the cemetery basilica are unlikely to have been meant as an abbreviation for πρεσβύτερος (ICG 3343; IG X 2,2.762; I.Stobi 290; AD V–VI). Feissel (BE 2016, no. 588) suggests restoring instead: [– μη(νὶ)] Μαΐῳ | [– ὑπ(ατείᾳ)] Ἰουστινιανοῦ | [– τοῦ με]γαλοπρ(επεστάτου) “… in the month of May … under the consulship of Justinian … of the magnificentissimus.” 140 ICG 3326 (IG X 2,2.780; I.Stobi 273; AE 2012, no. 1343; SEG 62.447; AD V–VI): [Ἐ]ντάδε χῖτ[ε | Ἀλε|ξά]✝νδ|ρα | καὶ || Νικ|ώλις. “Here lie Alexandra and Nikolis.” The name Ἀλεξάνδρα is carved on both sides of a large Latin cross.—ICG 3331 (IG X 2,2.781; I.Stobi 278; AD V–VI): Ἐν+ταῦ|θα κῖ|τε Εὐστα|θία καὶ Σε|(υ)ῆρα. “Here lie Eustathia and Severa.” See also ICG 3332 and 3334 (I.Stobi 279 and 281). Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

312

Chapter 7

be flanked by ivy leaves,141 rosettes,142 or the letters alpha and omega.143 The multiplication of crosses on the same stone is rarely observed,144 as is the use of the Christogram.145 The originality of the Christian epitaphs from Stobi obviously lies elsewhere, namely, in its onomastics that reflects the cultural and ethnic diversity of the city.146 While traditional Greek names such as Ἀλέξανδρος/Ἀλεξάνδρα,147 Ἥρων,148 Δημήτριος,149 Κλεόπατρος,150 Τύχη,151 and Latin names such as Victoria (Βικτωρία),152 Severa (Σευῆρα),153 and Ingenua (Ἰνγένουα)154 are rather well represented, a number of names, which are seldom attested in the region (and beyond), are also found. These include Νικώλις,155 Νικιανή,156 Εὐάγορος,157 and Φάδιος,158 names of Thracian origin such as Κιττζα or Μουτοῖος(?),159 and some of the names commemorated on the two mosaic panels from the house of Peristeria (e.g., Περιστερία, Πρωτάσις, Περπέτουα, Ἐλπίδις, Ἐλπιδία), which are “either rare or appear to be used exclusively in Stobi.”160 Just as the other Macedonian Christian communities, the church in Stobi must have therefore

141 See ICG 3336 (I.Stobi 284) in n. 131. 142 ICG 3337 (IG X 2,2.765; I.Stobi 285; AD V–VI): (rosette) + (rosette) Μημόρι|ον Κλε|[οπά]τ̣ρου || [κὲ τ]ῆς γυ̣|[νεκ]ὸς α[ὐ|τοῦ] Δι̣[–]. “Tomb of Kleopatros and his wife Di …(?)”—ICG 3346 (IG X 2,2.773; I.Stobi 293; AD V–VI): CΝΙLΙΕΑ (rosette) ✝ (rosette) K[–]NI. 143 ICG 3325 (I.Chr. Macédoine 281; I.Stobi 272; AD V–VI). 144 E.g. ICG 3330 (IG X 2,2.770; I.Stobi 277; AD V–VI): + Ἠθάδε κῖτ|ε {ἡ} Βικτωρ(ί)α | + καὶ Τύχ(η) +. “Here lie Victoria and Tyche.” Cf. ICG 3329 (I.Stobi 276). 145 ICG 3339 (IG X 2,2.766; I.Stobi 286; AD V–VI): Α ⳨ [Ꞷ] Ἐνθάδε | κεῖτε | Μαρκιαν|[ή –]. “Here lies Markiane …” 146 Cf. Babamova, “Stobi,” 279–80. 147 ICG 3326, 3332 (I.Stobi 273, 279). 148 ICG 3336 (I.Stobi 284). 149 ICG 3341 (I.Stobi 288). 150 ICG 3337 (I.Stobi 285). 151 ICG 3330 (I.Stobi 277). 152 ICG 3330 (I.Stobi 277). 153 ICG 3331 (I.Stobi 278). 154 ICG 3328 (I.Stobi 275). 155 ICG 3326 (I.Stobi 273). 156 ICG 3329 (I.Stobi 276). 157 ICG 3333 (I.Stobi 280). 158 ICG 3334 (I.Stobi 281). 159 ICG 3340 (IG X 2,2.767; I.Stobi 287; AD V–VI): Μημό|ριον | MOVT. “Tomb of Mout…(?).” The deceased’s name could either be Μούτατος or Μούτιος, a name found in Argolis and Achaia (cf. LGPN 3A:307), Μούτων, which is attested in Thessalia (cf. LGPN 3B:294), or, perhaps more likely, Μουτοῖος, which is observed in Thracia (cf. LGPN 4:243). All of these are very rare in inscriptions. On the Thracian name Κιττζα in ICG 3335 (I.Stobi 282), see AE 2012, no. 1352. 160 Babamova, “Stobi,” 279. See ICG 3350–3351 (I.Stobi 299–300). Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

313

reached well beyond its local indigenous context and would have looked rather cosmopolitan. 3

Heraclea Lyncestis

Possibly founded under Philip V, Heraclea (modern Bitola) held a commanding position as one of the principal cities in the Lyncestis plain and a major station on the via Egnatia, from which a separate road branched out in the direction of Stobi.161 As a result, it attracted numerous Roman and Italian negotiatores in the late Republican era and prospered in the early imperial era (before suffering under the Goths in the 470s–480s).162 Just as Stobi, it is not clear when Christianity first reached Heraclea, but it is unlikely to have taken centuries given its easy accessibility. At first glance, it looks as though Christianity had a much lower impact at Heraclea, as the local Christian inscriptions amount to about a fourth of the tally from Stobi. Apart from an inscribed Corinthian capital found in basilica A (also known as the “Small Basilica”) and a building inscription from Justinian’s reign,163 they primarily consist of epitaphs whose origin and whereabouts are usually not known.164 Unlike those from Stobi, however, they are much richer in theological overtones. Amongst the most remarkable are two that express the deceased’s eschatological aspirations, namely, their expectation of the parousia (the only such reference in Macedonia)165 and hope in the resurrection of the saints (the last of four explicit attestations of the belief in the region). The first one was set up for a lector and archivist (χαρτουλάριος) named Basileios, who “fell asleep in the Lord” (ἀναπαυσάμενος ἐν Κυρίῳ) to await “with all the world the parousia” (ἀναμένων σὺν παντὶ τῷ κόσμῳ τὴν παρουσίαν),166 161 Mikulčić, Heraclea Lyncestis, 31–37. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 259–60. 162 See esp. the episode related in Malchus’s historical fragments (frag. 18, ll. 45–120 [Cresci]; frag. 20, ll. 35–105 [Blockley]). Cf. Mikulčić, Heraclea Lyncestis, 37–43, 87–89; Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 262–66; Snively, “Macedonia in Late Antiquity,” 556. 163 See ICG 3301 (I.Chr. Macédoine 266) and 3697 (IG X 2,2.149) in nn. 182 and 184 below. 164 None of them appears to have been found in situ in a necropolis or near the extra muros cemetery basilica (D). For a brief survey of these inscriptions, see Popović, Christianisme, 118–21. 165 Outside Macedonia, see ICG 2972 (IG IV² 3.1615; Corinth, AD IV–V), 4013 (I.Ancyra 2.347; AD VI). 166 ICG 3305 (I.Chr. Macédoine 269; IG X 2,2.151; AD V–VI): + Ἐνθάδε κῖτε Βασίλη̣ος | ὁ τὴν εὐλαβῆ μνήμ(ην), γε|νά⟨μ⟩(ενος) ἀναγ⟨ν⟩(ώστης) κ(αὶ) χαρτουλά|ρ(ιος), ἀναπαυσάμεν(ος) ἐν Κ(υρί)ῳ || μη(νὶ) Αὐ⟨γ⟩ούστ(ου) ιαʹ ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) θʹ, ἀνα|μέν(ων) σὺν παντὶ τῷ κόσ[μῳ τὴν] | παρουσ[ί]α[ν· ἀ]μήν +. “Here lies Basileios of pious memory, who was a reader and chartularius (i.e., archivist), who fell asleep in the Lord on the 11th of the month of August, Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

314

Chapter 7

a theme that features prominently in 1 Thessalonians.167 The second, a metrical epitaph whose formulation is even more original, commemorates a certain Epiphanios who “reverently departed this earthly life to wait with everybody for the resurrection” (τὸν τῇδε μεταστὰς βίον σὺν πᾶσιν μένι τὴν ἀνάστασιν).168 What is particularly unusual with the latter is how he is said to have been crowned by the “seats of presbyters” (καθέδραι πρεσβυτέρων), which evokes the image of Epiphanios being seated at the center of the synthronon and suggests that he was a bishop.169 Also unusual is how Epiphanios’s death is described as a μετάστασις (i.e., a departure, transformation), a rare expression that is observed in another epitaph for the soldier Spourkion, who, after a “temporary existence” (τὸν τῆς ζωῆς πρόσκαιρον χρόνον), “departed this earthly life reverently” (σεμνὸς δὲ μεταστὰς τὸν ἐντεῦθεν βίον).170 More remarkable still is the final prayer addressed to Christ to give Spourkion eternal rest “through the prayers of the saints” (Χριστέ, ἀνάπαυσον εὐχαῖς τῶν ἁγίων), which echoes a comparable prayer engraved on the tombstone of the comes and ducenarius Benenatos (Χριστέ, προσδεξάμενος ἀνάπαυσον μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων σου).171 Another very fragmented (now lost) epitaph for a psalmist seems to have featured a similar invocation to the “holy apostles and martyrs” (οἱ ἅγιοι ἀπόστολοι καὶ μάρτυρες), who are petitioned to welcome the deceased into their midst and to escort him to the “Savior Christ” (Σωτῆρι Χριστῷ), so that his soul may be granted rest.172 Similarly, two epitaph fragments, which could well in the 9th indictio, [and] who awaits with all the world the parousia. Amen.” For another Christian chartularius, see I.Chr. Crete 6. It is not clear whether Basileios worked as archivist for the church or for a public office, as was common. 167 1 Thess 2:19; 3:13; 4:15; 5:23. Cf. 1 Cor 15:23. 168 ICG 4140 (BE 2009, no. 603; AD V–VI): + Ὁμώνυμος μὲν | τῆς ἐπιφανίης Χ(ριστο)ῦ | πρεσβ(υτέρων) δ᾽ ἐστεμμένος καθέ|δρες, σεμνοὺς τὸν τῇδε με||τ̣αστὰς βίον σὺν πᾶσιν μένι | τὴν ἀνάστασιν ⟨+⟩. “He who has the same name as the epiphany of Christ (i.e., Epiphanios), whom the seats of the presbyters crowned, and who reverently departed this earthly life, waits with everybody for the resurrection.” See figure 53. 169 Feissel, BE 2009, no. 603. 170 ICG 3304 (IG X 2,2.150; I.Chr. Macédoine 268; AD V–VI): + Ἐ̲ ν̲θ̲ά̲δ̲ε̲ κ̲ ῖ ̲τ̲ε̲ Σ̲ π̲ο̲υ̲ρ̲κ̲ί ̲|ω̲ ν̲ σ̲ τρ̲ ̲α̲τι̲ ̲ώ̲ (της) κ̲ α̲λ̲ῶ̲ς̲ π̲ ορ̲ ̲ευ̲ ̲|θὶς τὸν τ̣ῆ̣ς ̣ ζ̲ω̲ῆ̲ ς ̲ π̲ ρ̲ό̲σ̲κ̲ερ̲ ̲ο̲(ν) | χρόνον, σεμνὸς δὲ μεταστὰς τ̣ὸ̣(ν) || ἐντεῦθεν βίον ἰνδ(ικτίωνος) γιʹ μη(νὶ) Ἰουλίου | κθʹ ἡμ(έρᾳ) εʹ· ὃν προσδεξάμενος, | Χ(ριστ)έ, ἀνάπαυσον εὐχε͂ς τῶ(ν) | ἁγίων · ϙ θ · +. “Here lies Spourkion, a soldier, who walked well the momentary period of his life and departed reverently this earthly existence on Thursday, 29 July, in the 13th indictio. Welcome him and give him rest, O Christ, by means of the prayers of the saints. 99 (i.e., Amen).” Note: by isopsephism, the word ἀμήν equates to 99 (i.e., Α Μ Η Ν: 1 + 40 + 8 + 50 = 99). 171 ICG 3303 (I.Chr. Macédoine 267) in n. 177 below. Cf. the prayer on the tombstone of the presbyter Kyprianos at Edessa (ICG 3022; I.Chr. Macédoine 15). 172 ICG 3306 (I.Chr. Macédoine 270; IG X 2,2.153; AD V–VI): [μη(νὶ) Ν]οεμβρί̣ [ῳ ․․ ἡμ(έρᾳ) Π]αρασκευῇ | [ἀνεπα]ύσατο c[–]ΚΑΡΚꞶc | [․․․ γ]ενάμ(ενος) ψ[άλτ]ης· ὃν | [προσδ]εξάμε[νοι, οἱ] ἅγιοι ἀπ[όσ||το]λ̣οι κ(αὶ) μά[ρτυρ]αις, προ|[πέμψα]ται τῷ δ̣[εσ]πότῃ | [ἡμῶν Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

315

Figure 52 Heraclea Lyncestis in late antiquity reproduced with permission from IG X 2,2, tab. LVIII

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

316

Chapter 7

Figure 53 ICG 4140 (BE 2009, no. 603): metrical epitaph for Bishop(?) Epiphanios photo by J.M. Ogereau

belong to the same inscription, appear to have recorded a funerary encomium for a bishop (ἀρχιερεύς) of “eternal memory” (ἀείμνηστος),173 who, if the two fragments do relate to each other, was remembered as a “nourisher of orphans” (ὀρφανῶν τροφεύς) and a “helper of widows” (χηρῶν ἀντιλήνπτωρ).174 Although it is generally understood that the early Christians looked after widows and orphans,175 the concern for these destitute members of the community is, surprisingly, hardly ever extolled as a virtue in Greek Christian inscriptions.176 At Heraclea, it is evoked once more in the epitaph of the comes

κ(αὶ)] Σ(ωτῆ)ρι Χ(ριστ)ῷ, πρ[εσβ]εύοντε[ς | ἀναπ]αῆναι τὴ[ν – ψ]υχὴ[ν | vac] αὐτοῦ [vac]. “… November … Friday … passed away … a psalmist. Welcome him, holy apostles and mar­tyrs, escort(?) him to [our Lord and] Savior Christ, interceding(?) that his soul may rest.” Feissel’s restoration of the two fragments is, on his own admission, highly conjectural. 173 ICG 3307 (I.Chr. Macédoine 271; IG X 2,2.154; AD V–VI): [– | ἐπ]ιχειρῶν ἐγκώμιο[ν – | ἀρ]χιερέως ἀειμνήστ[ου – | –]ων πρόκειται τοῦ φρά[σαι – | –]. “… who endeavors the encomium … of the bishop of eternal memory … let it be said(?).” 174 ICG 3308 (I.Chr. Macédoine 272; IG X 2,2.155; AD V–VI): [– | –] τὸν τῶν ἀγγέλω[ν βίον | –]θηπτο, πάσης ἀε[– | –]ναιος, ὀρφανῶ[ν τρο|φεύς, χηρῶ]ν ἀντιλήν[πτωρ || –]. “… the [life?] of the angels, … all, [nourisher] of orphans, helper of [widows] …” 175 See, e.g., Acts 6:1; 1 Tim 5:3–16; Jas 1:27; Ign. Pol. 4:1; 6:1. Cf. Back, Witwen, 89–290; Brey­ tenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia, 541–42. 176 The commemorations of Aurelios Domnillos from Neoclaudiopolis as “God-loving” (φιλόθεος) and “widow-loving” (φιλόχηρος, Studia Pontica III 72; AD III) and of Ancotia Irene Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

317

and ducenarius Benenatos who was verbosely lauded “as a pious man (ἀνὴρ θεοσεβής), an arbitrator of peace (βραβευτὴς εἰρίνης), a helper of widows (χηρῶν ἀντιλήμπτωρ), a foster of orphans (ὀρφανῶν τροφεύς), (and) a savior of the poor (πενήτων σωτηρία) who clothed those who were naked.”177 While we are accustomed to inscriptions commemorating patrons who financially participated in the construction and renovation of ecclesiastical buildings, the celebration of Benenatos’s philanthropic activities is altogether unique in Macedonia. As a high imperial official (ducenarius) among the agentes in rebus who was awarded the honorific distinctions of comes and clarissimus (cf. ὁ τὴν λαμπρὰν μνήμην), Benenatos must have been one of the local affluent Christian benefactors who took care of some of the social needs of the community. He may have also contributed to the erection of one of the four basilicas excavated at Heraclea (even though his epitaph fails to mention it), which clearly indicate that the local Christian community prospered in late antiquity.178 The smallest of these, basilica A, might well be the earliest (4th or 5th cent.?) judging from its untypical floor plan and unusually compact size with its apse measuring approximately thirteen meters long by twelve meters wide.179 It was divided into three large rooms of similar size: an exonarthex that was paved with mosaics, a narthex with a central piscina, and a partitioned three-aisled nave that was laid with grey and white opus sectile. Its modest dimensions (compared to the imposing episcopal basilica C right next to it) raise questions as to the function of the building and the size of the Christian community in the fourth and fifth centuries, which cannot have been insignificant since its bishop Evagrius attended the council of Serdica in AD 343.180 The (apparent) absence of an altar and the unusual position of the transversal walls (which would have impeded circulation between its main sections) also raise the

177

178

179 180

from Rome as “widow-loving” (φιλοχήρα, ICUR 5.12900, AD 150–225) are two exceptional examples. Cf. Felle, “Greek in the Early Christian Inscriptions,” 317–19. ICG 3303 (I.Chr. Macédoine 267; IG X 2,2.152; SEG 33.492; AD V–VI): Ἐ̲ νθάδε κῖτε ὁ τὴν λ̲ α̲μ̲π̲ ρ̲ὰ̲ν̲ μ̲ ν̲ή̲μ̲η̲ν̲ Β̲ [ε]|νενᾶτος, κόμ(ης) κ(αὶ) δουκιν̣ά̲ρ̲ι ̲ο̲ς,̲ γ̲ εν̲ ̲ά̲μ̲εν̲ ̲ο̲ς ̲ ἀ̲|νὴρ θεοσεβής, βραβευτ̣ὴ̲ς ̲ ε̲ἰ ̲ρ̲ί ̲ν̲η̲ς,̲ χ̲ η̲ρ̲ῶ̲ν̲ ἀ̲ν̲τι̲ ̲|λήμπτωρ, ὀρφανῶν τροφεύς, πενήτω||ν σωτηρία, γυμνῶν̲ σ̣̲κ̲επ ̲ ̲ α̲σ̲τή̲ ̲ ς,̲ ὅ̲ν̲, Χ̲ (ριστ)έ̲, π̲ ρ̲|ο̲σ̲δ̣ε̣ξά̣̣ μ̣ε̣ν̲ο̲ς ̲ ἀ̲ν̲ά̲π̲[αυσ]ο̲ν̲ μ̲ ετ̲ ὰ̲ ̲ τ̲ῶ̲ν̲ | ἁ̲γ̲ί ̲ω̲ ν̲ σ̲ ο̲υ̲· ἐ̲κ̲ο̲ι ̲μ̲ ή̲θ̲ι ̲ [μη(νὶ)] Σ̲ επ ̲ ̲ τε̲ μ̲ ̲ β̲ρ̲(ίῳ) εʹ ἰ ̲ν̲δ̲(ικτίωνος) [․․․]. “Here lies Benenatos of illustrious memory, a comes and ducenarius, who was a pious man, arbitrator of peace, helper of widows, foster of orphans, salvation of the poor, clothing those who were naked. Welcome him and give him rest, O Christ, with all your saints. He was laid to rest on 5 September, in the …th indictio.” These include three intra muros basilicas (A, C, E) and one extra muros basilica (D). See Mikulčić, “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 234–37; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1345–56 (and the rich Macedonian literature therein referenced). Cf. Djordjievska, “Early Christian Heraclea”; Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 87–103. See Mikulčić, Heraclea Lyncestis, 102–11; Džidrova, “Christianity at Heraclea Lyncestis,” 294–97; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1347–48. Mansi 3:42, 46. Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 264; Džidrova, “Christianity at Heraclea Lyncestis,” 297. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

318

Chapter 7

possibility that the building functioned as an independent baptistery in its earliest phase. In the sixth century, it may have then been transformed into a private chapel for the clergy officiating in the large basilica C or into the bishop’s meeting hall.181 This could explain the presence of an enigmatic, sixth-century monogram carved on one of its capitals, which may have recorded the name of (arch?)bishop Ioannes (or Pachomios).182 Alternatively, it may have born the name of a donor, or of one of the founders or restorers, of basilica A. One cannot be certain, however, as no resolution of the monogram imposes itself. Nor can a definite connection with the bishop Ioannes mentioned on another fragmentary building inscription be established either.183 Dated to the thirty-fifth year of Justinian’s reign (AD 561), the white marble Π-shaped architrave (8.46  ×   0.30 m), which was inscribed over three sides, commemorated the construction of a monumental fountain situated north of basilicas A and C, slightly to the south of the eastern entrance of the theater.184 Who actually offered the fountain to the city, whether it was the bishop himself or some other benefactor, is not at all clear as the passive voice is used (παρεσχέθη) and the bishop’s term of office seems to be mentioned for dating purposes only. For Denis Feissel, this could imply that Justinian granted the monument to the city upon the request of the bishop.185 Whatever the case may have been, there can be no doubt that, by Justinian’s time, Heraclea had become a major episcopal center in the Lyncestis region, as its bishops Quintillus and Benignus respectively attended the councils of Ephesus (AD 449), Chalcedon (AD 451), and Constantinople (AD 553), representing the archbishop of Thessalonica in the latter two.186 This is further confirmed by the imposing complex south of the theater, which comprises the large three-aisled basilica C (45  ×  24 m) and the episcopal residence immediately 181 Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1348. Cf. Mikulčić, Heraclea Lyncestis, 109–11. 182 ICG 3301 (I.Chr. Macédoine 266; IG X 2,2.157; AD VI). The monogram is composed of the letters Α, Ε, Π, c, Χ, with the ligature ΟΥ and Ꞷ above. Letters Β, Γ, Δ, Ι, Κ, Μ, Ν, and Τ could also be read. 183 Papazoglou (Les villes de Macédoine, 264 n. 57) and Feissel (BE 2000, no. 800) think the Ioannes of ICG 3301 (I.Chr. Macédoine 266) and 3697 (IG X 2,2.149) are one and the same person. 184 ICG 3697 (IG X 2,2.149; SEG 49.717; AD 561): (left) + βασιλεύοντ(ος) τοῦ εὐσεβ(εστάτου) ἡμῶ[ν δεσπότου Φλαβίου] || (front) Ἰουστινιανοῦ τὸ λ✝εʹ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν χρόνων Ἰωάννου vac τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου καὶ μακαριωτάτου ἐπι[σκόπο]υ παρεσχέθ̣η τὸ ὑδ- || (right) [ρεῖο]ν τῇ πόλει μηνεὶ Σεπτεμβρίῳ [–ῃ κα]ὶ δεκάτῃ ἰνδικτίονι δεκάτῃ. “In the 35th year of the reign of our most pious [Lord Flavius] Justinian, and in the times of the holiest and most blessed bishop Ioannes, was this fountain offered to the city in the month of September, on the 1…th day, in the tenth indictio.” 185 Feissel, BE 2000, no. 800. 186 See Honigmann, “Original Lists,” 34 (ll. 12–13) and 50 (l. 8). Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 264, 266. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

319

figure 54 “Small basilica” (A), Heraclea Lyncestis PHOTO BY J.M. OGEREAU

west of it, by the newly discovered basilica E overlooking the residential complex (west of the theater), and by the sixth-century cemeterial basilica D excavated east of the city walls in 1985.187 Built on top of the forum or macellum in the late fifth century (and possibly renovated in the sixth century), the two-storeyed basilica C and its western, porticoed courtyard occupied a central position in the city landscape, stretching the entire length of the theater.188 To the east, it connected to the vestibule of a baptistery through an entrance unusually placed at the end of the southern aisle and, to the west, to the large sixth-century episcopal residence. Organized around a central courtyard, the fifteen or so rooms of the palace, which included an apsidal dining hall in the northeast corner, likely served a residential and administrative purpose and were partly decorated 187 Archaeological reports on basilica E are still pending. Little has survived of basilica D expect for its apse and its presbyterium (which were paved with typical mosaics, i.e., deer, birds, and canthari), and a number of tombs around it. See Mikulčić, Heraclea Lyncestis, 127; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1350–55. 188 The archaeological reports on the basilica, which was excavated in 1936–1938 and 1961–1964, have not been published yet, leaving many questions unanswered. In the literature, basilica B corresponds to a civil building on which the episcopal basilica C was built. See Mikulčić, Heraclea Lyncestis, 112–20; id., “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 235; Džidrova, “Christianity at Heraclea Lyncestis,” 303–26; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1352–53. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

320

Chapter 7

Figure 55 Episcopal basilica (C) and “Small basilica” (A), Heraclea Lyncestis photo by J.M. Ogereau

with sixth-century mosaics representing heaven and earth.189 No major building inscription that could help identify the founding bishop of basilica C has ever been discovered either in the basilica or in the episcopal residence, but a small inscribed mosaic panel (0.32   ×  0.35 m) was unearthed in the western part of the central nave. The only known Latin Christian inscription from Heraclea, it commemorates Vinica, a domesticus of Germanic origin (possibly), who might have served a high imperial official (if he was not himself a military officer or a member of the imperial guard, that is, a protector domesticus), and who donated part of the mosaic “for (the remission) of his sins” (pro peccatis suis).190 Yet unusual as this mosaic inscription may be (in Macedonia at least), what basilica C, and perhaps Heraclea itself, is most renowned for is the outstanding rectangular mosaic stretching the entire length of the narthex that greeted worshippers as they came into the church.191 At its center, right in front of the 189 See Cvetković-Tomašević, Mosaïques (see esp. p. 74 on the dating). Cf. Mikulčić, Heraclea Lyncestis, 121–26; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1353. 190 ICG 3302 (I.Chr. Macédoine 266bis; IG X 2,2.156; AD V): Vinica do|mesticus la|boraviit pro peccatis sui⟨s⟩. “Vinica, domesticus, did this work for (the redemption) of his sins.” 191 See Dimitrova, “Episcopal Basilica in Heraclea” (with excellent photos). Cf. CvetkovićTomašević and Medić, Heraclea.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

321

entrance to the nave, features a familiar symmetrical scene edged by a luxuriant wreath: a magnificent cantharus flanked by two deer and two peacocks, out of which spring two long vine branches with large grape clusters for small birds to peck. On either side of the central medallion are represented panels that are more unusual for late antique Christian art: to the left, a lion chasing a bull and an antelope among trees, and, to the right, a leopard devouring a deer next to what looks like a red dog chained to a tree. Enclosing the rectangular frame are a thin border of small waves and octagonal medallions depicting various forms of marine life. While the significance of the mosaic ensemble remains debated among mosaicists and art historians, it is likely that it represented an idyllic vision of paradise (central scene), surrounded by depictions of the earth (left and right panels) and the ocean (outer frame).192 What is in any case certain is that, despite its remote location at the northwestern end of the province, Heraclea was by no means isolated from the other Christian communities of Macedonia and eastern Epirus, thanks to its strategic position on the via Egnatia between Thessalonica and Dyrrhachium/Apollonia. Its ecclesiastical architecture, the unique artistry of its mosaics, and the theological originality of some of its epitaphs all indicate that the city was indeed a vibrant cultural and religious center in late antiquity. 4

Northern Rural Territories

The Christian epigraphic evidence from the rural territories of northern Mace­ donia is extremely scant, despite several decades of excavations by Macedonian archaeological services. To date, it amounts to only three inscriptions that were discovered in the vicinity of modern Strumica and at Bargala, a late antique fortified town located at Goren Kozjak, ten kilometers northeast of Štip.193 The first one, which may have originated from ancient Doberos, consists of a fifthor sixth-century Latin epitaph for the Christian wife of a twenty-year-old soldier who served as the drill instructor (campidoctor) of a division (numerus) of

192 See Maguire, Earth and Ocean, 36–40; Dimitrova, “Mosaic in the Narthex”; ead., “Episcopal Basilica in Heraclea”; Kolarik, “Narthex Mosaic.” Cf. Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1352. 193 Feissel included in his recueil a fourth inscription (for a deacon), which is currently kept at the Museum of Skopje. However, its exact provenance is unknown and it could have easily come from Scupi or southern Dardania. See ICG 3636 (I.Chr. Macédoine 285; AD V–VI): [+ Ἐν]θάδ|[ε κῖτ]ε vac | [Δη]μήτρ(ιος) | [δι]άκον, || [μ]α̣ταίου | [βίου μετα|στὰς? –]. “Here lies Demetrios, a deacon, [who departed this] futile [life] …(?).”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

322

Chapter 7

Figure 56 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis photo by J.M. Ogereau

Figure 57 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis photo by J.M. Ogereau

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

323

Figure 58 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis photo by J.M. Ogereau

Figure 59 Narthex mosaic of the episcopal basilica (C), Heraclea Lyncestis photo by J.M. Ogereau

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

324

Chapter 7

the Britones seniores.194 Little else is known of Doberos (whose exact location remains uncertain), apart from the fact that its bishop Eusebios attended the councils of Ephesus (AD 449) and Chalcedon (AD 451).195 At Strumica, two late antique basilicas (and an episcopal residence?) have nonetheless been identified underneath the Orta mosque and the church of the Holy Fifteen Martyrs of Tiberiopolis, along with a late antique cemetery and some twenty vaulted tombs (for the local Christian elites?) beyond the fortification walls.196 The other two inscriptions from Bargala consist of basic invocations for help that were inscribed on a brick (which features an arch with a cross from which a lamp hangs) and on a column capital.197 Discovered by the tribelon entrance of the large episcopal basilica, the latter records the name of Bishop Hermias, who may have been the founder of the edifice in the second half of the fifth century (given the prominent position of his inscription), and thus a close successor of Bishop Dardanios who attended the council of Chalcedon in AD 451.198 Built in two or three phases over a platform that was accessed by a monumental staircase, the three-aisled basilica (40  ×  20 m) was modestly decorated with basic mosaics, unsophisticated capitals, and opus sectile (in the presbyterium).199 It also featured an ambo on the southern side of the nave and a cruciform baptistery in its northeastern annex, and, to the north, connected to a large episcopal complex that was organized around a central reception hall. Together with the other two (three-aisled) basilicas excavated in the city center and west of the fortification walls, these archaeological remains attest that Bargala functioned as an episcopal center in the Bregalnica valley

194 ICG 4321 (IG X 2,2.1193; AE 2007, no. 1270; Strumica, AD IV–V): [Hic req]uiescit [bo]|ne memoriae Mu|nes qui vixit anni[s] | XX mens(es) VII dies X ||5 deposita est XV K(alendas) | Decembr(es) indic(tione) VII b|e(a)tae vit(e), goniux Ge[r]|mano camp(i)d(octori) | de nume(ro) ✝ ||10 ⟨monogram⟩ Brecton(um) sen(iorum) | ⟨monogram⟩. “Here rests Munnes, of good memory, who lived 20 years, 7 months, and 10 days. She was laid down on 17 November, in the 7th indictio, blessed in life, the wife of Germanus, the drill instructor of the numerus of the Britones seniores.” Cf. Proeva, “L’inscription paléochrétienne.” 195 See Babamova, “Doberos,” 19–22; Honigmann, “Original Lists,” 35 (l. 60) and 58 (l. 385). Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 328–33. 196 Mikulčić, “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 237; Babamova, “Doberos,” 21; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1355–56. 197 ICG 3635 (IG X 2,2.1134; I.Chr. Macédoine 284; BE 1972, no. 257; AD V–VI): Χριστέ, | βοήθησον | Μουσωνίου. “Christ, help your servant Mousonios!”—ICG 3634 (IG X 2,2.1133; I.Chr. Macédoine 283; BE 1972, no. 257; AD V): [Χρισ]τέ, βοήθι τῷ δούλου | [σου] Ἑρμίᾳ ἐπισκόπῳ +. “Christ, help your servant Hermias, bishop!” 198 Mansi 7:161B. Cf. Mikulčić, “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 240–41; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1376. 199 See Aleksova and Mango, “Bargala,” 267–73; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1376–78; Tutkovski, “Mosaics from Bargala.” Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Early Christianity in Northern Macedonia

325

in the fifth and sixth centuries, around which gravitated a number of smaller Christian communities such as those identified at Kula, Kruška, Begov Dab, Krupište, Crkvište, and Viničko Kale (where numerous Byzantine terracotta “icons” have also been discovered).200 As with Chalcidice, most of the Christian evidence in the northern rural territories of Macedonia primarily consists of ecclesiastical vestiges.201 Several churches have, for example, been uncovered west of Heraclea Lyncestis, alongside the via Egnatia, at Suvi Livadi, Dolenci, and Capari, and immediately south of Heraclea at Bukovo, Bistrica, and Krstoar.202 Two basilicas have been identified on the island of Golem Grad in Lake Prespa,203 west of Heraclea, along with several others at or near the villages of Suvodol, Zrze, Gradešnica, Debrešte, Dunje, and Manastir in the region of Prilep, northeast of Heraclea.204 Closer to Stobi, two basilicas have been found at Demir Kapija near the Axios gorge (one on the side of a road, the other in a cemetery) and two more near the villages of Krnjevo and Drenovo in the Kavadarci district, south of Stobi.205 All these churches further indicate that, contrary to what an almost inexistent Christian epigraphic habit might have suggested, Christianity did flourish in the northern rural territories of Macedonia in the fifth and sixth centuries. 5

Summary

Of all the regions of Macedonia, the territories north of the Eordaean and Bot­ tiaean plains are those that have delivered the smallest number of Christian 200 Cf. Papazoglou, Les villes de Macédoine, 339–41; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1376–85. For a detailed description of the site, see Aleksova and Mango, “Bargala”; Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 155–66; Hattersley-Smith, Byzantine Public Architecture, 112–17; Nacev and Frkov, “Early Christian Basilica in the City of Bargala”; Beldedovski, “Basilica extra muros from Bargala.” 201 In the mid-1980s, Mikulčić (“Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 222–23) listed 32 churches scattered all over the territory of the Republic of North Macedonia. Twenty years later, Lilčik and Iljoska (“Catalogue of the Early Christian Churches”) could catalogue 235 churches. Similarly, Snively (“Early Christian Period,” 1393) concluded her more recent survey by affirming that several hundred churches have been identified in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, though only about fifty of them have been excavated and documented. See also Šašel, Tabula Imperii Romani K 34, which is now dated but which provides a useful map. 202 See Mikulčić, “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 237, 246; id., Heraclea Lyncestis, 129. Cf. Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1355. 203 Bitrakova Grozdanova, Golem Grad, 63–71. Cf. TIB 11:900–902. 204 Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1356, 1375–76. 205 Filow, “Altchristliches aus Mazedonien”; Mikulčić, “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau,” 222, 243; Aleksova, Loca sanctorum, 245–49; Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1375. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

326

Chapter 7

Figure 60 Episcopal basilica, Bargala photo by J.M. Ogereau

inscriptions, that is, some sixty documents in total or thereabout twelve percent of all the Christian epigraphic evidence from the province. As with other regions, the material is mostly concentrated in the major cities (Stobi and Heraclea Lyncestis) and almost inexistent in the surrounding rural areas. This confirms what has already been observed throughout the rest of Macedonia, namely, that the Christian epigraphic habit was predominantly an urban phenomenon. This is not to say, however, that Christianity made no foray among rural populations, or that it was solely embraced by sophisticated and educated urban elites. The numerous fifth- and sixth-century basilicas discovered throughout the Republic of North Macedonia plainly illustrate that Christianity penetrated deep into the rural hinterland and established itself in the towns and villages along the main roads. This also suggests that Christianity imposed itself in the region only in late antiquity, propelled as it might have been by an imperial drive to disseminate the official religio more widely and/or by the bishops’ increasing social influence.206 If early missionaries such as the apostle Paul and his companions, or their second- and third-century successors, had any impact on northern Macedonia, they have simply left no traces. 206 Cf. Snively, “Early Christian Period,” 1397.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Epilogue When Adolf von Harnack initially published his opus Die Mission und Aus­ breitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten in 1902, which he revised and expanded with a fourth edition in 1924, he could only have access to a very limited amount of epigraphic (and archaeological) material that documented the spread of Christianity in Greece, Asia Minor, and Egypt. The most comprehensive epigraphic collections available at the time were Ernst Curtius and Adolf Kirchhoff’s compilation of Christian inscriptions in the fourth volume of the Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum (1859), Charles Bayet’s dissertation on the Christian inscriptions from Athens (1878),1 Franz Cumont’s concise inventory of Christian inscriptions from Asia Minor (1895),2 William M. Ramsay’s two volumes on the bishoprics of Phrygia (1895/1897),3 and Gustave M. Lefebvre’s recueil of Christian inscriptions from Egypt (1907).4 Needless to say, Harnack was in no position to fulfill his ambition and to produce a comprehensive survey of the rise of Christianity throughout the Mediterranean world. Hence, he could only conclude that Christianity was indeed very poorly documented in the Balkan peninsula for the first few hundred years.5 Fortunately, the situation was to change dramatically in the next century as more and more material resurfaced and numerous inscriptions were published. With respect to Macedonia, the appearance of Denis Feissel’s magisterial recueil in 1983 signaled a fundamental shift in the history of scholarship and provided a drastic improvement in our knowledge of the primary sources. The volume comprises about 270 inscriptions (if we exclude those from Tha­ sos), to which can be added another two hundred or so inscriptions that have been discovered and/or published for the first time in the last forty years in various specialized periodicals and in five major epigraphic corpora, namely, Ἐπιγραφές Ἄνω Μακεδονίας (I.Ano Maked.), Ἐπιγραφές Κάτω Μακεδονίας (I.Beroia and I.Kato Maked. II), Inscriptiones Stoborum (I.Stobi),6 the supplements to the 1 2 3 4

Bayet, De titulis Atticae christianis. Cumont, “Les inscriptions chrétiennes.” Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics. I.Chr. Egypte. A volume of the inscriptions of Mount Athos had appeared three years earlier, but it contained mostly Byzantine inscriptions. See Millet, Pargoire, and Petit, Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Athos. 5 Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung, 786. 6 As noted in chap. 1, most of these inscriptions have now been republished in IG X 2,2 along with a handful of inedita (IG X 2,2.752, 787, 798, 803; ICG 4461, 4533–4535).

© Julien M. Ogereau, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004681200_009

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

328

Epilogue

Inscriptiones Graecae volume on Thessalonica (IG X 2,1s), and the two fascicles on the inscriptions from northern Macedonia (IG X 2,2). As noted in introduction,7 the inscriptions from Macedonia represent about a quarter of all the Christian epigraphic material from mainland Greece published so far. As shown earlier on table 1, they consist of epitaphs for the most part (71%), of votives (8%), invocations (7%), and building dedications on mosaic panels or architectural blocks (6%), which can all be dated more or less approximately between the very late third century and the sixth century. As seen on map 1, they originate predominantly from the main urban centers of the province, that is, Thessalonica (35%), Philippi (10%), Beroea (7%), and Amphipolis (4%), cities which Paul and his co-workers personally visited. Yet many also come from places that were apparently not on his itinerary, namely, Edessa (18%), Stobi (10%), Heraclea Lyncestis (3%), Dium (1%), and Parthicopolis (1%). Thus, at first glance, it would appear that the first Christian missionaries were relatively successful in establishing faith communities in the larger cities located along the main roads. As reviewed in the third chapter, we can reasonably assume that the apostle Paul and his companions sowed the first seeds of the Christian faith in the late AD 40s or the early AD 50s, even though we lack reliable sources that describe the process in detail and allow us to appreciate fully the impact of their ministry at Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea. The Acts narrative, which recounts Paul’s original journey through the province, is itself fraught with textual and hermeneutical difficulties and simply cannot be taken at face value historically. His subsequent letters to the churches he founded at Philippi and Thessalonica, and his allusions to Macedonian believers in his letters to the Romans and Corinthians, nonetheless attest that his initial efforts had not been in vain, and that these small clusters of believers had progressively grown in size and importance despite inner conflicts and fierce local opposition. How they fared in subsequent decades remains largely unknown due to the paucity of our literary sources and to the complete absence of epigraphic and archaeological evidence in the first and second centuries. The first Christian inscriptions do not appear until the end of the third century, and the earliest basilicas can be dated to the mid-fourth century. This suggests that either an unquantifiable amount of material has been irremediably lost, that the earliest Macedonian Christians did not develop an epigraphic habit (either for fear of persecution or because they never felt compelled to identify themselves as Christian on their epitaphs), or that we have failed to recognize Christian inscriptions in the extant pre-Constantinian material. Whatever the case 7 See sec. 3 in chap. 1.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Epilogue

329

may be, it is noteworthy that the earliest Christian inscriptions do not originate from any of the cities where the first churches were established but from Edessa, a second-tier city at the western edge of the Bottiaean plain where, oddly enough, hardly any significant Christian archaeological vestiges have been uncovered.8 Be that as it may, what the early epigraphic evidence from Edessa indicates is that Christianity did not linger in the cities visited by Paul for too long but rapidly progressed along the main east-west and north-south communication axes such as the via Egnatia, the shortest and safest route linking Constantinople to Rome. From Thessalonica and Beroea, it advanced south through the Pierian region as far as the Roman colony of Dium, where a handful of fourth- and fifth-century epitaphs and two basilicas from the same period have been excavated. It spread north towards Moesia and Dalmatia along the Axios valley and took root in the municipium of Stobi, which became an important episcopal center in late antiquity where no fewer than seven churches were erected between the fourth and sixth centuries, including a sumptuous episcopal basilica that must have rivalled in magnificence with those of Thessalonica and Philippi. Similarly, it penetrated deep into southwestern Thracia via the Strymon valley and established itself in the middle of the valley at Parthicopolis (modern Sandanski), which, by the fifth century, could boast eight churches clustered along the main city artery, including a magnificently decorated episcopal basilica. Significantly, in both cities the archaeological vestiges effectively surpass in quality and quantity (in the case of Parthicopolis) the epigraphic evidence, which is mostly unimpressive and fails to convey the prosperity and vitality of these Christian communities. As it stands, the bulk of the Christian epigraphic material from Macedonia, which primarily date between the fourth and the sixth centuries, is not to be found in its septentrional regions but in its main cities further south, namely, Amphipolis (ca. 20 inscriptions), Beroea (ca. 30), Philippi (ca. 45), Edessa (ca. 85), and Thessalonica (ca. 160), which concentrates no less than a third of all the known Christian inscriptions from the province. The predominance of the latter is understandable given the size and prominence of the city as the center of the Roman provincial administration and as a metropolitan see in late antiquity. The disparity between eastern and western Macedonia, on the other hand, defies expectations and is more difficult to account for, although it may not be as meaningful as it first seems.

8 See sec. 2.1 in chap. 6. The late-third-century evidence from Thessalonica is slightly ambiguous. See sec. 2.1 in chap. 5.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

330

Epilogue

The epigraphic evidence from Edessa and Beroea, which is twice as important as that from Philippi and Amphipolis, must indeed be contrasted with the archaeological material discovered in the latter two, which is of far greater significance. The three modest churches excavated at Edessa certainly do not compare with the four basilicas and the imposing Rotunda unearthed at Amphipolis, which were all decorated in expensive fashion with marble revetments, mosaic floors, and elaborately carved marble capitals. Nor do they match the grandeur of the seven or eight churches of Philippi, three of which, the Octagon, the transept basilica A built on the esplanade overlooking the forum, and the basilica B with its Constantinopolitan cupola, count among the most impressive ecclesiastical monuments ever constructed in Macedonia. From an archaeological perspective, the communities of Amphipolis and Philippi undoubtedly surpassed that of Edessa (and potentially that of Beroea as well), in terms of size, affluence, and influence, being able to attract sponsorship from the imperial and local elites, and from pilgrims eager to commemorate the apostle Paul (in the case of Philippi, at least). However, none of these cities compares with Thessalonica, which stands out due to the sheer quantity of its Christian inscriptions and the exceptional quality of its archaeological remains (irrespective of the fact that, just as Beroea, the city has been continuously inhabited since antiquity). As reviewed in the fifth chapter, the great majority of these inscriptions consists of epitaphs from the western and eastern necropoleis, which, along with the seven or eight basilicas built during the same period, attest to the presence of a sizeable and prosperous Christian community in Thessalonica in late antiquity. Monuments such as the Hagios Demetrios, the Hagios Georgios (also known as the Rotunda), the Acheiropoietos, and the chapel of Hosios David undoubtedly count among some of the most impressive and exquisitely decorated edifices ever built in Greece, and indeed in the whole Balkan peninsula. They also illustrate that, to a great extent, the proliferation of basilicas in late antique Macedonia must have been driven and financed by the imperial establishment, and by elite Christians who were sometimes commemorated on ex-votos displayed on architectural elements or mosaic panels. As in the rest of the province, the great majority of the inscriptions from this period was set up for ordinary Christians from the rank and file of Thessalonian society. Their epitaphs are usually modest-looking, sparsely decorated (with one or two ostentatious symbols), and without any elaborate formulary. While it is tempting to dismiss these as being of little value for our understanding of Christianity in the province, the names and occupations they record do provide us with valuable insight into the social and ethnic composition of these communities. Unsurprisingly, Macedonian Christians were for the

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

331

Epilogue

most part of Greek origin (some with typical Macedonian or mythological names), although quite a number had spouses of Roman or Italian parentage, as their Latin names indicate. Thracians and Latin-speaking Romans or Italians are overall underrepresented, which is rather peculiar given the strong Roman presence attested in the province until at least the fourth century. This suggests that, in late antiquity, Christianity continued to advance primarily among Greek-speaking communities and apparently had little impact on the Latin-speaking population, even though Thessalonica served as the seat of the papal vicariate of eastern Illyricum (in principle at least) between the fifth and eighth centuries. That the church had by then long become a powerful institution socially and politically cannot be doubted. The fragmentary decree of Justinian I mentioning those who pray in the “revered house” (σεβάσμιος οἶκος) of St. Demetrios at Thessalonica,9 or the inscription commemorating the construction or restoration of the city’s maritime wall by the archbishop Eusebios at the end of the sixth century,10 are two of the most illustrious examples of the church’s distinguished status and recognition by the imperial authorities, and of the increasingly important role its bishops played in civil matters. Yet, it is difficult to point precisely when the church actually began to gain in prominence in Macedonia, and to measure fully the extent of its influence. The increasing number of Christian elites from the end of the fourth century, the mention of the “holy/holiest church” (ἁγίᾳ/ἁγιωτάτη ἐκκλησία) instead of (or along with) the imperial treasury as a recipient of funerary fines in some epitaphs at Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea,11 and the explosion of Christian monuments throughout the province in the Theodosian era strongly indicate that the early fifth century was the hinge period. Whether Christianity did “triumph” over its “pagan” environment, as used to be claimed, and whether it completely overhauled the hearts and minds of the local people remains nonetheless difficult to judge based on the extant literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence. The abandonment of the theaters fairly early in the fourth century at Stobi and Parthicopolis, the destruction of the temple of Isis at Stobi in the early fifth century, or the dismantlement of three temples on the upper esplanade to make way for basilica A at Philippi in the fifth century, all suggest a retreat of pagan beliefs and practices and

9 ICG 3091 (I.Chr. Macédoine 81). 10 ICG 3101 (I.Chr. Macédoine 91). 11 ICG 3218 (I.Chr. Macédoine 197), 3289 (I.Philippi² 125), 3072 (I.Chr. Macédoine 62).

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

332

Epilogue

its progressive replacement by the Christian faith in the Theodosian age.12 It also presages how the church would, ultimately, radically transform the sacred topography of all major Macedonian cities during the fifth and sixth centuries.13 In a similar vein, the gradual disappearance of the standard Graeco-Roman formulary, which was in fact never overtly “pagan” in form and content, and the adoption of a new funerary formulary that almost systematically described the grave as a resting place (κοιμητήριον) where one awaits the resurrection (ἕως ἀναστάσεως), as is occasionally indicated,14 provides another concrete example of the cultural changes Christianity introduced in the region. And so do the numerous invocations to Christ for help or forgiveness of sin inserted on epitaphs or scratched on architectural elements and church walls, or the omnipresent depictions in church mosaics of deer panting for water, which evoke the promise of eternal life. Yet, not all evidence points in the same direction or suggests that Christi­ anity was immediately and wholeheartedly embraced. At Dium, for instance, the temples of Demeter and Artemis/Isis continued to operate well into the fourth century when they were destroyed by an earthquake. Slaves probably continued to be consecrated to the Mother of the Gods Autochthon at the sanctuary of Leukopetra, near Beroea, throughout the fourth century, even though the last inscriptions are dated to AD 313.15 This clearly indicates that pagan cults did not instantly and completely vanish but somewhat persisted in the post-Constantinian age. They were in fact revived and encouraged, at least temporarily, under Julian, the “restorer of temples” (ἀνανεωτοῦ τῶν ἱερῶν) and “almighty and sole ruler of the world” (παντοκράτορος καὶ μόνου τῆς οἰκουμένης βασιλέως), as an altar base from Thessalonica records.16 However, it is unlikely that this fleeting pagan reaction made a long-term impact, as, within a century or so, the Theodosian dynasty would effectively seal the fate of the ancestral cults.

12 On the Christianization of local sanctuaries in Greece, see esp. Foschia, “La réutilisation des sanctuaires païens”; ead., “Shifting Pagan and Christian Cult Places.” Cf. Spieser, “Christianisation”; Saradi, Byzantine City, 355–84. On the topic more generally, see Hahn, Emmel, and Gotter, From Temple to Church. 13 Cf. Karagianni, “Development of the Cities,” 123–28. 14 E.g., ICG 3012, 3137, and 3138 (I.Chr. Macédoine 5, 119, and 120). 15 See I.Leukopetra, p. 20. 16 ICG 3096 (I.Chr. Macédoine 86bis). Cf. Foschia, “Pagan Cult Places in Late Antiquity.”

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Epilogue

333

In sum, the Christianization of Macedonia seems to have differed little from that of other regions of Greece and Asia Minor.17 It was a multifactorial and multidimensional process that profoundly affected the social, political, and religious outlook and structure of the province over the span of three to four centuries. Geographically, the new faith spread along the main communication axes and took root in the major urban centers, before penetrating deeper into the rugged regions of Chalcidice and the highlands west of Mount Bermion from the fourth century onwards.18 From a societal point of view, Christianity impacted almost every aspect and stratum of society, transforming ethical, religious, intellectual, and cultural norms and conventions in dramatic ways, probably in more profound ways than the primary sources will ever allow us to appreciate. 17 Cf. Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley; Breytenbach and Zimmermann, Early Christianity in Lycaonia; Breytenbach and Tzavella, Early Christianity in Athens; Mitchell, Christians of Phrygia. 18 Of course, Christianity may have penetrated rural areas much earlier on, but without leaving any traces. On this topic more generally, see Robinson, First Christians.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

Primary Literary Sources

Appian. Roman History. Translated by H. White. 4 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cam­ bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1912–1913. Beckby, H., ed. Anthologia graeca. Munich: Heimeran, 1958. Blockley, R.C., ed. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Em­pire: Eunapius, Olympiodorus, Priscus and Malchus. Vol. 2, Text, Translation and His­ toriographical Notes. Liverpool: Cairns, 1983. Bonnet, M., ed. Acta apostolorum apocrypha. Vol. 2/1. Leipzig: Mendelssohn, 1898. Reprint, Hildesheim: Olms, 1972. Brightman, F.E., ed. Liturgies Eastern and Western. Vol. 1, Eastern Liturgies. Oxford: Clarendon, 1896. Camelot, P.T., ed. Ignace d’Antioche, Polycarpe de Smyrne: Lettres, Martyre de Polycarpe. 2nd ed. Sources Chrétiennes 10bis. Paris: Cerf, 1998. Cohn, L., and P. Wendland, eds. Philonis Alexandrini opera quae supersunt. 6 vols. Berlin: Reimer, 1896–1915. Cresci, L.R., ed. Malco di Filadelfia: Frammenti; Testo critico, introduzione, traduzione e commentario. Byzantina et Neo-Hellenica Neapolitana 9. Naples: Bibliopolis, 1982. Cuntz, O., ed. Itineraria Antonini Augusti et Burdigalense. Leipzig: Teubner, 1929. Delehaye, H., ed. Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca. 2nd ed. Brussels: Société des Bol­ landistes, 1909. (BHG²) Diggle, J., ed. Euripidis fabulae. Vol. 2. Oxford: Clarendon, 1981. Dio Cassius. Roman History. Translated by E. Cary. 9 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cam­ bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1914–1927. Diodorus Siculus. Library of History. Translated by F.R. Walton. 12 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1933–1967. Dressel, A.R.M., ed. Clementinorum epitomae duae. 2nd ed. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1873. Eusebius of Caesarea. Histoire ecclésiastique. Translated by G. Bardy. 3 vols. Sources Chrétiennes 31, 41, and 55. Paris: Cerf, 1952–1958. Feder, A., ed. S. Hilarii episcopi Pictaviensis opera: Pars quarta. Corpus scriptorum eccle­ siasticorum Latinorum 65. Vienna: Tempsky; Leipzig: Freytag, 1916. Halkin, F., ed. Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca. 3rd ed. Brussels: Société des Bol­ landistes, 1957. (BHG³) Holl, K., ed. Epiphanius: Ancoratus und Panarion. 3 vols. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1915–1933. Honigmann, E., ed. Le Synekdèmos d’Hiérokles et l’opuscule géographique de Georges de Chypre: Texte, introduction, commentaire et carte. Corpus Bruxellense historiae byzantinae. Brussels: Éditions de l’Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves, 1939. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

336

Bibliography

Jordanes. The Gothic History. Edited by C.C. Mierow. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1915. Lemerle, P. Les plus anciens recueils des miracles de Saint Démétrius et la pénétration des Slaves dans les Balkans. Vol. 1. Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1979. Lightfoot, J.B. The Apostolic Fathers: A Revised Text with Introductions, Notes, Disserta­ tions, and Translations. 2 pts. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan, 1889–1890. Lipsius, R.A., ed. Acta apostolorum apocrypha. Vol. 1. Leipzig: Mendelssohn, 1891. Re­print, Hildesheim: Olms, 1972. Livy. History of Rome. Translated by B.O. Foster et al. 14 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1919–2018. MacDonald, D.R. The Acts of Andrew and the Acts of Andrew and Matthias in the City of the Cannibals. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990. Mansi, G.D., ed. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. 31 vols. Florence: Veneti, 1759–1798. (Mansi). Metzger, M., ed. Les constitutions apostoliques. 3 vols. Sources Chrétiennes 320, 329, and 336. Paris: Cerf, 2008. Migne, J.-P., ed. Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Graeca. Paris: Migne, 1857–1866. Migne, J.-P., ed. Patrologiae cursus completus. Series Latina. Paris: Migne, 1844–1864. Miller, K., ed. Itineraria Romana: Römische Reisewege an der Hand der Tabula Peu­ tingeriana. Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 1964. Moraites, D.N., ed. Ἡ λειτουργία τῶν προηγιασμένων. Thessaloniki: University of Thes­ salonica, 1955. Opitz, H.G., ed. Athanasius Werke. Vol. 2/1. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1940. Otto, J.C.T., ed. Corpus apologetarum Christianorum saeculi secundi. Vol. 4. 3rd ed. Jena: Mauke, 1880. Pasquali, G., and W. Jaeger, eds. Gregorii Nysseni opera. Vol. 8/2, Epistulae. 2nd ed. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Paton, W.R., ed. The Greek Anthology. Vol. 3. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1925. Pliny the Elder. Natural History. Translated by H. Rackham. 10 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938–1963. Plutarch. Lives. Translated by B. Perrin. 10 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1914–1926. Polybius. The Histories. Translated by W.R. Paton and S.D. Olson. 6 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010–2012. Preuschen, E., ed. Origenes Werke. Vol. 4. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1903. Procopius. History of the Wars. Translated by H.B. Dewing. 6 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1914.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

337

Bibliography

Ramsbotham, A. “Documents: The Commentary of Origen on the Epistle to the Romans.” Journal of Theological Studies 13.50 (1911): 210–24. Routh, M.J., ed. Reliquiae sacrae. Vol. 1. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1846. Reprint, Hildesheim: Olms, 1974. Schoell, R., and W. Kroll, eds. Corpus iuris civilis. Vol. 3, Novellae [Justinian]. Berlin: Weidmann, 1895. Seeck, O., ed. Notitia dignitatum. Berlin: Weidmann, 1876. Société des Bollandistes, ed. Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et mediae aetatis. 2 vols. Bruxelles: Société des Bollandistes, 1898–1901. (BHL) Socrates of Constantinople. Histoire ecclésiastique. Translated by P. Périchon and P. Ma­raval. 4 vols. Sources Chrétiennes 477. Paris: Cerf, 2004. Sozomen. Histoire ecclésiastique. Translated by A.-J. Festugière and B. Grillet. 4 vols. Sources Chrétiennes 306, 418, 495, and 516. Paris: Cerf, 1983–2008. Strabo. Geography. Translated by H.L. Jones. 8 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969–1982. Stückelberger, A., and G. Graßhoff, eds. Klaudios Ptolemaios: Handbuch der Geographie; Einleitung, Text und Übersetzung, Index. 2 vols. Basel: Schwabe, 2006. Tertullian. Opera. Pt. 1, Opera catholica, Adversus Marcionem. Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina 1. Turnhout: Brepols, 1954. Theodoret. Histoire ecclésiastique. Translated by P. Canivet. 2 vols. Sources Chrétiennes 501, 530. Paris: Cerf, 2006–2009. Waltz, P., and G. Soury, eds. Anthologie grecque. Vol. 1, Anthologie palatine. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1974. Ward-Perkins, B., and R. Wiśniewski, eds. The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity. Oxford: University of Oxford, 2020. http://cultofsaints.history.ox.ac.uk/. (CSLA) Winkelmann, F., ed. Eusebius Werke. Vol. 1/1, Über das Leben des Kaisers Konstantin. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1975. Zosimus. New History. Edited by R.T. Ridley. Byzantina Australiensia 2. Leiden: Brill, 1982.



Epigraphic, Papyrological, and Numismatic Sources

Ameling, W., ed. Die Inschriften von Prusias ad Hypium. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 27. Bonn: Habelt, 1985. (I.Prusias) Anderson, J.G.C., F. Cumont, and H. Grégoire, eds. Studia Pontica. Vol. 3: Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont et de l’Arménie. Fasc. 1. Brussels: Lamertin, 1910. (Studia Pontica III) Babamova, S., ed. Inscriptiones Stoborum. Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi Monograph Series 1. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2012. (I.Stobi)

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

338

Bibliography

Babamova, S., ed. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 10, Inscriptiones Epiri, Macedoniae, Thraciae, Scythiae. Pt. 2, Inscriptiones Macedoniae. Fasc. 2, Inscriptiones Macedoniae septentrionalis. Sec. 2, Inscriptiones in vallibus fluviorum Axii, Astibi, Strumicae inventae. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2023. (IG X 2,2) Babamova, S., and K. Kuzman-Dodevska, eds. Epigraphic Monuments from Plaošnik– Ohrid. Ohrid: National Institution Ohrid, 2021. Bagnall, R.S., and N. Lewis, eds. Columbia Papyri. Vol. 7, Fourth Century Documents from Karanis. American Studies in Papyrology 20. Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1979. (P.Col. 7) Bandy, A.C., ed. The Greek Christian Inscriptions of Crete. Athens: Christian Archaeo­ logical Society, 1970. (I.Chr. Crete) Battinou, Z., ed. Corpus of Jewish and Hebrew Inscriptions from Mainland and Island Greece (Late 4th c. B.C.E.–15th Century). Athens: The Jewish Museum of Greece, 2018. (I.Jud. Graeciae) Bayet, C. De titulis Atticae christianis antiquissimis: Commentatio historica et epigra­ phica. Paris: Thorin, 1878. Bees, N.A., ed. Corpus der griechisch-christlichen Inschriften von Hellas. Vol. 1, Pelopon­ nesos. Pt. 1, Isthmos-Korinthos. Athens: Christlich-archäologische Gesellschaft, 1941. (I.Chr. Peloponnes) Berges, D., and J. Nollé, eds. Tyana: Archäologisch-historische Untersuchungen zum südwestlichen Kappadokien. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 55. Bonn: Habelt, 2000. (I.Tyana) Beševliev, V., ed. Spätgriechische und spätlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1964. (I.Chr. Bulgarien) Boeckh, A., et al., eds. Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum. 4 vols. Berlin: Reimer, 1828–1877. (CIG) Brélaz, C., ed. Corpus des inscriptions grecques et latines de Philippes. Vol. 2, La colonie romaine. Pt. 1, La vie publique de la colonie. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2014. (I.Philippes) Breytenbach, C., et al., eds. Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (ICG): A Digital Collection of Greek Early Christian Inscriptions from Asia Minor and Greece. Berlin: Edition Topoi, 2019. https://doi.org/10.17171/1-8. (ICG) Calder, W.M., et al., eds. Monumenta Asiae Minoris antiqua. 11 vols. Manchester: The Manchester University Press; London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, 1928–2013. (MAMA) Casson, L., and E.L. Hettich, eds. Excavations at Nessana. Vol. 2, Literary Papyri. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950. (P.Ness. 2) Corsten, T., ed. Die Inschriften von Prusa ad Olympum. 2 vols. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 39–40. Bonn: Habelt, 1985. (I.Prusa)

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

339

Cumont, F. “Les inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Asie Mineure.” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’École française de Rome, Antiquité 15 (1895): 245–99. De Rossi, G.B., et al., eds. Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae septimo saeculo antiquiores, nova series. 10 vols. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1922–1992. (ICUR) Diehl, E., et al., eds. Inscriptiones Latinae christianae veteres. 4 vols. Berlin: Weidmann, 1925–1967. (ILCV) Dimitsas, M.G., ed. Η Μακεδονία εν λίθοις φθεγγομένοις και μνημείοις σωζομένοις. 2 vols. Athens: Perri, 1896. Dörner, F.K., ed. Tituli Asiae Minoris. Vol. 4, Tituli Bithyniae linguis graeca et latina conscripti. Fasc. 1, Paeninsula Bithynica praeter Calchedonem: Nicomedia et ager Nicomedensis cum septemtrionali meridianoque litore sinus Astaceni et cum lacu Sumonensi. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1978. (TAM IV) Edson, C., ed. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 10, Inscriptiones Epiri, Macedoniae, Thraciae, Scythiae. Pt. 2, Inscriptiones Macedoniae. Fasc. 1, Inscriptiones Thessalonicae et vici­ niae. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1972. (IG X 2,1) Feissel, D., ed. Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du IIIe au VIe siècle. Bulletin de correspondance hellénique Supplément 8. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 1983. (I.Chr. Macédoine) Felle, A., et al., eds. Epigraphic Database Bari: Inscriptions by Christians in Rome (3rd– 8th cent. CE). Bari: Università degli studi di Bari Aldo Moro, 1988–. http://www.edb .uniba.it. (EDB) Fredrich, C., ed. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 12, Inscriptiones insularum maris Aegaei praeter Delum. Fasc. 8, Inscriptiones insularum maris Thracici. Berlin: Reimer, 1909. (IG XII 8) Frey, J.-B., ed. Corpus inscriptionum Judaicarum. 2 vols. Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1936–1952. (CIJud) Gaebler, H., ed. Die antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands. Vol. 3/1–2, Die antiken Mün­ zen von Makedonia und Paionia. Berlin: Reimer, 1906–1935. Gounaropoulou, L., and M.B. Hatzopoulos, eds. Les milliaires de la voie Egnatienne entre Héraclée des Lyncestes et Thessalonique. Athens: Centre de recherches de l’anti­ quité grecque et romaine, Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, 1985. Gounaropoulou, L., and M.B. Hatzopoulos, eds. Ἐπιγραφὲς Κάτω Μακεδονίας (μεταξὺ τοῦ Βερμίου Ὄρους καὶ τοῦ Ἀξιοῦ Ποταμοῦ). Vol. 1, Ἐπιγραφὲς Βεροίας. Athens: Hypourgeio Politismou, Ethnikon Idryma Erevnon, 1998. (I.Beroia) Gounaropoulou, L., P. Paschidis, and M.B. Hatzopoulos, eds. Ἐπιγραφὲς Κάτω Μακεδονίας (μεταξὺ τοῦ Βερμίου Ὄρους καὶ τοῦ Ἀξιοῦ Ποταμοῦ). Vol. 2, Επιγραφές Αλώρου, Αιγέων, Μίεζας, Μαρινίας, Σκύδρας, Νεαπόλεως, Έδεσσας. Athens: Hypourgeio Politismou, Ethni­kon Idryma Erevnon, 2015. (I.Kato Maked. II)

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

340

Bibliography

Grégoire, H., ed. Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d’Asie Mineure. Fasc. 1. Paris: Leroux, 1922. (I.Chr. Asie Mineure) Heberdey, R., ed. Tituli Asiae Minoris. Vol. 3, Tituli Pisidiae linguis graeca et latina conscripti. Fasc. 1, Tituli Termessi et agri Termessensis. Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1941. (TAM III) Horsley, G.H.R., and S. Mitchell, eds. The Inscriptions of Central Pisidia. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 57. Bonn: Habelt, 2000. (I.Pisidia Central) Jalabert, L., et al., eds. Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie. Paris: Geuthner; Beirut: Institut français du Proche-Orient, 1929–. (IGLS) Kalpakovska, V., and A. Ǵorǵievska. Lifestyle in Heraclea Lyncestis via Epigraphic Monu­ ments. Bitola: Institute and Museum Bitola, 2003. Lambert, S.D., et al., eds. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 2/3, Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno posteriores (editio tertia). Pt. 1, Leges et decreta. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012–. (IG II/III³ 1) Le Bas, P., and W.H. Waddington, eds. Voyage archéologique en Grèce et en Asie Mineure. Vol. 3, Inscriptions grecques et latines recueillies en Grèce et en Asie Mineure. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1870. (LBW) Lefebvre, G.M. Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d’Égypte. Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1907. (I.Chr. Egypte) Lewis, D., et al., eds. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 1, Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno anteriores (editio tertia). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1981–1998. (IG I³) Martín González, E., and P. Paschidis, eds. A Supplement to Ἐπιγραφὲς Ἄνω Μακεδονίας. Athens: Institute of Historical Research, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2020. Martín González, E., and P. Paschidis, eds. A Supplement to Ἐπιγραφὲς Κάτω Μακεδονίας Aʹ: Ἐπιγραφὲς Βέροιας. Athens: Institute of Historical Research, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2020. Meimaris, Y.E., and K.I. Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou, eds. Inscriptions from Palaestina Tertia. Vol. 1a, The Greek Inscriptions from Ghor Es-Safi (Byzantine Zoora). Mele­temata 41. Athens: The National Hellenic Research Foundation, Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, 2005. (I.Zoora) Millet, G., J. Pargoire, and L. Petit, eds. Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Athos. Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 91. Paris: Fontemoing, 1904. Mitchell, S., ed. Regional Epigraphic Catalogues of Asia Minor. Vol. 2, The Ankara District; The Inscriptions of North Galatia. Oxford: BAR, 1982. (I.North Galatia) Mitchell, S., and D.H. French, eds. The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Ankara (Ancyra). 2 vols. Munich: Beck, 2012–2019. (I.Ancyra) Mommsen, T., et al., eds. Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1863–. (CIL)

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

341

Nigdelis, P.M., ed. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 10, Inscriptiones Epiri, Macedoniae, Thraciae, Scythiae. Pt. 2, Inscriptiones Macedoniae. Fasc. 1, Inscriptiones Thessalonicae et viciniae. Suppl. 1, Tituli inter a. MCMLX et MMXV inventi. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2016. (IG X 2,1s) Noy, D., et al., eds. Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. 3 vols. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004. (I.Jud. Orientis) Papakonstantonou-Diamantourou, D., E. Martín González, and K. Hallof, eds. Inscrip­ tiones Graecae. Vol. 10, Inscriptiones Epiri, Macedoniae, Thraciae, Scythiae. Pt. 2, Inscriptiones Macedoniae. Fasc. 1, Inscriptiones Thessalonicae et viciniae. Suppl. 2: Addenda. Indices. Tabulae. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020. Papazoglou, F., et al., eds. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 10, Inscriptiones Epiri, Macedoniae, Thraciae, Scythiae. Pt. 2, Inscriptiones Macedoniae. Fasc. 2, Inscriptiones Macedoniae septentrionalis. Sec. 1, Inscriptiones Lyncestidis, Heracleae, Pelagoniae, Derriopi, Lychnidi. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1999. (IG X 2,2) Petsas, P., M.B. Hatzopoulos, L. Gounaropoulou, and P. Paschidis, eds. Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la Mère des Dieux Autochtone de Leukopétra (Macédoine). Meletemata 28. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2000. (I.Leukopetra) Pilhofer, P., ed. Philippi. Vol. 2, Katalog der Inschriften von Philippi. 2nd rev. ed. Wissen­ schaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 119. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009. (I.Philippi²) Poole, R.S., et al., eds. A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum. 29 vols. London: British Museum, 1873–1922. (BMC) Rizakis, T., and G. Touratsoglou, eds. Ἐπιγραφές Ἄνω Μακεδονίας. Vol. 1, Ἐλίμεια, Ἐορδαία, Νότια Λυγκηστίς, Ὀρεστίς. Athens: Tameio archaiologikon poron kai apallotrioseon, 1985. (I.Ano Maked.) Reynolds, J., C. Roueché, and G. Bodard, eds. Inscriptions of Aphrodisias (2007). London: King’s College, 2007. https://insaph.kcl.ac.uk/insaph/iaph2007/. (I.Aphrodisias 2007) Roueché, C., ed. Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity: The Late Roman and Byzantine Inscrip­ tions. Journal of Roman Studies Monographs 5. London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, 1989. (I.Aphrodisias Late Ant.) Sironen, E., ed. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 2/3, Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno posteriores (editio altera). Pt. 5, Inscriptiones Atticae aetatis quae est inter Herulorum incursionem et Imp. Mauricii tempora. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2008. (IG II/III² 5) Sironen, E., ed. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 4, Inscriptiones Argolidis (editio altera). Fasc. 3, Inscriptiones Corinthiae saeculorum IV. V. VI. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2016. (IG IV² 3) Tsigaridas, E., and K. Loverdou, eds. Κατάλογος χριστιανικών επιγραφών στα Μουσεία της Θεσσαλονίκης. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1979.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

342

Bibliography

Wankel, H., et al., eds. Die Inschriften von Ephesos. 8 vols. Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 11–17. Bonn: Habelt, 1979–1984. (I.Ephesos) Ziebarth, E., ed. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. 12, Inscriptiones insularum maris Aegaei praeter Delum. Fasc. 9, Inscriptiones Euboeae insulae. Berlin: Reimer, 1915. (IG XII 9)



Reference Works

Bérard, F., et al., eds. Guide de l’épigraphiste: Bibliographie choisie des épigraphies antiques et médiévales. 4th ed. Paris: Rue d’Ulm, 2010. Berger, A. Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law. Transactions of the American Philo­ sophical Society 43/2. Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1953. Cabrol, F., and H. Leclercq. Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie. 15 vols. Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1924–1953. (DACL) Fraser, P.M., and E. Matthews, eds. A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names. 5 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1987–2014. (LGPN) Glare, P.G.W., ed. Oxford Latin Dictionary. 2 vols. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 2012. (OLD) Hornblower, S. and A. Spawforth, eds. The Oxford Classical Dictionary. 3rd rev. ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Jones, A.H.M., J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris, eds. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire. 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971–1992. (PLRE) Kazhdan, A.P., ed. The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. Klauser, T., et al., eds. Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum: Sachwörterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung des Christentums mit der antiken Welt. Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1950–. Lampe, G.W.H., ed. A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon, 1961. (PGL) Liddell, H.G., and R. Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon: With a Revised Supplement. Edited by H.S. Jones and R. McKenzie. 9th ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1996. (LSJ) Mason, H.J. Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A Lexicon and Analysis. Toronto: Hak­ kert, 1974. Wissowa, G., et al., eds. Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1894–1978.



Secondary Literature

Abrahamsen, V. “Women at Philippi: The Pagan and Christian Evidence.” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 3.2 (1987): 17–30. Abrahamsen, V. “Bishop Porphyrios and the City of Philippi in the Early Fourth Century.” Vigiliae Christianae 43.1 (1989): 80–85. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

343

Adam-Veleni, P. “Thessaloniki: History and Town Planning.” Pages 121–76 in Roman Thessaloniki. Edited by D.V. Grammenos. Thessaloniki: Archaeological Museum, 2003. Adam-Veleni, P. Τα Καλίνδοια: Μια αρχαία πόλη στη Μακεδονία. Thessaloniki: Archaeologi­ cal Museum of Thessaloniki, 2008. Adams, S.A. “Paul the Roman Citizen: Roman Citizenship in the Ancient World and Its Importance for Understanding Acts 22:22–29.” Pages 309–26 in Paul: Jew, Greek, and Roman. Edited by S.E. Porter. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Adams, S.A. “Paul and Luke: What’s Their Relationship?” Pages 125–42 in Paul and His Social Relations. Edited by S.E. Porter and C.D. Land. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Adams, S.A. The Genre of Acts and Collected Biography. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 156. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Aejmelaeus, L. Die Rezeption der Paulusbriefe in der Miletrede (Apg 20:18–35). Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae 232. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1987. Ahrweiler, H. Byzance et la mer: La marine de guerre, la politique et les institutions maritimes de Byzance aux VIIe–XVe siècles. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1966. Aigrain, R. Manuel d’épigraphie chrétienne. 2 vols. Paris: Bloud, 1912–1913. Akrivopoulou, S. “Παλαιοχριστιανική Χαλκιδική: Μνημειακή Τοπογραφία.” PhD diss., Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 1999. Akrivopoulou, S. “The Christian Phase of the Rotunda in Thessaloniki.” Pages 23–33 in Archaeology of a World of Changes: Late Roman and Early Byzantine Architecture, Sculpture and Landscapes; Selected Papers from the 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies (Belgrade, 22–27 August 2016) in memoriam Claudiae Barsanti. Edited by D. Moreau et al. BAR. International Series 2973. Oxford: BAR, 2020. Alcock, S.E. Graecia Capta: The Landscapes of Roman Greece. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Alcock, S.E. “The Problem of Romanization, the Power of Athens.” Pages 1–7 in The Romanization of Athens: Proceedings of an International Conference Held at Lincoln, Nebraska (April 1996). Edited by M.C. Hoff and S.I. Rotroff. Oxford: Oxbow, 1997. Aleksova, B. “The Episcopal Basilica: Apse, Central Nave and South Aisle.” Pages 154–62 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 3. Edited by B. Aleksova and J. Wiseman. Titov Velec: Macedonian Review Editions, 1981. Aleksova, B. Loca sanctorum Macedoniae: The Cult of Martyrs in Macedonia from the 4th to the 9th Centuries. Institute of Old Slav Culture, Prilep/Macedonian civilization, Skopje: Macedonian Civilization-Skopje, 1997. Aleksova, B. “Early Christian and Slav Religious Centres in Macedonia.” Pages 7–28 in Acta XIII Congressus internationalis archaeologiae Christianae (Split-Poreč, 25.9.– 01.10.1994). Vol. 3. Edited by N. Cambi and E. Marin. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1998. Aleksova, B. “Domus Ecclesiae at Stobi: The First Christian Community House in Mace­ donia.” Folia archaeologica Balkanica 1 (2006): 391–402. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

344

Bibliography

Aleksova, B., and V. Lilčik. “The Early Christian Churches in Macedonia.” Macedonian Heritage 5 (1997): 10–20. Aleksova, B., and C. Mango. “Bargala: A Preliminary Report.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 25 (1971): 265–81. Aleksova, B., and J. Wiseman. Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 3. Titov Velec: Macedonian Review Editions, 1981. Alkier, S., and H. Leppin, eds. Juden—Heiden—Christen? Religiöse Inklusionen und Exklusionen im Römischen Kleinasien bis Decius. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 1/400. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018. Allamani-Souri, V. “Ηρακλής Κυναγίδας και κυνηγοί: Νέα επιγραφικά στοιχεία από τη Βέροια.” Pages 77–107 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 5/1, Papers Read at the Fifth Interna­ tional Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 10–15 August 1989. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1993. Allamani-Souri, V. “Brief History of Imperial Thessaloniki as Derived from Epigraphic and Archaeological Evidence.” Pages 80–91 in Roman Thessaloniki. Edited by D.V. Grammenos. Thessaloniki: Archaeological Museum, 2003. Allamani-Souri, V. “The Imperial Cult.” Pages 98–119 in Roman Thessaloniki. Edited by D.V. Grammenos. Thessaloniki: Archaeological Museum, 2003. Allamani-Souri, V. Επιτύμβιες στήλες και ανάγλυφα από τη Βέροια και την περιοχή της. Thessaloniki: Hypourgeio Paideias kai Threskeumaton, Politismou kai Athletismou, Archaiologiko Institouto Thessalikon Spoudon, 2014. Allamani-Souri, V., and E. Voutiras. “New Documents from the Sanctuary of Herakles Kynagidas at Beroia.” Pages 13–39 in Inscriptions of Macedonia: Third International Symposium on Macedonia, Thessaloniki, 8–12 December 1993. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 1996. Amandry, M., and S. Kremydi. “La pénétration du denier en Macédoine et la circulation de la monnaie locale en bronze (IIe siècle av. J.C.–IIe siècle apr. J.C.).” Pages 79–115 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Ameling, W. “The Epigraphic Habit and the Jewish Diasporas of Asia Minor and Syria.” Pages 203–34 in From Hellenism to Islam: Cultural and Linguistic Change in the Roman Near East. Edited by H. Cotton et al. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Ameling, W. “Neues Testament und Epigraphik aus der Perspektive der epigraphi­ schen Forschung.” Pages 5–26 in Epigraphik und Neues Testament. Edited by T. Corsten, M. Öhler, and J. Verheyden. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 365. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2016. Ameling, W., ed. Die Christianisierung Kleinasiens in der Spätantike. Asia Minor Stu­dien 87. Bonn: Habelt, 2018.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

345

Anderson-Stojanović, V.R. “Cultural Implications of Pottery at Stobi.” Pages 47–59 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 3. Edited by B. Aleksova and J. Wiseman. Titov Velec: Macedonian Review Editions, 1981. Anderson-Stojanović, V.R. Stobi: The Hellenistic and Roman Pottery. Princeton: Prince­ ton University Press, 1992. Arnold, B. Christ as the Telos of Life. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/371. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014. Asamer, B., and B. Zimmermann. “Die Mosaiken der frühchristlichen Kirche bei Mikrevo/ Sandanski.” Mitteilungen zur christlichen Archäologie 4 (1998): 31–44. Ascough, R.S. “The Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional Voluntary Association.” Journal of Biblical Literature 119.2 (2000): 311–28. Ascough, R.S. Paul’s Macedonian Associations: The Social Context of Philippians and 1 Thessalonians. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/161. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003. Ascough, R.S. “Redescribing the Thessalonian’s ‘Mission’ in Light of Graeco-Roman Associations.” New Testament Studies 60 (2014): 61–82. Ascough, R.S. “Carving out Public Space: Τόπος Inscriptions and Early Christ Groups.” Pages 93–110 in Epigraphik und Neues Testament. Edited by T. Corsten, M. Öhler, and J. Verheyden. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2016. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, P. Σύνταγμα των Παλαιοχριστιανικών ψηφιδωτών δαπέδων της Ελ­λάδος. Vol. 3, Μακεδονία-Θράκη. Pt. 1, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Θεσσαλονίκης. Thes­ saloniki: Centre for Byzantine Research, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 1998. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, P. Σύνταγμα των Παλαιοχριστιανικών ψηφιδωτών δαπέδων της Ελ­λάδος. Vol. 3, Μακεδονία-Θράκη. Pt. 2, Τα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα της Μακεδονίας και της Θρά­ κης (εκτός Θεσσαλονίκης). Byzantina Mnemeia 18. Thessaloniki: Centre for Byzantine Research, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 2017. Athanasiou, F., V. Malama, M. Miza, and M. Sarantidou. Η αποκατάσταση των ερειπίων του Γαλεριανού συγκροτήματος στη Θεσσαλονίκη (1994–2014): Τεκμηρίωση και επεμβάσεις. 2 vols. Thessaloniki: Ephoreia Archaioteton polis Thessalonikes, 2015. Avraméa, A. “Les constructions profanes de l’évêque d’après l’épigraphie et les textes d’Orient.” Pages 829–35 in Actes du XIe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne: Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genève, Aoste, 21–28 septembre 1986. Rome: École fran­çaise de Rome, 1989. Avraméa, A. Tabula Imperii Romani K 35, I: Philippi, d’après la carte internationale du monde au 1:1.000.000, K 35 Istambul. Athens: Académie d’Athènes, 1993. Babamova, S. “Personal Names on the Territory of Paeonia in the Roman Period.” Živa antika 58 (2008): 87–96. Babamova, S. “Romanization in Upper Macedonia and Paeonia according to the Epi­ graphic Sources.” Pages 181–88 in The Antiquity and the European Science and Culture: Proceedings of the Scientific Symposium Held on the Occasion of the 60 Years Jubilee

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

346

Bibliography

of the Institute for Classical Studies. Edited by V. Sofronievski. Skopje: Institute of Classical Studies, University “St. Cyril and Methodius,” 2009. Babamova, S. “Epigraphic Traces of Oriental Influences in Upper Macedonia in Roman Times.” Pages 279–91 in Romanising Oriental Gods? Religious Transformations in the Balkan Provinces in the Roman Period: New Finds and Novel Perspectives; Proceedings of the International Symposium, Skopje, 18–21 September 2013. Edited by A. Nikoloska and S. Müskens. Skopje: Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2015. Babamova, S. “New Evidence for the Location of Ancient Gortynia, Idomene and Do­beros.” Pages 11–22 in Students and Colleagues for Professor Fanoula Papazoglou: International Conference, Belgrade, October 17–18, 2017. Edited by L. Maksimović and M. Ricl. Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2018. Babamova, S. “Notes on the Prosopography of Stobi.” Pages 110–31 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 4. Edited by S. Blaževska. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2018. Babamova, S. “Stobi in Late Antiquity: Epigraphic Testimonia.” Pages 267–80 in Iden­ tity and Authority in Emerging Christianities in Asia Minor and Greece. Edited by C. Breytenbach and J.M. Ogereau. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 103. Leiden: Brill, 2018. Babamova, S., and K. Kuzman-Dodevska. Epigraphic Monuments from Plaošnik– Ohrid. Ohrid: National Institution Ohrid, 2021. Back, C. Die Witwen in der frühen Kirche. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2015. Baege, W. De Macedonum sacris. Halle: Niemeyer, 1913. Bailey, J.A. “Who Wrote II Thessalonians?” New Testament Studies 25 (1979): 131–45. Bakirtzis, C. “Sur le donateur et la date des mosaïques d’Acheiropoietos à Thes­ salonique.” Pages 37–46 in Atti del IX congresso internazionale di archeologia Cristiana, Roma 21–27 settembre 1975. Vol. 2, Comunicazioni su scoperte inedite. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1978. Bakirtzis, C. “Ἔκθεση Παλαιοχριστιανικῶν ἀρχαιοτήτων στὸ Μουσεῖο Φιλίππων.” Archai­ ologika analekta ex Athenon 13.1 (1980): 90–98. Bakirtzis, C. “Νεότερες παρατηρήσεις στην κτητορική επιγραφή του τρούλλου της Αγίας Σοφίας Θεσσαλονίκης.” Byzantina 11 (1982): 165–80. Bakirtzis, C. “Ρωμαϊκὸς λουτρὼν καὶ ἡ Ἀχειροποίητος τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης.” Pages 311–29 in Αφιέρωμα στην μνήμη Στυλιανού Πελεκανίδη. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1983. Bakirtzis, C. “Ἡ ἀγορὰ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης στὰ παλαιοχριστιανικὰ χρόνια.” Pages 5–19 in Actes du Xe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne, Thessalonique, 28 sep­tembre– 4 octobre 1980. Vol. 2, Communications. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cris­ tiana, 1984. Bakirtzis, C. “Το επισκοπείον των Φλιππων.” Pages 149–57 in Η Καβάλα και η περιοχή της: Bʹ Τοπικο Συμποσιο, 26–28 Σεπτεμβρίου 1986; Πρακτικά A´. Kavala: Kentro Historikon Meleton Kabalas, 1987. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

347

Bakirtzis, C. “Ανασκαφή Παλαιοχριστιανικής Βασιλικής στο Παγγαίο.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 2 (1988): 433–41. Bakirtzis, C. “A propos de la destruction de la basilique paléochrétienne de Kipia (Pangée).” Pages 33–38 in Les Slaves en Macédoine: La prétendue interruption des communications entre Constantinople et Thessalonique du 7ème au 9ème siècle. Edited by J. Karayannopoulos. Athens: Comité National Grec des Études du Sud-est Euro­ péen, 1989. Bakirtzis, C. “῾Η ἡμέρα μετὰ τὴν καταστροφὴ στοὺς Φιλίππους.” Pages 695–710 in Η καθημερινὴ ζωὴ στο Βυζάντιο: Τομὲς καὶ συνέχειες στὴν ἑλληνιστικὴ καὶ ρωμαϊκὴ παράδοση. Athens: Kentro Byzanton Ereunon, 1989. Bakirtzis, C. “Le culte de saint Démétrius.” Pages 58–68 in Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, Bonn, 22.–28. September 1991. Pt. 2. Münster: Aschendorff, 1995. Bakirtzis, C. “Paul and Philippi: The Archaeological Evidence.” Pages 37–48 in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Edited by C. Bakirtzis and H. Koester. Har­ risburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1998. Bakirtzis, C. “The End of Antiquity in Eastern Macedonia.” Pages 123–28 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 6/1, Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, October 15–19, 1996. Edited by J. Vokotopoulou. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1999. Bakirtzis, C. “The Decline and Destruction of Early Christian Amphipolis.” Pages 159–67 in Stadtzerstörung und Wiederaufbau: Zerstörung durch die Stadtherrschaft, innere Unruhen und Kriege. Edited by N. Bartlome and E. Flückiger. 2 vols. Bern: Haupt, 2000. Bakirtzis, C. “Pilgrimage to Thessalonike: The Tomb of St. Demetrios.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 56 (2002): 175–92. Bakirtzis, C. “Late Antiquity and Christianity in Thessalonikē: Aspects of a Trans­ formation.” Pages 397–426 in From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Edited by L. Nasrallah, C. Bakirtzis, and S.J. Friesen. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Bakirtzis, C. “Rotunda.” Pages 51–117 in Mosaics of Thessaloniki: 4th–14th Century. Edited by C. Bakirtzis, E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and C. Mavropoulou-Tsioumi. Athens: Kapon, 2012. Bakirtzis, C. “Ὁ Ξενὼν τοῦ Ἁγίου Δημητρίου: Εἰκονογραφικὰ Ζητήματα.” Pages 308–19 in Medicine and Healing in the Ancient Mediterranean World. Edited by D. Michaelides. Oxford: Oxbow, 2014. Bakirtzis, C. “The Mosaics of the Basilica of St Demetrios.” Pages 91–101 in The Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited: Papers from the 2014 Symposium at the Courtauld Institute of Art. Edited by A. Eastmond and M. Hatzaki. Athens: Kapon, 2017.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

348

Bibliography

Bakirtzis, C., and H. Koester, eds. Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1998. Bakirtzis, C., E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, and C. Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, eds. Mosaics of Thessaloniki: 4th–14th Century. Athens: Kapon, 2012. Bakirtzis, C., and P. Mastora. “Are the Mosaics in the Rotunda into [sic] Thessaloniki Linked to Its Conversion to a Christian Church?” Niš and Byzantium 9 (2011): 33–45. Barclay, J.M.G. “Conflict in Thessalonica.” The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 55.3 (1993): 512–30. Barnea, I. “L’épigraphie chrétienne de l’Illyricum oriental.” Pages 631–81 in Actes du Xe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne, Thessalonique, 28 septembre–4 o­c-­ tobre 1980. Vol. 1, Rapports. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1984. Barnes, T.D. “Legislation against the Christians.” The Journal of Roman Studies 58 (1968): 32–50. Baronowski, D.W. “The Provincial Status of Mainland Greece after 146 B.C.: A Criticism of Erich Gruen’s View.” Klio 70 (1988): 448–60. Barrett, C.K. The Acts of the Apostles. 2 vols. International Critical Commentary. Edin­ burgh: T&T Clark, 1994. Barrett, C.K. “The Historicity of Acts.” Journal of Theological Studies 50.2 (1999): 515–34. Bartels, J. Städtische Eliten im römischen Makedonien: Untersuchungen zur Formierung und Struktur. Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 242. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2008. Bartels, J. “In Search of Social Mobility within the poleis of Roman Macedonia: Methodological Questions.” Pages 263–80 in Social Dynamics under Roman Rule: Mobility and Status Change in the Provinces of Achaia and Macedonia; Proceedings of a Conference Held at the French School of Athens, 30–31 May 2014. Edited by A.D. Rizakis, F. Camia, and S. Zoumbaki. Meletemata 74. Athens: National Hellenic Research Foundation, Institute of Historical Research, 2017. Bauer, F.A. Eine Stadt und ihr Patron: Thessaloniki und der Heilige Demetrios. Regens­ burg: Schnell & Steiner, 2013. Baur, F.C. Paulus, der Apostel Jesu Christi: Sein Leben und Wirken, seine Briefe und seine Lehre. 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Becher & Müller, 1866. Bauer, J.B. Die Polykarpbriefe. Kommentar zu den Apostolischen Vätern 5. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995. Bavant, B. “L’Illyricum.” Pages 307–51 in Le monde byzantin. Vol. 1, L’Empire romain d’Orient (330–641). Edited by C. Morrisson. 2nd ed. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2012. Bayet, C.M. “Inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Attique.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 1 (1877): 391–408. Bayet, C.M. De titulis Atticae christianis antiquissimis: Commentatio historica et epigraphica. Paris: Thorin, 1878. Beard, M., J. North, and S. Price. Religions of Rome. Vol. 1, A History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

349

Begass, C. Die Senatsaristokratie des oströmischen Reiches, ca. 457–518: Prosopo­ graphische und sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchungen. Vestigia 71. Munich: Beck, 2018. Beldedovski, Z. “Basilica extra muros from Bargala.” Macedonian Heritage 13 (2009): 193–202. Bellier, P., et al. Paysages de Macédoine: Leurs caractères, leur évolution à travers les documents et les récits des voyageurs. Paris: De Boccard, 1986. Belon du Mans, P. Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses memorables, trouvées en Grece, Asie, Iudée, Egypte, Arabie, et autres pays estranges, redigées en trois livres. Paris: Cavellat, 1553. Benecke, P.V.M. “The Fall of the Macedonian Monarchy.” Pages 241–87 in The Cam­ bridge Ancient History. Vol. 8, Rome and the Mediterranean, 218–133 B.C. Edited by S.A. Cook, F.E. Adcock, and M.P. Charlesworth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1930. Best, E. A Commentary on the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians. Black’s New Testament Commentaries. London: Black, 1972. Betz, H.D. Studies in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 343. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015. Bij de Vaate, A., and J.W. van Henten. “Jewish or Non-Jewish? Some Remarks on the Identification of Jewish Inscriptions of Asia Minor.” Bibliotheca orientalis 53 (1996): 16–28. Birot, P., and J. Dresch. La Méditerranée et le Moyen-Orient. Vol. 2, La Méditerranée orientale et le Moyen-Orient: Les Balkans—l’Asie Mineure—le Moyen-Orient. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956. Bitrakova Grozdanova, V. Golem Grad: Prespa I. Skopje: Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2011. Blaževska, S., ed. Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 4. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2018. Blaževska, S., and J. Radnjanski. “The Temple of Isis at Stobi.” Pages 215–39 in Romanising Oriental Gods? Religious Transformations in the Balkan Provinces in the Roman Period: New Finds and Novel Perspectives; Proceedings of the International Symposium, Skopje, 18–21 September 2013. Edited by A. Nikoloska and S. Müskens. Skopje: Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2015. Blaževska, S., and J. Radnjanski. “Urban Transformation of Stobi: From oppidum ci­vium romanorum to Capital of Macedonia Secunda.” Pages 189–213 in Roman Provincial Capitals under Transition: Proceedings of the International Conference Held in Plovdiv 04.–07. November 2019. Edited by M. Raycheva and M. Steskal. Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut Sonderschriften Band 61. Vienna: Hol­z­ hausen, 2021. Blein, C. “L’évolution de l’occupation et de l’organisation du territoire aux époques hellénistique et romaine en Macédoine: Aperçu des régions de Bottiée, de Piérie et Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

350

Bibliography

d’Éordée (IVe siècle av. J.-C.–IIIe siècle apr. J.-C.).” Pages 233–61 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Bodel, J. “Epigraphy and the Ancient Historian.” Pages 1–56 in Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History from Inscriptions. Edited by J. Bodel. London: Routledge, 2001. Bodel, J. Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History from Inscriptions. London: Routledge, 2001. Bogdanović, J. The Framing of Sacred Space: The Canopy and the Byzantine Church. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Bolle, K., C. Machado, and C. Witschel, eds. The Epigraphic Cultures of Late Antiquity. Heidelberger Althistorische Beiträge und Epigraphische Studien 60. Stuttgart: Stei­ ner, 2017. Bonnekoh, P. Die figürlichen Malereien in Thessaloniki vom Ende des 4. bis zum 7. Jahrhundert: Neue Untersuchungen zur erhaltenen Malereiausstattung zweier Dop­ pelgräber, der Agora und der Demetrios-Kirche. Oberhausen: Athena, 2013. Bonz, M.P. The Past as Legacy: Luke-Acts and Ancient Epic. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2000. Bormann, L. Philippi: Stadt und Christengemeinde zur Zeit des Paulus. Supplements to Novum Testamentum 78. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Bovon, F. Luke the Theologian: Fifty-Five Years of Research (1950–2005). 2nd rev. ed. Waco, Tex.: Baylor University Press, 2006. Bratož, R. “Die frühchristliche Kirche in Makedonien und ihr Verhältnis zu Rom.” Pages 509–51 in Klassisches Altertum, Spätantike und frühes Christentum. Edited by K. Dietz, D. Hennig, and H. Kaletsch. Würzburg: Universität Würzburg, 1993. Brélaz, C. “La langue des indigènes sur le territoire de la colonie romaine de Philippes.” Revue des études grecques 121 (2008): xv. Brélaz, C. “La langue des incolae sur le territoire de Philippes et les contacts linguistiques dans les colonies romaines d’Orient.” Pages 371–407 in Interpretatio: Traduire l’altérité culturelle dans les civilisations de l’antiquité. Edited by F. Colin, O. Huck, and S. Vanséveren. Paris: De Boccard, 2015. Brélaz, C. “Entre Philippe II, Auguste et Paul: La commémoration des origines dans la colonie romaine de Philippes.” Pages 119–38 in Une mémoire en actes: Espaces, figures et discours dans le monde romain. Edited by S. Benoist, A. Daguet-Gagey, and C. Hoët-van Cauwenberghe. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Sep­ tentrion, 2016. Brélaz, C. “‘Outside the City Gate’: Centre and Periphery in Paul’s Preaching in Philippi.” Pages 123–40 in The Urban World and the First Christians. Edited by S. Walton, P.R. Trebilco et D.W.J. Gill. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2017. Brélaz, C. “First-Century Philippi: Contextualizing Paul’s Visit.” Pages 153–88 in The First Urban Churches. Vol. 4, Philippi. Edited by J.R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2018. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

351

Brélaz, C. “The Authority of Paul’s Memory and Early Christian Identity at Philippi.” Pages 240–66 in Identity and Authority in Emerging Christianities. Edited by C. Brey­ tenbach and J.M. Ogereau. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 103. Leiden: Brill, 2018. Brélaz, C. Philippes, colonie romaine d’Orient: Recherches d’histoire institutionnelle et sociale. Bulletin de correspondance hellénique Supplément 59. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2018. Brélaz, C. “The Provincial Contexts of Paul’s Imprisonments: Law Enforcement and Criminal Procedure in the Roman East.” Journal for the Study of the New Tes­ta­ment 43.4 (2021): 1–23. Brélaz, C., and J. Demaille. “Traces du passé macédonien et influences de l’hellénisme dans les colonies de Dion et de Philippes.” Pages 119–56 in L’héritage grec des colonies romaines d’Orient: Interactions culturelles dans les provinces hellénophones de l’empire romain; Actes du colloque de Strasbourg (8–9 novembre 2013). Edited by C. Brélaz. Paris: De Boccard, 2017. Brélaz, C., and A. Rizakis. “Le fonctionnement des institutions et le déroulement des carrières dans la colonie de Philippes.” Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 14 (2003): 155–65. Brélaz, C., and G. Tirologos. “Essai de reconstitution du territoire de la colonie de Philippes: Sources, méthodes et interprétations.” Pages 119–89 in Espaces et territoires des colonies romaines. Edited by H. Bru, G. Labarre, and G. Tirologos. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2016. Bremmer, J.N. The Rise of Christianity through the Eyes of Gibbon, Harnack and Rod­ ney Stark: A Valedictory Lecture on the Occasion of His Retirement from the Chair of Religious Studies, in the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Delivered in Abbreviated Form before the University of Groningen on 29 January 2010. 2nd ed. Groningen: Barkhuis, 2010. Brenk, B. Die Christianisierung der spätrömischen Welt: Stadt, Land, Haus, Kirche und Kloster in frühchristlicher Zeit. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2003. Brenk, B. “The Mosaics of Thessaloniki: The State of Research.” Pages 19–33 in The Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited: Papers from the 2014 Symposium at the Courtauld Institute of Art. Edited by A. Eastmond and M. Hatzaki. Athens: Kapon, 2017. Breytenbach, C., ed. Frühchristliches Thessaloniki. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 44. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007. Breytenbach, C. “What’s in the Name ‘Paul’? On Early Christian Inscriptions from Lycaonia.” Pages 463–77 in Paulus—Werk und Wirkung: Festschrift für Andreas Lindemann zum 70. Geburtstag. Edited by P.-G. Klumbies and D.S. du Toit. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013. Breytenbach, C. “The Early Christians and Their Greek Bible: Quotations from the Psalms and Isaiah in Inscriptions from Asia Minor.” Pages 759–74 in Die Sep­tu­aginta—Text, Wirkung, Rezeption: 4. Internationale Fachtagung veranstaltet Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

352

Bibliography

von Septuaginta Deutsch (LXX.D), Wuppertal 19.–22. Juli 2012. Edited by W. Kraus und S. Kreuzer. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 325. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014. Breytenbach, C., and J.M. Ogereau. “Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (ICG) 1.0: An Online Database and Repository of Early Christian Greek Inscriptions from Asia Minor and Greece.” Early Christianity 8 (2017): 409–19. Breytenbach, C., and J.M. Ogereau, eds. Identity and Authority in Emerging Christianities in Asia Minor and Greece. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 103. Leiden: Brill, 2018. Breytenbach, C., and E. Tzavella. Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas: From Paul to Justinian I (1st–6th cent. AD). Ancient Judaism and Early Chris­tianity 114. Leiden: Brill, 2023. Breytenbach, C., and C. Zimmermann. Early Christianity in Lycaonia and Adjacent Areas: From Paul to Amphilochius of Iconium. Ancient Judaism and Early Chris­tianity 101. Early Christianity in Asia Minor 2. Leiden: Brill, 2018. Brightman, F.E. Liturgies Eastern and Western. Vol. 1, Eastern Liturgies. Oxford: Clar­ endon, 1896. Briones, D.E. Paul’s Financial Policy: A Socio-theological Approach. Library of New Testament Studies 494. New York: Bloomsbury, 2013. Brocas-Deflassieux, L. Béroia, cité de Macédoine: Étude de topographie antique. Béroia: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Centre de recherches de l’Antiquité grecque et romaine—Annexe de Béroia, 1999. Brocke, C. vom. Thessaloniki—Stadt des Kassander und Gemeinde des Paulus: Eine frühe christliche Gemeinde in ihrer heidnischen Umwelt. Wissenschaftliche Unter­ suchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/125. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 2001. Brown, P. The World of Late Antiquity, AD 150–750. London: Thames & Hudson, 1971. Bruce, F.F. Commentary on the Book of the Acts: The English Text with Introduction, Exposition and Notes. London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1972. Bruce, F.F. 1 and 2 Thessalonians. Word Biblical Commentary 45. Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1982. Bruce, F.F. “The Acts of the Apostles: Historical Record or Theological Reconstruction?” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2.25.3 (1985): 2569–603. Bultmann, R. Theologie des Neuen Testaments. 9th ed. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1984. Burnett, C. “Imperial Divine Honors in Julio-Claudian Thessalonica and the Thessalo­ nian Correspondence.” Journal of Biblical Literature 139.3 (2020): 567–89. Burnett, C. Studying the New Testament through Inscriptions: An Introduction. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Academic, 2020. Burrell, B. Neokoroi: Greek Cities and Roman Emperors. Cincinnati Classical Studies 9. Leiden: Brill, 2004.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

353

Butticaz, S. “Paul et la mémoire Lucanienne des origines.” Pages 411–42 in Receptions of Paul in Early Christianity: The Person of Paul and His Writings through the Eyes of His Early Interpreters. Edited by J. Schröter, S. Butticaz, and A. Dettwiler. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 234. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2018. Cabanes, P. “Histoire comparée de la Macédoine, de l’Épire et de l’Illyrie méridionale (IVe–IIe s. a.C.).” Pages 293–311 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 5/1, Papers Read at the Fifth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 10–15 August 1989. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1993. Cadbury, H.J. The Making of Luke-Acts. London: SPCK, 1968. Calder, W.M. “The Eumeneian Formula.” Pages 15–26 in Anatolian Studies Presented to William Hepburn Buckler. Edited by W.M. Calder and J. Keil. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1939. Callahan, A.D. “Dead Paul: The Apostle as Martyr in Philippi.” Pages 67–84 in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Edited by C. Bakirtzis and H. Koester. Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1998. Cameron, A., B. Ward-Perkins, and M. Whitby. The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 14, Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors, AD 425–600. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 2000. Campbell, T.H. “Paul’s ‘Missionary Journeys’ as Reflected in His Letters.” Journal of Biblical Literature 74.2 (1955): 80–87. Campbell, W.S. The “We” Passages in the Acts of the Apostles: The Narrator as Narrative Character. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2007. Carletti, C. “‘Epigrafia cristiana’, ‘epigrafia dei Cristiani’: Alle origini della terza età dell’epigrafia.” Pages 115–35 in La terza età dell’epigrafia: Colloquio AIEGL-Borghesi 86, Bologna, ottobre 1986. Edited by A. Donati. Faenza: Fratelli Lega, 1988. Carletti, C. “ΙΧΘΥΣ ΖΩΝΤΩΝ: Chiose a ICUR, II 4246.” Vetera Christianorum 36 (1999): 15–30. Carletti, C. Epigrafia dei cristiani in Occidente dal III al VII secolo: Ideologia e prassi. Bari: Edipuglia, 2008. Carletti, C. “Origini cristiane ed epigrafia: Note di lettura a proposito di alcune iscri­ zioni (forse) ‘protocristiane.’” Annali di storia dell’esegesi 31 (2014): 83–94. Caseau, B. Review of Le Christianisme sur le sol de l’Illyricum oriental jusqu’à l’arrivée des Slaves, by R. Popović. Revue des études byzantines 59 (2001): 294. Casiday, A., and F.W. Norris, eds. The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 2, Con­ stantine to c. 600. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Casson, S. Macedonia, Thrace and Illyria: Their Relations to Greece from the Earliest Times down to the Time of Philip Son of Amyntas. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1926.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

354

Bibliography

Chatzinikolaou, K. “Locating Sanctuaries in Upper Macedonia according to Archaeo­ logical Data.” Kernos 23 (2010): 193–222. Chatzinikolaou, K. “Συμβολή στη μελέτη της ιστορικής γεωγραφίας της Άνω Μακεδονίας.” Makedonika 38 (2011): 1–20. Chiricat, E. “The ‘Crypto-Christian’ Inscriptions of Phrygia.” Pages 198–214 in Roman Phrygia: Culture and Society. Edited by P. Thonemann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Christesen, P., and S.C. Murray. “Macedonian Religion.” Pages 428–45 in A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Edited by J. Roisman and I. Worthington. Oxford: WileyBlackwell, 2010. Christodoulou, P. “Δημόσια οικοδομήματα των πρώιμων Ελληνιστικών χρόνων στη Mακε­δονία.” Pages 307–32 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 6/1, Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, October 15–19, 1996. Edited by J. Vokotopoulou. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1999. Christodoulou, P. “Δίον: Η ανασκαφή στη βασιλική της αγοράς το 2007.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 21 (2007): 179–84. Christodoulou, P. “Priester der ägyptischen Götter in Makedonien (3. Jh. v.Chr.–3. Jh. n.Chr.).” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abtei­lung 124 (2009): 325–56. Christodoulou, P. “Les reliefs votifs du sanctuaire d’Isis à Dion.” Pages 11–22 in Bibliotheca Isiaca. Vol. 2. Edited by L. Bricault and R. Veymiers. Bordeaux: Ausonius, 2011. Christodoulou, P. “Sarapis, Isis and the Emperor.” Pages 167–201 in Romanising Oriental Gods? Religious Transformations in the Balkan Provinces in the Roman Period: New Finds and Novel Perspectives; Proceedings of the International Symposium, Skopje, 18–21 September 2013. Edited by A. Nikoloska and S. Müskens. Skopje: Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2015. Chrysostomou, A. Αρχαία Έδεσσα. Thessaloniki: Hypourgeio Politismou IZʹ Ephoreia Proistorikon kai Klasikon Archaioteton, 2008. Chrysostomou, A. Αρχαία Έδεσσα: Τα Νεκροταφεία. Volos: Hypourgeio Paideias kai Threskeumaton, Politismou kai Athletismou, Archaiologiko Institouto Thessalikon Spoudon, 2013. Chrysostomou, P. “Ανασκαφή στη ρωμαϊκή και βυζαντινή Πέλλα κατά το 1995.” To ar­chaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 9 (1995): 117–36. Chrysostomou, P. “Ανασκαφικές έρευνες στην Πελλαία χώρα κατά το 1997.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 11 (1997): 215–32. Chrysostomou, P. “The Roman Colony of Pella.” Pages 93–95, 147–48 in Pella and Its Environs. Edited by M. Lilimpaki-Akamati and I.M. Akamatis. Athens: TAP, 2004. Ciampa, R.E. “‘Examined the Scriptures’? The Meaning of ἀνακρίνοντες τὰς γραφάς in Acts 17:11.” Journal of Biblical Literature 130.3 (2011): 527–41.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

355

Cohen, S.J.D. “Adolph Harnack’s ‘The Mission and Expansion of Judaism’: Christianity Succeeds Where Judaism Fails.” Pages 163–69 in The Future of Early Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester. Edited by B.A. Pearson. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991. Collart, P. “Le théâtre de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 52 (1928): 74–124. Collart, P. “Une réfection de la ‘via Egnatia’ sous Trajan.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 59 (1935): 395–415. Collart, P. Philippes: Ville de Macédoine depuis ses origines jusqu’à la fin de l’époque Romaine. Paris: De Boccard, 1937. Collart, P. “Les milliaires de la via Egnatia.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 100 (1976): 177–200. Collart, P., and P. Ducrey. Philippes I: Les reliefs rupestres. Bulletin de correspondance hellénique Supplément 2. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 1975. Collins, R.F. “A propos the Integrity of 1 Thes.” Ephemerides theologicae Lovanienses 55.1 (1979): 67–106. Collins, R.F., ed. The Thessalonian Correspondence. Bibliotheca Ephemeridum theologicarum Lovaniensium 87. Leuven: University Press, 1990. Concannon, C.W. Assembling Early Christianity: Trade, Networks, and the Letters of Dionysios of Corinth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Conzelmann, H. Die Apostelgeschichte. 2nd ed. Handbuch zum Neuen Testament 7. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1972. Cormack, R.S. “The Mosaic Decoration of S. Demetrios, Thessaloniki: A Re-examination in the Light of the Drawings of W.S. George.” The Annual of the British School at Athens 64 (1969): 17–52. Coulot, C. “Paul à Thessalonique (1Th 2.1–12).” New Testament Studies 52.3 (2006): 377–93. Coupry, J. “Un joueur de marelle au marché de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 70 (1946): 102–5. Coupry, J., and M. Feyel. “Inscriptions de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 60 (1936): 37–58. Cousinéry, E.M. Voyage dans la Macédoine, contenant des recherches sur l’histoire, la géographie et les antiquités de ce pays. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1831. Crawford, C. “The ‘Tiny’ Problem of 1 Thessalonians 2,7: The Case of the Curious Vocative.” Biblica 54.1 (1973): 69–72. Creaghan, J.S., and A.E. Raubitschek. “Early Christian Epitaphs from Athens.” Hes­peria 16 (1947): 1–52. Cumont, F. “Les inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Asie Mineure.” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’École française de Rome, Antiquité 15 (1895): 245–99.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

356

Bibliography

Ćurčić, S. Some Observations and Questions regarding Early Christian Architecture in Thessaloniki. Thessaloniki: Hypourgeio Politismou Ephoreia Byzantinon Archai­ oteton Thessalonikes, 2000. Ćurčić, S. “Christianization of Thessalonikē: The Making of Christian ‘Urban Ico­ nography.’” Pages 213–44 in From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Edited by L. Nasrallah, C. Bakirtzis, and S.J. Friesen. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Curtis, C.G. “Επιγραφαί ικονίου.” Syngramma periodikon: Hellēnikos Philologikos Syllogos Kōnstantinupoleōs, Suppl. 17 (1887): 157–58. Cvetković-Tomašević, G. Mosaïques de pavement paléobyzantines dans le palais épiscopal à Hérakléa Lynkestis. Belgrade: Beograd Institut pour la protection des monuments historiques de la Serbie, 2002. Cvetković-Tomašević, G., and M. Medić. Heraclea III: Mosaic Pavement in the Narthex of the Large Basilica. Bitola: Board of Heraclea, 1967. Damaskos, D., and A. Skreka. “Ένα υπόγειο ταφικό μνημείο στη θέση Παραβέλα του Άργους Ορεστικού.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 26 (2012): 17–24. Danforth, L.M. “Ancient Macedonia, Alexander the Great and the Star or Sun of Vergina: National Symbols and the Conflict between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia.” Pages 572–98 in A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Edited by J. Roisman and I. Worthington. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Daubner, F. Makedonien nach den Königen (168 v.Chr.–14 n.Chr.). Stuttgart: Steiner, 2018. Daux, G. “Notes de lecture.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 101.1 (1977): 329–51. Deininger, J. Die Provinziallandtage der römischen Kaiserzeit von Augustus bis zum Ende des dritten Jahrhunderts n.Chr. Vestigia 6. Munich: Beck, 1965. Delebecque, E. “Paul à Thessalonique et à Bérée selon le texte occidental des Actes (xvii, 4–15).” Revue Thomiste 82 (1982): 605–15. Delehaye, H. Les légendes grecques des saints militaires. Paris: Picard, 1909. Delehaye, H. “Saints de Thrace et de Mésie.” Analecta Bollandiana 31 (1912): 161–300. Delehaye, H. Les origines du culte des martyrs. 2nd rev. ed. Subsidia hagiographica 20. Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1933. Delehaye, H. Les passions des martyrs et les genres littéraires. 2nd ed. Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1966. Demaille, J. “La fondation de la colonie romaine de Dion (Piérie, Macédoine) et la constitution d’une société mixte (Ier siècle a.C.–IIIe siècle p.C.).” Sciences humaines combinées 12 (2013): 1–11. Demaille, J. “Esclaves et affranchis sur le territoire de la colonie romaine de Dion (Piérie, Macédoine).” Pages 537–59 in Los espacios de la esclavitud y la dependencia desde la Antigüedad: Homenaje a Domingo Plácido; Actas del XXXV coloquio del GIREA. Edited by A. Beltrán, I. Sastre, and M. Valdés. Besançon: Presses universi­ taires de Franche-Comté, 2015.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

357

Demaille, J. “La population d’origine italienne de la colonie romaine de Dion (Piérie, Macédoine).” Pages 183–200 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Demandt, A. Die Spätantike: Römische Geschichte von Diocletian bis Justinian, 284–565 n.Chr. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 3/6. Munich: Beck, 1989. Deriziotis, L. “Παλαιοχριστιανικον κτίσμα εν τη πόλει της Βέροιας.” Archaiologika ana­ lekta ex Athenon 7.2 (1974): 174–83. Derow, P.S. “Rome, the Fall of Macedon and the Sack of Corinth.” Pages 290–323 in The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 8, Rome and the Mediterranean to 133 BC. Edited by A. Astin et al. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. De Ruyt, C. Macellum: Marché alimentaire des Romains. Louvain-la-Neuve: Institut supérieur d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art, Collège Érasme, 1983. Destephen, S. “La christianisation de l’Asie Mineure jusqu’à Constantin: Le témoignage de l’épigraphie.” Pages 159–94 in Le problème de la christianisation du monde antique. Edited by H. Inglebert, S. Destephen, and B. Dumézil. Paris: Picard, 2010. Destephen, S. “La coexistence du grec et du latin en Illyricum (Ier–VIe siècle).” Pages 129–44 in Contacts linguistiques dans l’Occident méditerranéen antique. Edited by C. Ruiz Darasse and E.R. Lujan. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2011. Dibelius, M. An die Thessalonicher I, II; An die Philipper. 3rd rev. ed. Handbuch zum Neuen Testament 11. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1937. Dibelius, M. Studies in the Acts of the Apostles. London: SCM, 1956. Dickson, J.P. Mission-Commitment in Ancient Judaism and in the Pauline Communities: The Shape, Extent and Background of Early Christian Mission. Tübingen: Mohr Sie­ beck, 2003. Diehl, C., and M. Le Tourneau. “Les mosaïques de Saint-Démétrius de Salonique.” Monuments et mémoires de la Fondation Eugène Piot 18.2 (1911): 225–48. Diehl, C., M. Le Tourneau, and H. Saladin. Les monuments chrétiens de Salonique. Paris: Leroux, 1918. Diethart, J. Review of Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du IIIe au VIe siècle, by D. Feissel. Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 35 (1985): 293–94. Dimitrakopoulos, P.A. “Ἅγιος Ἀλέξανδρος Πύδνης ἢ Θεσσαλονίκης.” Hellenika 29.2 (1976): 268–77. Dimitrova, E. “In through the Inner Door: The Mosaic in the Narthex of the Large Basilica in Heraclea Lyncestis.” Niš and Byzantium 4 (2006): 179–89. Dimitrova, E. “The Mosaic at the Entrance of the Episcopal Basilica in Heraclea Lyncestis: Its Didactical Charge and Ritual Impact over the Congregation.” Folia archaeologica Balkanica 3 (2015): 203–18.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

358

Bibliography

Dimitrova, E., S. Blaževska, and M. Tutkovski, eds. Early Christian Wall Paintings from the Episcopal Basilica in Stobi. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2012. Dimitrova-Milčeva, A., and V. Petkov. “Basilika Nr. 4 (Bischofsbasilika) in der Stadt Sandanski (Sv. Vrač): Vorbericht.” Folia archaeologica Balkanica 1 (2006): 404–24. Di Napoli, V. “Buildings for Entertainment in Roman Macedonia: Between Continuity and Rupture with the Past.” Pages 321–40 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, In­stitut de recherches historiques, 2018. Dinsmoor, W.B., Jr. “The Baptistery: Its Roofing and Related Problems.” Pages 15–27 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 2. Edited by J. Wiseman. Belgrade: National Museum of Titov Veles, 1975. Djordjievska, A. “Literary and Epigraphic References of the Early Christian Heraclea.” Niš and Byzantium 6 (2008): 157–63. Dobschütz, E. von. Christusbilder: Untersuchungen zur christlichen Legende. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, NF 3. Leipzig: Hin­ richs, 1899. Dobschütz, E. von. “Der Briefwechsel zwischen Abgar und Jesus.” Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie 43 (1900): 422–86. Dobschütz, E. von. Die Thessalonicher-Briefe. Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar über das Neue Testament 10. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1909. Dölger, F.J. ΙΧΘΥΣ. 5 vols. Münster: Aschendorff, 1928–1943. Dölger, F.J. Review of Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται II–V, by S.P. Kyriakides. Byzantinische Zeit­schrift 40 (1940): 180–83. Donceel-Voûte, P. Les pavements des églises byzantines de Syrie et du Liban: Décor, archéologie et liturgie. 2 vols. Louvain-la-Neuve: Département d’archéologie et d’his­ toire de l’art, Collège Erasme, 1988. Donfried, K.P. Paul, Thessalonica, and Early Christianity. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerd­ mans, 2002. Donfried, K.P., and J. Beutler, eds. The Thessalonians Debate: Methodological Discord or Methodological Synthesis? Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2000. Doukata-Demertzi, S., and D. Commatas. “Νέες επιγραφές από την χριστιανική Αμφίπολη.” Pages 127–46 in Οι Σέρρες και η περιοχή τους από την αρχαία στη μεταβυζαντινή κοινωνία, Σέρρες 29 Σεπτεμβρίου–3 Οκτωβρίου 1993. Vol. 1, Πρακτικά. Serres: Demos Serron, 1998. Doukellis, P.N., and S. Zoumbaki. “De Flamininus aux Antonins: Conquête et aménagements de l’espace extra-urbain en Achaïe et Macédoine.” Dialogues d’histoire ancienne 21.2 (1995): 205–28. Downing, C.J. “Wall Paintings from the Baptistery at Stobi, Macedonia, and Early Depictions of Christ and the Evangelists.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 52 (1998): 259–80.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

359

Dragon, G. “Les villes dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin.” Pages 1–20 in Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin: Actes du colloque organisé par l’École française de Rome (Rome, 12–14 Mai 1982). Rome: École française de Rome, 1984. Drijvers, H.J.W. “2. Abgarsage.” Pages 389–95 in Neutestamentliche Apokryphen in deutscher Übersetzung. Vol. 1, Evangelien. Edited by W. Schneemelcher. 5th ed. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1987. Drossoyianni, P.A. “Θεσσαλονίκη: Αγία Σοφία.” Archaiologikon deltion 18 B2 (1963) [1965]: 235–42. Drougou, S. “Vergina: The Ancient City of Aegae.” Pages 243–56 in Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC–300 AD. Edited by R.J. Lane Fox. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Duchesne, L. “L’Illyricum ecclésiastique.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 1.3 (1892): 531–50. Ducros, M. “Organisation et importance des combats de gladiateurs dans les régions nord-égéennes: Macédoine, Thrace, Thasos.” Pages 341–56 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Düll, S. “Götter auf Makedonischen Grabstelen.” Pages 115–35 in Essays in Memory of Basil Laourdas. Edited by L.B. Laourdas. Thessaloniki: Gregoris, 1975. Düll, S. Die Götterkulte Nordmakedoniens in römischer Zeit: Eine kultische und typologische Untersuchung anhand epigraphischer, numismatischer und archäologischer Denkmäler. Munich: Fink, 1977. Düll, S. “Die Romanisierung Nordmakedoniens im Spiegel der Götterkulte.” Pages 77–87 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 3, Papers Read at the Third International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, September 21–25, 1977. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1983. Dunn, G.D. “Innocent I and Anysius of Thessalonica.” Byzantion 77 (2007): 124–48. Dunn, G.D. “Innocent I and the Illyrian Churches on the Question of Heretical Ordination.” Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 4 (2008): 65–81. Dunn, G.D. “Innocent I and Rufus of Thessalonica.” Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 59 (2009): 51–64. Dunn, G.D. “The Church of Rome as a Court of Appeal in the Early Fifth Century: The Evidence of Innocent I and the Illyrian Churches.” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64.4 (2013): 679–99. Dunn, G.D. “Boniface I and Roman Ecclesiastical Supervision of the Churches of Illyricum Orientale: The Evidence of retro maioribus to Rufus of Thessaloniki.” Pages 121–35 in Costellazioni geo-ecclesiali da Costantino a Giustiniano: Dalle chiese “principali” alla chiese patriarcali; XLIII Incontro di sudiosi dell’antichità cristiana, Roma, 7–9 maggio 2015. Roma: Institutum patristicum Augustinianum, 2017.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

360

Bibliography

Dupont, J. Les sources du Livre des Actes: État de la question. Bruges: De Brouwer, 1960. Džidrova, L. “Inauguration of Christianity at Heraclea Lyncestis: The Evolution of the Episcopal Complex through an Analysis of the Applied Geometric Mosaic Pavements.” Folia archaeologica Balkanica 3 (2015): 289–326. Eastmond, A., and M. Hatzaki, eds. The Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited: Papers from the 2014 Symposium at the Courtauld Institute of Art. Athens: Kapon, 2017. Eck, W., and P. Funke, eds. Öffentlichkeit—Monument—Text: XIV Congressus internationalis epigraphiae Graecae et Latinae 27.–31. Augusti MMXII; Akten. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014. Eckstein, A.M. “Macedonia and Rome, 221–146 BC.” Pages 225–50 in A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Edited by J. Roisman and I. Worthington. Oxford: WileyBlackwell, 2010. Edson, C.F. “The Antigonids, Heracles, and Beroea.” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 45 (1934): 213–46. Edson, C.F. “Macedonica.” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 51 (1940): 125–36. Edson, C.F. “Cults of Thessalonica (Macedonica III).” Harvard Theological Review 41.3 (1948): 153–204. Edson, C.F. “The Location of Cellae and the Route of the Via Egnatia in Western Macedonia.” Classical Philology 46.1 (1951): 1–16. Edson, C.F. “Strepsa (Thucydides 1.61.4).” Classical Philology 50.3 (1955): 169–90. Edson, C.F. “Early Macedonia.” Pages 17–44 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 1, Papers Read at the First International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 26–29 August 1968. Edited by B. Laourdas and C. Makaronas. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1970. Egger, R. “Ausgrabungen in Stobi.” Archäologischer Anzeiger 1927 (1928): 174–78. Egger, R. “Die städtische Kirche von Stobi.” Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäolo­ gischen Institutes in Wien 24 (1929): 42–87. Eisen, U.E. Amtsträgerinnen im frühen Christentum: Epigraphische und literarische St­u­ dien. Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte 61. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996. Eleutheriadou, K. “Χριστιανικό κοιμητήριο στη Θεσσαλονίκη.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 3 (1989): 271–82. Ellis, J.R. “Political History.” Pages 111–33 in Macedonia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Edited by M.B. Sakellariou. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1983. Elmer, I.J. “The Pauline Letters as Community Documents.” Pages 37–53 in Collecting Early Christian Letters: From the Apostle Paul to Late Antiquity. Edited by B. Neil and P. Allen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Enslin, M.S. “Once Again, Luke and Paul.” Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissen­ schaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 61.3/4 (1970): 253–71. Enßlin, W. “Praefectus praetorio.” Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertums­­wissenschaft 22/2 (1954): 2391–502.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

361

Ernst, P. “Hellénisme et romanité dans le Nord égéen sous la domination de Rome: Pratiques culturelles, identités et rapports de pouvoir.” Pages 117–28 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Evangelidis, V. “The Architecture of the Imperial Cult in the Agoras of the Greek ci­ties.” Egnatia 12 (2008): 125–44. Evangelidis, V. The Archaeology of Roman Macedonia: Urban and Rural Environments. Oxford: Oxbow, 2022. Exner, M. “Das fischreiche Gläserne Meer vor dem Thron Christi: Bemerkungen zum Apsismosaik von Hosios David in Thessaloniki.” Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 67 (2016): 7–14. Falezza, G. I santuari della Macedonia in età romana: Persistenze e cambiamenti del paesaggio sacro tra II secolo a.C. e IV secolo d.C. Rome: Quasar, 2012. Feissel, D. “Recherches sur les inscriptions paléochrétiennes de Macédoine: Les formules funéraires; Les noms de personnes.” Mémoire, École française d’Athènes, 1978. Feissel, D. “L’évêque, titres et fonctions d’après les inscriptions grecques jusqu’au VIIe siècle.” Pages 801–28 in Actes du XIe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne; Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genève, Aoste, 21–28 septembre 1986. Rome: École française de Rome, 1989. Feissel, D. Chroniques d’épigraphie Byzantine, 1987–2004. Monographies 20. Paris: Asso­ ciation des amis du centre d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance, 2006. Feissel, D. “Trois fonctions municipales dans l’épigraphie protobyzantine (curator, defensor, pater civitatis).” Pages 473–500 in The Epigraphic Cultures of Late Antiquity. Edited by K. Bolle, C. Machado, and C. Witschel. Heidelberger althistorische Beiträge und epigraphische Studien 60. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2017. Feissel, D., and J.-M. Spieser. “Inventaires en vue d’un recueil des inscriptions historiques de Byzance: Les inscriptions de Thessalonique; Supplément.” Travaux et mémoires 7 (1979): 303–46. Felle, A.E. Biblia Epigraphica: La Sacra Scrittura nella documentazione epigrafica dell’Orbis christianus antiquus (III–VIII secolo). Inscriptiones Christianae Italiae Subsidia 5. Bari: Edipuglia, 2006. Felle, A.E. “Judaism and Christianity in the Light of Epigraphic Evidence (3rd– 7th cent. C.E.).” Henoch 29.2 (2007): 354–77. Felle, A.E. “The Use of Greek in the Early Christian Inscriptions from Rome and Italy (3rd–4th cent.).” Pages 303–25 in Identity and Authority in Emerging Chris­ tianities. Edited by C. Breytenbach and J.M. Ogereau. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 103. Leiden: Brill, 2018.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

362

Bibliography

Felle, A.E., and B. Ward-Perkins, eds. Cultic Graffiti in the Late Antique Mediterranean and Beyond. Turnhout: Brepols, 2021. Ferjančić, B. “Invasions et installation des Slaves dans les Balkans.” Pages 85–108 in Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin: Actes du colloque organisé par l’École française de Rome (Rome, 12–14 Mai 1982). Rome: École française de Rome, 1984. Ferjančić, S. “The Prefecture of Illyricum in the 4th Century: A Chronological Note.” Pages 231–39 in Mélanges d’histoire et d’épigraphie offerts à Fanoula Papazoglou par ses élèves à l’occasion de son quatre-vingtième anniversaire. Edited by M. Mirković et al. Belgrade: Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta, 1997. Filow, B. “Altchristliches aus Mazedonien.” Pages 33–39 in Studien zur Kunst des Ostens: Josef Strzygowski zum sechzigsten Geburtstage von seinen Freunden und Schü­lern. Vienna: Avalun, 1923. Fitzmyer, J.A. The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Co­m­ mentary. Anchor Bible 31. New York: Doubleday, 1998. Flexsenhar, M., III. Christians in Caesar’s Household: The Emperors’ Slaves in the Makings of Christianity. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2019. Flexsenhar, M., III. “The Provenance of Philippians and Why It Matters: Old Ques­ tions, New Approaches.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42.1 (2019): 18–45. Folk, R.L. “The Geological Framework of Stobi.” Pages 37–57 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 1. Edited by J. Wiseman. Belgrade: National Museum of Titov Veles, 1973. Foschia, L. “La réutilisation des sanctuaires païens par les Chrétiens en Grèce continentale (IVe–VIIe s.).” Revue des études grecques 113 (2000): 413–34. Foschia, L. “Shifting Pagan and Christian Cult Places in Late Antiquity: From Monu­mentalization to Cryptocult and Vice Versa.” Pages 105–11 in SOMA 2001: Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology; Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Meeting of Post­ graduate Researchers, The University of Liverpool, 23–25 February 2001. Edited by G. Muskett, A. Koltsida, and M. Georgiadis. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2002. Foschia, L. “The Preservation, Restoration, and (Re)Construction of Pagan Cult Places in Late Antiquity, with Particular Attention to Mainland Greece (Fourth–Fifth Centuries).” Journal of Late Antiquity 2.2 (2009): 209–23. Fouache, E., et al. “Contribution on the Holocene Reconstruction of Thessaloniki Coastal Plain, Greece.” Journal of Coastal Research 24.5 (2008): 1161–73, 1217–18. Fourlas, B. Die Mosaiken der Acheiropoietos-Basilika in Thessaloniki: Eine vergleichen­de Analyse dekorativer Mosaiken des 5. und 6. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols. Millennium-Stu­dien 35. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012. Fournier, J. “Entre Macédoine et Thrace: Thasos à l’époque de l’hégémonie romaine.” Pages 11–63 in Thrakika Zetemata. Vol. 2, Aspects of the Roman Province of Thrace.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

363

Edited by M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Institute of Historical Research, Department for Greek and Roman Antiquity (KERA), National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2013. Fournier, J. Philippes, de la préhistoire à Byzance: Études d’archéologie et d’histoire. Bulletin de correspondance hellénique Supplément 55. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2016. Fournier, J. “Les citoyens romains à Thasos: Origines, mobilité, intégration.” Pages 201–31 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Fragoulis, K. “Η Επισκοπική Βασιλική του Δίου: Mια πρόδρομη παρουσίαση.” Pages 79–92 in Η πανεπιστημιακή ανασκαφή του Δίου: Νεότερες μελέτες. Edited by S. Pingiatoglou. Thessaloniki: Thessaloniki University Studio Press, 2019. Fragoulis, K. “Episcopal Basilica of Dion, Greece: The Triconch Building and the Location of the Bishop’s Residence.” Pages 189–99 in Archaeology of a World of Changes: Late Roman and Early Byzantine Architecture, Sculpture and Landscapes; Selected Papers from the 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies (Belgrade, 22–27 August 2016) in memoriam Claudiae Barsanti. Edited by D. Moreau et al. BAR. International Series 2973. Oxford: BAR, 2020. Frey, J., and B. Schliesser, eds. Der Philipperbrief des Paulus in der hellenistisch-römischen Welt. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 353. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015. Friesen, S.J. “Second Thessalonians, the Ideology of Epistles, and the Construction of Authority: Our Debt to the Forger.” Pages 189–210 in From Roman to Early Chris­ tian Thessalonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Edited by L. Nasrallah, C. Bakirtzis, and S.J. Friesen. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Friesen, S.J., M. Lychounas, and D.N. Schowalter, eds. Philippi, from Colonia Augusta to Communitas Christiana: Religion and Society in Transition. Supplements to Novum Testamentum 186. Leiden: Brill, 2022. Gagé, J. “Alexandre le Grand en Macédoine dans la Ière moitié du IIIe siècle ap. J.-C.” Historia 24 (1975): 1–16. Gasque, W.W. A History of the Criticism of the Acts of the Apostles. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1975. Gebhard, E. “The Theater at Stobi: A Summary.” Pages 13–27 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 3. Edited by B. Aleksova and J. Wiseman. Titov Velec: Macedonian Review Editions, 1981. Gebhard, E. “Discovery of the First Theater at Stobi.” Pages 132–55 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 4. Edited by S. Blaževska. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2018.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

364

Bibliography

Gehrke, H.-J. Geschichte des Hellenismus. 4th ed. Munich: Oldenbourg, 2008. Gerassimova, V. “Two Inscriptions from the Basilica No. 4 in Sandanski (Preliminary Report).” Numismatica, sphragistica and epigraphica 6 (2010): 191–206. Gerov, B. “Die Grenzen der römischen Provinz Thracia bis zur Gründung des Aure­ lianischen Dakien.” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2.7.1 (1979): 212–40. Geyser, A.S. “Un essai d’explication de Rom. XV. 19.” New Testament Studies 6.2 (1960): 156–59. Ghilardi, M. “Dynamiques spatiales et reconstitutions paléogéographiques de la plaine de Thessalonique (Grèce) à l’Holocène récent.” PhD diss., Université Paris 12, 2007. Ghilardi, M., et al. “Reconstruction of the Landscape History around the Remnant Arch of the Klidhi Roman Bridge, Thessaloniki Plain, North Central Greece.” Journal of Archaeological Science 37 (2010): 178–91. Giannakopoulos, N. “The Greek Presence in the Roman Colonies of Kassandreia and Pella.” Pages 93–118 in L’héritage grec des colonies romaines d’Orient: Interactions culturelles dans les provinces hellénophones de l’empire romain; Actes du colloque de Strasbourg (8–9 novembre 2013). Edited by C. Brélaz. Paris: De Boccard, 2017. Ginouvès, R., ed. Macedonia: From Philip II to the Roman Conquest. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Goguel, M. Introduction au Nouveau Testament. Vol. 4. Paris: Leroux, 1925. Gouloulis, S., and V. Katsaros. “The Rotunda of Thessaloniki: A New Interpretation of the Mosaic Decoration.” Niš and Byzantium 12 (2014): 89–100. Gounaris, G. Το βαλάνειο και τα βόρεια προκτίσματα του Οκταγώνου των Φιλίππων. Athens: Athenais Archaiologike Etaireia, 1990. Gounaris, G. “Die Wandmalereien aus dem Grab Nr. 18 der theologischen Fakultät der Aristoteles-Universität Thessaloniki.” Pages 79–89 in Frühchristliches Thessaloniki. Edited by C. Breytenbach. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 44. Tübin­ gen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007 (first published in Egnatia 2 [1990]: 245–62). Gounaris, G. “Amphipolis.” Pages 50–51 in The Eerdmans Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology. Vol. 1. Edited by P.C. Finney. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2017. Grabar, A. “A propos des mosaïques de la coupole de Saint-Georges, à Salonique.” Cahiers archéologiques 17 (1967): 59–81. Grabar, A. Martyrium: Recherches sur le culte des reliques et l’art chrétien antique. 2 vols. Paris: Collège de France, 1943–1946. Reprint, London: Variorum, 1977. Grabar, A. “Une forme essentielle du culte des reliques et ses reflets dans l’iconographie paléochrétienne.” Journal des savants, no. 3 (1978): 165–74. Gräßer, E. Forschungen zur Apostelgeschichte. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 137. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001. Gratsianskiy, M. “The Issue of Authenticity of the Collectio Thessalonicensis from the Perspective of the Roman Acts of 531.” Pages 22–40 in Issues of Identity Meta­­-

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

365

morphoses in Transitional Epochs: Social Changes and Mental Evolution. Edited by E. Litovchenko. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2021. Green, G.L. The Letters to the Thessalonians. The Pillar New Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2002. Greenslade, S.L. “The Illyrian Churches and the Vicariate of Thessalonica, 378–95.” Journal of Theological Studies 46 (1945): 17–30. Grégoire, H. “Épigraphie Chrétienne I: Les inscriptions hérétiques d’Asie Mineure.” Byzantion 1 (1924): 695–716. Gregory, T.E., and N.P. Ševčenko. “Acheiropoietos Church.” The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium 2 (1991): 895. Gruen, E.S. “Macedonia and the Settlement of 167 B.C.” Pages 257–67 in Philip II, Alexander the Great, and the Macedonian Heritage. Edited by W.L. Adams and E.N. Borza. Washington: University Press of America, 1982. Gruen, E.S. The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome. 2 vols. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. Grumel, V. “L’Illyricum de la mort de Valentinien Ier (375) à la mort de Stilicon (408).” Revue des études byzantines 9 (1951): 5–46. Guarducci, M. “Le acclamazioni a Cristo e alla croce e la visione di Costantino.” Pages 375–86 in Mélanges de philosophie, de littérature et d’histoire ancienne offerts à Pierre Boyancé. Rome: École française de Rome, 1974. Guarducci, M. Epigrafia greca. Vol. 4, Epigrafi sacre pagane e cristiane. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1978. Hadjitryphonos, E. “The Palace of Galerius in Thessalonike: Its Place in the Modern City and an Account of the State of Research.” Pages 203–17 in Bruckneudorf und Gamzigrad: Spätantike Paläste und Großvillen im Donau-Balkan-Raum; Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums in Bruckneudorf vom 15. bis 18. Oktober 2008. Edited by G. von Bülow and H. Zabehlicky. Bonn: Habelt, 2011. Haenchen, E. “Das ‘Wir’ in der Apostelgeschichte und das Itinerar.” Pages 227–64 in Gott und Mensch. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1965. Haenchen, E. “The Book of Acts as Source Material for the History of Early Christianity.” Pages 258–87 in Studies in Luke-Acts. Edited by L.E. Keck and J.L. Martyn. London: SPCK, 1968. Haenchen, E. The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971. Haensch, R. Capita provinciarum: Statthaltersitze und Provinzialverwaltung in der römischen Kaiserzeit. Mainz: von Zabern, 1997. Haensch, R. “Le ‘visage’ du gouvernement romain dans la provincia Macedonia.” Pages 1–18 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

366

Bibliography

Hahn, J., S. Emmel, and U. Gotter, eds. From Temple to Church: Destruction and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography in Late Antiquity. Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 163. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Hald, K. Auf den Trümmern Stobis. Stuttgart: Strecker und Schröder, 1917. Hammond, N.G.L. A History of Macedonia. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1972–1979. Hammond, N.G.L. “The Western Part of the via Egnatia.” The Journal of Roman Studies 64 (1974): 185–94. Hammond, N.G.L. “The Battle of Pydna.” The Journal of Hellenic Studies 104 (1984): 31–47. Hammond, N.G.L. “The Frontiers of Philip II’s Macedonia.” Živa antika 47 (1997): 43–50. Hammond, N.G.L. “The Lakes on the Lower Strymon and Mt. Dionysus.” Ancient World 8 (1997): 41–46. Hammond, N.G.L., and M.B. Hatzopoulos. “The Via Egnatia in Western Macedonia, Part I: The Routes through Lyncus and Eordaea in Western Macedonia.” American Journal of Ancient History 7 (1982): 128–49. Hammond, N.G.L., and M.B. Hatzopoulos. “The Via Egnatia in Western Macedonia, Part II: The Via Egnatia from Mutatio Ad Duodecimum to Civitas Edessa.” American Journal of Ancient History 8 (1983): 48–53. Hammond, N.G.L., and F.W. Walbank. A History of Macedonia. Vol. 3, 336–167 B.C. Oxford: Clarendon, 1988. Hanton, E. “Lexique explicatif du Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d’Asie Mineure.” Byzantion 4 (1927): 53–136. Hardin, J.K. “Decrees and Drachmas at Thessalonica: An Illegal Assembly in Jason’s House (Acts 17.1–10a).” New Testament Studies 52 (2006): 29–49. Harnack, A. von. Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahr­ hunderten. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1902. 2nd ed., 1906. 3rd ed., 1915. 4th ed., 1924. Harnack, A. von. Beiträge zur Einleitung in das Neue Testament. Vol. 3, Die Apostel­ geschichte. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1908. Harnack, A. von. “Das Problem des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefes.” Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 31 (1910): 560–78. Harnack, A. von. Beiträge zur Einleitung in das Neue Testament. Vol. 4, Neue Untersu­c­hungen zur Apostelgeschichte und zur Abfassungszeit der synoptischen Evangelien. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1911. Harnack, A. von. Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eusebius. Vol. 2/1, Die Chronologie der Literatur bis Irenäus nebst einleitenden Untersuchungen. 2nd ed. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1958. Harris, W.V., ed. The Spread of Christianity in the First Four Centuries: Essays in Explanation. Leiden: Brill, 2005.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

367

Harrison, J.R. Paul and the Imperial Authorities at Thessalonica and Rome: A Study in the Conflict of Ideology. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 273. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011. Harrison, J.R., and L.L. Welborn, eds. The First Urban Churches. Vol. 4, Philippi. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2018. Harrison, J.R., and L.L. Welborn, eds. The First Urban Churches. Vol. 7, Thessalonica. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2022. Harrison, P.N. Polycarp’s Two Epistles to the Philippians. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ versity Press, 1936. Hartog, P. Polycarp and the New Testament: The Occasion, Rhetoric, Theme, and Unity of the Epistle to the Philippians and Its Allusions to New Testament Literature. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2.134. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2002. Hartog, P. “The Opponents of Polycarp, Philippians, and 1 John.” Pages 375–91 in Trajectories through the New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers. Edited by A.F. Gregory and C.M. Tuckett. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Hartog, P. Polycarp’s Epistle to the Philippians and the Martyrdom of Polycarp: Introduction, Text, and Commentary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Hattersley-Smith, K. “The Early Christian Churches of Macedonia and Their Patrons.” Byzantinische Forschungen 21 (1995): 229–34. Hattersley-Smith, K. Byzantine Public Architecture between the Fourth and Early Eleventh Centuries AD, with special Reference to the Towns of Byzantine Macedonia. Thessaloniki: Society for Macedonian Studies, 1996. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “Les épigraphistes français en Macédoine.” Pages 205–21 in Un siècle d’épigraphie Classique: Aspects de l’oeuvre des savants français dans les pays du basin méditerranéen de 1888 à nos jours; Actes du colloque international du centenaire de l’Année épigraphique, Paris, 18–21 oct. 1988. Edited by M. Dondin-Payre. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1990. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “Décret pour un bienfaiteur de la cité de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 117 (1993): 315–26. Hatzopoulos, M.B. Cultes et rites de passage en Macédoine. Athens: Centre de recherches de l’antiquité grecque et romaine, Fondation nationale la recherche scientifique, 1994. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “Apollonia Hellenis.” Pages 159–88 in Ventures into Greek History. Edited by I. Worthington. Oxford: Clarendon, 1994. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “Τὰ ὅρια τῆς Μακεδονίας.” Praktika tes Akademias Athenon 70 (1995): 164–77. Hatzopoulos, M.B. Macedonian Institutions under the Kings. Vol. 1, A Historical and Epigraphic Study. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

368

Bibliography

Hatzopoulos, M.B. “The via Egnatia between Thessalonike and Apollonia.” Pages 199– 212 in Αφιέρωμα στον N.G.L. Hammond. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spou­ don, 1997. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “‘L’histoire par les noms’ in Macedonia.” Pages 99–117 in Greek Personal Names: Their Value as Evidence. Edited by S. Hornblower and E. Matthews. Proceedings of the British Academy 104. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “La société provinciale de Macédoine sous l’empire à la lumière des inscriptions du sanctuaire de Leukopetra.” Pages 45–53 in L’hellénisme d’époque romaine: Nouveaux documents, nouvelles approches (Ier s. a.C.–IIIe s. p.C.); Actes du Colloque international à la mémoire de Louis Robert, Paris, 7–8 juillet 2000. Edited by S. Follet. Paris: De Boccard, 2003. Hatzopoulos, M.B. La Macédoine: Géographie historique, langue, cultes et croyances, institutions. Paris: De Boccard, 2006. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “Le grec et le latin dans les inscriptions de Béroia.” Pages 129–39 in Bilinguisme gréco-latin et épigraphie: Actes du colloque organisé à l’Université Lumière-Lyon 2, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée—Jean Pouilloux, UMR 5189 Hisoma et JE 2409 Romanitas, les 17, 18 et 19 mai 2004. Edited by F. Biville, J.-C. Decourt et G. Rougemont. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 2008. Hatzopoulos, M.B. “Retour à la vallée du Strymon.” Pages 13–54 in Thrakika Zetemata. Vol. 1. Edited by L.D. Loukopoulou and S. Psoma. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2008. Hatzopoulos, M.B., and L.D. Loukopoulou. Two Studies in Ancient Macedonian Topog­ raphy. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1987. Heather, P.J. Goths and Romans, 332–489. Oxford: Clarendon, 1991. Heather, P.J. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History. Oxford: Macmillan, 2006. Hellmann, M.-C. Recherches sur le vocabulaire de l’architecture grecque, d’après les in­scriptions de Délos. Paris: De Boccard, 1992. Hemans, F.P., III. “Late Antique Residences at Stobi, Yugoslavia.” PhD diss., Boston University, 1986. Hemer, C.J. The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History. Edited by C.H. Gempf. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1989. Henderson, I.H. “Mission and Ritual: Revisiting Harnack’s ‘Mission and Expansion of Christianity.’” Pages in 34–56 in The Changing Face of Judaism, Christianity, and Other Greco-Roman Religions in Antiquity. Edited by I.H. Henderson and G. Oegema. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2006. Hengel, M. “Proseuche und Synagoge.” Pages 27–54 in The Synagogue: Studies in Ori­ gins, Archaeology and Architecture. Edited by J. Gutmann. New York: KTAV Publish­ing House, 1975. Hengel, M. Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity. London: SCM, 1979.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

369

Heuzey, L., and P.G.H. Daumet. Mission archéologique de Macédoine. Paris: Librairie de Firmin-Didot, 1876. Higgins, M.D., and R.A. Higgins. A Geological Companion to Greece and the Aegean. London: Duckworth, 1996. Hoddinott, R.F. Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia: A Study of the Origins and the Initial Development of East Christian Art. London: Macmillan, 1963. Holladay, C.R. Acts: A Commentary. Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox, 2016. Holland, G.S. The Tradition That You Received from Us: 2 Thessalonians in the Pauline Tradition. Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie 24. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1988. Holloway, P.A. Consolation in Philippians: Philosophical Sources and Rhetorical Strategy. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 112. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Holloway, P.A. Philippians: A Commentary. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2017. Holloway, P.A. “Vindolanda Tablet 2.154, RPC 1651, and the Provenance of Philippians.” Pages 123–37 in The First Urban Churches. Vol. 4, Philippi. Edited by J.R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2018. Holtz, T. Der erste Brief an die Thessalonicher. 3rd ed. Evangelisch-katholischer Kom­ mentar zum Neuen Testament 13. Zürich: Benziger, 1998. Honigmann, E. “The Original Lists of the Members of the Council of Nicaea, the Robber-Synod and the Council of Chalcedon.” Byzantion 16 (1942–1943): 20–80. Horsley, G.H.R., S.R. Llewelyn, and J.R. Harrison, eds. New Documents Illustrating Ear­ ly Christianity. 5 vols. Macquarie University, Sydney: The Ancient History Docu­ mentary Research Centre, 1981–2002. (NewDocs) Horst, P.W. van der. Ancient Jewish Epitaphs: An Introductory Survey of a Millennium of Jewish Funerary Epigraphy (300 BCE–700 CE). Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1991. Horst, P.W. van der. “Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis: A Review Article.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 36.1 (2005): 65–83. Huttner, U. Die politische Rolle der Heraklesgestalt im griechischen Herrschertum. His­ toria Einzelschriften 112. Stuttgart: Steiner, 1997. Huttner, U. Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley. Ancient Judaism and Early Chris­tianity 85. Early Christianity in Asia Minor 1. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Iliadou, P. Herakles in Makedonien. Hamburg: Kovač, 1998. Inglebert, H. “Introduction: Late Antique Conceptions of Late Antiquity.” Pages 1–28 in The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity. Edited by S.F. Johnson. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Inglebert, H., S. Destephen, and B. Dumézil, eds. Le problème de la christianisation du monde antique. Paris: Picard, 2010.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

370

Bibliography

Ivanovski, M. “Civil Basilica—Stobi.” Macedonian Archaeological Review 1 (2008): 110–16. Jacobs, I. “Cross Graffiti as Physical Means to Christianize the Classical City: An Ex­ploration of Their Function, Meaning, Topographical, and Socio-historical Contexts.” Pages 175–221 in Graphic Signs of Identity, Faith, and Power in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. Edited by I. Garipzanov, C. Goodson, and H. Maguire. Cursor Mundi 27. Turnhout: Brepols, 2017. Jaffé, P., ed. Regesta pontificum romanorum: Ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Chris­ tum natum MCXCVIII. Leipzig: Veit, 1885. Jervell, J. The Unknown Paul: Essays on Luke-Acts and Early Christian History. Min­ neapolis: Augsburg, 1984. Jewett, R. A Chronology of Paul’s Life. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979. Jewett, R. The Thessalonian Correspondence: Pauline Rhetoric and Millenarian Piety. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986. Johnson, S.F., ed. The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Joly, R. Le dossier d’Ignace d’Antioche. Université libre de Bruxelles, Faculté de philosophie et lettres 49. Brussels: Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 1979. Jones, A.H.M. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602. Vol. 1, A Social, Economic, and Admin­ istrative Survey. Oxford: Blackwell, 1964. Judge, E.A. “The Decrees of Caesar at Thessalonica.” The Reformed Theological Re­view 30 (1971): 1–7. Kabouri-Vamvoukou, M. “Αρχιτεκονικά γλυπτά από τον Άγιο Μηνά Θεσσαλονίκης.” Pages 225–40 in Actes du Xe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne, Thessalo­ nique, 28 septembre–4 octobre 1980. Vol. 2, Communications. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1984. Kadas, S., et al., eds. Mount Athos and Pre-Christian Antiquity. Thessaloniki: Kedak, 2006. Kalleris, J.N. Les anciens Macédoniens: Étude linguistique et historique. Vol. 2. Athens: Institut français d’Athènes, 1976. Kallet-Marx, R.M. Hegemony to Empire: The Development of the Roman Imperium in the East from 148 to 62 B.C. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. Kanatsouli, D. “Το κοινόν των Μακεδόνων.” Makedonika 3 (1956): 27–102. Kanatsouli, D. Ιστορία της Μακεδονίας: Μέχρι του Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1964. Kanatsouli, D. Μακεδονική προσωπογραφία (από του 148 π.Χ. μέχρι των χρόνων του Μ. Κων­ σταντίνου). Συμπλήρωμα. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1967. Kanatsouli, D. “Οι μακεδονιάρχαι του Κοινού των Μακεδόνων και η κοινωνική θέσις αυτών εις τας μακεδονικάς πόλεις.” Makedonika 13.1 (1973): 1–38.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

371

Kant, L.H. “Jewish Inscriptions in Greek and Latin.” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2.20.2 (1987): 671–713. Karadedos, G., and N. Nikonanos. “Βασιλική Σωφρονίου στη Νικήτη: Κύριες οικοδομικές φάσεις.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 19 (2005): 359–71. Karagianni, F.G. “The Development of the Cities during the Transition from Late Antiquity to the Early Christian Era.” Niš and Byzantium 7 (2009): 119–28. Karagianni, F.G. “Ζητήματα τοπογραφίας της Βυζαντινής Βέροιας.” Pages 115–46 in Με­λετήματα Ημαθίας. Vol. 1. Beroia: E.M.I.P.H., 2009. Karagianni, F.G. Οι βυζαντινοί οικισμοί στη Μακεδονία μέσα από τα αρχαιολογικά δεδομένα (4ος–15ος αιώνας). Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 2010. Karivieri, A. “Floor Mosaics in the Early Christian Basilica in Arethousa: Conservation, Maintenance and Presentation.” Pages 191–202 in VIIIth Conference of the Inter­ national Committee for the Conservation of Mosaics (ICCM): Walls and Floor Mosaics; Conservation, Maintenance, Preservation; Thessaloniki 29 October–3 November 2002, Proceedings. Edited by C. Bakirtzis. Thessaloniki: Ephoreia of Byzantine Antiquities of Thessaloniki, 2005. Karivieri, A. “Mosaics and sectilia pavimenta in the Early Christian Church of Pali­ ambela at Arethousa in Northern Greece.” Musiva & Sectilia 2/3 (2005/2006): 191–208. Karivieri, A. “Creating Contacts: Trade and Exchange along the Via Egnatia from the Roman to the Early Byzantine Period.” Bollettino di archeologia on line 1 (2010): 15–22. Karivieri, A. “Patrons and Viewers in Late Antique Greece: From Houses and Villas to Early Christian Churches.” Pages 217–35 in Patrons and Viewers in Late Antiquity. Edited by S. Birk and B. Poulsen. Aarhus Studies in Mediterranean Antiquity 10. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2012. Karivieri, A., ed. The Early Christian Basilica of Arethousa in Macedonia I: Production, Consumption and Trade. Papers and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens 23. Helsinki: Finnish Institute at Athens, 2017. Kaufmann, C.M. Handbuch der altchristlichen Epigraphik. Munich: Herder, 1917. Kazhdan, A.P., and N.P. Ševčenko. “Demetrios of Thessalonike.” The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium 2 (1991): 605–6. Kazhdan, A.P., and N.P. Ševčenko. “Kosmas and Damianos.” The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium 2 (1991): 1151. Kelly, J.N.D. Early Christian Creeds. 3rd ed. Harlow: Longman, 1972. Kiourtzian, G. “Le Psaume 131 et son usage funéraire dans la Grèce, les Balkans et la Cappadoce à la haute époque byzantine.” Cahiers archéologiques 45 (1997): 31–39. Kirsten, E. “Edessa,” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 4 (1959): 552–97. Kitzinger, E. “A Survey of the Early Christian Town of Stobi.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 3 (1946): 81–162.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

372

Bibliography

Kleinbauer, W.E. “Some Observations on the Dating of S. Demetrios in Thessaloniki.” Byzantion 40 (1970): 36–44. Kleinbauer, W.E. “The Iconography and the Date of the Mosaics of the Rotunda of Hagios Georgios, Thessaloniki.” Viator 3 (1972): 27–107. Kleinbauer, W.E. “The Original Name and Function of Hagios Georgios at Thessaloniki.” Cahiers archéologiques 22 (1972): 55–60. Kleinbauer, W.E. “The Orants in the Mosaic Decoration of the Rotunda at Thessaloniki: Martyr Saints or Donors?” Cahiers archéologiques 30 (1982): 25–45. Kleinbauer, W.E. “Remarks on the Building History of the Acheiropoietos Church at Thessaloniki.” Pages 241–57 in Actes du Xe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne, Thessalonique, 28 septembre–4 octobre 1980. Vol. 2, Communications. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1984. Knox, J. Chapters in a Life of Paul. New York: Abingdon, 1950. Koch, D.-A. “The God-Fearers between Facts and Fiction.” Studia theologica 60.1 (2006): 62–90. Koch, D.-A. Geschichte des Urchristentums. 2nd rev. ed. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014. Koch, P. Die byzantinischen Beamtentitel von 400 bis 700. Jena: Neuenhahn, 1903. Koester, H. “The Purpose of the Polemic of a Pauline Fragment (Philippians III).” New Testament Studies 8 (1962): 317–32. Koester, H. “Paul and Philippi: The Evidence from Early Christian Literature.” Pages 49–65 in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Edited by C. Bakirtzis and H. Koester. Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1998. Koester, H. History and Literature of Early Christianity. 2nd ed. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2000. Koester, H. “Egyptian Religion in Thessalonikē: Regulation for the Cult.” Pages 133–50 in From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Edited by L. Nasrallah, C. Bakirtzis, and S.J. Friesen. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Kolarik, R.E. “The Episcopal Basilica at Stobi.” Pages 61–80 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 3. Edited by B. Aleksova and J. Wiseman. Titov Velec: Macedonian Review Editions, 1981. Kolarik, R.E. “Mosaics of the Early Church at Stobi.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41 (1987): 295–306. Kolarik, R.E. “Sixth-Century Bishops as Patrons of Floor Mosaics in the Balkan Penin­ sula.” Pages 1255–67 in La mosaïque gréco-romaine. Vol. 9. Edited by H. Morlier. Rome: Collection de l’École française de Rome, 2005. Kolarik, R.E. “Seasonal Animals in the Narthex Mosaic of the Large Basilica, Heraclea Lyncestis.” Niš and Byzantium 10 (2012): 105–18.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

373

Kolarik, R.E. “The Episcopal Basilica at Stobi: The Baptistery and Related Structures.” Pages 939–52 in Acta XV Congressus internationalis archaeologiae Christianae: Epi­scopus, civitas, territorium; Toleti (8.–12.9.2008). Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Arche­ ologia Cristiana, 2013. Kolarik, R.E. “The Mosaics from the House of Peristeria at Stobi.” Pages 260–84 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 4. Edited by S. Blaževska. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2018. Kolev, P. “The Road Communications in the Middle Strymon Valley during the Roman and Late Antique Periods.” Pages 144–50 in Sandanski and Its Territory during Prehistory, Antiquity and Middle Ages: Current Trends in Archaeological Research; Proceedings of an International Conference at Sandanski, September 17–20, 2015. Edited by E. Nankov. Papers of the American Research Center in Sofia 3. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber, 2017. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, C. “A propos des voies de communication du royaume de Macédoine.” Pages 53–57 in Recherches récentes sur le monde hellénistique: Actes du colloque international organisé à l’occasion du 60e anniversaire de Pierre Ducrey (Lausanne, 20–21 novembre 1998). Edited by R. Frei-Stolba and K. Gex. Bern: Lang, 2001. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, C. “Amphipolis.” Pages 409–36 in Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC–300 AD. Edited by R.J. Lane Fox. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, C. “Philippi.” Pages 437–52 in Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC–300 AD. Edited by R.J. Lane Fox. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, C., and D. Malamidou. “The Sanctuary of Hero Auloneites on Mt. Pangaion: Tracing Continuity and Change of Religious Practices in the Territory of Philippi.” Pages 125–62 in Philippi, from Colonia Augusta to Communitas Christiana: Religion and Society in Transition. Edited by S.J. Friesen, M. Lychounas, and D.N. Schowalter. Supplements to Novum Testamentum 186. Leiden: Brill, 2022. Koukouvou, A. “Ἡ ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότητα τῆς Βέροιας στὴν Ἀρχαιότητα: Νέες ἐπιτύμβιες ἐπιγραφές.” Tekmeria 4 (1998): 13–30. Koukouvou, A. “The Sarapieion: The Sanctuary of the Egyptian Gods Rises from the City’s Ashes.” Pages 105–11 in Archaeology behind Battle Lines in Thessaloniki during the Turbulent Years 1912–1922. Thessaloniki: Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, 2012. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. “Οἱ δύο ἄμβωνες τῆς βασιλικῆς τοῦ Μουσείου στοὺς Φι­λίπ­ πους.” Pages 197–212 in Αφιέρωμα στην μνήμη Στυλιανού Πελεκανίδη. Thessaloniki: Etai­ reia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1983. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. “Το εγκαίνιο της βασιλικής στο ανατολικό νεκροταφείο της Θεσσαλονίκης.” Archaiologike ephemeris 1981, Chronika (1983): 70–81.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

374

Bibliography

Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. “Η ανασκαφή στη βασιλική του Μουσείου Φιλίππων.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 2 (1988): 409–19. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. Acheiropoietos: The Great Church of the Mother of God. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1989. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. “Η βασιλική του Μουσείου Φιλίππων: Τα βόρεια προ­κ­τίσματα.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 3 (1992): 465–70. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. “Φιλίπποι, απο τὴν παλαιοχριστιανική στη βυζαντινή πόλη.” Pages 295–306 in Διεθνές Συμπόσιο: Βυζαντινή Μακεδονία, 324–1430 μ.Χ., Θεσσαλονίκη 29–31 Οκτωβρίου 1992. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1995. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. “Το Επισκοπείο των Φιλίππων στον 6ο αι.” Pages 115–25 in Μνήμη Μανόλη Ανδρόνικου. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1997. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E., and E. Marki. “Des innovations liturgiques et architecturales dans la basilique du musée de Philippes.” Pages 950–57 in Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäologie, Bonn, 22.–28. September 1991. Pt. 2. Münster: Aschendorff, 1995. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E., and M. Michaelidis. Ἡ Βασιλικὴ τῆς Ἁγίας Παρασκευῆς στὴν Κοζάνη: Παρατηρήσεις σὲ ἓνα μνημεῖο τοῦ βʹ μισοῦ τοῦ 6ου αἰ. Thessaloniki: Hypourgeio Politismou, Ephoreia Byzantinon Archaioteton Thessalonikies, 2002. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E., and A. Tourta. Wandering in Byzantine Thessaloniki. Athens: Kapon, 1997. Kousser, R. “Hellenistic and Roman Art, 221 BC–AD 337.” Pages 522–42 in A Com­ panion to Ancient Macedonia. Edited by J. Roisman and I. Worthington. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Kraemer, R.S. “On the Meaning of the Term ‘Jew’ in Greco-Roman Inscriptions.” Harvard Theological Review 82.1 (1989): 35–53. Kraemer, R.S. “Jewish Tuna and Christian Fish: Identifying Religious Affiliation in Epigraphic Sources.” Harvard Theological Review 84.2 (1991): 141–62. Krautheimer, R. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture. 4th rev. ed. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986. Kremydi-Sicilianou, S. “Victoria Augusta on Macedonian Coins: Remarks on Dating and Interpretation.” Tekmeria 7 (2002): 63–84. Kremydi-Sicilianou, S. “‘Belonging’ to Rome, ‘Remaining’ Greek: Coinage and Identity in Roman Macedonia.” Pages 95–106 in Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Edited by C. Howgego, V. Heuchert, and A. Burnett. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Kremydi-Sicilianou, S. “ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ ΠΡΩΤΗΣ ΜΕΡΙΔΟΣ: Evidence for a Coinage under the Antigonids.” Revue numismatique 163 (2007): 91–100. Kyriakides, S.P. “Εἰς ποῖον ἀναφέρονται τὸ προτασσόμενον τῶν λεγομένων Ναυμαχικῶν τοῦ Βασιλείου καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ ἀριθμὸν 686 τοῦ Θˊ κεφαλαίου τῆς Παλατίνης ἀνθολογίας

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

375

ἐπιγράμματα.” Pages 501–5 in Atti del V congresso internazionale di studi Bizantini, Roma 20–26 settembre 1936. Rome: Bardi, 1939. Kyrtatas, D.J. “Early Christianity in Macedonia.” Pages 587–99 in Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC–300 AD. Edited by R.J. Lane Fox. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Labarre, G., and M.-T. Le Dinahet. “Les métiers du textile en Asie Mineure de l’époque hellénistique à l’époque impériale.” Pages 49–116 in Aspects de l’artisanat du textile dans le monde méditerranéen (Égypte, Grèce, monde romain). Collection de l’institut d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’antiquité, Université Lumière-Lyon 2. Paris: De Boccard, 1996. Lagopoulos, A.P., and K. Boklund-Lagopoulou. Meaning and Geography: The Social Conception of the Region in Northern Greece. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, 1992. Lake, K. The Earlier Epistles of Saint Paul: Their Motive and Origin. 2nd ed. London: Rivingtons, 1914. Lallemand, J. L’administration civile de l’Égypte de l’avènement de Dioclétien à la création du diocèse (284–382): Contribution à l’étude des rapports entre l’É gypte et l’Empire à la fin du IIIe et au IVe siècle. Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1964. Lamer, H. “Lusoria tabula.” Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 13/2 (1927): 1900–2029. Lane Fox, R.J., ed. Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC–300 AD. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Lattimore, R. Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs. Illinois Studies in Languages and Literature 28. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1942. Laubscher, H.P. Der Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbogens in Thessaloniki. Archäologische Forschungen 1. Berlin: Mann, 1975. Lavva, G. “Οι πόλεις των ‘Χριστιανικών Βασιλικών’: Μια συμβολή στην πολεοδομία του ανατολικού Ιλλυρικού.” Pages 403–45 in Actes du Xe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne, Thessalonique, 28 septembre–4 octobre 1980. Vol. 1, Rapports. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1984. Le Bohec, S. “Les fleuves de Macédoine dans l’Antiquité.” Pages 95–102 in Le fleuve et ses métamorphoses: Actes du colloque international tenu à l’Université Lyon 3–Jean Moulin les 13, 14 et 15 mai 1992. Edited by F. Piquet. Paris: Didier Érudition, 1993. Lefort, J. “Radolibos: Population et paysage.” Travaux et mémoires 9 (1985): 195–234. Lemerle, P. “Inscriptions latines et grecques de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 59 (1935): 126–64. Lemerle, P. Philippes et la Macédoine orientale à l’époque chrétienne et byzantine: Recherches d’histoire et d’archéologie. Paris: De Boccard, 1945. Lemerle, P. “La composition et la chronologie des deux premiers livres des miracula S. Demetrii.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 46 (1953): 349–61.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

376

Bibliography

Lemerle, P. “Saint Démétrius de Thessalonique et les problèmes du martyrion et du transept.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 77 (1953): 660–94. Lemerle, P. “Invasions et migrations dans les Balkans depuis la fin de l’époque romaine jusqu’au VIIIe siècle.” Revue historique 211.2 (1954): 265–308. Lemerle, P. Les plus anciens recueils des miracles de Saint Démétrius et la pénétration des Slaves dans les Balkans. 2 vols. Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1979–1981. Lemerle, P. “Note sur les plus anciennes représentations de Saint Démétrius.” Deltion tes Christianikes Archaiologikes Etaireias 10 (1981): 1–10. Lemerle, P. “Conclusion.” Pages 501–21 in Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protoby­ zantin: Actes du colloque organisé par l’École française de Rome (Rome, 12–14 Mai 1982). Rome: École française de Rome, 1984. Le Quien, M. Oriens christianus, in quatuor patriarchatus digestus quo exhibentur ecclesiae, patriarchae, caeterique praesules totius Orientis. 3 vols. Paris: Imprimerie royale, 1740. Lespez, L. “L’évolution des paysages du néolithique à la période ottomane dans la plaine de Philippes-Drama.” Pages 21–394 in Dikili Tash, village préhistorique de Macédoine Orientale: Recherches franco-helléniques dirigées par la société archéologique d’Athènes et l’École française d’Athènes (1986–2001). Athens: Athenais Archaiologike Etaireia and l’École française d’Athènes, 2008. Lieu, J.M. Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Lilčik, V., and V. Iljoska. “Catalogue of the Early Christian Churches in the Republic Macedonia.” Macedonian Heritage 5 (1997): 21–38. Lindemann, A. “Zum Abfassungszweck des Zweiten Thessalonicherbriefes.” Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 68 (1977): 35–47. Little, L.K., ed. Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of 541–750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Loenertz, R.-J. “Saint David de Thessalonique: Sa vie, son culte, ses reliques, ses images.” Revue des études byzantines 11 (1953): 205–23. Lolos, Y. “Via Egnatia after Egnatius: Imperial Policy and Inter-regional Contacts.” Mediterranean Historical Review 22.2 (2007): 273–93. Loukopoulou, L.D. “The Fortunes of the Roman Conventus of Chalcidice.” Pages 143–47 in Roman Onomastics in the Greek East: Social and Political Aspects; Proceedings of the International Colloquium Organized by the Finnish Institute and the Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, Athens, 7–9 September 1993. Edited by A.D. Rizakis. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

377

Loukopoulou, L.D. “Ὁ Φίλιππος Ε´ καί ἡ ἐκτροπή τῆς βασιλικῆς διά τῆς Θράκης ὁδου.” Pages 295–303 in Αφιέρωμα στον N.G.L. Hammond. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1997. Loverdou-Tsigarida, K. “Παρατηρήσεις πάνω στα ψηφιδωτά δάπεδα βασιλικής στη Βεργίνα Ημαθίας.” Pages 155–63 in Θυμίαμα στὴ μνήμη τῆς Λασκαρίνας Μκούρα. Athens: Benaki Museum, 1994. Loverdou-Tsigarida, K. “Αἰγαί: Παλαιοχριστιανικοί χρόνοι.” Pages 285–92 in Αφιέρωμα στον N.G.L. Hammond. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1997. Lüdemann, G. Paulus, Der Heidenapostel. Vol. 1, Studien zur Chronologie. Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 123. Göttingen: Van­ denhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980. Lüdemann, G. “Acts of the Apostles as a Historical Source.” Pages 109–25 in The Social World of Formative Christianity and Judaism: Essays in Tribute to Howard Clark Kee. Edited by J. Neusner et al. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988. Lüdemann, G. Early Christianity according to the Traditions in Acts: A Commentary. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989. MacDonald, D.R. The Acts of Andrew and the Acts of Andrew and Matthias in the City of the Cannibals. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990. McDonald, L.M., and J.A. Sanders, eds. The Canon Debate. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publ., 2002. McLean, B.H. An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods from Alexander the Great down to the Reign of Constantine (323 B.C.–A.D. 337). Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2002. Maddox, R. The Purpose of Luke-Acts. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1982. Maguire, H. Earth and Ocean: The Terrestrial World in Early Byzantine Art. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1987. Maier, H.O. “Purity and Danger in Polycarp’s Epistle to the Philippians: The Sin of Valens in Social Perspective.” Journal of Early Christian Studies 1 (1993): 229–47. Maier, H.O. “Salience, Multiple Affiliation, and Christ Belief in the Lycus Valley: A Conversation with Ulrich Huttner’s Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley.” Pages 153–69 in The First Urban Churches. Vol. 5, Colossae, Hierapolis, and Laodicea. Edited by J.R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2018. Makaronas, C. “Χρονικά αρχαιολογικά: Ανασκαφαί, έρευναι και τυχαία ευρήματα εν Μακεδονία και Θράκη κατά τα έτη 1940–1950.” Makedonia 2 (1941–1952): 590–678. Makropoulou, D. “Ο παλαιοχριστιανικός ναός έξω από τα ανατολικά τείχη της Θεσ­ σαλονίκης.” Makedonika 23 (1983): 25–46. Malherbe, A.J. “‘Gentle as a Nurse’: The Cynic Background to I Thess II.” Novum Tes­ta­mentum 12.2 (1970): 203–17. Malherbe, A.J. “Exhortation in First Thessalonians.” Novum Testamentum 25.3 (1983): 238–56.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

378

Bibliography

Malherbe, A.J. Paul and the Thessalonians. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987. Malherbe, A.J. The Letters to the Thessalonians: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. The Anchor Bible 32B. New York: Doubleday, 2000. Mango, C. “Anthologia Palatina, 9.686.” The Classical Quarterly 34.2 (1984): 489–91. Mango, C. Review of Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du IIIe au VIe siècle, by D. Feissel. The Classical Review 34 (1984): 119–20. Mango, C. “Byzantine Epigraphy (4th to 10th Centuries).” Pages 235–49 in Paleografia e Codicologia Greca: Atti del II Colloquio internazionale (Berlino-Wolfenbüttel, 17– 21 ottobre 1983). Vol. 1, Testo. Edited by D. Harlfinger and G. Prato. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’orso, 1991. Mango, C. “On the Cult of Saints Cosmas and Damian at Constantinople.” Pages 189–92 in Θυμίαμα στη μνήμη της Λασκαρίνας Μπούρα. Vol. 1. Athens: Benaki Museum, 1994. Mano-Zissi, D. “Stratigraphic Problems and the Urban Development of Stobi.” Pages 185–224 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 1. Edited by J. Wiseman. Belgrade: National Museum of Titov Veles, 1973. Manson, T.W. Studies in the Gospels and Epistles. Edited by M. Black. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1962. Marc, J.-Y. “Les villes de Macédoine: Un modèle de l’urbanisme hellénistique.” Pages 57–76 in Peupler et habiter l’Italie et le monde romain: Études d’histoire et d’archéologie offertes à Xavier Lafon. Edited by S. Bourdin, J. Dubouloz, and E. Rosso. Aix-en-Provence: Presses Universitaires de Provence, 2014. Marchal, J.A., ed. The People beside Paul: The Philippian Assembly and History from Below. Early Christianity and Its Literature 17. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2015. Marguerat, D. The First Christian Historian: Writing the “Acts of the Apostles.” Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 121. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Marguerat, D., ed. Introduction au Nouveau Testament: Son histoire, son écriture, sa théologie. 3rd ed. Geneva: Labor et Fides, 2004. Marguerat, D., ed. Reception of Paulinism in Acts. Bibliotheca Ephemeridum theologicarum Lovaniensium 229. Leuven: Peeters, 2009. Marguerat, D. Les Actes des Apôtres. Commentaire du Nouveau Testament 2.5a–b. 2 vols. Geneva: Labor et Fides, 2015. Mari, M. “Traditional Cults and Beliefs.” Pages 453–65 in Brill’s Companion to Ancient Macedon: Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC–300 AD. Edited by R.J. Lane Fox. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Marki, E. “Ένας άγνωστος οκταγωνικός ναός στη Θεσσαλονίκη.” Makedonika 23 (1983): 117–33. Marki, E. “H βυζαντινή Πύδνας.” Pages 58–62 in Οι αρχαιολόγοι μιλούν για την Πιερία (28– 29 Ιουλίου και 4–5 Αυγούστου 1984). Thessaloniki: Nele Pierias, 1985.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

379

Marki, E. “Παλαιοχριστιανικά μνημεία Βροντισμένης.” Pages 16–29 in Οι αρχαιολόγοι μιλούν για την Πιερία (Καλοκαίρι 1986). Thessaloniki: Nele Pierias, 1990. Marki, E. “Παρατηρήσεις στον οικισμό της αρχαίας Πύδνας.” Pages 45–51 in Μνήμη Δ. Λαζαρίδη: Πόλις και χώρα στην αρχαία Μακεδονία και Θράκη; Πρακτικά αρχαιολογικού συνεδρίου, Καβάλα 9–11 Μαϊου 1986. Athens: Hypourgeio Politismou Archaiologiko Mouseio Kabalas, 1990. Marki, E. “Ανασκαφή στα Λουλούδια Κίτρους.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 7 (1993): 223–34. Marki, E. “Ανασκαφή στη θέση Λουλούδια Κίτρους.” Pages 169–85 in Επιστημονική Συν­ άντηση: Η Πιερία στα βυζαντινά και νεώτερα χρόνια (Κατερίνη, 25–28 Νοεμβρίου 1993). Kate­rini: Etaireia Pierikon Meleton, Estia Pieridon Mouson Katerines, 1993. Marki, E. “Ανασκαφή στις Λουλουδιές Κίτρους.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 8 (1994): 151–57. Marki, E. “Ανασκαφή Λουλουδιών 1995.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 9 (1995): 195–201. Marki, E. “Συμπεράσματα από τις ανασκαφές της 9ης Εφορείας Βυζαντινών Αρχαιοτήτων στη Βόρεια Πιερία.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 10 A (1996): 239–58. Marki, E. “Deux tombeaux monumentaux protobyzantins récemment découverts en Grèce du Nord.” Cahiers archéologiques 45 (1997): 19–24. Marki, E. “Λουλουδιές 1997.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 11 (1997): 289–96. Marki, E. “Μια άγνωστη πόλη των παλαιοχριστιανικών χρόνων στην Πιερία: Τα ανασκαφικά δεδομένα.” Pages 723–33 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 6/2, Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, October 15–19, 1996. Edited by J. Vokotopoulou. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1999. Marki, E. “Λουλουδιές 1999.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 13 (1999): 425–33. Marki, E. Η νεκρόπολη της Θεσσαλονίκης στους υστερορωμαϊκούς και παλαιοχριστιανικούς χρόνους (μέσα του 3ου έως μέσα του 8ου αι. μ.Χ.). Athens: Tameio Archaologikon Poron kai Apallotrioseon (TAP), 2006. Marki, E. “Das kreuzförmige Martyrion und die christlichen Gräber an der TritisSeptemvriou-Strasse in Thessaloniki.” Pages 11–41 in Frühchristliches Thessalo­niki. Edited by C. Breytenbach. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 44. Tü­bingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007 (first published in Archaiologike ephemeris 1981 [1983]: 53–69). Marki, E. “Die ersten christlichen Friedhöfe in Thessaloniki.” Pages 43–53 in Früh­ christliches Thessaloniki. Edited by C. Breytenbach. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 44. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

380

Bibliography

Marki, E. “Die frühchristliche Grabmalerei in Thessaloniki.” Pages 55–63 in Früh­ christliches Thessaloniki. Edited by C. Breytenbach. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 44. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007. Marki, E. “Frühchristliche Darstellungen und Motive, die die weltliche Malerei nach­ ahmen, in einem Doppelgrab der Westnekropole von Thessaloniki.” Pages 65– 78 in Frühchristliches Thessaloniki. Edited by C. Breytenbach. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 44. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007 (first published in Del­ tion tes Christianikes Archaiologikes Etaireias 19 [1996–1997]: 125–50). Marshall, I.H. Luke: Historian and Theologian. Exeter: Paternoster, 1970. Marxsen, W. Der zweite Thessalonicherbrief. Zürcher Bibelkommentare NT 11/2. Zü­rich: Theologischer Verlag, 1982. Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, C. “Susanna in einem frühchristlichen Grab von Thessaloniki.” Pages 91–101 in Frühchristliches Thessaloniki. Edited by C. Breytenbach. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 44. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007. Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, C. Hagia Sophia: The Great Church of Thessaloniki. Athens: Kapon, 2014. Meers, A. “Who Went Where and How? A Consideration of Acts 17.4.” The Bible Translator 44 (1993): 201–6. Meier, M. “The ‘Justinianic Plague’: The Economic Consequences of the Pandemic in the Eastern Roman Empire and Its Cultural and Religious Effects.” Early Medieval Europe 24.3 (2016): 267–92. Meimaris, Y.E. Sacred Names, Saints, Martyrs and Church Officials in the Greek Inscrip­ tions and Papyri Pertaining to the Christian Church of Palestine. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1986. Meinhold, P. “Polykarpos.” Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 21/2 (1952): 1662–93. Mentzos, A. “Συμβολή στην έρευνα του αρχαιότερου ναού της Αγίας Σοφίας Θεσσαλονίκης.” Makedonika 21 (1981): 201–21. Mentzos, A. “Η κοιμητηριακή βασιλική του Δίου.” Pages 31–34 in Οι αρχαιολόγοι μιλούν για την Πιερία (28–29 Ιουλίου και 4–5 Αυγούστου 1984). Thessaloniki: Nele Pierias, 1985. Mentzos, A. “Ο επίσκοπος Δημήτριος και η οικοδομική του δραστηριότητα στους Φιλίππους.” Egnatia 1 (1989): 195–204. Mentzos, A. “Η κοιμητηριακή ή έξω των τειχών βασιλική του Δίου.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 4 (1990): 231–40. Mentzos, A. “Η κοιμητηριακή βασιλική του Δίου: Τα προσκτίσματα.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 6 (1992): 235–41. Mentzos, A. “Η εκκλησιαστική αρχιτεκτονική της Πιερίας στην πρώιμη βυζαντινή περίοδο.” Pages 152–65 in Επιστημονική Συνάντηση: Η Πιερία στα βυζαντινά και νεώτερα χρόνια (Κατερίνη, 25–28 Νοεμβρίου 1993). Katerini: Etaireia Pierikon Meleton, Estia Pieridon Mouson Katerines, 1993. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

381

Mentzos, A. “Το ανάκτορο και η Ροτόντα της Θεσσαλονίκης: Νέες προτάσεις για την ιστορία του συγκροτήματος.” Byzantina 18 (1995–1996): 339–63. Mentzos, A. “Reflections of the Interpretation and Dating of the Rotunda of Thes­ saloniki.” Egnatia 5 (1999–2000): 57–80. Mentzos, A. “A Sketch of the History of Late Roman Dion.” Pages 333–41 in The Roman and Late Roman City: The International Conference (Veliko Turnovo 26–30 July 2000). Edited by L. Ruseva-Slokoska. Sofia: Academic Publishing House, 2002. Mentzos, A. “Ζητήματα τοπογραφίας των χριστιανικών Φιλίππων.” Egnatia 9 (2005): 101–56. Mentzos, A. “Reflections on the Architectural History of the Tetrarchic Palace Complex at Thessalonikē.” Pages 333–59 in From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Edited by L. Nasrallah, C. Bakirtzis, and S.J. Friesen. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Mentzos, A. “Dion.” Pages 422–23 in The Eerdmans Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology. Vol. 1. Edited by P.C. Finney. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2017. Mentzos, A. “Επιγραφή των Φιλίππων από το αρχείο του Στ. Πελεκανίδη.” Pages 563–66 in Λεπέτυμνος: Μελέτες Αρχαιολογίας και Τέχνης στη μνήμη του Γεωργίου Γούναρη; Ύστερη ρωμαϊκή, Βυζαντινή, Μεταβυζαντινή περίοδος. Edited by A. Semoglou et al. Thessaloniki: Stamouli, 2018. Mentzos, A. “Paul and Philippi: The Early Cult of the Apostle and the Topography of the Late Antique City.” Pages 296–315 in Philippi, from Colonia Augusta to Communitas Christiana: Religion and Society in Transition. Edited by S.J. Friesen, M. Lychounas, and D.N. Schowalter. Supplements to Novum Testamentum 186. Leiden: Brill, 2022. Mentzu-Meimare, K.P. Συμβολαὶ εἰς τὴν μελέτην τοῦ οἰκονομικοῦ καὶ κοινωνικοῦ βίου τῆς πρωίμου βυζαντινῆς περιόδου. Athens: Diatribe epi Didaktoria, 1975. Mentzu-Meimare, K.P. Review of Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du IIIe au VIe siècle, by D. Feissel. Byzantinische Zeitschrift 77 (1984): 322–24. Metzger, B.M. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament: A Companion Volume to the United Bible Societies’ Greek New Testament (Fourth Revised Edition). 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994. Michaelidis, M. “Παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα: Ανασκαφή βασιλικής Aʹ.” Archaiologikon deltion 23 A (1968): 195–220. Mikulčić, I. “Frühchristlicher Kirchenbau in der S.R. Makedonien.” Corso di cultura sull’arte Ravennate e Bizantina 33 (1986): 221–51. Mikulčić, I. Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Befestigungen in Nordmakedonien: Städte, Vici, Refugien, Kastelle. Münchner Beiträge zur vor- und Frühgeschichte 54. Munich: Beck, 2002. Mikulčić, I. Stobi. Skopje: Magor, 2003. Mikulčić, I. Heraclea Lyncestis: Ancient City in Macedonia. Skopje: Маgor, 2007. Millet, G. “Recherches au Mont-Athos.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 29 (1905): 55–98. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

382

Bibliography

Mitchell, M.M., and F.M. Young, eds. The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 1, Origins to Constantine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Mitchell, S. Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1993. Mitchell, S. “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews, and Christians.” Pages 81–148 in Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity. Edited P. Athanassiadi and M. Frede. Oxford: Clarendon, 2002. Mitchell, S. “Further Thoughts on the Cult of Theos Hypsistos.” Pages 167–208 in One God: Pagan Monotheism in the Roman Empire. Edited by S. Mitchell and P. van Nuffelen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Mitchell, S. “Epigraphic Display and the Emergence of Christian Identity in the Epigraphy of Rural Asia Minor.” Pages 275–97 in Öffentlichkeit—Monument—Text: XIV Congressus internationalis epigraphiae Graecae et Latinae 27.–31. Augusti MMXII; Akten. Edited by W. Eck and P. Funke. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014. Mitchell, S. A History of the Later Roman Empire, AD 284–641. 2nd ed. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015. Mitchell, S. “The Christian Epigraphy of Asia Minor in Late Antiquity.” Pages 271–86 in The Epigraphic Cultures of Late Antiquity. Edited by K. Bolle, C. Machado, and C. Witschel. Heidelberger althistorische Beiträge und epigraphische Studien 60. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2017. Mitchell, S. The Christians of Phrygia from Rome to the Turkish Conquest. Early Chris­ tianity in Asia Minor 4. Leiden: Brill, 2023. Mitrev, G. “The Data for Paroecopolis/Parthicopolis and the Problem on the Name of the Ancient Town at Sandanski.” Pages 106–10 in Sandanski and Its Territory during Prehistory, Antiquity and Middle Ages: Current Trends in Archaeological Research; Proceedings of an International Conference at Sandanski, September 17–20, 2015. Edited by E. Nankov. Papers of the American Research Center in Sofia 3. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber, 2017. Monceaux, P. “Enquête sur l’épigraphie chrétienne d’Afrique.” Revue archéologique 4.2 (1903): 59–90, 240–56. Morey, C.R. “A Note on the Date of the Mosaic of Hosios David, Salonica.” Byzantion 7 (1932): 339–46. Morgan, G.M. “Metellus Macedonicus and the Province Macedonia.” Historia 18 (1969): 422–46. Morgan, T. Roman Faith and Christian Faith: Pistis and fides in the Early Roman Empire and Early Churches. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Morrisson, C., ed. Le monde byzantin. Vol. 1, L’Empire romain d’Orient (330–641). 2nd ed. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2012. Mühlenkamp, C. “Palme.” Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 26 (2015): 831–48.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

383

Mullen, R.I. The Expansion of Christianity: A Gazetteer of Its First Three Centuries. Vigiliae Christianae Supplements 69. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Müller-Wiener, W. “Bischofsresidenzen des 4.–7. Jhs. im östlichen Mittelmeer-Raum.” Pages 651–709 in Actes du XIe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne; Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genève, Aoste, 21–28 septembre 1986. Rome: École française de Rome, 1989. Musurillo, H., ed. The Acts of the Christian Martyrs. Oxford: Clarendon, 1972. Nacev, T., and J. Frkov. “Archaeological, Architectonic Research and Reconstruction of an Urban Early Christian Basilica in the City of Bargala.” Macedonian Heritage 13 (2009): 157–72. Nankov, E., ed. Sandanski and Its Territory during Prehistory, Antiquity and Middle Ages: Current Trends in Archaeological Research; Proceedings of an International Conference at Sandanski, September 17–20, 2015. Papers of the American Research Center in Sofia 3. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber, 2017. Nanos, M.D. “Out-Howling the Cynics: Reconceptualizing the Concerns of Paul’s Audience from His Polemics in Philippians 3.” Pages 183–221 in The People beside Paul: The Philippian Assembly and History from Below. Edited by J.A. Marchal. Early Christianity and Its Literature 17. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2015. Nasrallah, L. “Empire and Apocalypse in Thessaloniki: Interpreting the Early Christian Rotunda.” Journal of Early Christian Studies 13 (2005): 465–508. Nasrallah, L. “Early Christian Interpretation in Image and Word: Canon, Sacred Text, and the Mosaic of Moni Latomou.” Pages 361–96 in From Roman to Early Chris­ tian Thessalonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Edited by L. Nasrallah, C. Ba­kirtzis, and S.J. Friesen. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Nasrallah, L. “Ezekiel’s Vision in Late Antiquity: The Case of the Mosaic of Moni Latomou, Thessaloniki.” Pages 77–89 in The Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited: Papers from the 2014 Symposium at the Courtauld Institute of Art. Edited by A. Eastmond and M. Hatzaki. Athens: Kapon, 2017. Nasrallah, L., C. Bakirtzis, and S.J. Friesen, eds. From Roman to Early Christian Thes­ salonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Nicklas, T. Der zweite Thessalonicherbrief. Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar über das Neue Testament 10/2. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2019. Nielsen, C.M. “Polycarp and Marcion: A Note.” Theological Studies 47.2 (1986): 297–99. Nigdelis, P.M. “Synagoge(n) und Gemeinde der Juden in Thessaloniki: Fragen auf­grund einer neuen jüdischen Grabinschrift der Kaiserzeit.” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 102 (1994): 297–306. Nigdelis, P.M. “Geminii und Claudii: Die Geschichte zweier führender Familien von Thessaloniki in der späteren Kaiserzeit.” Pages 129–41 in Roman Onomastics in the

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

384

Bibliography

Greek East: Social and Political Aspects; Proceedings of the International Colloquium Organized by the Finnish Institute and the Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, Athens, 7–9 September 1993. Edited by A.D. Rizakis. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996. Nigdelis, P.M. “Habent sua fata lapides: Ξεχασμένες δημοσιεύσεις τοῦ Πέτρου Ν. Πα­παγεωργίου γιὰ ἐπιγραφὲς τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης καὶ τῆς Ἔδεσσας.” Tekmeria 7 (2002): 85–106. Nigdelis, P.M., ed. Πέτρου N. Παπαγωργίου του Θεσσαλονικέως Aλληλογραφία, 1880–1912. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 2004. Nigdelis, P.M., ed. Πέτρου Ν. Παπαγεωργίου επιγραφικά μελετήματα (αρχαιότητα). Make­ donika Epigraphika 2. Corfu: Ionian University, 2015. Nigdelis, P.M., and G.A. Souris. “Πόλεις and Πολιτεῖαι in Upper Macedonia under the Principate: A New Inscription from Lyke in Orestis.” Tekmeria 3 (1997): 55–63. Nikolajević, I. “Necropoles et tombes chrétiennes en Illyricum.” Pages 349–67 in Rapports présentés au Xe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne (Thessalonique, 28 sep­tembre–4 octobre 1980). Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1980. Nikoloska, A. “Evidence of the Cults of Isis on the Territory of the Republic of Mace­ donia.” Pages 221–28 in A History of Research into Ancient Egyptian Culture Conducted in Southeast Europe. Edited by M. Tomorad. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2015. Nikoloska, A. “The World of Dionysos on Monuments from the Republic of Macedonia.” Pages 87–95 in Cult and Votive Monuments in the Roman Provinces: Proceedings of the 13th International Colloquium on Roman Provincial Art, Bucharest—Alba Iulia—Constantza, 27th of May–3rd of June 2013; Within the Framework of Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani. Edited by C.-G. Alexandrescu. Cluj-Napoca: Mega Pub­ lishing House, 2015. Nikonanos, N. “Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική του Αγίου Αθανασίου στην Τορώνη Χαλκιδικής.” Pages 1267–79 in Αρμός: Τιμητικός τόμος στον καθηγητή Ν.Κ. Μουτσόπουλο. Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 1991. Noy, D. “A Jewish Place of Prayer in Roman Egypt.” Journal of Theological Studies 43 (1992): 118–22. Oakes, P. Philippians: From People to Letter. Society for New Testament Studies Mono­ graph Series 110. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Oakes, P. “Leadership and Suffering in the Letters of Polycarp and Paul to the Phi­ lippians.” Pages 335–73 in Trajectories through the New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers. Edited by A.F. Gregory and C.M. Tuckett. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Oberhummer, E. “Thessalonike.” Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertum­s­ wissenschaft VI A,1 (1936): 143–63. Oertel, F. Die Liturgie: Studien zur ptolemäischen und kaiserlichen Verwaltung Ägyptens. Leipzig: Teubner, 1917.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

385

Ogereau, J.M. “The Jerusalem Collection as Κοινωνία: Paul’s Global Politics of SocioEconomic Equality and Solidarity.” New Testament Studies 58.3 (2012): 360–78. Ogereau, J.M. Paul’s Koinonia with the Philippians: A Socio-Historical Investigation of a Pauline Economic Partnership. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/377. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014. Ogereau, J.M. “Paul’s Κοινωνία with the Philippians: Societas as a Missionary Funding Strategy.” New Testament Studies 60.3 (2014): 360–78. Ogereau, J.M. “The Earliest Piece of Evidence of Christian Accounting: The Significance of the Phrase εἰς λόγον δόσεως καὶ λήμψεως (Phil 4:15).” Comptabilité(S) 6 (2014): 1–16. https://comptabilites.revues.org/1503. Ogereau, J.M. “Authority and Identity in the Early Christian Inscriptions from Mace­ donia.” Pages 217–39 in Identity and Authority in Emerging Christianities. Edited by C. Breytenbach and J.M. Ogereau. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 103. Leiden: Brill, 2018. Ogereau, J.M. “The Social Constituency and Membership of the First Christian Groups at Philippi: A Literary and Epigraphic Survey.” Pages 79–122 in The First Urban Churches. Vol. 4, Philippi. Edited by J.R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2018. Ogereau, J.M. “Thessaloniki I. (Stadtgeschichte).” Reallexikon für Antike und Chris­tentum 32 (forthcoming). Ogereau, J.M., and U. Huttner. “The Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae Database: Towards a Digital Corpus of Early Christian Inscriptions from Greece and Asia Minor.” Published in Sprachen—Schriftkulturen—Identitäten der Antike: Beiträge des XV. Internationalen Kongresses für Griechische und Lateinische Epigraphik, Wien 28. August bis 1. September 2017; Einzelvorträge. Edited by F. Beutler and T. Pantzer. Wiener Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte online 1. Vienna: Verein zur Förderung der Alten Geschichte in Österreich, 2019. https://doi.org/10.25365/wbagon-2019-1-16. Omerzu, H. Der Prozeß des Paulus: Eine exegetische und rechtshistorische Untersuchung der Apostelgeschichte. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wis­ senschaft. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2002. Orlandos, A.K., and I.N. Travlos. Λεξικόν αρχαίων αρχιτεκτονικών όρων. Athens: Archai­ ologike Hetaireia, 1986. Paisidou, M. Πέλλα: Μια διαδρομή στην ιστορία, τον πολιτισμό και το φυσικό περιβάλλον του νομού. Pella: Nomarchiaki autodioikesi Pella, 2000. Paisidou, M. “Από την παλαιοχριστιανική Έδεσσα στα μεσαιωνικά Βοδενά: Πληροφορίες από τα κοιμητήρια της πόλης.” Pages 165–85 in Γνωριμία με τη Γη του Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου: Από τα προϊστορικά μέχρι τα νεότερα χρόνια, Ιστορία—αρχαιολογία—τέχνη στο νομό Πέλλας; Πρακτικά επιστημονικής διηερίδας 15–16 Ιουνίου 2002. Thessaloniki: Kentro Historias Thessalonikes, 2003.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

386

Bibliography

Paisidou, M. Early Byzantine Pella—Byzantine Edessa: Two Key Points on a History Trail. Veria: Hellenic Ministry of Culture, 11th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, 2009. Paisidou, M. “ΜΕΤΡΟ Θεσσαλονίκης 2010: Η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική στον σταθμό Σιντριβανιού.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 24 (2010): 249–60. Palanque, J.-R. “La préfecture du prétoire d’Illyricum au IVe siècle.” Byzantion 21 (1951): 5–14. Pallas, D. “Une petite recherche dans le diaconicon de la basilique B de Philippes.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 53.2 (1960): 328–32. Pallas, D. Les monuments paléochrétiens de Grèce découverts de 1959 à 1973. Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Christiana, 1977. Panayotov, A. “The First Jewish Communities in the Balkans and the Aegean.” Pages 480–94 in Gedenkschrift für Professor Velizar Velkov. Edited by D. Aladzhova. Sofia: Nationales archäologisches Institut und Museum, 2009. Panayotov, A. “Jewish Communal Offices in Late Roman and Byzantine Law and Jew­ ish Inscriptions from the Balkans.” Pages 167–77 in Jews in Early Christian Law: By­zantium and the Latin West (Sixth to Eleventh Centuries). Edited by J. Tolan et al. Turnhout: Brepols, 2014. Panayotov, A. “Jews and Jewish Communities in the Balkans and the Aegean until the Twelfth Century.” Pages 54–76 in The Jewish-Greek Tradition in Antiquity and the Byzantine Empire. Edited by J. Aitken and J. Carleton Paget. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pandermalis, D. “Ein neues Heiligtum in Dion.” Archäologischer Anzeiger 1980/1981 (1982): 727–35. Pandermalis, D. “Monuments and Art in the Roman Period.” Pages 208–21 in Mace­ donia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Edited by M.B. Sakellariou. Ath­ ens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1983. Pandermalis, D. “The Cities.” Pages 91–104 in Macedonia: From Philip II to the Roman Conquest. Edited by R. Ginouvès. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Pandermalis, D. “Δίον, η δεκαετία των ανασκαφών 1987–1997: Η αγορά και ἀλλα.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 16 (1996): 205–14. Pandermalis, D. Dion: The Archaeological Site and the Museum. Athens: Adam Edition, 1997. Pandermalis, D. Discovering Dion. Athens: Adam Edition, 2000. Pandermalis, D. “Δίον 2002: Η αγορά και ἀλλα.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 16 (2002): 417–23. Papaefthymiou, E.G. Édessa de Macédoine: Étude historique et numismatique. Athens: Société hellénique de numismatique, 2002. Papazoglou, F. “Notes d’épigraphie et de topographie macédoniennes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 87.2 (1963): 517–44.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

387

Papazoglou, F. “Structures ethniques et sociales dans les régions centrales des Balkans à la lumière des études onomastiques.” Pages 153–69 in Actes du VIIe congrès international d’épigraphie grecque et latine, Constantza, 9–15 septembre 1977. Edited by D.M. Pippidi. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1979. Papazoglou, F. “Quelques aspects de l’histoire de la province de Macédoine.” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2.7.1 (1979): 302–69. Papazoglou, F. “Le territoire de la colonie de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 106.1 (1982): 89–106. Papazoglou, F. “Les stèles éphèbiques de Stuberra.” Chiron 18 (1988): 233–70. Papazoglou, F. Les villes de Macédoine à l’époque romaine. Bulletin de correspondance hellénique Supplément 16. Athens: É cole française d’Athènes, 1988. Papazoglou, F. “La population des colonies romaines en Macédoine.” Živa antika 40 (1990): 111–24. Papazoglou, F. “Le koinon macédonien et la province de Macédoine.” Thracia 12 (1998): 133–39. Papazoglou, F., and D. Pandermalis. “Macedonia under the Romans.” Pages 192–221 in Macedonia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Edited by M.B. Sakellariou. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1983. Papazotos, A. “Recherches topographiques au mont Athos.” Pages 149–78 in Géographie historique du monde méditerranéen. Edited by H. Ahrweiler. Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne, 1988. Papazotos, T. “Τα χριστιανικά μνημεία του Σέμαλτου.” Makedonika 16 (1976): 250–68. Papazotos, T. “Ανασκαφή Διοκλητιανουπόλεως: Οι πρώτες εκτιμήσεις.” Archaiologikon deltion 43 A (1988): 195–218. Papazotos, T. Η Βέροια και οι ναοί της (11ος–18ος αι.). Athens: Tameio archaiologikon poron kai apallotrioseon, 1994. Park, J.S. Conceptions of Afterlife in Jewish Inscriptions with Special Reference to Pau­ line Literature. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/121. Tü­bingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000. Paulsen, H. Die Briefe des Ignatius von Antiochia und der Brief des Polykarp von Smyrna: Zweite, neubearbeitete Auflage der Auslegung von Walter Bauer. Die apostolischen Väter 2. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1985. Pazaras, T.N. “Δυο τοιχογραφημένοι παλαιοχριστιανικοί τάφοι από τη Βέροια.” Make­donika 24 (1984): 234–45. Pazaras, T.N. Ἀνασκαφικὲς ἔρευνες στὴν περιοχὴ τῆς Ἐπανομῆς Θεσσαλονίκης: Το νεκροταφείο στο Λιμόρι και η παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική στο Μπγιαδούδι. Thessaloniki: Byzantine Research Center, 2009. Pelekanidis, S. Παλαιοχριστιανικά μνημεία της Θεσσαλονίκης: Η Αχειροποίητος και η Μονή του Λατόμου. Thessaloniki: Pournara, 1949.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

388

Bibliography

Pelekanidis, S. “Ἡ ἔξω τῶν τειχῶν παλαιοχριστιανικὴ βασιλικὴ τῶν Φιλίππων.” Archai­ ologike ephemeris 1955 (1961): 114–79 (reprint, pages 334–94 in Studien zur frühchristlichen und byzantinischen Archäologie. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1977). Pelekanidis, S. Gli affreschi paleocristiani ed i piu antichi mosaici parietali di Salonicco. Ravenna: Dante, 1963. Pelekanidis, S. “Ἀνασκαφὴ Ὀκταγώνου Φιλίππων.” Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireias 1961 (1964): 69–80. Pelekanidis, S. “Ἀνασκαφαὶ Ὀκταγώνου Φιλίππων.” Praktika tes en Athenais Archaio­ logikes Etaireias 1960 (1966): 76–94. Pelekanidis, S. “Ἀνασκαφαὶ Φιλίππων.” Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etai­reias 1962 (1966): 169–78. Pelekanidis, S. “Παλαιοχριστιανικός τάφος εν Φιλίπποις.” Pages 223–28 in Tortulae: Studien zu altchristlichen und Byzantinischen Monumenten. Edited by W.H. Schumacher. Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte Supplementheft 30. Rome: Herder, 1966 (reprint, pages 67–74 in Studien zur frühchristlichen und byzantinischen Archäologie. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Stud­ ies, 1977). Pelekanidis, S. “Ἀνασκαφὴ Φιλίππων.” Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etai­reias 1975 (1977): 91–102. Pelekanidis, S. “Excavations in Philippi.” Pages 395–400 in Studien zur frühchristlichen und byzantinischen Archäologie. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1977 (first published in Balkan Studies 8.1 [1967]: 123–26). Pelekanidis, S. Studien zur frühchristlichen und byzantinischen Archäologie. Thes­ saloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1977. Pelekanidis, S. “Ἀνασκαφὴ Φιλίππων.” Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireias 1976 (1978): 115–29. Pelekanidis, S. “Kultprobleme in Apostel-Paulus-Oktogon von Philippi im Zusammen­ hang mit einem älteren Heroenkult.” Pages 393–97 in Atti del IX congresso internazio­ nale di archeologia Cristiana, Roma 21–27 settembre 1975. Vol. 2, Comunicazioni su scoperte inedite. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1978. Pelekanidis, S. “Ἀνασκαφὴ Φιλίππων.” Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikes Etai­reias 1978 (1980): 64–72. Pelekanidis, S. “Οι Φίλιπποι και τα χριστιανικά μνημεία τους.” Pages 100–125 in ΜακεδονίαΘεσσαλονίκη: Αφιέρωμα τεσσαρακονταετηρίδος. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1980. Pelekanidou, E. “Νέα ευρήματα στο ανατολικό νεκροταφείο της Θεσσαλονίκης.” To ar­chaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 7 (1993): 373–87. Pelekanidou, E., and A. Mentzos. “Οκτάγωνο Φιλίππων: Πρώτα συμπεράσματα μετά τις νεότερες έρευνες.” Pages 597–607 in Μνήμη Δ. Λαζαρίδη: Πόλις και χώρα στην αρχαία

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

389

Μακεδονία και Θράκη; Πρακτικά αρχαιολογικού συνεδρίου, Καβάλα 9–11 Μαΐου 1986. Thessaloniki: Hypourgeio Politismou Archaiologiko Mouseio Kavalas, 1990. Pennas, C. “Παλαιοχριστιανικές ταφές στους Φιλίππους.” Pages 437–44 in Η Καβάλα και η περιοχή της: Α΄ Τοπικό Συμπόσιο, Καβάλα 18–20 Απριλίου 1977; Πρακτικά. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1980. Pennas, C. “Early Christian Burials at Philippi.” Byzantinische Forschungen 21 (1995): 215–27. Perdrizet, P. “Voyage dans la Macédoine première.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 21 (1897): 514–43. Perdrizet, P. “Le cimetière chrétien de Thessalonique.” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’his­ toire de l’École française de Rome 19 (1899): 541–48. Perdrizet, P. “Inscriptions de Thessalonique.” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’École française de Rome 20 (1900): 223–33. Perdrizet, P. “Inscriptions de Salonique (troisième article).” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’École française de Rome 25 (1905): 81–95. Pervo, R.I. Dating Acts: Between the Evangelists and the Apologists. Santa Rosa, Calif.: Polebridge, 2006. Pervo, R.I. Acts: A Commentary. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2009. Pervo, R.I. “The Paul of Acts and the Paul of the Letters: Aspects of Luke as an Interpreter of the Corpus Paulinum.” Pages 141–56 in Reception of Paulinism in Acts. Edited by D. Marguerat. Bibliotheca Ephemeridum theologicarum Lovaniensium 229. Leuven: Peeters, 2009. Pervo, R.I. The Making of Paul: Constructions of the Apostle in Early Christianity. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2010. Pervo, R.I. The Acts of Paul: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. Eugene, Oreg.: Cascade, 2014. Peterlin, D. Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Light of Disunity in the Church. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Peterman, G.W. Paul’s Gift from Philippi: Conventions of Gift-Exchange and Christian Giving. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 92. Cambridge: Cam­ bridge University Press, 1997. Peterson, E. Εἷς Θεός: Epigraphische, Formgeschichtliche und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1926. Petit, L. “Les évêques de Thessalonique.” Échos d’Orient 4.3 (1901): 136–45. Petit, L. “Les évêques de Thessalonique.” Échos d’Orient 4.4 (1901): 212–21. Petkos, A. “Δύο κτιριακά συγκροτήματα του 4ου και 5ου αιώνα στη Βέροια.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 7 (1993): 97–105. Petkos, A. “Ανασκαφή νοτιοδυτικού τμήματος τειχών Διοκλητιανουπόλεως στο Άργος Ορεσ­ τικό Καστοριάς.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 14 (2000): 581–90. Petkos, A. Τα μνημεία της Βέροιας (4ος–19ος αιώνας). Athens: TAP, 2001.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

390

Bibliography

Petkos, A. “Early Byzantine Pella.” Pages 99–101, 148–49 in Pella and Its Environs. Edited by M. Lilimpaki-Akamati and I.M. Akamatis. Athens: TAP, 2004. Petkos, A., B. Kaltapanidou, and E. Christoforidou. “Ο αρχαιολογικός χώρος Αγίου Πα­ταπίου Βέροιας: Ένας διαχρονικός χώρος στο κέντρο της σύγχρονης πόλης.” To archai­ ologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 25 (2011): 103–12. Petkov, V. “Die frühchristliche Kirche beim Dorf Mikrevo, Bezirk Sandanski.” Mit­ teilungen zur christlichen Archäologie 4 (1998): 23–30. Petkov, V., and O. Somova. “Eine spätantike Nekropole des 3.–6. Jahrhunderts beim ‘Loven Dom’ (= Jagdhaus) in Sandanski: Ein Vorbericht.” Mitteilungen zur christlichen Archäologie 9 (2003): 24–47. Petridès, S. “Note sur une inscription chrétienne d’Amasée.” Échos d’Orient 3.5 (1900): 273–78. Petrova, S. “On Early Christianity and Early Christian Basilicas of Parthicopolis.” Studi sull’Oriente cristiano 16.1 (2012): 93–139. Petrova, S. “The Early Christian Basilicas in the Urban Planning of Parthicopolis.” Niš and Byzantium 13 (2015): 161–84. Petrova, S. “The Baptistery of the Episcopal Basilica in Parthicopolis.” Niš and Byzan­tium 15 (2016): 133–52. Petrova, S. “The Roman Architectonic Decoration Reused in the Early Christian Buildings of Parthicopolis.” Patrimonium.MK 15 (2017): 137–76. Petrova, S. “The Chancel Screens of the Episcopal Basilica (No 4) in Parthicopolis/ Bulgaria (Preliminary Observations).” Niš and Byzantium 18 (2020): 189–222. Petrova, S., and V. Petkov. “Paroicopolis/Parthicopolis: Ancient and Early Byzantine City.” Pages 341–492 in Thracian, Greek, Roman and Medieval Cities, Residences and Fortresses in Bulgaria. Edited by R. Ivanov. Sofia: Ratiaria Semper Fioreat, 2015. Philippson, A. Die griechischen Landschaften. Vol. 1/1, Der Nordosten der griechischen Halbinsel. Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 1950. Picard, C. “Un texte nouveau de la correspondance entre Abgar d’Osroène et JésusChrist, gravé sur une porte de ville, à Philippes (Macédoine).” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 44 (1920): 41–69. Picard, C. “Les dieux de la colonie de Philippes vers le Ier siecle de notre ère, d’après les ex-voto rupestres.” Revue de l’histoire des religions 86 (1922): 117–201. Piepenbrink, K. Christliche Identität und Assimilation in der Spätantike: Probleme des Christseins in der Reflexion der Zeitgenossen. Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Antike, 2005. Pietri, C. “La géographie de l’Illyricum ecclésiastique et ses relations avec l’église de Rome (V–VIe siècles).” Pages 21–59 in Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protoby­ zantin: Actes du colloque organisé par l’École française de Rome (Rome, 12–14 Mai 1982). Rome: École française de Rome, 1984.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

391

Pietri, C. “Les provinces ‘Salutaires’: Géographie administrative et politique de la conversion sous l’Empire chrétien.” Pages 319–38 in Aevum inter utrumque: Mélanges offerts à Gabriel Sanders, professeur émérite à l’Université de Gand. Edited by M. Van Uytfanghe and R. Demeulenaere. Instrumenta patristica 23. Steenbrugis: Vonksteen, 1991. Pilhofer, P. Philippi. Vol. 1, Die erste christliche Gemeinde Europas. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 87. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1995. Pilhofer, P. Das Neue Testament und seine Welt: Eine Einführung. Tübingen: Mohr Sie­ beck, 2010. Pillinger, R. “Monumenti paleocristiani in Bulgaria.” Rivista di archeologia cristiana 61 (1975): 275–310. Pillinger, R. “Die Stifterinschrift des Johannes in Sandanski (Bulgarien) und ihr monumentales Umfeld.” Mitteilungen zur christlichen Archäologie 12 (2006): 56–72. Pillinger, R., V. Popova-Moroz, and B. Zimmermann. Corpus der spätantiken und frühchristlichen Wandmalereien Bulgariens. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wis­senschaften Wien, 1999. Pitts, A.W. “Philosophical and Epistolary Contexts for Pauline Paraenesis.” Pages 269– 306 in Paul and the Ancient Letter Form. Edited by S.E. Porter and S.A. Adams. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Poehlman, W. “The Polycharmos Inscription and Synagogue I at Stobi.” Pages 235–46 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 3. Edited by B. Aleksova and J. Wiseman. Titov Velec: Macedonian Review Editions, 1981. Popkes, E.E. “Die Bedeutung des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs für das Verständnis pau­linischer und deuteropaulinischer Eschatologie.” Biblische Zeitschrift 48.1 (2004): 39–64. Popov, D. “Caractéristique et localisation du culte de Bendis.” Études balkaniques 2 (1976): 114–26. Popova, V. “The Pavement Mosaics of Bishop Ioannes’ Basilica in Sandanski.” Pages 173–81 in Spartacus: Symposium rebus Spartaci gestis dedicatum 2050 a.; Bla­ goevgrad, 20.–24.9.1977. Edited by C.M. Danov. Sofia: Editions de l’Académie Bulgare des Sciences, 1981. Popović, R. Le Christianisme sur le sol de l’Illyricum oriental jusqu’à l’arrivée des Slaves. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1996. Porter, S.E. The Paul of Acts: Essays in Literary Criticism, Rhetoric, and Theology. Wis­ senschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 115. Tübingen: Mohr Sie­ beck, 1999. Porter, S.E. “Was Paulinism a Thing When Luke-Acts Was Written.” Pages 1–13 in Reception of Paulinism in Acts. Edited by D. Marguerat. Bibliotheca Ephemeridum theologicarum Lovaniensium 229. Leuven: Peeters, 2009.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

392

Bibliography

Potter, D.S. The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. London: Routledge, 2004. Poulter, A.G. “Illyricum and Thrace from Valentinian I to Theodosius II: The Radical Transformation of the Danubian Provinces.” Pages 27–68 in Production and Pros­ perity in the Theodosian Period. Edited by I. Jacobs. Leuven: Peeters, 2014. Poulter, A.G., and P. Strange. “Philippi: The Results of a Geophysical Survey.” The Annual of the British School at Athens 93 (1998): 453–61. Poulter, A.G., M. Beckmann, and P. Strange. “Field Survey at Louloudies: A New Late Roman Fortification in Pieria.” The Annual of the British School at Athens 93 (1998): 463–511. Preuner, E. “ΖΩΝ ΚΤΩ ΧΡΩ.” Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 40 (1925): 39–41. Proeva, N. “La déesse cappadocienne Mâ et son culte en Macédoine d’après une plaque en bronze de Pretor, au musée de Resen.” Živa antika 33 (1997): 165–83. Proeva, N. “Les inscriptions sur l’histoire de Macédoine.” Živa antika 47 (1997): 167–76. Proeva, N. “Stèles funéraires de la haute Macédoine à l’époque romaine.” Pages 137–47 in Mélanges d’histoire et d’épigraphie offerts à Fanoula Papazoglou par ses élèves à l’occasion de son quatre-vingtième anniversaire. Edited by M. Mirković et al. Belgrade: Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta, 1997. Proeva, N. “Les influences étrangères dans la culture de la Haute-Macédoine à l’époque romaine.” Pages 301–11 in Épire, Illyrie, Macédoine…: Mélanges offerts au Professeur Pierre Cabanes. Edited by D. Berranger-Auserve. Clermont-Ferrand: Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, 2007. Proeva, N. “L’inscription paléochrétienne au musée de Strumica.” Zbornik (2007): 125–30. Proeva, N. “Sur l’iconographie des stèles funéraires du ‘type tikveš’ en Macédoine à l’époque romaine.” Pages 679–708 in Funerary Sculpture of the Western Illyricum and Neighbouring Regions of the Roman Empire: Proceedings of the International Scholarly Conference Held in Split from the 27th to the 30th of September, 2009. Edited by N. Cambi and G. Koch. Split: Književni Krug, 2013. Proeva, N. “Les croyances funéraires des macédoniens: L’héroïsation et la divinisation des défunts à l’époque romaine.” Pages 149–61 in Cult and Votive Monuments in the Roman Provinces: Proceedings of the 13th International Colloquium on Roman Provincial Art, Bucharest—Alba Iulia—Constantza, 27th of May–3rd of June 2013; Within the Framework of Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani. Edited by C.-G. Alexandrescu. Cluj-Napoca: Mega Publishing House, 2015. Provost, S., and M. Boyd. “Application de la prospection géophysique à la topographie urbaine: I. Philippes, les quartiers Sud-Ouest.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 125.2 (2001): 453–521. Provost, S., and M. Boyd. “Application de la prospection géophysique à la topographie urbaine: II. Philippes, les quartiers Ouest.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 126.2 (2002): 431–88. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

393

Pülz, A. “Some Considerations on the Relief Panels from the Bishop’s Basilica (Basil­ ica Nr. 4) in Sandanski, Bulgaria.” Pages 231–41 in Sandanski and Its Territory during Prehistory, Antiquity and Middle Ages: Current Trends in Archaeological Research; Proceedings of an International Conference at Sandanski, September 17–20, 2015. Edited by E. Nankov. Papers of the American Research Center in Sofia 3. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber, 2017. Raditsa, L. “Bella Macedonica.” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 1.1 (1972): 564–89. Ramsay, W.M. St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen. 15th ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1825. Ramsay, W.M. The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia: Being an Essay of the Local History of Phrygia from the Earliest Times to the Turkish Conquest. Vol. 1, Pts. 1 and 2. Oxford: Clarendon, 1895–1897. Rankin, E.M. The Role of the ΜΑΓΕΙΡΟΙ in the Life of the Ancient Greeks, as Depicted in Greek Literature and Inscriptions. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1907. Rapske, B. The Book of Acts and Paul in Roman Custody. Vol. 3 of The Book of Acts in Its First-Century Setting. Edited by B.W. Winter. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1994. Raptis, K.T. “Αχειροποίητος Θεσσαλονίκης: Αρχιτεκτονική και γλυπτός διάκοσμος.” PhD diss., Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Department of History and Archaeology, 2016. Raptis, K.T. “The Building History of the Acheiropoietos Basilica Reconsidered.” Niš and Byzantium 17 (2019): 115–28. Raptis, K.T. “The Sculptural Decoration of the Acheiropoietos Basilica (Thessalonike), Re-evaluated in Light of a Recent Architectural Analysis of the Monument.” Pages 253–66 in Archaeology of a World of Changes: Late Roman and Early Byzantine Architecture, Sculpture and Landscapes; Selected Papers from the 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies (Belgrade, 22–27 August 2016) in Memoriam Claudiae Barsanti. Edited by D. Moreau et al. BAR. International Series 2973. Oxford: BAR, 2020. Rebillard, É. “Koimetérion et coemeterium: Tombe, tombe sainte, nécropole.” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome—Antiquité 105.2 (1993): 975–1001. Rebillard, É. Religion et sépulture: L’Église, les vivants et les morts dans l’Antiquité tardive. Civilisations et sociétés 115. Paris: Éditions de l’EHESS, 2003. Rebillard, É. Christians and Their Many Identities in Late Antiquity, North Africa, 200–450 CE. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2012. Reinbold, W. Propaganda und Mission im ältesten Christentum: Eine Untersuchung zu den Modalitäten der Ausbreitung der frühen Kirche. Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 188. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ru­precht, 2000. Reumann, J. Philippians. The Anchor Bible 33B. New York: Doubleday, 2008.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

394

Bibliography

Ricl, M. “Le sanctuaire des dieux saint et juste à Yaylababa Köyü.” Živa antika 40 (1990): 157–77. Ricl, M. “A Family Quarrel in Early Byzantine Beroea.” Scripta classica Israelica 20 (2001): 97–104. Riesner, R. Paul’s Early Period: Chronology, Mission Strategy, Theology. Translated by D. Stott. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1994. Rife, J.L. Isthmia. Vol. 9, The Roman and Byzantine Graves and Human Remains. Prince­ ton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 2012. Rigaux, B. Saint Paul: Les épitres aux Thessaloniciens. Paris: Lecoffre, 1956. Rizakis, A.D. “Η Κοινότητα των ‘Συμπραγματευομένων Ρωμαίων’ της Θεσσαλονίκης και η Ρωμαïκή οικονομική διείσδυση στη Μακεδονία.” Pages 511–24 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 4, Papers Read at the Fourth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, September 21–25, 1983. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1986. Rizakis, A.D. “Le grec face au latin: Le paysage linguistique dans la péninsule balkanique sous l’empire.” Pages 373–91 in Colloquii epigraphici Latini: Helsingiae 3.–6. Sept. 1991 habiti. Edited by H. Solin. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 1995. Rizakis, A.D. “Anthroponymie et société: Les noms romains dans les provinces hellénophones de l’Empire.” Pages 11–29 in Roman Onomastics in the Greek East: Social and Political Aspects; Proceedings of the International Colloquium Organized by the Finnish Institute and the Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, Athens 7–9 September 1993. Edited by A.D. Rizakis. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996. Rizakis, A.D. “L’émigration romaine en Macédoine et la communauté marchande de Thessalonique: Perspectives économiques et sociales.” Pages 109–32 in Les Italiens dans le monde grec, IIe siècle av. J.-C.–Ier siècle ap. J.-C.: Circulation, activités, intégration; Actes de la table ronde, École Normale Supérieure, Paris, 14–16 mai 1998. Edited by C. Müller. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2002. Rizakis, A.D. “Recrutement et formation des élites dans les colonies romaines de la province de Macédoine.” Pages 107–30 in Les élites et leurs facettes: Les élites locales dans le monde hellénistique et romain. Edited by M. Cébeillac-Gervasoni and L. Lamoine. Rome: École française de Rome, 2003. Rizakis, A.D. “Le territoire de la colonie romaine de Philippes: Ses limites au NordOuest.” Pages 123–30 in Autour des libri coloniarum: Colonisation et colonies dans le monde romain. Actes du Colloque International (Besançon, 16–18 octobre 2003). Edited by A. Gonzales and J.-Y. Guillaumin. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2006. Rizakis, A.D. “Langue et culture ou les ambiguïtés identitaires des notables des cités grecques sous l’empire de Rome.” Pages 17–28 in Bilinguisme gréco-latin et épigraphie: Actes du colloque organisé à l’Université Lumière-Lyon 2, Maison de l’Orient et

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

395

de la Méditerranée-Jean Pouilloux, UMR 5189 Hisoma et JE 2409 Romanitas, les 17, 18 et 19 mai 2004. Edited by F. Biville, J.-C. Decourt et G. Rougemont. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 2008. Rizakis, A.D. “Une praefectura dans le territoire colonial de Philippes: Les nouvelles données.” Pages 87–105 in Colons et colonies dans le monde romain. Edited by S. Demougin and J. Scheid. Rome: École française de Rome, 2012. Rizakis, A.D. “Expropriations et confiscations des terres dans le cadre de la colonisation romaine en Achaïe et en Macédoine.” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome—Antiquité 127.2 (2015). http://journals.openedition.org/mefra/2879. Rizakis, A.D. “La mobilité sociale dans les provinces helléniques sous l’empire.” Pages 11–55 in Social Dynamics under Roman Rule: Mobility and Status Change in the Provinces of Achaia and Macedonia; Proceedings of a Conference Held at the French School of Athens, 30–31 May 2014. Edited by A.D. Rizakis, F. Camia, and S. Zoumbaki. Meletemata 74. Athens: National Hellenic Research Foundation, Institute of Histori­ cal Research, 2017. Rizakis, A.D. “Aspects du dionysisme et du ménadisme en Macédoine pendant la pé­riode impériale: Les associations de femmes.” Pages 41–64 in Les associations cultuelles en Grèce et en Asie Mineure aux époques hellénistique et impériale: Com­ positions sociales, fonctions civiques et manifestations identitaires (époques hellénistique et romaine). Edited by J. Demaille and G. Labarre. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2021. Rizakis, A.D., and I. Touratsoglou. “Mors Macedonica: Ο θάνατος στα επιτάφια μνημεία της Άνω Μακεδονίας.” Archaiologike ephemeris (2000): 237–81. Rizakis, A.D., and I. Touratsoglou. “Acculturation en contexte colonial: Choix culturels et profils identitaires sur les monuments funéraires de Philippes, colonie romaine de Macédoine.” Pages 129–62 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Rizakis, A.D., et al. “Le corpus des inscriptions grecques et latines de Philippes, Macédoine: État des travaux.” Pages 1213–20 in Acta XII Congressus internationalis epigraphiae Graecae et Latine, Barcelona, 3–8 septembris 2002. Edited by M. Mayer. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 2007. Rizos, E. “The Late-Antique Walls of Thessalonica and Their Place in the Development of Eastern Military Architecture.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 24 (2011): 450–68. Rizos, E. “The Making of a Christian Society in the Late Antique Civil Diocese of Macedonia: Archaeological Evidence on Christianisation from Modern Greece.” Pages 319–42 in Christianisierung Europas: Entstehung, Entwicklung und Kon­ solidierung im Archäologischen Befund. Edited by O. Heinrich-Tamaszka, N. Krohn, and S. Ristow. Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2012.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

396

Bibliography

Rizos, E. “Centres of the Late Roman Military Supply Network in the Balkans: A Survey of horrea.” Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 60 (2013): 659–96. Rizos, E., ed. New Cities in Late Antiquity: Documents and Archaeology. Bibliothèque de l’antiquité tardive 35. Turnhout: Brepols, 2017. Rizos, E. “Civic Administration in Illyricum and Thrace.” Antiquité tardive 26 (2018): 201–13. Rizos, E. “Ubi Paulus et Sileas in carcere fuerunt: Sacral Topography, Civic Memory, and Christianisation in Philippi.” Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 62 (2019): 94–117. Robbins, V.K. “By Land and by Sea: The We-Passages and Ancient Sea Voyages.” Pages 214–42 in Perspectives on Luke-Acts. Edited by C.H. Talbert. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1978. Robbins, V.K. “Sailing with Paul on Ideological Waters: The We-Voyages in Acts.” Pages 82–113 in Sea Voyages and Beyond: Emerging Strategies in Socio-rhetorical Interpretation. Edited by V.K. Robbins. Emory Studies in Early Christianity 14. New York: T&T Clark, 2010. Robert, L. “Études sur les inscriptions et la topographie de la Grèce centrale: VI. Décrets d’Akraiphia.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 59 (1935): 438–52. Robert, L., ed. Collection Froehner. Vol. 1, Inscriptions Grecques. Paris: Edition des bi­bliothèques nationales, 1936. Robert, L. “Les Pythia de Thessalonique.” Pages 53–62 in Études épigraphiques et phi­lologiques. Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études, Sciences historiques et philo­ logiques 272. Paris: Champion, 1938. Robert, L. “Hellenica.” Revue de philologie, de littérature et d’histoire anciennes 13 (1939): 97–217. Robert, L. Hellenica: Recueil d’épigraphie, de numismatique et d’antiquités grecques. Vol. 4. Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1948. Robert, L. Opera minora selecta. 7 vols. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1969–1990. Robert, L. “Inscriptions de Thessalonique.” Revue de philologie, de littérature et d’his­ toire anciennes 48 (1974): 180–246. Robert, L. “L’épigraphie.” Pages 453–97 in L’histoire et ses méthodes. Edited by C. Sama­ ran. Paris: Gallimard, 1961 (reprint, pages 65–109 in Opera minora selecta. Vol. 5. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1989). Robinson, T.A. Who Were the First Christians? Dismantling the Urban Thesis. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Roger, J. “L’enceinte basse de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 62 (1938): 20–41. Roisman, J., and I. Worthington, eds. A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

397

Roose, H. “Die Thessalonicherbriefe im Kontext urchristlicher Überlieferungspro­ zesse: Methodische Reflexionen.” Pages 343–64 in Beiträge zur urchristlichen Theo­lo­ giegeschichte. Edited by W. Kraus. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 163. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2009. Rose, V. Leben des heiligen David von Thessaloniki griechisch nach der einzigen bisher aufgefundenen Handschrift. Berlin: Asher & Co., 1887. Rothschild, C.K. Luke-Acts and the Rhetoric of History: An Investigation of Early Christian Historiography. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/175. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004. Rothschild, C.K., and J. Schröter, eds. The Rise and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries of the Common Era. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 301. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013. Roueché, C. Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias. Journal of Roman Studies Mono­graph 6. London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, 1993. Roueché, C., and C. Sotinel. “Christian and Late Antique Epigraphies.” Pages 503–14 in The Epigraphic Cultures of Late Antiquity. Edited by K. Bolle, C. Machado, and C. Witschel. Heidelberger althistorische Beiträge und epigraphische Studien 60. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2017. Runesson, A., D.D. Binder, and B. Olsson. The Ancient Synagogue from Its Origins to 200 C.E.: A Source Book. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Rüsch, A. “Das kaiserzeitliche Porträt in Makedonien.” Jahrbuch des Deutschen Ar­chäologischen Instituts 84 (1969): 59–196. Sakellariou, M.B. “The Inhabitants.” Pages 44–63 in Macedonia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Edited by M.B. Sakellariou. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1983. Salomies, O. “Contacts between Italy, Macedonia, and Asia Minor during the Prin­ cipate.” Pages 111–27 in Roman Onomastics in the Greek East: Social and Political Aspects; Proceedings of the International Colloquium Organized by the Finnish Institute and the Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, Athens 7–9 September 1993. Edited by A.D. Rizakis, Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996. Samama, É. Les médecins dans le monde grec: Sources épigraphiques sur la naissance d’un corps médical. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 2003. Sampley, J.P. Pauline Partnership in Christ: Christian Community and Commitment in Light of Roman Law. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980. Samsaris, D.K. “Το οδικό δίκτυο της Ανατολικής Μακεδονίας από τα αρχαϊκά χρόνια ως τη ρωμαϊκή κατάκτηση.” Makedonika 14.1 (1974): 123–38. Samsaris, D.K. Ιστορική Γεωγραφία τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Μακεδονίας κατὰ τὴν ἀρχαιότητα. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1976. Samsaris, D.K. “Οι Ρωμαίοι και η Χαλκιδική.” Makedonika 25.1 (1986): 33–46.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

398

Bibliography

Samsaris, D.K. “Ατομικές χορηγήσεις της ρωμαϊκής πολιτείας (Civitas Romana) και η διάδοσή της στη ρωμαϊκή επαρχία Μακεδονία: I. Η περίπτωση της Θεσσαλονίκης, πρωτεύουσας της επαρχίας.” Makedonika 26 (1987): 308–53. Samsaris, D.K. “Les mines et la metallurgie de fer et de cuivre dans la province romaine de Macédoine.” Klio 69 (1987): 152–62. Samsaris, D.K. “Ατομικές χορηγήσεις της Ρωμαϊκής Πολιτείας (civitas romana) και η διάδοση της στη Ρωμαϊκή επαρχία Μακεδονία: ΙΙ. H περίπτωση της Βέροιας, έδρα του Κοινού των Μακεδόνων.” Makedonika 27 (1989): 327–82. Samsaris, D.K. Ιστορική Γεωγραφία της ρωμαϊκής επαρχίας Μακεδονίας: Το τμήμα της ση­μερινής Δυτικής Μακεδονίας. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1989. Samsaris, D.K. “La vallée du Bas-Strymon à l’époque impériale: Contribution épigra­ phique à la topographie, l’onomastique, l’histoire et aux cultes de la province romaine de Macédoine.” Dodone 18 (1989): 203–382. Samsaris, D.K. “Ατομικές χορηγήσεις της Ρωμαϊκής πολιτείας (civitas Romana) και η διάδοσή της στη Ρωμαϊκή επαρχία Μακεδονία: III. Το ανατολικό τμήμα της επαρχίας.” Makedonika 28 (1992): 156–96. Saradi, H.G. The Byzantine City in the Sixth Century: Literary Images and Historical Reality. Athens: Society of Messenian Archaeological Studies, 2006. Saria, B. “Neue Funde in der Bischofskirche von Stobi.” Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 28 (1933): 112–39. Saria, B. “Die Inschriften des Theaters von Stobi.” Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 32 (1940): 5–34. Sarikakis, T. “Des soldats Macédoniens dans l’armée romaine.” Pages 431–64 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 2, Papers Read at the Second International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 19–24 August 1973. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1977. Sarikakis, T. “Cicero as an Historical Source for Macedonia.” Pages 1395–400 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 5/3, Papers Read at the Fifth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 10–15 August 1989. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1993. Šašel, J. Tabula Imperii Romani K 34: Naissus, Dyrrhachion, Scupi, Serdica, Thessalonike, d’après la carte internationale du monde au 1:1.000.000, K 34 Sofia. Ljubljana: Slo­ venska Akademija, Znanosti in Umetnosti, 1976. Šašel Kos, M. “Illyricum.” Brill’s New Pauly 5 (1998): 940–43. Schellenberg, R.S. “The First Pauline Chronologist? Paul’s Itinerary in the Letters and in Acts.” Journal of Biblical Literature 134.1 (2015): 193–213. Schnabel, E.J. Early Christian Mission. Vol. 2, Paul and the Early Church. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 2004. Schnelle, U. Paulus: Leben und Denken. 2nd ed. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014. Schoedel, W.R. The Apostolic Fathers: A New Translation and Commentary. Vol. 5, Poly­ carp, Martyrdom of Polycarp, Fragments of Papias. London: Thomas Nelson, 1967.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

399

Schoedel, W.R. Ignatius of Antioch: A Commentary on the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch. Hermeneia. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985. Schoedel, W.R. “Polycarp of Smyrna and Ignatius of Antioch.” Aufstieg und Nieder­ gang der römischen Welt 2.27.1 (1992): 272–358. Schörner, H. Sepulturae graecae intra urbem: Untersuchungen zum Phänomen der intraurbanen Bestattungen bei den Griechen. Möhnesee: Bibliopolis, 2007. Schröter, J., S. Butticaz, and A. Dettwiler, eds. Receptions of Paul in Early Christianity: The Person of Paul and His Writings through the Eyes of His Early Interpreters. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2018. Schubert, P. Form and Function of the Pauline Thanksgivings. Berlin: Töpelmann, 1939. Schultze, L. Makedonien: Landschafts- und Kulturbilder. Jena: Fischer, 1927. Schürer, E. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.–A.D. 135). Revised and edited by G. Vermes, F. Millar, and M. Goodman. 3 vols. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1973–1987. Schütz, E., and H.J. Unger. Wanderungen im Pangaion: Ein Gebirge und sein Bergbau. Pangaion 2. Landshut: Preisinger, 1981. Schwartz, D.R. “The Accusation and Accusers at Philippi (Acts 16,20–21).” Biblica 65 (1984): 357–63. Schwartz, E. Über die Bischofslisten der Synoden von Chalkedon, Nicaea und Kon­stan­ tinopel. Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philo­sophisch-historische Abteilung, NF 13. Munich: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1937. Sève, M. “Le forum de Philippes.” Pages 123–31 in L’espace grec: Cent cinquante ans de fouilles de l’École française d’Athènes. Edited by E. Rolland. Paris: Fayard, 1996. Sève, M. “Philippes: Une ville romaine en Grèce.” Pages 89–94 in L’espace grec: Cent cinquante ans de fouilles de l’École française d’Athènes. Edited by E. Rolland. Paris: Fayard, 1996. Sève, M. “De la naissance à la mort d’une ville: Philippes en Macédoine (IVe siècle av. J.-C.–VIIe siècle ap. J.-C.).” Histoire urbaine 1 (2000): 187–204. Sève, M. “Notables de Macédoine entre l’époque hellénistique et le Haut-Empire.” Pages 257–73 in Citoyenneté et participation à la basse époque hellénistique: Actes de la table ronde des 22 et 23 mai 2004, Paris, BNF, organisée par le groupe de recherche dirigé par Philippe Gauthier de l’UMR 8585 (Centre Gustave Glotz). Edited by P. Fröhlich and C. Müller. Geneva: Droz, 2005. Sève, M. “Comment estimer l’importance régionale de la colonie de Philippes à la lumière des données architecturales?” Pages 299–319 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

400

Bibliography

Sève, M., and P. Weber. “Le côté Nord du forum de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 110.1 (1986): 531–81. Sève, M., and P. Weber. “Un monument honorifique au forum de Philippes.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 112.1 (1988): 467–79. Sève, M., and P. Weber. Guide du forum de Philippes. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2012. Sharankov, N. “Language and Society in Roman Thrace.” Pages 135–55 in Early Roman Thrace: New Evidence from Bulgaria. Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 82. Edited by I.P. Haynes. Portsmouth, R.I.: Archaeological Institute of America, 2011. Sherwin-White, A.N. Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament: The Sarum Lectures 1960–1961. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963. Silva-Tarouca, C., ed. Epistularum romanorum Pontificum ad vicarios per Illyricum aliosque episcopos: Collectio thessalonicensis. Textus et documenta 22. Rome: Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, 1937. Sironen, E. The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Inscriptions of Athens and Attica: An Edition with Appendices on Scripts, Sepulchral Formulae, and Occupations. Helsinki: Hakapaino Oy, 1997. Sironen, E. “Early Christian Inscriptions from the Corinthia and the Peloponnese.” Pages 201–16 in Identity and Authority in Emerging Christianities in Asia Minor and Greece. Edited by C. Breytenbach and J.M. Ogereau. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 103. Leiden: Brill, 2018. Sismanidis, K. “Ναός αυτοκρατορικής λατρείας στα αρχαία Καλίνδοια.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 17 (2003): 143–54. Sismanidis, K. “Η συνέχεια της έρευνας στο Σεβαστείο των Καλινδοίων.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 18 (2004): 213–24. Sismanidis, K. “Σεβαστείο Καλινδοίων: Ἑστιάσεις και εὐωχίες.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 19 (2005): 145–55. Sismanidis, K. “Ο χώρος Ε στο συγκρότημα του σεβαστείου των Καλινδοίων.” To archai­ ologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 20 (2006): 249–62. Sismanidis, K. “Αρχαία Καλίνδοια: H συνέχεια της έρευνας στο συγκρότημα του Σεβαστείου.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 21 (2007): 293–302. Sismanidis, K. “Συγκρότημα Σεβαστείου Καλινδοίων: Η εξέδρα και άλλα.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 22 (2008): 381–86. Sismanidis, K. “Η μέχρι τώρα ανασκαφική έρευνα στα αρχαία Καλίνδοια.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 20 Chronika (2009): 317–28. Sismanidis, K. “Συγκρότημα Σεβαστείου Καλινδοίων: Οι χώροι Η και Θ.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 23 (2009): 337–42. Sismanidis, K., and A. Kamanoudis. “Καλίνδοια 2010: Η συνέχεια της έρευνας του Συγ­ κροτήματος του Σεβαστείου και νέα ευρήματα πλαστικής.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Ma­ke­donia kai ste Thrake 24 (2010): 389–97.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

401

Sivignon, M. “The Geographical Setting of Macedonia.” Pages 12–26 in Macedonia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Edited by M.B. Sakellariou. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1983. Skedros, J.C. Saint Demetrios of Thessaloniki: Civic Patron and Divine Protector 4th– 7th Centuries CE. Harvard Theological Studies 47. Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press In­ternational, 1999. Skedros, J.C. “Civic and Ecclesiastical Identity in Christian Thessalonikē.” Pages 245–59 in From Roman to Early Christian Thessalonikē: Studies in Religion and Archaeology. Edited by L. Nasrallah, C. Bakirtzis, and S.J. Friesen. Harvard Theological Studies 64. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010. Smith, R.R.R., and B. Ward-Perkins, eds. The Last Statues of Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016. Snively, C.S. “The Early Christian Basilicas of Stobi: A Study of Form, Function, and Location.” PhD diss., The University of Texas at Austin, 1979. Snively, C.S. “Articulation of Space in the Episcopal Basilica: The Colonnades.” Pages 163–70 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 3. Edited by B. Aleksova and J. Wise­ man. Titov Velec: Macedonian Review Editions, 1981. Snively, C.S. “Cemetery Churches of the Early Byzantine Period in Eastern Illyricum: Location and Martyrs.” Greek Orthodox Theological Review 29 (1984): 117–24. Snively, C.S. “Interrelated Aspects of Form and Function in the Early Christian Church­es of Stobi.” Pages 521–33 in Actes du Xe congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne, Thessalonique, 28 septembre–4 octobre 1980. Vol. 2, Communications. Rome: Pontifico Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1984. Snively, C.S. “Apsidal Crypts in Macedonia: Possible Places of Pilgrimage.” Pages 1179–84 in Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses für christliche Archäologie, Bonn, 22.– 28. September 1991. Pt. 2. Edited by E. Dassmann and J. Engemann. Münster: Aschen­ dorff, 1995. Snively, C.S. “Invisible in the Community? The Evidence for Early Women’s Monas­ ticism in the Southern Balkan Peninsula.” Pages 57–64 in Shaping Community: The Art and Archaeology of Monasticism; Papers from a Symposium held at the Fre­derick R. Weisman Museum, University of Minnesota, March 10–12, 2000. Edited by S. McNally. BAR International Series 941. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2001. Snively, C.S. “Dacia Mediterranea and Macedonia Secunda in the Sixth Century: A Question of Influence on Church Architecture.” Niš and Byzantium 3 (2005): 213–23. Snively, C.S. “A Type of Underground Cult Place from Late Antiquity: How Did It Function?” Pages 163–72 in Early Christian Martyrs and Relics and Their Veneration in East and West, International Conference, Varna, 2003. Varna: Regionalen istoricheski muzei-Varna, 2006. Snively, C.S. “Thessaloniki versus Justiniana Prima: A Rare Mention of the Conflict, in the Life of Osios David of Thessaloniki.” Niš and Byzantium 5 (2007): 55–61.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

402

Bibliography

Snively, C.S. “Transepts in the Ecclesiastical Architecture of Eastern Illyricum and the Episcopal Basilica at Stobi.” Niš and Byzantium 6 (2008): 59–74. Snively, C.S. “Macedonia in Late Antiquity.” Pages 545–71 in A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Edited by J. Roisman and I. Worthington. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Snively, C.S. “The Episcopal Basilica, the Via sacra, and the Semicircular Court at Stobi, R. Macedonia.” Niš and Byzantium 10 (2012): 185–200. Snively, C.S. “The Early Christian Period in the Republic of Macedonia: The Churches.” Pages 1329–404 in Macedonia: Archaeology, History, Art, Culture. [in Macedonian.] Edited by P. Kuzman et al. Skopje, 2013. Snively, C.S. “Edessa (Greece).” Pages 450–51 in The Eerdmans Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology. Vol. 1. Edited by P.C. Finney. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2017. Snively, C.S. “The Episcopal Basilica at Stobi in Context.” Pages 286–307 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 4. Edited by S. Blaževska. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2018. Snyder, J. “The Meaning of the ‘Maiestas Domini’ in Hosios David.” Byzantion 37 (1967): 143–52. Sodini, J.-P. “Mosaïques paléochrétiennes de Grèce: Catalogue des pavements de mosaïque situés dans les basiliques paléochrétiennes de Grèce continentale (y com­pris l’Eubée et Corfou) et du Péloponnèse.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 94.2 (1970): 699–753. Sodini, J.-P. “Mosaïques paléochrétiennes de Grèce: Compléments.” Bulletin de corres­ pondance hellénique 95.2 (1971): 581–84. Sodini, J.-P. “L’ambon de la rotonde Saint-Georges: Remarques sur la typologie et le décor.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 100 (1976): 493–510. Sodini, J.-P. “L’artisanat urbain à l’époque paléochrétienne (IVe–VIIe s.).” Ktema 4 (1979): 71–119. Sodini, J.-P. “L’architecture religieuse de Philippes, entre Rome, Thessalonique et Con­ stantinople.” Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 158.4 (2014): 1509–41. Sokolovska, V. “Investigations in the House of Peristerias.” Pages 123–41 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 2. Edited by J. Wiseman. Belgrade: National Museum of Titov Veles, 1975. Soteriou, G.A., and M.G. Soteriou. Η βασιλική του Αγίου Δημητρίου Θεσσαλονίκης. Athens: H en Athenais Archaiologikes Etaireia. 1952. Soustal, P. Tabula Imperii Byzantini. Vol. 11, Makedonien, Südlicher Teil. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 535. Vienna: Ver­ lag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2022. (TIB 11) Spasova, D. “A Corpus of Early Christian Metal Crosses from Stobi.” Pages 392–408 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 4. Edited by S. Blaževska. Stobi: National Institution Stobi, 2018. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

403

Speck, P. “De miraculis Sancti Demetrii, qui Thessalonicam profugus venit.” Pages 255–532 in Varia IV: Beiträge. Edited by S. Kotzabassi and P. Speck. Poikila Byzan­tina 12. Bonn: Habelt, 1993. Spieser, J.-M. “Inventaires en vue d’un recueil des inscriptions historiques de Byzance: Les inscriptions de Thessalonique.” Travaux et mémoires 5 (1973): 145–80. Spieser, J.-M. “La Christianisation des sanctuaires païens en Grece.” Pages 309–20 in Neue Forschungen in griechischen Heiligtümern: Internationales Symposion in Olympia vom 10.–12. Oktober 1974 anlässlich der Hundertjahrfeier der Abteilung Athen und der Deutschen Ausgrabungen in Olympia. Edited by J. Ulf. Tübingen: Wasmuth, 1976. Spieser, J.-M. “La ville en Grèce du IIIe au VIIe siècle.” Pages 315–39 in Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin: Actes du colloque organisé par l’École française de Rome (Rome, 12–14 Mai 1982). Rome: École française de Rome, 1984. Spieser, J.-M. Thessalonique et ses monuments du IVe au VIe siècle: Contribution à l’étude d’une ville paléochrétienne. Paris: De Boccard, 1984. Spieser, J.-M. “Remarques complémentaires sur la mosaïques de Osios David.” Pages 295–306 in Διεθνές συμπόσιο: Βυζαντινή Μακεδονία, 324–1430 μ.Χ., Θεσσαλονίκη 29–31 Οκτωβρίου 1992. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1995. Spieser, J.-M. “À propos de trois livres récents sur des monuments de Thessalonique.” Antiquité tardive 22 (2014): 297–306. Spieser, J.-M. “Le culte de Saint Démétrius à Thessalonique.” Pages 275–91 in Des dieux civiques aux saints patrons (IVe–VIIe siècle). Edited by J.-P. Caillet et al. Paris: Picard, 2015. Spiro, M. Critical Corpus of the Mosaic Pavements on the Greek Mainland, Fourth/Sixth Centuries with Architectural Surveys. 2 vols. New York: Garland Publishing, 1978. Spitzlberger, G. “Das Pangaion und sein Bergbau im Altertum.” Pages 875–901 in Studien zur alten Geschichte: Siegfried Lauffer zum 70. Geburtstag am 4. August 1981. Vol. 3. Edited by H. Kalcyk et al. Rome: Bretschneider, 1986. Squires, J.T. The Plan of God in Luke-Acts. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 76. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Standhartinger, A. Der Philipperbrief. Handbuch zum Neuen Testament 11/1. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2021. Standhartinger, A. “‘The Beloved Community’ after Paul: Early Christianity in Phi­ lippi from the Second to the Fourth Century.” Pages 316–35 in Philippi, from Colo­ nia Augusta to Communitas Christiana: Religion and Society in Transition. Edited by S.J. Friesen, M. Lychounas, and D.N. Schowalter. Supplements to Novum Tes­tamentum 186. Leiden: Brill, 2022. Standhartinger, A. “Paul, the Jews, and the Thessalonians: New Observations on 1 Thessalonians 2:14–16.” Pages 249–67 in The First Urban Churches. Vol. 7, Thessa­ lonica. Edited by J.R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2022.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

404

Bibliography

Stefanidou-Tiveriou, T. “Une tête colossale de Titus au forum de Thessalonique.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 125.1 (2001): 389–411. Stefanidou-Tiveriou, T. “Η βόρεια πλευρά της αγοράς της Θεσσαλονίκης: Μια νέα ‘ανάγνωση’ των ανασκαφικών δεδομένων.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 21 (2003): 229–40. Stefanidou-Tiveriou, T. “Die Palastanlage des Galerius in Thessaloniki: Planung und Datierung.” Pages 389–410 in Diocletian, Tetrarchy and Diocletian’s Palace on the 1700th Anniversary of Existence: Proceedings of the International Conference Held in Split from September 18th to 22nd 2005. Edited by N. Cambi, J. Belamarić, and T. Marasović. Split: Književni Krug, 2009 (first published in Egnatia 10 [2006]: 163–88). Steier, A. “Pfau.” Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 19/2 (1938): 1414–20. Steimle, C. “Neue Erkenntnisse zum Heiligtum der Ägyptischen Götter in Thessaloniki: Ein unveröffentlichtes Tagebuch des Archäologen Hans von Schoenebeck.” To ar­chaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 16 (2002): 290–304. Steimle, C. “Das Heiligtum der ägyptischen Götter in Thessaloniki und die Vereine in seinem Umfeld.” Pages 27–38 in Religions orientales—culti misterici: Neue Per­spektiven—nouvelles perspectives—prospettive nuove. Edited by C. Bonnet, J. Rüpke, and P. Scarpi. Potsdamer altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge 16. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2006. Steimle, C. Religion im römischen Thessaloniki: Sakraltopographie, Kult und Gesell­ schaft, 168 v.Chr.–324 n.Chr. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 47. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008. Steinmetz, P. “Polykarp von Smyrna über die Gerechtigkeit.” Hermes 100.1 (1972): 63–75. Sterling, G.E. Historiography and Self-Definition: Josephos, Luke-Acts and Apologetic Historiography. Supplements to Novum Testamentum 64. Leiden: Brill, 1992. Stewart, A.C. The Original Bishops: Office and Order in the First Christian Communities. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2014. Still, T.D. Conflict at Thessalonica: A Pauline Church and Its Neighbours. Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement 183. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1999. Stojanova-Serafimova, D. “Die frühchristliche Basilika in der Ul. Partizanska/San­dan­ski.” Mitteilungen zur christlichen Archäologie 6 (2000): 9–30. Strange, W.A. The Problem of the Text of Acts. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 71. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Suggs, M.J. “Concerning the Date of Paul’s Macedonian Ministry.” Novum Testa­mentum 4.1 (1960): 60–68. Suhl, A. Paulus und seine Briefe: Ein Beitrag zur paulinischen Chronologie. Studien zum Neuen Testament 11. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1975.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

405

Suhl, A. “Paulinische Chronologie im Streit der Meinungen.” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2.26.2 (1995): 939–1188. Summa, D. “The Christian Epigraphy of Cyprus: A Preliminary Study.” Pages 226–51 in Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream. Edited by S. Mitchell and P. Pilhofer. Leiden: Brill, 2019. Sverkos, E. Συμβολή στη ιστορία της Άνω Μακεδονίας των ρωμαϊκών χρόνων (πολιτική οργάνωση—κοινωνία—ανθρωπωνυμία). Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thes­ saloniki, 2000. Sverkos, E. “Prominente Familien und die Problematik der civitas Romana in römischen Makedonien.” Pages 287–347 in Social Dynamics under Roman Rule: Mobility and Status Change in the Provinces of Achaia and Macedonia; Proceedings of a Conference Held at the French School of Athens, 30–31 May 2014. Edited by A.D. Rizakis, F. Camia, and S. Zoumbaki. Meletemata 74. Athens: National Hellenic Research Foundation, Institute of Historical Research, 2017. Taddei, A. “I monumenti protobizantini dell’acropoli di Amphipolis.” Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene a delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente 86 (2008): 253–310. Tafrali, O. Topographie de Thessalonique. Paris: Geuthner, 1913. Tajra, H.W. The Trial of St. Paul: A Juridical Exegesis of the Second Half of the Acts of the Apostles. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/35. Tü­bingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1989. Talbot, A.-M., and A.P. Kazhdan. “Athos, Mount.” The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium 1 (1991): 224–27. Tataki, A.B. Ancient Beroea: Prosopography and Society. Meletemata 8. Athens: R­e­ search Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foun­ dation, 1988. Tataki, A.B. “From the Prosopography of Ancient Macedonia: The Metronymics.” Pages 1453–71 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 5/3, Papers Read at the Fifth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 10–15 August 1989. Thessaloniki: Institute for Bal­ kans Studies, 1993. Tataki, A.B. Macedonian Edessa: Prosopography and Onomasticon. Meletemata 18. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1994. Tataki, A.B. “The Nomina of Macedonia.” Pages 105–9 in Roman Onomastics in the Greek East: Social and Political Aspects; Proceedings of the International Colloquium Organized by the Finnish Institute and the Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, Athens 7–9 September 1993. Edited by A.D. Rizakis. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996. Tataki, A.B. The Roman Presence in Macedonia: Evidence from Personal Names. Mele­temata 46. Athens: Research Centre for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hel­ lenic Research Foundation, 2006.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

406

Bibliography

Tatum, G. New Chapters in the Life of Paul: The Relative Chronology of His Career. The Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series 41. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 2006. Tavlakis, I., D. Bitzikopoulos, and V. Maladakis. “Ανασκαφή παλαιοχριστιανικών Βασι­ λικών στη Βαρβάρα Χαλκιδικής.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 17 (2003): 391–400. Tenney, F., ed. An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome. Vol. 4. Paterson, N.J.: Pageant Books, 1959. Theoharidou, K. The Architecture of Hagia Sophia, Thessaloniki: From Its Erection up to the Turkish Conquest. BAR International 399. Oxford: BAR, 1988. Thielman, F.S. “Ephesus and the Literary Setting of Philippians.” Pages 205–23 in New Testament Greek and Exegesis: Essays in Honor of Gerald F. Hawthorne. Edited by A.M. Donaldson and T.B. Sailors. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2003. Thiselton, A.C. 1 & 2 Thessalonians: Through the Centuries. Blackwell Bible Com­ mentaries. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. Thomas, C.G. “The Physical Kingdom.” Pages 565–80 in A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Edited by J. Roisman and I. Worthington. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Thornton, C.-J. Der Zeuge des Zeugen: Lukas als Historiker der Paulusreisen. Wissen­ schaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 56. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1991. Tirologos, G. “Les recherches sur les cadastres romains du territoire colonial de Philippes (Macédoine orientale—Grèce): Bilan et perspectives.” Pages 131–49 in Autour des libri coloniarum: Colonisation et colonies dans le monde romain; Actes du Colloque International (Besançon, 16–18 octobre 2003). Edited by A. Gonzales and J.-Y. Guillaumin. Besançon: Presses Universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2006. Tjäder, J.-O. “Christ, Our Lord, Born of the Virgin Mary (ΧΜΓ and VDN).” Eranos 68 (1970): 148–90. Tod, M.N. “The Macedonian Era.” The Annual of the British School at Athens 23 (1918/1919): 206–17. Tod, M.N. “The Macedonian Era II.” The Annual of the British School at Athens 24 (1919/1920–1920/1921): 54–57. Tod, M.N. “The Macedonian Era Reconsidered.” Pages 382–97 in Studies Presented to David Moore Robinson on His Seventieth Birthday. Edited by G.E. Mylonas and D. Raymond. Vol. 2. St. Louis: Washington University, 1953. Torp, H. “Thessalonique paléochrétienne: Une esquisse.” Pages 113–32 in Aspects of Late Antiquity and Early Byzantium: Papers Read at a Colloquium Held at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul 31 May–5 June 1992. Edited by L. Rydén and J.O. Rosenqvist. Uppsala: Swedish Council for Research in the Humanities and Social Sciences, 1993.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

407

Torp, H. “An Interpretation of the Early Byzantine Martyr Inscriptions in the Mosaics of the Rotunda at Thessaloniki.” Institutum Romanum Norvegiae 24 (2011): 11–43. Torp, H. “Considerations on the Chronology of the Rotunda Mosaics.” Pages 35–47 in The Mosaics of Thessaloniki Revisited: Papers from the 2014 Symposium at the Courtauld Institute of Art. Edited by A. Eastmond and M. Hatzaki. Athens: Kapon, 2017. Torp, H. La rotonde palatine à Thessalonique: Architecture et mosaïques. 2 vols. Athens: Kapon, 2018. Touloumakos, J. “Historische Personennamen in Makedonien der Römischen Kai­ serzeit.” Živa antika 47 (1997): 211–26. Touratsoglou, I. Die Münzstätte von Thessaloniki in der römischen Kaiserzeit (32/31 v.Chr. bis 268 n.Chr.). Antike Münzen und geschnittene Steine 12. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1988. Trebilco, P. “Paul and Silas: ‘Servants of the Most High God’ (Acts 16.16–18).” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 36 (1989): 51–73. Trebilco, P. “The Christian and Jewish Eumeneian Formula.” Mediterraneo antico 5.1 (2002): 63–97 (reprint, pages 66–88 in Negotiating Diaspora: Jewish Strategies in the Roman Empire. Edited by J.M.G. Barclay. London: T&T Clark, 2004). Trebilco, P. Self-Designations and Group Identity in the New Testament. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Trebilco, P. “Epigraphy and the Study of Polis and Ekklēsia in the Greco-Roman World.” Pages 89–109 in The First Urban Churches. Vol. 1, Methodological Considerations. Edited by J.R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2015. Trilling, W. Untersuchungen zum zweiten Thessalonicherbrief. Leipzig: St. Benno, 1972. Trilling, W. Der zweite Brief an die Thessalonicher. Evangelisch-katholischer Kommen­ tar zum Neuen Testament 14. Zürich: Benziger; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1980. Trilling, W. “Die beiden Briefe des Apostels Paulus an die Thessalonicher.” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2.25.4 (1987): 3365–403. Trombley, F. “Overview: The Geographical Spread of Christianity.” Pages 302–13 in The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 1, Origins to Constantine. Edited by M. Mitchell, Margaret and F.M. Young. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Tsalampouni, E. “Die urchristlichen Gemeinden in Makedonien und ihre soziohistorische Umwelt anhand der neutestamentlichen Texte und der epigraphischen Be­funde.” Pages 121–31 in Makedonien, von der archaischen bis zur frühbyzantinischen Epoche: Symposium, Juni 2009, München. Weilheim in Oberbayern: Verein zur För­ derung der Aufarbeitung der Hellenischen Geschichte, 2010. Tsigaridas, E.N. Οι τοιχογραφίες της μονής Λατόμου Θεσσαλονίκης και η βυζαντινή ζωγραφική του 12ου αιώνα. Thessaloniki: Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1986.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

408

Bibliography

Tsigaridas, E.N. Latomou Monastery: The Church of Hosios David. Thessaloniki: Insti­ tute for Balkans Studies, 1988. Tsitouridou, A. “Political History.” Pages 224–32 in Macedonia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Edited by M.B. Sakellariou. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, 1983. Tsochos, C. “Η ρωμαϊκή θρησκεία στη Μακεδονία.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 15 (2003): 47–54. Tsochos, C. “Το ιερό των Αιγυπτίων Θεών και η λατρεία τους στους Φιλίππους μέσα από το επιγραφικό υλικό.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 16 (2004): 83–94. Tsochos, C. “Η θρησκευτική τοπογραφία των Φιλίππων κατά τον 2ο και 3ο αι. μ.Χ.” To archaiologiko ergo ste Makedonia kai ste Thrake 17 (2005): 71–86. Tsochos, C. “Philippi als städtisches Zentrum Ostmakedoniens in der hohen Kaiserzeit: Aspekte der Sakraltopographie.” Pages 245–72 in Zentralität und Religion: Zur Formie­ rung urbaner Zentren im Imperium Romanum. Edited by H. Cancik, A. Schäfer, and W. Spickermann. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Tsochos, C. “Rosalia: Ein römisches Fest für die Verstorbenen in Makedonien.” Pages 94–102 in Makedonien, von der archaischen bis zur frühbyzantinischen Epoche: Sym­ posium, Juni 2009, München. Weilheim in Oberbayern: Verein zur Förderung der Auf­arbeitung der Hellenischen Geschichte, 2010. Tsochos, C. Die Religion in der römischen Provinz Makedonien. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2013. Tutkovski, M. Ранохристијанските мозаици од Охрид. Skopje: Kalamus, 2014. Tutkovski, M. “Early Christian Mosaics from Bargala.” Pages 177–93 in Science and Society: Contribution of Humanities and Social Sciences; Proceedings of the Inter­ national Conference on the Occasion of the Centennial Anniversary of the Faculty of Philosophy (2–5 September, Struga 2020). Edited by R. Duev. Skopje: MAR-SAŽ, 2021. Tzanavari, K. “The Worship of Gods and Heroes in Thessaloniki.” Pages 177–262 in Roman Thessaloniki. Edited by D.V. Grammenos. Thessaloniki: Archaeological Mu­seum, 2003. Unger, H.J. “Das Pangaion: Ein altes Bergbauzentrum in Ostmakedonien.” Prähistorische Zeitschrift 62 (1987): 87–112. Unger, H.J., and E. Schütz. Ein Gebirge und sein Bergbau: Mythos und Wirklichkeit. Pangaion 1. Landshut: Preisinger, 1980. Unnik, W.C. van. “Luke-Acts, a Storm Center in Contemporary Scholarship.” Pages 15–32 in Studies in Luke-Acts. Edited by L.E. Keck and J.L. Martyn. London: SPCK, 1968. Vagalinski, L., and E. Nankov. Heraclea Sintica: From Hellenistic Polis to Roman Civitas; Proceedings of a Conference at Petrich, Bulgaria, September 19–21, 2013. Papers of the American Research Center in Sofia 2. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber, 2015. Vailhé, S. “Les évêques de Philippes.” Échos d’Orient 3.5 (1900): 262–72. Valeva, J., E. Nankov, and D. Graninger, eds. A Companion to Ancient Thrace. Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

409

Valeva, J., and A.K. Vionis. “The Balkan Peninsula.” Pages 321–78 in Early Christianity in Contexts: An Exploration across Cultures and Continents. Edited by W. Tabbernee. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2014. Vanderspoel, J. “Provincia Macedonia.” Pages 251–75 in A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Edited by J. Roisman and I. Worthington. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. Vasiliev, A. “Life of David of Thessalonica.” Traditio 4 (1946): 115–47. Velenis, G.M. “Συμπραγματευόμενοι Ρωμαῖοι σὲ μία νέα ἐπιγραφὴ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης.” Tekmeria 2 (1996): 8–15. Velenis, G.M. “Προβληματισμοί πάνω σε δύο παλαιοχριστιανικές επιγραφές από τη Θεσ­ σαλονίκη.” Pages 391–98 in Μνείας Χάριν. Τόμος στὴ μνήμη Μαίρης Σιγανίδου. Edited by M. Lilibaki-Akamati and K. Tsakalou-Tzanavari. Thessaloniki: Hypourgeio Poli­ tismou IX Ephoreia Proistorikon kai Klasikon Archaioteton Thessalonikes, 1998. Velenis, G.M. Τα τείχη της Θεσσαλονίκης: Από τον Κάσσανδρο ώς τον Ηράκλειο. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 1998. Velenis, G.M. “Συμβολή στη χρονολόγηση τριών επιγραφών από τη Μακεδονία με αναφορές σε κορυφαίους ιεράρχες.” Byzantina 25 (2005): 7–19. Verhoef, E. “The Church of Philippi in the First Six Centuries of Our Era.” Hervormde Teologiese Studies 61 (2005): 565–92. Verhoef, E. “Syncretism in the Church of Philippi.” Hervormde Teologiese Studies 64.2 (2008): 697–714. Vickers, M. “The Date of the Mosaics of the Rotunda at Thessaloniki.” Papers of the British School at Rome 38 (1970): 183–87. Vickers, M. “Fifth-Century Brickstamps from Thessaloniki.” The Annual of the British School at Athens 68 (1973): 285–94. Vickers, M. “Observations on the Octagon at Thessaloniki.” The Journal of Roman Studies 63 (1973): 111–20. Vickers, M. “Sirmium or Thessaloniki? A Critical Examination of the St. Demetrius Legend.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 67.2 (1974): 337–50. Vielhauer, P. “On the ‘Paulinism’ of Acts.” Pages 33–50 in Studies in Luke-Acts. Edited by L.E. Keck and J.L. Martyn. London: SPCK, 1968. Vielhauer, P. Geschichte der urchristlichen Literatur: Einleitung in das Neue Testament, die Apokryphen und die Apostolischen Väter. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1975. Vionis, A.K. “Sacred Townscapes in Late Antique Greece: Christianisation and Eco­ nomic Diversity in the Aegean.” Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 30.2 (2017): 141–65. Vollenweider, S. “Rivals, Opponents, and Enemies: Three Kinds of Theological Argu­ mentation in Philippians.” Pages 291–305 in The First Urban Churches. Vol. 4, Phi­ lippi. Edited by J.R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2018. Vos, C.S. de. Church and Community Conflicts: The Relationships of the Thessalonian, Corinthian, and Philippian Churches with Their Wider Civic Communities. SBL Dis­ sertations Series 168. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999. Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

410

Bibliography

Voutiras, E. “Η λατρεία της Αφροδίτης στην περιοχή του Θερμαίου κόλπου.” Pages 1329–41 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 6/2, Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, October 15–19, 1996. Edited by J. Vokotopoulou. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1999. Voutiras, E. “Sanctuaire privé—culte public? Le cas du Sarapieion de Thessalonique.” Pages 273–87 in Ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ: Les cadres “privés” et “publics” de la religion grecque antique; Actes du IXe colloque du Centre International d’Étude de la Religion Grecque Antique (CIERGA), tenu à Fribourg du 8 au 10 septembre 2003. Edited by V. Dasen and M. Piérart. Kernos Suppléments 15. Liège: Centre International d’Étude de la Religion Grecque Antique, 2005. Voutiras, E. “Des honneurs divins pour Marc Antoine à Thessalonique?” Pages 457–73 in More Than Men, Less Than Gods: Studies on Royal Cult and Imperial Worship; Proceedings of the International Colloquium Organized by the Belgian School at Athens (November 1–2, 2007). Edited by P. Iossif, A.S. Chankowski, and C.C. Lorber. Studia hellenistica 51. Leuven: Peeters, 2011. Walbank, F.W. “Polybius and Macedonia.” Pages 291–307 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 1, Papers Read at the First International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 26–29 August 1968. Edited by B. Laourdas and C. Makaronas. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1970. Walbank, F.W. “The Causes of the Third Macedonian War: Recent Views.” Pages 81–94 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 2, Papers Read at the Second International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 19–24 August 1973. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1977. Walbank, F.W. “Via illa nostra militaris: Some Thoughts on the Via Egnatia.” Pages 193–209 in Selected Papers: Studies in Greek and Roman History and Historiography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Walbank, F.W. “The Via Egnatia: Its Role in Roman Strategy.” Journal of Ancient Topog­raphy 12 (2002): 7–18. Wanamaker, C.A. The Epistles to the Thessalonians: A Commentary on the Greek Text. The New International Greek Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerd­ mans, 1990. Wansink, C.S. Chained in Christ: The Experience and Rhetoric of Paul’s Imprisonments. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996. Ward-Perkins, J.B. “Memoria, Martyr’s Tomb and Martyr’s Church.” Pages 3–27 in Akten des VII. Internationalen Kongresses für christliche Archäologie, Trier 5–11 Sep­ tember 1965. 2 vols. Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1969. Ware, J.P. “The Thessalonians as a Missionary Congregation: 1 Thessalonians 1,5–8.” Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 83 (1992): 126–31.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

411

Ware, J.P. The Mission of the Church in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Context of Ancient Judaism. Novum Testamentum Supplements 120. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Warland, R. “Der Ambo aus Thessaloniki: Bildprogramm—Rekonstruktion—Datie­rung.” Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 109 (1994): 371–85. Weaver, P.R.C. Familia Caesaris: A Social Study of the Emperor’s Freedmen and Slaves. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972. Weber, E. “Das römische Bürgerrecht des Apostels Paulus.” Tyche 27 (2012): 193–207. Webster, J. “Creolizing the Roman Provinces.” American Journal of Archaeology 105.2 (2001): 209–25. Wedderburn, A.J.M. “The ‘We’-Passages in Acts: On the Horns of a Dilemma.” Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 93 (2002): 78–98. Wehnert, J. Die Wir-Passagen der Apostelgeschichte: Ein lukanisches Stilmittel aus jü­discher Tradition. Göttinger Theologische Arbeiten 40. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989. Weigand, E. “Der Kalenderfries von Hagios Georgios in Thessalonike: Datierung, Ideen- und Kunstgeschichtliche Stellung.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 39 (1939): 116–45. Weima, J.A.D., and S.E. Porter. An Annotated Bibliography of 1 and 2 Thessalonians. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Weiss, J. Das Urchristentum. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1917. West, J.C. “The Order of 1 and 2 Thessalonians.” Journal of Theological Studies 15.1 (1913): 66–74. White, L.M. “Adolf Harnack and the ‘Expansion’ of Early Christianity: A Reappraisal of Social History,” The Second Century 5.2 (1985/1986): 97–127. White, L.M. The Social Origins of Christian Architecture. 2 vols. Harvard Theological Studies 42. Valley Forge, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1996–1997. Winter, B.W., and A.D. Clarke, eds. The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting. Vol. 1 of The Book of Acts in Its First-Century Setting. Edited by B.W. Winter. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1993. Winter, E. Stadtspuren: Zeugnisse zur Siedlungsgeschichte der Chalkidiki. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2006. Wipszycka, E. Les ressources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypte du IVe au VIIIe siècle. Brussels: Fondation É gyptologique Reine Élisabeth, 1972. Wiseman, J. “Gods, War and Plague in the Time of the Antonines.” Pages 143–83 in Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 1. Edited by J. Wiseman. Belgrade: National Museum of Titov Veles, 1973. Wiseman, J., ed. Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 1. Belgrade: National Museum of Titov Veles, 1973. Wiseman, J., ed. Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi. Vol. 2. Belgrade: National Museum of Titov Veles, 1975.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

412

Bibliography

Wiseman, J. “Stobi in Yugoslavian Macedonia: Archaeological Excavations and Re­search, 1977–78.” Journal of Field Archaeology 5.4 (1978): 391–429. Wiseman, J. “The City in Macedonia Secunda.” Pages 289–314 in Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin: Actes du colloque organisé par l’École française de Rome (Rome, 12–14 Mai 1982). Rome: École française de Rome, 1984. Wiseman, J. “Archaeology and History at Stobi, Macedonia.” Pages in 37–50 in Rome and the Provinces: Studies in the Transformation of Art and Architecture in the Medi­ terranean World. Edited by C.B. McClendon. New Haven: The New Haven Society of the Archaeological Institute of America, 1986. Wiseman, J. “Municipal Tribes and Citizenship in Roman Macedonia.” Pages 1757–63 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 5/3, Papers Read at the Fifth International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, October 10–15, 1989. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1993. Wiseman, J. “The Early Churches and the Christian Community in Stobi, Macedonia.” Pages 795–803 in Akten des XIV. Internationalen Kongresses für Christliche Archäolo­ gie, Wien 19.–26.9.1999: Frühes Christentum zwischen Rom und Konstantinopel. Edit­ed by R. Harreither et al. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2006. Wiseman, J. “Environmental Deterioration and Human Agency in Ancient Macedonia: A Case Study.” Geoarchaeology 22.1 (2007): 85–110. Wiseman, J. “Jews at Stobi.” Pages 325–50 in Miscellanea Emilio Marin sexagenario dicata. Split: Franjevačka provincija Presv. Otkupitelja, 2011. Wiseman, J., and D. Mano-Zissi. “Excavations at Stobi, 1970.” American Journal of Archaeology 75.4 (1971): 395–411. Wiseman, J., and D. Mano-Zissi. “Excavations at Stobi, 1971.” American Journal of Archaeology 76.4 (1972): 407–24. Wiseman, J., and D. Mano-Zissi. “Excavations at Stobi, 1972.” American Journal of Archaeology 77.4 (1973): 391–403. Wiseman, J., and D. Mano-Zissi. “Excavations at Stobi, 1973–1974.” Journal of Field Archaeology 1 (1974): 117–48. Wiseman, J., and D. Mano-Zissi. “Stobi: A City of Ancient Macedonia.” Journal of Field Archaeology 3.3 (1976): 269–302. Wisskirchen, R. “Zum Apsismosaik der Kirche Hosios David/Thessalonike.” Pages 582–94 in Stimuli: Exegese und ihre Hermeneutik in Antike und Christentum; Fest­ s­chrift für Ernst Dassmann. Edited by G. Schöllgen and C. Scholten. Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum Ergänzungsband 23. Münster: Aschendorff, 1996. Witt, R.E. “The Kabeiroi in Ancient Macedonia.” Pages 67–80 in Ancient Macedonia. Vol. 2, Papers Read at the Second International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki, 19–24 August 1977. Thessaloniki: Institute for Balkans Studies, 1970.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Bibliography

413

Wittke, A.-M., E. Olshausen, and R. Szydlak, eds. Brill’s New Pauly: Historical Atlas of the Ancient World. Brill’s New Pauly Supplements 3. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Woods, D. “Thessalonica’s Patron: Saint Demetrius or Emeterius?” Harvard Theological Review 93.3 (2000): 221–34. Woolf, G.D. “Becoming Roman, Staying Greek: Culture, Identity and the Civilizing Process in the Roman East.” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 40 (1994): 116–43. Woolf, G.D. “The Formation of Roman Provincial Cultures.” Pages 9–18 in Integration in the Early Roman West: The Role of Culture and Ideology. Edited by J. Metzler et al. Dossiers d’archéologie du Musée national d’histoire et d’art. Luxembourg: Musée National d’Histoire et d’Art, 1995. Wrede, W. Die Echtheit des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur 9.2. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1903. Wright, D.F. “Homosexuals or Prostitutes? The Meaning of ἀρσενοκοῖται (1 Cor. 6:9, 1 Tim. 1:10).” Vigiliae Christianae 38.2 (1984): 125–53. Xyngopoulos, A. “Ὑπόγειος ναὸς τοῦ Πραγαμάτου.” Archaiologikon deltion 9 (1924–1925) [1927]: 64–65. Xyngopoulos, A. “Το καθολικόν της Μονής Λατόμου εν Θεσσαλονίκη και το εν αύτφ ψηφιδωτόν.” Archaiologikon deltion 12 (1929) [1931]: 142–80. Xyngopoulos, A. “H παλαιοχριστιανική βασιλική του Βοσκοχωρίου.” Makedonika 1 (1940): 8–23. Xyngopoulos, A. “Περί την Αχειροποίητον Θεσσαλονίκης.” Makedonika 2 (1942–1952): 472–87. Xyngopoulos, A. “Η λατρευτική εικών του ναού της Αχειροποιήτου Θεσσαλονίκης.” Hel­lenika 13 (1954): 256–62. Yasin, A.M. Saints and Church Spaces in the Late Antique Mediterranean: Architecture, Cult, and Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Youni, M.S. Provincia Macedonia: Θεσμοί ιδιωτικού δικαίου στη Μακεδονία επί Ρωμαιο­ κρατίας. Athens: Sakkoula, 2000. Youni, M.S. “Grecs et Romains dans la province romaine de Macédoine.” Méditerra­nées 32 (2002): 13–26. Youni, M.S. “Affranchissements et consécrations aux sanctuaires en Macédoine (IIème–IIIème s. de notre ère).” Pages 89–101 in L’organisation matérielle des cultes dans l’antiquité. Edited by B. Anagnostou-Canas. Paris: Cybele, 2010. Zahn-Harnack, A. von. Adolf von Harnack. Berlin-Tempelhof: Bott, 1936. Zannis, A.G. Le pays entre le Strymon et le Nestos: Géographie et histoire (VIIe–IVe siècle avant J.-C.). Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2014. Zapheiriou, M. “Δεύτερη ανάγνωση μιας παλαιοχριστιανικής επιγραφής από τις Σέρρες.” Serraika Analekta 2 (1993/1994): 37–45.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

414

Bibliography

Zapheiriou, M. “Παλαιοχριστιανικές επιγραφές της περιοχής των Σερρών: Τυπολογικές και θεματογραφικές παρατηρήσεις.” Pages 153–74 in Οι Σέρρες και η περιοχή τους από την αρχαία στη μεταβυζαντινή κοινωνία, Σέρρες 29 Σεπτεμβρίου–3 Οκτωβρίου 1993. Vol. 1, Πρακτικά. Serres: Demos Serron, 1998. Zarmakoupi, M. “Urban Space and Housing in Roman Macedonia: Thessalonike, Phi­ lippi, Amphipolis and Dion.” Pages 264–97 in Les communautés du Nord égéen au temps de l’hégémonie romaine: Entre ruptures et continuités. Edited by J. Fournier and M.G. Parissaki. Athens: Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique, Institut de recherches historiques, 2018. Zchomelidse, N. “The Epiphany of the logos in the Ambo in the Rotunda (Hagios Geor­gios) in Thessaloniki.” Pages 85–96 in Synergies in Visual Culture: Festschrift für Gerhard Wolf. Edited by M. De Giorgi, A. Hoffmann, N. Suthor. Munich: Fink, 2013. Zeiller, J. Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de l’empire romain. Paris: De Boccard, 1918. Zeiller, J. “Les premiers siècles chrétiens en Thrace, Macédoine, en Grèce, et à Con­ stantinople.” Byzantion 3 (1926): 215–31. Zesios, K.G. Μακεδονίας Χριστιανικά μνημεία (απόσπασμα εκ των πρακτικών του 1913 της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας). Athens: Sakellarios, 1914. Ziegler, R. “Thessalonike in der Politik des Traianus Decius und der Tod des Phi­ lippus Arabs.” Pages 385–414 in Roma renascens: Beiträge zur Spätantike und Rezep­ tionsgeschichte. Edited by M. Wissemann. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1988. Zikos, N. Amphipolis: Early Christian and Byzantine Amphipolis. Athens: Ministry of Culture Archaeological Receipts Fund, 1989.

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Concordance I.Chr. Macédoine ICG 1 3008 2 3009 3 3010 4 3011 5 3012 6 3013 7 3014 8 3015 9 3016 10 3017 11 3018 12 3019 13 3020 14 3021 15 3022 16 3023 17 3024 18 3025 19 3026 20 3027 21 3028 22 3029 22 bis 3030 23 3031 24 3032 25 3033 26 3034 27 3035 28 3036 29 3037 30 3038 31 3039 32 3040 33 3041 34 3042 35 3043 36 3044 37 3045 38 3046 39 3047 40 3048 41 3049 42 3050 43 3051

44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 55 bis 56 56 bis 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 85 86 86 bis

3052 3053 3054 3055 3056 3057 3058 3059 3060 3061 3062 3063 3064 3065 3066 3067 3068 3069 3070 3071 3072 3073 3074 3075 3076 3077 3078 3079 3080 3081 3082 3083 3084 3085 3086 3087 3088 3089 3090 3091 3092 3093 3094 3095 3096

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

416 I.Chr. Macédoine ICG 87 3097 88 3098 89 3099 90 3100 91 3101 92 3102 93 3103 94 3104 95 3105 96 3106 97 3107 98 3108 99 3109 99 bis 3110 100 3111 101 3112 102 A 3113 102 B 3114 103 3115 104 3116 105 3117 106 3118 107 3119 108 3120 109 3121 110 (I) 3122 110 (II) 3123 110 (III) 3124 110 (IV) 3125 110 (V) 3126 110 (VI) 3127 110 (VII) 3128 111 3129 112 3130 113 3131 114 3132 115 3133 116 3134 117 3135 118 3136 119 3137 120 3138 121 3139 122 3140 123 3141 124 3142 125 3143

Concordance 126 126 bis 127 128 129 130 A 130 B 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 155 bis 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170

3144 3145 3146 3147 3148 3149 3150 3151 3152 3153 3154 3155 3156 3157 3158 3159 3160 3161 3162 3163 3164 3165 3166 3167 3168 3169 3170 3171 3172 3173 3174 3175 3176 3177 3178 3179 3180 3181 3182 3183 3184 3185 3186 3187 3188 3189 3190 3191

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

417

Concordance I.Chr. Macédoine ICG 171 3192 172 3193 173 3194 174 3195 175 3196 176 3197 177 3198 178 3199 179 3200 180 3201 181 3202 182 3203 183 3204 184 3205 185 3206 186 3207 187 3208 188 3209 189 3210 190 3211 191 3212 192 3213 193 3214 194 3215 195 3216 196 3217 197 3218 198 3219 199 3220 200 3221 201 3222 202 3223 203 3224 204 3225 205 3226 206 3227 207 3228 208 3229 209 3230 210 3231 211 3232 212 3233 213 3234 214 3235 215 3236 216 3237 217 3238

218 3239 219 3240 220 3241 221 3242 222 3243 223 3244 224 3245 225 3246 226 3247 227 3248 228 3249 229 3250 230 3251 231 3252 232 3253 233 3254 234 3255 235 3256 236 3257 237 3258 238 3259 239 3260 240 3261 241 3262 242 3263 243 3264 244 3265 245 3266 246 3267 247 3268 248 3269 249 3270 250 3271 251 3272 252 3273 253 3274 254 3275 255 3276 256 3277 257 3278 258 3279 259 3280 260 3281 261 3282 262 3283 263 3284 264 3285 265 3286

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

418 I.Chr. Macédoine 266 266 bis 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285

Concordance ICG 3301 3302 3303 3304 3305 3306 3307 3308 3309 3354 3320 3321 3323 3322 3350 3351 3325 3324 3634 3635 3636

IG X 2,1 ICG 22 3094 23 3091 *41 3095 42 3098 43 3099 46 3101 47 3097 66 3103 280 3100 *281 3108 *282 3109 *283 3092 331 3224 332 3182 333 3193 334 3188 335 3169 336 3174 337 3197 338 3181 350 3148 351 3138 352 3196 353 3191

358 3225 359 3173 360 3164 *364 3192 *365 3161 *366 3139 374 3179 397 3141 398 3210 403 3155 404 3190 406 3212 431 3131 433 3133 440 3137 459 3132 551 3134 607 3135 632 3163 633 3194 649 3217 650 3176 651 3208 653 3159 660 3213 674 3152 675 3157 *775 3223 *776 3147 *778 3140 *779 3149 *780 3150 *781 3171 *782 3184 *783 3195 *784 3180 *785 3189 *786 3201 *787 3177 *788 3198 *790 3160 *791 3170 *792 3172 *793 3162 *794 3199 *795 3178 *796 3175 *797 A 3203

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

419

Concordance IG X 2,1 ICG *798 3205 *799 A 3170 *799 B 3170 *800 B 3203 *801 3092 *802 3221 *803 3112 *804 3154 *889 3216 *931 3136 959 3220 *996 3219 *998 3214 1017 3090 IG X 2,1s 1484 1486 1487 1489 1490 1491 1493 1495 1496 1498 1501 1502 1503 1507 1509 1510 1511 1512 1514 1515 1518 1519 1520 1521 1523 1524 1525 1527 1528 1529 1530

ICG 3093 3110 3096 3102 3691 3692 3226 3681 3680 3200 3158 3682 3187 3672 3166 3209 3215 3677 3693 3185 3151 3153 3675 3678 3674 3165 3218 3183 3207 3673 3676

1533 1534 1535 1537 1538 1539 1540 1541 1542 1543 1544 1556

3694 3186 3206 3204 3202 3211 3227 3168 3156 3167 3222 3679

IG X 2,2 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 410 750 751 752 753 754 755 756 757 758 760 761 762 763 764 765 766 767 768 769 770 771 772 773 774

ICG 3697 3304 3305 3303 3306 3307 3308 3302 3301 3698 3310 3311 4533 3320 3321 3349 3350 3351 3354 3325 3334 3343 3327 3336 3337 3339 3340 3328 3329 3330 3338 3344 3346 3324

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

420

Concordance

IG X 2,2 ICG 775 3332 776 3335 780 3326 781 3331 782 3333 783 3341 784 3342 787 4534 788 3323 789 3353 790 3312 791 3313 792 3314 793 3315 794 3316 795 3317 796 3318 797 3319 798 4535 799 3322 802 3352 803 4461 1133 3634 1134 3635 1193 4321 I.Ano Maked 66 73 82 83 106 107 203

ICG 3699 4101 3701 3971 3087 3086 3700

I.Beroia 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431

ICG 3065 3079 3076 3075 3622 3637 3077 3638 3639 3640 3641

432 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452 453

3080 3642 3067 3082 3643 3081 3078 3074 3644 3073 3069 3072 3068 3070 3071 3084 3084 3083 3085 3645

I.Kato Maked. II ICG 57 A 3581 108 3064 218 3014 271 3008 272 3009 273 3011 274 3010 275 3021 276 3028 277 3060 278 3020 279 3052 280 3043 281 3053 282 3046 283 3582 284 3583 285 3584 286 3585 287 3586 288 3047 289 3054 290 3587 291 3051 292 3588 293 3044

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

421

Concordance I.Kato Maked. II ICG 294 3034 295 3033 296 3039 297 3589 298 3059 299 3061 300 3023 301 3018 302 3048 303 3590 304 3591 305 3040 306 3027 307 3029 307 3030 308 3032 309 3038 310 3026 311 3592 312 3041 313 3593 314 3031 315 3022 316 3594 317 3595 318 3024 319 3037 320 3056 321 3055 322 3596 323 3049 324 3019 325 3015 326 3017 327 3597 328 3058 329 3598 330 3599 331 3600 332 3050 333 3601 334 3036 335 3016 336 3602 337 3603 338 3045 340 3042

341 3025 342 3604 343 3605 344 3035 345 3057 346 3606 347 3607 348 3608 349 3013 350 3609 351 3012 355 3062 357 3610 358 3611 359 3612 421 3613 536 3614 553 3615 573 3616 584 3090 I.Philippi² ICG 071 3252 077 3262 083 3253 099 3255 100 3258 101 3256 102 3257 103 3259 104 3268 105 3261 106 3260 107 3251 108 3297 109 3298 110 3271 111 3272 112 3273 114 3380 115 3381 116 3269 123 3382 124 3383 125 3290 125 A–B 3289 130 3244 131 3243

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

422

Concordance

I.Philippi² ICG 196 3291 247 3250 268 3267 274 3264 275 3265 292 3263 293 3266 308 3270 322A 3384 324 3249 328 3248 329 3247 353 3246 360 3254 403 4056 421 3292 467 3385 528 3245 583 3242 591 3241 594 3293 613 3239 630 3294 631 3295 632 3296 633 3386 634 3240 743 A 3202 I.Stobi 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 271 272 273

ICG 3310 3311 3312 3313 3314 3315 3316 3317 3318 3319 3320 3321 3322 3323 3324 3325 3326

274 3327 275 3328 276 3329 277 3330 278 3331 279 3332 280 3333 281 3334 282 3335 283 3338 284 3336 285 3337 286 3339 287 3340 288 3341 289 3342 290 3343 291 3344 292 3345 293 3346 294 3347 295 3348 298 3349 299 3350 300 3351 301 3352 302 3353 303 3354 SEG 2.393 2.399 2.404 2.416 19.440 19.441 19.442 19.443 19.444 19.445 19.446 19.447 19.448 19.449 19.450 24.528 26.725 26.732

ICG 3088 3078 3026 3239 3258 3256 3257 3259 3268 3261 3260 3251 3297 3298 3271 3064 3234 3248

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

423

Concordance SEG ICG 26.778 3154 27.259 3245 27.315 3166 28.540 3234 28.544 3059 29.589 3228 29.637 3094 29.637 3095 29.638 3093 29.639 3092 29.640 3148 29.641 3151 29.642 3152 29.643 3153 29.644 3155 29.645 3102 30.584 3269 31.641 3096 31.648 3196 32.653 3145 32.654 3122 32.654 3123 32.654 3124 32.654 3125 32.654 3126 32.654 3127 32.654 3128 33.492 3154 33.492 3303 33.502 3618 33.508 3619 33.555 3620 34.1682 3130 34.1682 3146 34.1682 3621 34.634 3661 34.635 3058 34.667 3382 34.669 3290 34.670 3383 34.671 3248 35.732 3622 35.733 3623 35.734 3624 35.736 3625 35.762 3241 35.762 3293

35.763 4142 36.575 3104 36.575 3105 36.575 3106 36.588 3618 36.621 bis 3626 36.629 3290 36.637 3311 36.638 3310 36.639 3349 37.475 3700 37.543 3627 38.661 3628 38.718 3629 39.624 3630 39.626 3247 39.633 3097 40.552 3341 41.572 A 3294 41.572 B 3295 41.572 C 3296 42.608 A 3294 42.608 B 3295 42.622 3291 42.627 3672 43.397 3613 43.438 3616 44.559 3144 44.564 A 3581 44.564 B 3631 45.714 3078 45.795 3289 45.796 3290 45.804 3646 46.788 3289 46.789 3290 47.1008 3186 47.1009 3689 47.1010 3204 47.1011 3202 47.1012 3690 47.1013 3211 47.857 3201 47.881 3647 47.908 3696 47.909 3648 47.964 3105 47.965 3106

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

424 SEG 47.966 47.978 47.979 47.980 47.981 47.982 47.983 47.984 47.985 47.986 47.987 47.988 47.989 47.990 47.995 47.996 47.998 48.720 48.721 48.723 48.724 48.725 48.726 48.727 48.728 48.729 48.730 48.731 48.732 48.772 48.773 48.774 48.775 48.776 48.777 48.778 48.790 A 48.790 B 48.826

Concordance ICG 3107 3187 3185 3156 3200 3167 3206 3183 3207 3222 3168 3199 3209 3165 3104 3115 3679 3647 3695 3649 3650 3651 3652 3653 3654 3655 3656 3657 3658 3644 3641 3637 3642 3643 3638 3639 3659 3660 3614

48.857 48.858 48.859 49.701 49.717 49.728 49.802 49.820 49.828 50.592 50.603 50.617 51.818 51.819 51.897 51.898 51.899 51.900 52.605 52.612 52.640 52.641 52.642 52.643 53.633 bis 53.634 53.635 53.636 55.671 55.684 55.697 55.716 55.718 56.706 58.655 58.656 58.657 59.648 59.662 59.710 61.500

3201 3186 3141 3661 3697 3696 3353 3166 3680 3699 3662 3290 3663 3664 3673 3674 3675 3676 3596 3615 3677 3632 3633 3159 3677 3665 3666 3667 3695 3668 3669 3678 3104 3238 3680 3681 3682 3670 3588 3671 3593

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Index of Ancient Sources Inscriptions BE 1987 438

162

CIG 4 8965 3 9288–9449 3 9439 3 9440 3 9441 3 CIJud 693 694

62 62

CIL 3 633 5483

58 59

CIL 3 suppl. 1 7281

59

EDB 8818 17, 264, 265 fig. 31 11893 233 19504 233 33449 233 I.Ano Maked. 6 20 28 31 38 92 93 97 115

55 55 56 56 168 58 59 55 55

I.Aphrodisias 2007 1.11 1.35 1.301

286 286 286

1.506 4.9 4.14 4.15 4.16 5.11 8.56 8.59 8.60 8.272 8.605 12.718

286 286 286 286 286 286 286 286 286 286 286 286

I.Aphrodisias Late Ant. 59a–b 286 137 286 181 286 187–189 286 190 286 191 286 199 286 200 286 202 286 206 286 208 286 211 286 I.Beroia 51–52 66 68–70 70 71 109 117 449 481

58 61 238 61 61 61 61 255 61

I.Chr. Bulgarien 77

147

I.Chr. Crete 6 67 77

314 226 122

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

426

Index of Ancient Sources

I.Chr. Macédoine 291 291–295 295

63 63 63

I.Ephesos 46 2217D

131 168

I.Jud. Orientis 1 Ach 1–4 Ach 6–14 Ach 21 Ach 25–27 Ach 28–30 Ach 31–33 Mac 1 Mac 1–5 Mac 2 Mac 3 Mac 4 Mac 5 Mac 6 Mac 6–12 Mac 6–18 Mac 7 Mac 8 Mac 9 Mac 10 Mac 11 Mac 12 Mac 13 Mac 14 Mac 15 Mac 16 Mac 17 Mac 18

63 63 16 63 16 63 16, 62, 63 63 16 16 16 16 16 63 63 16, 63 16, 168 16 16 16 16, 63 16 16 16, 63 16, 62 16, 63 16, 62, 63, 165

I.Jud. Orientis 2 20 118 141 150 183

16 16 16 16 16

I.Kato Maked. II 7 83

57 57

134 239 148–152 241 264 56 269–270 239 354 239 356 239 380 239 381B–C 239 389 239 400 56 442 55 543 57 612 56 I.Philippes 5 59 6 59 16 59 18 59 19 59, 60 21 59 23 58, 134 37 121 38 121 41 121 42 121 76 56 126 60 134 58 158 56 193 58 I.Philippi² 022 116 137 116 142–144 58 163–166 58 175 58 248 126 255 58 273 116 333 126 344 126 387A 63, 116 402 124 417 56 432 126 499 56

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Index of Ancient Sources I.Philippi² (cont.) 501 525 597 619–625 651 652 669 682

56 126 56 56 57 57 57 57

I.Pisidia Central 56

116

I.Prusa 1095

277

I.Prusias 72

262

I.Stobi 6 60 8 56 15 60 16 58, 60 18 60 19 62, 63, 304 19–26 63 20 304 21–24 304, 306 25 306 25–26 304 26 306 37 58, 60 258 291 259–262 292 263 292 264–265 292 297 306 I.Tyana 108

116

I.Zoora 89

116

427 ICG Page numbers are set in italics where the inscription is quoted in full. 20 181, 238 116 112 117 112 211 238 286 113 316 115 327 115 480 238 481 238 554 119 619 115 975 113 1031 238 1379–1380 170 1429 243 1443 119 1702 243 1921 127 2029 262 2079 112 2096 262 2104 146 2412 238 2428 277 2466 119 2583 170 2588 170 2787 274 2972 313 3008 241 3009 240, 242 3010 240 3011 240 3012 2, 111, 236, 332 3013 236, 237 fig. 29, 238, 245 3014 234 3015 234, 235 3015–3018 171 3016 234, 235, 245 3017 234, 235 3018 234 3019 235 3020 239, 251 3021 179, 240 3022 242, 314

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

428 ICG (cont.) 3023 243, 244 3024 244 3025 244 3026 244 3027 244, 245 3027–3029 180 3028 245 3029 245 3029–3030 245 3031 245 3032 180, 245 3033 145, 209, 242, 243, 247, 264 3033B 300 3034 248 3035 248 3036 247, 248 3037 246, 249 3038 249 3039 249 3040 119, 141, 246 3041 250 3042 250 3043 111, 246 3044 247 3045 246 3046 246 3047 245, 250 3048 247 3049 246 3050 250 3050–3052 245 3051 250 3052 250 3053 247 3054 247 3055 245, 250 3056 247, 248 fig. 30, 250 3057 245, 251 3058 247 3059 250 3059–3061 245 3060 251 3061 250, 251 3062 239 3063 264 3064 264

Index of Ancient Sources 3065 259 3067 176, 235, 256 3068 119, 247, 256 3069 256 3070 180, 209, 243, 245, 254 3071 255 3072 179, 215, 253, 256, 331 3073 258 3074 258 3075 254 3076 254 3077 254, 260 3078 259, 277 3079 254, 260 3080 109, 260 3081 259 3082 258 3083 260 3083–3084 259 3084 255 3085 259 3086 274 3087 274 3088 269 3089 268 3090 243, 264, 266 fig. 32 3091 183, 331 3096 201, 332 3097 200 3098 197 3099 197 3100 197 3101 164, 176, 197, 331 3102 182 3103 183 3104 183 3105 198 3106 198 3107 198 3108 198, 218 3109 198 3110 187 3111 198, 218 3112 198 3113 144, 185, 198, 218, 219 3114 176, 185, 198, 218, 219 3115 220, 296 3116 144, 185, 198

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Index of Ancient Sources ICG (cont.) 3117 184, 187 3118 148, 185 3119 109, 186 3120 184, 187 3121 144, 185, 198 3122 191 3122–3128 3 3123 191, 191 fig. 21 3124 192 3125 192 3126 193 3127 193 3128 193 3129 198 3131 16, 62, 63, 165, 176 3132 168 3133 166 fig. 15, 168, 174 3134 171 3135 171, 235 3136 169 3137 3, 169, 170 fig. 17, 238, 332 3137–3138 111 3138 171, 238, 332 3139 172, 235 3140 172, 173 fig. 18 3141 126, 172, 238 3142 168, 174, 258 3143 174 3144 175 3145 175, 176 3146 176, 256 3147 214 3147–3149 165 3148 208, 243 3149 169, 179, 204 3149–3155 234 3150 178, 179 3151 198 3151–3155 165, 204 3152 199, 249 3153 178 3154 202 3155 181, 218 3156 168, 178 3157 168, 178 3158 179, 240 3159 179 3160 178, 179

429 3161 179, 204 3162 180 3163 180 3164 180 3165 180 3166 199 3167 203 3168 202 3169 128, 202, 249 3170 203 3171 202, 211 3172 109, 203 3173 119, 203, 204 3174 203 3175 180 3175–3176 203 3176 180 3177 205 3178 205 3179 205 3180 169, 205 3181 205 3182 206, 208 3183 208 3184 206 3185 206 3186 204, 208, 243 3187 207 fig. 23, 209 3188 206 3189 208, 211 3190 109, 209 3191 119, 204, 206 3192 207 3193 207 3194 16, 62, 207 3195 207 3196 208, 209, 210 fig. 24 3197 169, 209 3198 204 3199 204 3200 211, 212 fig. 25, 238 3201 109, 119, 211, 213 fig. 26 3202 203 3203 214 3204 214 3205 214 3206 214 3207 214

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

430 ICG (cont.) 3208 3, 214 3209 214 3210 214 3211 214 3212 214 3213 214 3214 204 3215 209 3216 214 3217 214 3218 172, 215, 331 3219 172, 215 3220 214 3221 214 3222 214 3223 215 3224 199, 209 3225 181, 205 3226 203 3227 215 3228 225 3229 24, 228 3230 152 3231 152 3232 148 3233 144, 147 3234 145 3235 144 3236 147, 253 3237 3, 145 3238 140 3239 141 3239–3240 119 3240 141 3241 139, 201 3242 139 3243 132–133 3244 131, 148 3245 124, 139, 141 3246 122 3247 106, 107 fig. 3, 151, 156 3248 109 3249 109 3250 109, 126 3251 113, 118 3252 115, 125, 127, 141, 172 3253 116, 125, 127, 141, 172

Index of Ancient Sources 3254 113, 114, 137, 146 3255 111, 112 fig. 4, 242, 246 3255–3256 258 3256 113, 114, 120 3257 118, 120 3258 118, 242 3259 119, 120, 247 3260 120 3261 118 3262 129 3263 128 3264 116, 129 3265 129 3266 109, 129 3267 105, 109, 128 3268 112, 121, 199, 277 3269 128 3270 129 3271 118, 129 3272 121 3272–3273 105, 117 3273 109, 120 3275 179 3289 179, 215, 331 3289A 123, 127, 141, 253 3289B 123 3290 122 3291 109 3292 122 3293 109, 139 3294 140 3295 140 3295–3296 119 3296 140 3297 118 3298 118 3301 313, 318 3302 320 3303 249, 314, 317 3303–3304 256 3304 243, 314 3305 313 3306 314 3307 316 3308 316 3309 200 3310 290, 290 fig. 38 3311 243, 264, 289, 291 fig. 39

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

431

Index of Ancient Sources ICG (cont.) 3312 109, 291–292 3313–3316 292 3317 109, 291–292 3318–3319 292 3320 300, 311 3320–3321 151 3321 300 3322 109, 300 3323 296 3324 309 3325 311, 312 3326 311, 312 3327 311 3328 309, 312 3329 311, 312 3330 312, 312 3331 311, 312 3332 310, 311, 312 3333 310, 311, 312 3334 310, 311, 312 3335 311, 312 3336 310, 312 3337 312 3338 310 3339 312 3340 312 3341 310, 312 3342 311 3343 311 3344 309 3345 309 3346 312 3349 151, 179, 292, 294 fig. 41, 295 fig. 42, 311 3350 302 3350–3351 312 3351 302 3352 301 3353 296 3354 145, 151, 179, 243, 295, 300, 301 fig. 45, 311 3357 274 3380 129, 130 fig. 5 3381 120, 127, 131 3382 129 3383 123 3384 223

3385 3386 3389 3581 3582 3583 3584 3585 3586 3587 3588 3589 3590 3591 3592 3593 3594 3595 3596 3597 3598 3599 3600 3601 3602 3603 3604 3605 3606 3606–3607 3607 3608 3609 3610 3612 3613 3614 3615 3616 3618 3620 3621 3622 3623 3624 3625 3627 3629

239 140 124 144, 265 251 250, 251 238 247 249 251 248 244 239 239 244, 245 249 239 244 249 250 250 246, 250 251 247 128, 249 239, 250 244 241 251 245 251 239 234, 238, 244 239 245, 251 264 262 262 262 145 217 162 254, 257 257 168, 174, 257 269 228 227

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

432 ICG (cont.) 3630 3631 3632 3633 3634 3634–3635 3635 3636 3637 3638 3639 3640 3641 3642 3643 3644 3645 3646 3647 3648 3649 3650 3651 3652 3653 3654 3655 3656 3657 3658 3659 3660 3661 3662 3663 3664 3665 3666 3667 3668 3670 3671 3672 3673 3674 3675

Index of Ancient Sources

273 266 208 179, 180 109, 324 109 324 321 254 254, 260 260 260 260 255 128, 249, 258 260 259, 260 152 109, 131, 148, 149 fig. 9, 246 272 145 146 144, 146 146 146 146 146 144, 145 144, 145 145, 243, 300 172, 268 268 269 225 223 223 228 229 229 225 148 214 209 206 204 208

3676 169, 214 3677 202 3678 208 3679 211 3680 208 3681 208 3682 208 3683 208 3684 207 3685 208 3686 214 3687 214 3688 214 3689 214 3690 214 3691 211 3692 211 3693 179 3694 180 3695A 146, 151 3695B 148 3696 272 3697 179, 313, 318 3699 276 3700 128, 249, 276 3701 276 3702 273 3709 170 3861 146 3952 262 3961 274 3971 276 4013 313 4055 146 4056 124 4101 275 4130 243, 300 4140 314, 316 fig. 53 4142 155, 155 fig. 10, 156 4143 153, 154, 181 4144 153, 154 4145 153, 154 4146 154, 243 4147 155 4299 262 4321 324 4446 148 4447 159, 160 fig. 14

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

433

Index of Ancient Sources ICG (cont.) 4448 4449 4450 4451 4452 4453 4454 4455 4461 4533 4533–4535 4534 4535

226 226 226 226 226 276 240 129 21, 282, 327 289 21, 327 209, 311 292

ICUR 1.3547 1.4015 2.4246 3.9289 5.12900

233 233 17, 264, 265 fig. 31 233 317

IG I³ 84

127

IG II/III³ 1.298

127

IG IV² 3.1618

168

IG x 2,1 28 31 32 34 35 38 40 52 54 59 75–123 102 133 199 275–277 278

56 60 59, 60 60 60 57 60 57 57 56 58 59 60 57 50 50

286 295 310 503 506 908

235 235 235 56 56 57

IG x 2,1s 1052 1058 1059 1073 1074–1075 1075 1217 1382 1422

59 56 165 61 60, 165 57 256 170 256

IG x 2,2 56 172 230–232 233 248 319 357 361–362 468 490 739 739–745 740 741–745 748–749 752 787 790 791–794 795 796–797 798 801 803

58 55 56 57 56 55 56 238 46 46 63, 304 63 304 304 63, 304 21, 327 21, 292, 327 291 291 292 292 21, 327 306 21, 327

IG XII 9.88 9.1240

262 168

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

434

Index of Ancient Sources

IGLS 2.288 3.746A 4.1457

200 147 147

ILCV 2.3312 2.3314

236 236

Old Testament (LXX) Josh 24:30 109 2 Kgs 10:23 109 18:12 109

LBW 3.1424 3

Ezra 5:11

MAMA 3 82 299A 556 780B

Tob 4:10 290 12:9 290

127 251 251 251

Millet, Pargoire, and Petit, Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de l’Athos 230 24 NewDocs 4 172 no. 85

116

SEG 35.737 56.1274 59.1713

238 167 fig. 16, 168 116

Studia Pontica III 72 316 211 131 TAM III 1.596 IV 1.361

168 251

1 Macc 15:23

127 127

P.Ness. 2 7

131

63

Prov 4:11 112 4:26 112 10:11 296 13:14 296 14:12 112 14:27 296 15:14 112 16:13 112 16:22 296 18:4 296 Sir Ps

Papyri P.Col. 7 150 161

109

Isa Jer

21:13

296

25:8 35:1 35:10 41 131

228 109 296 225, 304 272

25:9–10

220

17:13 38:9

296 112

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

435

Index of Ancient Sources Pseudepigrapha Odes Sol. 14:44

296

Sib. Or. 8:367 8:402

112 112

New Testament Matt 1:23 300 9:32–33 296 26:10 168 27:52 169 Mark 14:6

168

John 3:21 4:14a 6:28 7:37 11:11–12

168 296 168 296 169

Acts 2:9–11 2:41 4:4 6:1 7:60 13:13–14:23 13:36 14:2–5 16 16:1 16:6–8 16:9 16:10 16:10–12 16:10–17 16:11 16:12 16:12–13 16:13–14

65 75 75 316 169 70 169 73 70 76 70 70 68 70 68 95 71 71 62

16:14–15 16:17 16:17–18 16:19–24 16:25–26 16:30–34 16:35–40 16:40 16:40–17:1 17 17:1 17:1–4 17:1–9 17:1–15 17:2–3 17:4–5 17:6 17:6–7 17:7 17:8–9 17:10 17:10–12 17:11 17:12 17:13 17:13–15 17:14 17:15 17:17 18:5 18:11 18:12–17 18:17 19:7 19:10 19:21–22 20 20:1–2 20:2 20:3–4 20:4 20:4–5 20:5–6 20:5–21:18 20:6 27:1–28:16 27:2

71 68 71 72 72 72 72 71 72 78 73 62 81 82 73 73 75 74 73 74 74, 75, 81 62 75 76 76 81 76, 231 76 81 81 74 73 74 75 74 77 77 77, 267 77, 78 77 70 77 77 68 70 68 77

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

436

Index of Ancient Sources

Rom 1:1 109 4:17 119 15:19 78, 231, 279, 280 16:23 94 1 Cor 7:39 9:13 11:30 15:6 15:18 15:20 15:23 15:51 16:5 16:5–9 16:21

169 168 169 169 169, 258 169 314 169 70, 77 70, 77, 142 85

2 Cor 1:15–16 1:16 2:13 5:8 7:5 8:1–5 9:1–7 9:2–4 11:8–9 11:9

70, 77, 142 70, 77 70, 77, 142 276 70, 77, 142 70, 77, 142 70, 77, 142 77 90 69

Gal 6:11

85

Phil 1:1 92, 99, 109 1:3 90 1:3–5 90 1:5 90, 92 1:5–7 90 1:7 91 1:12–14 91 1:12–17 91 1:12–18 90, 92 1:27 91 1:27–30 90 1:28–30 91 2:1–2 91

2:1–4 90 2:3–8 91 2:6–11 91 2:14 91 2:18 90 2:19 89 2:19–24 90 2:19–30 93 2:24 91 2:25–30 90 3:1 89, 90 3:2–3 91 3:3 92 3:4–11 92 3:12–17 91 3:18–19 91 3:20–21 91 4:1 89 4:1–4 90 4:2 71 4:2–3 92 4:3 90, 93 4:10 89 4:10–19 90, 93 4:15 65, 91 4:15–16 69, 90, 92 4:22 90, 91, 93 Col 4:18

85

1 Thess 1:1 1:2–3 1:3 1:4–5 1:5 1:5–7 1:6 1:6–7 1:6–8 1:6–2:12 1:7–8 1:8 1:9 1:9–10 2:1–2 2:1–8

65, 81, 86 81 82 82 69 81 69, 82 82, 83 69 81 81 2, 82, 83 74 82 83 69

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

437

Index of Ancient Sources 1 Thess (cont.) 2:1–12 81 2:2 69 2:3–4 83 2:3–6 83 2:7 83 2:7–8 83 2:9 83, 84, 86 2:10 83 2:11–12 83 2:13 69, 82 2:13–14 82 2:13–16 82 2:14 69, 82 2:17 69, 81 2:18 82, 85 2:19 314 2:19–20 81 2:20 81 3:1–2 76, 82 3:1–3 82 3:1–5 69 3:1–10 87 3:3–4 82 3:3–5 82 3:4 69 3:4a 86 3:5 83 3:6 81, 83 3:6–9 83 3:6–10 82 3:9–13 83 3:10 83 3:11 86 3:13 314 4:1 83 4:1–2 83 4:1–12 81 4:4–5 83 4:6 84 4:7 83 4:9–10 84 4:11–12 84 4:13 83 4:13–14 84 4:13–15 169 4:13–5:11 81, 84 4:15 314

4:15–17 5:1–8 5:4–10 5:11 5:12–13 5:12–22 5:13 5:14 5:15 5:23 5:28 5:27

84 84 84 84 84 81 84 84, 86 84 86, 314 86 85

2 Thess 1:1 1:3–4 1:4 1:5 1:6–8 1:9–12 2:1–2 2:1–12 2:2 2:3 2:4–7 2:8–10 2:9–12 2:13–14 2:14–15 2:16 2:16–17 3:3 3:4 3:5 3:6 3:6–12 3:7 3:8 3:8–10 3:9 3:10 3:12 3:13 3:14–15 3:16 3:17 3:18

86 87, 88 85 87 87 87 87 85 86 87 87 87 87, 88 87 88 86 88 88 88 88 86, 88 88 88 86 84 88 88 88 88 88 86, 88 85, 86 86

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

438

Index of Ancient Sources

1 Tim 3:1–13 99 5:3–16 316 2 Tim 4:10

98

Phlm 19

85

Heb 12:13 112 Jas

1:27

316

2 Pet 3:4

169

1 John 4:2–4

98

2 John 7

98

Other Greek and Latin Works AASS Mar. 2 Oct. 4

184, 193, 271 182

Acts Paul 10 111 10–11 93 Ambrose ep. 51

34, 164

Anth. Pal. 9.428 9.686

164 200

Apos. Con. 7.46 7.46.13 8.12.7 57.10.21

94 252 119 180

Appian 9 29 Athanasius decr. 37.2

115

Basil the Great ep. 154 164 165 185 220 221

177 177 177 66, 76 66, 76 66, 76

Clement of Alexandria str. 5.3 85 Cod. Iust. 1.1.1 164, 196 12.49.12 199 Cod. Theod. 16.1.2 16.2.25 16.4.2 16.5.14 16.5.15

34, 164, 196 164, 196 289 34, 164, 196 288

Dio Cassius 20–21 29 Diodorus Siculus 28–31 31.8–9

29 30

Epiphanius anc. 118.12

115

haer. 1.157 2.349

115 115

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

439

Index of Ancient Sources Eusebius h.e. 1.13 131, 133 2.1.6–8 131 3.36 96 3.36.1 97 3.36.10 97 4.14.1–9 97 4.14.6–7 100 4.23 1 4.26 2 4.26.10 94 5.20.4–8 97 6.12.3–6 112 v.C. 1.28 3.53.2 4.43 Gregory of Nyssa ep. 17.4

147 115 2, 177

112

Gregory of Tours Epitome 9–18

93

Herm. Mand. 26:1 35:2 35:4

119 112 112

Hierocles Synekdemos 638–641.9 639.8 639.10 640.9–10 641 642.11 642.12

26 153 151 26 33 276 277

Hilary of Poitiers ep. B.II.4.8 B.II.4.9 B.II.4.33

277 106 156

Ignatius Eph. 21:1

95

Magn. 15:1

95

Phld. 11:2

95

Pol. 4:1 6:1 7:2 8:1

316 316 96 96

Rom. 10:11

95

Smyrn. 8:2 12:1

114 95

Trall. 13:1

95

Innocent I Ep. 1 13 18

177 177 177

Irenaeus haer. 3.3.4 3.7.2 5.25.1

97, 100 85 85

John Chrysostom hom. in Mt. 85.4

127

Laz. 4.4

127

Jordanes Get. 286–288 287–288

34 261, 271

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

440

Index of Ancient Sources

Josephus A.J. 6.13

112

B.J. 3.540

63

Justinian Novellae 11 163.2

33, 164 127

Livy 39.53 40–45 45.18 45.29 45.30.5 45.35 45.42

29 29 30 30 233 30 30

Lucian Asinus Lucius 46

164

Malchus frag. 18 frag. 20

313 313

Origen comm. in Rom. 10:41 94 20 112 exp. in Pr. 24

115

fr. 1 in Jo. 112 Philo Legat. 281–282

62

Opif. 1.143 112 Pliny HN 4.10

36

Plutarch Aem. 15–23 29 26 30 34 30 37 30

Mart. Pol. 1:1 114 8:1 114 12:2 95 19:1 95

Polybius 22.18 29 27–29 29 29.14–21 30 34.12.7 233

Miracula Sancti Demetrii 4 202 25 202 50 181, 184 50–54 177, 182 107 184 107–108 181

Polycarp Phil. 1:1 98 1:2 98 2:1 98 2:1–3 98 3:1 95, 97 3:1–4:1 100 3:2 79, 97 3:3 97 4:1 97 4:2–3 97 4:3 97 5:2 99

Not. Dign. or. 9.19 258 9.27 258 9.25 203 9.29 203 9.34–35 249

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

441

Index of Ancient Sources Polycarp, Phil. (cont.) 5:2–6:1 97 5:3 92, 97 6:1 97, 99 6:3 98 6:3–7:1 100 6:3–7:2 98 7:1 100 7:2 100 7:2–8:1 98 8:2–9:2 98, 99 9:1 96, 98, 99 9:2 98, 99, 100 10–12 96 10:1–3 98 11:1 97 11:1–2 98 11:3 85, 97, 98 11:4 97, 98 12:1 98 12:3 100 13:1 95, 96 13:1–2 96 13:2 95, 96 14 96 14:1 95 Procopius Goth. 3.5

125

Historia arcana 11.34–36

201

Ptolemy Geog. 3.11.14 3.13.1–46

26 30, 36

Socrates h.e. 1.8.5 1.8.29–30 1.13.12 5.6 6.9.3

177 115 177, 289 177 119

Sozomen h.e. 7.4 7.25.1–8

177 34, 164

Strabo 7 7 frag. 4 7 frag. 4–44 7 frag. 10 7 frag. 17 7 frag. 20–23 7 frag. 21 7 frag. 36 7 frag. 47 7.7.4

36 39 36 30 76 38 164 38 30 32, 44, 233

Suetonius Tib. 16.4

78

Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae 191, 193, 194 Tertullian Praescr. 32 36 36.1–2

97 94 66

Res. 24

85

Scorp. 13

85

Theodoret h.e. 5.17–18

34, 164

Theophilus Autol. 1.4 119 Zosimus 2.28

34

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

General Index Abgar (toparch) 131–134 acclamation 15, 119, 144, 147, 168, 176n52, 220–221, 233–235, 238, 243n79, 256, 262, 311 Agia Paraskevi 275 Akrini 274–275 Aleksova, B. 7–8, 288, 292, 294 Amphipolis basilicas 144, 148–151 city 18n106, 36, 39–40, 43, 46, 50, 73, 103, 139, 142–143, 151 Christian community 142–151, 330 ἀναγνώστης. See reader/lector Apollonia 61, 73, 229 apotropaic inscription 131–135, 147, 199, 200n187, 209n250 Arethousa 230 Athos (Mount) 24, 227–228 Avaro-Slavs 34, 41, 51, 147, 151, 159, 222, 252 Axia (via) 44, 46, 78, 162, 280 Axios (river/valley) 39–40, 46, 263, 280, 282, 325 baptistery 109–110, 150, 158–159, 215n277, 217–218, 223–224, 261, 263, 265, 267, 270, 275n294, 287, 292, 295–299, 303–305, 308n119, 309, 318–319, 324 Bargala 6, 33, 321, 324, 326 basilica 105–111, 114, 116–131, 135–141, 144, 148–153, 155–158, 181–187, 197, 215–221, 221n311, 222–230, 240–241, 242n68, 245n95, 260–261, 263–264, 267–270, 273–275, 277–278, 287–309, 313, 317–326 Bermion (Mount) 27, 44, 231, 233, 252, 261, 273–274, 278, 333 Beroea basilicas 260–261 city 6, 18, 34n35, 40, 42, 46, 48, 55–66, 77, 81, 231, 252, 261, 328–329, 332 Christian community 66, 75–76, 94, 102, 119, 252–261, 330–331 bishop 7n39, 66, 92, 94–95, 99, 105–106, 113, 120n96, 122, 125, 145–146, 152, 155–156, 176–177, 193, 217, 219, 224–226, 228,

229n371, 240, 242n70, 252, 267, 271–272, 276, 277n305, 289, 292, 300–301, 314, 316–318, 324, 331 bishops Alexandros (Amphipolis) 145 Alexandros (Thessalonica) 177 Andreas (Amphipolis) 145 Andreas(?) (Philippi) 122 Andreas(?) (Thessalonica) 219 Anthimos(?) 159 Anysios 177 A(s)cholius 164n3, 177 Bassus 277n305 Benignus 318 Bisaltios 125 Bodius (or Bunius) 289 Dardanios 324 Demetrios 125 Dionysius 1 Domninos 228 Epiphanios(?) 314, 316 Eusebios (Doberos) 324 Eusebios (Thessalonica) 176, 182n86, 331 Eustathios 292, 311n139 Evagrius 317 Gaius 94n43 Gerontios 252 Hermias 324 Hermogenes 225 Iakobos 125 Ignatius. See Ignatius below Ionas 156 Ioannes (or Pachomios) (Heraclea) 318 Ioannes (Parthicopolis) 155–156 Isidoros 242n70 Johannes(?) 272 Kyrillos 193 Leon (Amphipolis) 146, 148, 151 Leon (Thessalonica) 185n102 Loukas 252 Makedonios 276 Maximios 152 Nicolaus 289n33 Onesimus(?) 94n43, 252n159 Palladius 267

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

General Index bishops (cont.) Philippos (Stobi) 300–301, 311n139 Philippos (Thessalonica) 193 Phocas 289n33 Polycarp. See Polycarp below Porphyrios 106–107, 113 Prektikios 152 Quintillus 318 Rufus 177 Sophronios 226 Stephanos 267 canoness 129 cemetery 111, 115–116, 122–128, 153, 173–176, 204n216, 215–217, 222, 229, 240–241, 257–258, 260, 268–269, 309–310, 324–325, 330 Chalcidice 24, 38, 221–230, 278, 333 Christ 14–15, 106, 109, 131, 139, 154, 171, 175n50, 188–189, 209n250, 219–221, 235, 238, 243, 258, 268, 291n42, 300n83, 314, 324n197 Christogram 14, 146–147, 159, 172–175, 209, 224n329, 235, 275, 312 church. See basilica clarissimus/clarissima 121, 123, 198–199, 205, 249, 258, 317 comes 198–199, 205, 249, 258, 276, 314, 316–317 Constantine I 30n10, 32, 34, 125, 147, 164, 171, 177, 187n120, 189n126, 195, 235 deacon/deaconess 92, 97, 99, 113, 120n101, 125, 127, 129, 131, 141, 146, 154, 178–180, 244–245, 254–255, 300, 311, 321n193 dedication. See votive Demetrios (saint) 24, 34, 177, 181–187, 201–202, 215n277, 331 διάκονος/διακόνισσα. See deacon/deaconess διδάσκαλος 115, 125–126, 172, 255 Diocletianopolis 259, 276–278 Dium basilicas 267–270 city 6, 18n106, 34n35, 36, 40, 42, 46, 49, 50n119, 54–56, 57, 60, 76n74, 77, 266–267, 328–329, 332 Christian community 267–270 Doberos 321

443 δοῦλος/δούλῃ (θεοῦ/Χριστοῦ) 14–15, 71, 109, 120, 128, 146, 253, 268, 274 Edessa basilicas 240–241, 245n93 city 9, 18, 42, 44, 48, 51, 56, 75, 78, 233, 252, 328–329 Christian community 233–252, 330 Egnatia (via) 32, 34, 40, 44, 46, 48, 73, 75, 78, 138, 142, 161–162, 233, 273, 279–280, 313, 325, 329 ἐκκλησία (ἁγία/καθολική/ἀποστολική)  113–115, 123n121, 124, 147n251, 155n295, 179n73, 215n275, 253–254, 292n52, 331 elites 121, 124, 170–171, 175–176, 195–196, 198–203, 230, 249, 257–259, 277, 309, 317, 324, 326, 330–331 Epanomi 222–224 epigraphy Christian 12–21 Jewish 12, 16, 62–64, 304n108 late antique 12–14 pagan 12 Epirus 24, 26, 30n10, 32, 37, 47, 273, 321 ἐπίσκοπος. See bishop epithet (Christian) 14, 113, 154, 172, 179, 243, 268, 311 ex-voto. See votive Feissel, D. xiv, 19, 27, 144n230, 162n1, 327 fresco 157, 159, 224n327, 257, 267n248, 271, 275n294, 277, 287, 291–292, 296 funerary fine 63, 115–116, 123–124, 127, 141, 172n36, 215, 253, 331 funerary formulary 114, 141, 144–145, 165, 169, 171, 174, 179, 204, 233–235, 239, 243, 251, 254, 332 funerary imprecation 15n82, 119, 140–141, 246, 254, 256 funerary portrait 168n17, 174, 257 Goths 23, 34, 36, 51, 57, 164n3, 252, 261, 271, 277n303, 313 graffito 21n110, 109, 126n138, 162n1, 255n175, 282–287, 291–293, 304n108 Haliacmon 39–40, 46, 264, 266, 273–274 Harnack, A. von 1–4, 86, 327

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

444 Heraclea Lyncestis basilica 313, 317–323 city 6, 34, 43–44, 46, 94, 280, 313, 325, 328 Christian community 313–323 identity 15–18 Ignatius 93n142, 95–96, 98 Ἰησοῦς 14, 17, 74, 84, 119, 131–134, 139, 157, 175n49–50, 194, 201n200, 211, 220, 224n329, 243, 264, 269, 289, 291, 296 Illyricum 6–7, 32, 78, 164, 177, 231, 280 invocation 18, 109, 119, 131, 144–145, 148, 228–229, 243, 246, 256–257, 274, 300, 314, 324, 328 ΙΧΘΥΣ 14, 17, 243, 264, 289 Jesus. See Ἰησοῦς Justinian I 26, 33n27, 34, 178n67, 199n180, 201, 258n194, 277n303, 311n139, 313, 318, 331 Kaisareia 276–277 κανονική. See canoness Karagianni, F. 22 Kassandreia 34, 42, 49, 225 Kavala 126, 140–141 Kipia 56, 119, 139–141 κοιμητήριον 15–16, 114, 169–170, 172, 178, 204, 239, 310, 332 Kozani 275 Kyrtatas, D.J. 8 Latin cross 14, 111, 114, 116, 120, 127n145, 129, 134, 145, 153–154, 175, 202, 209, 223, 235, 238, 243, 245, 251, 254, 257–258, 262, 272, 285–286, 309n125, 311n140 Latin inscription 105n8, 117, 120–121, 128n155, 199, 215n274, 236n31, 239, 255, 259, 272, 320–321 Louloudies Kitros 271–272 Lychnidos 6, 44, 47, 280 Macedonia Christianization 1–9, 134–135, 150–151, 286, 328–333 climate 36–38 geography 36–39

General Index history 29–36 identity 47–50 imperial cult 59–62 Jewish communities 62–64 koinon 43, 57, 61–62, 152, 252 political structure 42–43 province 24–26, 31–33 religious context 53–64 Roman colonies 42–43, 48, 52, 61, 64, 105, 134, 262–263, 266 Romanization 47–51 society 47–53 urbanism 41–46 Maltese cross 129, 267, 311 martyr 7–8, 96, 98n165, 99, 108–111, 139, 147n256, 175, 180–197, 241, 270, 271n266, 295, 314, 324 martyrium 7–8, 10, 34, 108, 111, 157–159, 180–181, 186, 215, 217, 241–242, 271n271, 274, 294 monasticism 152, 153n286, 180, 220, 227–228, 240–241, 244–245, 254–255, 309n121 mosaics 22, 106–107, 109, 117, 124, 144, 148, 150, 155–157, 184, 187–196, 198, 218–221, 223, 225–226, 230, 240, 261, 264–265, 267n248, 269, 271, 273–275, 276n296, 277, 287, 289–295, 297, 300–302, 304, 306, 308n119, 312, 317, 319n187, 320–324 name 15, 206–207 Neapolis 39, 44, 70, 95, 117, 140 necropolis. See cemetery neophyte/νεόφυτος 172, 202, 238n33, 304n102 Nikiti 225–226 nomen sacrum 14, 246 officer (military) 34, 121, 128, 171, 182, 202, 249, 320 official (civil) 121, 124, 171, 197, 199, 202, 203n208, 311, 317, 320 Olympos (Mount) 26, 37, 39 painting. See fresco Pangaion 27, 38, 40, 44, 56, 103, 105, 139 Papazoglou, F. 24, 41 παρθένος. See virgin

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

General Index Parthicopolis 153–160 parousia 84, 87, 189n126, 313 Paul (apostle) 9–10, 22, 65–102, 105–111, 138, 142, 161, 221n310, 230–231, 233, 241, 252, 258, 267, 276, 279–282, 326, 328–330 Pelekanidis, S. 108, 110, 113n50–51, 116–121 Pella basilica 262–263 city 40, 42, 46, 49, 55, 75, 78, 262 Christian community 262–263 Philippi basilicas (A, B, C, D?) 128–129, 135–137 basilica (extra muros) 116–121, 129–131 basilica (Octagon) 105–111 basilica (of Paul) 105–111 city 2, 5, 18n106, 18, 32, 36, 39–40, 42, 44, 47, 49, 51, 56, 58–63, 103–105, 328–329 Christian community 69–72, 89–93, 95–101, 105–142, 330–331 eastern necropolis 122–128 martyrium (of Paul?) 108, 111 pilgrimage 110, 137–138, 161, 182–183, 330 Polycarp 9–10, 66, 79n92, 85n115, 92–93, 95–101 Polymylos 273–274 Popović, R. 6–7 presbyter/πρεσβύτερος 15–16, 92, 97–99, 106, 113–114, 118–120, 125, 140, 146–147, 154–155, 165–168, 177–178, 192–194, 219, 241–244, 254, 268, 272, 304, 314 Proti 139 psalmist 241, 243, 314, 113n50, 154 Pydna 29, 34n35, 46, 76–78, 231, 252, 270–271 reader/lector 122, 125, 128, 139, 152, 178, 180, 203, 226, 244, 272, 313 relics 7n43, 108, 111, 161, 177, 182, 183n92, 187, 223, 295 resurrection 15, 111–112, 169, 171, 189, 238, 313–314, 332 Rhodolivos 139, 153 Rizos, E. 8–9, 175n46 Roueché, C. 13n67, 14, 286 saint 6n36, 34, 111, 176–177, 180–187, 196, 220n301, 241, 249, 256, 294n60, 314, 317n177

445 Serrai 151–153 Silas/Silvanus 65, 69, 72–73, 75–76, 80–82, 85–86, 101 Sithonia 225–226 Snively, C.S. 3n19, 8–9, 287n25, 288, 325n201 soldier 190–195, 203, 209, 246–249, 258, 260, 314, 321 staurogram 14, 122, 147, 183n93, 204, 209, 211, 246, 257, 268–269, 284, 286 Stobi basilica (“Central”/“Synagogue”) 302, 304, 306, 308 basilica (“Civil”) 302, 304 basilica (episcopal) 287–302 basilica (“North”) 302–305 basilica (others) 308–309 city 6, 8n44, 18, 26, 33–34, 36, 40n65, 42, 46, 47n102, 58–64, 94, 200n190, 282–287 Christian community 282–313 Jewish community 63–64, 304, 306  necropolis 309–310 Strumica (city) 321, 324 Strumica (river/valley) 26, 39, 162, 280 Strymon 26, 39–40, 46, 56n159, 57, 103, 142, 151–153, 329 symbol 14–16 Thasos 26, 134, 200n187, 227n353, 228 Theodosius I 32, 34, 120, 151, 164, 177, 188n122, 196, 199, 200n190, 218, 230, 288, 306n113, 331–332 Theodosius II 151, 197n171, 218, 331–332 Thessalia 24, 26, 32, 37, 46, 77, 276–277 Thessalonica basilica (Acheiropoietos) 197–198, 215, 217–219, 330 basilica (H. Demetrios) 181–187, 197–198, 215, 330 basilica (H. Sophia) 198, 215, 217–218, 294n58 basilica (Hosios David) 220–221, 330 basilica (Third Septembre St.) 215, 217, 294n58 basilica (Rotunda) 187–197 city 2, 5, 6n34, 18, 21, 34, 40, 43, 46, 48, 49, 56–63, 162–165, 328–329

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

446 Thessalonica (cont.) Christian community 9, 69–70, 73–75, 80–89, 94, 165–221, 330–331 necropolis 174, 175n49, 176, 204n216, 215, 217 Thracia 24, 26, 30n10, 31, 329 Timothy 65, 69, 76–77, 81–82, 85–86, 89, 93, 101 tomb 111–121, 123–124, 145, 153, 174–176, 217, 221–223, 226, 253, 257–258, 261, 269, 271, 273, 275, 278, 301, 309, 324 Toroni 226–227 tribunus 121–122, 259, 276–277

General Index virgin 97, 180–181, 211, 241, 244–245, 247, 254–255, 268 Virgin Mary 131, 135, 148, 184–185, 218 Voskochori 274–275, 278 votive 18, 105–106, 122, 123n120, 144, 146n244, 151–152, 155–156, 159–160, 183, 185, 198, 211, 218–221, 225–226, 228, 240–241, 259, 265–266, 273–274, 276n296, 282n8, 328, 330 ΧΜΓ 208, 209n250, 243, 286n20 χριστιανός 172 Χριστός. See Christ

Varvara 228–229 Vergina 264–266

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University

Julien M. Ogereau - 978-90-04-68120-0 Downloaded from Brill.com 10/11/2023 05:29:00PM via Western University