Dissent and Heterodoxy in the Late Ottoman Empire: Reformers, Babis and Baha'is 9781463216955

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Dissent and Heterodoxy in the Late Ottoman Empire

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Dissent and Heterodoxy in the Late Ottoman Empire

Reformers, Babis and Baha'is

Necati Alkan

1 gorgias press 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2010

1

ISBN 978-1-60724-092-1

Printed in the United States of America

Necati Alkan, born in 1968 in Antakya/Turkey, has received his MA degree in Arabic & Islamic Studies at the Ruhr University of B o c h u m / G e r m a n y , and he completed his PhD in 2004 at the same institution in Late Ottoman History. His research interests are Islamic history & theology; r e f o r m m o v e m e n t s , sociopolitical and religious developments, and minorities in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic. From 2006 - 2008 he held a post-doctoral position in the Department of Islamic & Middle East Studies at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, where he taught courses on minorities and religious movements in the late Ottoman Empire and Qajar Iran. His next research activity as Senior Fellow, September 2008 - June 2009, is a study about the Nusayri 'Alavvis in the late Ottoman Empire at the Research Center for Anatolian Civilizations (Koç University), Istanbul.

To my dear parents Sakine and

Necmettin

"Many of those who were ahead of their time had to wait for it in not too comfortable quarters." Stanislav J. Lec (Umkempt

Thoughts,

1962)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Illustrations Acknowledgements A Note on the Transliteration Foreword

10 11 12 15

Introduction

16

1. Reforms in the Late Ottoman Empire Westernising Reforms and the Role of the ulema at the Turn of the 19th Century Sultan Abdiilmecid The Tanzimat Period

25 28 31

2. Early Babis in the Ottoman Empire The Rule of Necib Pasha in Iraq and the Relationship with Iran The Rise of the Babi Movement Combined Sunni-Shi'i Opposition: the Trial of Mulla 'Ali Bastami .. The Bab's Epistle to Sultan Abdiilmecid Sultan Abdiilmecid and Tahira 3. The Babis, Iran and the Ottoman Reform Elite The Exile of Baha'u'llah in Baghdad and Iran's Intervention Forced Residence of Baha'u'llah in Istanbul Baha'u'llah in Edirne: the Deterioration of Babi-Ottoman Relations ... Final Exile in 'Akka: Baha'u'llah's Letters to Ali Pasha and Fuad Pasha

35 40 43 50 55

57 65 70 86

4. The Baha'is and the 'Fathers' of Ottoman Constitutionalism Young Ottomans and the Baha'is Midhat Pasha and ' Abdu'l-Baha

97 109

8

D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE O T T O M A N E M P I R E

5. I r a n i a n R e f o r m e r s , Y o u n g T u r k s a n d the ' B a b i s ' in 19th Century Istanbul Sayyid Jamalu'd-Din 'al-Afghani'

115

Al-Afghani, the Babis and the Baha'is

119

T h e ' B a b i Leader'al-Afghani and the Young Turks

124

Mirza Malkum Khan, the Babis and the Baha'is

127

The Reformist Baha'i Qajar Prince Shaykhu'r-Ra'is

132

6. 'Abdu'l-Baha and the Ottomans, 1890s - 1910s Ottoman Intellectuals o n ' A b d u ' l - B a h a

143

'Abdu'l-Baha, Abdiilhamid II and the Young Turks

154

'Abdu'l-Baha and the Young Turks after 1908

171

7. F r o m E m p i r e to Republic: State and Religion in the E r a of Kemalist reform T h e Y o u n g Turks and Kemalist Westernism: the Role of Abdullah Cevdet

181

Abdullah Cevdet, Islam and the Baha'i Religion

185

Atatiirk's Secularist Reforms and the Baha'i Response

198

Baha'is under the Scrutiny of the Kemalist State

206

Atatiirk and the Baha'i Religion

212

Conclusions

217

Appendices

225

Illustration

237

Bibliography

245

Index

265

Illustrations 1. Necib Pasha (Source: Tanzimat, 2. Namik Pasha: (Source: Tanzimat,

Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1940) Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1940)

3. Namik Kemal (Source: The Internet, public domain) 4. Ziya Pasha: (Source: The Internet, public domain) 5. Midhat Pasha (Source: Ali Haydar Midhat, Midliat-Pacha:

sa vie, son

œuvre\ Paris 1908) 6. Jamalu'd-Din 'al-Afghani' (Source: The Internet, public domain) 7. Cemal Pasha (Source: The Internet, public domain) 8. Süleyman Nazif (Source: Süleyman Nazif, Batarya 1325/1907) 9. Abdullah Cevdet (Martin Hartmann, Dichter

ile Atef,

der neuen Türker,

Istanbul Berlin

1919) 10. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and Yusuf Ziya Pasha (Source: US National Baha'i Archives, Wilmette/IU.) 11. Baha'i Local Spiritual Assembly of Istanbul (1928) (Source: Turkish National Baha'i Archives, Istanbul) 12. Imperial decree about the exile of Baha'u'llah to Istanbul 13. Letter of Namik Pasha concerning Baha'u'llah's exile 14. Imperial decree about the exile of Baha'u'llah to Edirne 15. Calculations by Mirza Yahya 'Subh-i Azal' for his 'revelation' 16. Letter of Baha'u'llah to the Ottoman Prime Minister 17. Letter of Hur§id Pasha about Baha'u'llah 18. Imperial decree about the exile of Baha'u'llah to 'Akka

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I became first interested in the relations amongst various reformist groups in the late Ottoman Empire during my MA studies at the RuhrUniversität of Bochum, Germany, when 1 wrote a paper about the ideology of the Young Turks. What started as a short paper discussing Western influence on late Ottoman reformist intellectuals, developed into curiosity about links between these and heterodox movements, in particular the Babis and Baha'is, from the 1860s until the 1920s, and resulted in my MA thesis based on published Ottoman sources. My results having been preliminary, I decided to embark on more research by extending my sources to official Ottoman records in Istanbul so as to analyse more closely the events of Babi-Baha'i history and how they were perceived by the government from the earliest days of Ottoman reform until the first years of the Republic of Turkey. This work, then, is based on the thesis that I submitted as a partial fulfilment of the PhD degree, which 1 obtained at the Ruhr-Universität of Bochum, at the end of July 2004. I wish to thank my supervisor Professor (emeritus) Fikret Adanir of the Chair of Ottoman-Turkish History and Professors (emeritus) Gerhard Er.dress and Stefan Reichmuth of the Seminary of Islamic and Arabic Studies for their encouragement and guidance. I greatly appreciated their warmth and generosity, throughout my studies. I would also like to thank Dr. Benjamin Fortna of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS, London/UK) for his supervision during the first year of my PhD studies at SOAS (1999 - 2000) and his support to this date. I am grateful to Dr. I raj Ay man of the Haj Mehdi Arjmand Memorial Fund for the financial support without which I could not have pursued this research (1999 - 2001), and I shall always be indebted to two friends, who do not wish their names to be mentioned, for their open-handed financial help during the first year of my PhD studies. I owe a heartfelt gratitude to Professor (emeritus) Moshe Sharon, Chair in Baha'i Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, who kindly arranged a post-doctoral position for me at the Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies of the same institution (2006 - 2008); during this time I have been able to go back and forth to Istanbul and deepen this study with materials from the Ottoman Archives. He moreover contributed to this study by writing the foreword.

12

DISSENT AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E I also thank the staff at the Ba§bakanlik O s m a n l i Ar§ivi ( P r i m e

M i n i s t r y ' s O t t o m a n A r c h i v e s , Istanbul), the T a k s i m Atatiirk

Kitapligi

(Istanbul), the British Library ( L o n d o n ) , the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin (Germany) and the Research Department at the Baha'i World Centre (Haifa, Israel) for their kind assistance in making sources accessible for my research. Such an endeavour is never the work of a single person. I am thankful for the advice of friends and colleagues, who kindly read parts of this book, made numerous helpful suggestions for improvements, shared their ideas or were supportive. I am particularly beholden to Dr. Sholeh A. Quinn (Ohio University), Prof. M. §iikru Hanioglu (Princeton University), P r o f e s s o r (emeritus) Butrus A b u - M a n n e h (University of Haifa), and Dr. Stephen L a m b d e n . My friends Canan Laroya (Alici) and Recep Ye§iloglu were very helpful in making available Ottoman Turkish sources in Ankara. Dr. Moojan Momen read the manuscript before publication and pointed out many details that have escaped my attention; I am indebted to him and Farzin

Vejdani for making

invaluable comments.

I also thank

Dr.

E m m a n u e l l e Séjourné for assisting me in understanding French sources. Special and warm thanks to all whose names I have not listed here. Naturally, I am solely responsible for the errors of fact or interpretation in the final product. Next I would like to thank Mr. Sinan Kuneralp of Isis Press for his interest, cordiality, and the c a r e f u l t r e a t m e n t and publication of

my

manuscript. During my more recent stays in Istanbul and beyond, my friend and flatmate Ôzcan Akinci has been my moral support, for which I am grateful. And I thank Feray Co§kun for her friendship, support and encouragement. Finally, the most important is my debt to my family: I am grateful for the myriad ways they demonstrated genuine support during my studies and through this process.

A Note on the Transliteration O t t o m a n Turkish proper n a m e s and terms are rendered in m o d e r n Turkish, e.g. Abdtilmecid, and not ' A b d u ' l - M a j i d . T h e following letters of the Turkish alphabet have these equivalents in English: c = j ; ç = like ' c h ' in chalk; g = lengthens the preceding and following vowel; i = similar to ' u ' in millennium;

j = as in the French journal;

§ = ' s h ' ; I = 'i' in English.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

13

No transliteration has been used for Arabic and Persian proper names or words such as 'Babi,' or ' B a h a ' I ' ; they arc rendered as 'Babi,' 'Baha'i,' etc. Only Arabic and Persian technical terms or words in brackets have been transliterated according to the system used in the Encyclopaedia of Islam (second edition, EI 2 ) with alterations.

FOREWORD

The 19th century witnessed an unusual eruption of religions and religious movements in the West as well as in the East. While the Mormons, the various Adventist movements in the United States, and, to a lesser extent, the Templers in Germany are the most obvious examples of the modern religious activity in the West, the appearance of the Babi-Baha'i religions is the most important event in the world of Islam in particular, and in the history of World religions in general. Until now, the research of the Babi-Baha'i religions was particularly concerned with the appearance and early development of the new faith in Qajar Iran. True, it has always been clear that the most important development of the faith took place after it had become Baha'i, under the leadership of Baha'u'llah, some 19 years after the execution of the Bab in July 9, 1850, but a thorough and comprehensive research of this particular subject has been lacking until now. It was in the Ottoman Empire, while in exile in Istanbul, Edirne and 'Akka that the prophet of the new religion announced his claim to be the long awaited Messiah, the manifestation of Almighty. It was mainly in 'Akka, where he spent the last 24 years of his life, that he composed his most important works ("Tablets"), particularly the Most Holy Book (al-Kitab alAqdas). The latter part of the 19th century was an eventful period in the history of the Ottoman Empire as well as the Iranian one. However, the Ottoman Reform Movement, which had gone through many vicissitudes, was far more violent, and in the long run more effective than the activity of its Iranian counterpart. But in both cases, the Baha'i religion found itself drawn into an atmosphere of change, and could not avoid reacting to it. True, it was a religious movement with messianic overtones but its message which wished to change the world could very well fit into the reform atmosphere which prevailed particularly in the Ottoman Empire. A study of the interaction, mainly intellectual, between the activities of the Reformists, the Constitutionalists, and in general the whole Ottoman reform elite against the stormy years of the second half of the 19th century, is long overdue, and Dr. Necati Alkan fills this gap completely in this valuable research. Basing himself on original sources and documents in three oriental languages, Arabic, Turkish and Persian, and particularly the documents of the Ottoman Archives, Dr. Alkan elucidates the important issue of the interaction,

16 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E positive as well as negative, intellectual as well as social and political, between the messianic message of the Baha'i religion and the messages and activities of the Reformists in the Ottoman Empire and (to a lesser extent) in Qajar Iran. At the same time the book is the most up-to-date contribution to the political, social and intellectual history of these two rival empires - the Ottoman one, the champion of the Sunna and the Iranian one, the champion of the S h i ' a - in the 19th century. It creates a wide scope background for the major changes that happened to them in the first decades of the 20th century. The different paths that these revolutionary changes took in the two Empires are very much the outcome of their 19th century historical upheavals described in this admirable example of excellent scholarship. Moshe Sharon Chair in Baha'i Studies The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

INTRODUCTION

This study is a b o u t a not widely k n o w n chapter in the history of the late O t t o m a n E m p i r e and the early T u r k i s h R e p u b l i c . M a i n l y based on d o c u m e n t s f r o m the O t t o m a n A r c h i v e s in Istanbul ( B a § b a k a n h k O s m a n l i Ar§ivi, B O A ) and other Ottoman Turkish sources, the book sheds light on the overall tolerant attitude of the Sublime Porte (Ottoman g o v e r n m e n t ) towards B a h a ' u ' l l a h and the Baha'i religion during the Tanzimat (reform) period and its aftermath. It was largely due to such a favourable atmosphere that the Baha'i religion s u r v i v e d and t o o k its p r e s e n t s h a p e . By f o l l o w i n g the life of B a h a ' u ' l l a h f r o m Baghdad, where he was in exile after being forced to leave his native c o u n t r y Iran, to Istanbul, E d i r n e and f i n a l l y to ' A k k a ( A c r e ) in Palestine, I place the B a h a ' i religion and their leaders in the wider context of late O t t o m a n r e f o r m i s m and intellectual history in general. In other words, this study lies at the intersection of t w o critical currents in the history of the modern Middle East, namely religion and politics, between the years 1844 and 1928 during the transition f r o m E m p i r e to Republic. W h e r e a s the year 1844 marks the beginning of the history of the B a h a ' i religion with the genesis of the Babi faith, its precursor; 1928 is the year in which the B a h a ' i s of Turkey were put on trial f o r the first time in the Turkish R e p u b l i c soon after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This was the initial step in the e m e r g e n c e of the B a h a ' i religion in that country f r o m obscurity and its Turkish f o l l o w e r s emphasising their belonging to an independent religion and not being part of Islam, which until then had been the general perception of them. At the same time 1928 was the year when secular Turkey separated herself visibly f r o m the Ottoman E m p i r e by c h a n g i n g the alphabet f r o m the Arabic-Persian script to the Latin script and initiated a departure f r o m its history, culture, religion and value system. T h e Babi and B a h a ' i religions 1 have been studied f r o m their earliest days by followers and outsiders alike. T h e first mentions by Westerners in 1 For the Babi religion, see e.g. the entries ' B ä b ' and ' B ä b i ' in Encyclopaedia Iranica (EIr) and From Messianic The Encyclopaedia of Islam (EI2): Peter Smith, The Babi and Baha'i-Religions: Shi'ism to a World Religion, Cambridge 1987; Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal - The Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844-1850 (Cornell University Press: Ithaca/London, 1989); Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By (Baha'i Publishing Trust: Wilmette/Ill. 1979), henceforth GBP. The most recent work that constitutes an important study on Shaykism and early Babism is by Armin Eschraghi: Frühe Saihi- und Bäbi-Theologie: Die Darlegung der Beweise für Muhammads besonderes Prophetentum (ar-Risäla ß ilbät an-Nubüwa al-Hässa) (Brill: Leiden, 2004). For the Baha'i religion see e.g. the entries ' B a h a ' i ' and ' B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' in EIr and EI2-, Peter Smith, The Babi and Baha'i-Religions: From Messianic Shi'ism to a World Religion (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1987); idem, A Short History of the Baha'i Faith ( O n e w o r l d : O x f o r d , 1997); M o o j a n M o m e n , A Short Introduction to the Baha'i Faith (Oneworld: Oxford, 1997); Shoghi Effendi, GPB; Hasan M. Balyuzi, B a h a ' u ' l l a h : The Glory of God (Georg Ronald: Oxford, 1980). The latest biography of B a h a ' u ' l l a h is M o o j a n M o m e n ' s Baha'u'llah: A Short Biography (Oneworld: Oxford, 2007).

18 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E newspaper articles and diplomatic correspondence appeared as of the 1840s. From the 1860s important academic studies by French, English and Russian scholars were produced until the 1930s. Also, Baha'i writers and those who opposed the Baha'i religion in the Middle East have contributed to this. In the decades leading to the 1970s only a handful works appeared, and these were based on the preceding works rather than on Babi and Baha'i primary literature. From the 1970s new apologetic works by Baha'i historians were written but in addition to this academically trained Baha'i students started to hold academic seminars and conferences in Europe and the USA. This has been increasing until today, and countless articles, theses, and book were the result of Shaykhi, Babi and Baha'i studies pursued by mostly Baha'i and also by nonBaha'i authors, 1 based on primary and secondary Baha'i sources in Arabic and Persian. Despite the early developments in the Babi religion in the Ottoman Empire and the genesis and progress of the Baha'i religion in those domains, almost no Ottoman Turkish sources were taken into account in academic and non-academic studies. The major scholarly work in a Western language on the Babi/Baha'i religions to list a limited number of Ottoman archival sources used is Moojan M o m e n ' s The Babi and Baha'i Contemporary

Western

Accounts2

Religions,

(henceforth BBR),

1844-1944:

Some

which examines the

voluminous writings and documents about the history of the Baha'i religion by Western non-Baha'i authors. The author surveys these Western accounts and describes how news of the Babi and Baha'i religions reached the West; takes into account early and important contributions of various scholars, 3 and analyses some of the many misapprehensions in the early accounts. M o m e n moreover considers consular reports, primarily by Europeans. The reports are by writers who were themselves eyewitnesses or had been conveyed first-hand accounts. T h e author makes mention of a f e w state papers at the B O A and gives an account of those in the addendum of chapter 11. T h e Turkish B a h a ' i Sami Doktoroglu provided the documents and some summaries in the 1970s.

' E.g. the studies on Azali-Babi intellectuals in the context of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1905-1911) by Janet A f a r y , Hamid Algar, Mangol Bayat, Nikkie Keddie (see bibliography below). 2 Moojan Momen (ed.). The Babi and Baha'i Religions: Some Contemporary Western Accounts, 1844-1944 (George Ronald: Oxford, 1981), henceforth BBR. 3 See ibid. 3-65 on the earliest Western accounts f r o m 1845 o n w a r d s in consular reports, newspapers and books, also f o r the works of scholars such as J o s e p h A. G o b i n e a u , Mirza Aleksandr Kazem-Beg, Edward G. Browne, A.-L.-M. Nicolas, Clement Huart, and Alexander Tumanski from 1865 onwards.

INTRODUCTION

19

N o exact references of the archive folders arc given. 1 M o o j a n M o m e n ' s ' T h e Trial of M u l l a ' A l l B a s t a m i : A C o m b i n e d S u n n i - S h i ' i F a t w a A g a i n s t the B f l b ' 2 summarises Ottoman documents related to Bastami; again, provided by Doktoroglu. 3 In his article 'Iranian Millenarianism and D e m o c r a t i c T h o u g h t in the 19th C e n t u r y , ' 4 Juan R. I. Cole e x a m i n e s the contribution of religious and o t h e r m o v e m e n t s to Iranian C o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m , 1 9 0 5 - 1 9 1 1 , with special attention to the B a h a ' i religion as a millenarian m o v e m e n t . As a way of understanding how modern ideas were disseminated in Iran in the late 19th c e n t u r y and to get closer to a social history of ideas, C o l e looks at the growing support of representative government by B a h a ' u ' l l a h ( 1 8 1 7 - 1892), the founder of the Baha'i religion, and his eldest son and appointed succcssor ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' A b b a s E f f e n d i ( 1 8 4 4 - 1 9 2 1 ) . W h i l e historians have written about the role of a f e w A z a l i - B a b i 5 radical intellectuals b e f o r e and in the Iranian Constitution, they have neglected that of the B a h a ' i s . 6 Cole links B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s advocacy of democracy to his millenarian ideas and says that his social and religious ideas are related. Relevant to our work here is also that Cole seeks to a n s w e r the question of whether the B a h a ' i s had relations with other r e f o r m - m i n d e d dissident g r o u p s and suggests c o n v e r g e n c e of ideas between the t w o groups. A decadc earlier Moojan M o m e n had theorised about ' T h e Baha'i Influence on the R e f o r m M o v e m e n t s of the Islamic World in the 1860s and 1870s.' 7 C o l e ' s discussion of the similarity of Y o u n g Ottoman and Baha'i

i d e a s d r a w s on p u b l i s h e d

p r i m a r y l i t e r a t u r e by t h e

Ottoman

intellectuals such as N a m i k K e m a l , Bereketzade Ismail Hakki and Ebiizziya T e v f i k , and on §iikrii H a n i o g l u ' s work on the Y o u n g Turk A b d u l l a h Cevdet that is discussed below.

' Only "File No. 1475", which should be, of course, iradeler/Meclis-i Mahsus (i.MMS.) no. 36/1475. See my bibliography. ^ M o o j a n M o m e n ' s ' T h e Trial of M u l l a 'All B a s t a m i : A C o m b i n e d S u n n i - S h i ' i F a t w a Against the B a b , ' Iran 20 (1982), British Institute of Persian Studies, 113-143; online at http://www.northill.demon.co.uk/rclstud/alibast.htm (19 December 2006). 3

The documents were listed previously in Momen, BBR 89-90. Juan R. I. Cole, 'Iranian Millenarianism and Democratic Thought in the 19th Century,' in: International Journal of Middle East Studies 24 (1992), 1 -26. Azalis were f o l l o w e r s of Mirza Y a h y a ' S u b h - i A z a l , ' h a l f - b r o t h e r and o p p o n e n t of Baha'u'llah; their relationship is discussed below.

4

® Recent attempts to fill this gap are M o o j a n M o m e n ' s two papers: ' T h e Baha'is of Iran: the Constitutional M o v e m e n t and the Creation of an " E n e m y W i t h i n ' " (unpublished) and ' T h e Baha'is and the Constitutional Revolution: the case of Sari, Mazandaran, 1906-13', Iranian Studies, Volume 41, Issue 3 (June 2008), 343-363. 7 M o o j a n M o m e n , ' T h e B a h a ' i Influence on the R e f o r m Movements of the Islamic World in the 1860s and 1870s,' Baha'i Studies Bulletin, vol. 2, no. 2, Sept 1983, 47-65, online at http://www.northill.demon.co.uk/relstud/RefMov.htm (19 December 2006).

20 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E The findings of Cole in this article are spread over chapters 2 and 3 of his book Modernity the

and the Millennium:

Nineteenth-Century

Middle

The Genesis

East.1

of the Baha'i

Faith in

It is the first study to outline

responses in the Islamic Middle East to modernity by examining the genesis and evolution of the Baha'i religion. Cole tries to illustrate the sophisticated relationship of B a h a ' u ' l l a h and his followers to modernity. He maintains that B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s responses to modernity gradually evolved. In his opinion the society in the Middle East was affected by f i v e developments ccntral to modernity: secularisation, transition from absolutist monarchy to democracy, the e m e r g e n c e of sovereign nation-states, the rise of nationalism, and the w o m e n ' s movement. The writings of B a h a ' u ' l l a h offer a novel perspective on many of these issues. However, Cole suggests that B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s ideas were indirectly influenced and shaped partly by Western ideas that were imported to the Middle East, thereby not allowing originality in B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s thought. Cole f u r t h e r m o r e talks about the response of B a h a ' u ' l l a h and that of some prominent Baha'is to the reform debate in 19th century Middle East and their contacts with Young Ottoman and Young Turk reformers and makes reference to the Ottoman sources mentioned in his article above. In the political b i o g r a p h y Bir Abdullah

Cevdet ve Donemi

Siyasal

Du§iiniir

Olarak

Doktor

( ' D o c t o r Abdullah Cevdet as a Political Thinker

and His T i m e s ' ) M. §iikrii Hanioglu 2 examines the contribution of the thinker A b d u l l a h C e v d e t to the d e v e l o p m e n t of modernist thoughts in the late Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish Republic. Although the d i f f e r e n t influences on Cevdet's ideas are elaborated in detail, his inclination towards the Baha'i religion is not fully explored. This is discussed in more detail in chapter 7 of this book. H a n i o g l u ' s meticulous list of journal and newspaper articles in Ottoman Turkish on this issue has been very useful for my work. Like the previous book, Hanioglu's Bir Siyasal Orgiit Olarak ittihad

ve Terakki

Cemiyeti

ve Jon Turkluk,

(1889-1902)

3

Osmanli

('The Ottoman

C o m m i t t e e of Union and Progress as a political organisation and Y o u n g T u r k i s m ' ) is based on e x t e n s i v e archival sources in T u r k e y and m a n y European countries, and shows links between Y o u n g Turks, Iranian reformers and 'Babis' (Azalis).

' Juan R. I. Cole, Modernity and the Millennium: The Genesis of the Baha'i Faith in the Nineteenth- Century Middle East (Columbia University Press: New York,1998). 2 §ukrii Hanioglu, Bir Siyasal Dü§ünür Olarak Doktor Abdullah Cevdet ve Donemi (Ü?dal Ne§riyat: Istanbul, 1981). 3 §ükrü Hanioglu, Bir Siyasal Örgüt Olarak Osmanli ittihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti ve Jon Türklük, (1889-1902), vol. 1 (ileti§im Yayinlan: Istanbul, 1986).

INTRODUCTION

21

The Young Turks in Opposition, the English version of the previous study, is an in-depth analysis of the secret society called ittihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti (Committee of Union and Progress, CUP), which was formed in 1889. It had organised a revolution against the dictator Sultan Abdulhamid II in 1908, re-established the constitutional regime of 1876 that was suspended in 1878 by the sultan, and deposed him in 1909. The book is based on private papers and journals of the Young Turks and highlights the fact that they were an intellectual movement that continued to influence the thinking of Turkish intellectuals until the 1990s. In addition, the book sheds light on diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and the so-called Great Powers of Europe around the year 1900. Hanioglu's study also shows the influence of European political thought on the CUP leaders. In the same context, it briefly refers to the relationship between early Young Turks and Baha'i ideas. 1 Siileyman Ozkaya's Osmanli Belgeleri I^iginda Bahatlik HareketP('The Baha'ism Movement in the Light of Ottoman Documents') has been the only study that discusses the Baha'i religion in the light of Ottoman archival sources that are also used in the present work. Whereas Ozkaya provides useful summaries and transcriptions of important documents, he takes a negative approach to the study of the Babi and Baha'i religions. The author, writing from a faith-based perspective, makes subjective conclusions about the Bab and Baha'u'llah, in that he states, for instance, that the Bab's writings are not the product of a sane mind or that Bahaullah's Kitdb-i Aqdas is a very bad and inept copy of the Qur'an. 3 This makes Ozkaya's book an unbalanced work. In addition to these secondary materials there are several accounts of the Babi-Baha'i religions by Ottoman intellectuals that I have used here as primary sources and are indispensable for our awareness of their perception of these religious movements and their followers. These materials come mostly from persons who had been in personal contact with 'Abdu'l-Baha. These authors also derived some of their information f r o m Western sources. Compared to Western accounts written by outsiders such as diplomats, missionaries or travellers and Iranian opponents of Babis and Baha'is, the Ottoman Turkish accounts used here are, on the whole, unbiased; this printed primary literature is from the 1910s and 1920s. On the whole, the Ottoman source material utilised in the above secondary studies is unsatisfactory and there remain gaps concerning the Ottoman perception of the Babi and Baha'i movements. This study, then,

^ §iikru Hanioglu, The Young Turks in Opposition (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1995). ^ Siileyman Ozkaya, Osmanli Belgeleri / j i g i n d a Bahàtlik Hareketi (Akademi Kitabevi: Izmir, 2000). 3 Ibid. 17 and 19.

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D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

seeks to answer following questions by utilising those materials: why were the Babis and B a h a ' i s in the Ottoman E m p i r e treated as a dangerous and heretical religious group with political goals? What was the nature of the contacts between Babis and Baha'is with Ottoman and Iranian reformers? How did Baha'u'llah as the founder and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a as the organiser of the Baha'i religion, respond to socio-political d e v e l o p m e n t s in the Ottoman Empire (though these will not necessarily be assessed based on Ottoman sources). How did the Baha'is, as political prisoners, survive in Ottoman domains? And did the official attitude toward the B a h a ' i s change after the transition f r o m Empire to Republic? C h a p t e r 1 of the present work f a m i l i a r i s e s the reader with the circumstances leading to the first reforms in the Ottoman Empire that started in the late 18th century, against the background of the Islamic establishment and the role of the ulema. With this, the early efforts of Sultan Abdiilmecid w h o officially inaugurated the T a n z i m a t period (1839-1876) provide the historical background of the present work. In chapter 2, the emergence of the Babi m o v e m e n t in Ottoman Iraq is discussed. The first crisis the Babis faced there manifested itself in a combined opposition by Iranian and Ottoman authorities, as well as Shi'i and Sunni religious leaders. Aside from the intrusion of European powers in the Middle East in a time of decline, the rise of the messianic Babi m o v e m e n t in an atmosphere of growing political, economic and social problems, constituted a real threat for the Shi'i ulema. In this context, their interaction with the Ottoman Empire and Iran is important. Following the suppression of the Babi leaders and their community in Iran, a g r o u p of Babis around B a h a ' u ' l l a h were f o r c e d to s u b s e q u e n t banishments and residence in the Ottoman dominion. Internal and external events led to the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of B a b i s m to the B a h a ' i religion and eventually to the worsening of the attitude of the Ottoman g o v e r n m e n t towards the Baha'is. This will be discussed in chapter 3. Chapter 4 examines the contacts of B a h a ' u ' l l a h and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a with contemporary Ottoman westernisers with reference to the convergence and divergence of their political ideas. T h e ' Y o u n g O t t o m a n s ' shared with the B a h a ' i leaders the desire for more liberal and democratic conditions in the Middle East. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , who was well-versed in the Turkish language, acted as B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s liaison in the circle of Ottoman officials and m a d e contacts with progressive Ottoman intellectuals. T h e interaction between the heirs of the Y o u n g Ottomans, the ' Y o u n g T u r k s , ' Iranian reformers and Azali-Babis intensified the already existing cooperation between groups who shared similar ideals. The Young Turks were

INTRODUCTION

23

v o i c i n g their agitation and criticism against the d e s p o t i c rule of Sultan A b d u l h a m i d II, w h o in 1878 had suspended the first Ottoman constitution and parliament. They joined hands in their struggle with Iranian revolutionaries in Istanbul, w h i c h w a s f o r the latter the b r e e d i n g g r o u n d f o r r e f o r m s to be implemented in Iran. As had happened with the Ottoman Empire, Iran had also b e c o m e a platform for E u r o p e a n s to try to gain influence at all levels. T h e discontent of Iranians of every group was directed towards the declining Q a j a r d y n a s t y , w h i c h increasingly granted c o n c e s s i o n s to f o r e i g n e r s and thus endangered Iran's sovereignty. This is the focus of chapter 5. In chapter 6 I discuss revealing encounters of some O t t o m a n literati with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a w h o was head of the B a h a ' i c o m m u n i t y f r o m 1892 until 1921. M o r e o v e r , the events in the B a h a ' i c o m m u n i t y and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s relationship with Sultan A b d u l h a m i d II and the Y o u n g T u r k s are e x a m i n e d . This is done in much more detail than I had attempted in my dissertation d u e to the fact that I located new Ottoman archival documents about ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and the B a h a ' i s f r o m the turn of the century. C h a p t e r 7 r e v o l v e s a r o u n d the s u b j e c t of the transition f r o m the O t t o m a n E m p i r e to the Turkish Republic. In their role as the heirs of the Y o u n g O t t o m a n s , the discourse of the Y o u n g T u r k s on state and religion between the 1890s and the 1910s foreshadowed M u s t a f a Kemal Atatiirk's farr e a c h i n g s e c u l a r i s t r e f o r m s . A b d u l l a h C e v d e t , an early Y o u n g

Turk,

contributed much to c h a n g i n g his society. He was pushed to the centre of public attention and censured d u e to his eulogy of the B a h a ' i religion and a seeming attack on Islam in 1922.' Ever suspicious of religious groups with political aims, the Kemalists carried out investigations of the activities of the B a h a ' i s and there were arrests in 1928. This was the first official examination of the B a h a ' i religion after A b d u l l a h C e v d e t ' s court case, during which the B a h a ' i c o m m u n i t y of Turkey was exposed to public attention and censure and emerged f r o m obscurity. This work concludes with an examination of the considerations in the previous chapters, describes what lacunae were filled and o f f e r s guidelines for future research within the time period in question and beyond it.

' I thank the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (BSOAS) for permission to reproduce m y article ' " T h e Eternal E n e m y of I s l a m " : A b d u l l a h C e v d e t and the B a h a ' i Religion,' BSOAS no. 68/1 (February 2005), 1-20; it covers sections 7.1. and 7.2. of the present book in modified form.

1 REFORMS IN THE LATE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

Westernising

reforms and the role of the ulema at the turn of the 19th century

The first Westernising reforms in the Ottoman Empire commenced with the liberal-minded Sultan Selim III (r. 1789-1807). 1 The Ottomans had been defeated several times by European powers during the decades previous to his reign, and in order to compcte with them Selim's main purpose was to create an army that would fight on equal terms with them. The European armies were technically and tactically much more advanced, thus Selim conceived of new armed forces after this model. He realised his ideas by issuing the Imperial decree Nizam-1 Cedid, 'the New Order,' in 1793 and set up the first new troops with the help of French advisors. Although modest in his reform efforts, Selim was opposed by his powerful Janissary (Yenigeri) troops - alongside influential local chiefs such as conservative derebeys ('feudal chieftains') and ay an ('notables') - who feared they would be substituted and lose their privileges. Selim's reforms were delayed by several political crises. Nationalist and separatist movements in the Balkans and Arabia, such as the Serbs and the Wahhabis on the Arabian Peninsula respectively endangered the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. On the international front, Napoleon's expedition to Egypt in 1798 came at a time when the Ottomans were concentrating on their traditional enemies Austria and Russia. This expedition by France, who had been eager to have friendly relationships with the Ottomans for more than two centuries, was particularly damaging. Napoleon's aim was to hit England by obstructing the route to India and win the Ottomans for an alliance against the latter. Although he defeated the Mamluks who were the actual rulers of Egypt under Ottoman suzerainty, the Sublime Porte in Istanbul regarded it as an aggression. A short-termed alliance with England and Russia eventually forced the French to leave Egypt in 1801. When Selim III decided to resume with the reorganisation of all his troops after the Nizam-i Cedid, the Janissaries revolted and deposed the sultan. He was replaced by Mustafa IV who was an incapable person and did 1 Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey, Hurst & C o m p a n y : London 1964 (2nd ed. 1998), chapter 3; Stanford. J. Shaw/Ezel. K. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. II: Reform, Revolution and Republic - The Rise of Modern Turkey, 18081975 (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1977), 260-79; Roderic H. Davison, Turkey - A Short History (Paul & Co.: Huntington 1988), 68-77.

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DISSENT AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

not pose a threat to their interests (1807). With Selim not in power the Nizdm-i

Cedid

seemed to have to c o m e to an end. However, a year later

A l e m d a r M u s t a f a Pasha (later grand vizier), an o p e n - m i n d e d ayan and a supporter of Seiim III, conquered Istanbul. The Janissaries killed Selim but M u s t a f a Pasha replaced the newly installed M u s t a f a IV with his brother Mahmud II (r. 1808-39). 1 M a h m u d II was determined to continue with the reforms Selim had initiated. However, the ayan and derebeys

had taken advantage of the crises of

the Empire and various uprisings and held the reigns of regional power in their hands. With the aim of suppressing them and other disobedient elements and making them submit to the sultan's will, the Sublime Porte invited them to Istanbul to come to an agreement. The result was the drafting and signing of the Sened-i

ittifak,

' D o c u m e n t of Alliance,' an attempt to determine in clear

terms the respective responsibilities and mutual demands of those involved (October 1808). In practice this d o c u m e n t was not realised o w i n g to the influence of the notables and the Janissaries. T o curb even the slightest reform efforts the latter killed Alemdar Mustafa in a revolt. M a h m u d , fearing that his brother Mustafa IV may replace him, had him killed; he secured his throne but was not in a position to persist with his reforms until 1826. Nevertheless, for the purpose of preparing the way for his military reforms, Mahmud eliminated opposition forces such as reactionist derebeys

and ayan, the standard-bearers

of feudal anarchy. The task was accomplished through a new Janissary troop, the Segban-i

Cedid, the ('new keepers of the hounds'), the sultan's personal

guard. New g o v e r n o r s were appointed f o r the provinces, replacing the notables, and the government was gradually re-centralised. 2 Whereas some of the problems in the Empire were resolved, another challenge loomed on the horizon. Nationalism spread a m o n g the various ethnic groups, fostered by European powers. T h e Ottoman millet system that had been the foundation of the political structure of the Ottoman Empire for 500 years was being strained. The Christian denominations and the Jews were grouped into millets,

or a u t o n o m o u s religious c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e y had

economic purposes, for the state received cizye millet, the milletba§i,

or 'poll-tax.' Each head of a

had an administrative function, was the political leader

Bernard Lewis, Emergence of Modern Turkey (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1968), 7 2 ff.; Shaw/Shaw, History, vol. II, 1-54; G. E. V o n G r u n e b a u m , Der Islam II - Die islamischen Reiche nach dem Fall von Konstantinopel (Fischer W e l t g e s c h i c h t e Bd. 15) ( F i s c h e r : Frankfurt/M., 1991), 114 ff. 9 Suraiya Faroqhi points out that ' r e c e n t studies have s h o w n how the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century ayan, once considered the quintessential exponents of localism, in actual f a c t w o r k e d in c l o s e if o f t e n c o n f l i c t - l a d e n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the O t t o m a n central administration'; 'Conflict, Accomodation and Long-Term Survival: The Bektashi Order and the Ottoman State,' in Revue des Etudes Islamiques LX (1992), numéro spécial: Bektachiyya (eds. Alexandre Popovic, Gilles Veinstein), 167-180; here 179-80.

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E M P I R E

(ethnarch) and he controlled exclusively the sphere of education. T h e Ottoman a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e c o g n i s e d e a c h millet's

own j u r i s d i c t i o n . H o w e v e r , the

r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y of the E m p i r e w a s to be u n d e r m i n e d

through

the

westernising reforms of statesmen in the Tanzimat period f r o m 1856 onwards. U l t i m a t e l y , this d e v e l o p m e n t led to the creation of a national

Ottoman

identity. 1 A n o t h e r f o c u s of the struggle f o r political p o w e r w a s the ulema. Despite the tendency to bring the Ottoman Empire into conformity with some W e s t e r n models during the reign of Selim III and M a h m u d II, the orthodox I s l a m i c e s t a b l i s h m e n t w a s still s t r o n g . M a n y h i g h - r a n k i n g u l e m a had connections with the court and were close to Selim and M a h m u d . T h e s e were given important official posts or w e r e present in the g o v e r n m e n t councils. T h e y were a w a r e of current political matters and took part in the decision making process for the new reforms and their implementation. 2 T h e ulema were men w h o had acquired traditional Islamic learning and held religious posts. T h e y belonged to the much privileged ruling stratum of Ottoman society and were as such e x e m p t f r o m taxation, as opposed to those w h o w e r e civil servants and military m e n . T h e u l e m a were e m p l o y e d in m o s q u e s , medreses (qadis)

in ¡eriat/shari'a

and other traditional institutions and served as j u d g e s courts, as well. T h e §eyhiilislam ( S h a y k h u ' l - I s l a m ) ,

the chief mufti and highest religious authority, was equal in rank to the sadrazam

(grand vizier) and could curb the power of the sovereign. Overall,

the political influence of the ulema class lasted until the 18th century but inner disunity and corruption gradually w e a k e n e d their position. Also, lowranking ulema were displeased with the high-ranking u l e m a ' s easy access to posts. T h e e m e r g e n c e of a class called 'official u l e m a ' ( u l e m a - i resmiye)

-

men w h o were not educated properly but had purchased their diplomas and replaced high ranking u l e m a - added to the discontent. A s a result, in the times of Selim III and M a h m u d II leading ulema were inclined not to resist the reforms by the sultan, in order to gain his favour. T h e y compromised their

For a detailed analysis of this subject, see Fikret Adanir, 'Imperial Response to Nationalism: The Ottoman Case,' in Henry Cavanna (ed.), Governance, Globalization and the European Union: Which Europe for Tomorrow? (Four Courts: Dublin, 2002), 47-66. 2

Uriel Heyd, 'The Ottoman ' Ulcma and Westernization in the Time of Selim III and Mahmud II,' in idem. Studies in Islamic History and Civilization (Magnes Press: Jerusalem, 1961); 63-96; Michael Ursinus: Regionale Reformen im Osmanischen Reich am Vorabend der Tanzimat. Reformen der rumelischen Provinzialgouverneure im Gerichtssprengel von Manastir (Bitola) zur Zeit der Herrschaft Sultan Mahmuds II. (1808-39) (Karl Schwarz: Berlin 1982); see also, Moshe M a ' o z , ' T h e ' u l a m ä ' and the Process of Modernization in Syria during the MidNineteenth Century, in: Gabriel Baer (ed.), The 'ulamä ' in Modern History (Studies in memory of Professor Uriel Heyd; Asian and African Studies 7, Jerusalem 1971), 77-88.

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D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E LATE O T T O M A N E M P I R E

traditional views in the process. However, this short-sightedness proved to be disastrous for the ulema in the long run, because the reforms started an irreversible process of the secularisation of the Empire and the loss of the influence of Islam. In the reform period called Tanzimat ('reordering') from 1839 until 1876 the ulema lost even more ground. Except for a few noted representatives, they had no part in the political agenda. The reasons for the decline of the ulema may be summarised, as suggested by Richard Chambers, in four points: Firstly, with the violent abolition of the Janissary troops in 1826, the ulema had lost a strong ally who they had sided with in times of crises in order to preserve and uphold traditional Islamic ideals. Secondly, Mahmud II's bureaucratisation of the Islamic establishment, by setting up the Bab-i Mefihat ('Department of the §eyhulislam') under state control, the ulema were deprived of their autonomous administration. Mahmud furthermore deprived them of their sources of economic independence by removing their revenues from the evkaf ('religious endowments') and entrusting them to a directorate. This foreshadows the reform of Mustafa Kemal (Atatiirk) in the 1920s. Thirdly, the reorganisation of the Ottoman bureaucracy brought advantages to the civil officials: until then only the ulema had the right to bequeath their properties to their heirs; for this reason sons of officials, such as pashas, were frequently trained as ulema so as to secure the economic survival of the family. This changed with Mahmud and the civil officials were granted this right, as well. His aim of upgrading the stratum of the officials was to make government posts attractive and utilise them for political decision-making. And fourthly, with the Western-style reordering of the military and bureaucracy a new educated and enlightened elite would dispense with the inefficient traditional system. These young bureaucrats, who were taught mostly French at the new 'Translation Bureau' (Terctime Odasi), served as secretaries at Ottoman embassies in Europe and were acquainted with its culture, were typical of the later Tanzimat. 1

Sultan

Abdiilmecid

Abdiilmecid (1823-1861) 2 was the son of Sultan Mahmud II and only sixteen years old when he ascended the throne in 1839. It is said that he hated 1 Richard L. C h a m b e r s , ' T h e O t t o m a n U l e m a and the T a n z i m a t , ' in Nikkie R. Keddie, Scholars, Saints, and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East since 1500 (University of California Press, 1972), 35-36. 2 On Abdiilmecid, see A.H. Ongunsu, M 1:92-94; Istanbul Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul, 1958 ff.), vol. 1, s.v. 'Abdiilmecid'; Jean Deny, EI2 1:74-75; Cevdet Kiisiik, TDVIA 1:259-63.

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29

violence and bloodshed to the extent that he changed the ruling of the death penalty issued to some of his adversaries who wanted to kill him, to life-long imprisonment in a citadel. 1 The reign of Abdiilmecid from 1839 until 1861 is described as an 'enlightened absolutism' during the Tanzimat. There were twenty-two cabinets formed by ten Prime Ministers under Abdiilmecid, and Mustafa Re§id Pasha, 'father of Tanzimat,' who drafted the first reform edict, held the office of Sadrázam (Prime Minister) six times. Academic literature usually emphasises the sincere desire of Abdiilmecid to carry on his father's reforms with the same resolve but his gentle and weak character obstructed the management of affairs and his reformist efforts. It was during his reign that the imitation of European ways was introduced. Luxury and wasteful extravagancy, the building of new palaces and the court's expenses resulted in the financial ruin of the state. On the whole, he is presented as 'young and inexperienced.' 2 He had, however, won the sympathy of the majority of his subjects and, internationally, the appreciation of particular countries such as Britain and France. In essence, his success in this regard came from the drafting and propagation of the first and the second Tanzimat decrees, the Gülháne Hatt-i Hürnáyün of 1839 ('Noble Rescript of the Rose Chamber') 3 and the Isláhat Fermáni ('Reform Decree') of 1856. 4 With the first edict he legalised his father's reform efforts. The subsequent document re-emphasised the first and added new aspects. In reference to the first reform edict, modern historiograph) stresses that it was written under Western impact and that its ideas were borrowed from Western political theory. The drafting of the Gülhane Rescript has been mainly attributed to Mustafa Res id Pasha and Sultan Abdiilmecid did not seem to be involved in its creation. A recent study by Butrus Abu-Manneh provides ample evidence that contradicts this classical view. Abu-Manneh demonstrates that the impact of orthodox principles of the Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiyya, an Islamic Sufi order, taught to Sultan Abdiilmecid by his mother Bezmiálem, and the contribution of several high ranking political and mostly religious leaders are evident in its drafting. This research indicates that this rescript was written as a response to the neglect of the shari'a among representatives in government and religious circles, the prevailing misconduct and injustice by local governors and by the sultans themselves since the 18th century. Furthermore, it appears that not only members of the royal family were 1 ' H e loved wine, w o m e n and r e f o r m , ' is a h i s t o r i a n ' s plain s u m m a r y of the S u l t a n ' s personality; Philip Mansel, Constantinople: City of the World's Desire (Penguin Books: London, 2997), 265. 2 C. Baysun, 'Mustafa Resid Pasa' in: Tanzimat (Maarif: Istanbul, 1940), 734. Giilhane is the park in Istanbul, where Mustafa Re§id read the Edict. 4

Ongunsu, 94.

30

DISSENT AND HETERODOXY

IN T H E L A T E O T T O M A N

EMPIRE

influenced by the teachings of the Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiyya but also several Palace functionaries at the Bab-i Ali (the Sublime Porte) and upper echelons of society. 1 In the closing years of Abdiilmecid's reign, the Empire began to disintegrate. The financial mismanagement of funds and the accumulation of a huge amount of debt, which could only be paid by incurring more debt, was a manifestation of this development. The tendency of more and more ethnic groups towards autonomy was a proof of its physical disintegration. 2 In the 1840s the shari'a had played an important role in reform measures, after 1856 they took less and less account of it, as Ottoman statesmen increasingly borrowed Western secular ideals and ideologies. During those years Abdiilmecid appears too weak to have been able to participate in the decisions of daily politics and was in the grip of his grand vizier Mustafa Re§id Pasha. It is reported that the sultan was found slamming his head on the wall while praying to God to liberate him from R e a d ' s clutches. 3 The same was the case with the powerful ministers Mehmed Emin 'Ali' Pasha (1815-1871) 4 and Ke?ecizade Fuad Pasha (1815-1869) 5 held a similar dominating influence in the reign of Abdiilaziz and held the reins of state affairs in their hands. The Sultan had almost no legislative power in political affairs and seemed to have been a slave to his pashas. Thus, in the 1860s and 1870s, the criticism of 'Young Ottoman' reformers was not directed against the sultan but mainly towards the two pillars of the Porte, A l i and Fuad who are remembered by historians as reform-minded precursors of m o d e r n T u r k e y . 6 From the outset of Abdiilmecid's time in power, inexperienced shrewd bureaucrats who unbeknownst to the sultan involved him in their schemes, surrounded him. 7 In the time of Abdiilaziz those 'little despots' shot out branches into other governmental institutions and achieved 1 Butrus A b u - M a n n e h , ' T h e Islamic Roots of the Giilhane Rescript,' Die Welt des Islams 34 (1994), 173-203; see also idem, ' T h e Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiyya in the Ottoman Lands in the Early 19th Century,' in: Die Welt des Islams, vol. 22, no. 4/1 (1982), 1-36; see further idem, ' T h e Naqshbandi-Mujaddidi and the Bektashi Orders in 1826,' in: idem, Studies on Islam and the Ottoman Empire in the 19th Century

H a m i d A l g a r f i n d s the

' o b s c u r e ' a n d s a y s it m a y h a v e s i g n i f a n c e in B a b i

t e r m i n o l o g y . 7 J u a n C o l e s u g g e s t s that h e r e the B a h a ' i idea of the spiritual d e v e l o p m e n t of m a n ; B a h a ' u ' l l a h r e f e r s to the spiritually h i g h l y d e v e l o p e d m a n as the ' s u p r e m e t a l i s m a n ' ( t i l i s m - i a'zam) m a n i f e s t a t i o n s (sg. mazhar)

and r e g a r d s m e n as t h e

of d i v i n e a t t r i b u t e s . 8 It m a y be that the S h a y k h

saw here a l s o a similarity to M a s o n i c ideas a n d j o i n e d a F r e e m a s o n i c l o d g e in I s t a n b u l . 9 A n d it m a y b e said that S h a y k h u ' r - R a ' i s f o u n d h i m s e l f a m i d s t r e f o r m i s t intellectual and political activities d u r i n g his s e c o n d stay in Istanbul a n d c o u l d c o r r e l a t e t h o s e to his B a h a ' i b a c k g r o u n d . T h e r e w e r e p a r a l l e l s b e t w e e n the r e f o r m i s t a n d m o d e r n i s t ideas of the B a h a ' i religion a n d those of a l - A f g h a n i a n d his c o l l a b o r a t o r s , s u f f i c i e n t to c a u s e t h e S h a y k h to a s s o c i a t e w i t h t h e m , a l t h o u g h they w e r e hostile t o w a r d s B a h a ' i s m . M a l k u m K h a n ' s f r e e m a s o n i c idea of a united m a n k i n d l i k e w i s e a p p e a l e d to h i m . 1 0 Finally,

1

Colt, Modernity 103. Algar, Mirzä Malkum Khan 225. Idem. Religion 191. 4 Cited in idem. Mirzä Malkum Khan 225 f. 5 Ibid. 226. 6 Cited in ibid. 7 Ibid. n. 102. Cole, 'The Early Career' 30; for Bahä'u'lläh, Muntakhabäti \(fl ¡Gleanings 122. 9 Algar, Mirzä Malkum Khän 225, f 90. 10 Algar, Religion and State, 191; Cole, 'The Early Career,' 30. 2

138 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E S h a y k h u ' r - R a ' i s did not reach his goals, and the Ottomans failed to support him; he was expelled by the Ottoman government and had to leave Istanbul. In 1905 the Iranian Constitutional Revolution began and S h a y k h u ' r Ra'is took a leading role. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a instructed the Baha'is not to disclose the S h a y k h ' s name in this regard. With the 1908 coup d'état

of M u h a m m a d

'Ali Shah (r. 1907-09) in Iran, the parliament was attacked and a number of the leaders of the constitutional m o v e m e n t were arrested, some executed. Shaykhu'r-Ra'is was also arrested, and he asked the shah for his release. The latter responded in the affirmative and pardoned him. After this episode the Shaykh drew back from public affairs. 1 Unfortunately nothing can be said about the B a h a ' i c o m m u n i t y ' s attitude towards S h a y k h u ' r - R a ' i s because of his involvement in politics and contact with Azalis. It appeared that ' A b d u ' l - B a h a never reprimanded him for his activities. 2 He himself had supported the Constitutional movement in Iran between 1905 and 1907 and praised the establishment of the first Iranian parliament. 3 Yet, subsequently ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and his community were neutral towards those events due to the impending civil war in Iran. 4 How had the Baha'i leaders reacted to the activities of Jamalu'd-Din alAfghani and M a l k u m K h a n ? At the end of the 1870s al-Afghani gave the impression of being positive towards the Babi or the Baha'i religion. ' A b d u ' l Baha w h o observed the constitutional press in E g y p t wrote a letter to alAfghani who at the time wrote for the newspaper Misr. There ' A b d u ' l - B a h a praised him for an article by saying 'I read your splendid article printed in the newspaper Misr, which refuted some English newspapers. I found your replies in accord with prevailing realities, and your eloquence aided by proof. Then I came across a treatise by Midhat Pasha, the contents of which support your correct and magnificent article. So, I wanted to send it along to you.'-'' Beyond this, there are no words of sympathy towards al-Afghani by ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and his father B a h a ' u ' l l a h . On the contrary, later in 1891 when two B a h a ' i s were erroneously arrested with followers of Malkum Khan, a persecution of the

1

Balyuzi, Eminent Baha'is 153 f. Ibid. 154. 3 See Juan R. I. Cole (Trans, and Intro.), " A b d u ' l - B a h a Lauds the Establishment of the First Iranian Parliament, 1906'; H-Bahai: Translations ofShaykhi, Babi and Bahai Texts, vol. 2, no. 7 (October 1998), online at http://www2.h-net.msu.edu/~bahai/trans/vol2/abpart/ abconst.htm 2

4

Ibid; for recent findings about Baha'i influence and activities in the Constitutional movement, see M o o j a n Momen, ' T h e Baha'is of Iran: the Constitutional Movement and the Creation of an " E n e m y Within'" and idem, ' T h e Baha'is and the Constitutional Revolution: the case of Sari, Mazandaran, 1906-13' (both forthcoming).

^ N o date, cited Cole, 'Iranian Millenarianism' 12 and idem, Modernity 74; the letter is in Arabic and published in Asghar Mahdavi/Iraj Afshar, Majmu 'a-yi asndd va madarik-i chap nashuda dar bdra-vi Sayyid Jamalu'd-Din mashhur bi-Afghani (Tehran, 1963), f a c s . No. 62, 133.

IRANIAN REFORMEiRS, YOUNG TURKS AND THE ' BABIS'

139

Baha'is was the result, and later on seven Baha'is were executed in Yazd. 1 In a letter 'Abdu'l-Baha rebuked al-Afghani and Malkum and their aggressive political activities whereby they tried to involve the Baha'is and to dethrone Nasiru'd-Din Shah. 'Abdu'l-Baha remarked: For some while the partisans of Mirza Malkom K h a n in Iran have been in a state of activity and agitation, and engaged in carrying on an active propaganda, censuring and blaming the heads of the administration and their actions.... At length the newspaper Qdnun appeared, and S h a v k h J a m a l u ' d - D i n al-Afghan too, from every side and corner, began to criticize and condemn the government, with which he was highly displeased, and in the course of his conversation used openly to excite and inflame the people and disparage and attack (the £ h a h | . . . The partisans of Malkom Khan and Jamalu'd-Din devised a plan to alarm, intimidate, and greatly disturb the g o v e r n m e n t by i n v o l v i n g the Babis also in s u s p i c i o n , and w r o t e pamphlets so worded that it might appear that there was an alliance between these and themselves. To be brief... they arrested also two Babis, and the g o v e r n m e n t officials, without any enquiry or investigation, began on every side to persecute this oppressed c o m m u n i t y , although these poor innocents, as I swear by G o d ' s Might, knew absolutely nothing of this agitation and disturbance, n o n - i n t e r f e r e n c e in political matters being required by their creed.^

The Baha'is had al-Afghani, Malkum or by force. B a h a ' u ' l l a h aggressively engaged in

nothing in common with the political revolutionaries Kirmani and Ruhi who wanted to overthrow the shah reproached these radical intellectuals who were the Tobacco Revolt.

After the death of Malkum ' A b d u ' l - B a h a remarked that countless politicians have appeared in the world and published important journals, and at the present there is no mention or any trace of them. For fifty years Malkum Khan published political journals and covered news about Iran with the Qanun newspaper and became the instigator of thoughts. Eventually others appeared too and raised much tumult and the result of his fifty years of hard work, wandering and homelessness, at the time of his fatal illness, he wrote to his Iranian friends and asked them to come and hear the last will of that 'wanderer' but no one came. At last, in utmost depression and despondency, and complaining of his friends, he died in a hotel [in Paris]. 3 According to a Baha'i source, 'When Mirza Aqa Khan had visited 'Akka, ostensibly to investigate truth, Baha'u'llah had remarked that his purpose was not to discover what was true, but solely to cause confusion and mischief. And Mirza Aqa Khan stated, on leaving 'Akka, that what he had 1

M o m e n , BBR 355 ff. Excerpts f r o m a letter of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , dated 19 A u g u s t 1891, in Browne, Materials

3

Ishraq-Khavari, Ma'ida-i

Asmanl

9:150, at http://reference.bahai.Org/fa/t/ab/MAS9

295 ff.

140

D I S S E N T A N D H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

found there was duplicity and f a l s e h o o d . ' 1 In his Lawh-i

Dunya

Baha'u'llah

notes the f o l l o w i n g about Jamalu'd-Din al-Afghani: It is reported that a certain person [Jamalu'd-Din al-Afghani] went to the seat of the imperial throne in Iran and succeeded in winning the good graces of some of the nobility by his ingratiating behaviour. How pitiful indeed, how deplorable! One wondereth why those who have been the symbols of highest glory should now stoop to boundless shame. What is become of their high resolve? Whither is gone the sense of dignity and honour? The sun of glory and wisdom hath unceasingly been shining above the horizon of Iran, but nowadays it hath sunk to such a low level that certain dignitaries have allowed themselves to be treated as playthings in the hands of the foolish. The aforesaid person hath written such things c o n c e r n i n g this people in the Egyptian press and in the Beirut Encyclopedia [of Butrus al-Bustani 1 that the well-informed and the learned were astonished. He proceeded then to Paris where he published a newspaper entitled 'Urvatu'l-Vuthqa [The Sure Handle] and sent copies thereof to all parts of the world. He also sent a copy to the Prison of 'Akka, and by so doing he meant to show affection and to make amends for his past actions. In short, this Wronged One hath observed silence in regard to him. 2 Baha'u'llah disapproved of al-Afghani because of his manipulative policy and the w a y he personified the Baha'is as scapegoats. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a described al-Afghani similarly. In o n e of his letters he speaks about the opponents of the Baha'is in Istanbul and writes that they resorted to all means had influenced the Ottoman government through the 'frivolous' (bi-ma'na) A f g h a n i , and used him for their m i s c h i e f (fasad

wa fitan)

al-

through his

nearness to the sultan. H e mentions that Kirmani and Ruhi would c o m e to [Yusuf] Riza Pasha's (mentioned above) house where al-Afghani was staying. T h e n they w o u l d e n g a g e in speaking n e g a t i v e l y about B a h a ' u ' l l a h and 'Abdu'l-Baha, while al-Afghani would remain silent. After they had spoken, the various high-ranking officials would ask al-Afghani what he thought about all of this. A t the outset, he would play hard to get and say that he did not w i s h to get entangled in such matters related to religion, but w h e n the o f f i c i a l s insisted, he then w o u l d loosen his tongue to most critical c o m m e n t s of the Baha'i r e l i g i o n . 3

' Balyuzi, Baha'u'llah 385. Baha'u'llah, 'Lawh-i Dunyä,' Majmü'a-i 46-56; idem. Tablets 94 f. (emphasis in original); also, Shoghi Effendi, GPB 296 and 317, where Afghani is depicted is as an enemy of the Baha'i faith, 'whose relentless hostility and powerful influence had been so gravely detrimental to the progress of the [Baha'i] Faith in Near Eastern countries.' 3 'Abdu'l-Hamid Ishraq-Khavari, (ed.), Mä'ida-i Äsmäni, vol. 5 (Baha'i Publishing Trust: Tehran, 129 B.E./1972), 210-212; at http://reference.bahai.Org/fa/t/ab/MAS5/1 thank Dr. Ahang Rabbani for pointing out this reference. 2

IRANIAN

REFORMERS,

YOUNG TURKS AND THE

'BABIS'

141

At a time when al-Afghani intensified his enmity towards the Baha'is, 'Abdu'l-Baha wrote to him saying that he was wrong in thinking that the Baha'is were oppressed with exile and suffering; on the contrary, al-Afghani would 'hear the sounding of the trumpet,' 1 i.e. the divine decree that would bring about his end. In addition to this when al-Afghani and his partisans were involved in mischief and revolution against Iran and the Ottoman Empire, 'Abdu'l-Baha sent a letter to Sultan Abdiilhamid via Ahmed Izzet Pasha, informing the sovereign of al-Afghani's harmful secret intentions (maqasid-i mudirra-i khafiyya). Abdiilhamid replied that he received the letter and accepted it positively (husn-i telakki olundu). Afterwards Abdiilhamid's generosity toward al-Afghani declined, the latter's seditious papers that he intended to publish were confiscated and his three partisans were extradited since they were Iranian citizens. 2 Here we have evidence that 'Abdu'l-Baha and Abdiilhamid joined against a common enemy, facilitated through the help of the abovementioned Marshal Ahmed Izzet Pasha (1864-1937), 3 an influential Ottoman statesman and one-time Prime Minister (1918), who is mentioned as having met 'Abdu'l-Baha in 'Akka where the latter promised him that he would rise in government services. Accordingly, Ahmed Izzet became the private secretary of Abdiilhamid and had knowledge of his secrets. Every time when the suspicion of the 'superstitious' ( m a w h u m - p a r a s t ) Abdiilhamid toward 'Abdu'l-Baha was aroused, the pasha would tranquilise him. 4 Still, around the turn of the century any subversive activity against the Ottoman or Iranian sovereign was ascribed to the 'Babis.' During the visit of Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah (r. 1896-1907) to Istanbul in early October 1900, some Western newspapers reported that 'Babis' were detained because they had planned to assassinate him. An American newspaper was informed that 'the Turkish police have discovered that a plot existed among a Persian sect here known as the Babists, to kill the shah of Persia, while he was visiting the Sultan. Thirty persons have been arrested. One of their number was the assassin of the late S h a h . ' 5 Furthermore it appears that 'BabT groups throughout the Ottoman Empire were under close scrutiny by police' as late as 1908. 6 1

Cf. Qur'an 78:8.

Nuru'd-Din Zayn, Khdtirat-i Hayat dar Khidmat-i Mahbub, 2 vols, ( u n p u b l i s h e d ; n.p. (Beirut?), n.d.), 2:431-433. My thanks to Dr. Moojan Momen for this reference. J See Govsa (1946), s.v. ' A h m e d Izzet Pa§a'; and A h m e d Izzet Pa§a, Feryadim, 2 vols. (Nehir: Istanbul, 1992). 4

Zayn, 2:429. Sandusky Daily Star, 8 October 1900. The Times (same date) wrote: ' T h r e e hundred and ninety Persians of the Babi sect, who were held in custody at the Persian E m b a s s y ' s request during the shah's visit, were released yesterday'; this number is rather an exaggeration. I thank Amin Egea for these references. 5

^ Hanioglu, Opposition

256, n. 335.

6 'ABDU'L-BAHA AND THE OTTOMANS, 1890S- 1910S

Ottoman

Intellectuals

on

'Abdu

'I

Balui

Despite the negative perception of the B a h a ' i s by the Ottoman government that continued in the Young Turk regime during World War I, some intellectuals approached the Baha'is and their beliefs without bias and others with some suspicion, though not with antagonism. As we have mentioned and analysed above the perceptions of Ottoman reformist thinkers of the second half of the 19th century, we shall now present some accounts by Ottoman literati from the first and second decades of the 20th century, that are indispensable for our interpreting Baha'i history and historiography. One of the accounts comes from Abdulgani SenT1 who was an Ottoman official from 'Akka, who knew 'Abdu'l-Baha 'Abbas Effendi in his childhood and youth. His account of the Baha'is, or rather of 'Abdu'l-Baha, dates back from the beginning of World War I. He published a series of articles titled 'Garb'a Meydan Okuyan Bir Hakim-i §ark' ('An Oriental Sage challenging the West') in the progressive literary journal Servet-i Funun in SeptemberOctober 1914. 2 His articles were based on his acquaintance with the Baha'i leader 'Abdu'l-Baha and some of the talks he delivered during his journeys in the West. While the second and third parts of the article series are translations of 'Abdu'l-Baha's talks on religion, philosophy and religious unity, the first part is an admiring description of his personality . Seni expresses his grief over the lack of interest a m o n g Easterners towards ' A b d u ' l - B a h a . He laments how 'Abdu'l-Baha was adopted by Westerners instead of being discovered and studied by Easterners. The author continues by recounting the history of Baha'u'llah and the Babis and comments that 'Shaykh Abbas Effendi ['Abdu'l^ al-Vïkûnt Filib dï Tarâzï, Tâ'rïkh as-sahàfa al-'arabiyya, 2 vols. (at-Tab'a al-adabiyya: Beirut, 1913), 2:40-41; Klaus Kreiser, 'Àbdulgani Seni (1871-1951) c o m m e observateur de l'administration ottomane au Y e m e n , ' Revue d'Histoire Maghrebine, nos. 31-32, Décembre 1983 (Tunis), 315-319. My thanks to Dr. Fruma Zachs and Prof. Butrus Abu-Manneh for these references. Senî translated into Arabic a statement by the Turkish Grand National Assembly in 1924, issued simultaneously with the abolition of the Caliphate and dEffending the secular state: al-Khilafah wa Sultat al-'Ummah (The Caliphate and the Authority of the Nation), Cairo 1925; see Majid Fakhry, ' T h e Theocratic Idea of the Islamic State in Recent Controversies,' in: International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs ), Vol. 30, No. 4. (Oct. 1954) pp 450-462 (here 455). 2

Servet-i Funûn, no. 1216, 11 Eyliil 1330/4 Zflkâde 1332 (23 September 1914), 308-12; Serveti Funun, no. 1217, 17 Eyliil 1330/11 Zîlkâde 1332 (30 September 1914), 328-30: Servet-i Funûn, no. 1220, 9 Te§rin-i evvel 1330/2 Zîlhicce 1332 (21 October 1914), s. 376-78.

144

D I S S E N T A N D H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E LATE O T T O M A N

EMPIRE

Baha] w a s the honourable son o f the Iranian Baha'u'llah Effendi, leader of the Babi sect,' w h o w a s exiled finally to 'Akka, 'for whatever reason,' and stayed there until his passing. Shaykh A b b a s E f f e n d i , like other political prisoners, w a s 'liberated through the k i n d n e s s o f the ( S e c o n d ] C o n s t i t u t i o n ' 1

and

undertook travels to Europe and America, 'accepting thereby unceasing ardent i n v i t a t i o n s . ' 2 S e n t states that his purpose of writing these articles w a s not to cover the history of the Babis and B a b i s m , which he thought had been c o v e r e d in numerous works by Western researchers, but to f o c u s o n the personality of 'the erudite and virtuous' (zat-i

hakim ve fazit)

S h a y k h A b b a s Effendi w h o m

he had k n o w n since his c h i l d h o o d in ' A k k a and w h o s e personal qualities and e v i d e n c e s of his p e r f e c t i o n s ( h a s a i s - i zatiye

ve asar-i

kemaliyesi)

he had

admired. S e n i observes that Shaykh ' A b b a s Effendi is at present a venerable old man in his seventies. In my childhood and youth I often used to be in his erudite presence and would profit f r o m the pearls of his wisdom and perfect exemplary conduct. Everbody at his gatherings was filled with admiration about his superior merits and was a lover of his natural disposition and virtues. Only some corrupt governors in the previous period [of Abdulhamid IIJ tormented this honourable person with countless displeasures, threats and fears for the sake of gaining profit. Since Shaykh Effendi was gentle and compassionate, he ignored the wiles, crimes and plots performed against him because he was firm, resolute and acquiescent. He would find a favourable opportunity not to deny his adversaries his humane support and make them feel even more mortified, and they would finally blush with shame. ... Whereas to those present in his assembly, Shaykh Effendi would only talk about science, morality, philosophy and the arts, and nothing would proceed f r o m his mouth except that by which the listeners would benefit f r o m the abundance of his knowledge (Juyuz-i irfaniye). Now and then it would be reported to Istanbul that he talked about politics (siyaset) and made a r r a n g e m e n t s against the g o v e r n m e n t or the sovereign (hukumet veya padi§ah aleyhinde muamirat). However, after examination it would be evident that these were nothing but false accusations. In sum, they would harass and torment this esteemed person (zat-i muhterem) even in his place of exile. 3 Seni also mentions that e v e n recently s o m e of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s e n e m i e s w e r e b u s y a c c u s i n g h i m o f o p p o s i n g the Y o u n g Turk g o v e r n m e n t . 4 B u t ' A b d u ' l - B a h a would not abandon in the slightest degree his unshakable principles of a c q u i e s c e n c e and f i r m n e s s . W i t h regard to these recent a c c u s a tions, ' A b d u ' l - B a h a asked h i m h o w he c o u l d be the e n e m y of a c o m m i t t e e that released h i m f r o m forty years of imprisonment, along with thousands of

' [¡kind] Mesrutiyet refers to the revolution of the Young Turks in 1908 and the reinstallment of the first Consitution of 1876. 2 3

Servet-i Fiinun, no. 1216, 308-09.

Ibid. 309. The Young Turk 'Committee of Union and Progress' ruled the Ottoman Empire from 1908 to 1918.

4

ABDU'L-BAHA

AND

THE

OTTOMANS

145

political prisoners. Should he, on the contrary, not to be grateful and indebted? H e said, ' W h e r e a s I was p r e s e n t e d as an e n e m y of the p r e v i o u s ruler [Abdulhamid II |, how can I oppose today a totally different s y s t e m ? ' 1 S e n i then continues with the story of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s life, saying that he had left Shaykh A b b a s Effendi t w e n t y - t w o years a g o in Acre as a middleaged man with a black beard and found him as an honourable old man with a white beard. He stated that ' T o see the changes of the times and people caused by the years after so long a separation and absence indeed offers a warning and is thought-provoking.' After the 1908 Revolution ' A b d u ' l - B a h a had chosen to live in Haifa w h e r e he w e l c o m e d p e o p l e f r o m E u r o p e and A m e r i c a , w h o admired his knowledge and perfections. 2 ' A b d u ' l - B a h a received his old friend Abdulgani three times, 3 and in each meeting he talked about his conferences in the West on philosophy and science, and Seni, as always, benefited f r o m his k n o w l e d g e . ' A b d u ' l - B a h a gave him c o p i e s of his talks as r e p o r t e d by n e w s p a p e r s and j o u r n a l s in the W e s t . 4 S e n i w r o t e that ' T h e c a p t i v a t i n g conversations of S h a y k h E f f e n d i enchant the heart. I asked this exalted and honoured person, to w h o m me and my friend and I are very grateful f o r the bounties w e received, to publish the Turkish translations of these in o n e of the Istanbul newspapers; he did not r e f u s e . ' 5 In a letter to Sent, appended at the end of the third article, ' A b d u ' l - B a h a expressed his gratitude that his talks would be translated into Turkish and published. H o w e v e r , ' A b d u ' l - B a h a asked Sent not to attach his n a m e to the talks but to keep him a n o n y m o u s by referring to him as 'a traveller' and 'a man f r o m the East.' This advice by ' A b d u ' l - B a h a parallels with his strategy in his works The Secret of Divine Civilization and Traveller s Narrative, that is to sa> keeping his identity hidden so as to not prejudice the reader with regard to his message. In S e n i ' s view this again demonstrated ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s degree of virtue and perfection, and he expressed the hope that great figures in the Islamic world, such as Abbas Effendi, w h o excel over all others with their knowledge, will m a k e the West j e a l o u s . 6 S e n i ' s a c c o u n t of the history of the B a h a ' i religion is not detailed, as he himself makes clear in the beginning, but here w e have an o u t s i d e r ' s portrayal of the personality of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , or rather ' A b b a s E f f e n d i , as he was known a m o n g n o n - B a h a ' i s , ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s at times seemingly 1 Ibid. 309-10. 2 Servet-i Ftinun, no. 1216, 310. o Together with his friend, Kahhal Doktor Ismail Bey, son of Manastirh Mehmed Rifat Bey. Seni says that 'Abdu'l-Baha 'had been secretly in relation and communicated' with the latter. Rifat Bey was a writer and a contemporary of Namik Kemal. Also in the military, he was among the soldiers who surrounded the Dolmabahge Palace the night that Sultan Abdiilaziz was deposed and presumably committed suicide. After Abdulhamid II came to power, Rifat Bey was suspected of having plotted against Abdiilaziz, was consequently exiled to Halab (Syria) and forbidden to return to Istanbul. On Manastirh Rifat Bey, see Siileyman Nazif, iki Dost (Kanaat Ktituphanesi: Istanbul, 1343/1925), 72-73 (footnote), and Govsa (1946), s.v. 'Rifat Bey, Manastirh.' 4 These were issues of the Arabic newspaper al-Muhajir in America and The Christian Commonwealth of Oxford University in England. The first newspaper, to my knowledge, is not mentioned in Baha'i sources. 5 Senf's second and third articles are translations of some talks of 'Abdu'l-Baha. 6 Servet-i FUniin, no. 1220, 378.

146

D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

ambivalent relationships with Ottomans, as hinted at by Sent, shows in the account that follows. In 1916 Azmi Bey, last Ottoman governor of Beirut, commissioned a yearbook about the province under his rule. T h e name of the two volume work is Beyrut Vilayeti ( ' T h e Beirut P r o v i n c e ' ) . It consists of sundry information on the history, geography, population, religions and sects of the province in question. Ten pages of the first volume contain the account of three meetings between the t w o authors, M e h m e t Refik ( T e m i m i ) 1 and M e h m e t Behcet (Yazar), 2 with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a . 3 T w o or three months after the publication of the book ' A b d u ' l - B a h a e x p r e s s e d his c o n c e r n s that his statements and thoughts were being distorted or not correctly recorded. 4 These pages give the distinct impression that the authors had exaggerated the whole issue of Babism and 'Abdu'l-Baha as the Babi leader in Haifa. T h e two authors' first impression of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a was that this 'person with long white hair and beard' w h o m they met in the streets of H a i f a observed them indifferently at first. From his and his followers' appearance the authors could tell that they were Iranian, and they thought that ' A b d u ' l - B a h a himself was a rich Iranian merchant. After the first investigation the authors could not obtain a clear picture of this person because ' s o m e talked in an exaggerated way and ascribed very high qualities or supernatural characteristics to the Shaykh.' Later on, various individuals told them that he was 'the greatest Shaykh, the leader of the 'Babi order (tarikat),' having 'millions of followers in America,' f r o m whom he received lots of money. Somebody else told Temimi and Yazar that 'Abdu'l-Baha was not the leader of the Babis, but of the Baha'is and that although ' A b d u ' l - B a h a had many Iranian followers in Haifa, he had far more influence in America. This person added that those near him, whether family or followers, 'all bow down in humility and reverence before the Shaykh when he passes,' and that his 'influence is as superior as his knowledge, virtues, and perfections.' These comments pleased the authors. Still, in their opinion, 'it was indispensable to obtain information about the real nature of this most dubious leader of that religion and tarikat.'' It was necessary to get directly into contact with him and investigate his religious or philosophical thoughts, his ' s c h o o l ' ( m e z h e b ) or 'order' (tarikat). In other words, they tried to know everything possible about his deeds and thoughts. This preliminary information about this person would help Temimi and Yazar to accomplish their task. 5 1 No biographical information could be found about him except that he had been director of the School of Economics in Beirut; see, Osman Ergin, Balikesirli Abdülaziz Mecdi Tolun, Hayati ve Sahsiyeti 1865-1941 (Istanbul, 1942), 264-65. Gövsa (1946), s.v. 'Yazar, Mehmet Bettet.' 3

Beyrut Vilayeti (Salnäme), eds. Mehmet Refik (Temimi)/ Mehmet Behcet (Yazar), vol. 1: Cenub Kismi (Vilayet Matbaasi: Beirut, 1335/1916), 'Babiler ve Babizm Hakkinda Tedkikat-i Mahalliyye,' 269-80; pp. 10-15 give an overview of the 'Babis and Babism.' 4 See below in Siileyman Nazif s account. 5 Beyrut Vilayeti 1:269-70.

A B D U ' L-B AHA

AND THE

OTTOMANS

147

T h e t w o m e n d i s c o v e r e d details a b o u t the B a b ' s life a n d c l a i m s , his eventual e x e c u t i o n a n d the rivalries b e t w e e n B a h a ' u ' l l a h , w h o had p r o c l a i m e d the sect, and his brother, M i r z a Y a h y a ' S u b h - i A z a l , ' w h o c l a i m e d to be the B a b ' s s u c c e s s o r . P e o p l e a l s o m e n t i o n e d the b a n i s h m e n t s by the Iranian a n d O t t o m a n g o v e r n m e n t s , to B a g h d a d , Edirne and ' A k k a , and that B a h a ' u ' l l a h had died in ' A k k a . ' A b d u ' l - B a h a b e c a m e his s u c c e s s o r , living with the f o l l o w e r s of the sect in ' A k k a . It appeared that the ' B a b i s ' w e r e living there a c c o r d i n g to the I s l a m i c creed but that they did not h a v e a special d e r v i s h l o d g e ( t e k y e ) . It w a s said that the B a b i s c l a i m e d that there w e r e t w o million f o l l o w e r s of this school in C a u c a s i a , K a z a n , Iran, a n d A m e r i c a , a n d m i s s i o n a r i e s e v e r y w h e r e . A b b a s E f f e n d i is d e p i c t e d as p o s s e s s i n g ' a s h a r p i n t e l l e c t ' (zekdsi gayet parlaktir) a n d being p r o f i c i e n t in A r a b i c , Persian a n d T u r k i s h . In 1910 he had travelled to E g y p t , A m e r i c a , Paris, L o n d o n , and A u s t r i a - H u n g a r y , w h e r e he d e l i v e r e d s p e e c h e s that w e r e r e p o r t e d in n e w s p a p e r s all o v e r the w o r l d . H o w e v e r , he a l w a y s hid his p e r s o n a l i t y and n e v e r talked a b o u t his r e l i g i o u s c r e e d in H a i f a . T h i s s u m m a r y a b o u t B a b i s m w a s ' q u i t e p r e c i o u s ' f o r the authors, and they wanted to find out w h e t h e r A b b a s E f f e n d i really had so m a n y f o l l o w e r s . T h e y w e r e c o n v i n c e d that 'It w a s n e c e s s a r y to d i r e c t l y m e e t this historic f i g u r e w h o passed t h r o u g h the clean and o r d e r l y streets of H a i f a with the v a g u e n e s s of a s h a d o w (bir golge mubhemiyeti He) a n d w h o w a s seen b e n e a t h the s h a d e s of c y p r e s s or e u c a l y p t u s trees, or at the a i r ) f o o t h i l l s of M o u n t C a r m e l , w h i c h were o v e r l o o k e d the entire p l a c e . ' 1 In the c o u r s e of R e f i k a n d B e h c e t ' s e x t e n s i v e i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the B a b i s , t h e y c o n s i s t e n t l y r e c e i v e d a p p r e c i a t i o n s of the S h a y k h ' s l e a r n i n g , perfection, intelligence, and k n o w l e d g e f r o m outsiders. T h e a u t h o r s report that the s u b j e c t of B a b i s m ' w e n t a r o u n d f r o m m o u t h to m o u t h w i t h a c o n t i n u o u s a m b i g u i t y ( m u b h e m i y e t - i mutemadiye)., M e n of k n o w l e d g e u n a n i m o u s l y r e s p o n d e d that ' t h e S h a y k h is so h u m b l e that he f e e l s a s h a m e d talking a b o u t his o w n tarikat. W h e n he e x p l a i n s in his Babi a s s e m b l y ( m e c l i s ) that his is an I s l a m i c creed a n d that he is not d i f f e r e n t f r o m o t h e r M u s l i m s , there is n o place left f o r d i s p u t e . ' A s a result, the S h a y k h a p p a r e n t l y n e g l e c t e d to d i s c u s s his tarikat with anybody. Outwardly, the S h a y k h was cautious (muhafazakarane), a n d respected by all. 2 S i n c e the B a b i school had at least s o m e t h o u s a n d s of f o l l o w e r s in A s i a a n d A m e r i c a , B e h c e t a n d T e m i m i state that it w a s n e c e s s a r y to directly e x a m i n e t h e i d e n t i t y of the S h a y k h w h o s e t h o u g h t s a m u l t i t u d e of p e o p l e w e r e f o l l o w i n g , to d e e p e n their k n o w l e d g e of his creed a n d tarikat, and to s t u d y a n d a n a l y s e the f a c t o r s , w h i c h led to h i m h a v i n g so m a n y f o l l o w e r s .

1 2

Ibid. 1:270. Ibid. 1:271.

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DISSENT AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

During three meetings with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , the authors tried to form a definite opinion about both him and Babism. They state that they tried hard to learn the truth about the Babi creed. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a talked to them about the exile of the Babis f r o m Iran to the Ottoman Empire and his travels to the West. Refik and Behcet felt that they were listening to him all the time but they wanted to attain their real aim. The topic was changed to the causes of langour, decline in the Islamic world and how Muslims usually saw that religion was not consistent with science. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s opinion on this issue was that the cause of this decline was not Islam but continuous wars among Muslims and with other people. In ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s view, nothing which was transmitted (naql) in the Q u r ' a n was contrary to reason ( ' a q l ) . Both things were inseparable in that 'Reason is the basis of science and science, regardless how much it progresses, does not constitute a contradiction of transmitted knowledge and the Q u r ' a n . ' Neither was it acceptable that the 'gate of ijtihad,' of individual reasoning, was closed for political reasons; it was, in fact, detrimental to Islam. Nothing whatsoever in religion contradicted reason, and if there is a contradiction between reason and religion, then reason is preferable. The only way for human progress is science and reason. Both lead man to p e r f o r m good deeds. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s logical a r g u m e n t s clearly impressed Behcet and Refik. They remark that 'every word of the Shaykh was a result of his d e e p c o m p r e h e n s i o n ' ( d e r i n bir taakkul mahsulii). The conversation was held in Turkish, and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s high command of that language astonished them. The authors note that the 'Babi S h a y k h ' became enthusiastic, which stimulated them to ask more questions and to obtain his real beliefs (akide-i esasati), which they already tried with thousand kinds of difficulties. However, they were still not pleased and wanted to know more about his spiritual explanations. 1 In their second meeting 'the S h a y k h ' seemed to be tired. R e f i k and Behcet did not want to exhaust him more but at the same time they could learn about the f u n d a m e n t a l s of the Babi sect only by asking him more questions. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a again referred to science and religion. This time he said that religion leads humanity to perform righteous deeds and happiness. Science causes the annihilation of millions of people by creating weapons and bombs, and that science by itself causes evil and should therefore go together with religion. The latter complements and refines science. The main subject at this meeting, however, was the dissolution of the physical body according to the materialists. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , speaking on this subject, supported his views with the philosophy of Ibn Sina. According to Behcet and Refik, ' A b d u ' l - B a h a said that although the body disintegrates its essence, the atom, remains and

1

For this discussion, see ibid. 1:272-75.

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AND THE

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149

does not pass away, and these substances, the atoms, will be gathered together at the Day of Resurrection. The authors remark that they preferred to remain silent in view of such strange metaphysical beliefs (btitun bu garib nazariyati mabade't-tabliyye muvacehesinde iltizam-i siikut eyledik). They were lost in amazement; whereas in the first meeting 'Abbas Hffendi had based his views on logic and evolution, now he was full of contradictions (tenakuz) and puzzling. They thought that he was hiding his actual thoughts. Eventually the subject changed to the history of Babism. 'Abdu'l-Baha said that its aim was the unification of Sunni and Shi'i Islam. He then spoke about his journeys and talks in America and said that the Babis there were going to church and the women among them were unveiled, but that this does not prevent them from being Babis. Behcet and Refik write that there were again many paradoxes in his words but nevertheless, they thought, the Shaykh was very clever; he changed his words in order to hide his real aims. 1 During the first and the second meeting, the authors tried to get closer to his real beliefs (aktde-i asltsi) and the essentials of his thoughts (esasat-i fikriyesi), but the Shaykh was changing his identity (tebdil-i §ahsiyet) with an artistic persistence (israr-i sanatkarane). The third meeting proved to be more satisfactory. The fact that he was attracting hundred of thousands, even as was believed - millions of followers through his ideas, was worthy of closer examination for Behcet and Refik. Yet they were not able to grasp what lay behind his charisma and captivating speech. 'Abdu'l-Baha responded that it was easy to attract people. All the main points in the divine religions are the same. One should not be distracted by outward divergences, and therefore it is easy to bring the fundamental beliefs closer together. Islam acknowledges Christianity and Judaism, and Christianity accepts Judaism; thus, in order to show the essential unity between the prophets, it is necessary to draw near the three major religions. And here 'Abdu'l-Baha benefited from the power of argument so as to convince people. Refik and Behcet report that ' A b d u ' l - B a h a then talked about prophethood (niibuvvet), and said that divine inspiration is received by way of angels and revelation. The prophets continue to express the divine blessings in their life. After the passing of the prophet, inspiration manifests itself in saints. They asked whether this also applied to the Bab, and he responded in the affirmative and stated that the 'gate of God' was a saint of God and like a mirror in which the grace of God was revealed. A f t e r the B a b ' s death, inspiration had passed to ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s father Baha'u'llah. He was asked whether this inspiration also was entrusted to him. 'Abdu'l-Baha replied in the negative, but in Temimi's and Yazar's opinion he did so out of humility. The 1

Ibid. 1:275-78.

150 D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

enquirers were content with 'Abdu'l-Baha's generous explanations in this meeting. They end their account by paraphrasing 'Abdu'l-Baha who told them that it is enough to believe in God and His messenger and not necessary to follow religious obligations like fasting and ritual prayers. 1 This would be a simple failing in duty. God would excuse this because He is the all-merciful. After leaving 'Abdu'l-Baha, Behcet and Refik remarked: 'Is he not a very clever actor? (Pek zeki bir artist degil mi?)'2 The contradictory statement regarding religious duties alone, which are considered essential to the Baha'i religion, by itself confirms 'Abdu'l-Baha's remark that his words were not accurately recorded or intentionally distorted. 3 Nevertheless this account also shows an interesting insight into 'Abdu'lBaha's personality and his discourse. It also provides a different non-Baha'i position also with regard to 'Abdu'l-Baha cautiously hiding the Baha'i teachings from Ottoman outsiders. This is also evident in the next narrative. Siileyman Nazif (1870-1927), 4 provider of important information about 'Abdu'l-Baha's contacts with reformers as referred to above, was an eminent Turkish writer and poet who held several government posts during the reign of Sultan Abdiilhamid II. In 1897 he fled to Europe on account of his support for the Young Turks. In Paris he wrote in favour of a constitutional government. After returning from Europe, Abdiilhamid gave him a post as chief secretary of a ministry in Bursa, which at the same time was an exile owing to his political publications in Paris. He returned to Istanbul in 1908 after the Young Turk revolution, and held the office of governor in different cities. Nazif wrote an extensive number of nationalistic articles for newspapers. As a result of a speech in January 1920 (while Istanbul was occupied by the Allied Powers following World War I) against France, Nazif was banished to Malta, where he stayed twenty months with more than a hundred other enemies of Britain. Siileyman Nazif died in Istanbul.

This actually contradicts the B a h a ' i teachings set up by B a h a ' u ' l l a h ; already in 1873 he enjoined upon his followers in the Kitdb-i Aqdas that fasting and obligatory prayers are spiritual obligations; see Kitdb-i Aqdas, #6, 10, 12 and 16 (and the explanations in the notes). 2 Ibid. 1:280. 3 Nazif, Babiler 86-87. 4 On Siileyman Nazif, see Martin Hartmann, Dichter der neuen Türkei (Der Neue Orient: Berlin 1919), pp. 42-47; ibrahim Aläettin Gövsa, Siileyman Nazif: Hayati, Kitaplari, Mektuplari, Fikra ve Nükteleri (Istanbul, 1932); idem, Türk Meghurlari Ansiklopedisi (Ankara, 1946), s.v. " S ü l e y m a n N a z i f ' ; §ükrü Kurgan, Süleyman Nazif: hayati, sanati, eserleri (Varlik: Istanbul, 1955); §evket Beysamoglu, Dogumunun 100. Yilinda Süleyman Nazif (Ankara, 1970); § u a y b Karaka§, Süleyman Nazif (Ankara, 1988); M u h a m m e t Giir, Makale ve Mektuplarina Göre Süleyman Nazif ( P h D thesis, Marmara Üniversitesi: Istanbul, 1992); Nesrin Öktay, Äsitan-i Tarihte Eserinin ¡¡iginda Süleyman Nazif in Dini ve Milli Kimligi ( P h D thesis, M a r m a r a Üniversitesi: Istanbul, 2005).

' A B D U ' L

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A m o n g the other published works of Siileyman Nazif is his book Nasiruddin

§ah ve Babiler

('Nasiru'd-Din Shah and the Babis'). 1 In his own

words, it is not an important historical account but a record of personal encounters and memoirs. Nazif states that it was his duty not to be indifferent and insensitive towards important events that took place in the last hundred years in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. He regards the emergence and the then changing situation of these two people as the worthiest events to be reflected upon in the Near East since the dawn of history in Asia. 2 A c c o r d i n g to his own w o r d s , he received the first substantial information on the Babis during his stay in Paris, f r o m the poet Catulle Mendès. 3 T h e latter had asked him how he viewed the Babis, stating that since Nazif was a Turk and spoke Persian, he must know more about them than Westerners. Nazif had replied that until then, like many other Easterners, he did not have substantial knowledge or a good opinion about the Babis, and that when he heard the name ' B a b i ' he imagined 'a pair of bloodthirsty black eyes and a bloodstained dagger' (kana susami§ bir gift siyah gôz He kizil bir hanger).

He stated that he had not studied the Babis and that in his country

people spoke with fear about them, adding that 'anarchist' in the West was equal to ' B a b i ' in the East. T o Mendès, this answer was insufficient. After talking about the works on the Babis he had read and summarising those, Mendès said with excitement that it was a pity that the Easterners, and in particular the Iranians, have misunderstood the Babis. Nazif concluds that this misunderstanding was a big mistake, and N a s i r u ' d - D i n Shah, that ' p o o r heedless o n e ' (zavalli gâfd), had paid for this mistake with his blood because for fifty years he stubbornly refused modernisation (teceddiid). 4 T h r o u g h o u t his book, Siileyman Nazif speaks n e g a t i v e l y a b o u t Nasiru'd-Din Shah. He reigned for almost fifty (1848-1896) of the one hundred and four years old Qajar dynasty. Nazif wonders what had happened in that half a century. His response is n o t h i n g e x c e p t the escalation of uprisings, destruction and the killing and plundering of people in Iran. 5 Pressured by the clerics in his country, he rejected progress ( t e r a k k i y â t ) and independence (,istiklâl). Ignorance iceht) and fanaticism (taassub) were more favourable to ' Written in 1919, as noted in the introduction (19); Kanaat Kiitiiphanesi Matbaasi: Istanbul, 1923. Nazif appended a poem of Tahira and a letter to him in Turkish f r o m 'Abdu'I-Baha. 2 Nazif, Babiler 5. 3

French poet, 1844-1909. Shoghi Effendi {GPB 56) cites a 'French Publicist,' having noted: 'All Europe was stirred to pity and indignation ... among the littérateurs of my generation, in the Paris of 1890, the martyrdom of the Bab was still as fresh a topic as had been the first news of His death. W e wrote poems about Him. Sarah Bernhardt, a famous French actress (1844-1923) entreated Catulle Mendès for a play on the theme of this historic tragedy.' T h e French publicist cited is Jules Bois; on the whole issue, see M o m e n , BBR 50. 4 5

Nazif, Babiler Ibid. 60.

14.

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D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

his despotic character ( i s t i b d a d - p e r e s t ruhu).1

Nazif writes about different

people's opinions, and says that all agreed that the shah was the source of the disasters in Iran and that his name will eternally be cursed in history. 2 In interviews with Nazif, 'Abdu'l-Baha had told Nazif that Nasiru'd-Din Shah had devastated Iran and the Babis. Nazif adds that whenever he thinks of Nasiru'dDin Shah, the people who he had met come to his mind; among them ' A b b a s Effendi, with his spiritual and radiant face' (ruhani ve nurani

qehresi)?

In his book, Siileyman Nazif places Babi-Baha'i history in the context of Iranian and Ottoman history. He recounts the genesis, development and fate of the Babi movement in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. In N a z i f ' s eyes Ali M u h a m m a d Shirazi, the Bab, as a true Muslim who preached the Islamic s h a r i ' a , was faithful to it and taught that one has to obey the written laws and not what is expressed verbally. Later, followers w h o had never met the Bab invented legends about him, distorted his teachings based on what his first disciples had stated and established a tarikat in his name, probably as a result of, and in protest against, what they experienced at the hands of the Iranian government. It is said that neither he, nor his followers chose the title ' B a b ' for him but that the people knew him as ' i n s a n e ' ( m e c z u b ) . T h e brothers Sayyid Hasan and Sayyid H u s a y n , w h o were imprisoned with him but abandoned him after being released, were more fanatical Babis than Ali M u h a m m a d Shirazi himself. They presented a more extremist Babism (gulat-i Babiyye)

than the Bab and even wrote a Q u r ' a n on his behalf without his

knowledge. According to some European researchers the Bab had studied the New Testament and had conversed with the Jews of Shiraz. Nazif ascribed this report, as well as the one that the Bab was influenced by the ideals of the French Revolution, to the fantasies of those Western historians. 4 Nazif held a certain disciple of the Bab in particular esteem, namely Fatima Baraghani, better known as 'Tahira' and ' Q u r r a u ' l - ' A y n . ' He praises her personality, her beauty, and her virtues with magnificent words intended to perpetuate her m e m o r y . 5 Interestingly, he describes her as the ' y o u t h f u l Turkish woman f r o m Qazvin' (Kazvinli Turk kizi), probably because Qazvin

1

Ibid. 54-55. Ibid. 16. 3 Ibid. 19. 4 Ibid. 33-35,49. 5 Ibid, 44-49. See Necati Alkan 'Siileyman Nazif's Nasiruddin Shah ve Babiler: an Ottoman Source on Babi-Baha'i History (With a Translation of Passages on Tahira),' in H-Bahai: Research Notes in Shaykhi, Babi and Baha'i Studies, vol. 4, no. 2 (November 2000), online at http://www2.h-net.msu.edu/~hahai/notes/vol4/nazif.htm: republished without introduction in the recent comprehensive volume on Tahira, Sabir Afaqi Tdhirih in History, 79-82. 2

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had at t h o s e t i m e s a n d even later a c o n s i d e r a b l e n u m b e r of T u r k i s h - s p e a k i n g inhabitants.1 In his b o o k , Nazif a l s o talks at length on the p e r s o n a l i t y of ' A b d u ' l B a h a , a n d c o n v e y s to the r e a d e r his e n c o u n t e r with h i m in 1 9 1 7 in H a i f a . A b b a s E f f e n d i , ' s o n a n d s u c c e s s o r of the f a m o u s B a h a ' u ' l l a h , ' had w i t h d r a w n f r o m B a b i s m and established an i n d e p e n d e n t religious school ( m e z h e b ) a n d , as stated by h i m s e l f , a religious order (tarikat). Nazif stated that ' A b b a s E f f e n d i had told m e clearly a n d e m p h a t i c a l l y that he w a s not a B a b i , ' a n d that ' A b b a s E f f e n d i w i t h d r e w f r o m B a b i s m a n d e v e n w a s p r a y i n g to G o d to g u a r d h i m f r o m i t . . . It is a l s o true that Subh-i Azal w a s s u r r o u n d e d by the c o m p a n y of the wicked and degenerated

Babis. The power and grandeur was

on

B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s side, as it is o n l y B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s still w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d s c h o o l (mezheb)

a n d o r d e r ( t a r i k a t ) that is e s t e e m e d a n d influential in E u r o p e and

A m e r i c a . ' 2 Nazif said that ' A b b a s Effendi had m o v e d f r o m ' A k k a to H a i f a after the S e c o n d C o n s t i t u t i o n , the Y o u n g T u r k coup

d'état

in 1908. B e c a u s e his

w o r d s and s t a t e m e n t s w e r e f o r the m o s t part distorted, ' A b d u ' l - B a h a initially received visitors w i t h s u s p i c i o n . B u t then he w a s a s s u r e d of N a z i f ' s sincerity and talked a b o u t all the e v e n t s since his c h i l d h o o d . 3 Nazif a l s o talks a b o u t the c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n ' B a b i s ' a n d O t t o m a n r e f o r m e r s such as N a m i k K e m a l and Z i y a P a s h a - a c o n n e c t i o n w h i c h has been explored e l s e w h e r e in this b o o k . A f e w m o n t h s a f t e r the publication of the book Beyrut

Vilayeti,

in the

first v o l u m e of w h i c h t w e l v e p a g e s deal with the a u t h o r s ' three m e e t i n g s with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , N a z i f m e t h i m in H a i f a . T h e B a h a ' i l e a d e r c o m p l a i n e d that his s t a t e m e n t s and ideas w e r e m i s r e p r e s e n t e d t h e r e or not p r o p e r l y u n d e r s t o o d . Nazif c o n f i r m s that s o m e s t a t e m e n t s in those p a g e s are not c o n g r u e n t with the ' m a n i f e s t i n t e l l i g e n c e ' ( z e k â - y i bârizi)

of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , a n d adds: i d o not

k n o w h o w real ' A b b a s E f f e n d i ' s s i n c e r i t y t o w a r d s m e w a s . I h a v e n o t witnessed a n y t h i n g that corresponded to his [reported] i n s i n c e r i t y . ' 4 S u l e y m a n Nazif ends the story of his e n c o u n t e r with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a with the l a t t e r ' s w o r d s : ' W e h a v e n o belief that is c o n t r a r y to t r u e Islam. O u r w a y of t h i n k i n g ( i c t i h â d ) is in a c c o r d with the spirit of I s l a m . ' 5 ' The late Azeri scholar Azize Caferzade maintains that Tahireh was an Azeri poetess and quotes a poem of hers in Azeri Turkish. See Azize Caferzade, Azerbaycanin açik ve ¡air kadmlan (Genclik: Baku, 1991), 65-66. The first couplets of the poem read, 'Sen idin diyen: Enâ rabbikum, §ecer-i Miibarekden âyan/Sen idin Kelim'in âsasini, Gah eden âsa, gah ejdeha..., meaning, 'Thou hast said: "I am your Lord," manifest from the Blessed Tree/ Now a rod and then a dragon, Thou hast made the rod of Moses....' According to Caferzade, the manuscript of this poem that is entirely in Azeri, is preserved at the National Library (Respublika Elyazmalari Institutu) in Baku. My thanks to the author for sending a copy of her book. 2 Nazif, Babiler 53 and 54. 3 Ibid. 18. 4 Ibid, 86-87. 5 Ibid. 88.

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D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E LATE O T T O M A N E M P I R E

Finally, in a letter written to Nazif in Turkish and appended to the book, 1 'Abdu'l-Baha complains about some articles on him, published in the newspaper Tasvir-i Efkar.2 He says that the information was received second hand by Westerners from certain persons in Istanbul who outwardly appeared as Babis. 'Abdu'l-Baha also states that Nazif, who was a lover of truth and has studied the writings of Baha'u'llah, should scrutinise his replies to European and American newspapers and his 'Tablet to the Hague' 3 that contains the fundamentals of the Baha'i movement, and thus free himself from various kinds of prejudices. 4 Nazif assures the reader that he wrote down what he read about 'Abdu'lBaha and had witnessed himself without alteration, and that, after studying the letter and newspapers 'Abdu'l-Baha had sent to him, it is not his to write in favour or against his mezheb or tarikat.5 Although Siileyman Nazif's work has some factual errors, it can be considered as an important primary source with regard to first-hand information that was not previously accessible to the Western reader. Like the other Ottoman sources from the 1910s and 1920s on the Babi and Baha'i religions we have made use of here, Nazif's book is also positive and unbiased, unlike modern Turkish academic literature in later decades. 6 As in the aforementioned accounts 'Abdu'l-Baha presents himself to an Ottoman audience as being the leader of a sect or school within Islam and not of a new religion; this outlook prevailed until after his death in 1921.

'Abdu'l-Baha, Sultan Abdtilhamid II and the Young Turks Baha'u'llah died in the year 1892 as a prisoner of the Ottoman Empire. He was allowed to live outside the prison-city of 'Akka for the last fifteen years of his life. The prestige of the Baha'is in Ottoman Palestine was raised through 'Abdu'l-Baha's friendly relations with Ottoman officials, like Midhat

1 Ibid. 91. 2 Nazif's book was first published in this newspaper in instalments f r o m 5-28 January 1920. 3 Letter of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a to the Central Organisation for a Durable Peace; ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , Jawdbndma-yi Jam'iyyat-i Lahay bara-yi ijra-yi sulh-i umumi; Faraju'llah Dhaki al-Kurdi, ed. (Misr/ Egypt, 1338/1920); most of this letter is translated into English, Selections from the Writings of •Abdu'l-Baha (Baha'i World Centre: Haifa 1978), #227. 4 This letter, dated 17 S h a ' b a n 1338/7 M a y 1920 and signed with " A b b a s - i Irani,' was entrusted to Nazif by some Baha'is after his exile in Malta and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s death; Nazif, Babiler 90. 5 Ibid. 6 See, e.g. O s m a n Ergin, Abdulaziz Mecdi Tolun 2 6 2 - 2 8 5 ; i d e m , ' B a h a l l e r i n ¡5yuzu,' Sebiltirresad, no. 203 (August 1955), 40-42; Idem. 'Bahailigin isyiizii' (Sapik fikralar 3), SebilUrreiad, no. 206 (October 1955), 89-91.

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Pasha and Aziz Pasha, both of whom were governors of Syria. This had opened the gates of the citadel for B a h a ' u ' l l a h after nine years of incarceration. 1 'Abdu'l-Baha cabled the news of Baha'u'llah's passing (29 May 1892) to Sultan Abdiilhamid II In the telegram that contained the message 'The Sun of Baha has set,' the sultan was informed of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s intention of interring Baha'u'llah's remains in the mansion where he had lived (Bahji, near 'Akka). Abdiilhamid consented. 2 A few years after Baha'u'llah's passing, internal crises occurred within the Baha'i community. In Edirne, Baha'u'llah's half-brother Mirza Yahya had stirred up mischief and this prompted the Ottoman authorities to stigmatise the 'Babis' as heretics and to banish them to 'Akka and Cyprus. Now it was Mirza Muhammad 'Ali, half-brother of 'Abdu'l-Baha, who owing to his discontent over the latter's designation as the successor of Baha'u'llah, began a struggle for power devising plans to discredit him by making him appear the cause of mischief and rebellion in Ottoman Syria. The Ottoman authorities observed the activities and development of the 'Babis' inside and outside the Middle East and within their own community closely. A report by the Ottoman ambassador to Washington D.C., Ali Ferruh Bey (b. 1866), 3 from 11 May 1901 titled 'Amerika'da Tarikat-i Babiyye' (The Babi Sect in America) sums up the rapid progress of the Baha'is in the United States and proposes that they could be utilised in the Ottoman Empire. 4 The ambassador wrote that the Babi school (mezheb) in America was constantly growing; a few years before there were 3000 Babis and that their number was increasing. Babism was propagated with great efforts and reached Islamic Asia, even China and Korea (!). The 'Babi ulema then sought refuge in the Ottoman Empire and Mirza Yahya became the 'Shaykh of the order,' after his death 'Baha'u'd-Din' (i.e. Baha'u'llah) became the Shaykh and upon his death his son 'Abbas Effendi, who lived in 'Akka. 5 The Babis regarded him as ' N o k t e h ' 6 or 'Point' (nuqta, i.e. spiritual centre). Ali Ferruh states that even though there was no doubt that the principles of the Babi sect were basically Islamic, they were kept secret in America; consequently he could not acquire sound information about 'Babi beliefs.' However, studies about the Babi school by Comte de Gobineau and the Cambridge professor [E. G.J Browne contained sound and detailed information and were in his opinion one of the 1

Shoghi Effendi, GPB 241. Ibid. 222. The text of this cable could not be found in the Ottoman Archives. 3 BOA, DH. SAiD. no. 22/263, dated 29 Dhu'l-Hijija 1282 (15 May 1866). Ali Ferruh Bey was Ottoman ambassador to Washington D.C. from 1896 to 1901. 4 'Amerika'da Tarikat-i Babiyye,' BOA, Y.MTV. 214/176, report no. 206 of the Ottoman Embassy in Washington D.C. (Vagington Sefaret-i Seniyyesi), 6 pages, dated 11 May 1901. 5 BOA, Y.MTV. 214/176, 1p. 1. /r It appears in Latin letters in the document. 2

156 D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E LATE O T T O M A N E M P I R E

reasons that facilitated the spread of the Babis and their principles in Europe and America. Talking about the purpose of his report, Ali Ferruh states that since the time that he was completely convinced about the future power and importance (kuvvet-i atiye ve ehemmiyet-i mustakbelesi) of the Babi sect in America and felt that it will become 'a powerful political weapon' (siyaseten kavt bir silah) in the hands of the sultan, he had acted attentively and had already sent a report to Istanbul two years before this one. 1 Even though he did not receive an answer regarding how the sultan received it, he assured him that he acted with complete zeal and caution. Knowing what matters were important to the sultan, the Ottoman ambassador did not hesitate to investigate and spy (tedkik ve tecessus) on the situation, movements, progress, the benefits and detriments of the Babi sect in America regarding its usefulness to the Caliph. Ferruh's report of the American 'Babis' is as follows. In this report, the Ottoman ambassador stated that the majority of the 'Babis' live in Chicago, probably because of the results of the efforts of the Orientals who came to 'the recent fair' (1893), that is to say the The Chicago World's Fair or the World's Columbian Exposition from May until October 1893 where the world's first Parliament of Religions was held 2 and the name of Baha'u'llah's was mentioned publicly for the first time in the United Stated. Shoghi Effendi remarks with reference to this: 'It was on September 23, 1893, a little over a year after Baha'u'llah's ascension, that, in a paper written by Rev. Henry H. Jessup, D.D., Director of Presbyterian Missionary Operations in North Syria, and read by Rev. George A. Ford of Syria, at the World Parliament of Religions, held in Chicago, in connection with the Columbian Exposition, commemorating the four-hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America, it was announced that "a famous Persian Sage," "the Babi Saint," had died recently in 'Akka.' 3 Ali Ferruh moreover writes: 'It is absolutely astonishing that presently there are more than one thousand Babis in Chicago and businessmen, artists, men of letters, bankers, journalists and writers are among their ranks.' And he found out that the Babis meet every Friday and every Sunday. The purpose of these meetings was to discuss what books and pamphlets are needed to be written and published in order to spread and establish the Babi sect in America and what was required to build temples. Those meetings were also held for worship. He further reports that he had sound information about the Babis in Chicago raising a considerable amount of money and sending part of it to 1 2 3

BOA, Y.MTV. 214/176, p. 2. See http://users.vnet.net/schulman/Columbian/columbian. html (29 March 2007). GPB 256.

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' A b b a s Effendi in 'Akka. 1 AM Ferruh Bey notes that ' A b b a s Effendi has a deputy and a c c o m p l i c e s (vekil ve avene)

in A m e r i c a . But his brothers

Muhammad-'Ali and Badi'u'llah are jealous of the achievements of their older brother and oppose him; therefore the Babi school is split into two sects (firka).

He highlights that 'as a matter of fact, for us the importance and

flavour of this matter lies here. M u h a m m a d 'Ali too has a deputy and accomplices there. Even though 'Abbas Effendi is the dominating figure, the two groups ( t a i f e ) are at daggers drawn (kanli bigakli)',

and since both

compete in professing their servitude and loyalty to the Caliph, the Ottoman Embassy is familiar with their situation.' Ferruh Bey furthermore reports that 'Abbas Effendi had applied to him, assuring his servitude and loyalty to the sultan and said that he was ready to defend the emperor's sacred rights and interests, and requested that the actions of his opponents directed at mischief among his converts (miihtedi, i.e. those who attained Islam) in America be prevented by the Ottoman government and to kindly allow the American Babis to visit him in ' A k k a . 2 The Ottoman ambassador promised to assist ' A b b a s Effendi under the following conditions: 1. Since the Babi tarikat,

as based on the conviction

and belief of the Babis, is nothing but Islamic, they must acknowledge that their holiest duty is to defend and protect the sacred interests and rights of the Caliph-Sultan; 2. They must be the friend of the sultan's friends and an enemy of his enemies; 3. A group of not more than fifteen people is allowed to go for a visit to 'Akka but only stay for a week; no problems should arise for the local government; 4. N o property is to be bought in and around ' A k k a with American capital; and 5. Nothing must be written against the Iranian Shah and no actions carried out against the sultan. Ali Ferruh Bey states that 'Abbas Effendi had sent him a document in which he had accepted those clauses and that the d o c u m e n t is in the possession of the Ottoman government. Apart f r o m ' A b b a s E f f e n d i ' s loyalty, Ali Ferruh notes that the American ' B a b i s ' always praise the sultan at their meetings and pray for him; when he heard this he pretended that he was not surprised, in order not to let them think that he valued them. H e replied to the Babis that it was the duty of all Muslims but that he was nevertheless more and more pleased with them. 3 Ali Ferruh B e y ' s conclusion is that the Babi sect will be openly preached and spread in five to six years time in America and gain astonishing strength. Since ' A b b a s Effendi has a marvellous power (acib kudrete

malik)

in subduing (teshir) the learned people in America, it means that he is an 1

2 3

BOA, Y.MTV. 214/176, p. 3.

Ibid, p. 4. Ibid, p. 5.

158 D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

extraordinarily important and great man (fevkalade muhim ve buytik bir adam). His and the Babis' loyalty to the sultan is genuine due to the benevolence shown to them. As a result for the Ottoman ambassador, in America, where weapons and other devices for war are invented, the Babi tarikat is about creating a spiritual weapon (manevi bir silah). Only the sultan can use that powerful spiritual weapon, and its source - 'Abbas Effendi - is already in Ottoman hands. 'With this Iranian sword (Acem kilici) his Excellency the Caliph will be able to both exert influence in America and cause to tremble the Iranian ulema and the government. He will succeed in eliminating Shi'ism.' Ali Ferruh adds that as much as the progress of the Babi sect in America is impossible to prevent, 'Abbas Effendi and the Babis can be induced to serve the sultan.1 In order to utilise 'Abdu'l-Baha and his followers, Ali Ferruh Bey tried to make an alliance with them for political purposes; this, however, remained on paper. Abdtilhamid did not make use of this 'weapon' and consequently, the incarceration of 'Abdu'l-Baha was renewed by the Ottoman government in 1901. Muhammad 'Ali and some of his relatives were successful in arousing the suspicion of the authorities. Two opportunities were afforded to him to achieve this: the first was the arrival of early Western Baha'is; and the second, the construction of the mausoleum of the Bab on Mount Carmel in Haifa. They informed the Ottoman government that this construction was built with the intention of considering a rebellion against the sultan. 'Abdu'l-Baha was accused of having already hoisted the banner of 'Ya Baha'u'l-Abha,' 2 the ensign of revolt, even in distant places in Palestine and Syria, and of having secretly raised an army of some thousand men, in addition to constructing a fortress and a vast depot for weapons on Mt. Carmel. Western Baha'is among whom were ostensibly foreign officers - were presented as supporting 'Abdu'l-Baha with money for plans for the conquest of the neighboring provinces, for the expulsion of the Ottoman authorities, and for the final seizure of the power of Sultan Abdtilhamid. Muhammad 'Ali sent his brotherin-law Majdu'd-Din with a gift and a letter to the vdli of Damascus, Nazim Pasha, 3 to ask for assistance. The pasha was informed of 'Abdu'l-Baha's alleged plans and he promised to offer his help. 4 In 'Abdu'l-Baha's words, his half-brother whom he calls the 'centre of violation/sedition' (markaz-i naqd), distributed fictions about him, for instance that the building on Mt. Carmel, i.e. the Mausoleum of the Bab, was 1 2 3 4

BOA, Y.MTV. 214/176, p. 6. An invocation among Baha'is, meaning 'O glory of the all-glorious.' See Govsa (1946), s.v. 'Nazim Pa§a.' GPB 264-65; Balyuzi, 'Abdu'l-Baha 95-96.

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a f o r t r e s s ( q a l ' a ) ; that he raised the b a n n e r of i n d e p e n d e n c e ( i s t i q l a l ) a n d a n n o u n c e d this e v e r y w h e r e in S y r i a i n c l u d i n g the | A r a b | d e s e r t tribes; he intended to turn the B a b ' s resting-place into M e d i n a ( m a d i n a - y i

munawwara)

a n d B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s t o m b in B a h j i into M e c c a ( m a k k a - y i mukarrama)\ ' A b d u ' l - B a h a e s t a b l i s h e d ' a n e w k i n g d o m ' (saltanat-i

jadida)-,

that

Muhammad

'Ali himself had asserted that he w a s not c o n n e c t e d with t h e s e a f f a i r s and he w a s a S u n n i , a f o l l o w e r of A b u B a k r and ' U m a r , a n d t h e r e f o r e an o r t h o d o x M u s l i m a n d his f a t h e r B a h a ' u ' l l a h w a s only a ' p i o u s M u s l i m a n d a f o l l o w e r of the p a t h ' ( a z sulahá-yi

ummat

wa ahl-i

tariqat),

in o t h e r t e r m s t h a t

B a h a ' u ' l l a h w a s a Sufi. 1 O n 2 0 A u g u s t 1901 a c i p h e r t e l e g r a m c a m e f r o m I s t a n b u l , c o n v e y i n g A b d U l h a m i d ' s o r d e r s to i m p r i s o n ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and o t h e r f a m i l y m e m b e r s . M u h a m m a d ' A l i , as w e l l , w a s s e n t to p r i s o n . H e w r o t e t o N a z i m

Pasha

a s k i n g to be released, but the vali did not pay attention to his letters. ' A b d u ' l B a h a was interrogated f o r several d a y s at the headquarters of the g o v e r n m e n t in ' A k k a . H e interceded f o r his arrested f a m i l y m e m b e r s , i n c l u d i n g M u h a m m a d 'Ali. T h r o u g h his intervention all w e r e released and a l l o w e d to live in ' A k k a . D e s p i t e this, M u h a m m a d 'Ali a n d his f o l l o w e r s c o n t i n u e d w i t h their e f f o r t s . T o take f u r t h e r m e a s u r e s against ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , they bribed the o f f i c i a l s with gifts. A g e n t s w e r e sent f r o m ' A k k a to Istanbul back and f o r t h to k e e p a w a t c h o n h i m . A s i d e f r o m a p p e a l i n g to the g o v e r n o r of D a m a s c u s ,

Muhammad

' A l i ' s a s s o c i a t e s turned to the mufti of Beirut, the P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n a r i e s in ' A k k a and Syria, and even S h a y k h A b u ' l - H u d a , the p o w e r f u l a d v i s o r of Sultan A b d i i l h a m i d . All t h i s w a s i n t e n d e d t o b r i n g a b o u t e i t h e r

'Abdu'l-Baha's

e x e c u t i o n or his r e m o v a l to a far-off p l a c e . 2 A s w e will s e e b e l o w , a f t e r t h e Y o u n g T u r k r e v o l u t i o n in

1908

' A b d u ' l - B a h a f r e e l y e x p r e s s e d his v i e w s d i s a p p r o v i n g of A b d i i l h a m i d ' s acts. H o w e v e r , b e f o r e t h i s , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e s t e p s t a k e n by t h e

Imperial

O t t o m a n seat a g a i n s t the B a h a ' i s in t h a t p e r i o d , ' A b d u ' l - B a h a s p o k e with gratitude a b o u t A b d i i l h a m i d at that t i m e and laid e m p h a s i s o n the s u l t a n ' s ^ 'Abdu'l-Baha, Muntakhabáti az Makatib-i Hadrat-i 'Abdu'l-Baha, vol. 1 (Baha'i Publishing Trust: Wilmette/Ill., 1979), 212 (online at http://reference.bahai.orp/fa/t/ab/SWA 1 A: cf. the English translation in 'Abdu'l-Baha, Selections 217-18, where saltanat-i jadida is rendered as 'independent sovereignty,' and ahl-i tariqat as 'mystic'; see also the older translation in 'Abdu'l-Baha, Tablets of Abdu'l-Baha Abbas, vol. 2 (Baha'i Publishing Committee: Chicago, 1915 & 1919), 376-77 (http://bahai-library.eom/writings/abdulbaha/tab/2.html1: here az sulaha-yi ummat is wrongly translated as 'one of the reformers among the people' (377). ^ GPB 264-65; Balyuzi, 'Abdu'l-Baha 95-96, notes: 'Shaykh Abu'l-Huda was an ignorant obscurantist, and his baneful influence eventually ruined 'Abdul the Damned.' [the British public had conferred this epithet on Sultán 'Abdu'l-Hamíd] But he had his day. Guided and instructed by him his royal master wronged a host of people and blocked all reform. To this man Mírzá Muhammad-'Ali" and his lieutenants turned to solicit aid.' On Abu'l-Huda, see Butrus Abu-Manneh, 'Sultan Abdiilhamid II and Shaikh Abulhuda Al-Sayyadi,' MES 15. no. 2 (May 1979), 131-53.

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EMPIRE

impartiality towards the Baha'is. Owing to the atmosphere of censure and the tight network of spies against subversive activities during the Hamidian reign, 'Abdu'l-Baha could not have done otherwise. ash-shar'iyya) The Islamic Court Records in Haifa (sijillat mahkamat point out that the Baha'is, encouraged by 'Abbas Effendi, held a ceremony in August 1311/1893 for the anniversary of Abdtilhamid II's accession to the throne by lighting 5,000 candles in the khan of Sinan Pasha in 'Akka where the Baha'is lived (this is the Khan al-'Umdan caravanserai at the Sinan Pasha/Bahr Mosque). The same records also indicate that the relationship of the Baha'is in Haifa with the Ottoman local administration was overall good and that once the qadi of Haifa convened a legal assembly in the house of 'Abbas Effendi (1332/1914). 1 In one of his letters 'Abdu'l-Baha says that whereas enemies from within and without the Baha'i community took before the Ottoman Sultan slanderous charges against him without any basis, the government acted with prudence and sent a Commission of Investigation (see below). 'Abdu'l-Baha remarked: Then it came about that the accusers themselves, those who had made the d e f a m a t o r y c h a r g e s against us, j o i n e d with the m e m b e r s of the Commission to investigate the accusations, so that plaintiffs, witnesses and j u d g e were all one and the same, and the conclusion was foregone. Nevertheless, to be fair, it must be stated that up to now His Majesty the Sultan of Turkey [sic] hath paid no heed to these false charges, this defamation, these fables and traducements, and hath acted with justice. 2

'Abdu'l-Baha adds that in Asia, Abdiilhamid and Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah of Iran were unequalled among the emperors; despite the mischief of Muhammad 'Ali, the two rulers acted with calm and dignity and were just. All should pray on behalf of the two for assistance and victory, especially the Ottoman Sultan

1 Z u h a y r G h a n a y ì m , Liwa' 'Akka f i 'Ahd at-Tanzimat al-'Uthmaniyya, 1281-1337H/1863 1918M ( ' T h e District of Acre During the Ottoman Tanzimat Period: A.H. 1281-1337/A.D.1864 - 1 9 1 8 ' ; Institute for Palestine Studies: Beirut 1999), 195-196. Interesting are also references to the commercial activities (tijâra) of the Iranian Baha'is that extended beyond ' A k k a and Haifa to neighbouring villages (e.g. Kfar Qara) and Tiberias at the Sea of Gallilee, where they purchased lands and houses, established colonies and made a living with agriculture, such as banana cultivation, o ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , Selections 74; in this translation Abdiilhamid II is referred to as 'Sultan of T u r k e y ' despite the original Persian pàdishâh-i 'uthmàniyàn a n d pàdishàh-i àl-i 'uihman ; ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , Makàtib-i Hadrat-i 'Abdu'l-Bahà, vol. 3 ( F a r a j u ' l l a h Zaki al-Kurdi: Cairo, 1921), 162-63 ihttp://reference.bahai.Org/fa/t/ab/): cf. a previous translation in ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , Tablets of 'Abdu'l-Baha Abbas 1:45-47 (http://bahailibrary.com/wri tings/abdulbaha/tab/l.htmll.

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who has until that time acted with pure justice toward the refugees (i.e. Baha'is). 1 In another letter, responding to a New Yorker newspaper article of September 1906 in which the writer complained about the Ottoman government's treatment of the Baha'is, the Baha'i leader defended Abdulhamid, stating that he treated the Baha'is until this present time, with the utmost justice and because of this treatment we are e x c e e d i n g l y happy. If there were any other king beside His Imperial M a j e s t y S u l t a n A b d u l H a m i d K h a n , he w o u l d e x e r c i s e his a u t h o r i t y in another way in the f a c e of these u n j u s t i m p u t a t i o n s and c o n s p i r a c i e s of the external and internal f o e s . Nevertheless, the j u s t i c c and equity of the Sultan p r e v e n t e d the a t t a c k s of the e n e m i e s and the r e p o r t s of the p e o p l e of o p p o s i t i o n s and f a l s e h o o d f r o m p r o d u c i n g any e f f e c t . ... T h e f r i e n d s and strangers m u s t know and realize that all the believers of G o d [the B a h a ' i s ] h a v e the utmost love f o r His M a j e s t y the P a d e s h a h of the O t t o m a n e m p i r e and that they are entreating f o r him protection and c o n f i r m a t i o n . 2

Along the same lines 'Abdu'l-Baha stated elsewhere that inasmuch as the cause of Iran's backwardness were the reactionist Shi'i ulema opposing useful reforms of the 'just government' and the 'kind Padeshah' (Muzaffaru'dDin Shah), 3 the Ottoman Empire vvas weakened by '|d]iversity of opinions and ignorance of factions [who] do not allow one breath of tranquillity to the imperial government, in order that it may adjust internal conditions and rectify foreign relations. Yet, under all these conditions, His Imperial Majesty the Padeshah of the Ottomans is intelligently directing the affairs.' The proof for this was that Abdulhamid protected the Baha'is from their enemies with 'forbearance, intelligence, foresight, far-reaching wisdom and discernment.' Otherwise, '[i|f authority were in the people's hands or in other hands than those of the government,' 'Abdu'l-Baha would have been killed. 4 According to Baha'i sources, as a result of M u h a m m a d ' A l i ' s documents that he sent to Ottoman officials to alarm Abdulhamid, a Commission of Inquiry (Heyet-i Tefti§iyye) was dispatched from Istanbul to 'Akka to investigate'Abdu'l-Baha's matter. Baha'i sources usually speak of

1

'Abdu'l-Baha, Makätlb 3:163. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , Tablets of 'Abdu'l-Baha Abbas, 3:494-96, h t t p : / / b a h a i lihrary.eom/writiTips/abdulbaha/tab/3.htmn: the mentioned article is: G. A. Dobson, 'The Strangest Religion in New York,' in: Broadway Magazine of September 1906. 3 'Abdu'l-Baha, Tablets of 'Abdu'l-Baha 2:401. 4 Ibid. 2:402. 2

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two commissions, sent in 1904 and 1907 (see below); 1 it is said that ' A b d u ' l Baha was subjected to frequent interrogations by the Committee to answer the severe accusations by M u h a m m a d 'Ali. A m o n g the charges mentioned above was that 'Abdu'l-Baha had bought tracts of land to establish his own kingdom. He rebuffed this by asking how it was possible for a prisoner of the Ottoman Empire to do this. The accusation of possessing and distributing of 'seditious literature,' - a crime with which the B a h a ' i s were charged in Edirne and Istanbul in 1868 - was now again put against ' A b d u ' l - B a h a . He denied the allegations but the Commission had 'bribed' several 'witnesses' to produce contrary p r o o f s . ' A b d u ' l - B a h a r e f u s e d and left the

cross-examination

unhindered. T h e first C o m m i s s i o n left unsuccessful. As a c o n s e q u e n c e of further intrigues by M u h a m m a d 'Ali, a second Commission of Inquiry was sent to 'Akka in 1907, headed by a certain Arif Bey, who was infuriated with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and wanted to secure an order f r o m Abdulhamid to hang him at the gate of ' A k k a . 2 T h e events developed to the extent that it was planned to exile ' A b d u ' l - B a h a to Fizan 3 in the desert of North A f r i c a or to throw him into the sea. 4 There is evidence that his proposed exile was already decided two years before. A report (10 June 1905) of the Ottomans states: A h m a d ' A b b a s [sic], w h o w a s p r e v i o u s l y e x i l e d to ' A k k a d u e to r e n d e r i n g s e r v i c e to the e x p a n s i o n a n d d i s s e m i n a t i o n of the B a b i sect a n d , a s w a s u n d e r s t o o d f r o m the a c t u a l p e t i t i o n s , o w i n g to c o n t i n u i n g to f o l l o w the s a m e h a r m f u l d o c t r i n e ( m e s l e k - i sakim), the Imperial r e s c r i p t ( i r a d e ) of H i s H i g h n e s s t h e C a l i p h ... d e c r e e d t h a t t h e a f o r e m e n t i o n e d a n d h i s a c c o m p l i c e s be b a n i s h e d to F i z a n . ^

T h e petitions m e n t i o n e d h e r e are either the papers of the first C o m m i s s i o n or the ones sent by M u h a m m a d 'Ali. The problem with the second Commission in 1907 is that all Baha'i sources agree that it left all of a sudden for Istanbul, and while the Commission was returning to Istanbul by 1 'Abdu'l-Baha,'Abdu'l-Baha in London (Baha'i Publishing Trust: London, 1982), 117-19, mentions only one: 'One year before 'Abdu'l-Hamid was dethroned.' The sultan was actually deposed in 1909. GPB 266 speaks of two commissions, giving the year 1907 for the arrival of the second. Balyuzi, 'Abdu'l-Baha 111-122 specifies the years 1904 and 1907. See also Yunis Afrukhteh, Khätirät-i Nuh Säleh (Kalimat: Los Angeles, 1983), 457, speaks of a Commission of Inquiry in 1902 or 1903; see also ibid. 468-71. 2 'Abdu'l-Baha in London 117-18; GPB 269-70. 3 Fezzan, in the Ottoman province of Trablusgrab or present-day Libya. 4 'Abdu'l-Baha in London 118; Balyuzi, 'Abdu'l-Baha 94. 5 BOA, l.HUS. 130-1323/R-10; 6 Rabi' II 1323/10 June 1905; see also BOA, DH.MKT. 974/44, document no. 999, dated 4 Rabi' II 1323/8 June 1905, with the same content. 'Abdu'l-Baha refers to the possible exile to Fizan in one of his Turkish poems; see the last couplet: A§iyanin gah Irak ve gah Rumeli, gah kilä'/seyr-i ehl-i a$k ancak Akka'dan Fizan'a, 'Your nest is once Iraq and Rumelia, once the fortresses/the journey of the lovers is but from 'Akka to Fizan,' in: Ishraq-Khavari (ed.), Mä'ida-i ismänl, 9:74-76 (here 76), at http://reference.bahai.Org/fa/t/ah/MAS9

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s h i p , n e w s w a s r e c e i v e d that a b o m b had e x p l o d e d a n d w a s m e a n t to kill Sultan A b d u l h a m i d w h e n he w a s r e t u r n i n g f r o m his Friday p r a y e r . A l s o that shortly a f t e r , the Y o u n g T u r k R e v o l u t i o n t o o k place. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a is recorded as having said: It was while the Sultan's committee of investigation was homeward bound that the first shell was dropped into 'AbduT-Hamid's camp and the first gun of freedom was fired into the home of despotism. That was God's gun. ... When the committee reached the Turkish capital, they had more urgent things to think of. The city was in a state of uproar and rebellion, and the committee, as members of the government staff, were delegated to investigate the insurrection. Meanwhile the people were establishing a constitutional government and ' A b d u ' l - H a m i d was given no chance to act.' 1 A c c o r d i n g l y , S h o g h i E f f e n d i states that a f e w d a y s a f t e r this a t t e m p t o n A b d i i l h a m i d ' s life the report w a s presented t o h i m but that he w a s p r e o c c u p i e d with o t h e r m a t t e r s . ' [ S ] o m e m o n t h s l a t e r ' ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s c a s e w a s a g a i n s u b m i t t e d to him but closed f o r e v e r b e c a u s e the Y o u n g T u r k revolution b r o k e o u t in 1908 a n d c o m p e l l e d the u n w i l l i n g d e s p o t i c S u l t a n t o reinstall the C o n s t i t u t i o n (of 1876) w h i c h he had s u s p e n d e d , and to liberate all religious and political prisoners held under his r e g i m e . 2 H o w e v e r , historical a c c o u n t s s p e a k of only o n e a s s a s s i n a t i o n a t t e m p t by A r m e n i a n t e r r o r i s t s on the l i f e of A b d u l h a m i d o n 21 J u l ) 1 9 0 5 . 3 A m e m b e r of the P a l a c e G u a r d s of A b d u l h a m i d , w h o w a s p r e s e n t at the scene, says that w h e n the b o m b e x p l o d e d at the F r i d a y prayer c e r e m o n y at the Y i l d i z P a l a c e , the sultan e s c a p e d u n h a r m e d , w h i l e ' T h e r e e n s u e d a general p a n i c as d e b r i s and blood w a s s t r e w n a b o u t . T h e Sultan held up his h a n d s and shouted in his d e e p v o i c e " D o n ' t p a n i c ! " H e then m o u n t e d his c a r r i a g e , t o o k the reins, a n d as he p a s s e d the f o r e i g n d i g n i t a r i e s t h e y all s h o u t e d " H o o r a y ! " in o n e voice.'4

1 'Abdu'l-Baha in London 119. GPB 271-72. Ay§e Osmanoglu, Babam Sultan Abdulhamid: Hatiralarim (Selijuk Yaymlari: Istanbul, 1984), 60; Esat Uras, Tarihte Ermeniler ve. Ermeni Meselesi (Istanbul 1987), 524-31; Tahsin P a j a , Sultan Abdulhamid: Tahsin Pa^a'nm Yildiz Hatiralari (Bogazi5i Yayinlari: Istanbul, 1996), 276311. The assassination attempt was carried out by Armenian committees hostile to Abdulhamid. For Young Turk cooperation with A r m e n i a n anarchist committees, see Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 246. See also B O A , YEE. 36/282/141/13, as an official report, mentioned in ibid. 271; Abdullah Cevdet, ' C u m a Selamhginda Dinamit,' in ictihad, no. 8, T e m m u z (July) 1905, 129; idem. 'Attendat a la vie du Sultan,' in ibid; 'Turkey,' in The Times Weekly Edition, 11 August 1905 (no. 1493), p. 501. These references mentioned in Hanioglu, ibid. 271-72. See also BOA, Y . P R K . M Y D . 26/31, 30 Jumada I 1323/2 August 1905; and B O A . Y . P R K . K O M . 14/69, 26 Jumada II 1323/28 August 1905, which are reports of the event. 2

4

Celal Esad Arseven, Sanat ve Siyaset Hatiralarim (Iletijim: Istanbul, 1993), 82-84; cited in Selim Deringil, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1909 (I.B. Tauris: London/New York, 1999), 24; Osmanoglu, ibid.

164 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E Incidentally, Tahsin Pasha who was close to Abdiilhamid, wrote that someone named Eros Iskenderyan and called '§irazi Biinyamin,' was suspected as being involved in the assassination attempt, and was in contact with anarchists in Russia and 'Babis' in Iran.' Around the same time one Arslan b. Veli f r o m Daghestan was accused of being a Babi who had provided weapons for Armenians in the Caucasus and fled to Istanbul. 2 Still other evidence that the Commission was in Syria in August 1905 is a report by the newspaper The Times; it stated that the Commission was sent to investigate the A r a b revolt. ' A b d u ' l - B a h a is mentioned as being involved in it and therefore exiled, which actually did not take place: A sort of peripatetic inquisition composed of five Turkish Pashas from Constantinople, is reported by the Echo de Paris to be now visiting the Syrian towns to inquire into the present movement. ... The Babist chief, Abbas Effendi, has been exiled because he was building a palace on Mount Carmel which commands the Turkish fortress of St. Jean d'Acre I'Akka]. He was accused of erecting a fortress for the Egyptians or Arabs. T h e Ottoman g o v e r n m e n t had been concerned for s o m e time that ' A b b a s Effendi had 'sound relations' (miinasebet-i

sahiha)

with shaykhs of

Beduine tribes (me§ayih-i urban), and this issue needed proper attention. 4 Other evidence that hint at one commission in 1905 are letters of the Baha'i M u h a m m a d Taqi Manshadi, who was in ' A k k a with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a in 1905, and wrote about the Commission. 5 T h e first letter is dated 27 Rabi' II 1323, i.e. 1 July 1905, and talks about the mischief (fasad)

of some B a h a ' i s

w h o opposed ( n a q i d i n , ' c o v e n a n t - b r e a k e r s ' ) ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s authority in c o n j u n c t i o n with some m i s c h i e f - m a k e r s ( m u f s i d i n ) of ' A k k a and that t h e r e u p o n the O t t o m a n E m p i r e sent f o u r trusted persons ( u m a n a ) f o r inspection kadhdhabiyyat)

( t a f t i s h ) . T h e s e w r o t e s o m e reports full of lies ( l a y i h a - i about ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and a certain 'Fariq P a s h a ' 6 [Mustafa

Remzi Pasha, see below]. In a second letter (22 Jumada I 1323/25 July 1905), Manshadi states that the four inspectors had arrived on 20 R a b i ' II 1323/25 May 1905 and left on 20 J u m a d a I 1323/23 July 1905 for Beirut. Whatever they investigated (yoklama)

1

for the government during that period they sent to

Tahsin Pa§a, 311. BOA, A.MKT.MHM. 529/16, 9 Safar 1324/4 April 1906. ^ The Times, 'The Arab Revolt,' 19 August 1905; I thank Amin Egea for this newspaper clipping. 4 BOA, DH.MKT. 438/43, dated 4 Rabi' 1 1313/25 August 1895. 5 Vahid Rafati, 'Az namaha-yi qudama,' in: ' A n d a l i b , vol. 23, no. 91 (National Spiritual Assembly of Canada, 2007), 46-50. I thank Dr. Iskandar Hai for this reference. 6 Ibid, 46. 2

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Istanbul. 1 Lastly, in his third letter of 21 Jumada II 1323/23 August 1905 he states that the government imprisoned the Baha'is within the city walls of 'Akka and the soldiers did not allow them to pass through the gates. There were signs that the government would send the Baha'is to Fizan in Trablusgarb (Libya). 2 Furthermore, the office of the general-in-chief (serasker) reported (8 June 1905) that General (FerTk) Mustafa Remzi Pasha, commander of the reserve troops ( r e d i f ) in 'Akka, was mingling with 'certain persons' and 'Abbas Effendi; the latter, even though previously exiled to 'Akka owing to his rendering service to the 'expansion and spread of the Babi sect' (Babi mezhebini tevsl' ve inti^ar), was not behaving himself ( r a h a t durmadigindan) and so his exile and that of his accomplices to Fizan was considered. In order to ascertain facts it was decided that a commission should be send to Akka and Syria that should do 'extensive investigations' (tahkikati amika)? The members of the commission were Arif Bey of the Court of Appeal (istinaf mahkemesi), General §iikrii Pasha, the brigadier Rasim Pasha and Colonel Edhem Pasha. 4 These official documents from June 1905, however, disagree with the Baha'i source just mentioned as regards the date of the arrival of the Commission. Finally, the reports of the Commission of Inquiry date from July 1905. Arif Bey stated (4 July 1905) that since the Commission arrived 'Abbas Effendi did not leave his house, he sent some Iranian Babis to Yafa and was planning to send others to Alexandria. Also, since his father's, Baha'u'llah's, grave near 'Akka was the qibla (kiblegah) of the Babis, 'Abbas Effendi intended to request the sultan not to be sent outside 'Akka. Mustafa Remzi Pasha was accused of rendering service to 'Abbas Effendi (5 July 1905). Babi writings were found in the house of a certain Khalil 'Abbas, a Muslim convert to 'Babism' and in the house of 'Abbas Effendi. The Commission also found his letters written to his followers in Iran and Azerbaijan in which he mentioned that he was accused of unbelief (ktifr) and heresy (dalalet) and therefore was under surveillance. The Commission further observed that Shaykh 'Abbas claimed prophethood (niibuwei), and that the Babis believed that Baha'u'llah did not die but he ascended to heaven ( v e f a t etmeyib semaya suud eyledigi). For the following charges the Commission proposed the exile of 'Abdu'l-Baha, the renegade (miirted) Khalil 'Abbas and others as 'an effective lesson' (ibret-i miiessire): since Babism had beliefs contrary to 1

Ibid, 47-48. Ibid, 49. 3 BOA, Y.MTV. 275/55, dated 4 Rabi' II 1323/8 June 1905 and approved by Sultan Abdulhamid on 6 Rabi' II 1323/10 June 1905. 4 BOA, i.HUS. 130, no. 1323/R-14, dated 6 Rabi' II 1323/10 June 1905. 2

166

D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

Islam and was regarded by the followers not as a sect ( m e z h e b ) but a recently created religion ( m u h d e s bir din)

that was e x p a n d i n g and had spread

everywhere; Babism was the cause of much mischief (Jesad) (ihtilal)

and revolts

in Iran; and they distributed their superstition (butlan) by publishing

all sorts of books and newspapers in Egypt (6 July 1905).

1

In addition, events of subversive religious activities ( i f s a d a t ) in Sayda (Sidon), Sur (Tyre) and Marjiyun in Lebanon and in ' A k k a in the year 1905 reached Istanbul. It was observed that committees under the supervision of M u h a m m a d ' A b d u h , then the grand mufti of Egypt, were striving to spread the ' B a b i ' and 'Wahhabi sects' by exploiting the laxity of Ottoman civil and military servants; apart f r o m S a y d a , there w e r e also branches of these c o m m i t t e e s in Beirut that needed to be o u s t e d . T h e e x p a n s i o n of the superstitious and mischievous ideas ( e f k a r - i batila ve fasida) Wahhabism, which contradicted the glorious Islamic shari'a,

of Babism and along the Syrian

coast, poisoned ( t e s e m m u m ) the p e o p l e ' s minds. Also, foreign intrigues increased the harmful results (netayic-i muzirra).

Therefore, the propagandists

of these heretical sects needed to be observed, their efforts in establishing commitees prevented and the coastline constantly controlled, if necessary more troops should be send there. 2 A b a z a z a d e Subhi, a notable in that region, fearing for his security, wrote to the sultan and expressed his concern that he could not feel sympathy for Hanefi-Islam and the Ottomans a m o n g the peoples in and around Sur, Sayda and Marjiyun. In Sayda and Sur the people were engaged in accepting Shi'ism and in ' A k k a Babism; but a more important matter in the eyes of the notable was that f r o m the Syrian coastline to Egypt and under the instruction of M u h a m m a d ' A b d u h , that 'dark calamity' (bela-yi siyahl) world, 'a new W a h h a b i s m ' (yeni bir Vehhabilik)

in the Islamic

was being established and

spread. Likewise, W a h h a b i s m was expanding in Ottoman Egypt under the favour and protection of Lord Cromer, 3 who regarded himself as the 'ruler of the world' (hakim-i

diem).4

Unfortunately I could not locate reports that Moojan Momen mentions as being in the Ottoman Archives (BBR 320-323); Momen received the references of these documents from a list in English sent by the Turkish Baha'i Sami Doktoroglu to Hasan Balyuzi in the late 1970s (Momen, personal communication, 4 February 2002). Copies of the Commission's reports are, however, at the Archives of the Baha'i World Centre in Haifa, although without the file number of the Ottoman Archives. The file number of Baha'i World Centre is XAC1-12; the reports date from 4 to 6 July 1905. 'Abdu'l-Baha and Mustafa Remzi Pasha are mentioned in reports nos. 31, 32 and 37. 2 BOA, Y.PRK.ASK 228/60, 26 Safar 1323/2 May 1905. •Î Evelyn Baring (1841-1917), a British statesman, diplomat and colonial administrator, was the British consul-general in Egypt from 1883 until 1917. 4 BOA, Y.PRK.AZJ 50/92, letter by Abazazâde Subhi, dated 1 Mart 1321, Rumi/14 March 1905, p. 1.

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Next to Wahhabism, the Babi sect was a real threat. It was propagating among the Muslims in those regions the abolition of the Islamic shari'a and its replacement by Shaykh Baha'u'llah's 'new book' (kitab-i cedid). Babism was receiving its spirit in 'Akka where 'Abbas Effendi was silencing the governors with money and expensive gifts (hedaya-yi nakdiye ve semine), and so they were committing great ingratitude against the religion and state. 1 Abazazade Subhi adds that in addition to the influence of these movements, sayyids and akhunds from Iran who have been coming to Lebanon, were arousing anti-Ottoman sentiments among the majority of the Shi'is in Sayda, Sur and Marjiyun who had previously lived rather in unity and concord with the Sunnis. 2 And then there was disagreement and competition between the Catholics, Maronites and American Protestants. Whereas the latter had effective schools in Mount Lebanon and Syria, there were no schools that taught the religion of Islam in order to prevent the spread of Christianity. 3 Not only Islam but Ottoman rule too would face agitation in those regions, unless these points were considered: the new Wahhabi committees that propagated the accursed activities of Muhammad 'Abduh should be ousted; urgent and serious steps needed to be taken against Babism, which was expanding secretly but with great success from 'Akka; Ottoman civil servants who knew languages and sciences and loved the government should be given authority to act; and finally, it was necessary to establish Islamic schools without delay. 4 Investigations about 'Abdu'i-Baha must be seen against the background of persecutions of heterodox and reformist elements that endangered Abdiilhamid II's position as caliph. The 'new Wahhabism' mentioned above was in fact the movement of Salafism. Wahhabism was a puritanist revivalist Islamic school founded in the 18th century on the Arabian Peninsula that rejected traditional Islamic elements and European modernism as harmful innovations (bid'a) and polytheism {shirk). The followers called themselves muwahhidun ('monotheists'). Since its emergence Wahhabism had opposed the Ottomans and challenged the caliphate. Salafism in turn originated in the 19th century as an intellectual movement with its leaders Muhammad 'Abduh, Jamalu'd-Din 'al-Afghani,' and 'Abduh's student Rashid Rida (1865-1935). Whereas early Salafism admired and embraced modern European ideas and aimed at reconciling them with Islam, it shared with Wahhabism the rejection of traditional practices in Islam and a fundamentalist approach of

1 2 3 4

ibid, p. 2-3. Ibid, p. 3. Ibid, p. 4. Ibid.

168

D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

reinterpretation of Islam. T h e main idea of Salafism was that the true understanding of Islam as prevalent among the 'righteous forefathers' (as-salaf as-sâlih)

had been lost through emulation of later religious leaders and that

original Islam needed to be restored by rational reinterpretation. The Salafis in the late Ottoman Empire were called and discredited as ' W a h h a b i s ' because of the latter's harmful and radical anti-Ottoman stance. Conservative Ottoman ulema who opposed reformism, made the Salafis and their leader M u h a m m a d 'Abduh appear as dangerous in the eyes of the sultan in the years before 1908 when Abdulhamid was patronising popular Sufi orders and shaykhs. This occurred after the powers of the ulema had been limited in the Tanzimat period by the adoption of secular measures, and now the ulema felt encouraged to regain some power and assumed the role of 'ideological police upholding traditional religious beliefs and the sultan's authority'. 1 Even though these ulema could harass and stigmatise the Salafis, Ottoman governors could not be convinced to punish them since they did not really present a real threat to the government. It is against the background of widespread Salafi activities in Syria that the B a h a ' i s were also presented as dangerous and most likely 'Abduh was linked to the Baha'is due to his earlier contacts with the 'Babi leader' al-Afghani. C o u n t e r - p r o p a g a n d a against unpleasant e l e m e n t s was pursued by Abdulhamid through the establishment of schools and mosques in non-Sunni areas. As already mentioned, these were m e a n s of Sunnification and a 'civilising mission' by which 'heretics' were converted to the Hanefi school that was at that time inclined to conservative ideas. Whereas sometimes brutal methods and systematic repression were used 'to correct the ignorance and heresy of these people' - such as Shi'is, Nusayris and Yezidis - and force them to convert to Hanefi-Sunnism, often education and persuasion were applied as a 'defensive weapon' against the imminent threat to the integrity of the O t t o m a n E m p i r e posed by these unorthodox m o v e m e n t s . 2 A t times groups of these marginal 'heretic' elements converted to Hanefi Sunnism willingly, as a response to Christian missionary activities. N u s a y r i s in Sahyun (Syria) and some other places had asked to be converted to the Hanefi school and requested that schools and mosques be built in their district. The governor there warned Istanbul that if one

David Commins, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Late Ottoman Syria (Oxford Universtiy Press: Oxford, 1990), 115 (overall, see pp. 104-115); see also Itzchak Weismann, Taste of Modernity: Sufism, Salafiyya, and Arabism in Late Ottoman Damascus (Brill: Leiden et al, 2001). 2 Selim Deringil, T h e Invention of Tradition as Public Image in the Late Ottoman Empire, 1808 to 1908,' in: Comparative Studies in Society and History 1993, 3-29 (here 17).

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a b a n d o n s t h e m to their f o r l o r n state of i g n o r a n c e , this can only h a v e grievous c o n s e q u e n c e s . T h i s will only butter the bread of the f o r e i g n e r s w h o h a v e a l r e a d y gone so f a r as to pay regular salaries to the Nusayri leaders. |If their request is not granted) the f o r e i g n e r s will be able to tell them, "see, y o u r g o v e r n m e n t is unable to take care of y o u " and this will lead to an increase of their already present i n f l u e n c e . '

F u r t h e r m o r e , t r o o p s s h o u l d be s t a t i o n e d in o r d e r to c o u n t e r

the

' i n t r i g u e s of the Christian priests.' In o n e case, N u s a y r i s that had ' c o n v e r t e d to I s l a m ' p r e v i o u s l y , w i s h e d to b e c o m e C h r i s t i a n s d u e to the i n f l u e n c e of the m i s s i o n a r i e s . 2 S c h o o l s a n d m o s q u e s w e r e built in the S y r i a n p r o v i n c e , in cities such as L a z k i y e (Latakia), I s k e n d e r u n and A n t a k y a , w h e r e N u s a y r i s had 'corrected their b e l i e f s ' (tashih-i itikad)}

The Ottoman anti-Baha'i propaganda

s h o u l d be u n d e r s t o o d in this c o n t e x t but c a s e s of c o n v e r s i o n of B a h a ' i s to H a n e f i - S u n n i s m are not k n o w n . In J u n e 1908, shortly b e f o r e the Y o u n g T u r k R e v o l u t i o n on 2 3 J u l y , a n o t h e r edict by A b d l i l h a m i d was sent to the authorities in H a i f a to control the activities of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a . It s h o w s h o w closely the ' B a b i s ' w e r e kept u n d e r surveillance. It says that they intended to build a hospital o n M o u n t C a r m e l in H a i f a and that this should be prevented b e c a u s e ' A b b a s E f f e n d i is an ' a g i t a t o r ' and the Babis are a ' s u b v e r s i v e group.' T h e edict stated: It has been c o m m u n i c a t e d by the Imperial e m b a s s y in W a s h i n g t o n that ... with the donation to be collected by the f o l l o w e r s of the Babi sect in A m e r i c a , under the leadership of one n a m e d ' A b b a s E f f e n d i in ' A k k a , and the expense of f i f t y thousand liras, they will undertake the construction of a hospital ( h a s t a h a n e ) on Mount Carmel in Haifa and a hotel previously built by the G e r m a n s be added on by purchasing it. It is evident that the aforesaid ' A b b a s is p r i n c i p a l l y an agitator (erbab-i fesad'dan) and the sect he established is a subversive society ( c e m i y e l - i fesadiyye).4

It e n d s by s a y i n g that it s h o u l d be d e c i d e d to take m e a s u r e s against the c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e h o s p i t a l . T h e o n l y m e n t i o n of a h o s p i t a l in B a h a ' i literature is in c o n n e c t i o n with the B a h a ' i D r . F a r i d , w h o r e j e c t e d ' A b d u ' l B a h a ' s l e a d e r s h i p a n d o p p o s e d h i m . A c c o r d i n g to B a l y u z i , Farid was g r e e d y and collected m o n e y in the n a m e of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a . In o n e instance ' h e had

1

BOA, i.MMS. 4687, 13 Haziran 1306/26 June 1891, quoted in ibid, 15. BOA, Y.PRK.B§K. 58/35,26 Sha'ban 1316/9 January 1899. 3 BOA, Y.PRK.UM. 19/58, 29 Rabi' I 1308/12 November 1890; BOA, Y.PRK UM 19/70 1 Rabi' II 1308/14 November 1890; BOA, l.MF. 2/1311/R-I, 8 Rabi' II 1308/21 November 1890; see also ilber Ortayli, '19. yiizyilda heterodox dini gruplar ve Osmanh idaresi,' in: idem. Batihla$ma Yolunda, 156-161 (esp. 159), and idem, Alevflik, Nusayrilik ve BSbiali' in: ibid 161-169 (esp. 165). 2

4

B O A , l . H U S . 167-1326/Ca065; 19JumadaI 1326/18 June 1908.

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asked for money to have a hospital constructed on Mount Carmel. All this had caused grave disquiet in the United States [among the Baha'is].' 1 In August 1908 then, after the Young Turk revolution, 'Abdu'l-Baha was released from his imprisonment as a result of the amnesty for political prisoners. 2 A few years later, 'Abdu'l-Baha was able to travel abroad to Europe and North America and spread the Baha'i teachings (1911-1913). Often in his talks he praised the Young Turk 'Committee of Union and Progress' for releasing him and for their efforts for 'freedom': I too was in the prison of ' A b d u ' l - H a m i d until the Committee of Union and Progress hoisted the standard of liberty and my fetters were removed. They exhibited great kindness and love toward me. I was made f r e e and thereby enabled to come to this country. Were it not for the action of this Committee, I should not be with you here tonight. Therefore, you must all ask assistance and confirmation on behalf of this Committee through which the liberty of Turkey was proclaimed.-^ With the advent of the Young T u r k s ' supremacy, realized through the Society of Union and Progress, all the political prisoners of the Ottoman Empire were set free. Events took the chains from my neck and placed them about H a m i d ' s ; 'Abdu'l-Baha came out of prison and ' A b d u ' l - H a m i d went in!4

It can be said that 'Abdu'l-Baha was stating his appreciation for his liberation in 1908 and before it was clear that the military wing of the C U P had taken over or what that would mean (see below). It is very likely that his ties were to the civilian, parliamentarian wing in Young Turk circles such as Istanbul and Salonica. It would be interesting to know to whom, exactly. Perhaps some of the officials posted to Palestine were Young Turks, with whom he made contact.

1

Balyuzi, 'Abdu 'l-Baha, 408.

2

For the amnesty granted to political prisoners in the Ottoman legal code f r o m 1908, see A. Biliotti/Ahmed Sedad, Législation Ottoman depuis le rétablissement de la Constitution 24 Djemaizi-ul-ahir 1326-10 Juillet 1324/1908 (Jouve et cie: Paris, 1912), 3, texte IV. 3 ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , The Promulgation of Universal Peace (Baha'i Publishing Trust, Wilmette/Ill., 1982), 36; see also ibid, 203, 225; cf. Habib M u ' a y y a d , Khätirät-i Habib, vol. 1 ( B a h a ' i Verlag: H o f h e i m , 1998), 251; in translation: Eights Years Near 'Abdu'l-Baha: The Diary of Dr. Habib Mu'ayyad (transi. Ahang Rabbani, online in PDF at http://ahang.rabbani. googlepages.com). 4

' A b d u ' l - B a h a , ' A b d u ' l - B a h a in London 119; see also ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s interpretation of the verse in B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s Kitdb-i Aqdas #89 referring to the ominous 'hooting of the o w l ' (sawt album) and the 'throne of tyranny' (kursi az-zulm) concerning Istanbul, that he associates with the oppression of Abdiilhamid and his opposition to ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ; Ishraq-Khavari, Mä'ida-i Àsmânï 5:129-134; cf. Mu'ayyad (transi.), 363-364.

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'Abdu'l-Baha and the Young Turks after 1908 W h e n ' A b d u ' l - B a h a visited Washington D.C. f r o m 2 0 - 2 7 April 1912 in the first w e e k of his travels in the United States of A m e r i c a , a 'brilliant reception | w a s | given in His honor ... at which many outstanding figures in the social life of the capital were presented to H i m . ' This occasion ranked as o n e of ' t h e highlights of the u n f o r g e t t a b l e Mission H e u n d e r t o o k in the service of His F a t h e r ' s C a u s e . ' A m o n g 'Secretaries of State, A m b a s s a d o r s , C o n g r e s s m e n , d i s t i n g u i s h e d rabbis and c h u r c h m e n , and o t h e r p e o p l e of e m i n e n c e , ' 1 w h o m e t ' A b d u ' l - B a h a w a s Yusuf Z i y a Pasha, the O t t o m a n a m b a s s a d o r to W a s h i n g t o n . W e have first-hand accounts of this episode by a few American Baha'is. ' A s a good will gesture toward T u r k e y [sic],' the distinguished Iranian B a h a ' i 'Ali-Quli K h a n , w h o served as Charge d ' A f f a i r e s of Iran in A m e r i c a (and later in Istanbul), and his A m e r i c a n w i f e Florence gave a luncheon and reception at the Iranian E m b a s s y in h o n o u r of Yusuf Ziya Pasha. 2 ' A b d u ' l Baha gave a talk and the Pasha being ' a fierce Muslim,' as described by Juliet T h o m p s o n (an early active A m e r i c a n B a h a ' i w h o had c o n v e y e d the B a h a ' i message to him), is said to have been 'full of d e e p w o n d e r ' and stated 'This is irrefutable. This is pure logic. A f e w days later on 25 April 1912, the Ottoman ambassador invited the 'illustrious' ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , the K h a n s and a group of B a h a ' i s to dine at the O t t o m a n E m b a s s y . 4 A t the table, Z i y a Pasha ' w a s b e a m i n g ' 5 and looked at his guest with 'tear-filled e y e s . ' 6 ' A b d u ' l - B a h a gave a talk about the unity of the East and W e s t . 7 Ziya Pasha m a d e an address and called ' A b d u ' l - B a h a 'the U n i q u e O n e of the age, w h o had c o m e to spread His glory and perfection a m o n g s t us.' T h e reply of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a was: 'I am not w o r t h y of this.' T h o m p s o n notes that at the end of the meeting Ziya Pasha said: 'Truly, He is

1

Shoghi Effendi, GPB 289. Juliet Thompson, Abdul Baha's First Days in America from the Diary of Juliet Thompson (The Roycrofters: East Aurora, NY, n.d. (1924?), reprinted: H-Bahai: Lansing, Michigan, 2004, 1314 (http://www.h-net.org/~bahai/diglib/books/P-TATAThompson/FDA.htm); Marzieh Gail, Arches of the Years (George Ronald: Oxford, 1991), 80. a Thompson, First Days 14. 4 Marzieh Gail, Arches 80; see the photograph in this book. I thank the US National Baha'i Archives, Wilmette/Illinois, for sending a copy. 5 Ibid. 6 Thompson, First Days 15; cf. idem, Diary . 7 'Abdu'l-Baha's talk at the house of Yusuf Ziya Pasha was on 25 April 1912/ 8 Jumada al-Ula 1330, and is published in Khitdbat-i Hadrat-i 'Abdu'l-Baha, vol. 2 (Baha'i-Verlag: Hofheim, BE 127/1970-71), 46-48; online at http://reference.bahai.0rg/fa/t/ab/KA2/

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a Saint.' 1 Florence Khan further wrote that Ziya Pasha 'became really enamored' of 'Abdu'l-Baha and 'called upon Him day after day and attended certain of His talks. Often, when He was driving about the city, 'Abdu'l-Baha took the Ambassador along with H i m . ' 2 The visit of 'Abdu'l-Baha and his contact with Yusuf Pasha are recorded in communications between the latter and the Ottoman government in Istanbul. 3 In a cable in French, dated 6 April 1912, the Ottoman ambassador reported the arrival of 'Shaykh 'Abdu'l-Baha': Seikh [sic] ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , chief [of the] Baha'is, will arrive [on the] 15[th[ of [the] current [month] [in| A m e r i c a . He is c o n s i d e r e d as championing liberal ideas of the Orient. His followers, whose number is 20,000, are organizing an exceptional reception [for) him. Some of them want me to introduce him to the President of the Republic. I request from your Excellency to kindly transmit urgent instructions |about this]. 4

The response of the Ottoman Foreign Ministry was: 'In order not to antagonize Persia and even Russia, I ask your Excellency to refrain f r o m presenting the Sheikh [to the American President] and avoid having relations with h i m . ' 5 The statement 'and avoid having relations with him' stroked through in the original, indicating that at the outset contacts were not to be made with the Baha'i leader. The Ottomans clearly saw ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s presence in the American capital as a sensitive political issue that could disturb the balance with Iran and Russia. In his memorandum in Ottoman Turkish, written on 30 June 1912, Yusuf Ziya Pasha states that he acted in accordance to the cable from Istanbul and did not introduce 'Abdu'l-Baha to the American President. He stressed that in view of 'Abdu'l-Baha's positive reception by eminent people in America, his constant praises of the Young Turk "Committee of Union and Progress" [CUP] that displayed justice and liberated him and the gathering given in His honour by the Iranian Embassy at which Ziya Pasha was present, the Ottoman

1

Thompson, First Days 16.

2

Gail, Arches 81. T h e following Ottoman documents related to this episode are all at B O A , HR.SYS. 70/31: three cables in French, Yusuf Ziya Pasha's report in Ottoman Turkish and the English letter of American Baha'is to the Young Turk government in Istanbul. 4 'Seikh fsic] Abdul baha, chef bahaistes, arrivera 15 courant A m é r i q u e . It est consideré c o m m e étant champion ideés libérales orient. Ses adeptes, au nombre 20,000, lui préparent reception exceptionelle. Certains d ' é n t r e eux désirient qu'il soit présenté par moi au Présidente de la Republique. Je prie votre Excellence de vouloir bien me transmettre urgence instructions' ; telegraph, dated 6 April 1912, f r o m Yusuf Ziya Pasha to Assim (Asim) Bey at the Foreign Ministry in Istanbul. The U.S. president at that time was William Howard Taft, 1909-1913. 3

5

'Pour ne pas indisposer Perse voire Russie j e prie V.E. de vouloir bien s'abstenir présenter Cheikh; et éviter avoir relations avec lui'; telegraph, dated 6 April 1912, f r o m Asim Bey to Yusuf Ziya Pasha.

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Embassy could not be indifferent toward him. Therefore he and some of his followers were honoured with a dinner. He adds that this was received positively and his followers wrote a letter of gratitude to be forwarded to the CUP. This letter in English is handwritten and accompanied by signatures (organised as a small book) of some 800 American Baha'is from different communities. The text of this letter is: T o the Committee of Union and Progress: With the utmost thankfulness do we the undersigned submit this letter to the Committee of Union and Progress in order to express our heartfelt a p p r e c i a t i o n of the good work a c c o m p l i s h e d by that e n l i g h t e n e d Committee. T h e former despotic government of Turkey incarcerated Abbas Effendi in prison but when the respected Committee of Union and Progress hoisted the banner of liberty and freedom, they established justice and gave succor and help to all the oppressed. Through their efforts Abbas Effendi was liberated and is now traveling in these United Stated of America. His activities are directed toward international peace and the conciliation and unification of all mankind. We, the friends of Abbas Effendi, are in the greatest joy that he is free and able to travel in our land, and with profound gratitude do we offer our thanks to the respected Committee of Union and Progress f o r their service to humanity. It is our hope that we may be of assistance to the Committee of Union and Progress.

In the words of Gail, whereas Iran and the Ottoman Empire persecuted the Baha'is in the early days, now they had paid homage to 'Abdu'l-Baha: 'both the Persian Legation and the Turkish Embassy (legally, even in America, the countries themselves), opened their doors to the one-time prisoner. We remember, too, how much malevolence had been directed toward Baha'u'llah from the Persian Embassy at Constantinople, which ultimately for a time was to be headed by Khan, a Baha'i ... Again, the last member of the Qajar Dynasty [Ahmad ShahJ - that dynasty which had sent thousands of Baha'is to their death - would be hosted by Khan at this same Embassy in Constantinople and would come to rely heavily on this follower of Baha'u'llah.' 1 Even if 'Abdu'l-Baha was shown due respect initially by the Young Turks, the tides turned against him once more after the militant nationalist Young Turks seized power in 1913 with a coup d'état and Enver Pasha, Talat Pasha and Cemal Pasha placed themselves as the ruling, in fact, dictatorial,

1

Gail, Arches 81.

174 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E triumvirate. 1 T h e euphoria over the 'liberty,' 'equality' and 'brotherhood' of the Y o u n g Turks did not last long. On the contrary, especially the rule of those three pashas proved to be me more repressive and bloodier than that of Sultan Abdiilhamid. The attitude of particularly General Cemal Pasha (1872-1922), 2 who acted as the Military Governor of the Ottoman troops in Syria f r o m 19141917, towards ' A b d u ' l - B a h a was in stark contrast to the opinion of early Young Turk leaders. Whereas those, as we have seen, approached ' B a h a ' i s m ' or 'Babi ideas' positively; Cemal, with his ruthless character, was a sworn enemy of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and the B a h a ' i s due to false accusations made by M u h a m m a d 'Ali and his followers, as presented in B a h a ' i sources. They presented lies to him regarding ' A b d u ' l - B a h a 3 similar to those mentioned above. They claimed that ' A b d u ' l - B a h a has uprooted 'faith and convictions' [Islam] and has 'established a new religion.' 4 Believing these statements of M u h a m m a d 'Ali and his allies a m o n g Ottoman officials, Cemal Pasha promised that on his return f r o m the conquest of the Suez Canal he would kill ' A b d u ' l - B a h a by crucifying him, or kill him 'by hanging or death by firing s q u a d ' according to 'the wish of ' A b b a s E f f e n d i . ' ' A b d u ' l - B a h a stated that Cemal Pasha was ' a cruel, boisterous, i m p e t u o u s and barbarous man b e y o n d any description. T h e y constantly provoke him against us, never leaving him alone, ceaselessly sowing seeds of doubt.' 5 T w o Baha'i eyewitness accounts highlight that Cemal Pasha's negative view of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a vanished when they met in Nazareth 6 and in ' A k k a 7 during World War I. The first source relates that 'Jamal Pasha, w h o had been his great enemy because of false accusations, had not paid the proper respect to ' A b d u ' l - B a h a when he had first arrived. N o w , however, having heard the Master 8 f 'Abdu'l-Baha] speak so learnedly and wisely, he was most deferential and full of all kinds of politeness. When the time came for the Master to rise, Jamal Pasha most courteously held the Beloved's [ ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s ] arm to

1 G w y n n e Dyer, ' T h e Origins of the "Nationalist" Group of Officers in T u r k e y 1908-18,' Journal of Contemporary History 8:4 (1973), 121-164. 2 D a n k w a r t Rustow, 'Djemal P a s h a ' in Ep, 2:531; Djemal Pasha, Memories of a Turkish Statesman: 1913 1919 (Hutchinson: London, 1922). 3 Habib M u ' a y y a d , Eights Years 200-201. 4 M u ' a y y a d (transl.), 345. 5 Ibid. 6 Lady Blomfield, The Chosen Highway (Baha'i Publishing Trust: Wilmette/Ill., 1956/1975), 204-205; online at the Baha'i Library Online, http://www.bahai-library.com/books/chosen/ 7

M u ' a y y a d , 1:318-321 and 451-452 (transl.)

8

' S a r k a r ->qa,' a title given to him by B a h a ' u ' l l a h ; see above.

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a s s i s t H i m t o l e a v e t h e t a b l e , a n d h i m s e l f led t h e w a y t o t h e r e c e p t i o n r o o m , and seated the M a s t e r c o m f o r t a b l y . ' 1 A n d the second source describes a similar situation w h e n Cemal Pasha arrived at ' A k k a a n d called ' A b d u ' l - B a h a to his p r e s e n c e . T h e p a s h a had h e a r d his n a m e t h r o u g h v a r i o u s reports. 'Abdu'l-Baha went to his military tent. Jamal Pasha greeted Him, came close and invited the Master to come sit near him. Then he immediately roared, ' Y o u are a religious m i s c h i e f - m a k e r and, f o r this reason, the government has exiled You.' Later, ' A b d u ' l - B a h a would relate, 'I realized that he was drunk and prideful to such a point that if a chain or a piece of metal was handed to him, he would tear it apart. Therefore, I thought that since he was a Turk, it was best f o r me to reply in such a way that would make him laugh and would also, of necessity, quiet him. I replied to him, "There are two kinds of troublemakers: political and religious. (Then before the audience I pointed to him and continued:) Praised be God that so far no harm has come f r o m the political mischief-makers. (During the reign of [ S u l t a n ] ' A b d u ' l - H a m i d , J a m a l P a s h a w a s k n o w n as a political troublemaker.) Insha'llah, no harm will come from this religious mischiefmaker.' With that, Jamal Pasha burst into loud laughter and joyfully said, 'By God, You are right!'" (Vallahi dogru). ... Then Jamal Pasha asked, ' W h a t is the cause of the Ottoman E m p i r e ' s weakness?' ' A b d u ' l - B a h a responded, 'The existence of diverse religions.' He asked, 'What is the remedy?' T h e Master replied, 'That the leaders of all religions and d e n o m i n a t i o n s existing within the O t t o m a n Empire and Islamic lands gather in Constantinople and, after consultations, agree on a single and unifying religion.' Once more, Jamal Pasha said, 'By God, You are right!' ...the Pasha's anger and enmity subsided, and he expressed a desire for a second meeting. He said, 'I am now proceeding to Egypt to conquer that region and to drive the enemy into the sea and the Suez Canal. After my return, I will take You to Constantinople. There I will gather the religious leaders and force them into unity and agreement in one religion. Here Your station is not e v i d e n t ! ' 2 ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s states in this a c c o u n t t h a t h e w a s n o t a f r a i d of C e m a l Pasha; that the latter was a fool b e c a u s e he could only see the present c o n d i t i o n s a n d n o t t h e f u t u r e . T h e r e f o r e h e l o s t t h e w a r a g a i n s t t h e B r i t i s h in Egypt and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and the B a h a ' i s having been wise and not worried, w e r e in t h e e n d v i c t o r i o u s . A f t e r t h e a l r e a d y w e a k O t t o m a n E m p i r e lost W o r l d W a r I o w i n g t o t h e i n c o m p e t e n t rule of t h e C U P , C e m a l P a s h a f l e d t h e c o u n t r y w i t h o t h e r Y o u n g T u r k l e a d e r s , s u c h as T a l a t P a s h a a n d E n v e r P a s h a . All t h r e e w e r e killed by e n e m i e s ; C e m a l w a s s e n t e n c e d t o d e a t h b y h a n g i n g in his a b s e n c e by t h e W a r

1

Blomfield, 205.

2

M u ' a y y a d , 1:318-320 and 451-452 (transl.).

176 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E Tribunal. At the end Cemal Pasha was shot in 1922 by an e n e m y in the Caucasus, where he was trying to organise the external activities of the CUP. 1 In sum, developments in the reign of Abdiilhamid II reflect a hostile attitude of the Ottoman government towards the Baha'is. Iranian reformist expatriates w h o were either ' B a b i s , ' or scapegoated as such and w h o s e activities were directed against the shah aroused the suspicion of the Ottoman authorities. And the collaboration of the Iranian reformers with the early Young Turks, w h o worked against the sultan f r o m the 1890s on, was viewed as a threat. The constant efforts of internal opponents of 'Abdu'l-Baha, led by his brother M u h a m m a d 'Ali, w h o aimed at discrediting him, reinforced A b d i i l h a m i d ' s a n t a g o n i s t i c policy. A f t e r the i m p r o v e d c o n d i t i o n s that prevailed for six years after ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s release by liberal Young Turks, he faced this time the enmity of the militant wing of the Y o u n g Turks again, according to Baha'i sources, due to M u h a m m a d 'Ali's actions against him, as the Baha'is argue. After World War I ' A b d u ' l - B a h a was invested by the British, who had defeated the Ottomans and occupied Palestine, with the Knighthood of the British Empire for his humanitarian work during the Great War, though he never used the title 'Sir ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' A b b a s . ' 2 Information about the Baha'is in the first half of the twentieth century in the Ottoman heartland, that is to say, in present-day Turkey, is meagre. It is known that there were Iranian B a h a ' i s who lived in Istanbul and had established a community in the 1910s. This is apparent f r o m some letters of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a written in 1916 and 1919 to the Baha'is of Istanbul. 3

Shoghi Effendi states: '[T]he brutal, the all-powerful and unscrupulous Jamal Pasha, an inveterate enemy of the [Baha'i] Faith ... had to flee for his life and was slain, while a refugee in the Caucasus, by the hand of an Armenian whose fellow-compatriots he had so pitilessly persecuted.' GPB 304 and 317. 2 Shoghi Effendi, GPB 306; Balyuzi, 'Abdu'l-Baha 443. 3 'Abdu'l-Baha, Maka tib-i 'Abdu'l-Baha, vol. 3 (Faraju'llah Zaki al-Kurdi: Cairo, 1921); 199201, 264-265 and 275-217.

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! 78

D I S S ENT A N D H ET E R 0 DOXY IN T H E 1 -ATE OTTO M AN EM PI R E

M i (i hat Pasha

' ABDU'L-B AHA

Stileyman Nazi!'

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Abdullah Cevdet

179

180 D I S S E N T A N D H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E L A T H O T T O M A N EM T I R E

Local Spiritual Assembly of Istanbul (1928) B a h a ' i Local Spiritual Assembly of Istanbul (1928)

7 FROM EMPIRE TO REPUBLIC: STATE AND RELIGION IN THE ERA OF KEMALIST REFORM

The Young Turks and Kemalist Westernism:

the Role of Abdullah

Cevdet

The struggle for Westernisation and democratic conditions during the Tanzimat and its aftermath had put on the agenda of the Westernist movements the question of the status of Islam. This was discussed especially in the period after the 1908 Revolution. The Independence Movement led by Mustafa Kemal 'Atatiirk' (1881-1938) succeeded in creating the Turkish Republic as a new state out of the ruins of the Ottoman Empire and put into practice the Westernising measures and ended discussions that had been going on for decades. The Republican regime implemented only the first and third element of what had been proposed earlier by the leading Westernist Ziya Gokalp as 'Turkification, Islamisation, Modernisation.' 1 Islamisation was refused in the 'Westernisation project.' In other words, it was ousted from the political, social and cultural sectors in the project imposed from above by the state elite that aimed at establishing a political system after the model of French laicism (secularism). Laicism (laiklik) as the official ideology of the new Turkey was to replace Islam in this project called ' K e m a l i s m ' after Mustafa Kemal. Within revolutionary secularism, religious groups were viewed with utmost suspicion. The Baha'i community came within the ambit of the measures taken in order to control and prevent religious propaganda aimed at undermining the authority of the secular state. In the immediate pre-republican era a group of Ottoman intellectuals called Garbcilar ('Westernists') contributed much to Westernisation and secularisation. This had a strong impact on the reforms of the new republican government that had directly or indirectly to do with religion. The foremost Westerner was Abdullah Cevdet, the chief ideologist of the Young Turks, an influential and controversial thinker and precursor of Atatiirk with regard to secularist reforms. 2 ' Ziya Gokalp, Turkle^mek, islamla^mak, Muasirlagmak (Istanbul, no date). The following paragraphs in the sections 7.1. and 7.2. on Abdullah Cevdet were published in a modified version as the article ' " T h e eternal enemy of I s l a m " : Abdullah Cevdet and the Baha'i religion' in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies ( B S O A S ) 68:1, February 2005, 1-20.

2

182 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E Abdullah Cevdet (1869 - 1932), 1 a medical doctor by profession, was a poet, translator, radical freethinker and an ideologist of the Young Turks who led the Westernisation m o v e m e n t in the Ottoman Empire f r o m 1908 until 1918. A f t e r his elementary education in South-eastern Turkey, in 1889 he joined the Military Medical A c a d e m y in Istanbul. The atmosphere of French and German scientific materialism, social Darwinism and Positivism of that time which prevailed in this school soon influenced Cevdet, who had come to Istanbul as a deeply religious student. Ibrahim T e m o , w h o was one the founders of the CUP, contributed much to this change, as he gave Cevdet several

w o r k s on c h e m i s t r y ,

b i o l o g y , and p h y s i o l o g y

by

European

materialists such as Ludwig Biichner, many of which Cevdet translated later into Turkish. He and some of his friends founded the secret C U P initially with no political programme but aimed at educating Muslims with Western liberal ideas and culture. Due to his political activities, Cevdet was arrested several times and had to leave the country. While exiled in Geneva, Paris and Cairo, he wrote against the despotic Sultan Abdulhamid II and his repressive regime. 2 Cevdet published articles on political, social, economic and literary issues in Ictihad,

which he founded in 1904 in Geneva. 3 He used the journal to promote

his modernist thoughts and thus enlighten the Muslim masses. 4 Westernism, Islamism, and Turkism were movements of thought in the Ottoman Empire which attempted to change a static Islamic society into a dynamic one and searched for a new identity and order. These can be regarded as different projects in the history of modernisation in the late Ottoman Empire. 5 Although these approaches differ, they cannot be really separated f r o m each other because certain ideas certain ideas were c o m m o n to all of them. T h e platform for the Westernist movement was Abdullah Cevdet's journal

Ictihad.

1 of Islam (EI1; Supplement), Karl Siissheim, " A b d A l l a h D j e w d e t , ' Encyclopedia Leiden/Leipzig 1938, 55-60; §erif Mardin, Jon Tiirklerin 221-250; idem., Continuity and Change in the Ideas of the Young Turks, expanded text of a lecture given at the School of Business Administration and Economics-Robert College 1969, 13-27; Hilmi Ziya Ulken, Tiirkiye'de gagda§ Du^unce Tarihi (Remzi Kitabevi: Istanbul 1966 ( 1 9 9 4 4 ) , 246-56; Frank W. Creel, The Program and Ideology of Dr. Abdullah Cevdet: A Study of the Origins of Kemalism in Turkey (unpublished PhD thesis, The University of Chicago, 1978); the only published book on Cevdet is M. §ukru H a n i o g l u ' s political biography in Turkish; Bir Siyasal Dii$unur Olarak Doktor Abdullah Cevdet ve Donemi, Istanbul: Uijdal Ne§riyat, 1981; see also idem, 'Abdullah Cevdet,' in Turkiye Diyanet Vakfi Islam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 1 (Istanbul, 1988), 90-93. 2

For an attempt to prevent Cevdet f r o m publication in Geneva and cause his return to Istanbul where A b d u l h a m i d would grant him an audience, see the letter of Ebiizziya T e v f i k , B O A , Y E E 15/83 no date (probably 1904-05, the period of C e v d e t ' s sojourn there); see also B O A , Y E E . K P . 22/2188, dated 22 S h a ' b a n 1323/22 October 1905 and Y . M T V . 289/57, dated 21 Rajab 1324/11 September 1906, for the prevention of the distribution of ictihad in the Ottoman Empire already in its first year. 3 He continued its publication in Cairo and Istanbul until his death. 4 On ictihad, see esp. §erif Mardin, Jon Tiirklerin, 221-250. 5 Berkes, 337-46, 359-66; M e h m e t Akgul, Turk Modernle^mesi ve Din (£izgi: Istanbul, 1999). On the genesis of Islamism in the Ottoman Empire as a political ideology after 1867, see M u m t a z ' e r Tiirkone, Siyasi Ideoloji Olarak islam^iligm Dogu$u (lleti§im: Istanbul, 1994).

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T h o u g h f i g h t i n g f o r the s a m e goal of ' m o d e r n i s a t i o n ' ( m u a s i r l a § m a k ) , t h e r e w e r e d i s a g r e e m e n t s a m o n g the t h i n k e r s as to h o w t h e g o a l s s h o u l d be a c h i e v e d . C e v d e t , as the l e a d e r of this g r o u p of W e s t e r n i s t s a t t r i b u t e d the d e c l i n e of the O t t o m a n E m p i r e to its not being ' E u r o p e a n ' a n d b e l i e v e d that the intellectuals w e r e partially r e s p o n s i b l e f o r this. T h e only solution w a s f o r the E m p i r e to be a civilised state and nation in line with the ideas and n e e d s of the c e n t u r y , that is to say, to be w e s t e r n i s e d in the s c i e n t i f i c sense. ' W e s t e r n c i v i l i s a t i o n ' w a s the l i g h t the O t t o m a n s had to f o l l o w : ' T h e W e s t is o u r t e a c h e r ; to l o v e it is t o l o v e s c i e n c e ,

progress,

material

and

moral

advancement.'1 C e v d e t ' s s t a t e m e n t that ' T h e r e is only o n e c i v i l i z a t i o n , a n d that is E u r o p e a n c i v i l i z a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , w e m u s t b o r r o w w e s t e r n civilization w i t h b o t h its r o s e a n d t h o r n ' 2 w a s d i a m e t r i c a l l y o p p o s e d t o t h e

progressive

I s l a m i s t s ' o p i n i o n of W e s t e r n civilisation, as e x e m p l i f i e d by the c o m m e n t s of o n e writer: ' T h i s d i c t u m m u s t be k e p t in v i e w at all t i m e s : to p r e s e r v e o u r oriental a n d I s l a m i c civilization! ... E u r o p e a n civilization is of n o use to us. It is t r u e that E u r o p e h a s r e a c h e d p e r f e c t i o n t o d a y f r o m the s t a n d p o i n t of science. N o o n e can d e n y that. But, that civilisation d o e s n o good f o r m a n k i n d f r o m a moral s t a n d p o i n t . T h u s , o n e m u s t pick the rose, a n d b e w a r e of the t h o r n s ! U n f o r t u n a t e l y , w e are taking u p their moral vices b e f o r e getting their sciences.'3 W e s t e r n i s t t h i n k e r s (Garbcilar)

like Celal N u r i , K i l i ^ z a d e H a k k i , and

A b d u l l a h C e v d e t b e l i e v e d that religion in its p r e s e n t state could not p e r f o r m its social f u n c t i o n s ; it w a s n e c e s s a r y to m o d i f y it a c c o r d i n g to a c h a n g i n g s o c i e t y . A s C h r i s t i a n i t y h a d its R e f o r m a t i o n , I s l a m , t o o , n e e d e d to be r e f o r m e d . S t a g n a n t I s l a m i c i n s t i t u t i o n s did n o t r e s p o n d to social

needs;

religion h a d to g o b a c k to its original f o r m w h i c h rested o n rational p o w e r . I m i t a t i o n ( t a k l i d ) had to be a b a n d o n e d and the ' g a t e of ictihadT j u d g e m e n t / o p i n i o n ' ) n e e d e d to be r e o p e n e d .

4

('individual

For this, h o w e v e r , the m o d e r n

intellectual h a d to s h o w the w a y . A s w i t h e v e r y t h i n g , religion a l s o had to e v o l v e . O t t o m a n W e s t e r n i s t s a r g u e d that if the h u m a n m i n d c o u l d not explain s o m e t h i n g , this w a s to d u e to its l a c k of c a p a c i t y a n d not b e c a u s e I s i a m w a s deficient.

1 Abdullah Cevdet, '§ime-i Muhabbet,' ictihad, no. 89 (1913) cited in Berkes, 357; Hanioglu, Opposition 17, n. 112 gives the year as 1914, p. 1984. ^ Abdullah Cevdet, ibid.; cited in Hanioglu, ibid. 17. 3 Pirijtineli Kadri, 'Dinsizlik,' Sirat-i Miistakim, no. 95 (1911); cited in Berkes, 359. 4 Hence Cevdet's reason for choosing this Islamic terminus technicus as the name of his journal.

184 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E T h e W e s t e r n i s t f r a m e w o r k f o r religion was P o s i t i v i s m ; in this ideology, the individual is autonomous. He does not depend on a superhuman power or God, but his actions are motivated by his own rational power and not because of a mystical feeling. Even if man privately acts irrational, he should a p p r o a c h the world rationally. 1 As §ukru Hanioglu put it, the Westernists 'attempted to demystify religion by redefining it according to their materialist b e l i e f s . ' 2 In order to convince the Muslims, they clothed their beliefs with an Islamic garb but they had difficulties in convincing the broad masses. But as §erif Mardin rightly points out, Cevdet was nonetheless not a 'vulgar' materialist, and though he did not believe in revealed religion, he was aware of its indispensable social function and cohesive power. 3 Religion played an important role in the Westernists' agenda, and Abdullah Cevdet, probably more than any other Westernist, appears quite ambivalent in his attitudes towards religion. A s a positivist, C e v d e t was suspicious towards religion and particularly towards Islam. H o w e v e r , he believed that Islam was a source f r o m which progressive ideas could be drawn in order to i n f u s e fresh blood into Muslim veins. Since M u s l i m s rejected everything that came f r o m the West, that is to say f r o m Christianity, the source of enlightenment must be the progressive ideas in Islamic institutions. T h e r e f o r e M u s l i m s could be p e r s u a d e d to a c c e p t m o d e r n i s a t i o n and westernisation as Islamic concepts and later be converted to Positivism. 4 Naturally, Cevdet's unrestrained beliefs were considered in his lifetime and later as anarchistic. Cevdet saw his own role as improving and repairing the mental power of the individual. 5 In a sense he regarded himself as a social reformer or a 'physician of society' (tabib-i igtimai)6 and even ascribed to himself a prophetic role: ' D a y and night I strived to enlighten you/ I went f r o m the moon to the sun, and f r o m the sun to the moon/ T h e prophets promise a paradise in the next w o r l d / 1 came to make this world a paradise for you.'7 §ükrii Hanioglu depicts Abdullah Cevdet as one w h o made use of materialist scientific notions by stitching them 'onto an Islamic " j a c k e t " . ' 8 He presents Cevdet as an enemy of religion, particularly of Islam. Criticism of and veiled or open attacks on Islam by the Westernists - Cevdet included were concealed as refutations of superstitions: ' T o d a y only a careful reader could comprehend the anti-religious rhetoric squeezed between the lines of 1

Akgiil, 117-89. M. §ükrü Hanioglu, 'Garbcilar: Their Attitudes Toward Religion and Their Impact on the Official ideology of the Turkish Republic,' Studia Islamica (1997/2), August, 133-158 (140). 3 Mardin, Continuity and Change 23. 4 Abdullah Cevdet, ktihad, May 1905, 88 ff; Mardin, Jon Türklerin, 232. On the ideology of the early Young Turks, see Hanioglu, Opposition, chapter 9. ® Mardin, Jón Türklerin 239. 6 Ibid. 239. 7 Cited in ibid. 221. O ° Hanioglu, 'Garbcilar,' 136. 2

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popular journals and concealed by the use of heavy materialist jargon then deemed "scientific".' 1 Niyazi Berkes, on the other hand, stated the following with regard to Abdullah Cevdet: For him the t r o u b l e w i t h the p e o p l e of T u r k e y , in f a c t w i t h M u s l i m s t h r o u g h o u t t h e world, w a s s e l f - e v i d e n t ; i n d o l e n c e , i g n o r a n c e , s u b s e r v i e n c e to s u p e r s t i t i o n s e r r o n e o u s l y i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the r e l i g i o n of I s l a m , s e l f s u b o r d i n a t i o n to d e g e n e r a t e a n d stupid clericals | s i c | , and the c o n s e q u e n c e s of t h e s e - t e c h n o l o g i c a l , s c i e n t i f i c , e c o n o m i c , a n d e v e n b i o l o g i c a l d e g e n e r a c y . T h e r e m e d i e s w e r e equally o b v i o u s a n d simple: to push, pull, if necessary lash the people into moving, w o r k i n g , earning, seeing, and t h i n k i n g like the i n f i d e l s of the W e s t . ... A n impartial survey of the files of Igtihad will s h o w that C e v d e t w a s e n e m y neither of Islam nor of religion in general.

Because Cevdet's religiosity has been an issue of discussion, it is necessary to look at some of his statements on the purpose and usefulness of religion at length; it should be noted that these thoughts are brought together from a number of issues of his Ictihad over a course of decades, hence they were not expressed at the same time. 3

Abdullah Cevdet, Islam and the Baha 'i Religion Abdullah Cevdet caused a considerable public commotion in early 1922 by publishing an article on the Baha'i religion in his journal Ictihad. Some months earlier, in November 1921, and January and February 1922, a series of articles on the Baha'i religion with the title 'A Scientific Study of the Baha'i Movement' (Bahai Hareketi Hakkinda Uml Bir Tetebbu) was published in the same periodical, where the author Emin Ali, 4 spoke positively and 1

Ibid. 146. Berkes, 339-40. See Appendix I; since not all issues of Ictihad were accessible for this research, use is made from Frank Creel's translations in his PhD thesis. 2

4

Emin Âli (Sipahioglu) was the Turkish legal representative at the Joint Tribunal of Arbitration and the Lausanne Peace Conference (1922-1923). He was later identified with the Baha'i religion and the group of suspected Baha'is who were put on trial in 1928 in Istanbul and Izmir (see the last chapter of the present work). Although in newspaper articles it was stated that he was not a Baha'i, the two Turkish Baha'is Neyir Oz§uca and Haydar Diriôz, interviewed by the present author (Ankara, 25 November 2000), stated that they had met him and that he was a Baha'i. That he was a Baha'i is also attested by Cevat Kuçani, Unutulmaz Hatiralarim (Istanbul, 1997), 143; Emin Ali also appears in a photograph of a group of Baha'is of Istanbul, taken on 22 April 1919 (now at the Baha'i Centre in Fatih, Istanbul) and was member of the local Spiritual Assembly (Ruhani Mahfil, the governing Baha'i council) of Istanbul-, see the photograph in this book (the information was taken from the note at the back of the photograph at the Turkish Baha'i National Archives, Istanbul). On Emin Âli, see Mehmet Zeki, Turkiye Teracimi Ahval Ansiklopedisi (Encyclopédie Biographique de Turquie, Hamit Matbaasr Istanbul, 1930-32), vol. 3, 161.

186 D I S S E N T A N D H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E LATE O T T O M A N E M P I R E

emphatically about the history and tenets of 'Baha'ism,' based, in his own words, on the voluminous writings of Baha'u'llah and 'Abdu'l-Baha. 1 Ali states that Baha'u'llah was 'the noble founder of the Baha'i movement which has gained universal importance and influence,' and described him as an 'exceptional prisoner (mustesnd kalebend)... who was ill-treated because of his thoughts and faith.' He finds it painful and shameful that this 'great movement of thought' (muazzam hareket-i fikriyye), which appeared in Iran but was being disseminated from 'one of the dark cells of a Turkish prison' ('Akka) to the whole world and was being studied for years in the rest of the world, was completely unknown to Ottoman intellectuals until recent times. Ali writes that he based his study of the Baha'i movement on the voluminous writings of Baha'u'llah and his son 'Abdu'l-Baha, rather than on commonly accepted and even unbiased documents and personal opinions.2 Emin Ali recounts the story of the Bab, the 'young reformer' (geng muceddid) who caused so much commotion and excitement in Iran for years and was a source of fervid love and ecstasy in the hearts of his followers. Ali moreover says that the martyrdoms in the Bab's lifetime are only comparable to those in the first days of Christianity. Thousands of men, women, and children had joyfully given up their lives as a sacrifice for the establishment for 'a new era of peace and justice' (yeni bir devr-i sulh ve adalet). The Bab's purpose was only to open the way for sacrifices in order to ignite the undying sacred fire of thought and faith in the lethargic environment of the East. Ali mentions that the Bab was constantly addressing in his writings a 'perfect pole' (kutb-i kamil), someone who was the goal of his fervent adoration and for whose sake he wanted to give up his life. Scientifically, Ali presumes, it is possible to present the Bab as a herald (mube§§ir) and his 'creed of thought and spirituality' (meslek-i fikrl-yi ruhani) as a 'regional revolutionary religion' (mahalli bir inkilab dini) which, like a religious order (tarikat), was in interaction with the Shi'a and the metaphysical conceptions of Sufi orders in the East, especially in Iran. Ali proceeds with talking about Baha'u'llah's life and his exiles in the Ottoman Empire and the developments after his death. The rest of his first article informs us about 'Abdu'l-Baha's life. As with all the accounts that have been examined concerning 'Abdu'lBaha, Ali writes about his extended travels in the West for the propagation of the Baha'i religion.

1 ictihad, no. 140, 31 Kanun-i Evvel (November) 1921, 2952-2955; no. 142, 31 Kanun-i Sani (January) 1922, 2983-2985; no. 143, 15 §ubat (February) 1922, 2999-3003.. 2 ictihad, no. 140, 2952.

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In the s e c o n d article 1

TO

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Emin Ali d i s c u s s e s several

w r i t i n g s of

B a h a ' u ' l l a h and their importance and touches on the nature of his religion. From his perusal of these writings Ali understands that ' B a h a ' i s m does not constitute a new religion' (Bahailik

yeni bir din ihdas etmiyor)

but is just a

reaffirmation of previous religions. 2 He quotes ' A b d u ' l - B a h a stating that the Baha'i movement was the essence of all present ideas and religions and that their followers, including Theosophists and Freemasons, could find in it the highest expression of their beliefs. 3 Ali states that before all else, Baha'ism is the symbol of ' t o l e r a n c e ' ( m u s a a f e ) because it did not require f r o m its adherents to leave aside their religion, nationality, or mother tongue but united in love today those w h o were arch-enemies yesterday. In this sense, ' T h e only goal of Baha'ism is world peace and universal brotherhood.' Without dealing with it at length, Ali states that Baha'ism has a sophisticated theology, and he refutes the idea that it held, like S u f i s m , to ' p a n t h e i s m ' (or 'unity of existence,' vahdet-i

viicud).

He further cites f r o m ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s talks in

order to stress the basic Baha'i principles of the unity of God and of the religions, and adds that unlike the Jews (in fact, unlike the followers of all previous religions) the Baha'is did not say that their religion was the last. In his third and last article on the ' B a h a ' i m o v e m e n t ' Emin Ali deals with the ethical teachings which have a very important place in B a h a ' i s m . Baha'u'llah and 'Abdu'l-Baha would both talk comprehensively about high and pure ethical standards. Emin Ali notes that before all else, the Baha'i ethics is one of 'altruism' - an altruism based on action rather than on mere words. He ends by asking how Baha'ism deals with economic and social problems, what remedies it has for the illnesses of society, and what it says about the future social order. Emin Ali expresses the hope that he will answer these questions in later articles. 4 In response to those articles, on 1 March 1922, Abdullah Cevdet published his article ' M e z h e b - i Bahaullah - Din-i U m e m ' (The Sect of B a h a ' u ' l l a h , a W o r l d Religion) in no. 144 of Ictihad.5

The

religious

authorities and the Turkish press quickly responded to it, accusing him of attacking the Prophet M u h a m m a d and Islam, and praising the Baha'i religion. Consequently, Cevdet was sentenced in absentia

to two years prison but this

never materialised. 1

ictihad, no. 142, 31 Kanfln-i Sani (January) 1922, 2983-2985. Ibid. 2983. J Cf. 'Abdu'l-Baha: 'If you belong to a Society already do not forsake your brothers. You can be a Baha'i-Christian, a Baha'¡-Freemason, a Baha'i-Jew, a Baha'i-Muhammadan.' 'Abdu'lBaha in London 97. Later Shoghi Effendi prohibited membership in a Masonic Order; see, Hellen B. Hornby (ed.), Lights of Guidance (Thomson Press: New Delhi, 1994) #1389 and 1390. 4 As to my knowledge Ali did not publish further articles. 5 ictihad, no. 144, 1 March 1922, 3015-17. 2

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D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

This chapter aims at analysing this case in the context of the Weltanschauung of Abdullah Cevdet. Was he really the irreligious materialist that he is usually depicted as by historians? Did he regard religion solely as a tool to effect change in society? And, in this fashion, was 'Baha'ism' just an appropriate catalyst and an intermediary step to convert Muslims to Positivism? Or was Cevdet a committed man who wished the well-being of humankind and thus proposed the Baha'i religion as a world-embracing movement of peace? By referring extensively to Cevdet's article on the Baha'i religion and examining his trial, I will try to show that he did not see the Baha'i religion simply as an instrument or an intermediary step between Islam and Positivism, but he identified himself with it. This is also attested in the statements of his adversaries. Abdullah Cevdet probably came in contact with the Baha'i religion around 1902 when he was in Europe, 1 but he may have come across it even as early as in the 1890s when 'Babi' ideas were discussed among the Young Turk leaders. As a result of Nasiru'd-Din Shah's 1896 assassination by a disciple of al-Afghani, who was mistakenly regarded as a 'Babi,' early Young Turk leaders like ibrahim Temo, Ahmed Riza, and ishak Sukuti became interested in the activities of the 'Babis' in Istanbul and Iran. Sukuti 'had a deep interest in the Bahai philosophy and studied its works'. 2 There seem to be several letters in the Albanian archives in which Sukuti discussed the Babi or Baha'i religion at length with his friend Dr. Nazim, member of the central Young Turk committee between 1895 and 1908. 3 As we have seen, the Ottoman government regarded al-Afghani as a leader of the Young Turks. The death of the despotic Shah brought about by the Babis, as the Young Turks believed, provided Iran a chance for reform, and they hoped that this would lead to a similar situation in the Ottoman Empire. Here we have the first attempts by Young Turks to see the Babi or Baha'i religion as a mobilising force. Hanioglu has discussed Cevdet's article on the Baha'i religion, placing it in the context of positivist ideology. He states that Cevdet presented Baha'ism to the public as the tool for the creation of a new 'ethic' [sic], and was attracted by the pacifist outlook of Baha'ism. In the opinion of Abdullah Cevdet, this creed which has no clerics and aims at world peace, was a stage in the evolution of society which ultimately would give up religion and accept As suggested by Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 339; the first Baha'i group in Europe was formed in Paris. The earliest evidence for C e v d e t ' s acquaintance with the Babi/Baha'i religions is a letter by the Orientalist David S. Margoliouth, in ictihâd (no. 4, Mars/March 1905, 3-5) where Babism is outlined. 2

Hanioglu, Opposition 256, n. 345, referring to the Albanian Archive in Tirana, Archivi Qè'ndor, 19/106-4/520/1173. §ükrü Hanioglu, personal communication, 15 February 2001; on Nâzim, see idem, Opposition 32.

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biological materialism. 1 'Abdullah C e v d e t , ' Hanioglu concluded, 'later asked the Muslims to convert to BahaTsm, which he regarded as an intermediary step between Islam and Materialism, and the Y o u n g T u r k s ' efforts to create a very liberal and progressive Islam reflected a core e n d e a v o u r . ' 2 Hanioglu cites the following passages from Abdullah C e v d e t ' s article as evidence: Every religion w a s f o u n d e d to establish m e r c y and f e l l o w s h i p . N o r e l i g i o n , s o c o m p e l l i n g that all i n d i v i d u a l s b o r n i n t o it r e m a i n f a i t h f u l f o r l i f e of t h e i r o w n f r e e w i l l , h a d e v e r e x i s t e d b e f o r e . B u t s u c h a r e l i g i o n is t h e o n e of m e r c y a n d l o v e p r e a c h e d a n d i n s t i t u t e d by B a h a ' u ' l l a h a n d h i s son ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ... T h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n religious and scientific u n d e r s t a n d i n g , m o r e s i m p l y , t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n s c i e n c e a n d r e l i g i o n is t h a t s c i e n c e is a l i g h t w i t h o u t h e a t a n d r e l i g i o n h e a t w i t h o u t l i g h t . . . N e v e r t h e l e s s e v e n if r e l i g i o n is n o t p u r e l y s c i e n c e it a l w a y s is c o m p a t i b l e w i t h r e a s o n , a n d b e i n g s o is its e s s e n t i a l a n d e t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n . . . B a h a ' i s m , f o u n d e d by B a h a ' u ' l l a h a n d o r g a n i s e d a n d s p r e a d a b r o a d b y ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , h a s n o idea, n o l a w w h i c h is o p p o s e d to r e a s o n . . . 3

Despite C e v d e t ' s attempt to present B a h a ' i s m as a new 'ethical s y s t e m ' by supporting it with the positive aspects of Islam, using thereby M u h a m m a d ' A b d u h ' s approach in g o i n g ' b a c k to the r o o t s , ' 4 he did not succeed. Cevdet 1

Idem, Abdullah Cevdet 338-39. Idem, Opposition 202. 3 Idem. Abdullah Cevdet 339. 4 Abdullah Cevdet mentions a talk with and a lecture of 'Abduh in 1898 in Geneva (¡ctihad, no. 3, 185-86). 'Abduh is reported to have said that every truth, even that which you utter when you are alone in your room, must have an impact on the spiritual progress of mankind; see M. Horten, ' M u h a m m a d Abduh 1905+. Sein Leben und seine theologische-philosophische Gedankenwelt. Eine Studie zu den Reformbestrebungen im modernen Ägypten. Teil I,' in Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Orients (1916) XIII, 85-114 (103). My thanks to Oliver Scharbrodt for this reference. See also, Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 137-38, for detailed information. Moreover, 'Abduh had met the Baha'i leader 'Abdu'l-Baha in Beirut and was impressed by him; see Shoghi Effendi, GPB, 193; also Juan R. Cole, 'Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida: A Dialogue on the Baha'i religion,' in World Order 15, nos. 3-4 (Spring/Summer 1981), 7-16; idem, 'RasJifd Ridä on the B a h a ' i Faith in Egypt: 1897-1921,' in Arab Studies Quarterly 5, 1983, 276-91. For a recent and detailed study with new evidences, see William McCants, '"I never understood any of this from ' A b b ä s Effendi": ' A b d u h ' s Knowledge of the Baha'i Teachings and His Friendship with 'Abdu'l-Bahä 'Abbäs,' in: Moshe Sharon (ed.), Studies in Modern Religions, Religious Movements and the Bäbi-Bahä'i Faiths (Brill: Leiden, 2004) 275297. For further evidence, see Oliver Scharbrodt, 'Encounters in the Land of Bä: Muslim and Baha'i Accounts on the Relationship between ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and Muhammad 'Abduh,' paper presented at the Religious Studies Special Interest Group, bi-annual seminar (Association for Baha'i Studies, UK), Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, December 5-7, 2003. This paper compares Muslim and Baha'i accounts on the relationship between ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905), one of the most influential Muslim reformers of the 19th century. They met in Beirut in 1887 and exchanged letter afterwards. Although the nature of their encounter and the correspondence suggest that both were in friendly terms and shared mutual concerns for the future of the Middle East and Islam, later biographers of 'Abduh attempted to prove 'Abduh's ignorance about the nature of the Baha'i Faith and its claim to supersede Islam. One first hand account by ' A b d u ' l - B a h a is presented, which provides new insights into their relationship. Based on both Muslim and Baha'i accounts, an attempt is made to describe the relationship between 'Abduh and 'Abdu'l-Baha at a later stage, after 'Abduh had returned to Egypt and assumed prominence in the Muslim world as reformer and 'Abdu'l-Baha succeeded his father as head of the nascent Baha'i community. See also Oliver Scharbrodt, Islam and the

190

D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

attempted to reconstruct the golden age of Islam, which had been lost and over time the Muslims inherited a 'degenerate or, to be more precisely, fake Islam' in the time of the Muslim rulers after the orthodox caliphs of the golden age. C e v d e t ' s central argument was that religion was capable of progressive evolution and Muhammad 'Abduh inspired him with this idea, though Cevdet missed modern ideas and materialism in "Abduh's thought. 1 In any case, the new Republican regime made it possible for Cevdet to propose that biological materialism would replace religion in Turkey, and it seems that he did not continue the discussion about B a h a ' i s m . A Turkish society in which religion was secondary was one of the main features of C e v d e t ' s 'utopia.' This was similar to the official ideology of the Turkish Republic and gave him the opportunity to promote his ideas. 2 This explains H a n i o g l u ' s interpretation of C e v d e t ' s article - that the Baha'i religion is an intermediate step between Islam and materialism. However, Hanioglu has omitted those essential parts of Cevdet's article which eulogise the Baha'i religion. 3 Cevdet had discussed the true nature of Christianity and Islam, which he believed came to be perverted in the course of history and compares them with the Baha'i religion. As a result of his words and his alleged use of derogatory language in connection with Islam and favouring the Baha'i religion, he was denounced by the office of §eyhiilislam and the chief p r o s e c u t o r and attacked by m o s t of the I s t a n b u l - b a s e d newspapers. Even 'the deputy and successor of our exalted Lord, the Prophet, his Majesty the sultan [Vahideddin], was seriously afflicted and grieved'; 4 the latter issued a decree (irade) in which he condemned Cevdet. 5 Notwithstanding the fact that Emin Ali and Abdullah Cevdet wrote about B a h a ' i s m and not about Babism, the irade states that ' s o m e degenerate persons' (e§has-i miitereddiyye) wrote some articles in the periodical Ictihad to infuse to ignorant people the idea that the 'Babi sect' ( B a b i mezhebi), which is inconsistent with Islam, is a 'world religion' (din-i umem), thus intending to spread it in Ottoman lands. At the same time the sultan deeply regretted that the government offices were silent and indifferent towards the 'harmful publications' (ne§riyyat-i muzirra) that were in demand in Istanbul.

M. §ukrii Hanioglu, 'Blueprints for a future society: Late Ottoman materialists on science, religion, and art,' in: Elizabeth Ozdalga (ed.), Late Ottoman Society: The Intellectual legacy (RoutledgeCurzon: London/New York, 2005), 28-116 (here 53). 2 Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 341. For the discussion of this, see Creel (PhD thesis) and Hanioglu, 'Garbcilar.' See Appendix II below. 4 'Adliye Miiste§arinin Beyanati,' Peyam-i Sabah, 23 April 1922/ §aban 1340, 3. 5 ictihad, no. 172, 1 December 1924, 3470; Sussheim, 59; this was not the only time that Cevdet was put on trial; see BOA, MV. 180/58, dated 29 §evval 1331/1 October 1913 and ibid. 185/8, dated 5 Rabi' II 1332/2 March 1914.

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R E P U B L I C

S i n c e the ' B a b i s e c t ' w a s not a m o n g the k n o w n r e l i g i o n s ( e d y d n - i

ma'rufe)

in the O t t o m a n E m p i r e , its p r o p a g a t i o n ( t e r v i c ) could not be l a w f u l cdiz);

t h e r e f o r e it w a s n o t c o m p u l s o r y

c o n s t i t u t i o n ( k a n u n - i esasi).

(§er'en

to p r o t e c t it a c c o r d i n g t o t h e

On the c o n t r a r y , such h a r m f u l a n d d e f a m a t o r y

p u b l i c a t i o n s that ' a g g r i e v e the blessed soul of the m e s s e n g e r M u h a m m a d and h u r t t h e f e e l i n g s of M u s l i m s ' s h o u l d be p r o s e c u t e d w i t h o u t d e l a y

and

necessary legal steps taken against the disrespectful perpetrators. 1 Even t h o u g h n e w s p a p e r s and the O t t o m a n p u b l i c d i s c u s s e d the ' B a h a ' i s e c t ' and did not c o n f u s e it with B a b i s m , as w e will s e e b e l o w , it is s u r p r i s i n g that the sultan still s p o k e a b o u t the ' B a b i sect.' T h i s s h o w s that all a l o n g the s u l t a n s w e r e not i n t e r e s t e d in d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g b e t w e e n t h e B a b i s a n d B a h a ' i s but w e r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h s u b v e r s i v e a c t i v i t i e s of t h i s k i n d of ' h a r m f u l s e c t '

that

s u p p o s e d l y s o u g h t to u n d e r m i n e their authority and Islam. Tevhid-i

Efkar

w a s o n e the l e a d i n g c o n s e r v a t i v e n e w s p a p e r s t h a t

attacked the B a h a ' i religion and Cevdet. It saw the ' B a h a ' i sect,' well-organised in the W e s t , as v e r y d a n g e r o u s a n d t h r e a t e n i n g the w h o l e M u s l i m w o r l d through p r o p a g a n d a by a great n u m b e r of people. A b d u l l a h C e v d e t w a s seen as o n e stimulating that p r o p a g a n d a by publishing his article and p r e s e n t i n g Islam as a religion d e v o i d of m e r c y . T h e n e w s p a p e r urged the religious authorities to act i m m e d i a t e l y to s t o p B a h a ' i activities. T h e article c o n c l u d e d that A b d u l l a h C e v d e t had been s e n t e n c e d to t w o years i m p r i s o n m e n t b e c a u s e he p r e s e n t e d s o m e e v e n t s in I s l a m i c h i s t o r y as s h a m e f u l a n d t h u s o f f e n d e d m i l l i o n s of M u s l i m s a n d a t t a c k e d M u h a m m a d with a g g r e s s i v e l a n g u a g e . H e n c e , ' t h e s e n t e n c e of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s ( d i n s i z ) A b d u l l a h C e v d e t can be r e g a r d e d as an e f f e c t i v e l e s s o n ( i b r e t - i miiessire)

f o r t h o s e w h o n o w a d a y s are d e c e i v e d by

f o r e i g n p r o p a g a n d a a n d attack o u r religion. In this c o n t e x t , w e d o h o p e that t h o s e w h o a r e h e e d l e s s in r e l i g i o u s m a t t e r s a n d d i s r e g a r d I s l a m be utterly punished.'2 A m o n g the o p p o n e n t s of A b d u l l a h C e v d e t w e r e A h m e d § i r a n i 3 and M u s t a f a S a b r i , 4 the § e y h u l i s l a m d u r i n g the a r m i s t i c e p e r i o d . B o t h w e r e u l e m a a n d c o n s e r v a t i v e Islamists. In an article d i s c u s s i n g C e v d e t ' s verdict, 5 §irani

1

BOA, I.DUiT. 17/99, dated 12 Sha'ban 1340/10 April 1922. 'Dinimize Tecaviiz Edenlere Bir Ibret-i Miiessire,' Tevhid-i Efkar, 21.4.1922, 3. This is only one example of many articles in this and other newspapers; for a translation of this article, see Appendix III. See further the list of newspaper articles attacking Cevdet in Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 300, footnotes 51-53. Sadik Albayrak, Son Devir Osmanli Ulemasi, 5 vols. (Istanbul Biiyiik§ehir Belediyesi, 2000), 1:282-83. §irani had published three journals called HayrU'l-Kelam, itisam and Mederese itilcddlari. 4 Ismail Kara, TUrkiye'de islamcilik Dii^uncesi (Metinler/Kigiler), 3 vols. (Istanbul, Y961y, 2:261-310, esp. 263-65; Albayrak, 4:116-17; see also Ulken, 79, 203, 204. 5 'Mebahis-i Diniyye: Abdullah Cevdet Bey'in Levahik Negriyati,' Tevhid-i Efkar, 19 June 1922, 2. T

192 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E wrote that the return of Abdullah Cevdet as a tumultuous publicist after his calm life as the director of Public Health 1 was a bad omen for Islam. It was no doubt clear that, as indicated by the proverb ' H e will never change his habits' (Can

gikmayinca

huy

gikmaz),

he would proclaim war ( c i h a d ) against

religion. A sign of mobilisation for this war was that Cevdet presented the Baha'i doctrine as a 'world religion.' 2 Why is Abdullah Cevdet so attached to Baha'ism? asked Ahmed §irani, the 'compassionate opponent' of Cevdet, in another article discussing whether the Baha'i religion is pacifism. 3 Why did he, while regarding religion as heat without light, consider B a h a ' i s m , in fact a fabrication ( s a n t ' a ) with the appellation ' r e l i g i o n ' and a religion without light, and instead of being antagonistic towards it, presented it as a new world-embracing light? Abdullah Cevdet had provided the a n s w e r at the court: he wrote the article being discussed, since he was a peace-loving man and because Baha'ism is pacifism. C e v d e t had herewith shown to all present at the court, said §irani, the dimension of his love to B a h a ' i s m and presented himself as m a n k i n d ' s wellwisher. In the opinion of A h m e d §irani, Cevdet energetically and definitively identified himself with Baha'ism at the court. 4 Abdullah Cevdet indeed did so. He called science a 'light without heat' and regarded religion generally as a 'heat without light' in his f a m o u s article and made a distinction between the two. T h e nature of this light is to illumine, to show the way, and the quality of this religion, while it does not shed light it warms up. However, Cevdet, depicted as the 'eternal enemy of Islam' by his opponents 5 and w h o was said to only make use of religion as a tool for his materialist beliefs, added that science at the best can be a winter sun which does not heat and leads to the death of society. W a r m t h , i.e. religion, means movement; so, it is for religion to be the mover and not for science. And he united both qualities in the Baha'i religion by stating that it was B a h a ' u ' l l a h who for the first time provided the necessary light and heat. H e said that Baha'ism is 'light-shedding heat' and not a 'dark movement' and expected it to be a worldwide movement of peace. Cevdet here also evoked the B a h a ' i principle of harmony between science and religion; he could find nothing in this religion which is opposed to reason or intellect. Although

1 Cevdet had this post twice during the truce (1919-1922). In this period he was partially forced to cease publication. 2 A translation of §irani's main arguments is in Appendix IV, no. 1. 3 'Mebahis-i Diniye: Bahailik'teki Sulhperverlige Bir Nazar,' Tevhid-i Efkar, 9 July 1922, 3. For a translation of the main points, see Appendix V, no. 2. 4

For another diatribe of A h m e d §irani, where he represents C e v d e t ' s article as a ' d o c u m e n t of nonsense' that infuriated the government and the people, see 'Abdullah Cevdet Bey: M a h k e m e Huzurunda Cur'etkarane Bir Inkar,' Tevhid-i Efkar, 16 §evval 1340/13 June 1922, 3. 5 Siissheim, 59.

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religion c a n n o t be s c i e n c e itself it is and m u s t be c o n s i s t e n t with intellect. 1 T h e last s e n t e n c e of his article leaves no d o u b t that he w a s c o m m i t t e d to the B a h a ' i religion: that only the divine fire in B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s soul can illumine the world and heat it at the s a m e time. A t the s a m e t i m e , it is clear that f o r C e v d e t that B a h a ' i s m w a s not a n e w ' d i v i n e ' religion but another ' w a y ' or ' m e t h o d ' ( m i n h a c ) , 'a m o v e m e n t of thought, p e a c e and brotherhood w h i c h arose f r o m the East and within Islam, and sends out its s p l e n d o u r to the W e s t ' and would lead m a n k i n d to the longs o u g h t - f o r p e a c e a n d w e l l - b e i n g . O t h e r w i s e , states C e v d e t , M u s l i m s would not h a v e t a l k e d a b o u t ' A b d u ' l - B a h a as a M u s l i m and called his t h o u g h t s Islamic. H e f u r t h e r stated, 'I tried to show here the purpose and m e a n i n g of the word ' r e l i g i o n ' and that B a h a ' i s m is part of Islam, and to p r o v e that it c a n n o t be considered hostile towards I s l a m . ' 2 T o r e s u m e with the reactions by conservatives; the n e w s p a p e r Sabah

Peyam-i

p u b l i s h e d letters of M u s t a f a Sabri in r e s p o n s e t o A b d u l l a h C e v d e t ' s

claims, in w h i c h the §eyhiilislam put forth the d i f f e r e n c e s between Islam and the B a h a ' i religion. 3 In both of his articles Sabri referred to C e v d e t ' s t h o u g h t s on a s t a t e m e n t in a b o o k c a l l e d Kitabii

n-Nikah

ve't-Talak

by t h e

conservative M a h m u d Esad E f f e n d i , a lecturer at the D a r u ' l - F i i n u n . T h e author m a i n t a i n e d that w h e r e a s it is o b l i g a t o r y f o r the h u s b a n d to pay the costs of n e c e s s a r y tools f o r h y g i e n e , the w i f e has to pay the costs f o r u n n e c e s s a r y c o s m e t i c s , f o r m e d i c i n e and the d o c t o r ' s i n s p e c t i o n . In short, C e v d e t here argues that the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of such a m a t t e r in the §eriat (shari'a)

m a k e s it

c a l a m i t o u s . Sabri replied that even if the intention here is good and a i m s at safeguarding the Islamic law, Cevdet and writers like him, w h o pretended to be great leaders of the M u s l i m w o r l d , either w e r e u n i n f o r m e d of the Q u r ' a n i c laws or intended to s h o w with their publications that t h o s e l a w s belong to the Middle A g e s . 4

Reason or intellect ('aql) is employed by many Islamic thinkers and is also an intrinsic part of the Baha'i doctrine: 'Since the clash between science and religion did not affect the Islamic world to the same extent it did the western world, Baha'u'llah does not speak extensively of science in apposition or opposition to religion. He viewed the ultimate purpose of knowledge to be the moral improvement of humanity and the physical advance of civilization;' Franklin Lewis, '"First we must speak of logical proofs": discourses of knowledge in the Baha'i writings,' in The Baha'i Studies Review 10 (2001/2002), 51-74 (here 55). 2 Ictihad, no. 149, 11 September 1922, 3092-5; see Appendix V. 3 Mustafa Sabri, 'Abdullah Cevdet Effendi'ye,' Peyam~i Sabah, 8 Receb 1340/7 March 1922, 2; idem., 'Hukuk-i Zevciyet: Muslumanlik ve Bahailik,' Peyam-i Sabah, 19 Receb 1340/18 March 1922, 3; a rebuttal by Tahirii'l-Mevla, another Islamist, was 'Beni Qurayza Meselesi,' Peyam-i Sabah, 20 Receb 1340/19 March 1922, 3. 4 Mustafa Sabri, 'Abdullah Cevdet Effendi'ye,' Peydm-i Sabah, 8 Receb 1340/7 March 1922, 2.

194

D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E In his defence statement which he read at the court Abdullah Cevdet put

forth his opinion of the Baha'i religion and the role he ascribed to it, and then defended the accusations raised against him. The following accusations were put forward against Abdullah Cevdet: (1) He said that Islam is devoid of mercy; (2) he had corrupted historical events; (3) he regarded the Prophet's military expeditions as merciless; (4) he attacked Islamic beliefs; and (5) he distorted the case of the Jewish tribe Qurayza. Cevdet discussed these points one by one and put forth his arguments at the court. 1 Thus, after having clarified the points, Cevdet said that his philosophical and historical article legally does not contain vilifying and scornful statements. In addition to this, because his response to Mustafa Sabri in Peyam-i

Sabah on 13 March 1922 2 where he quoted from the Q u r ' a n was

studied, proofread, and confirmed before publication by the censors and the office of the §eyhulislam, he had no responsibility for it contents. He believed that this court was not a court of the Middle Ages and that he would not be f o u n d guilty. 3 C e v d e t ' s reply to the u l e m a ' s accusation that he tried to introduce the Baha'i ' h e r e s y ' as a substitute to the perfect religion of Islam was that he attempted to 'reconcile beneficial principles of Bahaism with Islam in imitation of M u h a m m a d ' A b d u h . ' 4 F r o m the very beginning, Abdullah Cevdet turned his trial into an issue of freedom of conscience (hiirriyet-i vicdan).5

During the months after

his sentence, he published a series of articles on 'martyrs of f r e e d o m of thought' where he dealt with European thinkers who were condemned because they had uttered their thoughts f r e e l y . 6 Cevdet often quoted statements of European thinkers in this regard to underpin the matter of freedom of thought and conscience, such as 'Let them say what they want to say; let them blame you, c o n d e m n you, imprison you, let them hang you. But always m a k e public y o u r t h o u g h t s . ' 7 In civilised nations like England, C e v d e t stated elsewhere, divergences of beliefs among educated people are not a source of 1 ictihâd, no. 149, 11 September 1922, 3096-97. See Appendix V. ^ 'Fâzil-i Muhterem Mustafa Sabri Effendi Hazretlerine,' Peyâm-i Sabâh, 13 Receb 1340/13 March 1922, 3. 3 ictihâd, no. 149, 11 September 1922, 3100-1. 4 Hanioglu, 'Blueprints' 62. ^ 'Hiirriyet-i Vicdân Meselesi' in tctihad, 15 April 1922, no. 147, 3063-4; Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 300. 6 'Hiirriyet-i Fikriyye §ehidleri,' ictihad, no. 158, 1 Te§rin-i Evvel (October) 1923, 3237-39; no. 159, 4 Te§rin-i Sâni (November) 1923, 3253-58; no. 160, 1 Kânun-i Evvel (December) 1923, 3269-71; no. 161, 1 Kânun-i Sâni (January) 1924, 3285 ff.; no. 162, 1 Çubat (February) 1924, 3301 ff. n 'Laissez dire, laissez vous blâmer, condamner, emprisonner, laissez-vous pendre, mais publiez vos pensées'; ictihâd, no. 148, 25 July 1922, 3080. The statement was made by PaulLouis Courier (1772 - 1825), French political writer and classical scholar, who defended the interests of the common people against state and church in pamphlets.

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195

d i s r e g a r d a n d h a t e . F o r i n s t a n c e , a p e r s o n b e l i e v i n g in t h e n e x t l i f e c a n b e a f r i e n d of o n e

who does

not believe

this. T h e y

listen

to o n e

another's

a r g u m e n t s a n d l e a v e , w h e t h e r c o n v i n c e d o r n o t , w i t h o u t a f e e l i n g of e n m i t y . T h e d e g r e e o f a n a t i o n ' s s t a t e o f c i v i l i s a t i o n is b e i n g m e a s u r e d b y t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h it r e s p e c t s t h e f r e e d o m o f c o n s c i e n c e a n d t h o u g h t . H e a s s u r e d h i s r e a d e r s t h a t h e h a d n o t r e a d t h i s in p r i n t e d b o o k s b u t in t h e b o o k o f h i s l i f e , w h i l e h a v i n g l i v e d in E n g l a n d .

There, n o b o d y bothers w h e t h e r you are a

C h r i s t i a n , a J e w , a Z o r o a s t r i a n o r e v e n a n a t h e i s t . In C e v d e t ' s e y e s a p e r s o n ' w h o d o e s not h a v e the f r e e d o m to say w h a t he thinks has lost half his soul. I f , w h e n I s a y w h a t I t h i n k , I a m in p e r i l o f b e i n g c a l l e d a h e r e t i c a n d c u r s e d , w o n ' t I b e impelled and f o r c e d not to a p p e a r as I a m , a n d not to b e as I a p p e a r ? I s n ' t t h i s s t a t e of a f f a i r s h y p o c r i s y a n d a s h a m ? ' 1 O n e h a s t o t a k e s i d e s a g a i n s t a n o t h e r p e r s o n t h r o u g h his ideas and not by inciting a heated discussion, as did the §eyhiilislam M u s t a f a Sabri.2 T o recapitulate his a r g u m e n t s with regard to t h o s e f r e e d o m s it is a g a i n w o r t h w h i l e t o l i s t e n t o C e v d e t h i m s e l f : ( A n a r t i c l e ) p r i n t e d e l e v e n y e a r s a g o 3 - that is f i l l e d w i t h f e e l i n g s of e n t h u s i a s m f o r Islam a n d national patriotism 4 w a s d e e m e d an attack u p o n religion, but it d i d n ' t result in a single legal action. E l e v e n y e a r s later the article ' T h e Sect of B a h a ' u ' l l a h , ' has had its a u t h o r d r a g g e d t h r o u g h the c o u r t s for a y e a r , a n d has s u b j e c t e d him to e x t e n s i v e material and moral d a m a g e s . A n d he is still b e i n g p r o s e c u t e d f o r fines a n d i m p r i s o n m e n t . W i t h i n e l e v e n y e a r s w e h a v e m a d e p r o g r e s s , but not in u n d e r s t a n d i n g the s a c r e d m e a n i n g of f r e e d o m , a n d e s p e c i a l l y t h e f r e e d o m of t h o u g h t a n d c o n s c i e n c e ! I h a v e b e e n in B e r l i n , P a r i s , and L o n d o n . W h a t s p e e c h e s I listened to t h e r e ! W h a t s h a r p p e r s p e c t i v e s , a r g u m e n t s , w h a t o n s l a u g h t s I s a w there a g a i n s t e s t a b l i s h e d c o n v i c t i o n s a n d r e n o w n e d r e l i g i o n s ; not o n e in a t h o u s a n d of these w o u l d b e tolerated here. . . . A p e r s o n w h o d o e s not c o m e up a g a i n s t i d e a s and o p i n i o n s ( i c t i h a d ) c o u n t e r [sic] to his o w n is not certain of t h e s o u n d n e s s a n d a c c u r a c y of his i d e a s a n d o p i n i o n s . A person w h o is n o t f r e e t o c h o o s e and e x p r e s s his i d e a s l o s e s half his soul, a n d t h o s e w h o m a k e o b s t a c l e s to this f r e e d o m b e c o m e h a l f - s o u l s . A c o m m u n i t y s h o u l d not b e c o m p o s e d of h a l f - s o u l e d i n d i v i d u a l s . M a y o u r c o m m u n i t y be a h a r m o n i o u s s y s t e m of w h o l e - s o u l e d i n d i v i d u a l s w h o are both resolute (in their o p i n i o n s ) and tolerant (of others).^

1

ictihad, no. 147, 15 April 1922, 3063. See 'Abdullah Cevdet Bey Effendi'ye,' Peyam-i Sabah, 8 Receb 1340/7 March 1922, 2. 3 'Me§ihat-i Celile'nin Ta'mim Ettigi Dua,' Ictihad, no. 54, 1221, reprinted in no. 154, 3179. In this article Cevdet criticizes that Muslim clerics for urging the people and the soldiers to recite a certain prayer 4444 times for the victory of the Turkish army, instead of equipping it and reforming the society according to modern standards, as did the Bulgarians. ^ This phrase was not translated by Creel (PhD thesis). 5 ictihad, no. 154, 1 June 1923, 3179-80; cited in Creel (PhD thesis), 185; emphasis in text is added. 2

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Abdullah Cevdet also benefited from public discussion. In promoting his pacifist ideas, the general ideas of the Baha'i religion that resemble pacifism had probably attracted him to this 'doctrine' (mezheb) and encouraged him to create a new 'ethical system' for Turkish society. 1 His contacts in Europe with intellectuals, especially in Austria, resulted in his interest in pacifism, women's rights and feminism. In 1922 Cevdet founded the shortlived 'Union de Pacifistes' (Ehl-i Sulh Birligi) in Istanbul that would fight war and promote universal peace. 2 He wrote that 'World peace may remain an abstract concept, a dream that never materializes. But for this to be so does not prevent a person from seeing world peace as an ideal, worthy, and in the pursuit of which lives may be sacrificed. There is no prospect that tuberculosis will ever be completely eradicated from the face of the earth; it will go on forever. Does this being so render vain and worthless the formation and activity of anti-tuberculosis societies?' 3 A statement of convictions of the Ehl-i Sulh Birligi was published in Ictihad,4 and here the society's and thus Cevdet's ideas very much resemble the Baha'i principles of unity of humankind, world citizenship and peace (although in fact the Baha'i religion, while working for universal peace does not advocate an absolute pacifism). 5 Cevdet's notions are: (1) every nation can render a service to humanity and thereby secure its success and happiness; (2) all nations are as limbs of a single body and dependent on each other, and the noble features of a nation can reach perfection through love and reconciliation between individuals and nations; (3) real patriotism consists of a person ' Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 338. §ukrii Hanioglu, 'Ehl-i Sulh Birligi,' in Istanbul Universitesi iktisat Fakultesi Mecmuasi 36, no. 1-4 (1976-1977), 239-67. 3 ictihad, 1 December 1925, 3808; He further remarked: 'We pacifists are opposed to war, not to self-defense. Between our conviction that no good for any side will come out of war (that war will destroy both the attacker and the attacked) and our regarding the right and duty of self-defense as sacred there is no inconsistency'; ictihad, 1 April 1924, 3337; both quotations cited by Creel (PhD thesis), 153, 154. 4 No. 148,25 July 1922,3085. 5 For this, see the following statement: 'It is true that Baha'is are not pacifists since we uphold the use of force in the service of justice and upholding the law. But we do not believe that war is very necessary and its abolition is one of the essential purposes and brightest promises of Baha'u'llah's Revelation. His specific command to the kings of the earth is: 'Should any among you take up arms against another, ride ye all against him, for this is naught but manifest justice.' (Tablet to Queen Victoria, The Proclamation of Baha'u'llah, p. 13) [Shoghi Effendi] has explained that the unity of mankind implies the establishment of a world commonwealth, a world federal system, '..liberated from the curse of war and its miseries ... in which Force is made the servant of Justice...' whose world executive 'backed by an international Force... will safeguard the organic unity of the whole commonwealth.' This is obviously not war but the maintenance of law and order on a world scale. Warfare is the ultimate tragedy of disunity among nations where no international authority exists powerful enough to restrain them from pursuing their own limited interests. Baha'is therefore ask to serve their countries in noncombatant ways during such fighting; they will doubtless serve in such an international Force as Baha'u'llah envisions, whenever it comes into being.' From a letter written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice, September 11, 1984, in: Hornby (ed.), Lights of Guidance, no. 1429. 2

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providing the opportunities and means f o r his nation to serve h u m a n i t y ; (4) real pacifism consists of appreciating the worth of every nation and its service to h u m a n k i n d and bringing about mutual assistance, solidarity, global amity and happiness; and (5) a calamity done to an individual or a nation will e f f e c t the wellbeing of all h u m a n k i n d and 'an injustice d o n e to a single o n e is a m e n a c e f o r all.' 1 O n e might also add the f o l l o w i n g statement: ' T h e r e is only one civilization and that is the inheritance of the great human f a m i l y . ' 2 ' | H | i s flirtation with Bahaism did not provide Abdullah Cevdet with the long-sought-after vehicle f o r reconciling materialism with r e l i g i o n , ' 3 and he could not c o n v i n c e the authorities and the public of his p e a c e - l o v i n g ideas through the B a h a ' i religion. This is underscored by the fact that the ' B a h a ' i o r g a n i s a t i o n s ' in A n a t o l i a were said to have relationships with the English w h o had occupied parts of the country and with w h o m Cevdet had close ties through

the 'Society

of A n g l o p h i l e s '

(Ingiliz

Muhibleri

Cemiyeti).

Furthermore, the representatives of the National Independence A r m y (Kemalist movement) in Istanbul are said to have regarded the B a h a ' i s as a fairly inactive but dangerous group. 4 T h e trial of Abdullah Cevdet continued until the end of D e c e m b e r 1926 and was one of the longest and most interesting proceedings in the history of the Turkish press. T h e decision to imprison Cevdet was never put into action but as a result of this episode the Baha'i religion was extensively discussed in T u r k e y . T h e trial was dismissed and the law regarding the p u n i s h m e n t f o r attacking sacred matters (enbiydya

ta'n fezahat-i

blasphemy, was abolished due to C e v d e t ' s case.

lisaniyye) 5

or the crime of

C e v d e t ' s c o m m e n t on this

final decision was that even if he was dragged through the courts f o r four years he n e v e r t h e l e s s c o u l d f i n d c o n s o l a t i o n in seeing that he w a s the reason f o r abolishing such a useless and d a n g e r o u s legal article. 6 T h e treatment of such a f a m o u s and influential figure by the religious authorities may have The last sentence is a statement by the French philosopher Montesquie: 'Une injustice faite ä un seul est une menace pour tous'; cf. ictihäd, no. 149, II September 1922, 3099. Cevdet uses it throughout his 'Guiding Principles of the Review Idjtihad,' e.g. ictihad, no. 172, 1 December 1924, 3468; cf. Hanioglu, Siyasal Dü}ünür 397-99. 2 ictihad, no. 172, 1 December 1924, 3468. "i Hanioglu, 'Blueprints' 62. 4 Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 301, n 54; Türk inkilap Tarihi Enstitiisü Ar$ivi, 39-13963, dated 11 §ubat 1338 (February 1922); for this document, see also Ahmed Fettahoglu's tirade, '"Yiice Adalet Evi"nin Sakinleri: Bahailer,' Tarih ve DU^iince, (§ubat/February 2000), 12-23, here 2123; see further Ahmet Ufar, 'Bahailik de "irtica" i§inde,' ibid. 24-25. 5 Siissheim, 59; Gotthard Jäschke, 'Ehrenschutz Gottes und der Propheten in der Türkei,' in: Orlens 15 (December 1962), 296-303 (here 297, see also 296); Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 300; idem, 'Abdullah Cevdet,' in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfi islam Anslklopedisi (Istanbul: 1988), 1:92. 6 Cited in Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 390, n 14. For the last phase of his court case, see 'ictihad Cezä Mahkemesinde,' ictihad, no. 182, 15 June 1925, 3632-33; 'ictihäd'in Daväsi,' ikdäm, 30 December 1926, 2; 'Fezahat-i Lisaniyye: Yeni Kanun-i Cezä'da Olmadigindan Abdullah Cevdet Bey'in Adem-i Mes'üliyetine Karar,' ikdäm, 31 December 1926, 3.

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strengthened Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk's conviction that religion must remain a private matter and may have stimulated him to rapidly carry on his modernist reforms. Cevdet and Ataturk met several times between 1918 and 1924.' Ataturk had invited him to Ankara and discussed modernist ideas. Also, in one of his private letters Abdullah Cevdet quotes Ataturk as having said to him, 'Doctor, until now you have written about many things. Now we may bring them to realization.' 2 Ataturk had invited Cevdet to Ankara and asked him to be a deputy in the Turkish parliament. However, this did not occur due to Cevdet's friendly association with the British during their occupation of Istanbul (19201923) and his being stigmatised as a Kurdish nationalist. 3

Ataturk's Secularist Reforms and the Baha 'i Response The reforms implemented after the announcement of the Turkish Republic on 29 October 1923 had the aim of a separation between state and religion. 4 Religion should be inferior to the secular state and controlled by it. The reforms (inkilablar, lit. 'revolutions') against religion, religious institutions and religious elements were: the abolition of the sultanate (1 November 1922), the caliphate (3 March 1924), and the 'Unification of Education' (Tevhid-i Tedrisat, same date), the hat/dress reform (25 November 1925); the closing down and prohibition of tekkes, zaviyes (both dervish lodges) and tiirbes (tombs of saints; 30 November 1925), adoption of the Swiss legal code (17 February 1926), the elimination of the paragraph in the constitution stating that the state religion of Turkey is Islam (16 April 1928), the adoption of the Latin alphabet (1 November 1928), the closure of Arabic and Persian classes at schools (1 September 1929), the Turkification of the call for prayer, ezan (18 July 1932), and change of the holy day from Friday to Sunday (1936). Although not directly religious, also the regional voting rights for women (3 April 1930) and full voting rights for women (5 December 1934) can be listed among those. 5

1 Zeki Arikan, 'Gazi Pa§a ile Dort Saat Görü§tük,' in Toplumsal Tarih, no. 136 (Nisan 2005), 98-103; Creel (PhD thesis), 26; idem, 'Abdullah Cevdet: A Father of Kemalism,' in: Journal of Turkish Studies, no. 1 (1980), 9-26. 9 Letter of Cevdet to his wife Fatma H a m m , cited in Hanioglu, Garbcilar 147. 3 Ibid. 4

For a detailed study, see G o t t h a r d J ä s c h k e , ' D e r Islam in der neuen T ü r k e i . Eine Rechtsgeschichtliche U n t e r s u c h u n g , ' in: Die Welt des Islams, New Ser., Vol. 1, Issue 1/2, (1951). 5

§erif Mardin, Türkiye'de Toplum ve Siyaset 185-86. See also, £ e t i n Ö z e k , Gericilik Akimlari ve Nurculugun igyüzii (Varlik: Istanbul, 1964), 72-73.

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The abolition of the sultanate and caliphate as political symbols of Islam was a p r o f o u n d revolution that meant to strip off its political dimension. With the removal of the paragraph in the first Te§kilat-i Kanunu

Esasiye

( ' C o n s t i t u t i o n , ' 1924) stating that the official state religion was

Islam, it lost its official status, and thus disconnected from the new identity of the Turkish Republic. The closure of the medreses Tevhid-i

Tedrisat

Kanunu

(seminaries) through the

( ' U n i f i e d Education L a w ' ) cut Islam off f r o m

those traditional educational institutions and closed the door for its intellectual development to some extent. The trusts ( v a k i f ) were at first under the aegis of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and T rusts. With the abolition of these ministries they were controlled by the political regime. This reform robbed Islam of its economic foundation and prevented its institutionalisation in society by eliminating the centuries old trusts as the traditional financial sources of Islam. By establishing the Umur-i changed to Diyanet

/§leri Bakanligi,

Diniye

Riyaseti,

(it later

i.e. Directorate of Religious Affairs) all

religious institutions, such as mosques, were under the control of the secular state. The closure and prohibition of dervish orders (tarikat), lodges ( t e k k e ) , and tombs of saints (ttirbe), all being elements of Volksislam

in Turkish

history,- and also that of Sufism,- externally signified the official eradication of an centuries old important religious and cultural institution of Islam and of the Muslim Turks and its dismissal f r o m the public sphere. However, in reality the Sufi orders were forced to work surreptitiously. The adoption of the Swiss legal code and the separation of the §eriat f r o m the penal code gave official Islam another deadly blow. Probably the most iconoclastic reform was the introduction of the Latin alphabet (1 N o v e m b e r 1928), replacing the Arabic-Persian script almost overnight, which isolated the people more and more f r o m their history. A glance at the newspapers f r o m N o v e m b e r to December 1928 is a visual proof of this transition f r o m the Arabic script to the Latin alphabet. T h e religious c o n s e r v a t i v e s w e r e v e h e m e n t l y o p p o s e d to these m e a s u r e s . A s early as 1925, f o r instance, § e y h Said, a leader of the Naqshbandi (Nak§ibendi) order rebelled against the state. This insurrection was a turning point and confirmed the officials in hardening their attitudes toward religion; all Sufi activities were forbidden. This was a setback not only to the well-organised Naqshbandi network but also to peaceful Sufi lodges such as the Mevlevi w h o were hindered f r o m convening their meditations in their places of worship. On the other hand it is important to note that

tekkes,

especially the Naqshbandi, were also hot-beds of clandestine opposition to secular r e f o r m s since the T a n z i m a t . T h e revolt of § e y h Said is a very good example because he was not only a religious leader and a celebrated Sufi

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shaykh but a Kurdish tribal leader, as well, and had extensive political and military powers; this combination made not only him but also other shaykhs capable of mobilising large masses which was a real threat for the secular regime. 1 The Kemalists grouped together all tarikats, be they reactionary (yobaz) or not and banned all in order to prevent potential armed opposition. However, this was also an overall weighty policy against religion. While it is true that tarikats were forbidden, they nevertheless existed underground. Thus Sufi tarikats survived until the relatively liberal multi-party era beginning in 1946. In a speech Mustafa Kemal stated (30 August 1925) that the aim of his revolutions was 'to bring the people of the Turkish Republic into a state of society entirely modern and completely civilized in spirit and form... and it is necessary to defeat those mentalities incapable of accepting this truth. In any case, the superstitions dwelling in the people's minds must be completely driven out, for as long as they are not expelled it will not be possible to bring the light of truth into men's minds.' 2 The Turkish society Atatiirk had envisioned was one that should be enlightened by science and not by an obscurantist Volksislam of Sufi §eyhs. He stated: I f l a t l y r e f u s e to b e l i e v e that t o d a y , in the l u m i n o u s p r e s e n c e of s c i e n c e , k n o w l e d g e , and civilization in all a s p e c t s , t h e r e exists, in the civilized c o m m u n i t y of T u r k e y , men so primitive as to seek their material and moral well-being f r o m the guidance of one or other §eyh... the Republic of T u r k e y c a n n o t be the land of §eyhs, dervishes, disciples, and lay brothers. T h e straightest, truest W a y ( t a r i k a t ) is the w a y of civilization. T o be a man, it is enough to d o what civilization requires. 3

The clause of the 1924 Constitution that declared Islam as the religion of the Turkish Republic was deleted in 1928 to pinpoint the secularist identity of the state. Only in 1937 secularism was added as a principle to the constitution. An effective tool for establishing official secularism until World War II was education. The traditional Islamic institutions of medreses were closed in 1924. They were later part of a new unified education system (,tevhid-i tedrisat) of public schools under the aegis of the Ministry of Education. In the same year the Faculty of Theology (ilahiyat) was created in the Darulfiinun (Istanbul University). Also, schools for training of imams and hatips (preachers) were set up but these and the Ilahiyat faculty did not take 1 Lale Yal^in-Heckmann, 'Ethnic Islam and Nationalism among the Kurds in Turkey,' in Richard Tapper, Islam in Modern Turkey: Religion, Politics and Literature in a Secular State (I.B. Tauris: London/N.Y., 1991), 103-120, esp. 103-06; Erik-Jan Ziircher, Turkey: a Modern History (I.B. Tauris: London/N.Y., 1993), 176-80. 2 Lewis, Emergence 404. 3 Cited in ibid. 404-405

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root. 1 Later, the number of the first was rcduced; the latter was closed down in 1933 and changed into an institution for Islamic research. At the third congress of the Cumhuriyetqi Halk Partisi (CHP) in 1931 it was decided that religion only concerned the individual conscience ( v i c d a n ) and religious education was the families' responsibility and not that of the state. Religion in primary and secondary school curricula were abolished in 1935 but reintroduced in 1948. The stages of the main reforms show that the Turkish Republic, in only a span of four years (1922-25), pushed Islam outside the public sphere, in order to deprive it of the political, economical, educational and other fields, and make it a private and individual matter of belief and worship. In addition, the new regime attempted to create a 'westernised,' 'reformed' and 'civilised' Islam according to the needs of a modern Turkish society. Attempts were made to give the mosques the appearance of European churches or to change the language of Islam from Arabic to Turkish, that is to say, to translate and recite the Qur'an in Turkish. At the end of this process a kind of 'Kemalist Islam' emerged, in other words, an Islam minimised to belief and worship rituals, created by the governing elite according to their desires and adopted by them. Before long it was accepted by the intellectuals in the cities, but not by the masses. It must be kept in mind that the official secularism or laicism that was propagated and took shape in the mid-war era, was not based on atheism. The Kemalist notion of religion was close to the Western ideal of piety, which concerned the inner life of a person. Religion was nothing to be shown in public except in places of worship or during religious ceremonies. Thus, the foundation of Kemalist religious policy was laicism and not irreligión. Its goal was to dethrone Islam, not to destroy it. Islam should be reduced to the role of religion in a modern and Western nation-state; the Kemalists tried to give their religion a more modern and national form. 2 Nevertheless, although the Kemalist regime never adopted a deep-rooted anti-Islamic policy, it was evident that it desired to bring to an end the power of organised Islam and break its grip on the minds and hearts of the Turkish people. 3 The reforms in the sphere of religious practices was strongly opposed but from 1937 until 1950 the call for prayer (ezan) was Turkish, instead of the Arabic Allahu Ekber the muezzin used the Turkish Tanri uludur. Overall, both orthodox and heterodox Islam were under heavy pressure from the secular regime. The ulema, previously an important group in the Ottoman

* Bahattin Ak§it, 'Islamic Education in Turkey: Medrese Reform in Late Ottoman Times and Imam-hatip Schools in the Republic,' in Tapper, ibid. 145-70. 2 Lewis, Emergence 406. 3 Ibid. 410.

2 0 2 D I S S E N T A N D H E T E R O D O X Y IN THE L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

bureaucracy were now dispersed. The same applied to the Sufi tarikats, though as noted above, they were active in secret. After the 1925 §eyh Said revolt there were also other rebellions by §eyhs in Eastern Anatolia. This prompted the Kemalists to act more harshly in order to suppress and control them. A famous event was the 'Menemen incident' on 23 December 1930, when a Naqshbandi shaykh proclaimed himself as the Mahdi 1 and his followers shouted 'We want the jeriat (shari'a)!' on the streets of the town Menemen near Izmir in Western Turkey and promised to restore the caliphate. In the course of the events the young officer Mustafa Fehmi Kubilay, who wanted to interfere, was beheaded before the eyes of the public and his head publicly exposed. 2 The Kemalist regime, in order to suppress rebellions motivated by religious orders and also to crack down on opposition from the press, arrested thousands and executed hundreds according to the Law of the Maintenance of Order and the Independence Tribunals (Takrir-i Siikun Kanunu ve Inkilab Mahkemeleri)? On a side note, §eyh Muhammed Esad Erbili, a Kurdish Sufi leader from Iraq, the main instigator of the 'Menemen incident' as identified by the Turkish government, was in contact with the Baha'i leaders in Baghdad. The Danish traveller and writer Carl Vett recorded his experiences at the KelamiNak§ibendi dervish order in Istanbul (1925) whose head was §eyh Esad. Vett briefly talks about the 'Bahaist Order' and quotes Esad saying that Baha'u'llah and his son 'Abdu'l-Baha visited him in Iraq: 'I liked Baha very much. He certainly had the noblest intentions and assured me that the aim of his teachings is to convey the truth of Islam to the other religions. While he presented himself as a personal manifestation of God, it was only a means to an end. In fact, we all are manifestations of God's might. I agree with the gist of his beliefs but humankind is not yet mature for it.' 4 This is another ' H a m i t B o z a r s l a n , ' L e m a h d i s m e en Turquie: L ' « i n c i d e n t de M e n e m e n » en 1930,' in: Mahdisme et millenarisme en Islam, Revue des M o n d e s M u s u l m a n s et de la Mediterranee (Edisud: Aix-En-Provence, 2000), 297-319. Caglar Kir^ak, Cumhuriyet'ten GUnümüze Gericilik, 4 vols. (Cumhuriyet: Istanbul, 2001), 4:710; For the original documentation such as the court minutes, see 'Kubilay Olayi,' BelgeNet, http://www .bei genet.com/1930/kubi lay-01 .html (19 December 2006); for an analysis of these much discussed Kemalist 'icons,' see Umut Azak, 'Continuity and change in the discourse on Turkish secularism (läiklik) 1946-1960'; paper presented at the conference "Recycling the Past" Congress, Mapping the Ideological Landscape of Turkey, Universiteit Leiden (The Netherlands), 21-22 June 2002, http://tulp.leidenuniv.nl/index.php3?c=42. The official history was challenged recently, stating that Kubilay's head was not cut off and that the new Kemalist regime exaggerated the event in order to establish the secular reforms; see, Aktüel ( w e e k l y magazine), 'Kubilay'in ba§i kesilmedi mi?,' 19-25 December 2005. 3 Kir 9 ak, 3:23-34. 4 ' B a h a gefiel mir sehr gut. Er hatte sicher die edelsten Absichten und versicherte mir, dass seine Lehre darauf ausginge, den a n d e r e n Religionen die Wahrheiten des Islams mitzuteilen. W e n n er sich als eine persönliche O f f e n b a r u n g Gottes ausgab, war das nur ein Mittel zum Ziel. R e c h t besehen sind wir ja alle O f f e n b a r u n g e n der Allmacht Gottes. Ich stimme in den Hauptpunkten mit seiner L e h r e überein, f ü r die die M e n s c h e n allerdings noch nicht reif sind'; Carl Vett, Seltsame Erlebnisse in einem Derwischkloster (Heitz & Co; Leipzig, 1931), 277; Vett talks a b o u t the B a b i s / B a h a ' i s on pp. 235-36 and 2 7 6 - 2 7 8 (Turkish translation: Dervi§ler Arasinda iki Hafta, Kaknüs: Istanbul, 2004). I thank Feray Co§kun for this reference.

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primary source indicating that B a h a ' u ' l l a h presented himself and his religion to outsiders as being within Islam. As discussed below, the a p p e a r a n c e of the B a h a ' i s in T u r k e y until the late 1920s was rather I s l a m i c , w h i c h lead authorities to think that the B a h a ' i s were a politically motivated religious group that needed to be kept under surveillance so as to prevent any activity against the secularisation process of the state. T h e secularisation of Turkey was not completed and continues to this day. P o s t - w a r T u r k e y allowed in the multi-party era (as of 1946) greater f r e e d o m of e x p r e s s i o n

of v a r i o u s

k i n d s of o p i n i o n , e v e n

religious.

Conservatives could speak out their enmity towards secularism and demanded Islamic restoration. Generally, the revival of Islam began in 1950 under the Demokrat

Parti

( D P ) lead by A d n a n M e n d e r e s as the Prime Minister, w h o

c o m p r o m i s e d with Islamic groups mainly for gaining votes in elections. A s a result, M e n d e r e s was blamed for creating disorder. T h e military c o u p in 1960 charged and hanged him in 1961. However, as of 1960 Islamic political parties were established and they were and are active today. Especially in the 1970s religious culture f l o u r i s h e d , more people - students, p r o f e s s i o n a l s in state bureaucracy and owners of big industrial corporations - were defending Islamic values. T h e y were better organised and better educated than ever. Because of the e f f e c t of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n

and t h e f l o w to the c i t i e s with

better

i n f r a s t r u c t u r e than the c o u n t r y s i d e , m a n y p e o p l e had better a c c e s s to education. 1 That m a n y returned to Islam showed to them that something must have gone wrong with the Kemalist project and this created an identity crisis. Since the late 19th/early 20th c e n t u r y m a n y intellectuals began a s c r i b i n g the backwardness of the Ottoman society to Islam. Another group of intellectuals thought that the cause of b a c k w a r d n e s s was not Islam but the Muslims. T h e polarisation in the T u r k i s h society into t w o g r o u p s m a n i f e s t s itself even today: the modernists/vvesternists and the conservatives/Muslim traditionalists. It is a constant discussion between progressive and reactionary, modern and b a c k w a r d , c o s m o p o l i t a n a n d n a t i o n a l i s t , laicist and

Muslim/religious,

K e m a l i s t a n d shari ' « - u p h o l d i n g groups, and is actually a clash of classes. Whereas the first groups represent the city elites, the second comprises people f r o m the countryside. T h u s this d i c h o t o m y gave birth to ' t w o T u r k e y s ' with ' t w o Islams.' This serious problem is regarded as being rooted in the Kemalist a p p r o a c h to r e l i g i o n : under the s w a y of the m a t e r i a l i s t p h i l o s o p h y of positivism the T u r k i s h R e p u b l i c declared its O t t o m a n past as an e n e m y and inaugurated its policy of secularism by rejecting any link to it -

1

Cf. §erif Mardin, TUrkiye'de

Din ve Siyaset,

the

Makaleler 3 (Ileti§im: Istanbul, 1999), 137-40.

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'refutation of heritage' (redd-i miras). This revealed itself as the official ideology, 'a radical laicism,' that should in fact replace religion. 1 Yet, many issues between Kemalists and Islamists were reduced in the course of past decades, official secularism developed and is firmly rooted in all legal levels. In this light, the §eriat is not an alternative to state ideology. Islamists contend that §2 in the Turkish constitution, the principle of secularism, obstructs religious liberty and is against the democratic spirit. Under the Kemalist regime religion was granted freedom and protection, provided that it was not utilised or abused to promote any social or political ideology with institutional implications. 2 Hence, 'to understand the Kemalist secularism as a matter of separating church and state is also erroneous and i r r e l e v a n t . ' 3 In the light of this we can infer that Kemalism is not a movement of imitation. Atatiirk took the modern and civilised West as a model but did not blindly imitate it. He positioned Turkey's needs with a historical consciousness and in the light of painful lessons of the past. Atatiirk's laicism is unlike the dogmatic French model. Even if the Directorate of Religious Affairs in Turkey is contrary to an absolute laicism, it is appropriate for Turkey's needs because her people are mostly pious and Kemalism is not anti-religious. It is against any kind of bigotry and superstitions and the perversion of religion in general and the abuse of Islam by greedy sellers of religion. As a result, the state took on the role of a guardian.4 While the position and fate of Islamic institutions and orders in the Turkish secularisation process has been an area under discussion by historians, there is no study of the Baha'i religion in the light of these developments. Consequently, we may ask what the status the Baha'i community was in the early years of the Turkish Republic. Were they treated in the same way as in the last century of the Ottoman Empire? How do Baha'i writings interpret the transition from Empire to Republic? And, how are the reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk viewed? Were the Baha'is also victims of Atatiirk's decrees regarding religion? And finally, how was the Kemalist regime's treatment of the Baha'is perceived by themselves? We have already referred to the Baha'i interpretation of the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in the context of Heilsgeschichte in a previous chapter. Along the same lines of providential or teleological

' A h m e t Ya§ar Ocak, Tiirkler, Tiirkiye (lleti ? im: Istanbul, 2000), 132-38. 2 Berkes, 479-503. 3 Ibid. 499. 4

Tiirkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin

ve Islam:

Temei ilkelerinden

Yakla§im,

Yontem

ve Yorum

Làiklik (Panel, Ankara 1987), 12.

Denemeleri

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history, 1 Shoghi Effendi wrote about the developments during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey. In his view, the end of 'shameful a reign,' i.e. that of Sultan Abdiilhamid II, although hailed as the beginning of a more promising time, only proved to be a witness to the total collapse of the already 'ramshackle and worm-eaten state.' Sultan Mehmed V who reigned under the Young Turk regime, was 'an absolute nonentity' and incapable of improving the situation. Vahideddin (Mehmed VI), 'the last of the twenty-five successive degenerate sultans,' was no better. 2 Shoghi Effendi blames the institutions of caliphate and sultanate as the 'two sinister forces' of the 'effete theocracy' which had inflicted upon the Baha'i religion 'the deadliest blows' in its early developing years in the Ottoman Empire. He ascribes their overthrow to this fact, thus linking it to divine retribution. Another statement of Shoghi Effendi in this context is the following: T h e e d i f i c e of the e m p i r e was n o w q u a k i n g and tottering to its fall. M u s t a f a Kamal dealt it the final blows. T u r k e y , that had already shrunk to a small Asiatic state, became a republic. T h e sultan w a s deposed, the O t t o m a n Sultanate w a s ended, a rulership that had remained unbroken f o r six and a half centuries w a s extinguished. ... C o n s t a n t i n o p l e itself, which, a f t e r the fall of B y z a n t i u m , had been h o n o r e d as the s p l e n d i d m e t r o p o l i s of the R o m a n Empire, and had been made the capital of the O t t o m a n g o v e r n m e n t , was a b a n d o n e d by its conquerors, and stripped of its p o m p and glory - a mute reminder of the base tyranny that had for so long stained its throne.-'

Mustafa Kemal pursued with uncompromising and 'exemplary vigor' the secularisation of the State. In the wake of this process religious institutions and orders, which were the breeding grounds of political intrigue, were closed down. All were submitted to Mustafa Kemal's investigations, 'his dictatorial edicts, his severe judgments.' Shoghi Effendi remarks that only the Baha'is 'escaped the trenchant axe of the pitiless reformer.' 4 He calls Ataturk's swift process of secularisation that aimed at a westernised and rejuvenated Turkey a 'momentous Revolution.' 5 In one of his Persian letters, reviewing the events in Turkey, Shoghi Effendi writes that 'a revolution ( i n q i l a b i ) beyond comparison in modern history has occurred in the heart of that land [i.e. in Istanbul]' and that the hand of divine will (yad-i mashiyyat-i ilahiyya) sent a heroic individual (shakhs-i basili) from among the Muslim community itself and produced a powerful person ( n a f s - i muqtadiri) from ' Jack McLean, 'Shoghi Effendi's view of providential history in light of the Judaeo-Christian tradition,' in Baha'i Studies Review 13 (2005), 41-58. 2 PDIC 65. 3 PDIC 64. 4 Baha'i Administration (henceforth BA; Baha'i Publishing Trust: Wilmette/Ill., 1974), 151. 5 Ibid. 165.

206 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E among the Ottomans who with the power of his arm effaced the roots of the Ottoman dynasty, humiliated the rulers of that family and wiped out the foundations of their invincible sovereignty and outward splendour and brought to end the spiritual power of the caliphate. 1 Clearly, Shoghi Effendi's analysis is intended to assure the Baha'is that the sultans were punished by the 'God-sent' Mustafa Kemal because of their wrongs in the name of Islam and since they persecuted B a h a ' u ' l l a h unjustly. At the same time Ataturk's role in monitoring the activities of the B a h a ' i s was, as we will see below in the next section, to establish the independence of their religion f r o m Islam. In this respect the B a h a ' i s in the first years of the Turkish Republic did not escape the 'policy of ceaseless vigilance' 2 of the new secular regime; they were, however, not ruthlessly persecuted. Always fearful of subversive religious groups, the Kemalists conducted a close investigation of the activities of the Baha'is in Izmir (Smyrna) and Istanbul in 1928. It was apparently the first of its kind after the ' B a h a ' i trial' of Abdullah Cevdet, during which Baha'i communities were exposed to public attention. This will be discussed based on contemporary newspaper reports and Shoghi E f f e n d i ' s interpretation.

Baha'is under the Scrutiny of the Kemalist

State

Already at the end of the First World W a r the representatives of the National Independence A r m y (Kemalist movement) in Istanbul are said to have regarded the Baha'is as a fairly inactive but as a dangerous group. 3 In 1918 the activities of a Baha'i named Molla Ahmed Effendi (£elebi), a Muslim cleric in H a y m a n a near Ankara, were viewed with suspicion by the local government. It was reported that while Ahmed Effendi was regarded as a true Muslim, he adhered to Babism. H e tried to spread this religion but was not successful. Only a f e w individuals were targets of his missionary activities. Supposedly, he did not have enough courage or feared attacks. Even this much religious propaganda was the cause of excitement a m o n g the local people and reached the capital of Ankara. The governor of Haymana, Ali Kemali Bey, considered A h m e d E f f e n d i ' s activities as insignificant but received orders f r o m Ankara to investigate the matter. A h m e d Effendi was interrogated by Ali Kemali Bey. According to the lattter's memoirs, the Baha'i returned to Islam, probably out ' Shoghi Effendi, dated January 1929, in Tawqi'at-i Mubaraka 1927-1939 (Mu'assassa-yi Matbu'at-i Amri: Tehran, B E 129/1972-73), 109; at http://reference.bahai.or?/fa/t/se/TM2/tm2134.html. My thanks to Ruhullah Rafat for this reference. 2

Shoghi Effendi, BA 166.

3

Tiirkinkilap

Tarihi Enstitiisii Argivi, 39-13963; see Fettahoglu, 21-23.

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of fear and left the 'misleading sect' (dalalet mezhebi).'

This, however, is

only one side of the story since Baha'i descendants of Ahmed Effendi say that he remained an active Baha'i until the end of his life. 2 This episode shows how anxious the authorities were to prevent activities of even one m e m b e r of a 'subversive g r o u p ' ; at the same time it reveals that a Baha'i could be a Muslim, even an imam, at the same time since m e m b e r s h i p issues were not settled yet. The next time the Turkish B a h a ' i s were exposed to public attention was in late 1928, during the early years of the Republic of Turkey. 3 Several leading newspapers, already full of information on reactionary or dissident groups, reported extensively on their cover pages the discovery of the 'secret Baha'i society.' It was first reported on 9 October 1928 that the police in Izmir discovered a secret committee named ' B a h a i y y e ' with its centre in Istanbul, its chairman being a certain Nuri Bey ( £ e l e b i ) , the deputy Serkis (Tomasyan), the secretary Mecdettin ( £ e l e b i , later i n a n ) 4 and its treasurer A h m e d E m i n . 5 T h e result of the investigation was that this was a religious committee and had political commitments. It propagated this by distributing pamphlets in cities and villages near Izmir, like in Manisa, and has contacts wkh America. The Baha'is regarded themselves as 'a group of well-wishers following the true human ideal.' 6 Milliyet

informed its readers that several

B a h a ' i s were arrested in Izmir and transferred to the Department of Justice. Other members in Istanbul faced the same treatment. Letters, a photograph and other documents were confiscated. These Baha'is used the watchword

(parola)

'Allahu A b h a ' to greet each other and in their c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . 7 It was moreover discovered that the 'secret Baha'i society' (hafiBahai

cemiyeti)

had

its headquarters in Istanbul. The Izmir and Istanbul police interrogated several

1 Ahmet Turan Alkan, ' 1 9 1 8 H a y m a n a ' s i n d a Bir Bahai,' Tarih ve Toplum (Nisan 1988), 227229; the source of this episode are the memoirs of Ali Kemali Bey. 2 See Neyir Oz§uca, Turkiye'de Bahai'ler (Ankara, 1997), 74-77. According to the information f r o m one of his grandchildren, he was born towards the end of the 1850s in the town of Sanandaj in Northern Iraq (Kurdistan). A f t e r his education in Halab (Syria) and his marriage he moved to Haymana, near Ankara, where he was an imam. In 1913 he left for Egypt where he heard about the B a h a ' i faith. Later he visited ' A b d u ' l - B a h a in Haifa. At the orders of ' A b d u ' I - B a h a , A h m e d Effendi returned to Haymana to spread the Baha'i faith but at the same time remained in his position as imam. I a m grateful to Yusuf (Jelebi for these details; private communication, 15 February 2002. aJ For a summary, see M o m e n , BBR 474-75. 4

He and Nuri Bey were sons of the probably first Turkish Baha'i, f e l e b i Okke§ Effendi f r o m Antep (d. 1916), w h o had met B a h a ' u ' l l a h in ' A k k a in the 1870s; see Cemil Bilecen, Gaziantep'de Bahailigin Ba$langici ve Tarihi Hatirasi (National Spiritual Assembly of Turkey: Istanbul(?), 1976), 3-4; Oz§uca, 106-108. For Mecdettin (nan's life, see The Baha'i World (¡963-1968), vol. 14 (Baha'i World Centre: Haifa, 1974), 348-349. ^ See photograph of the members of the 'Local Spiritual A s s e m b l y ' in this book taken on 9 October 1928 (courtesy of the Turkish National Baha'i Archives, Istanbul). ikdam, 9 October 1928, p.l 7 Milliyet, 9 October 1928, p.2 6

208 D I S S E N T AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E leading Baha'is. According to their statements, the number of the B a h a ' i s in Istanbul exceeded one hundred. More Baha'is were in America and very active in making propaganda. T h e y also sent the B a h a ' i lady M a r t h a R o o t 1 to Istanbul for this purpose. Furthermore, it is stated that B a h a ' i s m was a sect founded by an Iranian called ' A h m e d B a h a ' i , ' whose identity is not clear. He had gone to America and founded a committee, attracted many followers and established a vast organisation. The Baha'is published pamphlets in America, as well. Despite these investigations the police were not able to be certain about facts. Emin Ali, who (as discussed above) had published a series of articles on B a h a ' i s m some years before, was interviewed in this matter. H e stated that the B a h a ' i principles r e p r e s e n t n o t h i n g but the ideals of Freemasonry and that the objectives are ideas like universal education, the abolition of the w o m e n ' s veil, and equal rights for women and men. In Emin A l i ' s opinion B a h a ' i s m had no political nature and he was not informed that they wanted to establish a secret organisation. T h e thought that the B a h a ' i s wanted to establish a new religion he refused as impossible and nonsense. 2 Abdullah Cevdet is reported to have said in connection with the arrest of the Baha'is: ' D o n ' t involve m e in such matters. I am not interested in this! They can do whatever they want, it is none of my b u s i n e s s ! ' 3 It may be that his trial hade made him feel alienated from the Baha'i religion and the community. A m o n g the interrogated B a h a ' i s was the Armenian dentist Dr. Serkis T o m a s y a n . 4 H e said: ' B a h a ' i s m is no organisation... I am a B a h a ' i , not a m e m b e r of any organisation. B a h a ' i s m was established for the happiness of humankind and is a system similar to Freemasonry.' Mirza A b b a s Effendi, another B a h a ' i , stated: ' W e do not belong to an organisation. B a h a ' i s m is a religion. W e are sure that we will not be persecuted because of this matter in T u r k e y , which is a secular republic. B a h a ' i s m is not only widespread in Turkey but all over the world.' The Baha'is who were subjected to persecution b e c a u s e they started activities without obtaining the permission f o r the registration of their committee, stated that they deemed the official permission for B a h a ' i s m , which is a religion, as not necessary. 5

1 Root is regarded as one of the foremost promoters of the Baha'i faith among notables all over the world; see, Shoghi Effendi, GPB 386. 2 Cumhuriyet, 10 October 1928, p.l; Ikdam, 10 October 1928, p. 1; Milliyet, 10 October 1928, p. 1 and 2. 3 Son Saat, 10 October 1928, p. 2: 'Beni boyle meselelere kari§tirmayin. Boyle i§e giremem! Ne yaparlarsa yapsinlar, bana ne?' The only information on him is that he published a small book with the title Bahailik Hareketi (Keteon: Istanbul, 1930) and that he died around 1938; see, Oz§uca, 16. 5 Cumhuriyet, 11 October 1928, p.l.

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T o m a s y a n f u r t h e r stated: 'I w a s not and a m n o t h e a d of a n y s e c r e t c o m m i t t e e . W e a r e not f o l l o w e r s of a c o m m i t t e e but of a religion. B a h a ' i s m is a religion... N e i t h e r d o w e h a v e special a i m s , nor secret a m b i t i o n s ... O u r B a h a ' i religion a d v i s e s us t o m a i n t a i n ties with a n d a b s o l u t e o b e d i e n c e to g o v e r n m e n t s w h i c h s e c u r e j u s t i c e and f r e e d o m . O u r R e p u b l i c a n G o v e r n m e n t is j u s t and f r e e d o m l o v i n g . T h e r e f o r e it is a law that the f o l l o w e r s of o u r religion are o b l i g e d to s h o w c o m p l e t e o b e d i e n c e . ' F r o m the s t a t e m e n t s of the i n t e r r o g a t e d B a h a ' i s the p o l i c e d e d u c e d that t h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e that they f o l l o w any secret a m b i t i o n s . T h e B a h a ' i s w e r e released but they w e r e a c c u s e d of not h a v i n g o b t a i n e d the g o v e r n m e n t ' s p e r m i s s i o n f o r the c o m m i t t e e , w h i c h w a s an o f f e n c e . 1 T h e first trial of the B a h a ' i g r o u p s in I z m i r a n d Istanbul e n d e d a b o u t 13 D e c e m b e r 1928. T h e verdict p a s s e d o n the B a h a ' i s w a s that they had to pay a f i n e of 2 5 Liras b e c a u s e they h a d o r g a n i s e d t h e m s e l v e s w i t h o u t the p e r m i s s i o n of the g o v e r n m e n t . 2 In Shoghi E f f e n d i ' s a c c o u n t of the e v e n t s w e read that the B a h a ' i s w e r e not a l a r m e d w h a t s o e v e r d e s p i t e the s e a r c h i n g of their h o m e s , the c o n f i s c a t i o n of B a h a ' i literature, their c o n f i n e m e n t f o r t w e n t y - f o u r h o u r s in the p o l i c e h e a d q u a r t e r s and the severity of their interrogation, their faith w a s not s h a k e n . In his a n a l y s i s , t h e s e f i r s t p e r s e c u t i o n s w e r e a u s e f u l m e a n s to m a k e the B a h a ' i religion k n o w n a m o n g o f f i c i a l s in T u r k e y . T h e e x a m i n e r s w e r e d e e p l y i m p r e s s e d with the i n n o c e n t B a h a ' i s a n d e x p r e s s e d their wish to learn m o r e about their faith. It w a s a w e l c o m e d opportunity f o r the B a h a ' i s to e x t e n s i v e l y p u b l i c i s e their b e l i e f s . T h e n e w s p a p e r a r t i c l e s in I s t a n b u l a n d o t h e r cities served this p u r p o s e , c a u s i n g ' a w a v e of p u b l i c interest, criticism and inquiry [that] has been s w e e p i n g o v e r the s u r f a c e of the l a n d . ' R e f e r e n c e is m a d e to n e w s p a p e r reports in the n e i g h b o u r i n g states that g a v e publicity to the B a h a ' i religion on a large scale. O n e e x a m p l e of reports in f o r e i g n n e w s p a p e r s c o m e s f r o m The

Times:

The Smyrna police have discovered a group of Turks, Armenians, and Persians who had formed a secret society with the object of continuing the religious practices in vogue in the days of the Sultans. This society is apparently only one branch of an organization having its headquarters in Constantinople, which is definitely hostile to the present Government and is suspected of being in touch with the Turkish refugees in Europe and America.- 5

1 2 3

ikdam, 11 October 1928, p.l; Milliyet, 11 October 1928, 1. See the reports of the abovementioned newspapers from 10-14 December 1928. The Times, 9 October 1928, p. 15; see Momen, BBR 474.

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D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E LATE O T T O M A N E M P I R E

Despite the fact that The Times asserted that the Baha'i organisation is 'definitely hostile' to the Turkish government, after this procedure the same government proclaimed the innocence of the Baha'i religion, 'lifting up the ban that now so oppressively weighs upon religious institutions in Turkey.' 1 But this trial was only a prelude to more extensive inquiry into the Baha'i position regarding the laws of the Kemalist regime. After the release of the Baha'is and the assurance by the police that their faith has no political aims, they were summoned a short while later before the State's Criminal Tribunal. The charge was that the Baha'is violated the law of the Republic that required the registration and authorisation of any public geatherings and organisations within the jurisdiction of the Turkish State. The Baha'is obeyed and appeared before the Tribunal. This time they emphasized the innocence of the Baha'i religion and vindicated the spiritual nature of Baha'u'llah's teachings. For this, the Baha'is sought the help of a lawyer who would support their argument from a legal point of view. This was a certain Husameddin Bey who defended the Baha'is and expressed that no secret society exists. 2 During a span of more than two weeks the attention of all those present at the court was focused on the conduct and motives of the Baha'is, as well as, on the history, teachings and present position of their faith. This way, the Baha'is had the chance they had never had before to talk to the state officials about aspects of the Baha'i religion, which they had had to dissimulate and put aside because of 'the terrors of a suspicious autocracy.' Apparently, the official defense statement of the chairman Nuri Bey, read at the Court, convinced the judges to take the decision that the Baha'is were not a political group. Shoghi Effendi cites his statement (in French) about the essentials of the Baha'i religion on 'that historic occasion.' He adds that he was assured by a letter addressed to him by the chairman of the Istanbul Assembly that 'the sessions of the Court were dignified in their proceedings, sublime in the presentation of the ideals of the Cause, and representative in the character of their attendants.' 3 Two other factors led according to Shoghi Effendi to the successful conclusion of the proceedings. The first was the participation of a 'noted Turkish publicist and author whose expressed sympathy for the [Baha'i] Cause had identified him with the group of the suspected believers' (probably Abdullah Cevdet). The second contribution to the trial was the connection with Queen Mary of Romania. 4 Her public praises of the Baha'i religion and 1

BA 151-52; See Milliyet, 9 December 1928, p. 1. 3 BA 166-68. 4 Delia L. Marcus, Her Eternal Crown: Queen Marie of Romania and the Baha'i Faith (George Ronald: Oxford, 2001). 2

FROM

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211

REPUBLIC

her personal m e s s a g e to the Istanbul B a h a ' i s were d i s c o v e r e d a m o n g the confiscated papers of the B a h a ' i s and were a good means to add f o r c e to their position. 1 In Shoghi E f f e n d i ' s opinion the newspapers reported the details of the Turkish g o v e r n m e n t ' s interrogation in 'extravagant l a n g u a g e ' that stressed the publicity and encouraged the Tribunal to j u d g e this issue with 'scrupulous impartiality.' T h e final verdict was declared on 13 D e c e m b e r 1928: it w a s established that the B a h a ' i religion was of divine origin and its teachings suited the present age. In c o n c l u s i o n , Shoghi E f f e n d i remarks: 'It will be admitted that this recognition on the part of the authorities would have never been so speedily secured had the representatives of the believers proceeded through the ordinary and official channels to obtain such a recognition f r o m their g o v e r n m e n t . ' 2 In the light of Shoghi E f f e n d i ' s analysis, the persecutions were a blessing in disguise through which the truth of the B a h a ' i religion was vindicated. Later, upon arrests of Turkish B a h a ' i s in 1933 charged f o r subversive motives, Shoghi E f f e n d i wrote to Prime Minister i s m e t Inonii the f o l l o w i n g cable (28 January 1933) in which he asked f o r the release of the B a h a ' i s in Adana and Istanbul: ' H i s Excellency Ismat Pasha, Ankara - A s Head of Baha'i Faith learned with a m a z e m e n t and grief imprisonment followers of B a h a ' u ' l l a h in Stamboul and A d a n a . Respectfully appeal your E x c e l l e n c y ' s intervention on behalf followers of a Faith pledged loyalty to your government for whose epochal reforms its adherents world over cherish abiding a d m i r a t i o n . ' 3 T h e s e B a h a ' i s were released in April through the e f f o r t s of A m e r i c a n B a h a ' i s w h o appealed to the Turkish A m b a s s a d o r ; in addition, the verdict of the Criminal Court had given in the 1928 case was cited. Martha

Root,

who

interviewed

many

royal

personages

and

4

distinguished f i g u r e about the B a h a ' i religion in m a n y countries, also visited ' K e u p r u l u z a d e ' [sic, Kopriiliizade] M e h m e d Fuad, the f a m o u s professor of history and religion at the Istanbul University in 1929. In o n e of her articles 5 she praised Atattirk by saying that he very courageously ' h a s contributed a mighty forward impulse to world understanding, to the union of the East and the West,' in order that there ' m a y be genuine f r e e thinking and f r e e d o m f o r all 1 BA 166-68; This is also mentioned in Milliyet, 9 December 1928, p. 1; for a summary of the trial in Persian and the events surrounding it, see Shoghi Effendi, Tawqi'at (1927-1939) 111-13; at http://reference.bahai.Org/fa/t/se/TM2 2

BA 169. Ruhiyyih Rabbani, The Priceless Pearl (a biography of Shoghi Effendi by his wife; Baha'i Publishing Trust: London, 1969), 318; see also Shoghi Effendi, Tawql'at-iMubaraka 1922-1948 (Mu'assassa-i Milli-yi M a t b u ' a t - i Amri: Tehran, BE 130/1973-74), 123-24; at http.V/reference. bahai .org/fa/t/se/T M3/tm3-171 .html J

4

Shoghi Effendi, GPB 388. Martha Root, 'Appreciations of the Baha'i Movement,' in The Baha'i 1932 (N.Y.: Baha'i Publishing Committee 1933), 429-434.

5

World, vol. IV, 1930-

212

DISSENT AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

r e l i g i o n s . ' 1 While interviewing Kopriiliizade, she asked him 'if modern spiritual movements are all admitted now in Turkey, such for example as the Baha'i Religion.' His reply was that ' O u r government is now entirely like other governments of Europe and like the United States. Now everybody is entirely free as regards his doctrines of faith. Our Theological Faculty is not a propaganda faculty of official religions of Turkey, but it is a scientific study of all religions. In C o m p a r a t i v e Religions we study all with scientific methods.' 2

Atatiirk and the Baha 'i Religion Oral history, or in fact Baha'i lore, has a significant role in the history of the early Turkish B a h a ' i c o m m u n i t y , and within it is s o m e alleged information with regard to the 'influence' of Baha'i ideas on Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk's thoughts and reforms. So it is said that, without evidence, Atatiirk communicated with ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , that he secretly read with his Ismet Bey (Ismet Inonii) 3 a translation f r o m French into Turkish by Sulhi D o n m e z e r (a renowned professor of law) of a book about Leo Tolstoy and the B a h a ' i religion 4 and that when Mustafa Kemal was commander of the army in Syria (1918), he was influenced by Baha'i ideas spread by ' A b d u ' l - B a h a in Haifa. According to the Turkish Baha'i Haydar Dirioz (whose father Abdiilkadir Dirioz 5 was one of the early B a h a ' i s of Turkey), Turkish officers who passed the town of Birecik - that had one of the first Baha'i c o m m u n i t i e s - in Southeastern Turkey on their way back f r o m Syria, were seen entering a coffeehouse with raised hands and exclaiming " A b d u ' l - B a h a is the greatest!' (En biiyuk

Abdiilbahaf).

A pilgrim note 6 relates that during the War of Independence a Turkish Baha'i visited 'Abdu'l-Baha in Haifa. He asked about Turkey's situation and 1 2

Ibid. 430. Ibid. 430-31.

3

Atatiirk's close friend who f o u g h t with him during the National Liberation War; he was the second head of state and after Atatiirk's death president of Turkey until 1950. On inonii, see Metin Heper, ismet Inonii: the Making of a Turkish Stateman (Brill: Leiden, 1988). 4 N o reference whatsoever could be found on this. 5 He wrote a history of the early Baha'i community of Turkey, titled A History of the Baha'i Faith in Birecik and Memories (the Turkish title is not provided). Other books he wrote are, The Promised One of all Nations and Isbat-i Uluhiyyet ("Proofs of the Existence of G o d " ) . He furthermore translated John Esslemont's Baha'u'llah and the New Era and Mirza A b u ' l - F a d l ' s Kitab al-Fara'id into Ottoman Turkish; see The Baha'i World, vol. XIV, 332. 6 A 'pilgrim note' in Baha'i terminology is a record by a Baha'i having visited the head of the c o m m u n i t y , B a h a ' u ' l l a h , ' A b d u ' l - B a h a or Shoghi Effendi in Haifa, and written down their utterances. T h e s e texs do not constitute 'holy scripture' and thus are not authoritative for Baha'is.

FROM

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TO

213

R E P U B L I C

the Baha'i answered that Mustafa Kemal Pasha was fighting for the salvation of h i s c o u n t r y . ' A b d u ' l - B a h a is t h e n r e p o r t e d t o h a v e s a i d ' H e is a g r e a t c o m m a n d e r , h e is a b r a v e c o m m a n d e r ' a n d t o h a v e e x c l a i m e d t h r e e t i m e s ' H e will b e v i c t o r i o u s ! ' ( O muzaffer

olacaktir!

...)•'

A t a n o t h e r i n s t a n c e , a s it w a s r e l a t e d by a n o t h e r T u r k i s h B a h a ' i , w h e n M u s t a f a K e m a l , w h o d i s l i k e d c l e r i c s , w a s v i s i t i n g t h e e n v i r o n s of A n k a r a , w h i c h h e h a d p r o c l a i m e d a s t h e c a p i t a l of T u r k e y , h e w i s h e d t o m e e t t h e a b o v e m e n t i o n e d B a h a ' i A h m e d E f f e n d i . T h e latter w a s a d m i r e d by the p e o p l e of t h a t a r e a a n d h a d a p o s i t i v e i n f l u e n c e o n t h e m . H e w a s b r o u g h t t o M u s t a f a K e m a l ' s presence, and was asked about the latter's reforms. T h e a n s w e r s A h m e d E f f e n d i g a v e impressed M u s t a f a K e m a l very m u c h and caused him to s a y t o t h o s e p r e s e n t a t t h e g a t h e r i n g t h a t s u c h e n l i g h t e n e d c l e r i c s a r e n e e d e d in the n e w Turkish R e p u b l i c . 2 Yet the m o s t important link, a c c o r d i n g to Turkish B a h a ' i s . between A t a t u r k a n d t h e B a h a ' i r e l i g i o n is a s t a t e m e n t b y h i m in h i s f a m o u s (Nutuk)

Speech

d e l i v e r e d in 1 9 2 7 . A t a t u r k , a d d r e s s i n g t h e m e m b e r s of T u r k i s h G r a n d

National A s s e m b l y , said: G e n t l e m e n , w e cannot deny that it is a pleasant notion to bring to r e a l i s a t i o n the p r e r e q u i s i t e s of an ' U n i t e d States of E a r t h ' in w h i c h h u m a n i t y i n c r e a s e s in e x p e r i e n c e , k n o w l e d g e and t h o u g h t , l e a v e s aside Christianity, Islam and B u d d h i s m , f o u n d s a simplified, pure and unsullied universal religion that is c o m p r e h e n s i b l e for all, by r e c o g n i s i n g that all human beings lived hitherto in a s w a m p of filthiness and quarrels, coarse desires and appetites, and decides to eliminate the germs of w i c k e d n e s s that poison the bodies and minds.^ For the Turkish Baha'is 'a simplified, pure and unsullied

universal

r e l i g i o n ' is i n d u b i t a b l y t h e B a h a ' i r e l i g i o n . A t a t u r k c e r t a i n l y k n e w a b o u t t h e B a h a ' i r e l i g i o n . F i r s t l y , b e c a u s e o f A b d u l l a h C e v d e t ' s trial a n d

secondly,

t h r o u g h t h e c a s e of t h e B a h a ' i s in I z m i r a n d I s t a n b u l , a n d l a t e r in t h e

early

' For these and similar Baha'i lore, see Ihsan Karakelle, 'Bahai Prensipleri ve Ataturk Inkilaplari' (Baha'i Principles and Atatiirk's Reforms), 29.2.1987(7), unpublished; for a nonBaha'i criticism of these, see Ahmed Fettahoglu, '"Yiice Adalet Evi"nin Sakinleri: Bahailer,' Tarih ve Du^unce, §ubat (February) 2000, 12-23. 2 Oz§uca, 77. ^ 'Baylar, biitiin insanhgin gorgii, bilgi ve du§unu§te yiikselip olgunla§masi, Hiristiyanliktan, Muslumanliktan, Budizm'den vazge$erek yalinla$tirilmi$ ve herkes igin anla^ilacak bir duruma getirilmi§, ari ve lekesiz, evrensel bir dinin kurulmasi ve insanlarin, §imdiye dek, kavgalar pislikler, kaba istek ve egilimler arasinda bir batakhkta ya§adiklarim kabul ederek, biitun govdeleri ve uslan agulayan kotiiltik etkenlerini ortadan kaldirmaya karar vermesi gibi kogullarm ger§ekle§mesini gerektiren "Birle§ik Diinya Devleti" kurma diigiinun tath oldugunu yadsjyacak degiliz'; Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Soylev (Nutuk), vols. I-II (modern Turkish by Hifzi V. Velidedeoglu; C'agda^ Yaymlari: Istanbul, 1995), 350, emphasis added. The idea of a 'United States of Earth' is taken by Ataturk from the British historian and author H. G. Wells' Short History of Mankind; see Ataturk, 349. According to Karakelle (see footnote 815), Wells was a Baha'i. However, there is no evidence for this.

214

D I S S E N T A N D H E T E R O D O X Y IN THE L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

1930s in other cities, 1 which all occurred under his directives. However, these 'Baha'i hadiths' about the Baha'i influence on Ataturk contain far-fetched assertions with little evidence. Interestingly, at the same time as the Baha'is were tried in Izmir and Istanbul in 1928, The Times wrote about Atatiirk's reforms in the religious sphere and speculated about what would happen after the abolition of Islam in Turkey and which religion would replace it: ... for some time past there has been an ever-growing belief a m o n g Turkish people that the Moslem religion may be abolished in Turkey. No utterance to this e f f e c t has been f o r t h c o m i n g f r o m C h a m k a y a [sic, ("ankay a | (the Ghazi P a s h a ' s 2 residence near Angora [Ankara|), but it is felt that the language reform may prove to have been only the forerunner to another and yet mightier change. It is, of course, hardly likely that the Ghazi Pasha - in spite of the startling and successful reforms which he has so far accomplished - will interfere in religion unless he is absolutely certain that such a step would be popular a m o n g the more important elements in the country, f o r the abolition of Islam in Turkey would certainly far transcend in importance and gravity all the changes hitherto effected. Nor is anything at present known as to what kind of religion would take the place of Islam. Would it be a form of Protestant Christianity, or would it be an entirely new faith. In any case there is a feeling abroad that there will be more changes, even though they may not come in the near future.'-'

The desire for change in society and 'for the good of mankind' was also cherished by the renowned Swiss scientist August Forel, who became a Baha'i. 4 He had been in contact with 'Abdu'l-Baha 5 and communicated with Shoghi Effendi. Forel took Mustafa Kemal's famous 'Speech' (Nutuk) as an opportunity and wrote to Ataturk. He proposed to him the study of the Baha'i religion and went even beyond that: Your Excellency, If I am so audacious as to write you directly, it is because I read in our 'Droit du Peuple' a résumé of your splendid talk during six days, three hours each morning and each afternoon. This résumé fired me with enthusiasm.

1 See the issues of the newspaper Ak$am of 25 Te§rin-i Sani (November) 1932, p. 6, and 8 Subat (February) 1933, p. 2, on arrests of Baha'is in Adana and Istanbul. A title of Ataturk. Gazi or ghazi in Arabic means 'religious (Islamic) warrior'; he and his comrades were given the title after the National Liberation War, when Turkey was freed from its enemies - a paradoxical title when one considers Atatiirk's secularism. 3

'Turks and Islam: Proposal to celebrate Christmas,' The Times, 13 October 1928, p. 13. John-Paul Vader, For the Good of Mankind: August Forel and the Baha'i Faith (George Ronald: Oxford, 1984).

4

5

Shoghi Effendi, GPB 307 and 375; Balyuzi, •Abdu'l-Baha

448-49.

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E M P I R E

TO

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215

In addition, a progressive n e w s p a p e r of Istanbul published, about t w o years ago, an impartial Turkish translation of an article, in G e r m a n , which I had written in the ' N e u e Freie Presse' of Vienna 1 about the Baha'is who were even praised. This is what encouraged m e . . . to write to you. I am sending you herewith the 12 B a h a ' i Principles. T h i s religion was f o u n d e d in Iran around 1852 and now has over one million f o l l o w e r s . . . I draw y o u r attention to the principles 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9. 2 T h u s , if you w e r e to d e c l a r e the B a h a ' i Faith as an o f f i c i a l religion of T u r k e y , in addition to Islam, you would m a k e a great step towards progress and would give an e x a m p l e to all Europe and even to all the nations of the world! A n d such an example would be followed. Y o u have but to write to Shoghi Effendi in Haifa, or have s o m e o n e write on your behalf. A m e n . I hope your Excellency will excuse my f o r w a r d n e s s and be assured of my respect and my admirations. 3 V a d e r s t a t e s t h a t F o r e l s e n t t h e l e t t e r ' a t a t i m e of i n t e n s e a n x i e t y a b o u t t h e o u t c o m e o f t h e trial o f all m e m b e r s o f t h e L o c a l S p i r i t u a l A s s e m b l y o f t h e B a h a ' i s of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ( I s t a n b u l ) o n c h a r g e s of s u b v e r s i o n . ' 4 H o w e v e r , a s s h o w n a b o v e , t h e trial w a s in 1 9 2 8 a n d n o t 1 9 2 7 , t h e y e a r t h e l e t t e r w a s w r i t t e n . A n d in t w o of h i s l e t t e r s S h o g h i E f f e n d i r e f e r s t o t h e trial

which

c o m m e n c e d in O c t o b e r 1 9 2 8 f i r s t in I z m i r , t h e n in I s t a n b u l , a n d e n d e d in D e c e m b e r 1928.5 A u g u s t F o r e l p r o v i d e s a n o t n e r l i n k r e g a r d i n g t h e B a h a ' i r e l i g i o n in T u r k e y . H e w a s in c o n t a c t w i t h E d u a r d H e r r i o t ( 1 8 7 2 - 1 9 5 7 ) , 6 w h o w a s a n i m p o r t a n t F r e n c h p o l i t i c i a n , a ' p r e s i d e n t d u C o n s e i l ' ( P r i m e M i n i s t e r in t h e f o r m e r F r e n c h R e p u b l i c s ) a n d a m i n i s t e r of t h e F o r e i g n O f f i c e f r o m 1 9 2 4 t o 1 9 2 5 . H e r r i o t h a d b e e n in c o n t a c t w i t h F r e n c h B a h a ' i s a n d w r o t e t h e p r e f a c e of a book

by the B a h a ' i

Hippolyte Dreyfus.7

Herriot

had

communicated

w i t h A b d u l l a h C e v d e t , a s w e l l . A s s t a t e d b y §iikrii H a n i o g l u , C e v d e t w r o t e

a

1 Probably his article 'Eine verfolgte Religion: Islamitische Grausamkeiten gegen die Baha'is,' Neue Freie Presse, Vienna, 26 April 1925. See Vader, 111 (n. 30). ^ He refers to the Baha'i principles of the equalisation of means for every human being; equality of science and religion; education for both sexes; equality of women and men, and the obligation to work; see Vader, 43-44. - August Forel to Mustapha Kémal Pacha, 18 November 1927; italics in the original text. The draft of this letter is at the University of Lausanne Library, Fonds Forel, Document No. IS 1925, VA 39; in Vader, 59. My thanks to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha'is of Switzerland for sending me this reference and a copy of this letter as published by Vader (private communication, 27 November and 5 December 2001). A Turkish translation of this is circulating among Baha'is in Turkey without a reference to a source. 4 Vader, 58-59. ^ In the letters mentioned above, dated 6 December 1928. and another 12 February 1929- BA 151-52 and 166-71. ^ Vader 51-53; Auguste Fprel à Edouard Herriot; 10 avril 1925 (date de réception) ; Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris; Nouvelle Série E, Asie, Perse, 1918-1929, vol. 22 Questions religieuses, cote E-368-1. 7 Le Béhaïsme. Conférence faite le 23 mai 1908. Préface d'Edouard Herriot (Mission Laïque Française, Comité Lyonnais: Lyon, 1908).

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DISSENT AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATH OTTOMAN E M P I R E

lengthy letter to Herriot, talking about the B a h a ' i religion.' By writing to Ataturk and Herriot, Forel intended to call their attention to the Baha'i religion and referred them to Shoghi Effendi in Haifa. And in both cases we do not know whether and what kind response he received from them. Although Ataturk had heard and read about the Baha'i religion, 2 these d i s c u s s i o n s a b o u t the i n f l u e n c e of B a h a ' i

ideas on A t a t u r k

remain

hypothetical. There is no evidence that he was motivated by the B a h a ' i principles to pursue his reforms. Turkish Baha'is contend that there might be more details about this in Atatiirk's private papers, which are not accesible to the public. W e do not know Atatiirk's views on the Baha'i religion. Although he was open to new and m o d e r n ideas, the B a h a ' i s were nevertheless prosecuted after the Izmir and Istanbul incidents in 1928. In the 1930s and the following decades until the 1990s other arrests and investigations of Baha'is ensued despite their proven innocence in previous trials.

1 M. §ukrii Hanioglu, private communication, dated 15 February 2002; unfortunately, Prof. Hanioglu could not provide the reference for Abdullah Cevdet's Menghty letter' to Herriot, nor its precise contents. There are articles by Herriot and Abdullah Cevdet on philosophical issues they shared; see, e.g., Edouard Herriot, 'Yaratmali-Créer,' ictihad, no. 288, 1 Kanun-i Sâni/January 1930, 5315; Abdullah Djevdet, 'Fikir Hareketi': Ainsi Par la Edouard Herriot,' ictihad, no. 298, 1 Haziran/June 1930, 5391-93; see Hanioglu, Abdullah Cevdet 391-92, esp. n. 18. 2

He had three Baha'i books in his private library: Bahà Ullah [1817-1892]: L'épitre au fils du loup. Traduction française par Hippolyte Dreyfus (Paris 1913 Honoré Champion), French translation of Lawh-i Ibn-i Dhi'b/The Epistle to the Son of the Wolf); Mirza-Abu Fazl (sic): The Bahai Proofs. Hujaj'ul-Bahayyeh [sic] also short sketch of the history and lives of the leaders of this religion, 3. ed., Translated by Ishtael-Ebn Kalender (Baha'i Publishing Committee: New York, 1929); and Mirza Ahmad Sohrab: The new humanity. A compendium of the ideals of universal civilization (, Persian American Publishing Co.: Los Angeles, 1907); see, items nos. 162, 300, and 362 in Ataturk'iin Ôiel Kutiiphanesi'nin Katalogu (Milli Kutiiphane Genel Mudiirliigu: Ankara, 1973; Anitkabir ve Çankaya Bôliimleri).

CONCLUSIONS

The top-down Tanzimat reforms implemented by a few statesmen, who sought to solve the problems of the Empire in the mid-19th century, had the ultimate goal of secularising the government. Their measures laid the foundation for a representative government and led to a shift from a religious to an ethnic-national identity of the state and the people. The declared concept was Osmanlilik ( ' O t t o m a n i s m ' ) , which would unite all subjects under a common citizenship and result in eliminating the borders between religious communities {millets), beyond the classical Islamic notion. These secular reforms replaced Islam as the basis of the Ottoman Empire. The figure of a religious and charismatic leader of a religious community or of society in general, would not have a place in this system. In this sense, the Babis and Baha'is were a threat. At first, the propagation of the Bab as the Mahdi caused unrest at the Sublime Porte because previous incidents in Ottoman history had shown that similar religious movements with a revolutionary spirit advocated a change in the existing social and political order by influencing discontented segments of society . The swift and radical changes that the Bab had unleashed in Iranian society, clashes with central authorities, and the ill-conceived assassination attempt on the life of Nasiru'd-Din Shah were effective lessons for the Ottomans. Thus, despite the traditional antagonism towards the Iranians, the Ottomans for reasons of Realpolitik, that is, to improve the state of affairs with Iran, acquiesced to comply with the continuous petitions from the Iranian government to remove Baha'u'llah from proximity to the Iranian border to the interior of the Ottoman domains. Yet, regardless of the continuous messages of Baha'u'llah to the Babis to refrain from violence, even if it was defensive, and the emphasis of ethical and conciliatory principles in his writings, the Ottoman authorities appear not to have been aware of this change. On the other hand, it seems that keeping the Babis and Baha'is safe from the Qajar state was a form of leverage the Ottomans could use against Iran. The contact of Ottoman statesmen with Babis in Istanbul and Edirne confirmed their fears that the Babis put all authority into the hands of a religious leader. Baha'u'llah, who in the eyes of the Ottomans claimed a divine role as the Mahdi, and Mirza Yahya who also put forward a prophetic mission and the same claim, were dangerous in the eyes of the government since they ostensibly not only tried to mislead ignorant Muslims were also

218 D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E LATE O T T O M A N E M P I R E

considered to challenge the state and raise an armed rebellion against the it. Whereas Baha'u'llah was pointing out in his writings the injustices and disorders in the Ottoman Empire, he categorically prohibited violence as means for change. Again, the Ottomans seem to have missed this point and viewed all 'Babis' as militant. Also, Baha'u'llah, as a critic of authoritarian rule - on similar lines with the Young Ottomans - did not fit into the agenda of the leading Ottoman ministers Ali Pasha and Fuad Pasha. The latter were hesitant to establish consultative institutions where they would have shared their power with a representative government. On the basis of a comparative approach to the writings of Baha'u'llah and the Ottoman reformers we can say that certain ideas, such as the criticism of autocratic rule and its substitution by a constitutional monarchy, certainly converged. The approach of Ottoman and Iranian reformers was embedded in the framework of a modernist or revivalist Islam. The responses of Baha'u'llah and 'Abdu'l-Baha, however, can be regarded as supra-Islamic and universalistic reforms that went beyond the proposals of the reformers in the Ottoman Empire. Later developments in the reign of Abdiilhamid II reflect a hostile attitude of the Ottoman government towards the 'Babis.' In addition to the accusations mentioned above, Iranian reformist expatriates in Istanbul who were either 'Babis,' or scapegoated as such in their country and whose activities were directed against the shah, aroused the suspicion of the Ottoman authorities. Their collaboration with the early Young Turks, who worked against the sultan from the 1890s, was viewed with the utmost suspicion. This and the constant efforts of internal opponents of 'Abdu'l-Baha that were aimed at discrediting him, reinforced Abdiilhamid's antagonistic policy against 'Abdu'l-Baha. As regards the reason for inconsistent Baha'i sources regarding the Commission of Inquiry in 'Akka, it appears that events were not always precisely recorded by individual Baha'is and 'Abdu'l-Baha's talks were not always accurately interpreted.1 There are still lacunae concerning 'Abdu'l-Baha 'Abbas Effendi's leadership the fuller assessment of which is not possible here. However, from the time of the submission of this work as a doctoral thesis until the final version as a book, additional Ottoman official reports were found that have shed more light on these issues. Furthermore, an attempt was made in this book to fill a gap in scholarship on Abdullah Cevdet, by challenging the notion that his Weltanschauung was not greatly influenced by the Baha'i religion. It appears

For the latter point, I refer to this statement of Shoghi Effendi: 'Regarding '"Abdu'l-Baha in London": Nothing can be considered scripture for which we do not have an original text. A verbatim record in Persian of His talks would of course be more reliable than one in English, because He was not always accurately interpreted'; Unfolding Destiny: The Messages from the Guardian of the Baha'i Faith to the Baha'i Community of the British Isles (Baha'i Publishing Trust: London, 1981), 208.

CONCLUSIONS

219

that Abdullah C e v d e t was not as irreligious or Vulgarmaterialist as he is said to have been. V a r i o u s statements that he m a d e throughout his life underpin the fact that he not only regarded religion as an instrument to r e f o r m society but that h u m a n k i n d c a n n o t live w i t h o u t it b e c a u s e it p r o d u c e s p e a c e , harmony, light and unity. Consequently, Cevdet was no enemy of religion but of bigotry and superstitions. In the s a m e vein C e v d e t did not c o n s i d e r the B a h a ' i religion as a step between Islam and Positivism. A close examination of his article in Ictihad and his remarks in his d e f e n c e statement reveal his affection f o r this new religious m o v e m e n t which, in his eyes, could have led society to the world-peace humankind has desired for ages. Generally, Turkish historians and Islamists still present the B a h a ' i religion as a negligible or h a r m f u l Islamic sect. By further elaborating C e v d e t ' s B a h a ' i article and its refutations in the context of his trial, scholars of O t t o m a n reform m o v e m e n t s m a y now begin to r e c o n s i d e r the place of the B a h a ' i religion in t h o s e movements. It can be stated that A b d u l l a h C e v d e t ' s ideas on Westernisation to c h a n g e T u r k i s h society encouraged Ataturk to oust institutionalised Islam f r o m state affairs. T h e secular Turkish government was not aware of the nature and goals of the B a h a ' i religion; hence investigations were conducted in the late 1920s as part of the examinations into reactionary Islamic groups. With the larger a r g u m e n t a b o u t the caution the B a h a ' i s had d i s p l a y e d in the Ottoman Empire, we can state these court trials mark a shift f r o m the Baha'i religion being seen as a religious order (tarikat) to it being seen as an official and independent religion. However, this official view did not persist because in later years, especially in 1959, at the height of suspicion t o w a r d s Islamist reactionist groups, the B a h a ' i s were accused by the government of subversive political activities. 1 C o n s u l t i n g t h e A r c h i v e s of the Turk Inkilap Tarihi Enstitusu ( ' I n s t i t u t e of t h e H i s t o r y of t h e T u r k i s h R e v o l u t i o n ' ) in A n k a r a f o r information on the attitude of the Kemalists towards the B a h a ' i s in Turkey and a careful study of n e w s p a p e r s / j o u r n a l s and of d o c u m e n t s at the T u r k i s h National B a h a ' i Archives in Istanbul on B a h a ' i court cases after 1928, could result in f u r t h e r studies on T u r k i s h B a h a ' i s until the present day, on their s t a t u s a n d s i t u a t i o n in the l i g h t of p r e s e n t d i s c u s s i o n s on I s l a m i s t reactionism, and their struggle for recognition as a religious c o m m u n i t y (over such matter as identity card). 2

1 2

Ku?ani, 124; 0 / § u c a , 42-53.

See Haldun Giilalp, ' D i l e m m a s of citizenship: T h e Bahai c o m m u n i t y in Turkey,' paper presented at the Social Science Research Council, C o n f e r e n c e on Public Spheres (22-24 October 2004, Beirut, Lebanon), I thank the author for providing a copy; and Izgi Giingor, ' B a h a ' i c o m m u n i t y wants to be recognized and heard in T u r k e y , ' Turkish Daily News, 8 December 2007, at http://www.turkishdailvnews. com.tr /article.php?enewsid=90094

220

DISSENT AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E The archival sources that were utilised for the present work present new

details about certain periods of Babi-Baha'i history and remain silent about other for the time being. More documents f r o m the Ottoman Archives are needed to fill lacunae, such as the activities of Baha'u'llah last twenty years of his life, about which no officials reports could be found. The reason may be that B a h a ' u ' l l a h had retreated to his house, did not meet any strangers and so he was not visible to the Ottomans as to be suspicious. From the time of the submission of my doctoral thesis until the publication of this book, I was however able to find and make use of other new documents, especially about ' A b d u ' l - B a h a . T h r o u g h the process of cataloguing other d o c u m e n t s may surface; hence future research is needed. A systematic search of the extant private papers of Ottoman officials who knew and were in contact with the Baha'i leaders may result in bringing to light further information on the nature of the contacts and exchange of ideas. The archival and Baha'i sources on Iranian reformers referred to here are not exhaustive but c o m p l e m e n t previous academic studies of this subject. Overall, a thorough research in the Ba§bakanlik Ar§i vi on the relationship of the Ottoman Empire with Iran is indeed indispensable, and no doubt students of 19th and 20th century Iranian history have largely neglected this hitherto. With regard to ' A b d u ' l - B a h a it can be said that published Ottoman sources that were presented and partly translated in the present work for the first time in a Western language, have shed s o m e light on the contacts 'Abdu'l-Baha had with Ottoman officials and illustrated some details about his activities outside the Baha'i community. The unpublished letters of ' A b d u ' l Baha in Ottoman Turkish, Persian and Arabic to Ottoman officials at the Archives of the Baha'i World Centre in Haifa/Israel that are not accessible yet, may provide details about his view of the Tanzimat, his contacts with Young Turks, his release in 1908 and his relations with Sultan Abdiilhamid II. As to the problem with regard to Ottoman primary literature it can be construed that writers, officials and intellectuals, w h o were in contact with B a h a ' i s , whether they were biased for or against the Baha'is, were not able to provide the whole picture of the Baha'i community. This is, firstly, due to the fact that B a h a ' i s were not allowed to speak about their beliefs within the Ottoman Empire. B a h a ' u ' l l a h and later ' A b d u ' l - B a h a instructed the followers not to share the Baha'i beliefs with Ottoman subjects. Secondly, these writers had also relied on Western sources, which contained inaccurate information. Nevertheless the Ottoman accounts are indispensable and extend the literature on Babi-Baha'i history. Later opponents of the Baha'i religion (especially in

C O N C L U S I O N S

221

the 1950s) have c o n c l u d e d that O t t o m a n intellectuals such as Nazif or Bereketzade were deceived by ' A b d u ' l - B a h a and that the latter's statements reveal the falsity of the B a h a ' i creed. T h e y regard the a b o v e a c c o u n t s as important documents demonstrating how 'Abbas Effendi would

present

himself to different people, and would conceal the truths of the B a h a ' i

tarikat

in the Islamic world and in the Ottoman Empire. Other polemics repeat these accusations and say that ' A b d u ' l - B a h a was very s u c c e s s f u l in practising taqiyya,

i.e. dissimulation of faith. As support f o r this view, they raise the

fact that the B a h a ' i s , in order to be allowed to stay in Ottoman lands, were not permitted to speak openly about their beliefs, but when the O t t o m a n E m p i r e ceased to have power in Syria after the First World War, the B a h a ' i s started to divulge their true intentions. T h e B a h a ' i s , mostly having Shi'i backgrounds, were viewed as practitioners of taqiyya,

not only in the O t t o m a n E m p i r e but

also in modern T u r k e y . A f t e r the O t t o m a n g o v e r n m e n t had lost its grip and influence over the B a h a ' i s , critics say that the latter a b a n d o n e d taqiyya

and

wrote and spoke f r e e l y a b o u t their c r e e d . W h i l e a c c u s i n g the B a h a ' i s of contradicting themselves, based on the aforementioned statements, these critics were not sure w h e t h e r they still hide their truths or openly propagate them. T h e y rightly point out, h o w e v e r , that w h e n Shoghi E f f e n d i b e c a m e their leader, the) distanced themselves f r o m their Islamic image. 1 Although the fact that the B a h a ' i s did not speak a b o u t their beliefs openly in the Ottoman realms does provide some justification for those critics w h o accused the B a h a ' i s of concealing their beliefs and presenting themselves differently to different people, nevertheless, it should be appreciated that in the context and culture of the nineteenth century O t t o m a n E m p i r e , to have done anything else would have been to court certain destruction. If the B a h a ' i s had openly stated their belief that Islam was now abrogated and a new religion had c o m e f r o m God to replace it, they would have stirred up such a furore and such a fierce persecution that it is doubtful if any of them would have survived. F u r t h e r m o r e it s h o u l d be noted that, f r o m a B a h a ' i p e r s p e c t i v e , there is nothing incorrect in statements by ' A b d u ' l - B a h a that the t e a c h i n g s of his father were intended to purify and reform Islam or his statement to Stileyman Nazif that ' W e h a v e no belief that is contrary to true Islam. O u r way

of

thinking is in accord with the spirit of Islam.' B a h a ' i s believe that there has

See, e.g. O s m a n Ergin, Abdiilaziz Mecdi Tolun 2 6 2 - 2 8 5 ; i d e m , ' B a h a i l e r i n i9yiizu,' Sebiliirre$ad, no. 203 (August 1955), 40-42; idem, 'Bahafligin i ? y u z u ' (Sapik fikralar 3), Sehiltirre§ad, no. 206 (October 1955), 89-91. Conservatives like Ergin wrote assiduously against the Baha'i religion in the 1950s. There are several pseudo-academic articles that reflect the atmosphere of that time; see the 1955 issues of Sebilurre$ad. A more overt attack on the Baha'i faith is Ethem Ruhi Figlali's Babtlik ve Bahailik (Turk Diyanet Vakfi Yaymlari: Ankara, 1994). Figlali claims to be 'as objective as possible,' relying on 'sound and original knowledge,' yet throughout the book he displays biased assumptions.

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DISSENT AND HETERODOXY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN E M P I R E

only ever been one religion f r o m God that has been progressively revealed through the appearance of the founders of the w o r l d ' s religions. Thus each religion is the true spirit, confirmation and development of the religion that preceded it. T o summarise, with this study I attempted to write a more complete understanding of Babi and Baha'i history in the light of Ottoman sources. It is hoped that it is a contribution to the field of Middle Eastern studies by placing the B a b i - B a h a ' i religions and their rise within the context of politics and religion, two crucial factors in that region. T h e B a h a ' i religion should be particularly interesting to historians of this period because of the juxtaposition of tradition and modernity, and it shows how religion and politics affected one another in this period which led to the formation of the contemporary Middle Middle East. T h e ideas advanced by B a h a ' u ' l l a h and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a are quite radical for that time and place, but nevertheless must be seen as a response to the reforming and religious traditions of the Middle East. By resorting to modernity and progressively distancing his religion f r o m an antiquated Islamic e s t a b l i s h m e n t and u p d a t i n g B a b i s m by c r e a t i n g the B a h a ' i

religion,

Baha'u'llah triumphed over his brother Mirza Yahya. Whereas the latter can be seen as a renewer within the framework of Shi'a Islam (although his writings and ideas still remain unstudied); B a h a ' u ' l l a h created a new religion. In the same vein, ' A b d u ' l - B a h a was successful over his brother M u h a m m a d 'Ali because he was able to follow the signs of the time, while the latter, like Mirza Yahya, remained within the traditional Islamic framework. In addition, ' A b d u ' l - B a h a knew how to listen to and ally himself better with like-minded reformers within the Y o u n g Turk m o v e m e n t ; his vision of the West and modernity may have been attractive and beneficial to local/regional governors because of his international ties. Three factors can be regarded as decisive for the survival of the Baha'i religion in the Ottoman Empire. Firstly, B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s and ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s approach of using discretion and wisdom in order not to endanger the safety of their followers because the public image of the B a h a ' i c o m m u n i t y and its beliefs was that of a heretical Shi'i sect that deviated f r o m orthodox Sunni Islam. T h e second factor was the tolerant attitude of the Sublime Porte - in stark contrast to the Iranian government and p o w e r f u l Shi'i u l e m a - in particular of influential officials such as governors, towards the B a h a ' i s . It is important to note the fact that the Ottomans provided a safe r e f u g e for the B a h a ' i leadership. It is doubtful that B a h a ' u ' l l a h could have or would have been allowed to have led the m o v e m e n t in the way he did if he had still been operating inside Iran. One only has to consider how hard the Iranian

CO N C

L U S I O N S

223

g o v e r n m e n t tried to get him back in their control while he w a s a r e f u g e e in O t t o m a n Baghdad and how severely they would have treated him had they regained custody of him. T h i r d l y , t h e l o c a t i o n s or p l a c e s of e x i l e s w e r e crucial f o r the development of the B a h a ' i religion. Mirza Y a h y a was on the remote island of Cyprus with his f a m i l y and there is no evidence that he e x p a n d e d the Babi community or spread his teachings. Conversely, even though B a h a ' u ' l l a h was forcibly settled in ' A k k a that he viewed as a terrible place, with the impact of the T a n z i m a t r e f o r m s and the E u r o p e a n infiltration it b e c a m e a centre of economic activity, an important port city that was open and cosmopolitan and the initial u n f a v o u r a b l e conditions improved later. 1 B a h a ' u ' l l a h was already given Ottoman citizenship in Baghdad and so protected f r o m being handed over to Iran; he received an allowance f r o m the O t t o m a n s so as to survive; he was gradually able to meet his followers even in ' A k k a where he was not supposed to mingle with other people; he could move inside and outside ' A k k a ; he lived as an exiled leader in local palaces of f o r m e r g o v e r n o r s that he rented or bought; he had time to c o m p o s e his voluminous writings, and sent followers to propagate his religion outside the Middle East that resulted in a w o r l d w i d e religious c o m m u n i t y .

Zuhayr Ghanayim, Liwà' 'Akkà fi 'Ahd at-Tanzimàt al-'Uthmàniyya, 1281-1337H/18631918M (The District of Acre During the Ottoman Tanzimat Period: A.H. 1281-1337/A.D.1864 -1918; Institute for Palestine Studies: Beirut 1999).

APPENDICES

Appendix I: Statements of Abdullah Cevdet regarding religion T h e r e a s o n a b l e p u r p o s e of religion is to d e v e l o p a m o n g men the spirit of c o n c o r d , of love and of m e r c y . It is better to cease u s i n g the r e m e d y w h e n , in p l a c e of h e a l i n g or a l l e v i a t i n g , it a g g r a v a t e s the t r o u b l e . ... Belief in a S u p r e m e B e i n g w h o rules the u n i v e r s e a c c o r d i n g to his o w n c a p r i c e indicates not o n l y e n o r m o u s c r e d u l i t y but a l s o gives rise to a sad w e a k n e s s of the h u m a n soul, l e a d i n g it to a helpless i n c o n s i s t e n c y . 1 ... O u r e n e m y is not the s o f t a s |lit. M u s l i m t h e o l o g i c a l

students;

b i g o t s | at all; o u r e n e m y is d e g e n e r a t e s o f t a l i k [bigotry], w h i c h is the e n e m y a l s o of the s o f t a s , of I s l a m , of m a n k i n d . A n d w e s i n c e r e l y w i s h that t h o s e w h o stand against us as e n e m i e s , and w h o a t t e m p t to insult us a n d c h a r a c t e r i z e us as " i r r e l i g i o u s " w o u l d turn their f a c e s t o w a r d s the light. ... W e d o not w a n t to a b o l i s h , but t o perfect, the s o f t a s ; but even if they say " w e don not w a n t to be p e r f e c t e d " , w e will p e r f e c t t h e m a n y w a y ; b e c a u s e - a n d I say this in the m o s t u n q u a l i f i e d f a s h i o n a n d w i t h f u l l c o n v i c t i o n of c o n s c i e n c e -

this

c o u n t r y ' s salvation and perfection d e p e n d s upon the salvation and perfection of this class. ... In m y o p i n i o n , the m e d r e s e s , that is s c h o o l s to r a i s e a spiritual c l a s s , are as i n d i s p e n s a b l e as the m i l i t a r y school a n d as n e c e s s a r y as the medical s c h o o l . 2 If I had been an e n e m y of I s l a m and of M u s l i m s , there w o u l d h a v e been o n e t h i n g f o r m e t o do: t o r e m a i n a d i s i n t e r e s t e d s p e c t a t o r of I s l a m and the M u s l i m s as they r u s h e d t o w a r d s the c h a s m , t o w a r d s e x t i n c t i o n , d e s t r u c t i o n , abasement, slavery and disintegration. There could have been no greater e n m i t y t o w a r d s I s l a m than j u s t such an action, or lack of a c t i o n . 3 R e l i g i o n is the s c i e n c e of t h e m a s s e s ; s c i e n c e is t h e r e l i g i o n of the elites. T h e religion of the elites is b e i n g elevated a n d e x p a n d e d ; it is m a k i n g p r o g r e s s . F o r r e l i g i o n , the s c i e n c e of the m a s s e s , to rise up, to s p r e a d out, to m a k e p r o g r e s s , to b e c o m e s u b l i m e , is i n d i s p e n s a b l e to p u b l i c s e c u r i t y a n d h a p p i n e s s . T a k i n g this general principle as the basis f o r m y c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n , 1 'The Guiding Principles of the Review Idjtihad,' ictihad, no. 172, 1 December 1924, 3486. These principles were published throughout various issues in Turkish and English; Creel (PhD thesis), 168-69. For the first sentence, cf. 'Abdu'l-Baha in London, 28: 'If a religion becomes the cause of hatred and disharmony, it would be better that it should not exist. To be without such a religion is better than to be with it.' 2 ictihad, 4 April 1913, 1303-6; Creel (PhD thesis), 169, 170; emphasis in ibid. 3 Ibid. 9 January 1919, 2921-2; Creel (PhD thesis), 171.

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D I S S E N T A N D H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

I summarize the solution for the salvation of Islam in the following fashion: to complement religion with the value of science, and to complement science with the power of religion. The human race cannot live without religion. And religion, when it loses its capacity to bestow warmth and light on the human race, to be the stock of comfort and harmony, cannot long survive. Let those who don't like us because they don't understand us say what they will; our wish is to see religion in life, and life in religion. As for what we understand by life: it is love, it is harmony, it is light, it is concord, common sense, the sense of security; it is a perpetual, refining unity, a unifying impulse, in the hearts and souls of men. 1 If religion is a system of opinions and beliefs, then my thirty-five years of life (?) and my ten thousand pages of writings prove that I have it in its strongest form; even you concede this and are not aware that you concede it. But if religion is to believe in a lot of silly tales and nonsense, or to appear to believe in them, and to store up worldly goods by pandering to the ignorance and fanaticism of the people, then whoever wants religiosity in this sense of the term can have it. I reject such religiosity and loathe those who are thus religious. 2 The difference between science and religion is this, that science is a light without heat; religion is heat without light. Science at the most can be a winter sun; under its rays, which never warm one up, we can freeze to death from the cold. ... Religion is intelligence; he who has no intelligence has no religion. 3 Yes, we want to see everybody to be religious; but for us the religious man is only he who seeks the truth, who thinks the truth, who loves the truth. The day that everybody is religious in this philosophical sense of religiosity, religion will become the most sublime, the most profound, the most beautiful of institutions, both human and divine. 4

Appendix II: Translation of Abdullah Cevdet's 'Mezheb-i Bahaullah - Din-i Umem' Baha'ism is a religion of compassion and love (Bahailik bir din-i merhamet ve muhabbetdir). But one could ask which religion is a religion of 1 2 3 4

Ibid. 15 April 1922, no. 154,3072; Creel (PhD thesis), 171. Ibid. 1 January 1925, 3486; Creel (PhD thesis), 171-72. Ibid. 15 April 1927,4332; Creel (PhD thesis), 174. Ibid. 1 February 1932, 5652; Creel (PhD thesis),174.

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227

oppression and enmity. Has not Jesus said, "Love one another" 1 and preached love and peace to the world? Has not Muhammad come as a mercy for the peoples (rahmatan li'/-'älamln)1 and said "Do not hate one another, do not be the cause of misfortune for one another and do not envy one another. O servants of God, be all brothers"? 3 Again, has not our glorious Prophet said, 'A Muslim is the one who avoids harming Muslims with his tongue and hands'? 4 Some will say to me that the same [exalted] person said "Fight ye in the cause of God" (qätilü fi sabili'lläh).5 Firstly, as a proposition and basis of our belief this is not a hadith but a Qur'anic verse; and "fight" (qätilü) is the word of God, and God is "He shall not be asked of His doings" {lä yus'alu 'ammä yaf'alu).6 Secondly, the Germans have translated qätilü as "Kaempfen sie" [sic; kämpft) and the French as "Combattez-vous". That means that there is no difference by saying qätilü fi sabili'lläh and jähidü fi sabili'lläh7 |jähidü: "strife, endeavour", also "fight"|. While this being so it constantly shows in a sharp and shameful way that the historical events in Christianity and Muhammadanism do not remain upon these divine principles. Their "ghazwas" [military expeditions on behalf of Islam|, their "St. Bartholomevv"s [Massacre of Huguenots in France on 24 August 1572| and Crusades etc. are in no wise deeds of mercy and peace. In short, the order to sell the women and children as concubines and slaves after cutting off the heads of the men of the tribe of Qurayza and throwing them in a pit, and the choice by the Prophet Muhammad for himself of the young and beautiful Rayhana, daughter of 'Amr, one of the 800 captives whose heads were cut off and thrown in a ditch, of course, not be seen as compatible with the true spirit of mercy. Every religion was founded to establish mercy and fellowship (merhamet ve uhuwet). No religion, so compelling that all individuals born into it remain faithful for life of their own free will, had ever existed before. But such a religion is the one of mercy and love preached and instituted by Baha'u'llah and his son 'Abdu'l-Baha. Baha'u'llah says: "Beware lest ye sow tares of dissension among men or plant thorns of doubt in pure and radiant hearts... Commit not that which defileth the limpid stream of love or destroyeth the sweet fragrance of friendship. By the righteousness of the Lord!

1

Cf. John, 13:34, 15:12, 17 (N.A.). Qur'an 21:107 (N.A.). 3 Hadith, Sahih Bukhari, vol. 8, book 73, no. 90, 91, 92 and 99; at http://www.usc.edu/ dept/MSA/ fundamentals/hadithsunnah/bukhari/ (MSA-USC Hadith Database). (N.A.). 2

4

Hadith, Sahih Bukhari, vol. 1, book 2, no. 9, 10; vol. 8, book 76, no. 491 (N.A.). See e.g. Qur'an 2:190, 2:244, 3:167, 4:84; cf. 4:74-77, 9:111 (N.A.). ^ Qur'an 21:23 (N.A.). 7 See, e.g. Qur'an 5:35, 9:41 (N.A.). 5

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Ye were created to show love one to another and not perversity and rancour." 1 These truly divine words are indispensable in that they have to be uttered and repeated and allowed to penetrate the souls profoundly in every age, especially in this age of humanity. A spiritual teacher who set universal love, mercy and peace as a belief and who provided the necessary light (nur) and heat ihararet) has not existed before his holiness (hazret) Baha'u'llah. I said, "who provided ... the heat". The difference between religious and scientific understanding, more simply, the difference between science and religion is that science is a light without heat and religion heat without light (ilm hararetsiz bir nurdur; din nursuz bir hararetdir). Let science be merely a winter sun; under its cold light we could be frozen to death. 2 As it was mentioned elsewhere, heat therefore means movement; but to be the mover (muharrik) is not the characteristic of the light but of the heat. Nevertheless even if religion is not purely science it always is compatible with intellect (akil), and being so is its essential and eternal condition. Our exalted lawgiver [Muhammad] says: "Religion is intellect; a man without intellect has no religion" (ad-din huwa al-'aql; la din li-man la 'aql lahu)? Baha'ism, founded by Baha'u'llah and organised and spread abroad by 'Abdu'l-Baha, has no idea, no law which is not compatible with reason, that is, Baha'ism is light-shedding heat. It is not a dark movement. This feature leads it to be a world-embracing and universal religion of peace and love. A true prophet who teaches mercy and brotherhood performs conquests in the regions of the heart completely without terror and weapons and can, although he does not claim to be a prophet, say, ... : 'We were wounded, we have conquered but our field of battle never was coloured by anyone's blood.' Never does it befit the station of those who were sent as a mercy for the people to kill but rather to be killed! 'Abdu'l-Baha, who said 'the candle gives its life: drop by drop it sheds its very essence in order to diffuse those tears. This shall be an example, a model for you,' 4 indeed burned like a torch, and after kindling thousands of torches he left to be alight in other worlds... 1 ' L a w h - i H i k m a t , ' in: B a h a ' u ' l l a h , Tablets. Cevdet ascribes this to ' A b d u ' l - B a h a in his footnote. 2 Cf. ictihad, 15 April 1927, 4332; cited in Creel (PhD thesis), 174, ' T h e difference between science and religion is this, that science is a light without heat; religion is heat without light. Science at the most can be winter sun; under its rays, which never w a r m up, we can freeze to death f r o m the cold.' a F o r t h i s hadith, cf. al-Ghazzali's Ihya 'ulum ad-din, online at http://www.muslimphilosophv.com /g7./ihva/english/ihya-vol 1 -CI .htm: see Section 7, Knowledge 95. 4 Cf. May Maxwell, An Early Pilgrimage (George Ronald: Oxford, 1976; first ed. 1917), 42.

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229

But how much heat and light can spread f r o m this spark? In order to heat the world the fire in B a h a ' u ' l l a h ' s soul is necessary, a spiritual and divine fire to illumine and to heat at the same time.

Appendix III: A newspaper article with regard to Cevdet's case Recently, a propaganda network of the Baha'i societies which have a well-ordered organisation in America, has reached our country. Here and there signs of an extensive stimulus for the propagation of the Baha'i sect can be witnessed. The number of those - knowingly or not - being an instrument for this propaganda, increases. While the spiritual bond between millions of M u s l i m s in d i f f e r e n t continents and the centre of the Caliphate is very significant in this most important period of history , an intensification of such activities in Istanbul will provide a grave and dangerous m e a n s for those maintaining special purposes to cause evil effects in the Islamic world. W e urge our official religious institutions to intensely direct their gaze to this threat. As part of this propaganda an article titled " T h e Baha'i Religion, a world-religion" [sic| and signed by Abdullah Cevdet was published in the journal Ictihad,

no. 144, dated 1 March 1922. In this article it is said that

Baha'ism is a religion of love and mercy and, in its comparison with Islam, it is purported that the holy wars of our Prophet were devoid of mercy and compassion. Regarding this article that contains aggressive charges as to hurt the feelings of Muslims, the trial against its author of the article by the chief prosecutor c o m m e n c e d yesterday at the court of criminal jurisdiction of the second instance.

Appendix IV: Ahmed §irani's criticism of Abdullah Cevdet and the Baha'i Religion1 1. The return of Abdullah Cevdet as a tumultuous publicist after his calm life as the director of Public Health 2 is a bad omen for Islam. It was no doubt clear that he would, as indicated by the proverb ' H e will never change his habits' (Can gikmayinca

huy gikmaz),

he would proclaim a holy war

'Mebahis-i Diniyye: Abdullah Cevdet Bey'in Levahik Nejriyati,' Tevhid-i Efkdr, 19 June 1922, 2. 2 Cevdet had this post twice during the truce (1919-1922). In this period he was partially forced to cease publication. J

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(•cihad) against religion. That Cevdet presented the Baha'i doctrine as a 'world religion' was a sign of mobilisation for this holy war (!). But look at the confusion of thoughts of this famous doctor: while attacking Islam and writing eulogizing poems about Baha'ism, thus forcedly separating them, he united both in court. Answering the questions of the judge related to Baha'ism, he insultingly said "Baha'ism is not outside Islam"!' The doctor shows with the statement: 'No religion, so compelling that all individuals born into it remain faithful for life of their own free will, had ever existed before. But such a religion is the one of mercy and love preached and instituted by Baha'u'llah and his son 'Abdu'l-Baha' in the article causing his sentence that he first intended that no divine religion could be united with another, and therefore also not with Baha'ism which he wants to be accepted as a religion. Then later talked about the unity of Islam and Baha'ism. Is this not a bewildering insult resulting to the dignity of the court? To make us believe that Baha'ism is compatible with Islam is as problematic and erroneous as to make others believe that Baha'ism is a religion; the abundant contradictions in the matters of belief do not allow this. [...] According to Baha'ism all divine religions are annulled and abrogated; thus someone having accepting Baha'ism has to believe in this. The followers of every religion approve and are convinced of the perpetuity of their particular religion. As those who have not abandoned Judaism, Christianity or Islam cannot accept Baha'ism, the Baha'is likewise cannot remain as Jews, Christians or Muslims. A real and divine religion does not allow its followers to be concerned with other religions. Islam, for instance, because it is the last and eternal religion, categorically does not allow and tolerate its unity with the religions it has abrogated. That Baha'ism leaves its door open to the faithful followers of other religions, is a proof per se that it is not a real and divine religion, and it appears in the guise of religion to facilitate obedience to its ordinances. For that reason 'Baha'u'llah Effendi' has given Baha'ism the appearance that it is consistent with and in unity with other religions. This stems from a shrewdness by which the faithful followers of other religions are hunted by the Baha'is' religious mesh until it is too late to return to their real religion. Baha'ism is certainly neither a religion {din) nor a religious doctrine (mezheb dini), nor a religious order (tarikat-i diniyye). In order to be a religion, a religious doctrine or a religious order, it must be based on revealed books (kuttib-i miinzele) and a prophet sent by God (nebi-yi mursel). [...] Yet Baha'ism is neither based on revealed books nor on a messenger of God. Neither can Baha'u'llah be a divine prophet, nor can his 'Lawh-i Hikmat' or others of his wretched texts be a revealed book (kitab-i semavt). Baha'ism is a

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231

social and political creed (meslek-i ictimai ve siyasi).

It is furthermore a kind

of syncretism and its p r o g r a m m e is similar to Socialism, and it evokes Freemasonry. The ulema of Islam and the Caliphate can in no wise tolerate the propagation of B a h a ' i s m as a religion and above all, as a world religion, because it has perilous political aims. Abdullah Cevdet's efforts to mislead the Muslims f r o m the main road of the Islamic shari'a

to the blind alley of the

Baha'i doctrine, is an inexcusable crime. | . . . | Abdullah Cevdet uses the Qur'anic verse 'Fight ye in the cause of G o d ' (,qatilu

f i sabili'llah)

to show that God is not m e r c i f u l , that there is a

controversy and opposition between God and M u h a m m a d . T h e ignorant and bold doctor denies thereby the legitimacy and lawfulness of the holy wars and military expeditions, the purpose of which were the exalting the word of God [i.e. proclaiming the true religion to the unbelievers]. If f r e e d o m of conscience m a k e s opposing e v e r y t h i n g lawful then a n y o n e has right of action and petition against Abdullah Cevdet in the name of freedom of conscience, when he opposes everything. Abdullah C e v d e t ' s water of life, B a h a ' i s m , is in reality a deceitful mirage that has led him to error and to expect any benefit f r o m it would be sheer naivety. In order to achieve a goal, a p r o g r a m m e must have an authoritative mandate (kuvve-i te'yidiyye) its ordinances (infaz-i

ahkam)\

which serves for the execution of

this authority is either divine or human. As

B a h a ' i s m is no divine law (§eriat-i semavl),

' A b d u ' l - B a h a Effendi cannot

convince anyone that it is a divine religion (din-i semavt)

and thus has no

basis for authority to c o n f i r m . M a n k i n d is divided into t w o groups; one comprises the irreligious and the other the religious. And the irreligious accept ' A b d u ' l - B a h a Effendi, the originator of B a h a ' i s m 1 as a divine prophet, when he is in fact a poor dervish, an old man in need of help. 2. B a h a ' i s m is no doubt a political faction, and those w h o accept it have but worldly ambitions. A fabrication devoid of an authoritative mandate (.kuvvet-i te'yidiyye)

cannot hope to arouse religious feelings of obedience in

the hearts of men, and therefore it is totally absurd that B a h a ' i s m can rely on an authoritative mandate. [...J T h e B a h a ' i fabrication, in order to attain authority to c o n f i r m , is bound to the f o r m a t i o n of a p o w e r f u l B a h a ' i government. H o w e v e r , we must conclude that when such a government is formed, we will witness not a trace of peace and goodness, of welfare and repose, and of compassion and love in the Baha'i state (memalik-i

Bahaiyye).

The Baha'is, who are already split into antagonistic parties and sects, as soon * Here §irani confuses ' A b d u ' l - B a h a with his father B a h a ' u ' l l a h , the f o u n d e r of the Baha'i religion.

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as they seize power, will no doubt kill each other, plunder each other's properties, and when they find an opportunity, will stain mankind with blood. [...] How will Baha'ism eradicate the conflicts and fights, wars and clashes that prevailed for ages among individuals and nations? And how will this Baha'i myth put an end to sedition and disorder, whilst Judaism, Christianity, and Islam were not able to do it among their respective communities? Abdullah Cevdet should have shown ways to gain comfort and wealth, and not that mischievous fabrication as a path to peace and comfort; because as long as mankind suffers in hunger and poverty, the establishment of fabrications like Baha'ism will but cause new conflicts and quarrels. Cevdet has nothing but worldly ambitions in publishing about Baha'ism in his Ictihad and with which he energetically and definitively identified himself at the court.'

Appendix V: The defence statement of Abdullah Cevdet The First World War has caused humanity to suffer disaster after disaster, as it has poured down calamities upon Islam. It has undoubtedly overwhelmed great parts of Africa, America and Australia with blood, fire and teardrops; the whole world mourns, is destroyed, and is in agony and frustration. It searches for its saviour and for a herald of peace and amity; the strongest evidence for these calamities is, indisputably for all, the worldwide discord and enmity. Mankind desires a sure cord of peace and repose to cling to, a prince of unity and brotherhood, of concord and harmony; spirited and conscious eyes are seeking for such a light. It is because of this urgent longing and extraordinary need that the world's press talks about the international and worldwide Baha'i movement; a movement of thought, peace and brotherhood which arose from the East and within Islam, and sends out its splendour to the West. While it has existed for a long time, the passing of the organizer of this great movement, 'Abdu'l-Baha 'Abbas Effendi, resulted in extended publications on the principles and origins of this movement, the personality of its founder, and its history, in newspapers of every creed and language. [Cevdet mentions publications from Egyptian and Syrian newspapers and even one published by Russian immigrants in Paris.] The Istanbul press has of course not remained neglectful towards this universal and widespread movement. The articles in nos. 1216 and 1217 of Servet-i Fiinun,2 titled 'Garb'a Meydan Okuyan Bir HakTm-i §ark' (An Oriental Sage Challenging the West); the article 'Acaba Garbla §ark Birle§ecek mi?' (Will ' 'Mebahis-i Diniye: Bahailik'teki Sulhperverlige Bir Nazar,' Tevhicl-i Efkar, 9 July 1922, 3. ^ The third part of the article was published in no. 1220.

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the Hast and the West be indeed united?) in no. 5 of the journal Yarin\]

the

article series ' A m e r i k a ' d a Bir Cami-i Bahai' (A Baha'i M o s q u e in America) in the newspaper Vakit\ the detailed article series on the B a h a ' i m o v e m e n t in the newspaper Ikdam,

and, with this, the letter of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' A b b a s Effendi to

the Central Organisation f o r a Durable Peace in T h e H a g u e , 2 were published. Certainly the journal Ictihad

could not have remained indifferent to such a

widespread m o v e m e n t of thought; therefore it has published an unbiased study containing encyclopaedic information. T h u s the articic that brought about his c o u r t case is n o t h i n g but a s u b j e c t i v e d e d u c t i o n f r o m t h o s e p r e v i o u s publications. With the word 'religion' (din) in the title of his article ' T h e Sect of B a h a ' u ' l l a h , a World Religion,' I have not intended a 'divine establishment' as current a m o n g the people. By using the word ' r e l i g i o n ' in this article together with ' l o v e ' and ' m e r c y ' a l w a y s as 'religion of love,' 'religion of m e r c y , ' it is clear that I used that word as m e a n i n g ' p a t h ' or ' m e t h o d ' (minhac).

O t h e r w i s e the M u s l i m c o m m u n i t y of H a i f a , with the o c c a s i o n of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s passing, would not have written a statement in the manner, 'Verily, we are f r o m G o d . . . the Muslim c o m m u n i t y announces with complete regret and sorrow the passing of the exceedingly learned, the great benefactor, and the m u n i f i c e n t ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' A b b a s , ' and would not have end this with the supplication, ' M a y God cover him with His grace and good-pleasure.' And M u h a m m a d Murad E f f e n d i , the mufti of Haifa, would not have said in his sermon of condolence, 'The dear departed was a well-versed learned one in the intricacies of the Islamic shari'a

and a great master of writing; even if his

material part is absent f r o m the eyes, his perpetual deeds will not be absent f r o m the minds. ... O thou kind departed, you lived in grandeur, and you died in grandeur. This venerable procession and c o m p r e h e n s i v e gathering is an evident proof for your grandeur in life and death'; and again, 'Abdu'llah Effendi al-Mukhlis, a m o n g the outstanding u l e m a of the A z h a r m o s q u e would not have uttered the words, ' O B a h a ' i s , this tragedy is not only your tragedy; it is the sorrow of all the M u s l i m s ! It is the m i s f o r t u n e of the p e o p l e of the past and present. T h e M u h a m m a d a n B a h a ' i t e a c h i n g s ( t a ' a l i m - i Muhammediyye)

Bahaiyye-i

are distributed in East a n d W e s t , a n d it has n u m e r o u s

followers. T h e y take part in our sorrow, as well.' With the citations above

1

9

Vedad Bekir; 10 Te§rin-i Sani 1337/10 November 1921, 5-6.

'Abdu'l-Baha, Jawabndma-yi Jam'iyyat-i Lahay bara-yi ijra-yi sulh-i umuml; Faraju'llah Dhaki al-Kurdi (ed.), Misr (Egypt) 1 3 3 8 / 1 9 2 0 ; most of this letter is translated into English, Selections from Writings of 'Abdu'l-Baha, #227. An Ottoman Turkish translation by a certain M. ' A . Gulistani was published in the newspaper ikdam, 'Bahai Hareketi Hakkinda,' 28 Te§rin-i Sani/November 1921, p. 4; 8 Kanun-i Evvel/December 1921, p. 4; and 2 Kanun-i Sani/January 1922, p. 5.

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f r o m the newspaper an-Nafirx

published in Haifa, I have tried to show here

the purpose and meaning of the word 'religion' and that B a h a ' i s m is part of Islam, and to prove that it cannot be considered hostile towards Islam. 2 The Baha'i religion is a religion in the sense of a model, a path of virtue and equity in dealing with others, as it expressed in the hadith conduct' (ad-din

'Religion is

al-mu'amala)?

Cevdet's replies to the accusations made against him:4 1. Muhammadanism 5 is no longer based on mercy Cevdet admits that he claimed this in his article; not only with regard to Islam, but also Christianity. However, by claiming that Islam is no longer based on mercy, he is just showing his opinion that real Islam is the essence of mercy and compassion. T o say it is not based any longer on mercy, does this not mean that it is not in reality based on mercy but that the principles of mercy are abandoned? Here the real Muhammadan religion is not criticised, on the contrary, the deviation f r o m those principles of mercy is criticised. As for this criticism: because it is established on historical and scholarly proofs, it cannot be said to vilify other religions whatsoever. How much less can it be the cause of trouble and using bad language against the preacher of those principles of mercy, M u h a m m a d , whom he has honored and revered several times with words such as 'our glorious Prophet,' and 'our great lawgiver.' Put aside the notion that C e v d e t ' s claim is the cause of abusive language and trouble; it is, quite the opposite, a repetition of the purport of the holy tradition, accepted by Sunnis and Shi'is alike: 'A day shall be witnessed by My people whereon there will have remained of Islam naught but a name, and ' For extracts f r o m some speeches delivered at ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ' s funeral, see Jamil al-Bahri, 'Abdu'l-Baha wa ad-Diyanat al-Baha'iyya: Mawtuhu wa Tashyi' Jinazatih \ Pamphlet on the Passing of ' A b d u ' l - B a h a ) , a l - M a t b a ' a al-Wataniyya: Haifa 1921 (Digital republication, East Lansing, Mi.: H-Bahai, 2001), online at h t t p : / / w w w . h n e t . o r g / ~ b a h a i / a r e p r i n t / v o l . V b a h r i / b a h r i . h t m (19 D e c e m b e r 2006), and Hasan M. Balyuzi, 'Abdu'l-Baha 466-473. For other tributes, see Sh(ukri) Z(aydan), ' A b b a s Afandi w a m a d h h a b a al-Babiyya w a ' l - B a h a ' i y y a , ' al-Hildl, 3 J u m a d a ' l - U l a 1340/1 January 1922, 3 0 8 - 1 4 ; alMuqtataf (60), 'as-Sir ' A b b a s ' A b d u ' l - B a h a , ' January-May 1922, 56-58. 2 Cevdet supports this by referring to the book Burhan-i Lami' ( ' T h e Brilliant P r o o f ' ) by the noted B a h a ' i scholar Mirza Abu'1-Fadl G u l p a y g a n i , a rebuttal of publications by s o m e Protestant priests f r o m the Anglican Church in A m e r i c a w h o saw the B a h a ' i religion as spreading rapidly in America and exclaimed that Islam is invading America under the name of ' B a h a ' i s m . ' T h e book was written D e c e m b e r 28, 1911, in Syria, Published under the tile Burhane Lame at Chicago, 1912, Press of Baha'i News Service. For Abu'1-Fadl, see e.g. http://www.northill.demon~co. uk/relstud/abulfadl.htm 3 ictihad, no. 149, 11 September 1922, 3095-3101. 4 Ibid. ^ I a m translating ' M u h a m m e d i y e t ' used by Cevdet, aware of the fact that Muslims do not like this term.

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of the Q u r ' a n naught but a mere appearance. T h e doctors of that a g e shall be the most evil the world hath ever seen. Mischief hath proceeded f r o m them, and on them will it recoil.' 1 Is this a confirmation of true prophetic words, a verification of a deplorable truth and a historical event, of which the revered P r o p h e t c a u t i o n e d ? O r is it a f a l s e a c c u s a t i o n

against 'his

holiness'

Muhammad? 2. T h e corruption of historical events in a shameful way. Abdullah C e v d e t replies to this by stating that no historical event has been corrupted in his article: has the m a s s a c r e of ' S a i n t B a r t h o l o m i ' not o c c u r r e d ? Did the C r u s a d e s not take place? Are the military e x p e d i t i o n s (,ghazwa)

not still c o n t i n u i n g in the Islamic w o r l d ? E v e n if there were an

inquiry and reproach, since he has used the history books which are known to the people f o r many ages, there is no corruption of historical events and thus this cannot be considered a crime. 3. T h e military expeditions of the Prophet were not deeds of mercy and peace. C e v d e t assures us that he has, u n d o u b t e d l y , talked a b o u t military e x p e d i t i o n s on behalf of Islam and not a b o u t military e x p e d i t i o n s of the Prophet. M o r e o v e r , w h e n his f o r m u l a t i o n was taken f r o m Ictihad

to the

i n d i c t m e n t it w a s s u b j e c t to c h a n g e . His intention w a s to m e n t i o n the military e x p e d i t i o n s a m o n g the c o m m u n i t y of the P r o p h e t , the battles of Siffin and Jamal b e t w e e n M u s l i m s , and tragedy of K a r b a l a . T h e r e is n o c o n s c i o u s i n d i v i d u a l that will call t h e s e s h a m e f u l t r a g e d i e s a m o n g the M u s l i m s , which have killed the grandchildren of the P r o p h e t in the m o s t merciless way and a f f l i c t e d holy h o u s e h o l d of the P r o p h e t , as d e e d s of compassion and claim that they are compatible with the Islamic principles of m e r c y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , C e v d e t ' s c r i t i c i s m of the still o n g o i n g

military

expeditions f o r the sake of personal ambitions and politics is not contrary to the Q u r ' a n i c c o m m a n d ' D o not s e p a r a t e . . . ' (Id tafriqu...)2

which raises the

b a n n e r of unity and m o n o t h e i s m , and is not at v a r i a n c e with the d i v i n e prohibition ' D o not b e c o m e unbelievers after m e by cutting off the necks of

1 I have used Shoghi E f f e n d i ' s translation who quotes this hadith in PD1C 99; the original in is the S h i ' i h a d i t h c o m p i l a t i o n Bihâr al-Anwàr, vol. 52, b a b 25, no. 21, at http://www.imammahdi.com/ fhadith/gotohadith.asp?Thadithnum=22: Sunni sources also quote it, c.f. Translation of Malik's Muwatta, Book 9, Number 9.24.91, at M S A - U S C Hadith Database, http://www.usc.edu/dept/MSA/ fundamentals/hadithsunnah/muwatta/009.mmt.html#009.9.24.91 : both websites accessed 8 October 2007. j 3:103; meaning, that Muslims must not split in factions.

236 D I S S E N T AND H E T E R O D O X Y IN T H E L A T E O T T O M A N E M P I R E

one another' (la tarji'u ba'di kuffaran yadribu ba'dakum riqab ba'din)1 uttered by Muhammad, and the saying blames the conditions that he sees on the lowest level of unbelief. 4. Attack against Islamic beliefs Nowhere in his article is found, either explicitly or by implication, an attack against the Islamic belief. Islamic belief is to believe in the unity of God, the prophethood of Muhammad, and predestination. All the beliefs outside this are not agreed upon in the various factions and sects, and even if they are regarded as misleading, they do not constitute an attack on Islam. Cevdet says that he does not oppose the unity of God, the prophethood of Muhammad or predestination, hence there is no attack on Islam. 5. The case of Banu Ouravza Cevdet reinforces his opinion about this question with works of Muslim historians such as Abu'l-Fida. Does not 'is not compatible with' solely mean to confirm what they describe in their works, he asks. As the Prophet's companion Sa'd ibn Mu'az has carried out the decision to execute the men of the tribe, it is he, not Muhammad, who was unmerciful. Sunnis unanimously believe that Prophets including Muhammad are not free from error except in receiving divine revelation. The other aspect is, as expressed in the Qur'an, 'I am but a man like you' (lnnama ana bashar mithlikum...).2 And as God says in the Qur'an that it is permissible to take as concubines female prisoners of war, Muhammad did not transgress divine law by taking Rayhana as his wife. This means in accordance with Sunni lines that Prophets are not free from error, and this does not spoil their infallibility at all; without violating their honour, this is 'not compatible with true compassion.'

1

See e.g., Sahih Bukhari, vol. 1, Book 3, no. 122; vol. 2, Book 26, no. 795; vol. 2, Book 26, no.

797; vol. 5, Book 59, no. 685; vol. 5, Book 59, no. 687 (at MSA-USC Hadith Database). 2 Qur'an, 18:110.

A P P E N D I C E S

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