Diversity and Inclusion in the Esports Industry (Emerging Insights into Esports and Video Games) 166691360X, 9781666913606

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Diversity and Inclusion in the Esports Industry

Emerging Insights into Esports and Video Games Series Editor: Ryan Rogers, Independent Researcher The purpose of this series is to provide authors and editors with a venue to explore more deeply the different facets of esports as a concept and as an industry, allowing them to navigate the ever-changing landscape while examining noteworthy subcultures, international phenomena, and trends of the field as it continues to grow and change. This series welcomes interdisciplinary projects in order to best advance the understanding of esports and present the research on this topic in the context of ongoing discovery in other fields of research. Titles in the Series Diversity and Inclusion in the Esports Industry Edited by Mary L. Sheffer and Ryan Rogers

Diversity and Inclusion in the Esports Industry Edited by Mary L. Sheffer Ryan Rogers

LEXINGTON BOOKS

Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

Published by Lexington Books An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www​.rowman​.com 86-90 Paul Street, London EC2A 4NE, United Kingdom Copyright © 2024 by The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Sheffer, Mary Lou, editor. | Rogers, Ryan, editor.  Title: Diversity and inclusion in the Esports industry / edited by Mary L. Sheffer, Ryan Rogers.  Other titles: Diversity & inclusion in the e sports industry  Description: Lanham, Maryland : Lexington Books, [2023] | Series: Emerging insights into Esports and video games | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: “This collection offers different perspectives through which readers can understand the history of diversity and inclusion in esports, the current issues facing the industry, and how these issues will impact the future of esports. Scholars of communication, media studies, game studies, and sociology will find this book of particular interest”— Provided by publisher.  Identifiers: LCCN 2023040496 (print) | LCCN 2023040497 (ebook) | ISBN 9781666913606 (cloth : acid-free paper) | ISBN 9781666913620 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781666913613 (epub)  Subjects: LCSH: eSports (Contests)—History. | Minorities in sports. | Professional sports. | Video games—Social aspects. | Electronic games—Social aspects. Classification: LCC GV1469.34.E86 D58 2023  (print) | LCC GV1469.34.E86  (ebook) | DDC 794.8—dc23/eng/20230918 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023040496 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023040497> The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.

Contents

Acknowledgments vii Chapter 1: History of Esports and Esports Broadcasts ‌‌ Steve Young and Mary L. Sheffer‌‌ Chapter 2: Evolution of Game Culture in FPS Esports Steve Young and Mary L. Sheffer

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Chapter 3: Transfixing, Transporting, and Toxic: Troubling Experiences for Gender and Racial Minorities in Esports Spaces Joshua R. Jackson, Cameron A. Panhans, and Andrew C. Billings

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Chapter 4: Characterizing Professional Counter-Strike: Media’s Impact on Gamer Stereotypes Steve Young Chapter 5: Love and Loyalty in the Fighting Game Community John Shrader

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Chapter 6: Unleashing the Stories of Invisible Gamers in Esports ‌‌ Katerina Tovia-Dufoo‌‌ Chapter 7: Black Men, STEM, and Erasing the Digital Divide: The Need for Black Male Targeted Esport Initiatives David C. Hughes Chapter 8: Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Youth Development through Gaming and Esports: From Theory to Pilot Jeffrey Levine Chapter 9: Esports and the Coed Approach Rachel Lim, Skye Cooley, and John McGuire v

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Chapter 10: Surviving the Competition: Ghanaian Female Video Gamers in Male-Dominated Space Rabiu K. B. Asante Index

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About the Editors and Contributors



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Acknowledgments

The editing team of Mary L. Sheffer and Ryan Rogers express appreciation to the contributing authors for their dedication and extensive research needed in publishing this book. The field of esports continues to grow and evolve, and therefore it’s important for researchers to investigate and analyze these changes and how they affect the greater sport media world. We would also like to express appreciation to the entire team at Lexington Books. In particular, we are indebted to acquisitions editor Jessie Tepper and assistant acquisitions editor Deja Ryland for their assistance and guidance through the publication process.

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Chapter 1

History of Esports and Esports Broadcasts‌‌ Steve Young and Mary L. Sheffer‌‌

Competitive video gaming, also known as esports, have become increasingly popular over the past two decades, attracting money and media attention, and ushering in a new transformative era for what has been characterized as the world’s fastest growing spectator sport (Rovell, 2016; Stein & Scholz, 2016). Esports have a global audience of more than 450 million people, and that number is increasing each year (Pannekeet, 2017). In addition, esports have attracted attention from scholars across various disciplines, with publications concerning the topic increasing each year. Esports communities differ depending on “the game title, platform, competition format, player requirements, and culture” (Rogstad, 2021, p. 8). Contrary to the immense popularity of esports competitions today, they were considered a niche segment within game culture until relatively recently. While it is difficult to pinpoint the precise moment when video games supported widespread competition, it is evident that esports come from a long history spanning as far back as the 1970s (Billings & Hou, 2019). Back then and throughout the 1980s, arcades were the predominant arena for video game play. Arcades were a significant space for the growth of esports, as they fostered competition and allowed for live in-person spectatorship of gameplay (Taylor, 2018). In 1980, the National Space Invaders Championship hosted by Atari was considered to be the first large-scale video game competition with over 10,000 participants (Hope, 2014). A few years later, competitive video gaming became more organized and regulated with the introduction of Twin Galaxies, a video game information base consisting of high scores, player rankings, and data from matches and tournaments. Twin Galaxies served 1

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to publicize and promote competitive gaming in ways that resemble tactics employed by various esports organizations today. Esports have been closely tied to various media practices throughout their existence (Taylor, 2018). The earliest years of esports production involved video capture, in-game replay files, and audio overlay. Before in-game replay files were available, video recordings of gamers at the arcade machine were captured to record high scores (Taylor, 2018). In 1982, the show Starcade aired as the earliest TV show featuring competitive gaming (Billings & Hou, 2019). This broadcast did important work in building support and educating those who lacked exposure to competitive gaming. In the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, the advancement of information technology resulted in a massive transformation for competitive gaming, and the video game industry. The emergence of home game consoles that plugged into TV sets and new games designed for those devices brought gaming into the home (Billings & Hou, 2019). This era contributed to the growth in understanding of video games as leisure practices to be played in the home and consequently resulted in fewer large-scale video game tournaments within the decade (Billings & Hou, 2019). The growth of personal computers (PCs) as gaming devices also occurred in the 1990s, which significantly contributed to the growth of competitive gaming. While most arcade games involved contests between players asynchronously through high scores, this era introduced the notion of head-to-head competitions either online or in-person. Arcade and console split-screen play are significant aspects of the esport scene, however, the rise of networked gaming is what sparked the formation of esports as we know them today. The Internet compensated for the fragmentation of the gaming industry, making niche activities such as esports possible (Taylor, 2012). Widespread access to fast internet connections allowed player-versus-player competitions with others who were not located in the same physical space. Meaning, even if players only know a few others who live near them that are interested in competitive gaming, the ability to go online, connect, and compete with others allowed the creation of esports communities (Taylor, 2012). Networked gaming exploded in popularity in the mid 1990s and provided new opportunities for broadcasting esports. As competitive gaming expanded to PCs with the ability to save in-game replays, sharing files became the norm. Soon after, individuals began to interweave replays with voice commentary, which serves as the oldest version of the esports commentary we see in professional esports broadcasts today (Taylor, 2018).



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COMPETITIVE VIDEO GAMES AS INDIVIDUAL ESPORTS Each video game title involves its own unique subculture. Within the esports industry, there are a multitude of communities differentiated by platforms, game titles, and cultures (Adams et al., 2019). Various video game genres are displayed, involved, and represented in esports competitions including: fighting games such as Street Fighter, real-time strategy (RTS) games including StarCraft, multiplayer online battle arenas (MOBAs) such as League of Legends, battle royale games like Fortnite, turn-based card games such as Hearthstone, sports games including NBA2k, and first-person shooters (FPSs) such as Counter-Strike. StarCraft is one of the most influential real-time strategy games and pioneer in esports, which debuted in 1998. StarCraft is considered to be the first popular esport, especially in South Korea, where the entire Korean Esports Association (KeSPA) was built around the game (Taylor, 2012). Comparable to the variety of traditional sports that exist, each esports title consists of its own exclusive elements and calls for certain individual and team-based skills. For example, Hearthstone is a turn-based online card game, which involves one-on-one competition between players with digital card decks. Compared to FPS games, turn-based games are slower paced and require more knowledge than dexterous skill. Additionally, each game also has its own unique history. For instance, Counter-Strike was developed in the United States and began as a Half-Life mod with no built-in competitive esports mode. Counter-Strike forced its way into the esports scene in 2001, attracting players from across the United States and Europe to compete (Taylor, 2012). Cyberathletic Professional League (CPL) Winter and Summer tournaments were the first Major Counter-Strike events. According to esports historian, Duncan “Thorin” Shields (2018), Counter-Strike was “such a success on a grassroots level of people who played the game and made up a big community, and showed there was interest, and supported early tournaments, that it actually managed to dislodge Quake and StarCraft . . . to become a massive esport for over a decade.” When Counter-Strike: Global Offensive (CS:GO) was released in 2012, players had the option to join competitive matches like the esports they watch on Twitch. Since its debut at CPL, Counter-Strike has been a mainstay at tournaments such as the World Cyber Games (2001–2002), Electronic Sports World Cup (2003), and Intel Extreme Masters (2007–2008) among others. Today multiple leagues and tournaments exist specifically for the FPS title (Shields, 2018). (More on esport tournaments later in the chapter.)

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Other FPS games like Overwatch, which debuted in 2016, were seemingly created with esports in mind, as competitive match making was built into the first version of the game. Shortly after the game’s release, the professional Overwatch League (OWL) was created. Debuting in 2018, OWL employed a unique league structure closely resembling traditional sport leagues, as teams were affiliated with particular states and cities across North America. Interestingly, OWL is largely considered a failure, losing loads of money over the past four years, and lacking the viewership numbers that other FPS esports such as CS:GO reach. It would be impossible to cover the extensive history of each esports game genre in one chapter due to the wide array of individual game titles within each genre. Therefore, the historical overview of esports provided below highlights what many would consider to be significant turning points in personal computer (PC) esports, with a focus on the FPS game genre, highlighting Counter-Strike as the flagship FPS esport. THREE WAVES OF ESPORTS First Wave In her book, Watch Me Play: Twitch and the Rise of Competitive Game Live Streaming, Taylor (2018) illustrates three “waves” in esports development. The first wave describes esports as rooted in leisure communities, whereby amateur and professional-amateur (pro-am) competitions reigned supreme. Grassroots is the term used by scholars such as Taylor (2012) to describe the early years of esports competitions. Professional esports were largely unstable and involved volunteer work, small and unreliable prize pools, and little to no buy-in from individuals outside of the scene including sponsors. In 1996, the first large-scale PC LAN event known as Quakecon occurred in Texas (Taylor, 2012). The event was considered a “LAN party” for gamers to assemble in a face-to-face environment, and although gaming competitions were a part of the event, it was largely community driven and meant for casual gamers. One year later, the Cyberathletic Professional League (CPL) was formed by Angel Munoz and is credited as the first large-scale professional PC gaming tournament in America (Billings & Hou, 2019). The CPL is significant in that it fostered on and offline spectatorship and corporate sponsorships, and as a result, allowed for larger prize pools in competitions (Gaudiosi, 2013). CPL tournaments became go-to examples for media coverage of professional gaming and were covered, albeit briefly, by popular conglomerates ESPN and MTV in the early 2000s. Quake was the top competitive FPS title at CPL in its first two years of existence, however,



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by 2001 Counter-Strike took over (Li, 2017). During this first wave of esports development, the esports industry lacked legitimate event organizers who were capable of creating and sustaining mass participation and competition like we see today. Second Wave The second wave depicts esports framed as sports, and involved “third-party organizations—sustained infrastructures of competition, formalization, and professionalism” (Taylor, 2018, p. 136). International competitions such as the World Cyber Games (2001–2002), Electronic Sports World Cup (2003), and Intel Extreme Masters (2007–2008) depicted esports similarly to traditional sports events, molded by producers, casters, camera operators, and in-game observers (Rowe, 2004). As esports event organizers in the United States and Europe continued to host tournaments similar to CPL, South Korea did things differently. South Korea is considered the birthplace of esports and is regarded as a model for the future of esports worldwide (Li, 2017). Taylor (2012) in her book Raising the Stakes: E-sports and the Professionalization of Computer Gaming provides a detailed overview of the South Korean esports model. According to this model, South Korean esports involve the intertwining of “government support, technology infrastructure, broad industry sponsorship, strong organizational institutions (KeSPA), legal and market accommodations (IP pricing, net cafes), and a mainstreamed game culture” (pp. 26–27). These factors contribute to the powerful social and cultural environment in which professional gaming has thrived. Taylor (2012) explained their impact on the international esports industry: South Korea is a powerful node in the story of pro gaming, both for the way it paints a picture of what a professional scene that has entered the cultural mainstream actually looks like, but also for the imaginative (even mythical) power it holds for those trying to foster pro gaming in North America and Europe (p. 18)

In South Korea, individuals grow up in a gaming culture where the norm is people playing video games outside of the home setting. Fundamental aspects of teenage culture involve Internet cafes, known as PC bangs. For many South Korean individuals, esports replaces traditional sports from the perspective that matches are held in large stadiums and on television (Erzberger, 2016). Top esports players are considered to be celebrities and are mobbed in the streets whenever they are recognized.

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While South Korea is considered the birthplace of esports, as mentioned previously, they are not the birthplace of Counter-Strike. In fact, Li (2017) posited that Eastern cultures such as South Korea and China prefer RTS games like StarCraft, while Western cultures including North America, South America, and Europe prefer FPSs like CS:GO. In the competitive Counter-Strike scene, Europe is credited with the adoption of esports long before the Americas even though CS is an American-made game. Their early adoption may be due to European countries’ faster internet speeds, and in Scandinavian countries, colder climate which encouraged individuals to stay indoors and play computer games (Li, 2017). North America’s late adoption of esports is the result of a cultural barrier. Video games, and especially esports, have long been considered a periphery activity with negative stereotypes swirling about (Li, 2017). Today, esports have become so popular that major events are now held in large stadiums around the world and draw crowds in the tens of thousands in-person and millions online (Taylor, 2018). Individuals increasingly play and watch others playing video games as part of their daily media-consuming activities regardless of their geographical location. Contemporary esports culture involves enhanced organization and structure across various leagues and tournaments (Kane & Spradley, 2017). In the past, esports have been criticized as having a lack of regulation (Hollist, 2015), however, in recent years esports organizations have modeled themselves after operations of well-known traditional sport leagues. Large organized leagues such as the Electronic Sports League (ESL), and Overwatch League (OWL) among others make up the backbone of the contemporary esports industry, providing fundamental organization such as rules, regulations, and funding. Rules and regulations in each esport are largely controlled by the structure of the game’s software. However, leagues and tournaments have developed additional rules and guidelines that go beyond that of the software (Taylor, 2012) often prohibiting certain in-game actions such as cheating, “botting” (using undetectable bot software to perform actions in-game), and glitching (exploiting errors in-game to a player’s/team’s benefit) among others. In 2016, the World Esports Association (WESA) was created as a governing body for all esports with cooperation from major organizers, players, and teams (Bowman & Cranmer, 2019). Today it has become commonplace for tournament and league organizers to host competitions in accordance with guidelines established by WESA. A prime example of this can be found in the professional CS:GO esports scene, as the ESL Pro League (EPL) closely follows rules and regulations outlined by WESA to conduct league organization and match play (Bowman & Cranmer, 2019). The contemporary esports scene also has a growing infrastructure of esportsrelated industries including legal experts, statistical analysts, marketing and



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sponsorship consultancies (Takahashi, 2018). Esports organizations would be unable to pay for player salaries, travel costs, and team peripherals such as keyboards, mice, and headsets without funding (Takahashi, 2018). Taylor (2012) explained how funding mechanisms operate within the esports scene. Simply put, sponsorships support leagues and tournaments by paying for operational costs and doling out prizes. Thus, esports teams, leagues, and tournament organizers spend significant resources cultivating relationships with sponsors. Alongside this growth in infrastructure, high schools, colleges, and universities across the United States are increasingly supporting esports players with scholarships and scholastic leagues (Bowman & Cranmer, 2019). Additionally, media structures surrounding esports have grown exponentially over the past decade. An example of this can be seen in ESPN’s long-term investment in covering esports and Hulu’s partnership with ESL providing exclusive access to esports competitions (Crook, 2017). At the professional level, CS:GO is largely organized by Valve. Valve hosts and co-hosts various events throughout each year, while highlighting specific events called Majors that are more significant than others (George & Sherrick, 2019). Two Major tournaments are played every year, which are hosted by trustworthy third-party organizations chosen by Valve, including ESL and ELEAGUE. Various game genres and titles within those genres have risen and fallen from the top position within the esports ecosystem over the past 23 years. StarCraft put real-time strategy games on the esports map back in 1998. Shortly after, first-person shooters such as Quake and later Counter-Strike gave esports fans a novel viewing experience, vastly different than RTS games. In 2009, League of Legends was released, and two years later became the most popular esport in the world. The popularity of specific esports titles fluctuates over time. Games with rich histories such as Dota II and Counter-Strike tend to survive and thrive even though new games are released every single year. Admittedly, new games like Overwatch and Valorant spark major interest following their release; however, these games rarely surpass the aforementioned veterans of the esports world. Impacting the second-wave growth of esports development, the Electronic Sports World Cup (2003) was a major international esports tournament featuring Counter-Strike. It is noteworthy in that the entire tournament was framed as the Olympics of CS. Teams were grouped according to their nationality, and competed against other countries for medals—a tactic often employed by tournament organizers today. In the mid 2000s, television was widely considered the path to mainstream attention, larger audiences, and increased profits for esports (Li, 2017). Before

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the current era of esports broadcasted as a type of popular media, attempts were made to broadcast esports programs around the world. South Korea had an entire channel dedicated to the real-time strategy game StarCraft since the year 2000. From 2002 to 2005, American gaming network G4TV operated as a dedicated television channel for all things video gaming. They even had a competitive esport-style show called “Versus.” Unfortunately, there seemed to be little demand for that type of media product in Europe or the Americas at the time and G4TV failed (Schneider, 2012). The Championship Gaming Series (CGS) launched in 2007 as a partnership between DirecTV, British Sky Broadcasting, and Star TV (Taylor, 2018). CGS is significant as it brought in traditional sports media and esports industry professionals and contributed innovative elements to the American esports scene, transforming competitive play for the televised format. It also contracted various esports stakeholders including players, team managers, casters, administrators, and others to manage various sectors of the league with salaries and bonuses. This is also significant because, at the time, these roles were filled on either a volunteer basis or via ad hoc contract work. CGS provided these individuals with stable work, illustrating the esports industry as legitimate work, existing on solid ground. Shortly after its debut, the CGS failed due to “game choices [and] altered structures and rule sets” that did not appeal to hardcore fans (Taylor, 2018, p. 140). The downfall of CGS was significant in that it brought down much of the then-existing esports structures in North America, and led stakeholders to view television as risky and costly. Third Wave The third and current wave frames esports as media entertainment, in which close attention is given to the production of media and entertainment as well as the audience. In this wave, major esports tournaments are “harnessed as media events with an emphasis on the visual and narrative” (Taylor, 2018, p. 137). While there was no clear defining moment for the popularization of esports in North America and Europe, the shift to live streaming video game play in 2012 certainly contributed to building audiences and attracting fans to various esports (Taylor, 2018). In esports, live streaming provides players and teams opportunities to build their audience, brand, and incomes. Some video games, such as CS:GO, have even integrated the ability to watch live streams of matches within the game interface itself (Seo & Jung, 2016). In the 2010s, esports popularity exploded because of live-streaming sites like Twitch, but also due to the introduction of new video game genres—most notably multiplayer online battle arenas (MOBAs) and battle royales. While several MOBAs exist today, Defense of the Ancients II (Dota II) was considered the first. Dota II was the second iteration of Defense of the Ancients, a



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custom game only available within Warcraft III. Over the course of several years, Dota II gained a large following and eventually became its own game in 2010. The International, which is the most prestigious Dota II LAN tournament, occurs once per year and attracts millions of viewers. Then came League of Legends in 2009, which quickly ascended to the top of the esports ecosystem (Amenabar, 2021). By 2016, the game had become so popular that viewership for the World Championship surpassed that of Game 7 of the NBA Finals between the Cleveland Cavaliers and the Golden State Warriors (Walker, 2016). Battle royale games such as PlayerUnknown’s Battlegrounds (PUBG) and Fortnite were released in 2016 and 2017, respectively. While not as popular as the MOBA game genre, battle royales are still among the top esports today (Wynne, 2022). PUBG’s mobile game is also played as an esport with a large international player and fan base. With the emergence of esports, the overall sport media landscape is changing (van Driel et al., 2019). These changes were not unexpected, as esports have tried and failed in the past to televise competitions and enter mainstream entertainment (Taylor, 2018). However, now that our daily lives are saturated in media consumption, esports have thrived, and esports broadcasts have become normalized. The lack of esports broadcast success prior to the current day can be attributed to several factors including technological advancements and audience understanding of the activity. The growth of internet-based live streaming has influenced esports stakeholders to move further from broadcast television (Taylor, 2018). Contemporary esports organizations consider their audience to be primarily internet-based, so live streaming esports competitions is favored over broadcast television. The notion of live streaming video game play is a key aspect of esports and video game culture today. Simply put, live streaming is about sharing one’s play by broadcasting it online through streaming sites to a public audience. On Twitch, widely considered the most popular video game streaming site, viewers can visit a live stream to watch others playing video games, and even interact via a live chat sidebar. Today, the overwhelming majority of professional esports matches are made available for free using Twitch (Li, 2017). While television corporations distribute content to a vast network of local subsidiaries, live streaming platforms such as Twitch can reach any spectator who has internet access allowing them to both consume and produce live streams of gameplay (Ewalt, 2014). This feature of live streaming constructs the potential to create global audiences that can view the same content in real-time.

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In today’s “third wave” media environment, individuals regularly watch esports competitions as part of their everyday media-viewing activities. From an esports spectator’s point-of-view, Counter-Strike is considered an easy game to watch and learn the basics of when compared to other esports (Shields, 2018). CS:GO’s competitive nature and compelling player, team, and regional storylines provide powerful incentives for viewers to observe. Streams for professional CS:GO typically draw in hundreds of thousands of viewers for major tournaments. The 2022 PGL Major Antwerp tournament, for example, averaged over 586,000 viewers and peaked at 2.1 million viewers for the Grand Final across Twitch, YouTube, and Facebook (PGL Major Antwerp 2022, CS, n.d.). CONCLUSION Esports culture has undergone significant transformations in the past decade. In the 2000s, it was largely comprised of grassroots organizations who relied on volunteer workers to staff esports events. In contemporary society, esports are considered part of mainstream popular culture, providing careers for a variety of esports participants including players, casters, and other stakeholders. Esports spectators now view esports broadcasts as part of their normal media-consumption activities. However, little is known about broadcasts’ representations of esports culture and participants who comprise the scene. Culture and identity are portrayed and discussed in esports media, and components of cultural identity are (re)constructed, transformed, and represented in such media (Sarisakaloğlu, 2020). As esports continue to grow in popularity, reaching millions of viewers on TV and live streaming sites, it is important to understand the discourses, images, and representations, which shape our understanding of esports culture and esports participants (often referred to as gamers). In researching esports it is important to distinguish which genre of games is being studied, the mode of play within the game, and the level of competition (Shaw, 2010). As the main discussion in the next chapter involves media portrayals of professional CS:GO esports leagues, an understanding of the Counter-Strike series is warranted. Another significant consideration when studying esports involves geographical regions. The “reconstruction of nationalism within global digital play presents itself with some frequency” (Taylor, 2012, p. 245), and particular geographical regions are correlated with esports in disparate ways. Each region has its own cultural identity involving particular esports genres, titles, and styles of play. For example, while countries such as South Korea and China are known for their dominance in MOBA games such as League of Legends, Europeans are synonymous with



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Counter-Strike. In fact, Europe is considered the homeland of competitive CS, and European countries produce top-tier talent at a young age. Admittedly, most developed nations that compete in esports tend to compete in a variety of genres, titles, and levels of competition. Although many countries are represented in esports competitions, hundreds more are unable to participate due to economic, political, social, and technological constraints. As esports continue to grow each year, they tend to include more teams from more nations. Future studies may explore this notion further by researching national representations in professional esport league broadcasts. REFERENCES Adams, K., Devia-Allen, G., & Moore, M. (2019). What Is Esports? In R. Rogers (Ed.), Understanding Esports: An Introduction to the Global Phenomenon (pp. 3–13). Lexington Books. Amenabar, T. (2021, November 1). League of Legends Esports Still Hasn’t Turned a Profit. That’s Okay, Says Riot. Washington Post. https:​//​www​.washingtonpost​.com​ /video​-games​/esports​/2021​/11​/01​/league​-worlds​-2021​-profit​-lol​/ Billings, A. C., & Hou, J. (2019). The Origins of Esport: A Half Century History of an “Overnight” Success. In R. Rogers (Ed.), Understanding Esports: An Introduction to the Global Phenomenon (pp. 31–44). Lexington Books. Bowman, N., & Cranmer, G. (2019). Can Video Games Be a Sport? In R. Rogers (Ed.), Understanding Esports: An Introduction to the Global Phenomenon (pp. 15–30). Lexington Books. Crook, J. (2017, October 9). Hulu Picks Up Four New Esports Series. Tech Crunch. https:​//​techcrunch​.com​/2017​/10​/09​/hulu​-picks​-up​-four​-new​-esports​-series​/ Ewalt, D. M. (2014, January 16). How Big Is Twitch’s Audience? Huge. Forbes. https:​//​www​.forbes​.com​/sites​/davidewalt​/2014​/01​/16​/twitch​-streaming​-video​ -audience​-growth​/ Gaudiosi, J. (2013, April 9). CPL Founder Angel Munoz Explains Why He Left ESports and Launched Mass Luminosity. Forbes. https:​//​www​.forbes​.com​/sites​ /johngaudiosi​/2013​/04​/09​/cpl​-founder​-angel​-munoz​-explains​-why​-he​-left​-esports​ -and​-launched​-mass​-luminosity​/ George, J., & Sherrick, B. (2019). Competition Formats in Esports. In R. Rogers (Ed.), Understanding Esports: An Introduction to the Global Phenomenon (pp. 45–56). Lexington Books. Hollist, K. E. (2015). Time to Be Grown-Ups about Video Gaming: The Rising eSports Industry and the Need for Regulation. Arizona Law Review, 57, 823. Hope, A. (2014). The evolution of the electronic sports entertainment industry and its popularity. In E. J. Sharpe, R. Self, J. Sharpe, & R. Self, Computers for Everyone (pp. 87–89).

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Kane, D., & Spradley, B. D. (2017). Recognizing eSports as a sport. The Sport Journal, 20. https:​//​www​.cabdirect​.org​/cabdirect​/abstract​/20183110650 Li, R. (2017). Good Luck Have Fun: The Rise of eSports. Skyhorse Publishing. Pannekeet, J. (2017, March 11). Esports, a Franchise Perspective: 70% Watch only one Game, 42% of Esports Viewers Don’t Play. Newzoo. https:​//​newzoo​.com​/ insights​/articles​/esports​-franchises​-70​-watch​-only​-one​-game​-and​-42​-dont​-play​/ PGL Major Antwerp 2022, CS:GO—Viewership and Detailed Stats. (n.d.). Retrieved July 29, 2022, from https:​//​escharts​.com​/tournaments​/csgo​/pgl​-major​-antwerp​ -2022 Rogstad, E. T. (2021). Gender in eSports research: A literature review. European Journal for Sport and Society, 0(0), 1–19. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1080​/16138171​.2021​ .1930941 Rovell, D. (2016, January 12). Esports is having a moment. ESPN. http:​//​www​.espn​ .com​/esports​/story​/​_​/id​/14551519 Rowe, D. (2004). Sport, Culture & Media: The Unruly Trinity (2nd ed.). Open University Press (UK). Sarisakaloğlu, A. (2020). Theoretical Understanding of the Construction Process of the Cultural ‘Other’ in News Media. İletişim Kuram ve Araştırma Dergisi, 2020(51), 131–146. Schneider, M. (2012, October 26). Exclusive: G4 to End Attack of the Show and X-Play. TVGuide.Com. https:​//​www​.tvguide​.com​/news​/attack​-of​-show​-canceled​ -1055082​/ Seo, Y., & Jung, S.-U. (2016). Beyond solitary play in computer games: The social practices of eSports. Journal of Consumer Culture, 16(3), 635–655. https:​//​doi​.org​ /10​.1177​/1469540514553711 Shields, D. (Director). (2018, July 7). Thorin’s Thoughts—Counter-Strike: The First True Grass Roots Esport (CS:GO). Takahashi, D. (2018, December 16). Drilling deep on how to monetize esports. VentureBeat. https:​ / / ​ v enturebeat ​ . com ​ / 2018 ​ / 12​ / 16​ / drilling​ - deep​ - on​- how​ - to​ -monetize​-esports​/ Taylor, T. L. (2012). Raising the Stakes: E-Sports and the Professionalization of Computer Gaming. MIT Press. Taylor, T. L. (2018). Watch Me Play: Twitch and the Rise of Game Live Streaming. Princeton University Press. van Driel, I. I., Gantz, W., & Lewis, N. (2019). Unpacking What It Means to Be—or Not Be—a Fan. Communication & Sport, 7(5), 611–629. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​ /2167479518800659 Walker, A. (2016, June 21). More People Watched League of Legends Than the NBA Finals. Kotaku Australia. https:​//​www​.kotaku​.com​.au​/2016​/06​/more​-people​ -watched​-league​-of​-legends​-than​-the​-nba​-finals​/ Wynne, J. (2022, May 23). The most popular esports games in 2022. WIN.Gg. https:​ //​win​.gg​/news​/the​-most​-popular​-esports​-games​-in​-2022

Chapter 2

Evolution of Game Culture in FPS Esports Steve Young and Mary L. Sheffer

First-person shooter (FPS) esports are growing in popularity at a rapid pace worldwide. In contemporary society, individuals watch esports broadcasts and read other esports texts as part of their normal media-consuming practices. Esports literature significantly impact audience understandings and play an integral role in shaping public discourse about gamers. This chapter focuses on Counter-Strike: Global Offensive (CS:GO), which at the time of this publication is the most recognized first-person shooter esport worldwide and the third most popular game across all esports genres (Irwin & Naweed, 2020). CS:GO has an immense international player and fan base which it has acquired over the game series’ 22-year existence. As such, it is an appropriate representative of the FPS genre. Interested in how the cultural knowledge and experience of FPS gamers are represented in literature, this chapter summarizes the current literature on esports and gender representation, then discusses the renewal and transformation of gamer representations in contemporary culture. BACKGROUND Esports inherently involve game culture and the gamers who populate the scene. Because of this fact, it would be remiss for this chapter to not employ frameworks and explanations derived from game studies research. Thus, in concert with esports scholarship, we will examine frameworks concerning gamer identity (Shaw, 2010, 2012; Taylor, 2012; Kowert et al., 2012; Johnson, 2014; Oates & Brookey, 2015; Paaßen, Morgenroth, & Stratemeyer, 13

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2016; Seo, 2016; Kirkpatrick, 2017) and game culture (Adamus, 2012; Shaw, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013; Taylor, 2012; Seo & Jung, 2016). By gaining a basic understanding of game culture and gamer identity, one may better understand our discussion pertaining to FPS esports culture and gamers as represented in the literature. Up to now, approaches to game culture and gamer identity have predominantly explored players and events in various game genres such as role-playing games (Everquest, World of Warcraft), real-time strategy games (StarCraft), and multiplayer online battle arenas (League of Legends), but few have considered first-person shooters. By highlighting important aspects of FPS games and specifically the Counter-Strike series, the next section will establish a deeper understanding of FPSs, which inform this chapter. FPS games involve weapon-based combat from the first-person perspective (Bartholl, 2007). This perspective refers to the player’s point-of-view within the game world. Although the earliest FPS games date back to the 1970s with Maze War (1973) and Spasim (1974), the violent FPS titles that we are accustomed to today did not emerge until the 1990s (Voorhees et al., 2012). Wolfenstein 3D (1992) is widely regarded as the original FPS archetype, which was quickly followed by popular titles such as Doom (1993) and Quake (1996). In 1998 Valve released Half-Life, and one year later, a mod called Counter-Strike was born. Counter-Strike: Global Offensive (CS:GO), the current iteration of the Counter-Strike series, is a multiplayer battle between two teams: the terrorists and the counter-terrorists. In the competitive esports game mode, each team consists of five players and competes in a best-of-30 rounds (first to 16 rounds wins) match on a bomb defusal map. CS:GO is the most popular FPS in esports today and one of the leaders breaching mainstream audiences (Lam, 2016). It has sold over 30 million copies worldwide and averages nearly 375,000 unique players daily (Galyonkin, 2018). GAME CULTURE Game culture has been defined as a type of subculture marked by specific tastes and as a form of art (Shaw, 2010). The relationship between an individual’s definition of gamer and how one plays video games encompasses several issues, as well as positive and negative connotations. Historically, video games and the individuals who play them have long been criticized, especially in North America, as strictly a leisure activity, or more bluntly a complete waste of time (Li, 2017). Negative connotations concerning game culture relate video game play with obesity, obsessive play, and violent tendencies resulting from extensive amounts of gaming (Kowert



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et al., 2012). Gamers have also been characterized as unpopular, unattractive, idle, and antisocial (Taylor, 2012). These negative stereotypes have resulted in video game players not identifying as gamers (Shaw, 2012). Contrary to these negative gamer stereotypes, studies have shown that gaming is a valid way to acquire important life skills that apply to the contemporary job market. Video games require thinking and learning on-the-go. Positive outcomes of gaming include players’ enhanced learning, problem solving skills, and logical thinking (Sandford & Williamson, 2006). In the context of esports, a study by Weiss and Schiele (2013) highlighted that gamers self-descriptions emphasize competence, skills, and competitiveness. GAMER IDENTITY Gamer is a term that encompasses any individual who plays video games. The notion of who counts as a gamer is a crucial aspect to studying video games within a cultural-studies framework (Shaw, 2010). Today, video games have become so ubiquitous that they have permeated mainstream entertainment and popular culture. To this end, the Entertainment Software Association (2022) recently found that 66% of all Americans, approximately 215 million people, play some type of video game regularly. Interestingly, 52% of these gamers are male, and 48% are female. Gamers have historically been defined by a certain geek style. Geeks are often considered fragile, feminine, and not athletic (Kendall, 2011). The concept of geek masculinity was introduced by Taylor (2012) to describe esports players as harnessing technical mastery over technology and a breadth of knowledge about a particular game. As part of this techno-masculine culture, gamers have been described as toxic due to game culture’s “othering of those perceived as outside the culture . . . and a valorization of masculinity masquerading as a particular form of ‘rationality’ ” (Massanari, 2017, p. 5). CS:GO esports players are no exception, as Voorhees and Orlando (2018) described CS:GO culture as sportive, militaristic, and masculine. These characteristics of CS:GO gamers reinforce the hegemonic model of masculinity found within game culture (Rogstad, 2021). For many gamers and game spectators, video games are a casual activity; they come and go as they please. Meanwhile, for others, video games are a daily activity that heavily influences their self-identity and social life. One’s gamer identity is defined by what they play and how they play (Shaw, 2010). What they play encompasses not only the platform individuals use to play video games such as a personal computer (PC), console (PlayStation, Xbox, etc.), or phone/tablet, but additionally, the genre of games that they prefer (such as FPS). How they play refers to the frequency, concentration, amount

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of effort, and dedication that one puts into the activity of gaming. Highly identified gamers, such as esports players, tend to play and watch video games more often than casual or leisurely gamers. ESPORTS The ways in which esports audiences come to understand esports performances is through the consumption of esports texts. From a scholarly perspective Counter-Strike has inspired various publications since its 1999 release. Wright et al. (2002) investigated patterns of in-game communication among Counter-Strike players by examining log text files from 70 hours of CS gameplay as well as interviews and participant observation data. The authors identified five general categories of in-game communication: creative game talk, game conflict talk, insult/distancing talk, performance talk, and game technical/external talk. They posited that CS serves as an environment in which one may study human performances in a mock combat setting: “When you play a multiplayer FPS video game, like Counter-Strike, you enter a complex social world, a subculture, bringing together all of the problems and possibilities of power relationships dominant in the non-virtual world” (p. 103). Wright et al. (2002) concluded that becoming proficient in insider language and behavior is imperative if players wish to excel from a novice newbie to an experienced veteran. In a recent study, Irwin, Naweed, and Lastella (2021) observed 50 hours of professional CS:GO tournaments on Twitch highlighting prevalent communicative forms of trash talking in CS:GO. Trash talking is a pervasive element in multiplayer game culture (Nakamura, 2012) involving offensive and hurtful comments, and taunts that aim to distract one’s opponent. Irwin et al. (2021) call attention to various ways in which “CS:GO . . . brings relationships between professional players, their competitors, and those within the broader society . . . into the fore, enabling spectatorship and exchange of experiences” (p. 6). Trash talking is enacted by players, casters, analysts, and spectators within the esports community. While some trash talk may be perceived as sarcastic and humorous, excessive trash talk is associated with toxic behavior. The authors concluded that trash talking is a unique aspect of FPS culture, which persists even in the professional esports scene. The section below provides an in-depth look at players, spectators, and other esports participants.



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Esports Players: Professional vs. Amateur Focusing on the classification of esports players, Stein and Scholz (2016) identified three distinct categories: casual, amateur, and professional. The amount of effort, concentration, and dedication individuals put into gaming contributes to their classification. Esports players “regularly train, compete, and participate in leagues and tournaments” (Martončik, 2015, p. 208). Professional esports players are considered masters of their esport—meaning, they are better than most others at a particular game and play not only online, but in-person at high-stakes, high-pressure LAN (local area network, or in-person) events. They regularly train for 10 to 12 hours each day on average, either alone or with their team, to fine-tune their skills and expertise (Taylor, 2012). Because of this, esports players experience injuries (such as burnout) that differ from traditional athletes and retire at earlier points in their careers. Professional esports play involves “embodied skill and mastery, technical facility, game and systems mastery, tactical and strategic thinking, skilled improvisation, social and psychological skills, and at the top-most end, career and institutional savvy” (Taylor, 2012, p. 90). At the professional level, players embody skill and mastery when they are practicing and competing. They display impressive cognitive work in not only becoming experts in their games but in skillful displays within the game itself involving their eyes, ears, and hands. Regarding technical facility, professionalism among esports players is displayed in their knowledge and abilities to customize and manage user interfaces, troubleshoot technical problems involving hardware and software, and speak confidently about technical matters within gamer and esports culture. Game and systems mastery concerns players’ engagement with a game as a system with a fixed rule set and win conditions. Continuous engagement with a particular game and game mode (for instance, competitive CS:GO), results in a deeper understanding of how components work within the system, allowing players to advance in the game. In CS:GO, players must know all maps, weapons, and utility as well as “understanding the physics of a system, and knowing basics like commands, macros, and shortcuts” (Taylor, 2012, p. 93). In concert with game and systems mastery, professional players must master league and tournament rules, which involve intricate details and game exploits that amateur players may not even know about—but which could result in disqualification for a player and/or team. At the core of professional esports play, strategic and tactical mastery is what separates amateur and semi-pro players from professionals. Professional players engage in “a sophisticated form of cognitive and physical work, mediated through technology and perfected through hours of play with others” (Taylor, 2012, p. 94). They routinely enact skilled improvisation and

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imagination in both their practice and play. While many amateur players are able to master certain moves and techniques, and learn new strategies, professional players continually innovate new play options and exhaustively practice them before revealing them in important matches. Social and psychological skills are also a major aspect of professional esports play. From the moment a player joins their first esports team, they become embedded in a social network and community of practice. By playing in competitive matches, players become socialized to particular expectations and norms within a game. At the professional level, players develop mental models of their opponents by conducting research and watching replays of opponents’ prior matches. Much like a baseball pitcher studying opposing batters, this is done to counteract, and out-strategize opponents’ play. In team-based FPS esports such as CS:GO, players must learn how to overcome social and psychological challenges to become better team members. Learning one’s particular role on a team, how to work in concert with teammates, how to listen to and make call-outs, how to give and receive directions, and how to handle criticism are all critical skills for esports players (Taylor, 2012). Even the best individual esports players are unsuccessful when unable to work with and communicate with teammates. Professional players are faced with additional social and psychological challenges such as learning how to behave before, during, and after matches. Trash talking between opponents is common in esports. Players learn early on how to use trash talk to get into their opponents’ head, throwing off their focus. While amateur players may get away with excessive trash talk and post-game celebrations, professional players do not. Professional players are tasked with knowing proper practices in a variety of contexts, paying close attention to league and tournament rules as well as the cultural norms of nations in which those leagues and tournaments occur. A major factor dividing esports professionals with long careers and those with short careers involves their attention to career and institutional savvy. Successful esports professionals tend to build a “recognizable name/brand for themselves, having a public reputation dealing with contracts and sponsorships, changing teams as needed to maintain a stable playing trajectory and . . . adapting their play to fit the evolving nature of the competitive scene” (Taylor, 2012, pp. 97–98). Unlike traditional sports, professional esports players often do not have agents who help navigate institutional opportunities and contracts. In some popular esports such as CS:GO, however, this notion is changing as players have recently formed a union to protect themselves from unfair labor practices and increasingly hire agents at the professional level (Yossarian, 2018). Recently, professional esports players have reported earning high salaries, but like the grassroots days of esports, players still rely on tournament prize money for most of their income.



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ESPORTS PLAYER MOTIVATION Researchers Weiss and Schiele (2013) highlighted competition, challenge, and escapism as need-gratifications that positively affected esports use, and found social relationship needs as insignificant among esports players. In an examination of numerous types of esports players’ life goals, Martončik (2015) highlighted that esports can function as a means of satisfying the need for power as well as the need for belonging. Focusing on Counter-Strike and World of Warcraft players’ motives for multiplayer gaming, FrostlingHenningsson (2009) identified social aspects and escapism as primary motives. At the professional level, esports players seek extrinsic benefits including prize money and social status within gaming communities. These findings suggest that different genres, games, and game modes are played to satisfy a variety of needs By focusing solely on players, we often neglect key social actors that are essential to the development of the esports industry. When considering the history of esports, spectators are significant stakeholders, “Whether waiting for a turn at an arcade machine, having a console controller passed over, or watching a heated online battle continue after your character has ‘died,’ spectating has been a part of gaming since the beginning.” (Taylor, 2018, p. 37). Without spectators, esports would not be possible. Esports Spectators Esports spectators represent two distinct entertainment cultures in gaming and watching esports, which results in the construction of a new form of audience (Taylor, 2018). Spectators are not directly playing the game, but instead are following the game as it is being played by others (Cheung & Huang, 2011). Cheung and Huang (2011) explored esports spectators in the popular real-time strategy game Starcraft and categorized spectators into nine different types: crowd, commentator, assistant, entertained, unsatisfied, pupil, inspired, curious, and bystanders. Many esports spectators are also players. This is a unique feature of esports spectatorship in comparison to traditional sport spectatorship. In traditional sports, spectators are widely understood as those who watch others play, but not regarded as (active) participants of the sport activity itself (Guttmann, 1986; Whannel 2009). Esports spectatorship is often enacted for the purpose of using knowledge gained into one’s own gaming experience or practice. Thus, because of playing certain games, individuals tend to watch certain esports. Rather than watching purely for entertainment purposes, spectators

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watch experienced players and teams to learn from professionals, which they can later employ in their own play (Reeves et al., 2009). Esports Fandom Spectatorship plays a significant role in the identification of individuals as esports fans. To be a fan of something involves more than casual consumption. It includes strong, positive relationships with objects of fandom such as media texts (Gray, 2003). Much of what makes a fan comes from identity, thoughts, and social interactions, which influence one’s eventual consumption (Crawford, 2004). Fans often self-identify by attending events, wearing related merchandise, and engaging with media objects such as esports broadcasts (Abercrombie & Longhurst, 1998). Three factors emphasized in fandom studies include “strong attachment to the media text, participation in communities around the media text, and production and consumption around the text” (Newbury, 2017, p. 18). Like the classification of esports players, esports fans may be classified as high- and low-level fans. High-level fans are more likely to attend live esports events, pay greater amounts of money for tickets, spend money on esport-related merchandise, and are fans for a greater number of years than others. In contrast, low-level fans illustrate lower levels of emotion related to esports, less financial commitment, and less overall involvement with interpretive communities of which they are members (O’Shea & Alonso, 2012). Esports spectatorship is influenced by cultural contexts and often occurs within a network of social and cultural practices in a shared community of gamers (Arnseth, 2006). Esports fans typically identify with certain communities to fulfill a need to gain cohesion and resist isolation. Esports fans of specific video game genres, titles, and teams/organizations can be considered their own interpretive community in that they are exclusive. Fans of Counter-Strike represent one of the oldest gaming communities, and over the past 22 years have accumulated a global fan base that exceeds most other game titles and esports. The crafting of esports fan culture takes place in a variety of venues including in-person at competitions as well as online and on television through recorded streams and programs (Christophers & Scholz, 2010). At professional esports events, those who come to watch often become immersed in the competitive culture (Seo & Jung, 2016). These competitions “authenticate the consumption of esports in a real world, traversing the boundaries between what consumers do inside the computer games and how they engage with esports offline” (Seo & Jung, 2016, p. 12). Esports events offer fans a site to share their devotion to gaming and esports with other like-minded individuals.



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Esports fans exceedingly consume esports events digitally. Today, like-minded individuals who share a common understanding and appreciation of esports can consume the activity in ways that were unavailable just a few years ago. The emergence of esports broadcasts and media coverage in contemporary culture have contributed significantly to the growth of esports audiences. The expansion of broadband and online streaming video has been essential for the growth of esports spectatorship, allowing easy access to esports competitions for global audiences (Taylor, 2018). Additionally, specialized viewing tools exist today that allow consumers to watch esports on a multiplicity of media including phones, tablets, laptops, computers, and televisions. Esports audiences typically watch others playing competitive games for the purpose of obtaining some desired end or satisfying some need (Chen, 2011). They are motivated to watch competitions in order to learn about games, but also to facilitate escapism (Georgen et al., 2015). As esports broadcasts and events are still a relatively new phenomenon, more research in this area should highlight additional gratifications sought by audiences in a variety of esports genres. Esports Casters An essential component of the esports experience are the casters (Li, 2017). Like traditional sportscasts, two sets of casters are typically employed: color commentators and play-by-play announcers. Both sets of casters are armed with deep gameplay knowledge, familiarity with players and teams, and knowledge of current events in a particular esports scene. Esports color commentators typically set the stage for competitions by introducing players, teams, and others involved in esports events, as well as providing meaning to the events. The action presented on-screen is described in real-time by play-by-play announcers who provide a rapid flow of the action taking place on-screen (Li, 2017). Play-by-play announcers teach audiences how to understand esports broadcasts as similar to traditional sportscasts with a narrative style (Sell, 2015). These casters provide discourses that supply audiences with the knowledge necessary to understand both watching the game and playing the game. They not only teach new players about the game being broadcasted, but through their dialogue they further spectators’ knowledge of every intricate aspect of the game. Casters provide a variety of discourses including insight into strategies and citing statistics that contribute to important spectator understandings (Li, 2017). In traditional sportscasts, commentators may cite free-throw percentages or batting averages of players, whereas in esports such as CS:GO,

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casters cite statistics such as a player’s kill-to-death ratio (KDR) or a team’s win percentage on a particular map. Additionally, casters break down strategies and provide in-depth explanations of how and why particular strategies succeeded or failed. As a result, players learn various aspects of a game through esports broadcast imagery and discourses (Georgen et al., 2015). Unlike traditional sportscasts, in-game action must be captured using in-game software rather than a camera. Thus, individuals with a particular skill set and game understanding known as observers control the in-game camera. Observers choose to prioritize certain action such as gun battles, bomb plants/defusals, and grenade throws that are then displayed on-screen during broadcasts (Li, 2017). While this may seem simple, an entire broadcast may be ruined by an untrained observer if they are unable to capture the most relevant action taking place each round. Mike Burks, producer of the CGS stated, “Counter-Strike is hard for television because scoring can occur anyplace within the game” (quoted in Kane, 2008, p. 221). Gender Representation Sports broadcasters have continuously covered men’s and women’s sports/ athletes differently. Overall, women’s sports received significantly less coverage and are framed or presented using gender stereotypes (Cooky, Messner, & Hextrum, 2013; Duncan & Messner, 1994; Huffman, Tuggle, & Rosengard, 2004; Kian, Vincent, & Mondella, 2008; Sheffer, 2020). Despite the growth of females participating in sports and the increase in female fans (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2013), sports broadcasters continue to ignore female athletes, downplay their athletic ability, and discount the number of female fans (Cooky et al., 2013; Kian et al., 2008). For instance, a study by Weber and Carini (2013) found that women athletes appeared on the covers of Sports Illustrated a mere 4.9% of the time. Regarding female fans, researchers Sheffer and Schultz (2014) revealed that of heavy sports-media consumers, women consumed more sports information via social media than men. Public perceptions are greatly influenced by how the media portrays subjects in images, especially regarding gender (Sherwood et al., 2016). Media images directly influence the public’s attitude, beliefs, and behavior (Kang, 1997). When it comes to sports coverage this is especially true. Duncan (1990) argued that sports “photographs do not simply create images of women or girls, men or boys; they construct differences between females and males and address viewers as though the differences are natural and real” (pp. 24–25). Despite the growth of female athletes and fans, sport is still viewed through the lens of masculinity and generally considered a male endeavor (Hardin & Greer, 2009; Koivula, 1995; Messner, 2002). These long-established norms



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of male dominance in traditional sports have also taken hold in the esports environment. Esports “discursively link masculinity, athleticism, and competition together in very similar ways” (Rogstad, 2021, p.15). Esports are profoundly male-dominated, and females represent a significantly lower proportion of esports participants and fans (Entertainment Software Association, 2022). This is surprising because in esports, unlike many traditional sports, “physical attributes are unrelated to high performance . . . allowing both men and women to compete in the same events” (Rogstad, 2021, p. 2). Contributing to the lack of female representation in FPS esports is the path individuals take to professionalization in FPS games. In FPS games like CS:GO, esports players construct their gamer identities in line with FPS esport communities and cultural norms. Esports culture has been described as misogynistic and even homophobic (Taylor, 2012). Additionally, competitive gaming has been characterized as “jocktronics” (Brookey & Oates, 2015) due to the prevalence of competitive, high-tech, and masculine forces that shape the phenomena. FPS video games, and especially competitive FPS esports, tend to remediate elements of entertainment and recreation that are culturally established as masculine (Brookey & Oates, 2015). In the context of esports, technical expertise and competitiveness combine with elements of hegemonic masculinity in a performance of manliness. Brookey and Oates (2015) explained that esports “employs hypermasculine discourses that glorify cyberathletes and high-stakes competition as a strategy to legitimate its claim to sport” (p. 86). This masculinity is performed through the institutional marginalization of females, and communicative segregation of gendered space. Geek masculinity in esports has powerful consequences. Across all esports titles, women represent only 5% of professional players (Kuss et al., 2022). Few women have access to and operate within professional FPS esports. They are largely invisible, or sparsely displayed as casters, interviewers, or audience members—not players or coaches (PaaBen et al., 2016). While the aforementioned descriptions of FPS game and esports culture suggest several reasons for the lack of representation of women in esports contexts, it is possible that female gamers are judged most for their gender, and not their abilities or accomplishments (Kuss et al., 2022). The “collision of ideologies surrounding gender, technology, and sports puts women gamers in an incredibly precarious position” (Taylor, 2012, p. 122). Female esports players are constantly challenged by males (who dominate the scene) in terms of their commitment to- and experience in esports. The pervasive argument is that men are simply better at these types of games, and take them more seriously than women, especially in esports against top tier talent. These notions are reinforced in a recent review of gender and

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esports literature by Rogstad (2021), who concluded, “esports environments are shaped by the hegemonic masculinity dominating other sporting contexts” (p. 15). Furthermore, two recent studies highlight the prevalence of masculinity in professional FPS esports broadcasts. Young and Strait (2019) conducted a critical analysis of professional Counter-Strike: Global Offensive (CS:GO) league broadcasts focusing on ELEAGUE, the first regularly televised professional CS:GO league in the United States. After observing and analyzing ELEAGUE season one, the authors concluded that “the audience, at least in the popular imaginary if not also in fact, appears overwhelmingly young, white, middle-class, and male” (p. 178). This study suggests that even in recent years, FPS esports continue to be a young, predominantly male, and white space. In a similar study, Turtiainen, Friman, and Ruotsalainen (2020) conducted a thematic analysis comparing professional Overwatch World Cup and FIFA World Cup broadcasts focusing on presentation of teams, players, and audience among other criteria. The authors highlighted how esports broadcasts mirror traditional sportscasts in form and function. In both Overwatch and FIFA, World Cup broadcasts showcase players and important community figures using discourses and images which tend to be strongly gendered. Centering on the Overwatch broadcast, the authors concluded that the role of experts tended to be filled by current or former (cyber) athletes, coaches, and other officials. The experts in Overwatch esports were all male. Thusly, Turtiainen et al. (2020) concluded that FPS esports are an arena for “performing, enforcing, and maintaining hegemonic masculinity” (p. 357). Admittedly, some female esports players, teams, and leagues exist. The contemporary FPS esports scene, however, is deeply segregated with men and women playing on different teams and in separate leagues and tournaments (Taylor, 2012). Female-only esports competitions aggrandize weaker play compared to their male counterparts who, at least in FPS esports, tend to perform at higher skill levels and make fewer mistakes. In 2022, ESL launched a new professional CS:GO league for women called the ESL Impact League. The inaugural season began in March and concluded in June 2022 with a 123,000-dollar prize pool. Popular CS:GO news website HLTV.org recently published an article recounting the league’s success, highlighting how “female CS almost died . . . thanks to ESL Impact, it’s getting reborn again” (CarbonDogma, 2022, p. 2). While this is a step toward a more inclusive space, toxicity and sexism are still cited as significant hindrances for female gamers.



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CONCLUSION This chapter summarized the current literature on game culture, gamers, esports, and gender representation focusing on FPS esports. We now discuss the beginning of a renewal and transformation of gamer representations in contemporary culture. Identities and cultures are made and remade through communication (Grossberg, 2010). To understand the relationship between a particular culture and communication, one must consider individuals’ or groups’ works and practices (Williams, 1983). The literature reviewed above exist as significant objects of knowledge used to understand how FPS game culture and gamers work (Grano, 2016). Texts concerning esports culture and gamer identity generate meanings that have complex cultural resonance. These texts provide a space in which representations of FPS gamers and esports culture work to reproduce certain objects of knowledge and cultural experiences. Esports as a cultural experience reflects specific rituals, values, understandings and narratives through shared experiences and objects of knowledge. Each video game and game mode are played to satisfy various needs. FPS esports and the gamers who comprise the scene represent a unique subculture within both gaming and esport cultures. CS:GO in specific represents a subculture of players and spectators who are not only entertained by, but learn from professional broadcasts, and employ tactics, strategies, and even jargon in their own gameplay. The Counter-Strike community is global and considered the oldest among team-based FPS esports communities today. FPS esports culture and gamers have significantly changed since 1999 when Counter-Strike was released. FPS esports began as grassroots, niche, leisure activities. In the 2000s through the early 2010s, FPS esports became framed as sports, highlighting the importance of competition, formalization, and professionalization. Today FPS esports have transformed into sport-like media entertainment spectacles, which impact the gamers who comprise the scene. Over the course of multiple decades, FPS esports such as CS:GO have grown a community and culture around them that reflect both video game and sports rituals, values, and understandings. In the Counter-Strike community, importance is placed on insider language pertinent to the game, and competitive esports mode. Technical facility is held in high regard as community members are expected to harness knowledge regarding PC gaming, FPS gaming, matters within CS:GO, and esports culture. Like traditional sports, FPS esports such as CS:GO involve competitions that require certain skills involving technical, strategic, and tactical mastery. At the professional level, a heavy emphasis is placed on professionalism through effort and dedication to gaming. Players are held as cyberathletes

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who dedicate their lives to technical expertise, competition, and the pursuit of FPS esports greatness. Because esports players begin their careers very young, and make their living by staring into monitors, existing in a digital reality for several hours every day, they experience psychological challenges more than physical ones. At the amateur level, immaturity and toxicity are a recurring theme. Additionally, geek masculinity is central to understanding gender and gaming, especially in FPS esports. The FPS esports scene is still described as misogynistic, homophobic, and masculine (Voorhees & Orlando, 2018). This has negatively impacted women, as they continue to be challenged by males in the FPS esports space and questioned for their inferior skills and dedication to the game. Females in this space are still widely considered invisible or under-represented, however, the creation of new leagues such as ESL Impact may pave the way for a more inclusive FPS esports culture in the future. Although FPS game culture, gamer, and esports literature still represent gamers as an exclusive category, the space is changing for the better. With more than 215 million gamers in America, it is encouraging that 48% are female (Entertainment Software Association, 2022). Admittedly, the FPS esport scene is still male dominated, young, and predominantly white. The future of FPS esports, however, appears focused on becoming more inclusive with leagues such as ESL Impact. These female leagues contribute to the visibility of women as gamers, dispelling the myth of gaming as a masculine activity, and providing future female gamers with role models who more closely resemble them. REFERENCES Abercrombie, N., & Longhurst, B. J. (1998). Audiences: A Sociological Theory of Performance and Imagination. SAGE. Arnseth, H. C. (2006). Learning to Play or Playing to Learn—A Critical Account of the Models of Communication Informing Educational Research on Computer Gameplay. Game Studies, 6(1). http:​//​gamestudies​.org​/0601​/articles​/arnseth Bartholl, A. (2007). First person shooter. In F. von Borries, S. P. Walz, & M. Böttger (Eds.), Space Time Play: Computer Games, Architecture and Urbanism: The Next Level (pp. 318–321). Springer Science & Business Media. CarbonDogma. (2022, June 17). How ESL Impact is keeping the women’s scene alive. HLTV.Org. https:​//​www​.hltv​.org​/news​/34037​/how​-esl​-impact​-is​-keeping​-the​ -womens​-scene​-alive Chen, G. M. (2011). Tweet this: A uses and gratifications perspective on how active Twitter use gratifies a need to connect with others. Computers in Human Behavior, 27(2), 755–762. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​/j​.chb​.2010​.10​.023



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Cheung, G., & Huang, J. (2011). Starcraft from the Stands: Understanding the Game Spectator. Proceedings of the SIGCHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, 763–772. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1145​/1978942​.1979053 Christophers, J., & Scholz, T. (2010). ESports Yearbook 2009. BoD—Books on Demand. Crawford, G. (2004). Consuming Sport: Fans, Sport, and Culture. International Journal of Sports Marketing and Sponsorship, 6(2), 47–62. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1108​ /IJSMS​-06​-02​-2004​-B007 Entertainment Software Association. (2022). 2022 Essential Facts About the Video Game Industry. Entertainment Software Association. https:​//​www​.theesa​.com​/ resource​/2022​-essential​-facts​-about​-the​-video​-game​-industry​/ Frostling-Henningsson. (2009). First-Person Shooter Games as a Way of Connecting to People: “Brothers in Blood.” CyberPsychology & Behavior, 12(5). https:​//​www​ .liebertpub​.com​/doi​/abs​/10​.1089​/cpb​.2008​.0345 Galyonkin, S. (2018). App data: Counter-Strike: Global Offensive. SteamSpy—All the Data about Steam Games. http:​//​steamspy​.com​/app​/730 Georgen, C., Duncan, S. C., & Cook, L. (2015). From Lurking to Participatory Spectatorship: Understanding Affordances of the Dota 2 Noob Stream. https:​//​ repository​.isls​.org//​handle​/1​/470 Grano, D. (2016). Sport as Critical/Cultural Studies. In A. C. Billings (Ed.), Defining Sport Communication (pp. 26–39). Taylor & Francis. Gray, J. (2003). New Audiences, New Textualities: Anti-Fans and Non-Fans. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 6(1), 64–81. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​ /1367877903006001004 Grossberg, L. (2010). Cultural Studies in the Future Tense. Duke University Press. Kane, M. (2008). Game Boys: Professional Videogaming’s Rise from the Basement to the Big Time. Penguin. Kendall, L. (2011). “White and nerdy”: Computers, race, and the nerd stereotype. The Journal of Popular Culture, 44(3), 505–524. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1111​/j​.1540–5931​ .2011​.00846​.x Kowert, R., Griffiths, M. D., & Oldmeadow, J. A. (2012). Geek or Chic? Emerging Stereotypes of Online Gamers. Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society, 32(6), 471–479. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/0270467612469078 Kuss, D. J., Kristensen, A. M., Williams, A. J., & Lopez-Fernandez, O. (2022). To Be or Not to Be a Female Gamer: A Qualitative Exploration of Female Gamer Identity. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 19(3), 1169. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.3390​/ijerph19031169 Lam, K. (2016, March 10). Global Offensive: A curtain of cheats and their inevitable fall. ESPN. http:​//​www​.espn​.com​/esports​/story​/​_​/id​/14942404 Martončik, M. (2015). e-Sports: Playing just for fun or playing to satisfy life goals? Computers in Human Behavior, 48, 208–211. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​/j​.chb​.2015​ .01​.056 Massanari, A. (2017). #Gamergate and The Fappening: How Reddit’s algorithm, governance, and culture support toxic technocultures. New Media & Society, 19(3), 329–346. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/1461444815608807

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Nakamura, L. (2012). “It’s a Nigger in Here! Kill the Nigger!” In The International Encyclopedia of Media Studies. John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1002​ /9781444361506​.wbiems159 Newbury, E. M. H. (2017). The Case of Competitive Video Gaming and its Fandom: Media Objects, Fan Practices, and Fan Identities. Cornell. Paaßen, B., Morgenroth, T., & Stratemeyer, M. (2017). What is a true gamer? The male gamer stereotype and the marginalization of women in video game culture. Sex Roles, 76(7), 421–435. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/s11199​-016​-0678​-y https:​//​ ecommons​.cornell​.edu​/handle​/1813​/59073 Reeves, S., Brown, B., & Laurier, E. (2009). Experts at Play: Understanding Skilled Expertise. Games and Culture, 4(3), 205–227. Sandford, R., & Williamson, B. (2006). Futurelab: Games and learning. https:​//​ telearn​.archives​-ouvertes​.fr​/hal​-00190333 Sell, J. (Jesse C. (2015). E-sports broadcasting. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.  https:​//​dspace​.mit​.edu​/handle​/1721​.1​/97996 Seo, Yuri, & Jung, Sang-Uk. (2016). Beyond Solitary Play in Computer Games: The Social Practices of eSports. Journal of Consumer Culture, 16(3).  (https:​//​doi​.org​/10​ .1177​/1469540514553711 Shaw, A. (2010). What is video game culture? Cultural studies and game studies. Games and Culture, 5(4), 403–424. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/1555412009360414 Shaw, A. (2012). Do you identify as a gamer? Gender, race, sexuality, and gamer identity. New Media & Society, 14(1), 28–44. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​ /1461444811410394 Taylor, T. L. (2018). Watch Me Play: Twitch and the Rise of Game Live Streaming. Princeton University Press. van Driel, I. I., Gantz, W., & Lewis, N. (2019). Unpacking What It Means to Be—Or Not Be—A Fan. Communication & Sport, 7(5), 611–629. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​ /2167479518800659 Voorhees, G. A., Call, J., & Whitlock, K. (2012). Guns, Grenades, and Grunts: First-person Shooter Games. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. Voorhees, G. A., & Orlando, A. (2018). Performing neoliberal masculinity: Reconfiguring hegemonic masculinity in professional gaming. In Masculinities in Play (pp. 211–227). Palgrave Macmillan. Weiss, T., & Schiele, S. (2013). Virtual worlds in competitive contexts: Analyzing eSports consumer needs. Electronic Markets, 23(4), 307–316. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​ .1007​/s12525​-013​-0127​-5 Williams, R. (1983). Culture and Society, 1780–1950. Columbia University Press. Wright, T., Boria, E., & Breidenbach, P. (2002). Creative player actions in FPS online video games: Playing Counter-Strike. Game Studies, 2(2), 103–123. Yossarian. (2018, June 29). Players’ Association announced. HLTV.Org. https:​//​www​ .hltv​.org​/news​/24063​/players​-association​-announced

Chapter 3

Transfixing, Transporting, and Toxic Troubling Experiences for Gender and Racial Minorities in Esports Spaces Joshua R. Jackson, Cameron A. Panhans, and Andrew C. Billings

Much of the appeal of esports resides in the intense play, the ability to become someone else, and the interactivity found in the spaces in which the games unfold (Hou & Billings, 2021). However, those same aspects help facilitate some of the field’s most troubling components. Motives for play have long been established within the subcategories of social influence, psychological connection, and hedonic needs (Kim et al., 2013), but in-group/out-group distinctions make the esports environment considerably less inviting for those falling outside of the realm of what is considered the majority or mainstream. According to Seo (2013), a strong convergence of Asian and Western esports cultures created an international aspect to esports, while—intentional or not—excluding other groups that fall outside of these two in the process. Because a large majority of esports competitors are Asian or white, other populations such as Black or Hispanic people may feel there is less opportunity or space in esports for those belonging to these groups. In terms of gender, esports is garnering a greater proportion of female participants than ever before (Colormatics, 2022), yet these women still find themselves within a clear minority. Just 8% of all collegiate esports participants, for instance, 29

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identify as women (Darvin, 2022). Esports have continually been found to mirror traditional sports in motivational regards (Brown et al., 2018), but it appears these virtual spaces are facing even larger obstacles in the battle for racial and gender equity (Rogers, 2018). Even as esports organizations and participants move toward formal structures and gatekeeping, the space still represents a metaphorical wild west regarding regulation and online safety from a variety of ills. This chapter will focus on the struggles people of color as non-male participants experience when seeking to join and thrive within the esports community. More specifically, the chapter chronicles (a) racial mistreatment, (b) gendered mistreatment, (c) the role anonymity plays in stoking this mistreatment, (d) Twitch’s unique placement within these controversies, before articulating moderating roles of (e) unequal access and (f) inadequate recruitment of more diverse populations within esports spaces. The structure of the chapter somewhat mirrors a problem-cause-solution format that ultimately provides heuristics for fruitful paths forward for enhanced minority participation in future esports iterations. ON HARASSMENT Many scholars have explored the influence of harassment on gamers. It is no secret to scholars that misogyny and hostility towards women and minorities online permeates through the gaming world, often resulting in those communities on the receiving end of harassing behavior with little ability to remedy the situation (Holden et al., 2020). A lack of social support and the frequency of harassment online can lead those gamers to play games by themselves, conceal their identity when online, or play exclusively with groups of people that they know from offline contexts (McLean & Griffiths, 2018). Further, in-depth interviews demonstrate that even though female gamers may employ the strategies that McLean and Griffiths (2018) outline, they are frequently active in the process of combating harassment from others online (Cote, 2015). An alternative approach to harassment in the gaming world has investigated the ways in which the individuals performing the harassing behavior perceive their actions. Held in contrast to face-to-face contexts, aggressive or harassing behavior occurring in online contexts is often judged by different norms where much of the harassment is simply seen as “trolling” and thus is seen as not necessarily problematic (Hilvert-Bruce & Neil, 2020), creating a particularly worrisome scenario when applied to the context of esports. Generally, the “trolling” that occurs in gaming cannot be founded in some sort of knowledge about a particular person. Often gamers insult the gameplay of

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others or, if they can identify a player as female, can make sexist or misogynistic remarks, but at least the harassment typically stops there. Once gaming content is streamed, especially those who play competitively, the presence of a live feed displaying the streamer on stream allows for viewers or “trolls” to comment on the streamer’s appearance. Furthermore, if the individual harassing a streamer elects to continue the harassment over an extended period of time, they can begin to uncover personal details about the streamer through the process of watching their content, adding an additional problematic layer of the harassment that can amplify the threat being experienced. Mistreatment of Minorities (Race) As an extension of the gaming community, the esports community struggles with the toxic environment that seemingly arises as part and parcel of gaming culture (Hoffman et al., 2022). That toxicity includes the perpetuation of violence, homophobia, transphobia, sexism, racism, and a confluence of other troubling behaviors. Some gamers report being harassed on a near-daily basis and those who stream their gameplay on platforms such as Twitch have been susceptible to digital attacks that may prevent them from feeling comfortable enough to compete at a professional level (Polhamus, 2022). These digital attacks can come in the form of hate raids (Thach et al., 2022), consisting of users and/or bots spamming the streamer’s chat with slurs and other forms of hate speech, hacking a user’s account, phishing to obtain user information, or even doxing, defined as the public release of personal information of an individual by a third party (Douglas, 2016). This toxic behavior has become frequent as stream snipers, bots, and hate speech embed themselves into the culture of online gaming and esports. Professional esport athletes—and those who aspire to turn professional, typically stream their gameplay in order to become known and financially successful. In an environment in which streaming is considered essential, and where White and Asian males predominate, other marginalized communities on these platforms experience heightened levels of this harassment (Packwood, 2018). Such problems appeared in May 2021, when Black streamers were attacked by daily hate raids for several months. Thousands of messages percolated within their chat rooms calling them slurs, threatening violence, and degrading them based on their race (Asarch, 2021). Twitch had done little to address the issue, stating these were isolated incidents but failed to act outside of suggesting streamers ban specific accounts (Asarch, 2021). Because of Twitch’s inaction, Black streamers banded together in September 2021 to boycott the platform for an entire day and draw attention to the issue through #TwitchDoBetter. While Twitch responded to the boycott with a promise to do more to uplift minority streamers, the manifestation of

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that promise, at the time of this writing, has been minimal. Twitch’s most notable effort has been placing streamers belonging to marginalized groups on the front page of the website, allowing smaller, minority streamers more exposure. However, requests to Twitch to focus on eliminating hate speech users or bots for example have been largely unsuccessful. Creating enough accounts to establish a hate raid on Twitch is fairly simple; the only requirement is a working email. Bot accounts with spam emails can be purchased with some sites offering 100 accounts for $5 (Asarch, 2021). Streamers can protect themselves by limiting their chats to “subscriber-only” modes where paying viewers are the only ones who can speak in the chat, however, this limits the growth of a stream, which is particularly problematic for minority communities struggling to find a viable space within the community. Minorities seeking to continue gaming are faced with the conflict of accepting the daily harassment in hopes that their popularity and income will grow to the point that subscriber-only models prove viable. According to a Pew Research Center study (2021), 54 percent of Black individuals who report harassment say it is specifically attributable to their race or ethnicity. In 2022, the same thing occurred, this time targeting members of the LGBTQIA+ community, again with minimal response from Twitch. The lack of protection from harassment in digital spaces trickles down to those who may want to participate in esports (Tjønndal et al., 2022). Like other professionals in sport, these athletes are subject to harassment on social media, compounded with streaming platform harassment with little to no protections. Minorities who are skilled at games find themselves shying away from professional spotlight (Lee, 2022) to avoid further harassment as the organizations they are signed to often lack the ability and organizational infrastructure to protect each individual online. As streaming has become so heavily tied to esports, the effects of this harassment also have a trickle-down impact on the expansion of the esports community. Until better protections are in place for online-gaming participants, harassment will continue, pushing others away from pursuing esports competition. Mistreatment of Minorities (Women) One of the most prominent shifts in the world of online gaming and esports in recent years has been the increase in the number of women seeking to join the gaming community. As of 2020, women constituted more than forty percent of all gamers in the United States with this percentage rising year after year (Yokoi, 2021). Not only are more females gaming in general, but there has also been an increase in the number of women getting involved with the esports or competitive gaming scene and streaming their gaming content on sites such as Twitch (Ruvalcaba et al., 2018; Uszkoreit, 2018). As a growing

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number of females are dedicating considerable time to the world of video games, their experiences online become a particularly intriguing area of study for scholars concerned with how women navigate through a space that has long been dominated by misogyny and problematic hegemonic masculinity (Lopez-Fernandez et al., 2019; Taylor, 2006). Women who compete at the highest levels of gaming, such as Fortnite competitor “Alixxa” and professional Hearthstone player “Slyssa” note their success is frequently undermined by others in the competitive gaming scene (Gardner, 2020). Rather than having other gamers acknowledge their skill, these women are frequently accused of cheating or being “carried” to success by other established male players. Outside of just competitive esports, nearly half of all female gamers dealt with some form of gender-based discrimination, with that discrimination occurring at triple the rate of their male counterparts (Gardner, 2020). In a semi-viral TikTok, female Call of Duty (CoD) player and content creator “k8black” conducted what she termed a “sexist speedrun.” Upon entering a CoD online multiplayer lobby, k8black simply uttered the words “hey guys” into the in-game voice chat. The result: it took just over one second for another player to tell her to “get back to the kitchen.” In an attempt to ameliorate some of these concerns, professional esports organization “G2” announced in September 2022 the first all-female competitive team would compete in League of Legends (LoL) events. When discussing the announcement, team-member “Caltys” detailed how the introduction of an entirely female team into the LoL competitive scene would be a step towards ending the negative experiences that women have had while competing professionally, such as male opponents hurling “gender inequity slurs” in their direction (Gardner, 2022). In gaming sessions that are not streamed for broader publics to spectate— despite women still potentially facing both general and sexual harassment from other players—the ability to either not identify as female or to not engage in communicating with other players enables women to make an attempt to reduce the frequency of harassment (Fox & Tang, 2016). When gaming content is streamed, especially by women competing in esports, this veil of anonymity is generally removed as video game streamers frequently utilize a webcam to display live video of themselves on their stream and transmit audio from their microphone (Andronico et al., 2021). Thus, on Twitch, an influential dynamic is established where female competitors forfeit the anonymity that is typically afforded to individuals online and frequently utilized by women in order to protect themselves from harassment when gaming. On their Twitch streams, these women become instantly visible while their viewers and users in their chat logs can continue to hide behind a sense of anonymity and send harassing messages with little fear or concern for the consequences of doing so. Consequently, an imbalanced relationship is

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inherently formed, with the element of risk inordinately placed on the gamer. This further impacts the competitor’s ability to improve within the game as streaming content is treated as another form of practice. These incidents of harassment then limit how much the gamer is willing to be seen in the public eye, often deterring them from further competition (Fox & Tang, 2016). ON ANONYMITY The anonymity afforded to gamers online falls under the category of what scholars call a technological affordance, or something that (a) is not a feature of the particular communication technology an individual is using, (b) is not an outcome of the use of technology, and (c) features a certain range or level of variability (Evans et al., 2016). Fox and McEwan (2017) define anonymity as the ability for users to conceal their real identity within a certain medium. Walther (2013) notes that the presence of an affordance will prompt individuals to communicate through particular mediums in a specific fashion. Thus, when considering anonymity online, the ability for the users of a certain medium to conceal their identity likely leads them to communicate with other users in atypical fashions as opposed to face-to-face. In the gaming world, players have a variety of different options to maintain their anonymity. Options include: (a) unique usernames or gamertags that have no connection to their true identity, and (b) the ability to choose when, where, and how (or not) to utilize voice-communication technologies in-game. These different tactics allow gamers to either conceal or express aspects of their identity, including their race and gender, as they see fit. While this ability to choose how much one wants to reveal about themselves while gaming allows players to be expressive and creative, anonymity seemingly fosters more negative behaviors online. Because players can rarely be identified by their username or gamertag, they may feel as though there is next to no consequence for using sexist, homophobic, or racist language (Evans et al., 2016). In most contexts, anonymity is afforded to all users, but in the case of Twitch only viewers are afforded higher degrees of anonymity because they can both see and hear the streamer they are watching. Perhaps the greatest implication of this one-way street of anonymity on Twitch is that viewers may feel unencumbered of consequences from sending harassing messages to streamers who lack the capacity to uncover the real identity of the person who sent the message. YouTube videos in which female gamers review their “unban requests” from banned Twitch chatters highlight this, as some of the most common reasons for individuals being banned include commenting on the streamer’s physical appearance or sex appeal (Richman, 2021).

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As will be explained in greater detail in later sections, for those participating in the hate raids, this behavior is often perceived as unproblematic (Hilvert-Bruce & Neil, 2020). However, the targets of these attacks experience harassment that is very much real, with “Pokimane,” a female gamer and streamer with one of the biggest followings on Twitch, indicating that she battled with depression after she fell victim to a hate raid in January 2022 (Glaze, 2022). Other streamers who have been on the receiving end of hate raids have had their personal information, such as their home address, leaked to the public via social media (Grayson, 2021). Thus, while this form of “trolling” may appear harmless to participants, their targets find the consequences can be incredibly severe. ACCESS UNAVAILABLE A key component for being successful in the realm of esports is having reliable access to a strong internet connection (Keiper et al., 2017). While many current gamers may have grown up with the internet at their fingertips, the digital divide is still present in many communities across the world (Sanders & Scanlon, 2021). The digital divide is defined as the gaps within and between societies when it comes to use of internet and communication technology (Van Dijk, 2005). Impoverished communities, countries that control the use of the internet for its citizens, and individual circumstances factor into how much access (or lack thereof) one may have to get online and participate in esports. Without this ability to have constant access to the internet, myriad potential esports athletes do not have the proper resources to practice or compete. Those with reliable connection to the online-gaming community are often Asian or White men, leaving other minorities, including women at a distinct disadvantage (Johnson, 2019). UNICEF’s report on gender and innovation (Tyers-Chowdhury & Binder, 2021) notes that a gender gap in access should be considered a gap in “meaningful use” or internet usage for profit generation (e.g., work). Ownership of digital devices and time spent online also play a part of this disadvantage toward women. This discrepancy is attributed to several cultural norms, but also how the internet is viewed as safer for men and young boys than women and young girls (Tyers-Chowdhury & Binder, 2021). For example, rural communities in northern India banned women from using mobile phones and accessing certain websites citing it as immoral (Tyers-Chowdhury, 2021), increasing the divide for women. The digital divide’s presence has been noted by scholars for decades (Cullen, 2001), yet the move toward closing the gap has been arduous. A recent report by the Federal Communications Commission (2022) found that

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nearly six percent of the American population still lacks access to a broadband connection, translating to nearly 19 million people in the U.S. alone; 75 percent of that number live in rural areas. States in the deep south, or are largely rural, suffer most from this digital gap in America (Chakravorti, 2021). IDEA 2030, a research initiative housed in the Fletcher School at Tufts University, ranked the 50 states according to four key measures in the digital divide: infrastructure (internet speeds, broadband coverage, smartphone usage), inclusivity (equity of access), institutions (government strategy on broadband, technology for public services), and digital proficiency (how education, socioeconomic background, and more contribute to digital understanding). In that ranking, the bottom five states are Mississippi, Montana, New Mexico, West Virginia, and Alabama (Chakravorti, 2021). The digital gap is vastly inequal in a country that is the second largest commercial esports market in the world behind China, however, the divide is not a uniquely American issue. Research on the digital divide in the European Union points to the same issues of sociodemographic disadvantages to those in lower income brackets or marginalized groups, and lack of proper education on navigating the internet (Elena-Bucea et al., 2020). Countries such as Spain and Denmark, which host heavily-populated cities, reported nearly 100 percent of all households have high-speed internet (Masterson, 2022). This contrasts with countries like Greece and Cyprus, which have several rural areas, where less than half of the homes have reliable, fast internet (Masterson, 2022). The EU also experiences issues of xenophobia, racism, sexism, and homophobia online, which combined with the lack of access in some areas, contributes more to the digital divide (OCED, 2018). In June 2022, FIFA streamer and competitor LAMaynard published a series of tweets highlighting racist and sexist behavior in the FIFA gaming community (Sacco, 2022). The examples included multiple slurs and abusive statements from other competitors and their fan bases. Electronic Arts, the developer of FIFA, responded by disqualifying those competitors for hate speech but those in the community claim those playing the game have become more and more toxic each year, driving away potential interest from marginalized groups that already feel unwanted (Sacco, 2022). In Asia-Pacific, the digital divide is made apparent in countries such as Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, and the Philippines that cite the urban-rural divide, income, and culture as barriers to receiving internet equality (Jamil, 2021). Of the 4.3 billion people in the region, 52 percent remain offline (United Nations, 2020) and in South Asian countries specifically, women are more discouraged from using the internet as it doesn’t serve them in the daily tasks they are expected to do based in gender stereotypes. In this divide, women are 36 percent less likely to use the internet than men (United Nations, 2020). This, combined with a lack of representation (Ahmed, 2022),

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and those who do not view esports or streaming as viable careers (AFK Gaming, 2021) only makes it more difficult to close the digital divide, gain equal access, and participate in the field. To close this divide, scholars have made long-term suggestions (Gilbert & Masucci, 2019; Lawton, 2021). One of the biggest is greater investment from state and federal government to make the internet more accessible for all citizens regardless of status. Another key point is discussing ways for big technology companies such as Facebook and Amazon to help close these gaps. A number of these companies use high-capacity fiber lines to obtain broadband access. That same method could be used to help those in the digital gap gain more reliable access. A final suggestion is more attention should be paid to digital literacy as a means of getting more people to understand how to use the internet and limiting the dangers that come with being online such as cyber-attacks and misinformation, factors that also impact the gaming community. For esports to have longevity and equality, the digital divide targeting marginalized groups will need to be closed. Providing the means to close this gap can also help esports athletes protect themselves against, and mitigate, online harassment (Hayday & Collison, 2020) as greater understanding of trolls, bots, spam, and toxic behavior should bolster protection mechanisms, resulting in more engagement in gaming online. A smaller digital gap will allow for better recruitment methods of esports athletes, another large diversity-oriented issue in the field. LACK OF RECRUITMENT The esports industry has grown vastly over the last few years. From the expansion in viewership, types of competitions, prize money, and ability for individuals to have established careers in the field, esports has become legitimized in the eyes of scholars and supporters (McClellan et al., 2020). Because of the need for split microsecond reaction times, esports have become a game for the young with the average professional retiring around 26 years old (Lee, 2022). Because of this, recruitment to the profession begins early with some esport athletes in discussion with companies as soon as they turn the legal age of 18, with some finding the approval of a legal guardian to turn professional even sooner than that (Lee, 2022). There are three common methods of recruitment in esports. The first is to be proficient enough at the game to earn attention from teams. This method is dependent on one’s skill at the specific game as well as their ability to have consistent internet access for exposure purposes. A second method is recommendation from those already in the industry. Esport athletes who play online often become familiar with others who may not be formally signed

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to a team. Repeated encounters with those affiliated with an organization can result in eventual inquiry about becoming a professional gamer. Lastly, semi-professional athletes competing at physical competitions may also gain a following. These events, often known as local area networks (LAN), are sometimes the only way for athletes who cannot play online consistently to meet others or test their proficiency. Each of these methods further proves the limitations to diversity recruitment in esports. Similar to most other sports, becoming skilled enough at the game requires practice against others of similar levels of mastery. However, many competitive games such as NBA 2K, Apex Legends, or Valorant, high-speed require internet connection to properly compete against others. Practicing against computers does not allow athletes to develop skills, make connections, or gain popularity, each of which are essential to their subsistence as a viable player within the gaming community. Those who can only compete at LAN events spend thousands of dollars on travel, hotel, and registration costs with no guarantee of how successful they may be. LAN tournaments are often held in major cities such as Orlando, Dallas, and Atlanta, often preventing those in rural communities—or those who do not have enough funds to travel—from even being considered. For recruitment efforts to be more equal, organizations must put more emphasis in seeking out women and other minorities who may not have access to appear online frequently or at these major tournaments. Word of mouth conversations with other esport athletes are helpful in this regard yet hosting events in less populated areas to meet these potential pros would also increase diversity in the field. CONCLUSION This chapter outlined very troubling aspects of the esports community when it comes to the treatment of racial and gender minorities. Within a larger society that is continually experiencing racial and gender reckonings that force reconceptualizing normative behavior, permitting such mistreatment risks moving the esports space further outside of mainstream acceptability. Greater policing of the spaces, when combined with other participants who are allied with the cause of making esports as inclusive as possible each seem like worthy points of entry for systematic change. Much more needs to occur beyond this, from access to recruitment to the need for much more supportive Twitch policies. However, given the enormity of the participants that now reside within the esports space, efforts must advance from within the community as well.

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REFERENCES AFK Gaming. (2021, November 22). NODWIN Gaming and the state of South Asia’s esports industry. Esports Insider. https:​//​esportsinsider​.com​/2021​/11​/nodwin​ -gaming​-and​-the​-state​-of​-south​-asias​-esports​-industry Ahmed, S. (2022). Video games are lagging behind In South Asian representation. GameSpot. https:​//​www​.gamespot​.com​/articles​/video​-games​-are​-lagging​-behind​ -in​-south​-asian​-representation​/1100​-6503195​/ Andronico, M., Moore-Colyer, R., & Primbet, D. (2021, September 29). Ultimate guide to Twitch: The tips, tricks and gear you need. Tom’s Guide. https:​//​www​ .tomsguide​.com​/us​/twitch​-streaming​-guide​,review​-3009​.html. Asarch, S. (2021). Black Twitch streamers are leading a boycott of the platform amid waves of racist harassment while many top creators stay silent. Insider. https:​//​www​.insider​.com​/twitch​-streamers​-boycott​-racist​-hate​-raid​-harassment​ -twitchdobetter​-2021​-8 Brown, K. A., Billings, A. C., Puesan, L., & Murphy, B. (2018). Intersections of fandom: Does eSports fandom predict modes of traditional sport fandom? Communication & Sport, 6(4), 418–435. Chakravorti, B. (2021, July 20). How to close the digital divide in the U.S. Harvard Business Review. https://hbr.org/2021/07/how-to-close-the-digital-divide-in-the-u-s Colormatics. (2022). Esports audience demographics 2022. https:​//​www​.colormatics​ .com​/article​/esports​-audience​-demographics​/ Cote, A. C. (2016). “I can defend myself”: Women’s strategies for coping with harassment while gaming online. Games and Culture, 12(2), 136–155. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​ .1177​/1555412015587603 Cullen, R. (2001). Addressing the digital divide. Online Information Review, 25(5), 311–320. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1108​/14684520110410517 Darvin, L. (2022). At colleges nationwide, esports teams dominated by men. The Conversation. https:​//​theconversation​.com​/at​-colleges​-nationwide​-esports​-teams​ -dominated​-by​-men​-154793 Douglas, D. M. (2016). Doxing: A conceptual analysis. Ethics and Information Technology, 18(3), 199–210. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/s10676​-016​-9406​-0 Elena-Bucea, A., Cruz-Jesus, F., Oliveira, T., & Coelho, P. S. (2020). Assessing the role of age, education, gender, and income on the digital divide: Evidence for the European Union. Information Systems Frontiers, 23. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/ s10796​-020​-10012​-9 Evans, S. K., Pearce, K. E., Vitak, J., & Treem, J. W. (2016). Explicating affordances: A conceptual framework for understanding affordances in Communication Research. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 22(1), 35–52. https:​//​ doi​.org​/10​.1111​/jcc4​.12180 Federal Communications Commission. (2022). Eighth Broadband Progress Report. Federal Communications Commission. https:​//​www​.fcc​.gov​/reports​-research​/ reports​/broadband​-progress​-reports​/eighth​-broadband​-progress​-report​#:​​~:​text​ =Notwithstanding​%20this​%20progress​%2C​%20the​%20Report

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Fox, J., & McEwan, B. (2017). Distinguishing technologies for social interaction: The perceived social affordances of communication channels scale. Communication Monographs, 84(3), 298–318. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1080​/03637751​.2017​.1332418 Fox, J., & Tang, W. Y. (2016). Women’s experiences with general and sexual harassment in online video games: Rumination, organizational responsiveness, withdrawal, and coping strategies. New Media & Society, 19(8), 1290–1307. https:​//​doi​ .org​/10​.1177​/1461444816635778 Gardner, M. (2022, September 1). G2 Esports’ first all-female “league of legends” team targets mixed competition. Forbes.  https:​//​www​.forbes​.com​/sites​ /mattgardner1​/2022​/09​/01​/g2​-esports​-first​-all​-female​-league​-of​-legends​-team​ -targets​-mixed​-competition​/​?sh​=6fd4b4b246e9 Gilbert, M. R., & Masucci, M. (2019). Defining the geographic and policy dynamics of the digital divide. Handbook of the Changing World Language Map, 3653– 3671.  https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/978​-3​-030​-02438​-3​_39 Glaze, V. (2022, February 15). Pokimane says she “fell into a depression” after Jidion twitch hate raid. Dexerto. https:​//​www​.dexerto​.com​/entertainment​/pokimane​-says​ -she​-fell​-into​-a​-depression​-after​-jidion​-twitch​-hate​-raid​-1763954​/ Grayson, N. (2021, August 25). Twitch hate raids are more than just a twitch problem, and they’re only getting worse. The Washington Post.  https:​//​www​.washingtonpost​ .com​/video​-games​/2021​/08​/25​/twitch​-hate​-raids​-streamers​-discord​-cybersecurity​/ Hayday, E. J., & Collison, H. (2020). Exploring the contested notion of social inclusion and gender inclusivity within esport spaces. Social Inclusion, 8(3), 197–208. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.17645​/si​.v8i3​.2755 Hilvert-Bruce, Z., & Neill, J. T. (2020). I’m just trolling: The role of normative beliefs in aggressive behaviour in online gaming. Computers in Human Behavior, 102, 303–311. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​/j​.chb​.2019​.09​.003 Hoffman, J. L., Pauketat, R., & Varzeas, K. A. (2022). Understanding collegiate esports: A practitioner’s guide to developing community and competition. Routledge. Holden, J. T., Baker III, T. A., & Edelman, M. (2020). The #E-too movement: Fighting back against sexual harassment in electronic sports. Arizona State Law Journal, 52(1), 1–47. Hou, J., & Billings, A.C. (2021). Understanding eSports I: Are video game competitions sporting events?: Comparing 30 eSport and traditional sport spectatorship motivations. In K.A. Brown, A.C. Billings, & M. Lewis (Eds.), Revolution of the modern sports fan (pp. 171–190). Lexington Books. Jamil, S. (2021). From digital divide to digital inclusion: Challenges for wide-ranging digitalization in Pakistan. Telecommunications Policy, 45(8), 102206. https:​//​doi​ .org​/10​.1016​/j​.telpol​.2021​.102206 Johnson, X. (2019). There’s a racial gap in esports. Let’s talk about it. Medium. https:​ //​medium​.com​/@XavierJohnson707​/theres​-a​-racial​-gap​-in​-esports​-let​-s​-talk​-about​ -it​-8e8bec1114c7 Keiper, M. C., Manning, R. D., Jenny, S., Olrich, T., & Croft, C. (2017). No reason to LoL at LoL: the addition of esports to intercollegiate athletic departments. Journal

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for the Study of Sports and Athletes in Education, 11(2), 143–160. https:​//​doi​.org​ /10​.1080​/19357397​.2017​.1316001 Kim, J. W., James, J. D., & Kim, Y. K. (2013). A model of the relationship among sport  consumer motives, spectator commitment, and behavioral intentions. Sport Management Review, 16(2), 173–185. doi:10.1016/j.smr.2012.08.004 Lawton, B. (2021, February 15). COVID-19 illustrates need to close the digital divide. Papers.ssrn.com. https:​//​ssrn​.com​/abstract​=3809457 Lee, J. (2022). Esports stars have shorter careers than NFL players. Here’s why. Washington Post. https:​//​www​.washingtonpost​.com​/video​-games​/esports​/2022​/04​ /19​/esports​-age​-retirement​/ Lopez-Fernandez, O., Williams, A. J., Griffiths, M. D., & Kuss, D. J. (2019). Female gaming, gaming addiction, and the role of women within gaming culture: A narrative literature review. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 10. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.3389​/fpsyt​ .2019​.00454 Masterson, V. (2022). 70% of homes in the EU have high-speed internet—but a digital divide persists. World Economic Forum. https:​//​www​.weforum​.org​/agenda​/2022​ /09​/eu​-high​-speed​-internet​-digital​-divide​/ McClellan, G. S., Arnett, R. S., & Hueber, C. M. (2020). Esports in higher education: Fostering successful student-athletes and successful programs. Stylus Publishing, LLC. McLean, L., & Griffiths, M. D. (2018). Female gamers’ experience of online harassment and social support in online gaming: A qualitative study. International Journal of Mental Health and Addiction, 17(4), 970–994. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/ s11469​-018​-9962​-0 OCED. (2018). Bridging the digital gender divide. In OCED.org. OCED. https:​//​www​ .oecd​.org​/digital​/bridging​-the​-digital​-gender​-divide​.pdf Packwood, D. (2018, October 31). People of color and women will power the games of the future. Quartz. https:​//​qz​.com​/1433085​/the​-era​-of​-white​-male​-games​-for​ -white​-male​-gamers​-is​-ending​/ Pew Research Center. (2021). The state of online harassment. Pew Research Center. https:​//​www​.pewresearch​.org​/internet​/2021​/01​/13​/the​-state​-of​-online​-harassment​/ Polhamus, B. (2022, March 11). Hate raids return to Twitch, another wave of attacks target LGBTQIA+ streamers. Dot Esports. https:​//​dotesports​.com​/streaming​/news​/ hate​-raids​-return​-to​-twitch​-another​-wave​-of​-attacks​-target​-lgbtqia​-streamers Richman, O. (2021, March 16). Pokimane shares unfiltered messages from banned stream viewers. WIN.gg.  https:​//​win​.gg​/news​/pokimane​-shares​-unfiltered​-messages​ -from​-banned​-stream​-viewers​/ Rogers, R. (2018). How video games impact players: The pitfalls and benefits of a gaming society. Lexington Books. Ruvalcaba, O., Shulze, J., Kim, A., Berzenski, S. R., & Otten, M. P. (2018). Women’s experiences in esports: Gendered differences in peer and spectator feedback during competitive video game play. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 42(4), 295–311. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/0193723518773287

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Sacco, D. (2022, June 15). UK-based streamer LAMaynard exposes racism in the FIFA community, EA sanctions players for hate speech. Esports-News.co.uk. https:​ //​esports​-news​.co​.uk​/2022​/06​/15​/fifa​-streamer​-lamaynard​-exposes​-racism​/ Sanders, C. K., & Scanlon, E. (2021). The digital divide is a human rights issue: Advancing social inclusion through social work advocacy. Journal of Human Rights and Social Work, 6(2). https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/s41134​-020​-00147​-9 Seo, Y. (2013). Electronic sports: A new marketing landscape of the experience economy. Journal of Marketing Management, 29(13–14), 1542–1560. https:​//​doi​ .org​/10​.1080​/0267257x​.2013​.822906 Taylor, T. L. (2006). Play between worlds: Exploring online game culture. MIT Press. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.7551​/mitpress​/5418​.001​.0001 Thach, H., Mayworm, S., Delmonaco, D., & Haimson, O. (2022). (In)visible moderation: A digital ethnography of marginalized users and content moderation on Twitch and Reddit. New Media & Society, Advance Online Publication, https:​//​doi​ .org​/10​.1177​/14614448221109804 Tjønndal, A., Wågan, F. A., & Røsten, S. (2022). Social issues in esports. Routledge. Twitch. (2021). Hateful conduct and harassment. Twitch.tv.  https:​//​safety​.twitch​ .tv​/s​/article​/Harassment​?language​=en​_US​#:​​~:​text​=What​%20does​%20Twitch​ %20consider​%20hateful​,Religion Tyers-Chowdhury, A. (2021). Gender digital divide; Desk review. USAID. https:​//​www​ .marketlinks​.org​/sites​/default​/files​/media​/file​/2021​-03​/GDD​_Desk​%20Review​ _final​-with​%20links​_updated​%203​.18​.21​.pdf Tyers-Chowdhury, A., & Binder, G. (2021). What we know about the gender digital divide for girls: A literature review. UNICEF. https:​//​www​.unicef​.org​/eap​ /media​/8311​/file​/What​%20we​%20know​%20about​%20the​%20gender​%20digital​ %20divide​%20for​%20girls:​​%20A​%20literature​%20review​.pdf United Nations. (2020, August 18). Bridging Asia-Pacific “digital divide” vital to realize tech benefits. UN News. https:​//​news​.un​.org​/en​/story​/2020​/08​/1070502 Uszkoreit, L. (2018). With great power comes great responsibility: Video game live streaming and its potential risks and benefits for female gamers. In K. L. Gray, G. Voorhees, & E. Vossen (Eds.), Feminism in Play (pp. 163–181). Palgrave Macmillan. doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90539-6_10 Van Dijk, J. (2005). The deepening divide: Inequality in the information society. Sage Publications. Walther, J. B. (2013). Commentary: Affordances, effects, and technology errors. Annals of the International Communication Association, 36(1), 190–193. https:​//​ doi​.org​/10​.1080​/23808985​.2013​.11679131 Yokoi, T. (2021). Female gamers are on the rise. Can the gaming industry catch up? Forbes. https:​//​www​.forbes​.com​/sites​/tomokoyokoi​/2021​/03​/04​/female​-gamers​ -are​-on​-the​-rise​-can​-the​-gaming​-industry​-catch​-up​/​?sh​=1901c4daf9fe

Chapter 4

Characterizing Professional Counter-Strike Media’s Impact on Gamer Stereotypes Steve Young

In our increasingly digital society, gamers have become a popular social category. In fact, adults today spend more time playing video games than any previous generation (Ćwil & Howe, 2020). The term gamer comprises a wide variety of individuals who engage in video game consumption (both playing and watching others play). Prior to the explosion of esports popularity in 2013, gamers were largely stereotyped as isolated, pale-skinned boys, who sat hunched forward on a couch in a dark basement, obsessively pushing buttons (Williams et al., 2008). Competitive gamers and those who play first-person shooters (FPS) are more often considered hardcore gamers than individuals who play social or casual games (Paaßen et al., 2017). Competitive gamers often compete in esports, an industry which, according to Newzoo, a global games market research publisher, is expected to pass half a billion spectators in 2022 (Tristao, 2022). The gamer identity is structural to the professionalization of gaming (Taylor, 2012), and interweaves throughout player, coach, caster, observer, and fan practices. Professional esports play involves “embodied skill and mastery, technical facility, game and systems mastery, tactical and strategic thinking, skilled improvisation, social and psychological skills, and at the top-most end, career and institutional savvy” (Taylor, 2012, p. 90). At the professional level, players embody skill and mastery when they are practicing and competing. They display impressive cognitive work in not only becoming experts in their games, but in skillful displays within the game itself involving their eyes, ears, and hands. 43

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Esports media play a significant role in the (re)construction of culture and identities through representation (Allen, 1992). Professional esports broadcasts offer a space where individuals learn about gamers. Esports actors (casters, players, fans, etc.) in these broadcasts generate representations of gamers through discourses and images, which convince the public of their validity. Esports players, casters, and audiences shape our practices as gamers and game viewers by teaching us what it means to compete, narrate, and observe esports, and how central the gamer identity is to their everyday lives (Taylor, 2018). Broadcasting esports to global audiences results in widespread consumption and a growth in understanding of this unique form of video game play. This chapter focuses on gamer representations in esports broadcasts, drawing on communication theories to better understand this increasingly popular phenomenon. Hall’s (1980) process of encoding and decoding provide scholars with a suitable framework for analyzing various types of media texts and practices. Producers of media “encode” texts with specific images and messages that they anticipate audiences will “decode” upon viewing. The central goal of this chapter is to foster a deeper understanding of gamers as represented in professional esports broadcasts. By decoding and explaining esports broadcasts, we may better understand emerging esports practices, and specifically, how broadcasts reflect gamers. Considering the cultural identity of gamers in the context of esports broadcasts increases scholars’ understanding of the concept by locating it in a farreaching mediated environment. The researcher employed thematic analysis and a grounded theory approach to analyze gamer representations, documenting the ways in which communicative forms are positioned as central to the execution and performance of esports. This chapter focuses on CounterStrike: Global Offensive (CS:GO), which is currently the most recognized FPS esport worldwide and the third most popular game title across all esports genres (Irwin & Naweed, 2020). ESPORTS AND SPECTATORSHIP To study esports, it is most useful to narrow one’s research to a particular video game genre or title within that genre. CS:GO serves as a representative for the larger category of first-person shooter (FPS) esports, particularly due to its emergence during an integral period in the history of competitive gaming (Irwin et al., 2021). Counter-Strike began as a modification of the game Half-Life on the PC in 1999 (McLaughlin, 2012) and was commercially released in 2000 through Valve Inc. (Li, 2017). The game has continued to evolve with five different versions including Counter-Strike 1.5 (1999),



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Counter-Strike 1.6 (2000), Counter-Strike: Condition Zero (2004), and Counter-Strike: Source (2004) being released before its current incarnation Counter-Strike: Global Offensive (2012). Over the past 20 years CounterStrike has acquired an immense player and fan-base, which helped develop its prominent esports culture (Irwin et al., 2021). In the context of esports, CS:GO “engages with media in a way which brings relationships between professional players, their competitors, and those within the broader society well into the fore, enabling spectatorship and exchange of experiences” (Irwin et al., 2021). CS:GO audiences typically follow professional leagues and tournaments on various media as part of their daily media-consuming activities. These spectators represent two distinct entertainment cultures, one in gaming and the other watching esports, which results in the construction of a new form of audience identity (Taylor, 2018). This movement signifies an ongoing cultural shift whereby like-minded individuals who share a common understanding and appreciation of esports, such as CS:GO, can consume the activity in ways that were unavailable just a few years ago. Culture and identity are portrayed and discussed in esports media, and components of cultural identity are (re)constructed, transformed, and represented in such media (Sarisakaloğlu, 2020). This study focuses on the representation of esports actors in professional CS:GO league broadcasts. The content, images, and discourses in esports broadcasts do more than simply report scores and news; they reflect and characterize gamers and esports communities in key ways, often taking critical stances on esports culture, thus teaching individuals how to understand esports and the gamers that comprise the scene. As these broadcasts profoundly influence audiences through cultural representations, they deserve further investigation. The aforementioned notions are analyzed through Hall’s (1980) theory of cultural studies involving encoding and decoding with two broad research questions: RQ1: How have professional CS:GO esports broadcasts shaped audience understanding of esports participants (players, coaches, and casters)? RQ2: How have professional CS:GO esports broadcasts shaped audience understanding of esports audiences (both in-person and online)?

These questions are explored via thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2012); a method often used to understand culture by investigating the production of meaning through the signifying work of representation (Hall, 1997). Exploring these questions is beneficial to academics and the public for several reasons. Esports league broadcasts address aspects of video gamer experiences that never had a public dimension. Players and teams displayed are represented as the embodiment of the esports gamer identity (Ashton & Newman, 2012). This contributes to the creation of an intersubjective

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environment for the expression of gaming. By regularly broadcasting professional video game matches, esports leagues educate audiences about what esports are, and what it means to be an esports player and spectator. As these leagues increase in popularity and reach millions of viewers, their illustration of gamers becomes even more important. Media analysis provides an opportunity to interrogate the coding of professional esports participants and esports culture. By concentrating on “moments of reception” (Carragee, 1990, p. 86) interpretive media studies involve interactions between media texts and audiences, highlighting how audiences construct meanings of texts that they view. Thus, exploring CS:GO esports media allows individuals to unpack various ways in which meaning is created through the address of an imagined audience—one that is assumed to have particular interests, tastes, and subjectivities (Kennedy & Hills, 2009, p. 5). The ways in which esports broadcasts represent gamers is fascinating and seldom explored. This chapter examines how esports participants are represented in media, and how these representations are shaping our understanding of gamers. By examining professional CS:GO esports broadcasts, the researcher highlights the means of capturing and coding both in-game, and out-of-game, representations of gamers. METHOD Interested in how the cultural knowledge and experience of gamers are represented in media, this chapter investigated CS:GO esports broadcasts from two prominent professional leagues, ESL Pro League (EPL) and ELEAGUE. First, ESL (formerly known as Electronic Sports League) is the longest standing global esports organization and production company (Taylor, 2018). ESL has 11 different offices with multiple television studios located around the world, and is based in Cologne, Germany. ESL Pro League (EPL) is the longest-running professional CS:GO league worldwide, dating back to 2015 and is currently in its thirteenth season. EPL is significant because it represents the homeland of esports for European viewers and many others. EPL’s representation of gamers provides a stable example of esports league representation due to its long-standing success. Second, ELEAGUE is a professional esports league and television show on the Turner Broadcasting System (TBS) that is dedicated to competitive video gaming. Season one was the first regularly aired professional CS:GO league in America (which occurred between May 24 and July 30, 2016). It was broadcasted on cable television as well as online through Twitch to a global audience. As of 2022, ELEAGUE has broadcasted two full seasons of CS:GO league play, several major international tournaments, and has continued to



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promote the industry by expanding into a variety of other esports titles representing numerous genres. ELEAGUE is significant because it represents the birthplace of esports for many American viewers. Thus, its representation of esports culture and gamers is worthy of analysis. Contrary to other esports broadcast studies that only analyze one match or one day of competitive matches within a particular tournament (see Turtiainen et al., 2020), this chapter employed a longitudinal approach to gain a deeper understanding of esports broadcasts from various perspectives. The researcher observed approximately 108 professional CS:GO match broadcasts across five different seasons from two disparate leagues. By examining both regular season and playoff matches, the data acquired a more holistic understanding of professional esports leagues and their participants. Viewing more than 81 hours of professional CS:GO broadcasts across the two leagues, spanning five seasons between 2015 and 2019, the researcher became immersed in the data—gaining familiarity with professional CS:GO discourses and imagery, in addition to noting key ideas and recurrent themes. The researcher observed a variety of matches via Twitch and YouTube from the first two seasons of ELEAGUE as well as matches from three seasons of EPL (seasons one, four, and ten) to become better acquainted with CS:GO esport discourses and imagery from a variety of perspectives. Twitch and YouTube are streaming platforms in the public domain that host esports content, enabling spectators to watch live and recorded amateur and professional matches. Esports researchers cite these streaming platforms as suitable environments for understanding game culture (Irwin et al., 2021). These professional CS:GO league broadcasts provided a view into gamer representation because, complementary to other media texts, they have the discursive capacity to inform individuals’ behavior, thoughts, desires, and fears (Kellner, 2010; Rojek, 2010; White, 1992). These particular broadcasts represent ideological content that is bound up with their social and political dimensions, which may be “found partly in the text itself, and partly in the relation of the reading subject to that text” (Fiske, 1992, p. 304). They are part of the process by which culture is defined, and how attitudes toward the external world are portrayed. Addressing the research questions, the research design involved structured observational methods of data collection and qualitative thematic analysis (Guest et al., 2011) of audio-visual data from EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts. Qualitative thematic analysis is a technique used to analyze textual data and explicate themes (Vaismoradi et al., 2016). It is a systematic process that involves coding, examining of meaning, and description of social reality through theme creation and development. Each theme is organized around the central concept of gamer representation. Through repeated observation and notetaking, the researcher described

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trends concerning gamer representations from the audiences’ perspective. The researcher coded the data through an iterative and inductive process informed by grounded theory (Glaser et al., 2017). Utilizing grounded theory as a methodology allowed the researcher to inductively explore emerging themes from broadcasts without preformulating of categories, theoretical boundaries, and biases. The initial stage of the coding process involved creating codable data from observation notes and remaining as close to the data as possible (Tracy, 2012). Altogether, 151 double-spaced pages of professional CS:GO league broadcast notes were compiled (69 pages of ESL Pro League notes, and 84 pages of ELEAGUE notes). Working from the dataset of CS:GO league broadcast notes, the researcher systematically went through each page of data and marked the beginning and end of each excerpt that constituted or contained content reflecting gamer representation. After locating relevant excerpts in the data, the researcher wrote a code next to the excerpt. Codes involved terms or phrases observed (Tracy, 2012). For example, a code for players seen wearing matching team jerseys was Jock Representation. This coding strategy was used for all pages of data. After analyzing and coding 81 hours of CS:GO league broadcasts, a saturation point was reached. Upon reaching the saturation point, the accuracy of thematic categories was assessed. Seven unique themes pertaining to the two research questions focusing on esports participants and audiences were observed. (See table 4.1.) These themes were (1) Game Culture, (2) Geek Representation, (3) Developing Narrative (4) Jock Representation, (5) Gameplay Reporting, (6) Skilled Expertise, and (7) Audience Participation. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS In answering each research question, the researcher called upon various, sometimes overlapping, themes. Developing Narrative and Gameplay Reporting themes played a significant role in the responses to both research questions. They served as organizational patterns used by EPL and ELEAGUE to help audiences understand the phenomenon of CS:GO esports and synthesize what was happening in familiar ways. Research questions one and two explored audiences’ understanding of gamers resulting from EPL and ELEAGUE broadcast consumption. The discussion involves three parts. Part one delineates the ways in which gamers are represented as geeks using Geek Representation and Game Culture themes. The second part uses Jock Representation and Skilled Expertise themes to explain how gamers are represented as cyberathletes. Part three considers how the aforementioned geek and jock gamer representations serve the social

Table 4.1 Thematic Categories Theme

Definition

Example

Online vs. LAN: “We know he can do it on online games . . . We need to see him do it on LAN.” Nomenclature: “Server,” “Deleted,” “Surprise buy,” “Dead round” Technical Proficiency: “Configs,” “Twitch stream crash” Popular Internet Culture: “It’s always interesting . . . when you see a new meme being born . . . that’s definitely going to be on Reddit.” Geek Representation Discourses and images relat- Hardcore Gamer Performance: Gamer tags, ing to hardcore gamer Esports jerseys, Player’s emoperformances, gamer stetional display, Personalized reotypes, and valorization gaming equipment of gamer performances Gamer Stereotype: “Cloud9 trying to dispel the myth that all gamers are big fat nerds” Valorization of Gamer Performances: “Forrest is . . . a natural at all video games . . . one of the biggest trolls in the scene” Players: “FaLLeN is our in-game Developing Narrative Stories about players, leader, he is our technical coaches, casters, teams, mastermind, the captain of geographical regions, and Luminosity.” the game CS:GO Teams: “NaVi never beat Fnatic in a series . . . Fnatic is 22–8 versus NaVi all time.” Regions: “Dust2 is the staple map of America. Especially against European teams.” Game: “That . . . is the story of CS. It’s a thinking man’s game as well as an aim game.” Athletic history: “I played footJock Representation Athletic performances and ball and handball . . . got a portrayals of players as curknee injury” rent and former athletes Competitive aspirations: “We including athletic history want to be the very best at and competitive aspirations the game. That’s our dream.” Game Culture

Language, norms, and rituals tied to game culture including online vs. LAN, nomenclature, technical proficiency, audience expectations, trolling, popular internet culture

Table 4.1 (continued) Theme

Definition

Gameplay Reporting

Match Preview: “Gambit versus League and tournament Complexity in the final match related pre-game segments, of day two.” play-by-play commentary, Play-by-play commenand post-game segments tary: “Pasha starts to make the play. Neo gets Shroud down and already they’ve just smothered the site in smoke.” Postgame reactions: “Cloud9 will move forward into the Semifinals with an absolutely shocking score on this second map.” Expressing praise and disapHighlighting player, coach, pointment of gameplay “This and team skills and gametime on the CT side some related attributes including very nice calling, some very praise and disappointment nice setups . . . getting those of gameplay, precision aim picks.” and reaction speed, trainPrecise aim and reaction ing, and mindset. speed: “They have to react instantly . . . It’s one of the qualities you have to have to be a pro CS player.” Player and team training: “We play with our team about six or seven hours every day.” Mindset: “better to stay levelheaded than excited.” Audience displays and caster Audience Display: Fans waving national flags, holding commentary pertaining up signs, wearing team and to the audience including game-related memorabilia. social media engagement Cheers and Jeers: Fans booing, cheering, and chanting: “U-S-A!” “Let’s go Astralis, let’s go!” Caster Acknowledgement: “We’ve got an awesome studio audience here to support the hometown heroes, Cloud9” Social Media Engagement: “Let us know your thoughts . . . on Twitter . . . Our personal social medias are @MachineETV and @ TheyCallMePansy”

Skilled Expertise

Audience Participation

Table created by author.

Example

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function of debunking certain outdated gamer stereotypes, while reinforcing others, and what that means for society. The Audience Participation theme permeates all three discussions, highlighting the connection between media representations and audience understanding. Thematic categories are summarized in table 4.1, which includes titles, definitions, and at least one example for each theme. Table 4.1 illustrates each of the seven themes related to gamer representation in esports broadcasts, including (1) Game Culture, (2) Geek Representation, (3) Developing Narrative (4) Jock Representation, (5) Gameplay Reporting, (6) Skilled Expertise, and (7) Audience Participation. The themes are organized in such a way that related themes follow each other one after the next. Further discussion of these themes as they relate to the research questions, and the implications that accompany them, are explored in the following section. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Esports broadcast commentary and imagery are powerful symbolic instruments that shape individuals’ understanding of the culture. They are crucial for how audiences learn about gamers, who they are, and how to be one. Elements of professional CS:GO broadcast ethos imbue CS:GO with particular social meanings, whereby individuals’ consumption becomes a symbolic expression of esports culture. What is said and displayed in esports broadcasts may be subjected to analysis to highlight particular views of the world, situated in language and imagery of esports (Rowe, 2004). Research questions one and two sought to investigate how professional CS:GO esports broadcasts have shaped audience understanding of gamers. Discourses and representations in EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts represent gamers in two interrelated fashions. First, both league broadcasts represent gamers as geeks by correlating aspects of gamers’ cultural identity with video game and internet culture. Second, EPL and ELEAGUE depict gamers as cyberathletes by highlighting aspects of gamers’ cultural identity associated with sports. These portrayals serve the social function of debunking certain outdated gamer stereotypes. At the same time, they offer audiences a limited worldview that supports a dominant social, cultural, and global ideology. GAMERS AS GEEKS Gamers are represented as geeks in EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts, framing the cultural identity of gamers as closely tied to who they are in the CS:GO

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community, and within the game world (referenced exclusively by their gamer tag). The cultural identity of gamers is most salient in the context of gaming and competitive esports (Seo, 2016). EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts display and discuss gamers in particular ways, connecting the cultural identity of gamers to geeks. EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts depict CS:GO community members as geeks via in-person displays, in-game displays, and discourses tying gamers to technology. Both broadcasts provide a space whereby individuals learn what it means to be a gamer. These broadcasts display gamers as young, mostly white males of various body types. Players, coaches, casters, observers, referees, and audience members wear clothing that demarcate them as CS:GO esports community members (see Geek Representation and Audience Participation themes). EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts displayed players as both directly and indirectly tied to technology. Most shots captured gamers sitting in padded computer chairs, slouched over with their neck bent and face inches away from a large computer monitor. This serves the purpose of directly connecting gamers to technology. Moreover, players were displayed wearing jerseys in league broadcasts, that were covered in technology sponsors. The prevalence of technology sponsors on player uniforms indirectly reinforces our understanding of CS:GO players as geeks with extensive knowledge of and ties to technology. EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts placed significant importance on technical proficiency in comprehending the relationship between digital technologies and esports actors in league broadcasts. Understanding technology, including and especially computer technology, is expected of CS:GO community members. To be technically proficient is to harness a network of skills, competencies, and understandings concerning technology use (Shaw, 2010). EPL and ELEAGUE regularly used vernacular born in virtual spaces (see Game Culture theme) to describe actors and actions in the context of esports matches. These jargon terms involved types of players, their roles, actions within games, and the in-game economy. Language holds significant meaning, and “the metaphors we all use to describe the patterns we see shape how we understand our world” (Jenkins et al., 2013, p. 3). The use of traditional video game and FPS terms such as server, pixel, crosshair, health-bar, minimap, lag, and hit-boxes remind audiences that they are watching a video game. In EPL season ten, for example, casters described how Cloud9 won pivotal rounds by holding ‘W’ (the forward movement button on the keyboard). The repeated use of game terminology in broadcasts reinforces audiences understanding of professional CS:GO as rooted in game culture. Becoming proficient in CS:GO jargon and behavior demarcates individuals as CS community members, and consequently, as geeks. Certain knowledge



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of CS:GO and esports is necessary in following league-match broadcasts. In professional CS:GO, teams create strategies whereby each player enacts a particular combat role. Player roles, which include terms such as AWPer, rifler, entry-fragger, and lurker, are frequently used in player introductions as well as play-by-play commentary. Gameplay terminology such as wall-bang, shoulder peak, run-boost, bunny hop, ace, and clutch among others were frequently used in play-by-play casting to describe in-game actions. Additionally, the in-game economy including terms like half-buy, surprise buy, and full-save was a focal point of caster discourses in each round of league matches. Without prior knowledge of these terms, it is easy to become lost while following CS:GO esports matches. Thus, repeated use of CS:GO jargon in broadcasts serves as reminder to audiences that geekiness plays a significant role in esports participants’ cultural identity. At the heart of gamer identity, and specifically professional esports identity, exists geek masculinity (Taylor, 2012). Geek masculinity involves technical mastery over technology and a breadth of knowledge about a particular game. Technical proficiency exists at the heart of EPL and ELEAGUE’s depictions of gamers as geeks. Gamers harness skills, competencies, and understandings that involve technology. Gamer identities among esports actors are displayed in their knowledge and expert technology use (Reeves et al., 2009). In EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts, players’, coaches’, and casters’ ability to customize and manage user interfaces, troubleshoot technical problems involving hardware and software, and speak confidently about technical matters within game and esports culture portray them as geeks. In-game displays and caster discourses reinforce audiences’ understanding of gamers as geeks by placing them in the virtual world and referencing them exclusively by their gamer tag. As illustrated in the Geek Representation theme, all esports actors are referred to by their unique gamer tags in place of their real name in esports contexts. Additionally, discussions of players’ roles on their team sometimes involved trolling behavior. Fnatic player JW, for example, is known for his quick reflexes and precise aiming, but also his sneakiness, which is a skill that few players possess. JW routinely sneaks behind his opponents, killing them from behind, and sometimes even doing so with a knife. Because JW records so many knife kills in professional matches, he has acquired the reputation of a troll. Trolling behavior is common in EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts and represents a unique aspect of game and internet culture. Seeing and hearing professional CS:GO players, coaches, and casters engage in trolling behavior reinforces audience understanding that not only is it acceptable to troll others but it is expected among CS:GO community members. As described in the Game Culture theme, trolling behavior involves intentionally deviating from

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the idealized play style by which most players subscribe. EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts highlight the prevalence of trolling in CS:GO by engaging in and celebrating trash talk and certain in-game actions, often for the purpose of humor. Players are represented trolling in-game by communicating disrespect in various ways, such as using weapons outside of the norm. Using an automatic shotgun, a giant machine gun, a Zeus, or a knife when a player can afford better weaponry is a significant trolling behavior represented by players in EPL and ELEAGUE. Additionally, players in both league broadcasts are seen dancing on top of enemies’ dead bodies and shooting their corpses on the ground. Caster discourses and play-by-play commentary largely celebrate trolling behavior. EPL and ELEAGUE casters even engage in trolling behavior themselves by pointing out player’s and team’s lackluster performances, and by trash talking. When a player was struggling to find frags in ELEAGUE season two for example, casters were quick to point it out, stating “Allu is pulling a James Bond right now. He is 0-0-7, with a license not to kill.” And when a player with an inferior weapon took out an opponent who was fully armed in EPL season one, casters remarked “Boom! The middle finger from ChrisJ. Sit down!” These trolling behaviors are unique to game culture and are interwoven into the cultural identity of esports participants, adding to their geekiness. GAMERS AS CYBERATHLETES In recent years, the debate as to whether esports will be accepted as legitimate sports has pervaded both sports media and esports media. Today, the esports industry involves activities that are attempting to legitimize themselves as sports. EPL and ELEAGUE are no exception, as both leagues employed globalizing discourses and sportscast framing techniques in their broadcasts to legitimize professional CS:GO as a global sport. In doing so, these leagues symbolically emphasized a culture of athletic competition in their broadcasts, which worked to solidify the image of gamers as cyberathletes. In contrast to Geek Representation, one’s Jock Representation is tied to who they are in the competitive game or sport context (professional CS:GO esports players, casters, fans) and when performing sports/games. These representations were tied to team identity (such as Cloud9), and role within the team (i.e., AWPer, lurker, etc.). Esports audiences played a significant role, as fans were often shown donning game-related apparel and cheering or jeering during gameplay (see Audience Participation theme). The legitimacy of esports justifies and facilitates the consumption of cultural performances that were once marked as undesirable, unserious, and unproductive, inverting those popular judgements by elevating the best

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competitive gamers to the praiseworthy status enjoyed by professional athletes. EPL and ELEAGUE represented gamers as transnational competitors within a symbolic order prioritizing values connected to traditional sport, presenting a vision of CS:GO players as professional cyberathletes. The image of the athlete is far removed from that of the “marginalized nerd identity” formerly linked to video games (Kendall, 2011, p. 505). Both EPL and ELEAGUE promoted this substitution by highlighting physical elements of the game discussed in the literature review (mouse movement, keyboard manipulation, communication, and in-person reactions to in-game stimuli), reinforced with caster discourses that call attention to athletic qualities of gameplay while performing affects normally associated with exciting traditional sport competition. EPL and ELEAGUE visually frame gamers as cyberathletes in league broadcasts by capturing player, coach, caster, and fan performances. Player performances display intense concentration, keyboard and mouse manipulation, voice communication, and game awareness during competitive matches. Moreover, players captured reacting emotionally to in-game stimuli (celebrating success and upset/angry in defeat) also reinforces audience understanding of the game as a rich sensory experience demanding layers of physical action. In addition to capturing player performances, EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts emphasized players’ and teams’ strenuous training activities both individually and as a whole, frequent international travel, and demanding match schedules to frame players as professional cyberathletes. They displayed and discussed players’ individual training regimens, and the frequency with which players work together with their teammates to practice and compete in official matches, highlighting certain skills as mandatory components of professional play. EPL and ELEAGUE emphasized that esport players must have exceptional hand-eye coordination, quick reaction speed, and immense focus. Through discourses of players’ play style, mindset, decision-making, precision aim and reaction speed, and audio awareness, casters placed importance on skilled expertise. In doing so, these broadcasts teach audiences what skills are valued, and which are not in CS:GO esports contexts. By highlighting gamers as harnessing skills that are prevalent in traditional sports, viewers may comprehend professional CS:GO players as cyberathletes. As illustrated in the Skilled Expertise theme, certain values and characteristics paint players, coaches, and teams as jocks. In EPL and ELEAGUE player experiences were narrativized as tales of training, sacrifice, overcoming adversity, and the pursuit of greatness. In gameplay reports, casters highlighted players’ values like sportsmanship, and characteristics such as passion for esports, consistency in match performances, fearlessness in competition, and focus throughout matches.

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Being recognized as “best player in the world” is considered a top aspiration among players based on testimonies and caster discourses in EPL and ELEAGUE. Players also stress the importance of teamwork in CS:GO. They aspire to become league and Major tournament champions, and to win trophies. To accomplish that, they understand the importance of each team member’s role, especially leadership enacted by the coach and in-game leader (IGL). As skilled experts, each CS player has their own unique play style. Some players, like Finnish sniper Allu, are known for their long-range accuracy and maneuverability with the AWP. Others, such as American entry-fragger Stewie2k, are known for their erratic movement and aggressive pushes. Players like Astralis’s Gla1ve are classified as IGLs, who are less known for their impressive aiming skills, and more for their masterful tactics and strategies. In EPL and ELEAGUE, players were praised for their ability not only to aim but to out-think their opponents. Players routinely showcased their aiming skills in shootouts with enemies, and displayed intelligence by executing complex strategies with teammates, carefully coordinating player positions and timing utility use. The unique skill set of precise aiming and dynamic decision-making is what separates CS:GO community members from others. By displaying and discussing players’ skilled expertise, EPL and ELEAGUE teach audiences that gamers are skilled professional cyberathletes. Gamers Disproving and Upholding Stereotypes Gamer stereotypes are evolving within our increasingly digital society (Kowert et al., 2012). The power of stereotypes is that they help shape individuals’ social realities through communication and especially in the media. In the recent past, video game players were reluctant to identify as “gamers,” in part due to its strong tie with geekiness. In contemporary society, as a result of the ubiquity of video game playing and popularity of esports, gamer stereotypes have largely been challenged. Representations of gamers as cyberathletes, in concert with a general acceptance of geekiness in gaming form, are eroding many beliefs that gamers are idle, asocial, unattractive, and unpopular (Shaw, 2010). Media representations provide a space in which presentations of identity including race, nationality, and gender, work together in reproducing dominant stereotypes, or put them into question (Kellner, 2010). Gamer stereotypes are circulated by EPL and ELEAGUE through gamer representations and caster discourses in league broadcasts. By identifying and understanding stereotypes that have formed around gamers, we may better understand individuals’ attitudes toward gamers in contemporary society.

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One form of stereotype that is significant in cultural studies is cognitive stereotypes (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). The cognitive perspective posits that stereotypes are “conceptualized as cognitive structures located within individual minds. They exist as sets of cognitive associations between categories and traits (e.g., gamers are unpopular) that, once learned, are relatively fixed and become automatically involved in processing information about people when social category information is activated” (Kowert et al., 2012, p. 2). From this perspective, stereotypes may be seen as internal sets of associations that individuals hold about gamers. Within popular culture and news stories, various characterizations of gamers have emerged. In years prior to 2012, the gamer stereotype has been depicted in print media, television, and web-based content as overwhelmingly negative. Together, media portrayals and news reports have presented images of gamers as socially anxious, mentally stunted, and physically unhealthy (Kowert et al., 2012). These gamer representations serve the function of bolstering existing stereotypes disseminated through popular media and have given rise to shared cognitive associations about gamers being unpopular, unattractive, and socially incompetent. By consuming EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts, individuals obtain certain skill sets and knowledge, allowing them to decode gamer representations and understand the cultural identity of gamers. Once relatively niche, the social category of “gamers,” including the individuals that play and watch others playing esports, significantly influences popular culture today, penetrating leisure, work, and social networks (Giddens, 1991; Shaw, 2010). As illustrated in the Geek Representation theme and corresponding discussion above, EPL and ELEAGUE represent gamers as tied to both game culture and mainstream popular culture norms. At the same time, league broadcasts represent gamers as cyberathletes (see Jock Representation theme). Together, these representations work to dispel certain gamer stereotypes, while reinforcing others. The following section explains how stereotypes are circulated in EPL and ELEAGUE, which include distinguishing in-groups from out-groups, and suggesting social inequalities between groups (Kowert et al., 2012). Caster discourses work in concert with broadcast displays of players, coaches, casters, and fans to acknowledge and disprove certain gamer stereotypes. By explicitly and implicitly acknowledging gamer stereotypes and refuting them, broadcasts inoculated the audience, socially influencing them to understand gamers as “cool” geeks (tied to popular culture—see Game Culture theme) and cyberathletes. To inoculate audiences, EPL and ELEAGUE directly address gamer stereotypes in league broadcasts. They acknowledge stereotypes such as gamers being isolated and unpopular with specific discourses and images in league broadcasts. In both leagues, professional CS:GO players are treated as

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popular celebrities. They are framed as cyber superstar athletes with immense fan bases (see Jock Representation and Skilled Expertise themes). Glorifying players as skilled professionals, and “best in the world,” casters highlight players’ popularity, professionalism, and celebrity status within the CS:GO community. Moreover, caster discourses and broadcast images debunk the stereotypes of gamers as fat and lazy with in-person player and fan displays and direct acknowledgments (see Jock Representation and Audience Participation themes). In EPL season one, casters acknowledged the overweight gamer stereotype stating “Cloud9 trying to dispel the myth that all gamers are big fat nerds . . . Just keeping those tank tops on. FREAKAZOID just flexing there” as Cloud9 players wearing tank tops were shown with athletic physiques celebrating a match victory. Additionally, when displaying a fan’s tweet in season one of ELEAGUE, casters discussed the image of a fan watching the broadcast stating, “Wow. Eating some Dominos. Yes! That’s perfect . . . Just need a bag of Doritos and can of Mountain Dew and we’re set. Hahaha! All the stereotypes.” These examples illustrate how both EPL and ELEAGUE use humor to acknowledge and deflect stereotypes of gamers as overweight and unpopular. EPL and ELEAGUE broadcast representations of gamers were limited in a few respects. Both leagues represent CS as an all-male, predominantly white activity via player displays that hardly ever incorporate black and brown bodies. This is in line with previous research regarding gamers as “primarily young, heterosexual, white/Anglo and male” (Shaw, 2012, p. 39). Race is largely unmarked in EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts and operates similarly to the way whiteness dominates within America (Shaw, 2012). This is likely because Counter-Strike as a professional esport can be traced back historically and culturally to Europe (considered to be the homeland of competitive CS) and the Americas (where CS was developed). Although many countries were represented in EPL and ELEAGUE competitions, hundreds more were unable to participate due to economic, political, social, and technological constraints. Nationality plays a significant role in the framing of CS culture and identity. In EPL and ELEAGUE (except EPL season ten) there were no teams of Asian players, despite the early adoption and booming popularity of esports in countries like South Korea and China. Admittedly, EPL has been expanding in recent years to include more teams from Asia, Australia, and Eastern European regions. Future studies may explore their representations in league broadcasts. Like race, class in the professional CS:GO esports scene is largely unmarked in broadcast representations. The expenses needed to participate in esports, rising from amateur “onliner” to professional player, include technical hardware and software totaling thousands of dollars, and involve

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international travel expenses and tournament fees. As such, the expenses required to become involved in CS:GO esports in any capacity creates a measure of exclusivity in who can participate. Access to and participation in professional CS privileges and reinforces upper-middle and upper-class values, which define the esports scene. This results in a pool of individuals with significant resources and access to high-speed internet capabilities. Gender and heteronormativity are also relevant in EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts. There are no female players (or teams) represented in either league. Broadcast talent in both leagues, however, do include female casters, interviewers, and behind-the-scenes employees. Although there are no rules that prevent women from competing in these leagues, the absence of female players, coaches, and teams are not mentioned in EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts. Thus, they are rendered invisible, and “othered.” The absence of women in EPL and ELEAGUE bolster understandings of gamers as overwhelmingly male. The invisibility of female players in both league broadcasts also work to rationalize and legitimate social inequalities between male and female esports players. Finally, professional CS:GO is tied with youth culture. Both EPL and ELEAGUE emphasized age as an important factor in league broadcasts. Young players are spoken of with optimism. Their mistakes are downplayed, and their triumphs are celebrated to a greater extent than other players. Older individuals who remain in the CS:GO esports scene are disparaged. In the professional scene, to be “old” is to be in your late twenties or thirties. Older players are often teased and trolled about nearing retirement. Casters criticize them as slow, lacking the instantaneous decision-making, crosshair placement, and reflexes expected in pro play. Esports media play a vital role in the construction of the “other” by the manner in which they represent and frame discourses about gamers (Sarisakaloğlu, 2020). EPL and ELEAGUE construct cultural, social, and economic boundaries for the out-group as “other” by rendering female and non-white players as scarcely represented or completely invisible. By representing esports as a young, mostly white, all-male activity, EPL and ELEAGUE broadcasts reinforce existing gamer stereotypes, which results in significant repercussions for gamers writ large. If esports leagues continue to represent gamers as an exclusive category in broadcasts, that understanding of gamers will spread throughout online gaming communities and digital esports spaces like Twitch and YouTube streams, going unquestioned in esports broadcasts. Moreover, this limited representation will likely impact the future of FPS esports communities, discouraging women and minorities from progressing as esports participants.

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Kellner, D. (2010). Toward a critical media/cultural studies. In R. Hammer & D. Kellner (Eds.), Media/cultural studies: Critical approaches (pp. 5–24). Peter Lang. Kendall, L. (2011). “White and nerdy”: Computers, race, and the nerd stereotype. The Journal of Popular Culture, 44(3), 505–524. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1111​/j​.1540–5931​ .2011​.00846​.x Kennedy, E., & Hills, L. (2009). Sport, media and society. Berg. Kowert, R., Griffiths, M. D., & Oldmeadow, J. A. (2012). Geek or chic? Emerging stereotypes of online gamers. Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society, 32(6), 471–479. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/0270467612469078 Lam, K. (2016, March 10). Global Offensive: A curtain of cheats and their inevitable fall. ESPN. http:​//​www​.espn​.com​/esports​/story​/​_​/id​/14942404 McLaughlin, R. (2012, June 13). State of Play Editorial: Building a Better Way to Play—IGN. https:​//​www​.ign​.com​/articles​/2009​/10​/07​/state​-of​-play​-editorial​ -building​-a​-better​-way​-to​-play Paaßen, B., Morgenroth, T., & Stratemeyer, M. (2017). What is a true gamer? The male gamer stereotype and the marginalization of women in video game culture. Sex Roles, 76(7), 421–435. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/s11199​-016​-0678​-y Reeves, S., Brown, B., & Laurier, E. (2009). Experts at play: Understanding skilled expertise. Games and Culture, 4(3), 205–227. Rowe, D. (2004). Sport, culture & media: The unruly trinity (2nd ed.). Open University Press (UK). Sarisakaloğlu, A. (2020). Theoretical understanding of the construction process of the cultural ‘other’ in news media. İletişim Kuram ve Araştırma Dergisi, 2020(51), 131–146. Seo, Y. (2016). Professionalized consumption and identity transformations in the field of eSports. Journal of Business Research, 69(1), 264–272. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​ /j​.jbusres​.2015​.07​.039 Shaw, A. (2010). What is video game culture? Cultural studies and game studies. Games and Culture, 5(4), 403–424. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/1555412009360414 Shaw, A. (2012). Do you identify as a gamer? Gender, race, sexuality, and gamer identity. New Media & Society, 14(1), 28–44. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​ /1461444811410394 Taylor, T. L. (2012). Raising the stakes: E-Sports and the professionalization of computer gaming. MIT Press. Taylor, T. L. (2018). Watch me play: Twitch and the rise of game live streaming. Princeton University Press. Tracy, S. J. (2012). Qualitative research methods: Collecting evidence, crafting analysis, communicating impact. John Wiley & Sons. Tristao, H. (2022, April 19). Esports Audience Will Pass Half a Billion in 2022. Esports Market Analysis. Newzoo. https:​//​newzoo​.com​/insights​/articles​/the​-esports​ -audience​-will​-pass​-half​-a​-billion​-in​-2022​-as​-revenue​-engagement​-esport​-industry​ -growth Turtiainen, R., Friman, U., & Ruotsalainen, M. (2020). “Not Only for a Celebration of Competitive Overwatch but Also for National Pride”: Sportificating the Overwatch

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World Cup 2016. Games and Culture, 15(4), 351–371. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​ /1555412018795791 Vaismoradi, M., Jones, J., Turunen, H., & Snelgrove, S. (2016). Theme development in qualitative content analysis and thematic analysis. Journal of Nursing Education and Practice, 6(5), 100–110. Williams, D., Yee, N., & Caplan, S. E. (2008). Who plays, how much, and why? Debunking the stereotypical gamer profile. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 13(4), 993–1018. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1111​/j​.1083–6101​.2008​ .00428​.x

Chapter 5

Love and Loyalty in the Fighting Game Community John Shrader

It’s a Saturday night, early 1990s at Aladdin’s Castle—an arcade in the Oakridge Mall in San Jose, California. A huge weekend crowd has gathered around the Street Fighter arcade cabinet. John Choi has been riding his quarter for quite some time. Taking on all competitors and beating them all. A cocky Jason Cole shows up. Waits in line. Everybody waits in line for a chance to beat the evening’s champion. It’s worth waiting. It costs a quarter to play. “Took me about an hour to finally get to the head of the line,” Cole recalls (2022). First game he gets on, he beats Choi. “John doesn’t say a word. He put down his quarter, waits his turn, just like I had to.” Choi then gets back to the front of the line. Took him probably an hour. “He beat my butt.” Cole puts down his quarter, ready to go to the back the line. “Everybody behind me takes a step back. It was like ‘oh no, bro, you go ahead and play. We want to watch you play’” (Choi, 2022). And for the rest of the night, that’s what they did. “We battled all night,” Cole said. It ended when Aladdin’s closed. “It was just me and him. And we became best friends after that.” “Jason was a strong player,” Choi said, “Any chance we would get, we would play against each other” (2022). They continued to attract big crowds. They were, according to some, the ‘stars of the arcade.’ “We established ourselves as the strongest players in the San Jose area,” Choi said. “It was always a good time,” Cole said. “Just young, innocent kids enjoying some games and then later it evolves into travelling internationally and representing the US. Yeah, it was very humble grassroots beginning. I have fond memories of those times.” 63

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These two young men—Cole was barely into high school, Choi was still in middle school on that night in Aladdin’s Castle—are among the first members in what has become known as the Fighting Game Community, or as they often refer to themselves, FGC. This chapter takes an inside look at one of the least celebrated and some think the most misunderstood genre of esports. Fighting games can’t be boxed into one little area any more than you could stereotype the players who are dedicated to fighting games. This group, this loosely organized, impossible to profile, loyal band of players, comes from just about every corner of the gaming scene. Seth Killian, who is a developer and one of the pioneers of the genre says, “You have this sort of grizzled group, and they were from all over the place” (2023). He said they are from the military, gang members, universities (especially research universities), and kids just hanging out at the arcades. Killian is credited with saving the genre (more on that later) and is among those who come from the research universities. Educated with a PhD, Killian gave up a potential career in academia to help manage game competitions and to develop games. In late 2022 he became the Head of Design at Netflix Games. That’s right, the streaming purveyor of movies and what we used to call television has invested heavily in the video-gaming business. The backbone of this chapter is the people who shared their stories with me. People like Cole,  Choi, and Killian. Also, twin brothers Tom and Tony Cannon, credited by just about anybody who has an opinion with making the genre strong and then keeping it alive when it was in, what commentator James Chen (who was also interviewed) calls, “the dark ages” (2023). There is a bond among these men, a sense of history that humbles them, and a desire for the world to see fighting games and FGC the way they see them. Erving Goffman (1972) wrote more than 50 years ago about the quality of games in the context of the performance of identity, certainly with no idea of how video gaming fit into the picture. A matrix of possible events and a cast of roles through whose enactment the events occur constitute together a field for fateful dramatic action, a plane of being, an engine of meaning, a world in itself, different from all other worlds except the ones generated when the same game is played at other times. Games, then, are world-building activities. (p. 27)

“I think the FGC is one of the most passionate groups of players in gaming,” says Tony Cannon (2023), who with his brother Tom are examples of the diversity in this genre. They are graduates of Stanford, creators, developers, founders, and sellers of gaming companies. They are African American. “I’ve met all kinds of people from all walks of life,” says Tom Cannon. “Different ethnicities, socioeconomic status, places where they live in the

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world, gender identity, all through fighting games. And it’s made me, I think, a more worldly person” (2023). Though, as they all acknowledge, this genre is overwhelmingly male, it is diverse in just about any other way you could define the term, says Killian. “Certainly, as far as race, age, all kinds of things, socioeconomic background, it’s very diverse. It’s because of arcades.” “It was one thing that didn’t matter, what color or race or anything.” Cole said. “Like if you step to those sticks and you show that you are good, you earn respect. No one cares what you’re like. Oh no, ‘this guy is good. I don’t care what he does.’ And that’s just how it was. It was a very open community, very welcoming” (Cole, 2022). Alexander Lee (2022) wrote in Digiday that as esports orgs and game developers are coming under fire for toxic work environments and “not-so-diverse workforces,” engaging in an esports scene as historically diverse as FGC could be great for brands looking to reach gamers. “There’s a higher presence of folks of color, there’s a higher presence of folks of lower-income—the spectrum ends up being really vast, where for some other esports, it’ll be a little more upper-class or middle-class,” said Josh Marcotte, head of talent operations at Panda Global. “On average, I think the FGC really does span a huge swath of humanity.” That’s where this story of the Fighting Game Community really begins, where young people—mostly young people—gathered to put down their quarters and play the games. At the arcade, the big game cabinet was equipment long past its effective use, yet it was still part of the history and present-day psychology of the genre. FIGHTING This genre is fighting for its place and fighting for respect and attention. It’s a scene that started in arcades, where you had to wait your turn to play, and had to build your reputation, one quarter, one battle, one day at a time. “Fighting games started as an arcade pursuit: two players compete, with the option of a local crowd observing the fight in person. This brought with it particular practices of play and expectations about behaviour” (Johnson and Woodcock, 2017, p. 34). Epps (2020) wrote that the American fighting game community began not just in the arcades, “but in laundromats, convenience stores, and anywhere else a hungry player could find a Street Fighter cabinet.” You had to be there, say the people who were there. Literally, you had to be there. “I think that’s one of the big distinct things from the rest of the world of Esports is this scene wasn’t born online, it was born very much in person,” Killian said. He says the player was always marrying this image of the person with the play of the game. “If you wanted to bring your bullshit kind of racist

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stereotypes or whatever, that’s not going to help you. You’re forced to deal with them in the game. It’s a real form of respect” (Killian, 2023). So why face-to-face? And why so many people of color? The New American Economy reports that 40 percent of Black households lack broadband-internet access, compared to 26 percent of white households (Winkie, 2021). “Not even Esports—an industry built from the ground up, over the past three decades—can escape the centrifugal force of structural inequality” (Winkie, 2021). But, despite those challenges the fighting game community lives on, and is strong, though not as lucrative as many other competitions. “The diversity, and specifically the Blackness of many key figures in the FGC, are huge parts of why so many new community members join and feel free to be themselves” (Epps, 2020). Skolnik and Conway (2019) wrote that “arcades provided the physical space to play, and a metaphysical space in which participants negotiated their individual and community identities, norms and values alike” (p. 743). Many have stayed, for longer than the technology portended. John Choi for many years ran competitions in Northern California and has worked for various high-tech companies in Silicon Valley. He doesn’t play so much anymore, though he finds it a bit ironic that for a guy who doesn’t like to play online, the pandemic forced him to. He says he’s coming around to it. But, it’s tough to get that arcade feeling out of your system. “Street Fighter came out on console in 1996 on Nintendo,” he said. “But there were limitations. It was not the same experience. So, we stayed on the arcade as the platform for many years. Purists didn’t really want to move from arcade hardware” (Choi, 2022). Tom Cannon and his twin brother Tony got hooked, Tom says, in 1991 when they first discovered the street fighting games. Capcom released the first Street Fighter in 1987 (Tom Cannon, 2023). They moved to Stanford for college and soon learned that Capcom was just down the road, and there were a lot of fighting game enthusiasts in the neighborhood. Tom (2023) said the point of connection is how much the two players are into fighting games, and that’s how bridges are built. “It’s unique and something we should pay more attention to and try to learn from,” he said. “And maybe make all these sports more accepting, like the fighting game community” (Tom Cannon, 2023). James Chen (2023) is the former gamer and developer who does mostly commentating now. He’s thrilled to be one of the voices in the new Street Fighter Six, released in 2023. He says he thinks people really don’t know much about fighting games. “They think fighting games are just about mashing buttons, just hitting stuff, and don’t have the same kind of strategy and depth.” One of the prominent women in the FGC is Samantha “Persia” Hancock. She said in the 2016 documentary film, FGC: Rise of the Fighting Game Community, she’s concerned about the perception.

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As FGC grows and it gets more exposure and more coverage from mainstream media, I think that some issues that might come along are just the word “fighting” games. A lot of people who don’t really play games in general just hear the word and cast it off as ‘this is something that is violent and not something I would want my kids to play, or you know, parents might not see it for what it is. (Martinez) [582]

Players still needed tools, both the hardware in front of them and the knowledge and drive inside of them. Tom Cannon (2023) says the attraction of fighting games is all about the venue of play. When fighting games were really popping up in the 1990s, “What was popular?” Tom asks. “FPS, Quake, Doom, CS:GO, Star Craft, MOBAs, League, and DOTA.” To compete in those games, “to be a budding Esports athlete you needed hardware, you needed a computer, and you had to have exclusive access to that computer.” And that required affluence. One kid is in his room playing on a console, “he or she is probably playing a fighting game.” Someone with a PC in their bedroom, “maybe it’s CS:GO or DOTA.” It’s one of the reasons fighting games don’t get the attention or the massive audiences as other esports. Those who care really do care. Jason Cole (2022) says they’ve talked among themselves for years, many think they are not esports, because they’re different. And they really want to be different, as a community and as gamers. But Cole says they have to ride the tide, in his words. “So, I’m preaching, no, we are Esports. Just because we don’t have online access and all this Esports money that all these other guys have doesn’t mean that we’re not a part of it” (Cole, 2022). “We’re in this little corner. Just here chilling off to the side,” says James Chen. “We’re just having a grand old time” (2023). He says as much as he loves fighting games and thinks it’s the greatest thing in the world, “if the fighting game community just up and vanished, Esports, as a whole, would probably not be greatly affected. And that’s the sad truth.” Chen says this is very much a niche genre, though “we’ve been doing Esports much longer than Esports has been doing Esports.” It can be very much about how others view the community. Steltenpohl et al. (2018) wrote that people in the fighting-game community deal with meta-stereotypes regarding larger outside communities, “Regardless of how accurate or inaccurate the FGC’s image is, this complicated image may have a stifling effect on the community” (p. 3). And they write that of nearly 500 respondents to a survey of people who identified as FGC gamers, most paid attention to negative portrayal much more than the positive (p. 9).

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GAME The commentator James Chen (2023) says there have been many matches won or lost because someone makes a mistake, partly because they’re nervous or are tense. “That is what brings the human element into it,” he said. “It’s like a buzzer beater, you shoot the basketball and if it would go in every time if you were open, there’d be no drama. But because there is a chance of the shot missing, it just feeds off of that energy and it happens fast, right?” Jason Cole, that kid back in San Jose battling with John Choi and others in the mall, at San Jose Golfland and eventually at the Sunnyvale Golfland, has a pretty simple way to describe the inner and outer conflicts of fighting games. “It’s a virtual martial art,” he said. “People always laugh at me when I say this. It really is because it might be more mental than physical, but there’s still a little physical element” (2023). “It’s high-speed chess,” Chen told documentary filmmaker Esteban Martinez. “All you see is the buttons, the joystick and what the character is doing on screen. The thing that you really miss out on is how much is going through a person’s head when they’re playing” (Martinez, 2016). Players had to learn how to play the games by playing the games. They had chat rooms and the Cannon brothers helped information move around with their web site, Shoryukin.com, named after one of the Street Fighter characters Ryu. Before that, it was chat rooms and news groups. The time frame here: the late 1990s and into the early twenty-first century. No YouTube. No Twitch. No way to learn from others how to play. Maybe you watch videos but to see the game in its full speed you had to be on the scene. That scene was at the arcades, which were created in the 1950s and through a couple of golden ages they were on the downside. In March 1991, Capcom released “Street Fighter II, and that set off a renaissance in the business. The game helped the industry sell 60,000 cabinets worldwide (June, 2013). Because that was where the action and pretty much the only place, Cole (2022) said you had to learn how to play the old-fashioned way. He said you had to get your education right there, at the arcade. You were discussing it, you didn’t know anything. And then people posted their knowledge in news groups and on discussion chats, when the Internet became more available to the community. “If someone posted something, you might find some techniques. Now, you look it up on YouTube, there’s already a content creator (for that)” (2022). The transition from the arcade to the console was not smooth nor was it particularly welcomed by the gamers. “Fighting games in a lot of ways were the last man standing,” Seth Killian said. “Fighting games were the kind of experience you couldn’t sufficiently recreate online. And anybody that had

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had that arcade experience was very sad with the online experience” (Killian, 2023). He says the FGC, “lost the physical space.” The arcades were closing, and the players sort of got dragged into the future, “kicking and screaming.” Be reminded, many people didn’t have the best consoles, or the best internet connections. “That was part of the reason for having tournaments. It was to try and get people back in that room and to have that experience, kind of to honor it,” he said. The first of what would become the biggest event in the FGC was born in Sunnyvale at Golfland, near the headquarters of Capcom, which had developed and released the Street Fighter games. It was called the Battle by the Bay, dubbed by many in the community B3. The Cannon brothers picked up the tab. “One aisle of the arcade was devoted to fighting games,” Tom Cannon said. That’s where they ran the tournament. “Imagine 64 kids jam packed into a small space playing tournament matches. Humble beginnings” (Tom Cannon, 2023). That was 1996. A Southern Californian Alex Valle finished first, John Choi second. Why Sunnyvale? The best players in the Bay Area ended up there. At some of the arcades people couldn’t be trusted, they might start a fight, knock you down. “Sunnyvale didn’t care,” said Jason Cole. “If you went to Sunnyvale, you knew they had the best, most trusted players anywhere. You had to have balls of steel to go there in Sunnyvale. So eventually everybody pretty much migrated there” (Cole, 2022). The early local and regional tournaments needed hardware. Seth Killian (2023) says in the late 1990s he and Tony Cannon would drive around town and get as many arcade cabinets as they could find. “Those were crazy times,” Tony says. “I’ve built so many memories with those guys over the years. Like wrecking a rental truck driving equipment to an event with Seth, twice by the way” (Tony Cannon, 2023). Not only did they rent the trucks to move the arcade cabinets around, but the Cannons paid for just about everything else. Maybe not single-handedly but the Cannons kept the tournament going, through its B3 and B4 days into the rebranding of the tournament in 2002 as the Evolution Championship Series, later shortening the name to Evo. James Chen (2023) says the Cannons were the guys with jobs, “they had the finances to be able to front things.” Shows how much they love the genre, he says. “They had real jobs, so to speak,” said Seth Killian (2023). “Versus a lot of the rest of us bums who were in grad school or underemployed or just playing games all the time. Whatever bum-like activities we were doing.” Killian (2023) said the tournament scene and maybe FGC would have floundered without the Cannons. “They were like zero and one” in the list of important people who made it happen. “We’re not here without them.” Chen (2023) echoes the sentiment: “They are some of the most important people in the community. There just isn’t a lot of scenes out there that you see two of

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the biggest, most important figureheads in the community are Black people. You just don’t see that in a lot of other Esports.” For the Cannons it started out simply with a love of fighting games. It’s in Sunnyvale they met the people who were leading the fighting game community in Northern California. It’s where they met Jason Cole and John Choi, who were still teens. “I learned from those guys,” says Tom (Tom Cannon, 2023). Learning how to get good and how to compete. “I was a JV athlete in sports, but this is something I could get really competitive about. It’s fantastic. I love it” (2023). To which brother Tony says: “Street Fighter was everywhere, from arcades to laundry mats to grocery stores. The investment to play was also super cheap. The nature of the game really rewarded skill over time investment and money” (2023). The Cannons are a bit older than the rest of the characters in this drama. A little bit more ahead of the game, in numerous ways. “They are very smart,” says John Choi, who also works in the software industry. “They created a startup called VX Stream, which was a media streaming company before anything like that existed” (Choi, 2023). Their venture Radiant Entertainment was purchased by Riot Games, maker of League of Legends, in 2016 (Gilbert, 2016). The passion project the Cannons were working on as of this writing is known as Project L (Choi, 2023). The fighting game community needed to get out of the arcade, as much as they loved it and as much as it exemplifies who they are and their love for the genre. Not everybody had a console or the Internet connectivity to go online. Tom Cannon says the writing was on the wall, “arcades are going to die” (2023). This is less than a decade after Street Fighter II saved the arcades. Tom said he and his brother tried to, “take the competitive arcade scene and transplant it outside of the arcades.” They moved their tournaments to college campuses, and the first few Evo events were at Cal Poly Pomona in Southern California. “That was the catalyst that evolved the FGC into what it is today” (Tom Cannon, 2023). He says it took them three or four years to get it right. It was around 2004 Tom says he thinks there were really close to getting it right. Seth Killian (2023) says he thinks it took about a decade, the learning curve was that steep. They, the Cannons and Killian and others, created a scene that was different than the growing and soon to be massive Esports shows put on for League of Legends and DOTA2. “It was still about the players and not the audience,” says Killian (2023). It’s not so conducive to the ‘show’ that is put on by other genres. The games don’t last very long, sometimes only seconds, or maybe up to five minutes. It’s difficult to get a narrative going, get some momentum going for the audience and for the commentators on television or streaming. James Chen (2023) says he tries to help the viewer understand the tactics, strategies and histories of the players, in whatever time he has

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available. “My whole goal is to educate people on the decisions and stuff, on why people do that. In the commentary, [it might be] ‘last two times he put the opponent in this position, he did this, he’s gotten this information now, so now he switched to this tactic instead’” (Chen, 2023). As a commentator one has to break down the game for the consumers, you have to understand the game’s conditions and the game’s nuances. They do that by watching and asking questions, finding background information on the players, understanding how and why they do things. When it comes to the gamers, Chen says no one teaches you how to play, and it’s hard to get good. You quickly have to learn how your opponent is playing. So unlike chess, which is just completely kind of like a cerebral thing, there is a physical element to this, but then there is that chess like element where you’re trying to gauge your opponent and like, would he be the kind of player to take this trade? Would he trade his bishop for the horse for the knight because he’d prefer to take the dangers off the board, these kind of things. And that level of fighting games is honestly one of the most engaging parts of it. And if you aren’t familiar with fighting games, yeah, a lot of people do misunderstand the genre a lot. (Chen, 2023)

The game is misunderstood by some, members of this community agree, but it’s not all that complicated in the big picture, says Killian (2023). “These games have a real beauty and elegance to them to help you kind of understand yourself. There are a lot of paths to that kind of experience, but this is one that has lower barriers to entry in a lot of ways.” It’s real, he says, “so, I hope it’s not missed by the rest of the world because it’s real in the same way these other things are real.” John Choi (2023) is certain fighting games are growing in the esports universe. He says they need more viewers and more players, and it needs to be worldwide. “In general, fighting games is a niche. If you’re watching FIFA soccer game, you understand it because you know soccer, right?” If, Choi says, you are watching League of Legends you have time to digest it. “Fighting games are so fast paced, it’s going to be a niche market. So, while it’s definitely growing, I think it will take some time to really get to the level of those other games.” And, maybe it never will (Choi, 2023). The fighting game community has survived some bumpy rides along the way. Its biggest challenge, says Chen, was getting out of what he calls the “dark ages.” (2023) By 2008 the interest had waned, due to decisions, Chen says, regarding the presentation of Street Fighter III. The Cannons helped keep it alive, he is sure about that. Then, Street Fighter IV came out in 2009, “and the genre blew up again.” Seth Killian had a whole lot to do with that. “He was the driving force behind Street Fighter IV.” He led the development

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team at Capcom that made the game and saved the genre, according to Chen, no more of the old hand-drawn art, it had the new 3D technology (Chen, 2023). According to Killian (2023) it was nostalgic, the marketing was better, and the community was waiting to be enflamed. “Being able to launch Street Fighter 4 was a big one for me. There was so much of my life. I’d personally thrown away good stuff in my life trying to work on that project, and then you really hope it’s going to be what it needs to be. And then to see it being played and succeeding, that meant a lot on a personal level. It also it meant fighting games had a chance, had a fighting chance again.” (Martinez, 2016)

Chen (2023) says those decisions by Killian and the people at Capcom are why there are so many fighting games now. He said Street Fighter IV “reinvigorated the genre.” The renaissance of Street Fighter and the new generation of players helped propel the tournaments. Evo remained a ‘small’ tournament in the big picture, but it was growing. The games had moved from the arcades, to consoles, to PCs and then the Internet. But the feel of the fighting games and that one-on-one dynamic remains at the tournaments, including Evo “I have invested a lot of my life into making the future of these games,” Killian said in 2016. “Maybe this will become the most popular spectator thing on the planet. I don’t think that’s going to. Happen. If it did that would be amazing” (Martinez). Jeffrey Wilson (2019) wrote in PC Magazine, “Evo simply places the fighting game community—and international collective of faces, heels, tweeners also known as the FGC—on its highest stage. And with that comes the laughs and drama that other major professional video game tournaments cannot duplicate.” Tom and Tony Cannon sold Evo to Sony in 2021. They remain in advisory roles with Sony. After being a victim of the pandemic in 2020 and 2021, Evo had a modest 7,500 attendees in 2022 at Mandalay Bay in Las Vegas (Hills, 2022). That is a small gathering compared to the League of Legends finals in San Francisco in September 2022, which sold out all its 18,000 tickets in minutes. (Esguera, 2022). To compare the two events is to look at much more than the attendance figures. What the fighting game community lacks in grandness and exposure they make up for in fun, nimbleness, innovation, and opportunity. Lee (2022) wrote that the fighting game community is unmoored from corporate game developers such as Activision Blizzard and Riot Games, so “casters and commentators in the FGC have developed an uncensored style over the years.” Some big-name developers are under fire for their toxic work environment and not-so-diverse workforces, “engaging with an Esports scene

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as historically diverse as the FGC could be a boon for brands that are looking to reach competitive gamers” (Lee, 2022). The Cannons made at least one more gigantic contribution to the fighting game community, creating a network code they called GGPO (Good Game, Peace Out) that made the games run faster, eliminating most if not all the latency that caused the always fast-paced video games to be slowed down, even if only percentages of a second. Tom (2023) says it’s all Tony, “He’s a one percenter engineer, one of the very best I’ve ever worked with.” Tom says Tony knows the “intricacies of competitive fighting gameplay at a really high level. That combination of skills is unique” (Tom Cannon, 2023). Tony Cannon (2023): “I started GGPO to just make it better to play fighting games online. Arcades were already starting to close and I felt that if we didn’t solve the problem with laggy online play, it was going to be really hard to grow the community. My goal was to just get it included in the next round of fighting games to make their way to console.” He charged a nominal fee for its licensing in the early days but he now gives it away for virtually nothing. “Once people were on board with adopting rollback in their games, the license became more of a liability for adoption, especially with Indie developers who were self-publishing and might find it intimidating. At that point, switching to an MIT license made the most sense” (Tony Cannon, 2023). Tom (2023) says Tony “wasn’t trying to make a billion bucks. He just really wanted fighting games to be better online so that we could all play fighting games online.” Seth Killian (2023) gets pretty emotional when he talks about the community, where it started, how far they’ve come. Where they are now. “They were the main guys sort of driving it,” he said. “The whole thing. I think it was inspirational to a lot of us.” And, the Cannons are African American, just like a whole lot of other people in the community, and a whole lot of people who organize and promote the fighting games (Killian, 2023). It has always been this way, and the members of FGC believe it always will. “There’s a lot of history,” said the Asian American California native James Chen (2023). “I mean, representation matters. You see a lot of players that look like you.” It can be summed up simply as a matter of social identity. Social Identity Theory (SIT), proposes that individuals categorize themselves as belonging to various groups, and a positive social identity is rewarded with positive self-esteem (Trepte & Loy, pp. 1–2).

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COMMUNITY From the arcades to the consoles to Vegas to online, this community remains. They’ve moved from place to place; new families; new jobs; newer jobs; new ventures; it’s been around for more than three decades. Talk with one of them and he passes you along to another and then another and another and one gets a sense of what fighting games has meant, what it means, to so many people. “All of us have been friends for years. We all grew up together,” says Jason Cole. “It was just a huge community that started off as just a bunch of homies playing Street Fighter. It just grew and grew and grew into this monstrosity that you see today” (Cole, 2023). Clearly, it’s the sense of belonging. “Belonging is defined as a unique and subjective experience that relates to a yearning for connection with others, the need for positive regard and the desire for interpersonal connection” (Allen, 2021). Baumeister and Leary (1995) wrote, “the desire for interpersonal attachment may well be one of the most far-reaching and integrative constructs currently available to understand human nature” (p. 522). After the first Street Fighter game was published in 1987 word got around that it was kind of a cool thing. By the mid-1990s San Jose Golfland gamers had moved 20 miles up the road to Sunnyvale Golfland. They found their game. They found their people. Tony Cannon (2023) who along with brother Tom have done so much, said this is one of the most passionate groups of players in gaming. “Practically everything you see was built from the ground,” he said, “from someone who loved what they were doing so much that they had to make it happen. As a member of the community that gives you a sense of shared ownership and belonging that I haven’t experienced anywhere else in competitive gaming” (Tony Cannon, 2023). A good number of people feel a sense of belonging in the fighting game community, thanks to the Cannons. “They inspired a lot of people,” said Seth Killian. “It was really good for a lot of people” (2023). He said people look at the Cannons and said, “that could be me.” For the most part optimism reigns with the fighting game community. Cole (2022) couldn’t be more delighted for the future of FGC. He says the new generation of games are great, that the players are lucky and he’s quite happy for them. They now have a lot of online tournaments (thanks in part to the improved network coding provided by Tony Cannon); they get recognition and they and advertise themselves. And make some money. “The sky’s the limit,” Cole says. And the following remarks come without any bitterness: “I had to struggle to find bus money or for some tokens in order to play. Now they sit in the comfort of the home and they’re getting quality that’s way better than the arcade. I’m happy with this

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generation because it’s developing some really sharp cats. I just want to see it keep going” (Cole, 2022). The community is growing, according to all the pioneers we talked to. While almost everybody loved the arcades and certainly it’s next iteration, the console. The future is where so many other games are, online. Nothing brought that home more than the Covid-19 pandemic. “We have to accept that covid is here to stay,” says John Choi, who not ironically works for a Silicon Valley software company that makes covid tests. “And we’ve learned that the online experience is much better and broadcasters, stream casters, that’s the way of the future.” He says it’s time to accept that the games need the online community because that’s where everything is moving (Choi, 2023). Seth Killian has done a lot and has seen a lot. He helped develop the game that some recognize as the savior of the fighting game, Street Fighter IV. He has spent countless hours with the Cannon brothers, organizing and delivering tournaments big and small. He has been a commentator, sometimes with James Chen. He was there in 2016 when, according to some standards, fighting games hit the big time, at least with the mainstream media. Evo was presented live on ESPN2. It was good to be in the big show, but they certainly had plenty of people watching on Twitch. Killian (2023) says that’s not what he remembers most. He signed on to broadcast the event. He was headed to the broadcast desk, ready to put on a headset and talk to the world about this genre he loves. “I should have been nervous. I was about to go on TV with my game face on.” He walked past the production crew, the people who were about to do the technical work, the camera operators, audio people, the support people ready to work on Evo’s big-time network gig. “All of the production crew were idiots from the scene,” he said. “Just like nose picking goobers who over time had just sort of hung around long enough to develop a professional skill and a capability to function as a group. And seeing all those losers put a broadcast on ESPN from nothing that year. It was inspiring.” REFERENCES Allen, K. A. (2021). The Psychology of Belonging. Routledge. Baumeister, R. F., & Leary, M. R. (1995). The need to belong: Desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation. Psychological Bulletin, 117(3), 497–529.  https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1037​/0033​-2909​.117​.3​.497 Bruce, Graeme. (2022). US: Super Smash Bros. is the most popular fighting game. YouGovAmerica. https:​//​today​.yougov​.com​/topics​/technology​/articles​-reports​ /2022​/01​/04​/us​-super​-smash​-bros​-most​-popular​-fighting​-game Cannon, Tom. Personal communication, January 13, 2023.

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Cannon, Tony. Personal communication, January 18, 2023. Chen, J. Personal communication, January 9, 2023. Choi, J. Personal communication, December 20, 2022. Cole, J. Personal communication, December 7, 2022. Epps, D. (2020, June 16). Black lives have always mattered in the fighting game community. Polygon. https:​//​www​.polygon​.com​/2020​/6​/16​/21292108​/black​-lives​ -matter​-fighting​-game​-community​-blm​-fgc​-majin​-obama​-tasty​-steve Esguera, T. (2022). Worlds woes: League fans fan face issues securing tickets to 2022 World Championship, sell out in minutes. Dot Esports. https:​//​dotesports​.com​ /league​-of​-legends​/news​/league​-fans​-face​-issues​-securing​-worlds​-2022​-tickets Gilbert, Ben. (2016). The studio behind “League of Legends” is making its second game. Business Insider. https:​//​www​.businessinsider​.com​/riot​-games​-buys​-radiant​ -entertainment​-2016​-3 Goffman, E. (1972). Encounters: Two studies in the sociology of interaction. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin. Hills, D. (2022). Evo’s final game registration numbers released. Eventhubs. https:​//​ www​.eventhubs​.com​/news​/2022​/jul​/18​/evo​-final​-registration​-numbers​/ Johnson, M. R., & Woodcock, J. (2017). Fighting games and Go: Exploring the aesthetics of play in professional gaming. Thesis Eleven. Retrieved 07/05/23. DOI: 10.77/07255136689399. https://journals.sagepub.com/ doi/10.1177/0725513616689399 June, L (2013). For Amusement Only: the life and death of the American arcade. The Verge.  https:​//​www​.theverge​.com​/2013​/1​/16​/3740422​/the​-life​-and​-death​-of​ -the​-american​-arcade​-for​-amusement​-only Killian, S. Personal communication, January 3, 2023. Lee, A. (2022). The rundown: why fighting games are an underutilized resource for esports-minded brands and their partners. Digiday. https:​//​digiday​.com​/marketing​ /the​-rundown​-why​-fighting​-games​-are ​-an​-underutilized​ - resource​ - for​ - esports​ -minded​-brands​-and​-their​-partners​/ Martinez, E. (2016). FGC: Rise of the Fighting Game Community. Documentary film. Murray, S. (2021). Video Games: The visual politics of race, gender and space. Bloomsbury Publishing. Skolnik, M. R., & Conway, S. (2019). Tusslers, Beatdowns and Brothers:ASociohistorical Overview of Video Games Arcades and the Street Fighter Community. Games and Culture, 14(7–8), 742–762. DOI: 10.1177/15554120177727687. Sage. Steltenpohl, C. N., Reed, J., & Keys, C.B.(2018). Do Others Understand Us? Fighting Game Community member perceptions of others’ views of the FGC. Global Journal of Community Psychology Practice, 9(1), 1–21. Retrieved 07/05/23, from (http:​//​www​.gjcpp​.org​/). Trepte, S., & Loy, L. S. (2017). Social identity theory and self-categorization theory. The international encyclopedia of media effects. Editor Patrick Rossler. John Wiley and Sons.

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Wilson, J. (2019). There Is No Esport Event Better Than Evo. PCMag. https:​//​www​ .pcmag​.com​/opinions​/there​-is​-no​-esport​-event​-better​-than​-evo Winkie, L. (2021, May 5). The Original Kings of Esports. The Atlantic.  https:​//​www​ .theatlantic​.com​/technology​/archive​/2021​/05​/why​-esports​-so​-segregated​/618768​/

Chapter 6

Unleashing the Stories of Invisible Gamers in Esports‌‌ Katerina Tovia-Dufoo‌‌

ESPORTS CAN BE ADDICTIVE (ALLAN) Esports and gaming in general are becoming embedded in our cultural fabric. There is no secret that COVID-19 midst lock downs led to the rapid rise of esports as individuals turned to online gaming and esports to fill the void temporarily left from live traditional sports (Allen, 2020; McCarthy, 2020; Singh, 2020). When from a country where traditional sports are the norm and everything else is considered ‘odd,’ it allows the researcher to invest into finding out more about esports and its relevance in a traditionally sport crazy nation like New Zealand. As a society we are used to seeing the physical element of a player on a court, track, or field. As a society we are also used to seeing the athletic body—a symbolism of training and disciplining of the body in its quest to master its craft. Somewhere along the gaming journey whether as a fan, gamer, or spectator thru active or passive consumption, one can connect to a ‘gaming experience’ from playing a video, arcade, or computer games or more recently on mobile phones, tablets, gaming consoles. The rise of esports is similar to the rise of Working From Home (WFH) scenarios played out across the globe. If anything, this phenomena has been amplified more in the last two to three years due to COVID-19. Not to compare esports to an evolving and changing virus, but rather an area that researchers have not fully understood yet. Sean Burns (2021) pointed out E is for Everyone in Esports as he highlighted the importance of operating through a continuous improvement lens to (re)viewing inclusion practices and diversity roles within an institution, community, and team. 79

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This chapter first addresses the dominate rhetoric of gender inequality experienced by women in esports. This is followed by a discussion on esports passive exclusion of Indigenous representation in gaming and its lack of acknowledgment of the other gamers that do not fit the typical images of gamers in esports. Esport Federations around the world should be applauded for providing a framework placing women within the esporting context. It seems aligned to the core values of esports of inclusive participation. Jonathan Jansen as CEO of New Zealand Esports Federation (NZESF) is committed to ensuring people from all walks of life, regardless of gender, race, socioeconomic background, disability or religion can participate equally in esports, by starting with building participation at grassroots level and supporting educational resources for players from all backgrounds (New Zealand Esports Federation, 2021). The federation has established a female sub-committee to ensure an authentic voice and direction for how to increase female participation is heard. A slight shift in its annual general meeting where its board composition shifted from 100% male to 72.5% male, 28.5% female, with the goal to get above 40% in the next year. This is similar to the Austrian Esports Association and Germany Esports Federation (ESBD) creating a working group to look at increasing women’s participation rate. As such, the British Esports Federation initiative having outlined its intention, to celebrate women within the esports industry, and play its own part in raising awareness and inclusivity in esports alongside organizations such as Women in Games founded in 2009, with the aim to create fair and safe environment and fostering opportunities to empower girls and women in the global gaming ecosystem (Women in Games, 2009). Anykey is another leading organization which was formed in 2015 with the goal of advocating for inclusion and diversity in competition gaming and live streaming (Anykey, 2015). The examination of women in esports is centered on calls for structural and institutional changes such as better representation, sponsorship, lack of safe spaces, collective identity, sexism, discrimination as well as, the need to create independent structures that are designed and developed by women for women. Research highlights similar barriers to the inclusiveness experienced by women in esports is similar to the experience women face in traditional sports (Ratan et al., 2015; Ruvalcaba et al., 2018). For esports it would appear the main reason for its appeal is the promotion of social equality and inclusion (Freeman & Wohn, 2017; Pizzo et al., 2019; Seo, 2016; Xue et al., 2019) as a platform for like-minded people regardless of one’s (dis)ability, gender or race acutely sits in contrast to this image. Studies show condescending behavior towards women like sexist behavior and exclusion, namely harassment or male hedonism (Jansz & Martens, 2005; Ratan et al., 2015;



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Ruvalcaba et al., 2018), low acceptance of other genders and lack of political correctness (Xue et al., 2019), and application of gender normative roles in games (Ratan et al., 2015). These types of experiences are wide spread across the majority of sports that women participate in. Advocates for women only sporting policies argue that they appear empowering and provide women with the experience of female solidarity in a sporting environment in a manner that men have historically experienced the boys’ club for video games, however conversely it is argued to have the disadvantage of creating a space separate from the mainstream. It becomes framed as an equal opportunity mechanism with limited substance, labeled as ‘other’ and becomes isolated. Ultimately, the creation of an all-female league or female only team is not the solution to solving the gender problem in esports. Instead a cultural shift in recognizing esports as a leisure activity and slowly work within the walls of esports to strip away the masculine identity and ideals associated with gaming and its consumption. As such, whilst there is still work to do in the space of women in sports including women in esports, there needs to be a call to move beyond the well-rehearsed arguments, and start to include the lived experiences of different players involved in esports in some form of analysis. So far esports has worked on accessibility by ensuring blind, deaf, and mobility-impaired gamers can still play, ensuring that those who are color blind can customize their display. Inclusion of communities such as LGBTQIA+ players have safe spaces to play. Tuning into conversations with an international gaming community sharing different stages of their gaming journey, highlights how much of the invisible gamer there are in esports and how often their inclusion is seen as unauthentic compared to others. The need to include in esport conversations more Indigenous knowledge and less appropriation. It is these group of diverse players involved in esports that deserve to have their stories told. INVISIBLE GAMERS In order to understand the invisible gamers’ story, one has to define what is esports and what does it mean by invisible gamer. Firstly, esports can be described as competitive and organized computer and video gaming, in which two or more parties (individuals or teams) face each other under regulated and balanced conditions. It takes strategic, tactical, physical, and mental skill to outperform the opponent (Borowy & Jin, 2013; Maric, 2011; Weiss & Schiele, 2013; Witkowski, 2012). Its social equality and inclusion among its draw cards with strong socializing potential for long-established enthusiasts. This includes having no barriers to participate regarding age, gender, sexuality, origin, or healthiness. Secondly, the category invisible gamer refers to

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individuals or groups of individuals who are present but are systematically/ institutionally ignored by others or organizations. THE INCLUSION OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN ESPORTS Video games have long been considered an important platform for creativity and exploring different narratives. The power of developing characters, generating plot twists and creating compelling dialogues provides ownership over content and controlling the narrative being told. While Indigenous cultures have been featured in many video games, mainstream video games often offer heavily romanticized indigenous identity or representations of Indigenous people reminiscent of colonial discourses. For example, the Banjo Tooie (Rare, 2000) series depicts Native Americans shaman Mumbo Jumbo apparently beaten with an ugly stick by Gruntilda, whilst the female counterpart of Mumbo’s, Humba Wumba is a lovely girl who resides in a teepee. Visual tokenism with the use of Spirit Bows and tomahawks, have been attached to generalized Native American characters, including Thunder Hawk in Street Fighter whose inception was a response to include more Native American characters in popular media (Capcom, 1987) and Nightwolf in Mortal Kombat (Midway Games, 1992). Although video games heavily rely on incorporating multiple media formats to enhance the game’s environment, story, and characters. It maybe is problematic as most games require the player to act violently. For example, the Lost Gold game requires the player to physically point a gun controller at the Native American characters and shoot them to proceed through the game, thus reinforcing violent actions against an Indigenous community. The assumption from developers that all Indigenous communities share the same traditions, culture, and identity. There is clearly an urgent need for co-creation in video games and co-construction of narratives which represent Indigenous peoples and cultures. There is a call to action for more Indigenous gamers and communities to take a more active role, and work in a consultative capacity when it comes to development of games. This is to ensure they are able to pull back digital sovereignty over their identity and ensure their input, knowledge and traditions are being incorporated into video games respectfully. In order for this to occur, one has to increase its digital fluency, which starts within schools and education settings. In New Zealand, Spotswood High School in New Plymouth (Ngāmotu) of Taranaki region has taken the approach of helping its students connect with their Indigenous identity and Māori language and culture through gaming and learning the applications of esports such as live



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streaming, content creation, broadcasting and streaming (Coster, 2022). In Australia, 31 primary schools participated in the First National Aborigines and Islanders Day Observance Committee Minecraft Education Challenge. It was an opportunity to use digital technology alongside Indigenous knowledge, where students participating were encouraged to research and learn from Indigenous sources of knowledge and narratives including working alongside elders. Using Microsoft 3D paint and Minecraft, learners then created mixed reality characters and a series of richly featured Minecraft worlds. It would appear up-coming generations will be flexible and willing to engage with Indigenous groups as part of content creation for gaming. This call to action is an indicator that Indigenous gamers should start to gain more agency and control of its own representation. Conversations with an international gaming community allowed for some insight into their world as outsiders inside esports. Participants identity has been kept confidential and have been given Pseudonyms instead. This section aims to highlight the unspoken work a group of gaming married men are doing in the background to build safer social and gaming practices to their gaming communities. It will also provide insights into those in their community identified as disabled gamers. It makes visible their own narratives so they can speak for themselves in how they help facilitate and service the sport. It offers important considerations for studies of sport and leisure by highlighting an aspect of married men positive relationship to esport which has been largely ignored, and the difficult conversation on accessibility for disabled gamers. Using the fundamentals and principles of Talanoa, which is a specific Pacific approach. A methodology grounded in phenomenological approach of seeking to understand people’s actions and motivations, and the individual’s lived experience. Talanoa in many Pacific languages refers to having conversations, to tell a story and to converse about anything. Whilst it has different meanings between Pacific nations the practice itself provides a space for individuals to engage in a social conversation that may lead to critical discussion through story telling of personal narratives, or lead to other insights, furthermore a platform for experiences to be validated (Vaioleti, 2006). In this research, conversations were grounded in the four principles of Talanoa of respect, love, humor, and warmth to provide a rich space where they could tell their stories, their realities and issues. I think over time as well, we have gotten to know and learn about each other’s families and situations . . . like a couple of us have been thru some heavy stuff like divorces, addiction, being catfished! (not me personally) . . . but we all connect through our gaming commitment and our online group chats. (Sou)

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 . . . for me, I don’t care what others think, I let my results and skill speak for it-self. I do get a hard time from my own alliance because I’m just so . . . um aggressive in my play, I’m after the titles, points, improving my stats and ranking, some say its because I’m a total butch and a lesibo, but it doesn’t bother me because its guys that I have played with for such a long time ya know, but if I didn’t know you and the comments came thru in the feed, it would be my alliance who would go on the attack, like seriously grown ass men that would back me because they all know I do me. (Barbara)

Despite the time difference and time zones, ensuring social inclusion, collective membership and feel-good experiences within its gaming community is a continued theme, it aims to indirectly provide a sense of belonging to somewhere outside of their normal (Freeman & Wohn, 2017; Pizzo et al., 2019; Seo, 2016). When highlighting the make-up of the group largely being male, middle age and married, most if not all agreed that the gender make-up is not intentional. There was a collective understanding among the group, that recruitment would be based on skill-set and availability for gaming. The five foundational members have scaled back from competitive to casual play to spending time coaching, counseling, directing & coordinating, as Allan notes: Most of the older members are competitive who have more time to spend and more money to spend than other players. There was one member that came to my attention for spending over 10K, and they only caught my eye because they were sitting in the top 5 with a low skill level which really meant he was buying his ranking rather than fairly competing like everyone else, we didn’t cut him but we did talk to him about fair play, being responsible, role modelling, which felt weird because your [sic] are talking to a grown man and really its [sic] his money, but we just felt we had too, especially because he had kids as well, so we were just looking out for him really . . . esports can be really addictive if you are not careful . . . I think doing some social caring work shows we are a gaming family . . .  (Allan).

Another founding member added mentoring of younger members as vital to their retention. Offering emotional support and advice, recognition of their work and engagement through ongoing conversations beyond the game was key to ensuring they remained visible, heard and valued. It is often seen in traditional sports, issues of retention stem from not paying attention to the underlying subtle messages and lack of presence. “We lead through the service of others” (Mick). “Some need that uplift and some next steps when things go sour, but it is free advice but good advice” (Sam).



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I personally feel underwhelmed. In my part of the world our participation rate is only slightly higher than women who game. I feel that maybe the women gamers have their own way of helping others in the sporting community, well in any sports not just in esports . . . and its almost expected of them to take on that supportive and shepherding role. I feel that as a male gamer taking on the same role that others view my intentions and efforts as unauthentic and they are still looking for the women behind our community success. (Chase)

It would appear that whilst the majority of the group are married men, they have unconsciously taken on a nurturing role with the focus on providing a space where members are safe and supported. Seeing themselves as guardians, friends, and providing a social good, despite the gendered argument that married men and gaming have negative effects and outcomes. I’ve been accused of neglecting my marriage because apparently I’m spending too much time on the game. But my reality is that I enjoy the time out, the chill factor. I don’t let life pass me by, its my time to breathe a bit . . . I help out with the domestics, I work, I help provide. Like I’ve said to my wife a number of times just because I don’t sit with you for 30 minutes or don’t hug at that very point in time because I’m in a middle of a quest, doesn’t [sic] mean I love you any less. (Ralph)

Establishing a routine with the elements of work-life balance maybe the expected minimum requirements for a relationship where one is a gamer, and what is considered healthy, balanced, and fair and reasonable only matters to those concerned, and never we mind as Otto and Franz retell their experience. I have a good balance at home, I have equal time with my wife and kids and than [sic] I have equal time with team. I plan if I can so my wife knows my red zone times/day. It’s a good arrangement. But one thing I do know is the reaction from anyone outside of my wife and kids circle when they ask ‘what do you in your spare time’ and when I respond with ‘gaming’ the convo [sic] goes downhill and eye brows go up the ying yang [sic] and I already know they have gone straight for the lazy, neglectful and ungrateful husband label. It is silent discriminatory. (Otto) We (married men who game) all get lumped into this one negative derogatory label. I don’t [sic] feel that married men who are disabled people receive the same sort of negativity or assumptions as we do. They don’t [sic] know my story or my why. So yes it is very judgmental and discriminating for us. (Franz)

From Otto and Franz experience alone outline the frustration experienced by married men who have settled their work-life balance with their partners only to face external backlash of a private arrangement. It does highlight the

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undercurrent gender-based consumer vulnerability driven by the masculineorientated gaming culture that all male gamers (married or not) are stereotypical lazy, inattentive, and socially incompetent. The experiences suggest married men struggle to find acceptance of being a married man who games due to the socially and culturally constructed stereotype of male gamers. The common arguments on the effects of gaming in relationships has led to the main reason why couples land in counseling. Help and advice threads dedicated to tips on how to deal with a gaming spouse with main contributors being wives, girlfriends, or in-laws. The overall sense captured from this group highlighted how their work is undervalued and unappreciated. Rather than playing to the typical narrative of the inattentive gaming husband or spouse they have taken on the nurturing role to, role model what positive contribution, participation and engagement looks like and the need and want to invest back into its own esports community. When probed more about directing and coordinating efforts, it was evident that the intention was to ensure members got an equal share of playing time, and its members were well-rested. A few of the members highlighted feeling more pressure to proving themselves because of their ethnicity.  . . . look, 1. I am not your typical gamer, I’m brown didn’t have the gaming resources growing up like most gamers have now, so I spent a lot of my time at my mates house jamming on the PS1, PS2 and well I just evolve from there 2. When I’m competing I think some look at me like I’m a poor decision maker or not a good gamer and then 3. Bam (laughs) I surprise them, like I have skills and talents that gets ignored because sometimes I feel they are focused on my ethnicity than my gaming skills and that sucks. (Freddy)  . . . lets [sic] be honest, people of colour [sic], Islander, Latino, Black, mixed are not your typical gamers so we don’t get to see many role models, for us in this alliance at least we get the chance to show case our skills as much as possible and its through our rotation which seems fair for everyone, but it does seem when we are on right (points to Freddy) dam! we are on and than [sic] we have to go extra next level skills out, like seriously 100% no choice. (Sefs)

Within the same group one highlighted feeling included within his own gaming alliance because of his skill but excluded from esports in general because of his disability. I speak for myself here, I’m privileged hands downs, I have adapted equipment I feel included in my team structure and I feel heard and empowered within my team community. I can operate with a sense of confidence with no judgement, however in the bigger picture I don’t feel those same things if I was to attend a massive esports events, I wouldn’t feel confident in being able to compete



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so openly and publicly like some of those confident able gamers do—I just don’t . . . and so where to from here for us (dis)abled gamers . . ..  (Damian)

The statement made by Damian is a common argument asking if esports is inclusive and accessible for those who are disabled. For those gamers who are visually or hearing impaired attending conventions or competitions present hurdles of accessing alt text or subtitles or simply the lack of basic in-game features to ignorance within the gaming community. While organizations like AbleGamers, Onelife, and SpecialEffect provide accessibility funding for adaptive technology making it affordable to obtain additional equipment. Microsoft with its Xbox Adaptive Controller and Logitech Adaptive Gaming Kit, which allow players to customize their gaming experience with programmable buttons and external peripherals. The QuadStick, a mouth-operated controller, gives gamers a hands-free way to play. With the move toward greater accessibility there needs to be more innovative ways to use assistive technology legitimately and continue to challenge arguments of (dis)abled not being abled enough to game. When reflecting on Sean Burns (2021) point that E is for everyone in esports, it truly highlights there is still work to be done to create and have a fuller inclusive experience for those who are disabled. The rise of tournaments Gunma Esports Festival in Takasaki, Netmarble National E festival Competitions designed specifically for gamers with disabilities aim to bridge the gap between (dis)abled gamers has created another conversation on separatism and difference. A similar conversation already faced by women in sports in general. Esports is the epitome of inclusivity, where all fields are equal, where size, shape, or even gender no longer matters and therefore creating separate or segregated competitions does not demonstrate inclusivity rather exclusivity with choices. The latter referring to the option to switch to more competitive games or going up a weight class. The same choice does not exist for those who are not disabled. Meaning it would be unfair for a abled body gamer to compete in a tournament designed for disabled gamers or female-only tournaments, yet it would be acceptable for the reserve to happen. Some would argue selective, privileged, and exception applied to some and not all. It seems that esports is not as inclusive as it makes out to be. Damian point is on a culture shift and normalizing the presence of other type of gamers who are competing or physically present as spectators. The mention of disabled gamer verbally or visually would suggest the level of unconscious bias remains hard-wired. As most disabled gamers have highlighted the unwillingness of people to accommodate them. Some of the key issues affecting disabled gamers could be the continuing myths and anxieties among organizers as doing too much by lowering the barrier or not enough to be inclusive and accessible for those participants who need it. And whilst in

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the public domain we have witnessed small positive change in assistive and adaptable technology for disabled gamers, it has also presented real concerns over cheating and technology advantage. Well-known gamers such as Mike “Brolylegs” Begum, Randy “N0M4D” Fitzgerald, Chris “Phoenix” Robinson, and others who have overcome their disability to compete with the best in the world and advocate for full inclusivity in esports. It would appear that disabled gamers need to be at the center of the conversations, planning, design and implementation and feedback platforms. A platform that is not consistent across the industry. It would also appear that creating separate tournaments have more cons than pros for some gamers. Some gamers prefer to play against abled opponents and have no special treatment. “I’m paralyzed one side of body from my arm downwards. I’m disabled but the whole point of sport is to win, and that is exactly how it should be” (Christian). Some gamers who prefer to play against other disabled gamers, who are using the same technology. The issue with this is when two gamers with the same condition with different ways on how they will play and what level of support and technology required. There is no like for like in this situation. Furthermore, some gamers who feel the definition of disability in the context of esports needs defining. A call for honest and confronting conversations with the disability gaming community on the level or categorization of gamers who consider themselves disabled. You have Kuro Takhasomi the most successful player of all time, and his issue is . . . he can’t use his legs, but dammit there is nothing wrong with his hands or eye sight, so for him would he be classed as disabled? Could he then compete in the disability only events? Does that mean he is allowed to use specialized equipment? You get my point! (Christian)

Gamers with disabilities are reminded of their disability as gamers and as spectators. Though there is hope with specialized technology and equipment becoming accessible, it will over time lead to diversity, representation, and selective use of who should and can use such technology in esports. Research indicates that people who play esport on an organized competitive level identify as athletes (Karsenti & Bugmann, 2018; Pizzo et al., 2019; Schaeperkoetter et al., 2017). Research also shows that these players are quick to mention specific ethics, norms, and codices such as fair play, sportsmanship, and respect for the opponent as crucial elements of esport (Baltezarević & Baltezarević, 2019; Brown et al., 2018; Martončik, 2015). When it comes to inclusion and diversity in esports, we reference what institutions and communities are doing to operationalize its inclusion and diversity strategies, whilst ignoring the stories and lived experiences of the silent



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gamer who has become invisible. This chapter is not only a call for action to acknowledge and incorporate more Indigenous knowledge into gaming frameworks but to also provide a genuine sense of agency to reclaiming Indigenous content used in esports. Lastly, the rich stories told by the international gaming community and a local gaming team has provided a small insight into their world as outsiders operating inside esports. Conversations and stories being told at a grass-root level that is away from the mega gaming arena, are authentic voices that are not heard and remain invisible to esports. This chapter addresses that gap directly. REFERENCES Allen, T. (2020, May 5). COVID-19 and the Rise of Esports. University of Nevada, Las Vegas (unlv.edu). https:​//​www​.unlv​.edu​/news​/release​/covid​-19​-and​-rise​-esports Altagram.com. (2022, February 1). How People with Disabilities are changing Esports. Retrieved from https:​//​altagram​.com​/people​-with​-disabilities​-changing​ -esports​/ Anykey. (2015). Retrieved June 19, 2022 from https:​//​anykey​.org Baltezarević, B., & Baltezarević, V. (2019). Esports as a new playground. Facta Universitatis: Series Physical Education & Sport, 17(1), 23–30. Borowy, M., & Jin, D. Y. (2013). Pioneering ESport: the experience economy and the marketing of early 1980s arcade gaming contests. International Journal of Communication, 7, 2254–2274. Brown, K. A., Billings, A. C., Murphy, B., & Puesan, L. (2018). Intersections of fandom in the age of interactive media. Communication & Sport, 6(4), 418–435. https:​ //​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/ 2167479517727286 Burns, S. (2021, August 9). Expanding Esports in Higher Ed: Benefits and Guidance for New Esports Programs. Retrieved from https:​//​www​.educause​.edu​/ecar​/ research​-publications​/2021​/expanding​-esports​-in​-higher​-ed​-benefits​-and​-guidance​ -for​-new​-esports​-programs​/e​-is​-for​-everybody​-diversity​-and​-inclusion​-in​-esports Capcom. (1987). Street Fighter. Osaka, Japan. Coster, D. (2022, May 20). The Taranaki school melding te reo, tikanga, te Tiriti and e-sports. Stuff.co.nz. https:​//​www​.stuff​.co​.nz​/pou​-tiaki​/128665002​/the​-taranaki​ -school. Freeman, G., & Wohn, D. Y. (2017). Social support in esports: building emotional and esteem support from instrumental support interactions in a highly competitive environment. In Chiplay’17: Proceedings of the annual symposium on computer-human interaction in play (pp. 435–447). https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1145​/3116595​.3116635 Glaze, V. (2019, July 25). Japan to hold its first-ever esports tournament for disabled gamers. Retrieved from https:​//​www​.dexerto​.com​/gaming​/japan​-hold​-first​-ever​ -esports​-tournament​-disabled​-gamers​-841577​/

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Jansz, J., & Martens, L. (2005). Gaming at a LAN event: the social context of playing video games. New Media & Society, 7(3), 333–355. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​ /1461444805052280 Krishnaswamy, A. (2019, April 14). Inclusivity in gaming: are events for the disabled really the solution? Retrieved from https:​//​www​.firstpost​.com​/sports​/inclusivity​-in​ -gaming​-are​-events​-for​-the​-disabled​-really​-the​-solution​-9528321​.html Maric, J. (2011). Electronic sport: How pro-gaming negotiates territorial belonging and gender. Journal of Media and Communication, 3(2), 6–23. Martončik, M. (2015). e-Sports: Playing just for fun or playing to satisfy life goals? Computers in Human Behavior, 48, 208–211. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​/j​.chb​.2015​ .01​.056 McCarthy, N. (2020, April 14). Esport: Competitive gaming on the rise as lockdown flips sport on its head. BBC Sport. https:​//​www​.bbc​.com​/sport​/northern​-ireland​ /52285281 Midway Games. (1992). Mortal Kombat. Chicago, Illinois. Mosley, R. (2022, January 13). How Esports and gaming can create more accessibility for gamers who are disabled. Retrieved from https:​//​nerdstreet​.com​/news​ /2022​/1​/how​-esports​-and​-gaming​-can​-create​-more​-accessibility​-for​-gamers​-who​ -are​-disabled. Nintendo. (2000). Banjo Tooie. Kyoto. Pizzo, A. D., Jones, G. J., & Funk, D. C. (2019). Navigating the iron cage: an institutional creation perspective of collegiate Esports. International Journal of Sport Management, 20(2), 171–197. Prensky, M. (2001). Digital natives, digital immigrants. On the Horizon, vol. 9 no. 5, October, MCB University Press. Retrieved August 1, 2022 from http:​//​ www​.marcprensky​.com​/writing​/Prensky​%20​%20Digital​%20Natives​,​%20Digital​ %20Immigrants​%20​-​%20Part1​.pdf Ratan, R. A., Taylor, N., Hogan, J., Kennedy, T., & Williams, D. (2015). Stand by your man: An examination of gender disparity in league of legends. Games and Culture, 10(5), 438–462. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/1555412014567228 Ruvalcaba, O., Shulze, J., Kim, A., Berzenski, S. R., & Otten, M. P. (2018). Women’s experiences in Esports: Gendered differences in peer and spectator feedback during competitive video game play. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 42(4), 295–311. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/0193723518773287 Schaeperkoetter, C. C., Oja, B., Mays, J., Krueger, K., Hyland, S. T., Christian, R., Wilkerson, Z., & Bass, J. R. (2017). The “new” student-athlete: An exploratory examination of scholarship Esports players. Journal of Intercollegiate Sport, 10(1), 1–21. Scoop News. (2011, November 3). NZ's Latest Sport Making Big Step Towards Olympic Goal. Retrieved June 17, 2022 from https:​//​www​.scoop​.co​.nz​/stories​/ CU2111​/S00033​/nzs​-latest​-sport​-making Seo, Y. (2016). Professionalized consumption and identity transformations in the field of Esports. Journal of Business Research, 69(1), 264–272.  https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​ /j​.jbusres​.2015​.07​.039



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Singh, K. (2020, July 5). The rise of E-sports during the COVID-19 pandemic. Times now News. https:​//​www​.timesnownews​.com​/sports​/others​/article​/the​-rise​-of​ -esports Vaioleti, T. M. (2006). Talanoa Research Methodology: A developing position on Pacific research. Waikato Journal of Education, 12, 21–34. Weiss, T., & Schiele, S. (2013). Virtual worlds in competitive contexts: analyzing Esports consumer needs. Electronic Markets, 23(4), 307–316.  https:​//​doi​.org​/10​ .1007​/s12525​-013​-0127​-5 Witkowski, E. (2012). On the digital playing field how we ‘do sport’ with networked computer games. Games and Culture, 7(5), 349–374. Women in games. (2009). Retrieved June 19, 2022 from www​.womeningames​.org Xue, H., Newman, J. I., & Du, J. (2019). Narratives, identity and community in Esports. Leisure Studies, 38(6), 845–861. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1080​/02614367​.2019​ .1640778

Chapter 7

Black Men, STEM, and Erasing the Digital Divide The Need for Black Male Targeted Esport Initiatives David C. Hughes

In the 21st century, the importance of technology and STEM fields has increased dramatically (Hussin et al., 2019). Throughout the last few years, STEM has become a topic of conversation in the global workplace. The need for STEM graduates is continuing to increase at a comparatively quick rate in Malaysia and other developed nations. However, despite the growing importance of these fields, black men continue to be underrepresented and face significant barriers to success (Funk & Parker, 2018). The digital divide exacerbates these disparities, with black communities often having limited access to technology and the internet. According to Funk and Parker (2018), a Pew Research Center study found that the majority of black people working in STEM fields believe that discrimination in hiring and promotion processes, limited access to quality education, and a lack of encouragement to pursue these careers from a young age are the main causes of the underrepresentation of blacks and Hispanics in STEM fields. This chapter will explore the need for targeted initiatives aimed at increasing the participation and success of black men in the growing field of esports. Esports has become a rapidly growing industry, with billions of dollars in revenue and millions of fans around the world. Despite this growth, there is a significant lack of diversity in the industry, particularly among black men. Encouraging more black men to pursue careers in esports and STEM-related fields can have numerous benefits, both for individuals and for society as a whole. 93

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Electronic sports (esports) has become a thriving global phenomenon thanks to the accessibility and affordability of increased internet bandwidth, video memory, and computing speed. More than 200 million people watched the League of Legends World Cup Finals in 2018 (Esports Charts, 2021). In comparison, according to Nielsen (2018), the American Super Bowl 2019 attracted 104 million viewers in the US and between 30 and 50 million viewers elsewhere (Constantine, 2019). One of the primary reasons why black men should consider pursuing careers in esports and STEM-related fields is the potential for economic mobility. The Super Bowl LIII garnered 98.2 million viewers, while the 2018 League of Legends World Championship match drew 99.6 million (Gough, 2019). Also, it was predicted that by 2025, the global market income for esports might reach 1.87 billion US dollars. Esports is a growing industry with numerous opportunities for employment, ranging from professional gamers to event coordinators, analysts, and software developers (Kangas & Suomalainen, 2021). Additionally, STEM-related fields, such as computer science, engineering, and data analysis, are in high demand and offer high-paying careers that can provide financial stability and security. Unfortunately, black men are underrepresented in both esports and STEM-related fields. According to a report by the National Science Foundation (2023), only 9% of STEM-related bachelor’s degrees were earned by black or African American individuals in 2021. Similarly, a report by the International Game Developers Association (2021) found that only 4% of game developers identified as black or African American. According to Fry et al. (2021), African Americans only make up 9% of the population with STEM jobs, with black men only earning $69,200 and Asian men earning $103,300. By pursuing careers in these fields, black men can help to increase their representation and break down barriers to entry for future generations. Another reason why black men should consider pursuing careers in esports and STEM-related fields is the potential for social impact. As esports and technology continue to shape the world around us, it is critical that diverse perspectives are included in the development of these industries. Black men bring unique experiences and perspectives to the table, which can help to drive innovation and improve the overall quality of the products and services that are developed (Hackney, 2018). In addition to driving innovation, black men can also use their skills and knowledge to make a positive impact in their communities. For example, they can develop technology solutions to address social issues such as poverty, healthcare disparities, and education access. By using their skills to solve real-world problems, black men can make a meaningful difference in the lives of those around them. Encouraging black men to pursue careers in esports and STEM-related fields can also help to address issues of systemic racism and inequality. These industries have historically been dominated by white men, and this has created a culture that can be unwelcoming to individuals from diverse

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backgrounds. Embrick et al. (2012) stated that the way we play games is the most blatant way to show how we perceive the world, and video games are the only medium that can accurately depict the operation of both made-up and actual systems. Players can form and act on ideas about how those systems function and the constraints that govern activities inside each system through the interaction between the design of a video game and their choices within the game. As humans make video games, each designer’s perception of social reality offers a channel for disseminating cultural practices. Everything from the advertisements of games to the designs of characters and game layouts reflects and reinforces a racist narrative. In a news article written by ESPN Esports (2020), Erin Ashley Simon (co-owner of XSet) said the following: Whether it is on social media, in Twitch chat, it’s a systemic issue that’s ingrained in internet culture. And since the internet is heavily tied to gaming and esports culture, that’s a part of it as well. So, I’ve been on broadcasts where I was called the N-word, monkey and other derogatory words in the Twitch chat. I’ve been very grateful for the various opportunities within my career, but it can be difficult at times, and especially when you are the only Black person on a broadcast. (para. 5)

By increasing the representation of black men in these fields, it can help to break down these barriers and promote a more inclusive and equitable society. However, there are several challenges that need to be addressed in order to encourage more black men to pursue careers in esports and STEM-related fields. One of the biggest challenges is the lack of access to resources and opportunities, particularly in under resourced communities (Funk & Parker, 2018). This can include a lack of access to high-quality education, limited exposure to technology and esports, and a lack of role models and mentorship. Another challenge is the prevalence of negative stereotypes and cultural biases that can discourage black men from pursuing careers in these fields. For example, there is a persistent stereotype that black men are not interested in or capable of excelling in technology-related fields. Additionally, the gaming industry has faced criticism for perpetuating harmful stereotypes and promoting toxic behavior, which can create a hostile environment for individuals from diverse backgrounds (Embrick et al., 2012). To address these challenges, it is important to take a multipronged approach that includes education, mentorship, and community outreach. This can include initiatives such as increasing access to high-quality education, particularly in under-resourced communities; providing a solid foundation in STEM-related fields; providing exposure to esports and technology through after-school programs, camps, and other extracurricular activities; and creating mentorship and networking programs that connect black men with successful professionals in esports and STEM-related fields.

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CHALLENGING NEGATIVE STEREOTYPES AND CULTURAL BIASES THROUGH EDUCATION AND THE IMPORTANCE OF STEM FOR BLACK MEN In today’s economy, having a strong background in STEM is increasingly important. This is especially true for black men, who face significant barriers to success in many other fields. By increasing their representation and success in STEM fields, including esports, black men can help close the wealth gap and improve their overall quality of life. Challenges that Black Men Face in K-12 Education 1.  Disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates: Black men are often suspended or expelled at higher rates than other students, which can disrupt their education and make it harder for them to succeed in school. Disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates among black male students have been a persistent issue in the United States education system. Research studies have shown that black male students are more likely to be suspended and expelled than their white counterparts, even for the same behaviors (Hatter, 2018). These disparities can have significant negative consequences for black male students, both academically and socially. The impact of disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates on black male students can be seen in several ways. Firstly, it can lead to lost instructional time, which can negatively impact academic achievement. Suspension and expulsion can result in students missing valuable classroom time, which can make it difficult for them to keep up with their peers academically. This can lead to lower grades, lower graduation rates, and limited opportunities for postsecondary education. Additionally, disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates can create a negative school climate for black male students. Research has shown that students who are suspended or expelled are more likely to disengage from school and become involved in the criminal justice system (Hatter, 2018). For black male students, this can exacerbate existing feelings of marginalization and discrimination, and lead to a disconnection from school and the broader community. Furthermore, suspension and expulsion can have long-term negative consequences for black male students (Hatter, 2018). These consequences can include a higher likelihood of dropping out of school, increased involvement in the criminal justice system and decreased

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employment opportunities. These outcomes can perpetuate a cycle of poverty and disadvantage, limiting the life chances of black male students and contributing to broader societal issues. Contributing Factors Several factors contribute to the disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates among black male students. i.  Implicit bias among educators: Implicit bias refers to the attitudes and assumptions that teachers hold about their students based on their race, gender, socioeconomic status, and other factors. This bias can lead to differential treatment of students and affect the way teachers perceive, interact with, and evaluate their students, which results in harsher discipline for black male students and impacts their long-term academic success outcomes. Research has shown that implicit biases held by teachers can affect their expectations and perceptions of students, and black men are often viewed as less capable and less intelligent than their peers (Owens & McLanahan, 2020). The education system in the United States has a long history of systemic racism and discrimination against black students, particularly black males. Research studies have shown that black male students are more likely to be suspended, expelled, and referred to law enforcement than their white counterparts, even for the same behaviors (Hatter, 2018; Owens & McLanahan, 2020). Teacher bias is one of the key factors contributing to these disparities. For black male students, teacher bias can take many forms, including stereotyping, low expectations, and punitive discipline (Hatter, 2018). Stereotyping is the act of attributing certain characteristics to a person based on their race or ethnicity. Black male students are often stereotyped as being aggressive, disruptive, and lacking in academic motivation, which can lead teachers to overlook their strengths and potential. This can lead to low expectations for these students, which can negatively impact their self-esteem and academic performance. Punitive discipline is another form of teacher bias that disproportionately affects black male students. Research shows that black male students are more likely to be punished for minor infractions and receive harsher penalties than their white counterparts, even for the same behavior (Hatter, 2018). This type of discipline can contribute to

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a school-to-prison pipeline, where black male students are pushed out of the education system and into the criminal justice system. In addition to these negative outcomes, teacher bias can also lead to missed opportunities for black male students. Teachers may overlook their potential and fail to provide them with the necessary support and resources to succeed academically. Black male students may also be discouraged from pursuing advanced courses or extracurricular activities, which can limit their options for college and career opportunities. ii.  The overreliance on zero-tolerance policies in schools: In the 1980s, state and federal drug enforcement strategies gave rise to the phrase “zero tolerance.” Zero-tolerance policies mandate strict disciplinary action for certain behaviors, such as fighting or drug possession. The fact that a disproportionately high percentage of people at risk for a variety of school punishments are poor and African American is one of the more alarming aspects of the zero-tolerance approach to discipline. According to Theriot (as cited in Hatter, 2018), students are drawn into the criminal justice system by the criminalization of student behavior (often taken into account or addressed through a risk management strategy), failing schools, and reduced educational options for some. According to Rocque (as cited in Hatter, 2018), the disproportionality of office referrals, suspensions, and expulsions has major ramifications because they are associated with worse academic achievement and more disciplinary infractions. While these policies may be well-intentioned, they can lead to a one-size-fits-all approach to discipline that disproportionately affects black male students. Skiba et al. (as cited in Hatter, 2018) stated that there is no evidence that outof-school suspension or expulsion lowers disruption rates or enhances school atmosphere; in fact, the information we have indicates that, if anything, disciplinary removal seems to have detrimental effects on student outcomes and the learning environment. This approach can also fail to address the underlying issues that may be driving the behavior, such as trauma, poverty, or mental health issues. Proposed Solutions To address the issue of disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates among black male students, there are several strategies that can be implemented at the individual, institutional, and policy levels. These include:

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i.  Implicit bias training: Educators can receive training on implicit bias, which can help them recognize and address their own biases and promote more equitable discipline practices (Owens & McLanahan, 2020). ii.  Restorative justice practices: Restorative justice practices involve addressing conflicts and discipline issues through a process of dialogue and problem-solving rather than punishment. This approach can help to reduce punitive discipline and promote a more positive school climate. iii.  Culturally responsive teaching: Culturally responsive teaching involves incorporating the cultural backgrounds and experiences of students into the curriculum and teaching methods. This can help to engage black male students and promote their academic success. iv.  Alternatives to suspension and expulsion: Schools can implement alternatives to suspension and expulsion, such as counseling, mediation, or community service. These alternatives can provide students with the support they need to address the underlying issues that may be driving their behavior (Owens & McLanahan, 2020). v.  Policy changes: It would be wise to start reevaluating the disciplinary procedures in schools that cater to minority and low-income student groups (Owens & McLanahan, 2020). Policymakers can implement policies to address the root causes of disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates, including systemic racism and discrimination. This can include measures such as increased funding for schools in low-income areas, hiring more diverse teachers, and reforming disciplinary policies. Disproportionate suspension and expulsion rates among black male students have significant negative consequences for their academic achievement, social well-being, and long-term outcomes. Addressing this issue requires a multifaceted approach, including individual, institutional, and policylevel interventions. By promoting more equitable practices in the education system, we can help to support the success of all students, regardless of their race, gender, or socioeconomic status.

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vi.  Increased representation: Diversity among teachers symbolically sends the idea that black students can picture themselves in professional settings (Nevarez et al., 2019). Increasing the number of black teachers will enable them to consciously draw on their background and experience to facilitate cross-cultural learning in the classroom and throughout the larger school setting. Black male students can benefit from having teachers and administrators who are representative of their racial and ethnic backgrounds. This can provide them with positive role models and promote a sense of belonging in the school community. However, the role of school leaders in promoting and asserting teachers’ cultural competence is crucial. 2.  Lack of representation in advanced courses: African American students are substantially more likely to be placed in special education programs and lower-level academic tracked courses, yet they are disproportionately rejected for placement in higher academic tracked courses and gifted education (Johnson & Larwin, 2020). The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) (as cited in Johnson & Larwin, 2020) reveals significant differences after analyzing the makeup of the gifted and talented population, with only 3.5% of Black students participating in gifted education compared to 7.6% of White students, who enroll in gifted courses at a rate more than 50% higher than their African American counterparts. Black men are often underrepresented in advanced courses, such as Advanced Placement (AP) and honors classes, which can limit their access to challenging academic opportunities and negatively impact their future career prospects. 3.  Racial profiling and discrimination: Black men in K-12 education may experience racial profiling and discrimination, which can impact their sense of belonging and self-esteem, and make it more difficult for them to succeed in school. 4.  Lack of access to resources: Black men may attend schools with limited resources, such as inadequate facilities, outdated technology, and a shortage of qualified teachers, which can negatively impact their education and future success (Anderson, 2018).

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These challenges contribute to the persistent achievement gap between black men and their peers, and it is important to address them in order to provide all students with equal opportunities to succeed in K-12 education and beyond. Challenges faced by Black Men in Higher Education 1.  Financial barriers: Black men are less likely to have the financial resources to pursue higher education and may face more debt after graduation (Sullivan et al., 2019). Higher education has never been more crucial for ensuring financial stability, but it has also never been more expensive, burdening millions for years. Black students are more likely than White students to borrow more money, in larger sums, and to still be in debt decades after finishing their higher education. According to Sullivan et al. (2019), more than 25% of students who began their loans in 1995– 1996 defaulted within 20 years (26%). This ratio was almost half (49%) for Black borrowers, compared to one-third of Latino borrowers who defaulted during this time (33%). While student loans were originally intended to increase opportunities for young people and enhance their economic trajectory, for many students, especially Black students, tiny debt burdens have been replaced with enormous debt loads that leave them in financial danger, which can impact their future career prospects and earning potential. 2.  Underrepresentation: Black men are underrepresented in higher education, which can impact their sense of belonging and limit their access to mentorship, networking, and professional development opportunities. The participation of black male students in STEM fields may depend on a variety of circumstances. These may include both internal psychological elements and extrinsic contextual variables, such as their academic mindsets, STEM attitudes, and familial background traits, as well as their mentorship experiences and preferences (Kricorian et al., 2020). The degree to which someone views STEM as a significant part of their sense of self depends on their sense of belonging and interest in STEM. Prior research such as that of Ito and McPherson, Walton and Cohen, and Zaniewski and Reinholz (as cited in Kricorian et al., 2020) suggests that gender and ethnicity can impact feelings of acceptance, with students from underrepresented groups reporting more uncertainty

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about whether they belong in their academic fields than students from well-represented demographic groups. 3.  Bias and discrimination: Black men may experience implicit and explicit bias and discrimination in higher education, which can impact their sense of belonging, academic performance, and career prospects (Kricorian et al., 2020; Owens & McLanahan, 2020). Racial bias among teachers and school administrators, racial disparities in students’ access to environments and resources that support social and emotional learning and school engagement, and racial disparities in parents’ capacity to advocate for their child may all contribute to differences in punishment. These elements have the potential to set off a vicious cycle that results in worsening habits. The strongest proof of unequal treatment and support is found in laboratory studies by Gilliam et al., Okonofua and Eberhardt, Carter, and Ferguson (as cited in Owens & McLanahan, 2020), where teachers rated the seriousness and appropriateness of sanctions for the same misbehaviors among Black and White boys, school administrative records comparing the length of suspensions given to Black versus White students who fought, and ethnographic studies based on careful examination of teacher-student interactions in classrooms. Okonofua and Eberhardt gave teachers brief written vignettes on student behaviors and asked them to evaluate the behaviors and match them with sanctions in order to examine discrimination in lab studies. They employed racially coded names to convey race. They discovered that when a student had a name that was racially coded as “Black,” teachers perceived their actions as more unfavorable and suggested harsher punishments. 4.  Lack of support: Black men lack the support and resources they need to succeed in higher education, such as access to academic advising, tutoring, and mentorship (Sullivan et al., 2019). 5.  Higher dropout rates: Black men have higher dropout rates in higher education compared to other groups, which can limit their earning potential and career prospects (Sullivan et al., 2019).

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These challenges contribute to the persistent achievement gap between black men and their peers in higher education and beyond, and it is important to address them in order to provide all students with equal opportunities to succeed. IMPORTANCE OF A DIVERSE REPRESENTATION OF INDIVIDUALS IN STEM FIELDS 1.  Inclusivity and diversity in the workplace: Diversity is beneficial in any industry and in any position, but it becomes especially important when fostering innovation. Every individual contributes a unique set of experiences and viewpoints to the work and any teams to which they may be assigned, enhancing their critical thinking and problem-solving abilities (Milanesi, 2020). A diverse workforce leads to a more inclusive and creative environment where different perspectives and experiences are valued and respected. Long-term success in developing a diverse tech sector would involve investments in STEM education for the upcoming workforce as well as workforce upskilling on the part of both the government and Corporate Social Responsibility programs from private enterprises. This twopronged strategy is required to address both the lack of diversity we presently experience in tech and the skill shortages predicted for 2030. 2.  Addressing the skills gap: Encouraging more black men to enter STEM fields can help address skills shortages and ensure that the future workforce has the necessary skills to meet the demands of the economy (Milanesi, 2020). 3.  Closing the achievement gap: Black men face numerous barriers to success in STEM fields, including underrepresentation, a lack of access to resources, and discrimination. Encouraging more black men to enter STEM can help close the achievement gap and provide equal opportunities for success (Hathaway, 2020).

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4.  Promoting innovation and creativity: A diverse STEM workforce can lead to new ideas and perspectives that can drive innovation and creativity in the field (Milanesi, 2020). Overall, having more black men in STEM fields is beneficial for both the individuals and society as a whole, and it is important to continue to work towards creating an inclusive and diverse STEM community. THE GROWING IMPORTANCE OF ESPORTS Esports is a rapidly growing industry with millions of fans and billions of dollars in revenue (Gough, 2019; Nielsen, 2018). To be successful in the video game industry, one must have a solid understanding of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (or “STEM”). (Hackney, 2018). The STEM fields are crucial to the video game industry, and many jobs demand a solid STEM background. While the industry has seen some success in attracting black players, black men remain underrepresented in both participation and leadership roles. Addressing this imbalance is crucial if the industry is to truly reflect the diversity of its fan base. Challenges Black Men Face in Esports 1.  Lack of representation: Black men are underrepresented in the esports industry, both as players and industry professionals (Hackney, 2018). This lack of representation can limit opportunities for mentorship, networking, and career advancement. 2.  Bias and discrimination: Black men may experience implicit and explicit biases and discrimination in the esports industry, which can impact their opportunities for success and advancement. With laws like the Equal Opportunity Act (as cited in Hackney, 2018), the federal government has made an effort to eliminate discriminatory hiring practices. These regulations do not, however, encourage the majority of straight, white, male developers and marketers to hire and support underrepresented groups in the gaming sector.

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3.  Lack of access to gaming resources: Black men may lack access to the resources and technology needed to participate in esports, such as gaming systems, high-speed internet, and quality gaming accessories. Ready Esports (2023) stated the PC startup costs for an esports career will range from $600 to $3000. Using an Xbox, PlayStation, or Nintendo console will set you back between $550 and $1250 when you first start your profession. There will be extra costs in both directions. With the financial struggles commonly faced by black men, as mentioned in this paper, it would be difficult to purchase the equipment and subsequent upgrades that are necessary to participate in esports. 4.  Stereotyping: One of the worst elements and a contributor to the racial abyss in video games is racial stereotyping. In actuality, compared to 48% of white people, 53% of black people play video games (Duggan, 2015). Black men may face stereotypes and negative perceptions about their abilities and interests in gaming and esports, which can limit their opportunities for success and advancement. Racially stereotypical images, like the athletic black antagonist, are made more prevalent by racial prejudices. Game developers are predominantly white males (Hackney, 2018). As a result, rather than creating characters that are diverse and original, these developers frequently overuse clichés that have been depicted in earlier games. As a result, when one group dominates a sector, such as the game business, there is an unintentional manifestation of their biases in their work. 5.  Financial barriers: Black men may face financial barriers to participating in esports, including the cost of gaming systems, internet access, and tournament fees. These barriers contribute to the underrepresentation of black men in the esports industry, and it is important to address them in order to provide all individuals with equal opportunities to participate in and succeed in this growing industry. In order to increase the representation and success of black men in esports, targeted initiatives are necessary. These initiatives could include scholarships, mentorship programs, and outreach efforts aimed at increasing the participation of black men in the industry. By creating opportunities and providing

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support, these initiatives can help to close the digital divide and increase the success of black men in esports. THE DIGITAL DIVIDE AND ITS IMPACT ON BLACK MEN According to Selkin (as cited in Boone et al., 2014), the digital divide is characterized by differences in consumer access to information and communication technology based on factors such as age, gender, race, socioeconomic status, and location. Lack of computers and internet access, according to the government, education, social work, private foundations, industry experts, the popular press, parents, and youth, can harm important areas like educational advantages, future employment and earnings, opportunities for social and civic engagement, equity, and civil rights issues. According to Hoffman and Novak (as cited in Fairlie, 2017), a significant article published two decades ago detailed the startling inequalities between African Americans and Whites’ use of computers and the Internet. Nowadays, Latinos and African Americans are more likely than whites to only use their smartphones rather than desktop, laptop, or tablet computers to access the Internet at home. Comparatively to 18% of white and Asian Internet users, 26% of black and 27% of Latino home Internet users only use a smart phone. The disparity has not, however, been closed, as 31% of African Americans and 34% of Latinos do not now use the Internet on a smart phone, computer, tablet, or any other device. Despite the increasing importance of technology, many black communities continue to have limited access to the internet and technology. This digital divide exacerbates existing disparities and limits the opportunities available to black men. Addressing this divide is crucial if black men are to have an equal chance at success in the STEM fields, including esports. In conclusion, the importance of STEM fields, including esports, in the 21st century cannot be overstated. However, black men continue to face significant barriers to success in these fields, including limited access to technology and the internet. Addressing this imbalance is crucial if the industry is to truly reflect the diversity of its fan base. By implementing targeted initiatives aimed at increasing the participation and success of black men in esports, we can help to erase the digital divide and ensure that black men have an equal chance at success in this rapidly growing industry.

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REFERENCES Anderson, M. B. L. (2018). A Seat at the Table: African American Youth’s Perceptions of K-12 Education. United Negro College Fund (UNCF). https:​//​uncf​.org​/wp​ -content​/uploads​/reports​/Advocacy​_ASATTBro​_4​-18F​_Digital​.pdf Boone, M., Hendricks, M. L., and Waller, R. (2014). Closing the Digital Divide and its Impact on Minorities. Global eLearning Journal, 3(1): 1–6. https:​//​www​ .researchgate​.net​/publication​/303642507​_Closing​_the​_Digital​_Divide​_and​_its​ _Impact​_on​_Minorities Constantine, T. (2019). The Super Bowl vs. The World Cup. The Washington Times. https:​//​www​.washingtontimes​.com​/news​/2019​/jun​/4​/the​-super​-bowl​-vs​-the​-world​ -cup​/ Duggan, M. (2015). Who Plays Video Hames and Identifies as a Gamer. Pew Research Center. www​.pewinternet​.org​/2015​/12​/15​/who​-playsvideo​-games​-and​ -identifies​-as​-a​-gamer​/ Embrick, D. G., Wright, J. T., & Lukács, A. (2012). Social Exclusion, Power and Video Game Play: New Research in Digital Media and Technology. Lexington Books. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.5860​/choice​.50​-1188 Entertainment and Sports Programming Network (ESPN) ESports. (2020). A Conversation about Race and Diversity in Esports and Gaming. ESPN. https:​//​ www​.espn​.com​/esports​/story​/​_​/id​/30067415​/a​-conversation​-race​-diversity​-esports​ -gaming Esports Charts. (2021). 2018 World Championship. Esports Charts. https:​//​escharts​ .com​/tournaments​/lol​/worlds​-2018 Fry, R., Kennedy, B., & Funk, C. (2021). STEM Jobs See Uneven Progress in Increasing Gender, Racial and Ethnic Diversity. Pew Research Center. https:​//​ www​.pewresearch​.org​/science​/wp​-content​/uploads​/sites​/16​/2021​/03​/PS​_2021​.04​ .01​_diversity​-in​-STEM​_REPORT​.pdf Funk, C., & Parker, K. (2018). Women and Men in STEM Often at Odds over Workplace Equity. Pew Research Center. https:​//​www​.pewresearch​.org​/social​ -trends​/wp​-content​/uploads​/sites​/3​/2018​/01​/PS​_2018​.01​.09​_STEM​_FINAL​.pdf Gough, C. (2019). Number of unique viewers of League of Legends esports championship finals from 2013 to 2018. Statista. https:​//​www​.statista​.com​/statistics​ /490522​/global​-eSports​-market​-revenue​/ International Game Developers Association, IDGA. (2021). Developer Satisfaction Survey 2021-Summary Report. https:​//​igda​-website​.s3​.us​-east​-2​.amazonaws​.com​/ wp​-content​/uploads​/2021​/10​/18113901​/IGDA​-DSS​-2021​_SummaryReport​_2021​ .pdf Johnson, L., & Larwin, K. H. (2020). Systemic Bias in Public Education: The Exception of African American Males Enrolled in Gifted and Advanced Placement Courses. Journal of Organizational & Educational Leadership, 6(2): 1–37. https:​//​ digitalcommons​.gardner​-webb​.edu​/joel​/vol6​/iss2​/3 Kangas, T., & Suomalainen, J. (2021). Employment Opportunities in Esports How does Raahen porvari- ja kauppakoulu’s esports studies meet the needs of the

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esports field in Finland? [Master’s Thesis, JAMK University of Applied Sciences] Theseus. https:​//​urn​.fi​/URN:​NBN:​fi:​amk​-2021120824416 Kricorian, K., Seu, M., Lopez, D., Ureta, E., & Equils, O. (2020). Factors Influencing Participation of Underrepresented Students in STEM Fields: Matched Mentors and Mindsets. International Journal of STEM Education, 7, 16. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1186​ /s40594​-020​-00219​-2 Hackney, E. (2018). Eliminating Racism and the Diversity Gap in the Video Game Industry. J. Marshall L. Rev.,  51(4): 864–902. https:​//​repository​.law​.uic​.edu​/ lawreview​/vol51​/iss4​/6 Hathaway, V. M. (2020). Underrepresented Black Males in Stem: AP Statistics—A Possible “Gap” Game Changer (Publication no. 27959766). [Doctoral Dissertation, Regent University]. ProQuest. https:​//​www​.proquest​.com​/openview​/7a729a14371 b965f235865154ccdcc1c​/1​?pq​-origsite​=gscholar​&cbl​=18750​&diss​=y Hattar, S. (2018). The Academic Impact of Suspension on Black Male Students in an Urban High School (Paper 364). [Doctoral Dissertation, St. John Fisher University] Fisher Digital Publications. Hussin, H., Pang Yee Jiea, Y. P., Rosly, R. N., & Siti Rohana Omar, S. R. (2019). Integrated 21st Century Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics (Stem) Education through Robotics Project-Based Learning. Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews, 7(2): 204–211. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.18510​/hssr​.2019​.7222 Milanesi, C. (2020). STEM Education as a Diversity Driver. The Heart of Tech. https:​ //​www​.theheartoftech​.com​/post​/stem​-education​-as​-a​-diversity​-driver National Science Foundation, NSF. (2023). Diversity and STEM: Women, Minorities, and Persons with Disabilities. https:​//​ncses​.nsf​.gov​/pubs​/nsf23315​/report​/science​ -and​-engineering​-degrees​-earned Nevarez, C., Jouganatos, S. M., & Wood, J. L. (2019). Benefits of Teacher Diversity: Leading for Transformative Change. Journal of School Administration Research and Development, 4(1): 24–34. https:​//​files​.eric​.ed​.gov​/fulltext​/ EJ1228575​.pdf Nielsen. (2018). Super Bowl LII draws 103.4 million TV viewers, 170.7 million social media interactions. Nielsen. Retrieved March 31, 2023 from https:​//​www​.nielsen​ .com​/us​/en​/insights​/article​/2018​/super​-bowl​-lii​-draws​-103​-4​-million​-tv​-viewers​ -170​-7​-million​-social​-media​-interactions​/ Owens, J., & McLanahan, S. S. (2020). Unpacking the Drivers of Racial Disparities in School Suspension and Expulsion. Social forces; a scientific medium of social study and interpretation, 98(4), 1548–1577. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1093​/sf​/soz095 Ready Esports. (2023). How Expensive Is It to Play Esports: Part 1. https:// readyesports.com/how-expensive-is-it-to-play-esports-part-1/ Sullivan, L., Meschede, T., Shapiro, T., & Escobar, F. (2019). Stalling Dreams: How Student Debt Is Disrupting Life Chances and Widening the Racial Wealth Gap. Institute on Assets and Social Policy, Brandeis University. https:​//​heller​.brandeis​ .edu​/iasp​/pdfs​/racial​-wealth​-equity​/racial​-wealth​-gap​/stallingdreams​-how​-student​ -debt​-is​-disrupting​-lifechances​.pdf

Chapter 8

Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Youth Development through Gaming and Esports From Theory to Pilot Jeffrey Levine

INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter seeks to explore the potential for video games and esports to serve as a tool for fostering diversity, equity, inclusion, and youth development. In an increasingly neoliberal society, sport and play are being more looked upon as tools for addressing a variety of societal issues and to improve wellbeing (Schulenkorf, Sherry, & Rowe, 2016; Svensson & Levine, 2017). However, people’s consumption habits are evolving; large segments of the population are moving away from sports and physical activity as major leisure activities and instead turning to video games to meet this need (Hedlund, 2021; Project Play, 2022). Given the ubiquitous nature of video games and its increasingly common use as a leisure activity for numerous population segments, an opportunity exists to examine whether video games can also serve as a tool to deliver positive societal outcomes (Loat, 2021). This includes efforts to improve a person’s wellbeing. Any program seeking to create a positive societal outcome must understand the various stakeholder perspectives involved in such an endeavor, especially the target population. Everyone is influenced by their respective lens, which may be driven by one’s life experience, race, religion, gender-identity, socioeconomic status, geographic location, as well as numerous other cultural aspects (Wilson, 2012). This means a program must be guided by a 109

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framework that acknowledges these diverse frames and perspectives. In essence, any program using sport and play as a hook must account for the importance of diverse perspectives, inclusive voices, and fostering a just and equitable environment. This necessity also builds a case for exploring video game-based interventions, as such a leisure activity resonates with virtually all population segments and is engrained into numerous generational groups and demographic segments as a cultural staple (Grace, 2023; Johnson, 2022; McDonald, 2023; Read, 2022). Esports and video games play a significant role in modern culture (Wagner, 2006; McDonald, 2023; Pizzo et al., 2022). As video games and esports increasingly replace traditional sport and play as leisure activities, development programs ought to explore gaming as potential vehicles to reach diverse and marginalized groups for positive development. Furthermore, gaming’s broad reach and appeal makes for an attractive approach for a diversity of initiatives. Recognizing this, schools, non-profits, and other entities have incorporated video games and esports into curriculum as an educational tool in various capacities. Such programs have used video games to promote STEAM education (Rothwell & Shaffer, 2019) as well as to foster characteristics such as critical thinking, teamwork, leadership, and communication (Zhong et al., 2022). While gamification has become commonplace, using video games and esports as a development tool to increase a person’s life choices and improve wellbeing has yet to be fully explored. This provides an opportunity to test whether esports industry stakeholders can utilize gaming as a hook to foster positive developmental outcomes. DEFINING VIDEO GAMES AND ESPORTS Video games are defined as “a mode of interaction between a player, a machine with an electronic visual display, and possibly other players, that is mediated by a meaningful fictional context, and sustained by an emotional attachment between the player and the outcomes of her actions within this fictional context (Bergonse, 2017, p. 253). Games are essentially a cultural phenomenon (Arjoranta, 2019), and the video game industry’s immense size reflects this aspect. Technology has accelerated over recent decades and, supercharged by the COVID-19 Pandemic, has resulted in a hundred-billion dollar international industry that some experts predict will reach $321 billion by 2026 (Read, 2022). While Millennials and Gen Z’ers identify themselves as gamers (Weustink, 2021), which is not a surprise, recent statistics show that over 80% of the entire United States population play video games (McDonald, 2023). Therefore, regardless of background, video games are a popular leisure activity with nearly everyone.



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Out of the gaming industry has come another ecosystem known as esports. Gaming and activities related to esports have enjoyed a long association (Bartle, 1996; Wagner, 2006). Across disciplines, esports have been defined as competitive gaming, computer mediated sport, or interactive spectatorship, with varying degrees of emphasis on physicality, computer mediation, institutional infrastructure, and spectatorship (Freeman & Wohn, 2017). One of the earliest definitions of esports classified it as “an area of sport activities in which people develop and train mental or physical abilities in the use of information and communication technologies” (Wagner, 2006, p. 3). However, a modern and more succinct definition is video gaming competitions incorporating spectators occurring in person or online (Darvin et al., 2020). Younger generations have grown up with esports and gaming, often viewing it as entertainment as well as a way to keep in touch with friends (Hedlund, 2021). These changes in leisure consumption habits have come with consequences. Recent reports note that youth obesity, and sedentary lifestyles are at a near all-time high (Project Play, 2019). However, video games and esports have the potential to connect people and provide additional benefits such as opportunities for socialization in an increasingly isolating world, as youth are losing their collective sense of belonging (Hoffmann et al., 2022; Murthy, 2021). Despite esports and gaming’s wide appeal and potential to resonate with numerous segments throughout society, a troubling aspect of gaming and esports is a culture of sexism, harassment, misogyny, and toxicity (Darvin et al., 2021; Hayday et al., 2021; Pizzo et al., 2022; Rogstad, 2022). This phenomenon may be in part fostered the veil of anonymity afforded to members of the online community, thereby creating an online disinhibition effect that shapes and at times destructive esports culture (Schary et al., 2022; Suler, 2004). Thus, any program seeking to provide a positive outcome must also use a guiding framework capable of overcoming these destructive norms. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Given the increase in popularity of gaming and esports, as well as the potential to use it as an intervention framework to improve youth wellbeing, the purpose of this chapter is to recount, explore, and unpack a pilot program developed that sought to utilize video games as a hook to improve the wellbeing of its participants: middle schoolers from an under-resourced urban community. This program was guided by a framework known as the Capabilities Approach of human development. While most development approaches focus on material goods and money as a means to increase wellbeing (Sen, 1985), Human Development Theory

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posits that the notion of wellbeing is individualized, based on a person’s unique factors (Alkire & Deneulin, 2009). Improved health, knowledge, and skills, ought to be cultivated to allow a person to pursue what each person believes is a worthwhile life (Alkire & Deneulin, 2009). However, a person’s current physical environment (e.g., a lack of safe space in home life, experiencing food insecurity) or societal environment (e.g., no structures for formal schooling, systemic government discrimination based on race, or religious persecution) may serve as obstacles to development that must be overcome (Sen, 1999). Thus, the Capabilities Approach seeks to remove barriers and obstacles that impede opportunities for people to pursue and actualize activities and achievements that hold subjective significance and value for each individual (Nussbaum, 2011). What is important to a person may change as they grow and mature over time. Ultimately, people themselves decide what kind of life they would like to live (Alkire & Deneulin, 2009). Therefore, the process of expanding a person’s freedom to allow them the opportunity to achieve a variety of outcomes is paramount (Alkire, 2022; Nussbaum, 2011). The framework thus fosters choice: agency to choose. Increasing one’s freedoms is done through the process of removing barriers to freedom in a person’s life, so they have more meaningful life choices while also respecting society’s upper limits. Increased freedom allows a person to pursue the life he or she envisions (Sen, 1999). However, decreased freedom hinders a person from living the life he or she envisions. Ultimately, this notion of development prioritizes agency: a person ought to possess the ability to pursue a life that aligns with individual values and goals is morally significant as it respects people’s right to self-determination (Nussbaum, 2000; Smith, 2023). Wellbeing is therefore evaluated based on what a person is able to do and be in society (Robeyns, 2006). In the context of sport-based development programs, sport may be used as a tool to help participants remove barriers, receive resources or form potentially valuable personal relationships, and convert opportunities into living a worthwhile life through their subjective lens—what they value (Dao & Smith, 2022). Capabilities Scholars have explored Central Capabilities that are relevant to all human beings (Nussbaum, 2011). One Central Capability is Play. This is defined as the ability to enjoy recreation, to play, and to laugh. A second relevant Central Capability is Affiliation. This capability is being able to engage in social interaction with others. Finally, senses, imagination and thought are deemed Central Capabilities. Nussbaum (2011) posits that this capability allows humans to imagine, think, and reason as part of doing “human” things that are fostered through education. Viewing development in terms of freedom may also relate to sport or game-based development programs (SGDP). Each person who participates



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in an SGDP has different reasons for taking part. When SGDPs use an approach that does not take the time to learn about the local populations they seek to serve, and instead use a one-size fits all approach or a sport evangelist approach, they do not understand what is important to each participant. SGDPs should seek to help serve the individual needs of their participants so that these people can pursue living what they individually feel are worthwhile lives. In other words, one creating a SGDP should ask what is important to that participant, or ask what can that person do and be in society? Hence, an SGDP program’s shortcomings may be addressed by adopting a guiding theoretical framework that looks to what people can accomplish as a way to evaluate wellbeing and to meet the individualized needs of the local population it seeks to serve. One possible framework that evaluates wellbeing based on social arrangements is known as the Capabilities Approach. It’s with this framework in mind, that this gaming pilot program was based. PROGRAM ORIGIN AND INITIAL DEVELOPMENT The instant pilot program was developed over the course of several years, most notably during the COVID-19 Pandemic. During this period, reports surfaced about: (1) isolation and mental health concerns among youth throughout the nation, (2) a developing trend of increasing gun violence, and (3) a need for safe spaces for adolescents. Video games became a common activity for many young people, replacing youth sports and outdoor recreation activity. While video games may have offered opportunities for socialization, the COVID-19 era led to increased rates of obesity and physical inactivity among youth thus creating additional barriers. Work began in Summer, 2020 to design a video-game based intervention. This program would need to address both the emerging challenges caused by the COVID-19 Pandemic as well as the systemic societal issues youth faced in some parts of a large city located on the East Coast. Drawing on the Capabilities Approach as a guiding framework, the first vision statement was as follows: This program seeks to use esport and video games as a catalyst for access and an opportunity to facilitate change in underserved communities. We will use esport as a hook to provide a safe space for young people to gather, find space, feel safe, learn, kindle interests, pursue their passions, and become change agents, ultimately improving wellbeing. (Levine, 2021, p. 1).

The program was guided by the following pillars, all intended to remove barriers program participants faced, provide resources, and give them

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opportunities pursue and actualize activities and achievements that they would value subjectively: (1) stability, (2) access, (3), mentorship, and (4) pursuing curiosity. The selected pillars, guided by the Capabilities Approach, sought to expand the breadth of participants’ knowledge, cultivate new interests, inspire new passions, and motivate them to pursue previously unknown educational, career, and life opportunities. In other words, these pillars were intended to foster agency. The idea received support at the departmental, college, and university level, as it was viewed as a promising civic engagement program. However, while the above language provided a promising aspirational start, it was difficult to operationalize. The biggest issue became deciding what exact shape the program would take given the world was still dealing with government-mandated lockdowns and no vaccine had been developed at this point in the pandemic. In this evolving environment, from mid-2021 to early 2022, this program went through different stages of ideation with potential university and external partners. Initially, the program sought to partner directly with a university-sponsored community-based resource center on campus that fostered partnerships with the local community to collaborate on issues of shared importance. One of the most attractive aspects of partnering with the center was that it served the ideal target population: middle school-age youth from underserved and under-resourced communities. However, because this center lacked the hardware technology to create the program, a third-party video game company that catered to underserved communities was invited into the conversation. In addition to providing the hardware for a potential gaming program, this third-party business also wanted to incorporate its own STEM educational curriculum it had developed into this program. As discussions between everyone progressed, it became evident that any involvement from this third-party organization would require a six-figure payment. This was not possible because, although it had support among university stakeholders, no funding existed for the program. It quickly became evident that any arrangement with this third party would require significant financial resources. Encountering this barrier without a financial solution to move forward, discussions between all three parties about a video game youth development program ended. At this point, late spring, 2022, discussions with the university community center had gone on for about a year. Both sides were frustrated by the lack of a meaningful outcome thus far. Because a detailed program framework had yet to emerge and no hardware had been purchased by the community center, discussions paused. As discussions with the community center paused, another opportunity emerged. The department at this time was in the process of facilitating a promising relationship with a non-profit whose mission centered on



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strengthening communities through healthy living, and youth development. Leaders at the non-profit expressed interest in working together to develop an esports and gaming program, as it recently received a grant and had budgeted to purchase the gaming equipment necessary to outfit such a program. When asked whether the program could serve as an opportunity to facilitate youth development, the response was an enthusiastic yes. This development was significant. Working with this organization facilitated an opportunity to gain access and rapport with subjects. It also led to an efficient entrée for program development (Welty, Peachey, & Cohen, 2016). Now, having a partner organization with a concrete mission (e.g., youth development, health, support), a specific location to space to deliver the program, the necessary technology, and a specific population, it was time to take the general program vision developed and operationalize it using the specific elements above through the Capabilities Approach. METHOD The design and implementation of the pilot study used a case study approach. Case studies are appropriate when the main purpose of a project is exploratory in nature, as the objective is to begin understanding an emerging phenomenon of interest (Creswell, 2013; Marshall & Rossman, 2011; Yin, 2014). It examined a bounded system to collect data, framing a limited time and place being studied (Creswell, 2013; Patton, 2014). In this instance, the case was an event focusing on an event and social phenomenon: the video game-based youth development program (Patton, 2014; Yin, 2014). This basic methodological approach collected multiple types of data, such as field notes, images, and utilized limited questionnaires to develop a description of the case and the case’s themes (Creswell, 2013). Thus, it provided an opportunity to explore whether the Capabilities Approach could serve as an instructive framework for conceptualizing and guiding the development of a youth intervention using video games as a hook to provide positive social outcomes for adolescents (Dao & Smith, 2022). PILOT PROGRAM PARAMETERS AND DEVELOPMENT A programmatic approach began to emerge based on the priorities of the partner non-profit as well as a charitable organization that provided limited funds for the pilot. The priorities of the non-profit and funder focused on providing participants with a safe space, fostering a fun and playful environment, and facilitating new learning opportunities while interacting with college

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students. These priorities were incorporated into the pilot as the following desired outcomes: (1) provide participants with a safe space and stability, (2) foster an environment of fun, games, and play where participants could be themselves, (3) facilitate opportunities for fun, curiosity and learning, (4), connect youth participants with college students, and (5) foster academic success by exposing participants to potential careers and the opportunity to attend college. Using these priorities and relying on the non-profit to gain a basic understanding of potential program participants’ lived experience, a normative framework (Dao & Smith, 2022) was developed. Working with these parameters as well as the framework provided by the non-profit, which was for the pilot to last seven weeks with each session taking between 45 and 90 minutes, a program curriculum was developed. Video games and physical activity became the vehicles to achieve the program’s desired outcomes. Each session was designed to consist of the following elements, all with an interconnected theme: a 15-minute window to introduce the day’s topic, a 30-minute period for a physical activity in the facility’s half gym, and a 30-minute period for the video game component. The session would then close after 75 minutes with a recap of the day’s theme and a preview of the next session’s topic. The non-profit’s ample facilities provided the space for the video game and physical-activity components. Video games were emphasized to entice program participants to attend, as they are a popular leisure activity (Hedlund, 2021). The physical activity component was added to help address increasing sedentary behavior among youth as well as providing opportunities for socialization (Hoffmann et al., 2022; Murthy, 2021; Project Play, 2019). Each of the seven sessions were then crafted based on the overall programmatic purpose, desired outcomes, and approach. Every session had a unique title, guiding prompt, and desired outcome. These items were created not only to help craft each session, but also to provide a workable approach to evaluate whether the session was successful. Early sessions were designed with the desired outcome of fostering a safe, welcoming, fun, and playful environment that would build a participant’s comfort level with the program and pique their interest to return for next week’s session. Later sessions sought to achieve more advanced program outcomes such as connecting video games to power skills, and to kindle participant interest in college and career opportunities. The Capabilities Approach helped to frame the pilot program’s session progression: To remove barriers, increase participants’ life choices, discover career pathways, foster agency, and improve their wellbeing. Partnerships were developed with different stakeholders throughout the university to co-lead each session (game design program, athletics, department of recreation, the business school). These partnerships created opportunities for program participants to connect with others who could provide



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them with resources and learning opportunities by illustrating the connection between video games and different aspects of college (e.g., STEM education, college athletics, careers in video games and esports, and recreation opportunities through video games). This was done all while facilitating a safe, fun, and playful environment with the overall goal of creating opportunities to kindle curiosity and learn about potential opportunities related to video games and college. Furthermore, five college students were recruited to serve as program facilitators. Each student facilitator became aware of the program through promotional efforts in partnership with the university’s esports and gaming communities. Space limitations meant the pilot would max out at 10 participants. Therefore, based on the number of maximum program participants, five college student facilitators seemed like the appropriate number. The non-profit volunteered to advertise the program and register the participants. The co-created advertisement described the program in part as follows: The program provides kids with a safe space to learn about the gaming and Esports industry, explore potential college and career opportunities in the field, gain skills using technology from experienced mentors, and build a supportive community (Levine, 2021, p. 1).

Given that recruitment was capped at 10 participants, no concern existed about whether the program would have enough students to run. This assumption, unfortunately, would be tested throughout the first pilot. Once the program framework, curriculum, and sessions were developed, the final step was coming up with physical activity and video game components that matched each week’s theme. This process required creativity and flexibility. The initial thought was to use a mix of consoles (e.g., Sony PlayStation 5, Nintendo Switch), and PC’s (e.g., gaming laptops) for the technical component, as the non-profit had purchased both types of technology. However, it was a challenge to use the laptops: they often were not charged, and on-site staff did not know the log in information. These challenges led to the program solely using the consoles, which did not require logins. Therefore, the program used a variety of console-based video games to accomplish the desired outcome for each session (e.g., Rocket League, NBA 2K, NFL Madden, Minecraft, Super Smash Bros, Mario Cart, Mario Party). Every game chosen was age and content appropriate for the target population, and were effective for accomplishing the desired outcomes of each session. Challenges, Successes, and Future Steps The purpose of this pilot was to explore whether video games, guided by the Capabilities Approach, could be used to create a practicable youth

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development program. A gaming program was created using the priorities of a non-profit partner and funding charitable organization. The pilot program sought to provide a safe space for participants to have fun, play, be their authentic selves, develop relationships with others, gain access to various resources not typically available, and learn about opportunities to kindle their respective passions as part of expanding their thoughts on what a worthwhile life (Dao & Smith, 2022; Nussbaum, 2011). Furthermore, it sought opportunities for program participants to “convert those opportunities into action” (Dao & Smith, 2022, p. 314), fostering an environment for program participants to engage in central capabilities such as play, affiliation, senses, imagination, and thought (Nussbaum, 2011). Field notes helped to capture each session’s challenges, successes, and implications. The most significant challenge the program faced was inconsistent participant attendance. As mentioned above, the non-profit was tasked with recruiting participants. However, no session had the intended number of participants. The first session was cancelled after no participant arrived an hour into the scheduled program start. While field notes captured everyone involved in the program as feeling let down, this did provide everyone with time to get our bearings, as well as to download various games that would be used for the program’s future sessions, given we were in the process of pivoting away from using laptops due to technological issues. Luckily, session two went significantly better due to the nonprofit calling all families who had signed up participants for the program. However, week two began just as poorly as week one, as once again zero participants had shown up at the program’s start time. This led to a short discussion with the nonprofit about whether this pilot session would be viable moving forward. Luckily, four participants showed up within 15 minutes allowing the session to commence. Session two focused on fostering creativity and beginning to kindle participants’ curiosity. To that end, the session’s co-lead brought along a computer and dissected the different components with participants. Field notes recounted how every participant seemed very excited; everyone was talkative and engaged. This set the group up for a successful physical activity that also connected with the topic of the day. Sessions three, four, and five saw participation stabilize. The same core five adolescents continued to attend, thus building rapport with program facilitators and giving participants an opportunity to play video games, have fun, engage in physical activity, socialize, and learn about new opportunities in a safe space. Sessions six and seven built to the program’s conclusion, which culminated in a final session. The final session was intended to serve as a jumping off point for students to pursue potential growth opportunities based on their respective interests. It began with a brief discussion about things participants can discover and



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accomplish through video games, and the physical activity was a series of mini games intended to reinforce the previous lessons from each week. Participants were asked to fill out a brief questionnaire. This document’s purpose was to capture participants’ feedback that would help improve the pilot program’s next iteration. The program closed with a pizza party where participants received new backpacks, school supplies, and other giveaways as a thank you for completing the initial pilot. Session debriefs and the limited questionnaire illustrated several themes. Participants’ behavior generally communicated that they enjoyed the sessions exposing them to a variety of new activities and potential interests, with some exhibiting that they felt safe, at play, and interested in connecting with others attending the program as well as college student facilitators. Furthermore, most sessions provided participants with opportunities to partake in a number of physical activities and play multiple video games. This feedback seemed to indicate that the framework was facilitating some level of intended results. However, session notes also showed that technical issues occurred during multiple sessions. This delayed sessions and at times created an opportunity for participants to lose interest. Another theme was fluctuating numbers. Excluding the first session, where nobody showed up, sessions had an average number of five participants. This was half as many as the program intended. One of the reasons for the low numbers may had been that the partner organization’s marketing team did not fully communicate the pilot program to stakeholders. However, this issue seemed to be resolved before the second pilot began. Enrollment for the 10-person program’s second session quickly maxed out, with the nonprofit requesting to increase the program size to 12 participants. In fact, 16 participants ended up attending the first session. This provided not only is there interest in this video game-based program, but also that 16 participants were far too many. Several other challenges are worth mentioning. Anytime a program works with minors, those in positions of trust and power will likely be required to pass a background check and obtain clearances to work with youth. This program had that requirement. While no adults participating in this program failed to obtain these certifications, it became a time intensive commitment to administer. Another challenge that was unaddressed during the pilot related to potential liability. No college student facilitators or university partners involved in the pilot signed any legal documents protecting the university, the nonprofit, this program or myself from liability stemming from their involvement. While no legal issues occurred, one program facilitator did suffer an injury while participating in one of the week’s physical activity elements. The program is examining whether to include such legal documents as part of future iterations.

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A final challenge related to representation. This program operated in an under-resourced community predominately made up of black and brown families. It was a priority to recruit and work with student facilitators who were representative of the community the program sought to serve. Given the program’s short planning window, this first pilot did not include facilitators representative of the community. However, a more diverse and representative group of facilitators was recruited for the second iteration of this pilot. A few practical implications also emerged. For one, it seemed that video games could serve as a viable developmental framework worth pursuing to meet adolescent participants in this leisure space (Grace, 2023; Weustink, 2021). Field notes and basic questionnaire information suggested the program’s approach and curriculum provided value to participants in a manner similar to sport-based developmental programs that could contribute to improving wellbeing (Schulenkorf, Sherry, & Rowe, 2016; Svensson & Levine, 2017). This illustrated that the program was worthy of replication. A second implication related to several criticisms of video games. Gaming and esports are haunted by a culture of sexism, harassment, misogyny, and toxicity (Darvin et al., 2021 Hayday et al., 2021; Pizzo et al., 2022; Rogstad, 2022). However, none of these issues emerged during the pilot. The lack of conflict or issues related to the above may be due to this program taking place in person as opposed to online, thus dispensing with the veil of anonymity traditionally disconnecting people’s acts with consequences. It is also possible that the toxic norms of esports and gaming never emerged because of the environment cultivated through the program. Future replications will likely help further explore this implication. A final implication concerns the Capabilities Approach. The theory’s central tenet is to remove barriers that deprive meaningful opportunities to pursue and actualize activities and achievements that are important based on their unique perspective and interests (Nussbaum, 2011; Sen, 1999). This program delivered on its fundamental purpose of providing participants with a safe space to be themselves, have fun, develop relationships, and learn about new opportunities that may kindle their interests. A future element of the program will be to communicate to participants that they can access resources related to the program by pursuing opportunities offered by the program’s session leaders if it is a topic that they find of interest or valuable (Alkire & Deneulin, 2009). Through this process, participants may find life and career opportunities that were previously undiscovered, fostering an agency that may improve wellbeing (Robeyns, 2006). Given the above, the next steps will be to replicate this pilot study with the non-profit. Eventually, it would be prudent to collect meaningful data for the purpose of monitoring, evaluation, and improving the program overall. This program could eventually become the basis of using video games as a



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tool to help participants remove barriers and convert opportunities into living a worthwhile life through their subjective lens—what they value (Dao & Smith, 2022). While a great deal needs to be done, this seems to be a promising start. REFERENCES Alkire, S. (2002). Dimensions of human development. World Development,  30(2), 181–205. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​/S0305​-750X(01)00109–7 Alkire, S., & Deneulin, S. (2009). The human development and capability approach. In S. Deneulin & L. Shamani (Eds.), An introduction to the human development and capability approach (1st ed., pp. 22–48). Sterling, VA: Routledge. Arjoranta, J. How to Define Games and Why We Need to. The Computer Games Journal, 8, 109–120. https:​//​doi​-org​.ezproxy2​.library​.drexel​.edu​/10​.1007​/s40869​ -019​-00080​-6 Bartle, R. (1996). Hearts, clubs, diamonds, spades: Players who suit MUDs. Journal of MUD Research, 1(1), 19–46.  http:​//​www​.arise​.mae​.usp​.br​/wp​-content​/uploads​ /2018​/03​/Bartle​-player​-types​.pdf Bergonse, R. (2017). Fifty Years on, What exactly is a videogame? An essentialistic definitional approach. The Computer Games Journal, 6(4), 239–255. https:​//​doi​ .org​/10​.1007​/s40869​-017​-0045​-4 Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Dao, M., & Smith, T. (2022). The capability approach as a conceptual bridge for theory-practice in sport-for-development. Journal of Global Sport Management, 7(2), 310–326. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1080​/24704067​.2019​.1703117. Darvin, L., Vooris, R., & Mahoney, T. (2020). The playing experiences of esport participants: An analysis of treatment discrimination and hostility in esport environments. Journal of Athlete Development and Experience, 2(1), 36–50. https:​//​ scholarworks​.bgsu​.edu​/cgi​/viewcontent​.cgi​?article​=1039​&context​=jade Darvin, L., Holden, J., Wells, J., & Baker, T. (2021). Breaking the glass monitor: Examining the underrepresentation of women in esports environments. Sport Management Review, 24(3), 475–499. https:// doi.org/10.1080/14413523.2021.18 91746. Freeman, G., & Wohn, D. Y. (2017). eSports as an emerging research context at CHI: Diverse perspectives on definitions. In Proceedings of the 2017 CHI conference extended abstracts on human factors in computing systems (pp. 1601–1608). https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1145​/3027063​.3053158 Grace, L. D. (2023). ESports as Evolution: Shifting Social Values in Sport. In K. Arai (Ed.), Advances in information and communication. FICC 2023. Lecture Notes in Networks and Systems, vol. 651. Springer, Cham. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1007​/978​-3​ -031​-28076​-4​_58

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Hayday, E. J., Collison, H., & Kohe, G. Z. (2021). Landscapes of tension, tribalism and toxicity: Configuring a spatial politics of esport communities. Leisure Studies, 40(2), 139–153. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1080​/ 02614367.2020.1808049 Hedlund, D. P. (2021) A typology of esport players. Journal of Global Sport Management, 1–18. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1080​/24704067​.2021​.1871858 Hoffmann, M., Barnes, J., Tremblay, M., & Guerrero, M. (2022). Associations between organized sport participation and mental health difficulties: Data from over 11,000 US children and adolescents. PLOS ONE, 17(6), 1–15. https:​//​doi​.org​ /10​.1371​/journal​.pone​.0268583 Johnson, G. (2022, Aug. 8). Three ways MLB, NHL and other leagues can score with Gen Z. The Sports Business Journal. https:​//​www​.sportsbusinessjournal​.com​/SB​ -Blogs​/COVID19​-OpEds​/2022​/08​/08​-Johnson​.aspx. Levine, J. (2021). Gaming Program Vision Statement. Loat, R. (2021). Levelling up: Opportunities for sport for development to evolve through esport. Journal of Sport for Development, 9(1), 65–73. https:​//​jsfd​.files​ .wordpress​.com​/2021​/04​/loat​.levellingup​.esport​.pdf Marshall, C., & Rossman, G. B. (2011). Designing qualitative research (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. McDonald, E. (2023, Feb. 28). Over 80% of US consumers play video games— How can brands accelerate engagement with this big audience of game enthusiasts? NewZoo. https:​//​newzoo​.com​/insights​/articles​/over​-80​-of​-us​-consumers​-play​ -video​-games​-how​-can​-brands​-accelerate​-engagement​-with​-this​-big​-audience​-of​ -game​-enthusiasts Murthy, V. (2021). Protecting Youth Mental Health: The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory. https:​//​www​.hhs​.gov​/sites​/default​/files​/surgeon​-general​-youth​-mental​ -health​-advisory​.pdf Nussbaum, M. C. (2011). Creating capabilities: The human development approach. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Nussbaum M. C. (2000) Women’s capabilities and social justice. Journal of Human Development 1(2), 219–247. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1080​/713678045 Patton, M. Q. (2014). Qualitative research and evaluation methods (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Pizzo, A. D., Su, Y., Scholz, T., Baker, B. J., Hamari, J., & Ndanga, L. (2022). Esports scholarship review: Synthesis, contributions, and future research. Journal of Sport Management, 36(3), 228–239. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1123​/jsm​.2021–0228 Project Play. (2019). The State of Play: Trends and Developments in Youth Sports. Aspen Institute. https:​//​assets​.aspeninstitute​.org​/content​/uploads​/2019​/10​/2019​ _SOP​_National​_Final​.pdf​?​_ga​=2​.213676438​.369794486​.1603330339​-956287912​ .1599957448 Project Play. (2022). The State of Play: Trends and Developments in Youth Sports. Aspen Institute. https:​//​www​.aspenprojectplay​.org​/state​-of​-play​-2022​-intro Read, S. (2022, Jul. 28). Gaming is booming and is expected to keep growing. This chart tells you all you need to know. World Economic Forum. https:​//​www​ .weforum​.org​/agenda​/2022​/07​/gaming​-pandemic​-lockdowns​-pwc​-growth



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Robeyns, I. (2006). The capability approach in practice. Journal of Political Philosophy, 14(3), 351–376. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1111​/j​.1467–9760​.2006​.00263​.x Rogstad, E. T. (2022). Gender in eSports research: A literature review. European Journal for Sport and Society, 19(3), 195–213. DOI: 10.1080/16138171.2021.1930941. Rothwell, G., & Shaffer, M. (2019). eSports in K-12 and Post-Secondary Schools. Education Sciences, 9(2), 105–115. http:​//​dx​.doi​.org​/10​.3390​/educsci9020105 Schary, D. P., Jenny, S. E., & Koshy, A. (2022). Leveling up esports health: Current status and call to action. International Journal of Esports, 1(1), 1–16. https:​//​www​ .ijesports​.org​/article​/70​/html Schulenkorf, N., Sherry, E., & Rowe, K. (2016) Sport-for-development: An integrated literature review. Journal of Sport Management, 30(1), 22–39. DOI: http:​//​dx​.doi​ .org​/10​.1123​/jsm​.2014​-0263 Sen, A. (1985). Commodities and capabilities. New York, NY:  Elsevier Science Publishing. Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Smith, R., Mansfield, L., & Wainwright, E. (2023). ‘Do know harm’: Examining the intersecting capabilities of young people from refugee backgrounds through community sport and leisure programmes. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 58(7). https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1177​/10126902221150123 Suler, J. (2004). The online disinhibition effect. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 7(3), 321–326. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1089​/1094931041291295 Svensson, P. G., & Levine, J. (2017). Rethinking sport for development and peace: The capability approach. Sport in Society, 20(7), 905–923. doi:10.1080/17 430437.2016.1269083 Wagner, M. (2006). On the scientific relevance of eSport. In Arreymbi, J., Clincy, V. A., Droegehorn, O. L., Joan, S., Ashu, M. G., Ware, J. A., Zabir, S., and Arabnia, H. R. (Eds.), Proceedings of the 2006 International Conference on Internet Computing and Conference on Computer Game Development, CSREA Press, Las Vegas, NV, pp. 437–440. https:​//​www​.researchgate​.net​/profile​/Michael​ -Wagner​-36​/publication​/220968200​_On​_the​_Scientific​_Relevance​_of​_eSports​/ links​/00b4952589870231be000000​/On​-the​-Scientific​-Relevance​-of​-eSports​.pdf Welty Peachey, J., & Cohen, A. (2016). Research partnerships in sport for development and peace: Challenges, barriers, and strategies. Journal of Sport Management, 30(3), 282–297. DOI: http:​//​dx​.doi​.org​/10​.1123​/jsm​.2014​-0288 Weustink, J. (2021, Aug. 5). 80% of Gen Z and Millennial Consumers Play Games. Newzoo. Retrieved from https:​//​newzoo​.com​/insights​/articles​/consumer​-data​-gen​-z​ -millennials​-baby​-boomer​-gen​-x​-engagement​-games​-esports​-metaverse Yin, R. K. (2014). Case study research: Design and methods (5th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Zhong, Y., Guo, K., & Su, J. (2022). The impact of esports participation on the development of 21st century skills in youth: A systematic review. Computers & Education, 191, 1–20. https:​//​doi​.org​/10​.1016​/j​.compedu​.2022​.104640

Chapter 9

Esports and the Coed Approach Rachel Lim, Skye Cooley, and John McGuire

Sports competitions have historically been separated by gender. In the United States, men and boys alike have been encouraged to play organized sports for more than a century with only the occasional female breaking down long-time barriers (e.g., Sarah Fuller becoming the first woman to compete and score in a Southeastern Conference football game in 2020) (Jackson & Vera, 2020). Another notable exception was race car driver Danica Patrick winning an Indy Car race in 2015, the only woman to ever win on that maledominated circuit (“Danica Patrick,” 2015). For the most part, however, amateur and professional sports and even in the Olympics, men and women have their own separate competitions. Though some sports have major championships where men and women join for doubles competition in tennis or pairs in figure skating, these events are either secondary events or primarily based on judge scoring rather than outright competition. The gendered nature of sporting events has held true even in the world of competitive esports. Whether it is players who are the best in the world or those just working in the industry, multiple studies point to the dominance of men across the highest levels of esports in comparison to women (e.g., Darvin et al., 2020). This is despite 2022 figures from the Entertainment Software Association that show almost an equal number of male gamers (52%) to female gamers (48%) among the estimated 189 million gamers in the United States (Clement, 2022). As Rogstad (2022) has noted, despite these statistical trends, the male-dominated nature of esports is likely oppressing some women from fulfilling their gaming interests. In higher education, universities and colleges have recognized the level of interest in esports among students (Cooley et al., 2022). While much of the action is found at the intramural or club level of campus sports, varsity teams that compete with other intercollegiate programs have formed, such 125

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as the League of Legends competition involving Mountain West conference teams during the Winter and Spring of 2023 (“MW 2023,” n.d.). However, varsity-level teams that offer scholarships are typically male-dominated. Any hope that Title IX would require equality in scholarship money allocation among college men and women suffered a setback in February 2023, when a court ruled that esports were distinct from traditional sports and not covered by the existing federal statute (McCann, 2023). Some who study esports suggest the key to getting more women involved at the very top levels is by changing the landscape: Specifically, starting coed competitions with teams of males and females in multiplayer games (Savage, 2022). The tradition of coed sports competitions on college and university campuses would offer greater opportunities for game playing as well as all aspects of managing and organizing such competitions. The study offered here attempts an initial examination of the viability of such coed sports competitions in a completely new gaming landscape. Specifically, the study compares coed versus non-coed teams in esports competitions in the emerging gaming landscape of virtual reality (VR). VR-based gaming offers a different experience than traditional online competitions. VR games are on the gaming industry’s horizon, with one author noting that “though virtual reality is still in its infancy, it has already found its application in the area of eSports” (Sawyer, 2021, para. 13). The gamified nature of VR necessitates interaction experiences that are coed, and esports allows for an enjoyable learning template that teaches users how to interact, compete, and navigate VR spaces simultaneously. For this reason, researchers focused the study on how coed esports team participants rated team satisfaction and team cohesiveness, as well as a host of game performance metrics, in a competitive esports VR game. The researchers also hope the study offers a path forward in creating coed esports competitions in VR that make the learning and cooperative experiences of sport a more shared experience between men and women in modern society. LITERATURE REVIEW Esports and the Gender Quandary As with other academic disciplines, the issue of gender has received significant attention among esports scholars. Rogstad (2021) did an analytical survey of research examining gender in esports. The more than 20 studies chronicled in Rogstad’s work were categorized as focusing on (a) masculinities in esports; (b) online harassment; or (c) negotiating gendered expectations. Most of these research efforts described a highly negative landscape

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facing female gamers, particularly those wishing to compete at the highest levels of esports. Examples of such studies included the examination as to why the ability of female gamers was degraded by others (e.g., Siutila & Havaste, 2019); how online anonymity in esports allows for misogynistic and vulgar comments about female competitors (e.g., Ruvalcaba et al., 2018); how female gamers have been the subject of discrimination (Darvin et al., 2020); and that upon hearing a female’s voice in online video game competitions caused three times as many negative comments compared to hearing a male voice (or no voice at all) (Kuznekoff & Rose, 2013). Tang et al. (2021) examined what attracts males and females to compete in and watch esports. In surveying more than 500 adult esports consumers, the authors concluded there were some commonalities in that they enjoyed esports (e.g., game genres, interactivity) but also found differences. In particular, researchers found males were driven by a motivation to succeed in playing esports. For women, the use of the chat function within multiplayer games was the strongest predictor. Tang et al.’s (2021) study concluded that esports consumption and participation can be driven by other factors beyond gender, including structures that enhance or limit access to certain games, and sociopsychological needs, and the ability to choose one’s online identity. Madden et al. (2021) drilled down further into gender differences through a series of in-depth interviews with esports players. The authors noted similarities between professional gamers and those who play for less serious stakes—players (particularly male) have a competitive devotion for excelling in gameplay and the stress that goes with that was seen as about equal between those groups. When asked about playing with females, particularly in a coed situation responses were mixed. While one male player expressed the thought that mixed-gender esports teams are rather “troublesome and inconvenient” (Madden et al., 2021 p. 8), other males expressed a desire to see it happen more frequently. Many of the subjects interviewed (male and female) agreed on the need to create a safer environment to enhance male and female participation in esports. As one respondent put it, “ . . . I think there does need to be someplace more nurturing or more safe place for women to feel comfortable to come out and play games . . . ” (Madden et al., 2021, p. 9). Yet esports tournament organizers still touted the idea of separate competitions for males and females. The idea of choosing one’s identity for online gaming has become common among a segment of players. A survey based on this phenomenon suggested that the idea of gender swapping by women was common even in the late 2000s, just as esports began its global rise to prominence (Hussain & Griffiths, 2008). Hao et al. (2020) also found that females who had not been subjected to online discrimination and attacks by gender swapping resulted in a desire to play more and have more confidence in their performance.

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Esports at the College Level Colleges and universities in the US and around the world were among the first institutions to recognize the popularity of video games with young people. One of the first-ever gaming competitions took place at Stanford University in the 1970s (Baker, 2016). It is estimated more than 240 universities and colleges and more than 5,000 US college students are taking part in varsitylevel esports competitions, a remarkable number considering the modern era of such tournaments only began in the 2010s (“About,” n.d.). A major factor behind colleges and universities throwing their support behind esports in the 2020s is understandable: They recognize the interests of their future student population. The next decade or two will see Generation Z, a population group deeply rooted in the video game culture, entering higher education institutions. Whether it is two-or-four-year institutions, it is a recognition that offering prospective students an opportunity to participate in esports at some level may influence their enrollment (“Why Esports?,” n.d.). These institutions also saw the promotion of esports on their campuses as a way of recruiting high schoolers focused on STEM-based fields (e.g., science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) (Taylor & Stout, 2020). Suggs Jr. (2023) identified collegiate esports as operating under three different models on college campuses. One model on some campuses, both large and small, is to have esports teams placed within academic department control (e.g., Ohio State University, Shenandoah University). These programs combine participation with campus esports teams with earning academic credit through courses associated with the program. This form of “experiential learning” can lead to earning either certificates or full-fledged degrees through these programs representing multiple disciplines (e.g., computer science, management) (Suggs Jr., 2023, p. 110). Other universities like Oklahoma State University offer certificate programs in esports in partnership with the campus esports club. A second model is a more traditional approach to offering esports on campus, where teams operate similarly to traditional intercollegiate athletics. This includes having paid coaches organize team activities, such as practices (Suggs Jr., 2023). The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) sponsors national championships for 24 sports, but not for esports (“Division One,” n.d.). Such championship events can either be held independently or through athletic conferences. The Mountain West, for example, was among the first to hold league tournaments among its institutional members (“Why Esports,” 2020). A third model is offering a club esports or intramural activity where college students are invited to be active competitors regardless of talent level (Suggs Jr., 2023). In this model, a variety of governing bodies can oversee competitions but typically are aligned with student affairs offices. Many universities

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have chosen to invest in esports for their students, regardless of whether they field institutionally sponsored squads, and have remodeled gathering places such as student unions to create space for esports competition areas. Taylor and Stout (2020) also examined esports at the collegiate level, concluding there was a chasm between how varsity esports and club or intramural esports operated on these campuses. Using in-depth interviews, 13 club leaders they spoke to saw their mission as just offering opportunities to play in so-called friendlies, emphasizing the ideas of fellowship and becoming better game players. As a result, the researchers said participants “were much more heterogeneous” than the varsity esports rosters at other schools involved in the research (Taylor & Stout, 2020, p. 456). The authors described the varsity team as operating first and foremost on the skills of its members. As a result, women gamers are often not afforded the same opportunities as their male counterparts. Any Key, a group fighting for esports diversity and inclusion, suggested as early as 2016 in one of its whitepapers that collegiate club and intramural groups held the key to increasing the number of female gamers in esports, particularly through coed teams: “Don’t . . . simply require teams to put a single woman on them . . . Instead, think of meaningful coed opportunities and harness some of the mixed-gender possibilities that already operate in daily gaming lives and amplify them in club activities” (“Diversity and,” 2016, p. 3). Other recommendations called for creating “welcoming spaces,” including a code of conduct regulating dialogue among players (p. 3). The potential power of coed teams operating within clubs and intramurals at the higher ed level is also noted in Siegele et al. (2019) study on getting more women in coaching roles via coed teams in college. As the Any Key whitepaper argued, a more proactive approach to getting males and females playing together can pave a path to greater acceptance. This is contrary to ideas that esports tournament organizers told Madden et al. (2021) in their research, believing it would be better to have gender-separate tournaments. While it is likely that there will always be some presence of misogyny or even hostility toward females in online gaming, normalizing all genders playing together needs to start at some level. In this study, we focus on independent students at colleges and universities, institutions that are supposed to stand for these ideas. SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION THEORY AND GENDER DIVERSITY IN TEAM PERFORMANCE While exploring opportunities to include more women in esports through promoting coed team gameplay, existing research has suggested that gender

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diversity within a group may have a negative impact on team satisfaction and performance. According to the social categorization theory, people tend to group others based on visible traits like age or gender, which can lead to stereotyping (Turner et al., 1987). Individuals engage in social comparison with others to maintain a positive self-view (Hornsey, 2008), and categorize themselves and others based on salient characteristics, such as age, race, gender, and organizational membership (Bodenhausen et al., 2012). This process of social categorization occurs automatically and often leads to in-group enhancement and out-group derogation as a way for individuals to maintain their positive self-view (Stets & Burke, 2000). As a result, gender diversity in a team is often viewed in a negative light, which can undermine cohesion and cooperation within a group (Chatman & Flynn, 2001), increase conflict (Nishii, 2013), and elicit stereotyping (Ivanova-Stenzel & Kübler, 2011), which hinder group performance. The determination of gender in others is commonly made based on typically dimorphic biological features, which is also applied in designing games and avatars (Nowak & Fox, 2018). Researchers have suggested that features and traits of game avatars, which are based on gender stereotypes, can affect individuals’ gaming performance (Lee et al., 2007). For example, several researchers found that regardless of their biological sex, participants who were given a male avatar in a virtual environment and competed against two female avatars had higher performance on a math task compared to those who embodied a female avatar in the presence of male avatars (Yee, Nass, & Bailenson, 2014). Interestingly, Lee (2007) further found that participants had a greater sense of team affiliation with their partners when their avatars shared the same gender, even if their own physical sex didn’t match the gender of their avatars. These findings indicate that the gender features of avatars could have a significant impact on group dynamics. Our research aims to explore the potential of using gender-neutral avatars in VR esports to promote a positive coed gameplay experience, which could enhance team cohesiveness and satisfaction. Through this approach, we seek to mitigate the impact of gender biases that arise from biological or physical characteristics and could negatively affect team performance in diverse gender compositions. Team cohesiveness and satisfactions are predictors of team performance (Hambley et al., 2006; Rapisarda, 2002). In this experiment, therefore, we tested whether gender diversity in esports teams (i.e., coed team vs. non-coed team) positively influences team cohesiveness and team satisfaction. METHOD VR-based esports games have only come into vogue with the growing affordability and adoption of consumer-available equipment. VR esports can be

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described as multiplayer competitive gaming which incorporates the use of headsets and more physical movement on the part of players (Türkay et al., 2021). VR-based games also differ from their console-based counterparts in the way the action is viewed. Experiment Design A single-factor experimental design was employed, where the independent variable is the gender composition of the team (i.e., coed team vs. non-coed team) to investigate the impact of coed teams on team play in esports. Each team consists of four people. In the coed team condition, the teams were composed of an equal number of male and female players. In the non-coed team condition, the teams were composed entirely of either female or male players. Perceived team cohesiveness and team satisfaction were measured as dependent variables. VR Esports Game Setup HyperDash was chosen for the experiment after pilots of several team-based Virtual Reality esports games, as it allows participants to use gender-neutral avatars. HyperDash was selected because of the relative ease with which novice players could learn the game mechanics, the team nature of the competition (particularly in the “Payload” gaming modes), and the customizable nature of the AI competition. In the Payload gaming mode, the two teams take turns competing to see which can move a rail cart the furthest in the shortest duration of time. To move the cart along the rail, players must stand on the cart while the opposing team attempts to remove the players by shooting them off. Players moving the cart have six minutes to reach the first checkpoint, and eight minutes subsequently to reach the end of the rail track. After the end of the rail track is reached, or time expires, the game resets and teams switch sides with the opposing team now moving the cart along the rail line with the other team attempting to defend. Sampling The study recruited a total of 48 participants from a university located in a southern region of the US. After excluding 6 individuals who reported experiencing nausea and dizziness, the dataset included 42 cases. Notably, a significant number of female participants reported experiencing these symptoms during the VR gameplay. The participants consisted of 25 males (59.5%), 15 females (35.7%), and 2 other participants (4.8%). Their ages ranged from 19 to 36 years old, with an average age of 22.76 years. Their experience with virtual reality varied, with 12 (28.6%) having no experience,

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12 (28.6%) being novices, 10 (23.8%) playing occasionally, 5 (11.9%) being regular users, 2 (4.8%) being frequent users, and 1 (2.4%) reporting daily use. Procedures After participants approved the consent form, they were assigned to either a non-coded condition (n =  22) or a coed condition (n =  20). Researchers helped participants log in and complete a training tutorial in HyperDash. Then, participants played on a team against AI robots in the “normal” difficulty setting. The players were briefed on the Payload gameplay mode and their roles, given communication instructions, and allowed to convene in a private VR lounge before gameplay. The researcher ensured that all teams received equal gameplay duration and difficulty. After the gameplay, participants were asked to take a survey, then debriefed and thanked. Each study took about 45 minutes to complete. MEASUREMENTS Perceived team cohesiveness index (Seashor, 1954) was measured on a 5-point Likert scale for four items: “We were ready to defend each other from attack by outsiders,” “We helped each other well on the game,” “We got along well with each other,” and “We stuck together well.” Team satisfaction (O'Reilly et al., 1989) was measured on a 7-point Likert scale for three items: “My team is doing a good job,” “My team worked efficiently,” and “My team met our objectives.” RESULTS A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted with team gender composition entered as a fixed factor and perceived team cohesiveness and team satisfaction as dependent variables. The results indicated a significant effect of team gender composition (i.e., coed vs. non-coed) on team cohesiveness (F(39) = 5.61, p < .05, ηp2 = .13) and satisfaction (F(39) = 5.76, p