Disability and Media - An African Perspective 3031408845, 9783031408847

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Disability and Media An African Perspective Edited by Tafadzwa Rugoho

Disability and Media - An African Perspective

Tafadzwa Rugoho Editor

Disability and Media An African Perspective

Editor Tafadzwa Rugoho Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Athena Institute Amsterdam, Netherlands

ISBN 978-3-031-40884-7    ISBN 978-3-031-40885-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Paper in this product is recyclable.

Contents

1 Introduction  1 Tafadzwa Rugoho 2 Mobile  Media and the Sign Language of Zimbabwe’s Deaf Community  9 Martin Musengi, Chenjerai Muwaniki, and Esther Musengi 3 Girls  with Disability in Africa: Accessing the Role and Opportunities of Media for Inclusive Development 31 Olayinka Oluwakemi Adeniyi and Theophilus Michael Odaudu 4 Media  Portrayals of Disability and Disability Issues in Nigeria: Stereotypes and Solutions 65 Okechukwu Chukwuma and Julius Omokhunu 5 Marginalization  and Misrepresentation: Framing Disability in Nigeria 83 Olusola John Ogundola and Carol Liebler

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Contents

6 Unpacking  Zimbabwean media’s Representations of Vendors Who Are Persons with Disabilities (PWDs): A Critical Social Work Perspective103 Tatenda Nhapi 7 Disability,  Language and the Media in Zimbabwe: Perspectives of Media Companies on People with Disabilities119 Phillipa Mutswanga 8 Social  Media and Disability Politics in Zimbabwe: Should we Celebrate “Liberation” or Resist a New Form of Social Oppression?137 Kudzai Shava and Isheunoziva Chinyoka 9 The  Postcolonial Commodification of Gloria Huang’s Black, Disabled Body: A Case Study in Media Ethics149 Gia Alexander 10 In-Between  Violence and Humanitarian Mercy: Western Media Portrayals of Albinism in Tanzania165 Giorgio Brocco 11 Inclusion  of Persons Who Use AAC in the Media: A South African Perspective183 Alecia Samuels and Refilwe Elizabeth Morwane 12 Can  Web 2.0 Salvage the Gains of Disability Rights Advocacy in Africa?203 Nqobani Dube 13 The  Voices of Persons with Sensory Impairment Versus Their Portrayal by Mass Media in Zimbabwe225 Phillipa Mutswanga

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14 Disability  in Government-Controlled Media and Legislation in Malawi 2012–2019235 Sarah Huque, Lena Wånggren, Limbani Kachali, and Jen Remnant Index255

Notes on Contributors

Olayinka Oluwakemi Adeniyi  is a researcher, an advocate and barrister of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, resident in South Africa. She is presently an OpenAIR/QEScholar Researcher with the Center for Intellectual Property and Information Technology Law (CIPIT), Strathmore University, Nairobi, Kenya. She has a Doctorate in Law (LLD) from the University of Pretoria, South Africa, and obtained her master’s and first degree from the Obafemi Awolowo University, Osun State, Nigeria. She is a 2018/2019 Research Fellow of the International Centre for Women’s Research of Coady International Institute, Antigonish, Nova Scotia, Canada. Olayinka has certificates in Women’s Human Rights on UN CEDAW for Change, Women Leadership for Community Development, Action Research for Citizen Led Change, Children’s Rights, Student Support and Academic Development and a certificate in Social Entrepreneurship. She has several years of experience in legal practice (Nigeria), research, lecturing, and community development for the protection of women and girls. She has authored chapters in academic books and papers in accredited journals. She is the author of many secular books and has presented papers in local and international conferences and workshops. Olayinka is the CEO and founder of Women on the Watch (WOW) Society Initiative, a not-for-profit registered in South Africa. Her present research interest is the rights of vulnerable persons, particularly women and children, in the emergence of developed technology.

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Gia  Alexander  holds a Ph.D. in English and an M.A. in English from Texas A&M University and a B.A. in English from Northwestern State University. She currently works as a Lecturer of Engineering Technical Communication in the Harold Vance Department of Petroleum Engineering at Texas A&M. Her research interests include book history, the materiality of writing, disability studies, accessibility in digital environments, and technical communication. Giorgio  Brocco  finalized his doctoral research at the Freie Universität Berlin Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology. His doctoral research examined the life situations, everyday experiences, and subjectivities of people with albinism in Tanzania. Giorgio Brocco has taken part in international conferences and workshops and has published peer-reviewed articles, book chapters, blog posts, and magazine articles on the topic of his doctoral research. Isheunoziva  Chinyoka is Head of the Access Technology Unit at Disability Support Services, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe. He is responsible for training blind and visually impaired students on the use of access technology such as screen readers and various assistive devices. In addition, he also helps visually impaired students pursuing postgraduate courses in education with their statistics courses. He holds a Bachelor of Laws (hons) degree and a Master in International Relations, both from the University of Zimbabwe. He also holds a dozen certificates from MOOC platforms in Probability and Statistics, R Programming, and Foundations in Data Science. Isheunoziva Chinyoka writes exclusively about technology on his personal blog at http://www.chinyoka.com under the heading “My Factual Musings.” Okechukwu  Chukwuma holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Mass Communication from Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Enugu, Nigeria. He also holds master’s and doctorate degrees in Mass Communication from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. His areas of research interest include media and conflict, health communication, political communication, and development communication, as well as the new media. He is a UNICEF consultant and former lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication, Islamic University in Uganda, Kampala Campus. He currently teaches in the English & Mass Communication Department of the Federal University, Otuoke, Nigeria.

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Nqobani Dube  is a holder of a social science master’s degree in development and human rights from Swansea University, with strong theoretical and methodological training in public opinion research and practice. With over 10 years of experience in technical support, designing, managing, delivering, reporting, monitoring and evaluating human rights, civic engagement, public health, accountability, advocacy, research, and humanitarian and development or similar interventions targeting people with disabilities in emergency, reconstruction and similar contexts. He has worked extensively around the world in different roles for various disability organisations and the government of Zimbabwe. This has supported his research and work, which revolves mostly around the intersections of disability inclusion and development and humanitarian interventions. As exemplified by his research on social media-powered disability rights activism, Nqobani continues to pursue his desire to champion the centrality of disability issues in development. He remains interested in representations of disability rights activism in popular culture and radical pedagogy. In addition to graduate studies, Nqobani has a background in community development, a commitment to grassroots activism, and a love for disruptive social media and other forms of alternative new media. Sarah  Huque  completed her PhD in Geography and MSc in Global Health Implementation at the University of St Andrews. Her doctoral research involved working with Malawian disability rights advocates, exploring their experiences of activism in a participatory and codesigned project. Sarah’s broader career has involved work at the intersection of public health and social justice, with an interest in methodological innovation. Her past research focused on disability rights, social movement organising, mental health and wellbeing, and global health messaging. She is currently a Research Fellow on the project Suicide Cultures: Reimagining Suicide Research at the University of Edinburgh. Limbani  Kachali Limbani is the research and policy officer at MCTU. He has combined work experience of more than 6 years in the areas of research, monitoring and evaluation; youth and women empowerment, child protection and development; and promotion of decent work by advocating for inclusive social protection and labour laws and rights.

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Carol Liebler  is a researcher on media and diversity issues, and in particular on gender as it intersects with race and ethnicity. Current work explores hegemonic beauty ideals across various media platforms, both in the United States and China. She is also interested in news media visibility of missing children and women, with past research examining media critique of “The Missing White Woman Syndrome.” Liebler has published her work in a wide variety of journals, including Asian Journal of Communication; Communication, Culture and Critique; Howard Journal of Communications; Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media; Journal of Communication; and Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly.Her teaching includes quantitative and qualitative research methods; mass communications theory; race, gender and media; and media, gender and beauty ideals. She also teaches media and diversity, a graduate course she pioneered in the Newhouse curriculum. Liebler is extremely active in graduate education and has mentored and/or advised many master’s and doctoral students. In 2008 she was recipient of the Syracuse University Excellence in Graduate Education Faculty Recognition Award. In 2011–2012 she was a visiting professor at the University of Macau, China. Liebler is past director of the Newhouse Ph.D. and Media Studies programs, a former head of the Mass Communication and Society division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (AEJMC) and former chair of AEJMC’s Standing Committee on Research. She also chaired AEJMC’s oversight committee on diversity and has served on AEJMC’s publications committee. Refilwe Elizabeth Morwane  is a lecturer at the Speech-language pathology and Audiology department at the University of Witwatersrand in South Africa. She is a qualified Speech-language therapist and Audiologist with a PhD in Augmentative and Alternative Communication (AAC) obtained from the University of Pretoria in South Africa. She conducts teaching, training, and research in the field of severe disability with a focus on disability and employment issues. In addition to her involvement in academic and research activities, she also trains professionals such as educators and therapists in AAC implementation. Esther  Musengi, D.  Ed (UNISA), M.  Ed (GZU), MSc, BSc (ZOU), C. E. (UZ), is Matabeleland South Regional Program Coordinator for Disability and Special Needs Education programs at Zimbabwe Open University. A teacher of learners with special educational needs since 1992, her research interests are in disability studies, deaf education and sign language rights.

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Martin Musengi  is Associate Professor of Deaf Education and Inclusive Education in the Jairos Jiri Centre for Special Needs Education at Great Zimbabwe University (GZU). Currently Martin serves as Director of Quality Assurance and Academic Planning at GZU.  He is a Fulbright Scholar (Gallaudet University, Washington, DC) whose research interests revolve around disabled persons’ rights, augmentative and alternative communication, disability activism and sign language ideologies. He is a member of the editorial boards of the GZU Journal of New Vision in Educational Research and the Taylor and Francis journal Deafness and Education International. Phillipa  Mutswanga  is an associate professor who holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Special Needs Education. She is a professor in the Department of Disability Studies and Special Needs Education at Zimbabwe Open University (ZOU). She has an M.Ed (Educational Psychology) degree and a B.Ed in Special Needs Education, both obtained from the University of Zimbabwe. She taught in several special schools for the deaf and special classes for learners with intellectual challenges. Phillipa worked as a substantive teacher in charge of infants, as school head and as an education officer, before joining ZOU as a lecturer in 2005. She was a co-partner in carrying out two consultancies commissioned by World Education and Leonard Cheshire whose findings gave voice to inclusion in Zimbabwe. Phillipa has published several empirical studies in the field of deaf education, Zimbabwean Sign Language, and other disabilities and has also co-authored several modules and authored book chapters. She has also successfully advised more than 20 undergraduate and postgraduate students. Chenjerai  Muwaniki is currently a Lecturer in the Department of Educational Foundations at Great Zimbabwe University in Masvingo, Zimbabwe (2010–present). He coordinates the Adult and Continuing Education Section. He is an alumnus of the DAAD- University leadership programme UNILEAD at the Carl Von Ossietsky University of Oldenburg in Germany. He has a PhD in Adult Education from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg Campus, South Africa. His research interests are in adult education, vocational education, especially green skills in vocational education, learning needs of smallholder farmers and emerging issues in development. He has authored research articles and book chapters focusing on vocational education training (VET) in Zimbabwe. His research has focused on professional development of VET teachers, VET for hearing impaired youth and, recently, curriculum responsiveness in VET.

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Tatenda  Nhapi  holds a Bachelor of Science in Social Work Honours Degree from the University of Zimbabwe. In 2015 he was awarded an Erasmus Mundus Masters in Advanced Development Social Work, a study consortium programme involving five European universities. Tatenda is an academic and practitioner. Currently he practices social work with a UK local authority. His research interests include social policy and administration, environmental social justice and sustainable development approaches. He has published 10 journal articles and book chapters in these areas. Theophilus Michael Odaudu  is a lawyer and a human rights advocate with interest in disability rights and good governance. He worked over 6 years in civil service, where he acquired knowledge of the criminal justice sector and experienced first-hand workplace barriers to the effective performance of persons with disabilities in Nigeria. In pursuing his passion to promote the rights of persons with disabilities, Theophilus volunteers for different organisations working on disability rights, women and children. Presently, he consults for the Disability Rights Fund and Disability Rights Advocacy Fund (DRF/DRAF) as Programme Officer for Nigeria, resourcing organisations of persons with disabilities in Nigeria to advance disability rights through grant making, advocacy and technical assistance. He has an Master of Laws (LLM) from the University of Ibadan and has published articles and made contributions to academic works on disability rights and good governance. To prepare him to fully pursue his passion for human rights and good governance, Theophilus obtained an LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa from the Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria. He is a 2016 Mandela Washington Fellow and studied public management at the Maxwell School for Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, New York. Olusola John Ogundola  is the Executive Director of Project Restoration International Initiative (PRIINT), a disability rights organization he founded to advocate the protection of interests of people with disabilities. He runs the Center for Disability and Media Training and Research in Ibadan, Nigeria. He received his Bachelor’s Degree in Library and Information Studies (BLIS) from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, and then studied at Syracuse University in the United States of America for a Master’s in Media Studies. His research interest centers on media and diversity issues. He is an alumnus of the International Fellowship Program (IFP) of the Ford Foundation. In February 2016, with collaboration from

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the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Oyo State Council, he trained about 150 journalists on Guidelines for Reporting Disability in the News Media in Nigeria, with an alumni grant from the Ford Foundation. He is a recipient of the PeaceCon 2018 Scholarship of the Alliance For Peacebuilding, Washington, DC, following his work in peacebuilding initiated to tackle group-based conflict among people with disabilities in Nigeria. Currently, he is an adjunct lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication, The Polytechnic, Ibadan. Julius  Omokhunu holds a First Class Bachelor’s Degree in Mass Communication from Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba, Nigeria and a Master’s Degree in Mass Communications from the University of Lagos, Akoka, Nigeria. He has a specialization in broadcast and print communication and has worked on many research teams in that connection. His research interests include media performance in various scenarios, with a special focus on media and conflict, politics and environment, as well as digital media. Jen Remnant  Jen joined Strathclyde Business School as a Chancellor’s Fellow, a position formed to develop high-quality research careers.  Her research explores (1) subjective experiences of health at work and employee perceptions, (2) heterogeneous stakeholder perspectives and responses to ill-health and disability in the workplace, (3) organisations and health and (4) historical, cultural and political perspectives, debates and depictions of health in relation to work. Tafadzwa  Rugoho  obtained his PhD in Disability and Sexuality from Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. He has taught at Great Zimbabwe University. He was also a guest lecturer at the University of Pretoria. Tafadzwa has authored more than 20 book chapters and journal articles. He edited two books titled Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents with Disabilities (with France Maphosa) and Disability and Media  – African Perspectives. He has worked for a variety of organizations for more than 15 years. Tafadzwa is disabled and is a disability activist. Alecia  Samuels is a qualified Speech Language Pathologist and Audiologist and is an associate professor at the Centre for Augmentative and Alternative Communication (AAC) at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. She conducts research in early childhood intervention, AAC, allied health science, teaching methods and educational technology.

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Kudzai Shava  is a blind disability rights activist and scholar whose work in education, disability rights advocacy and research spans over three decades. He is a holder of a Bachelor’s in Education from the University of Zimbabwe, a Master of Arts in Disability Studies from the University of Leeds, and is currently studying for a PhD in the same discipline at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His research interests are human rights, disability advocacy, inclusive development, disability and technology, research and training. Lena  Wånggren is a researcher and teacher at the University of Edinburgh. She works on literature, arts, gender, intersectionality and social justice, with publications including Corporeality and Culture: Bodies in Movement (2015) and Gender, Technology and the New Woman (2017). She is also a trade union representative.

List of Tables

Table 4.1 Table 11.1 Table 14.1

Language to use Disabilities that present with a severe communication disability requiring the use of AAC Search results for MANA articles on economics and disability

80 191 240

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction Tafadzwa Rugoho

Introduction Over one billion people the world over are estimated to have some sort of disability. In both the Global South and Western countries people with disabilities endure widespread violation of their rights. They constitute one of the poorest groups, and they endure economic and social exclusion on a daily basis. While the United Nations has committed itself to upholding the full and equal enjoyment of all human rights by all persons, evidence suggests that people with disabilities continue to suffer exclusion and are not able to exercise their rights. Most countries in the Global South still lack the political will to promote the rights of people with disabilities. To combat the exclusion and isolation of people with disabilities, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities urges the media to be accessible to people with disabilities so that they can express their opinions and freedoms. The role of the media in promoting the rights of people who are oppressed is widely acknowledged. It plays a vital role in raising awareness of the issues faced by people with disabilities and countering stigma and misinformation about them. The media can serve as an instrument for

T. Rugoho (*) Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Athena Institute, Amsterdam, Netherlands © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_1

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changing community misconceptions and stereotypes. People with disabilities often face discrimination based on stereotypes, which results in their marginalization, isolation, and ostracism. However, the media is well positioned to challenge and educate society by providing accurate information about persons with disabilities. If the media effectively provided information and raised awareness on disability issues, it could contribute to an effective and successful integration of persons with disabilities in all aspects of social life. Because persons with disabilities seldom receive coverage in the media, media organizations have been accused by disability activists of perpetuating the isolation of persons with disabilities and discrimination against them. Very often, the media portrays people with disabilities as objects of pity or charity or as simply needing medical treatment who must overcome their tragic and disabling condition or, conversely, as superheroes who have accomplished great feats to inspire the nondisabled. The images and stories on people with disabilities encountered in the media often portray them as people requiring charity for their survival. This type of portrayal is challenged by the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which calls on states and the media to portray persons with disabilities in a manner consistent with a respect for human rights and dignity. Besides raising awareness, the media can also act as a watchdog in the promoting the interests of persons with disabilities. Most countries in the Global South are signatories to several international treaties seeking to promote and protect the rights of people with disabilities. For example, in Africa more than forty countries have ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The media can assist development partners by reporting accurately on the status of persons with disabilities. The watchdog role it can play in connection with the implementation of and advances in the rights of persons with disabilities is immense and can take many forms, depending on the nature of the medium concerned. Essentially, the role consists in raising awareness and providing information. The media could also be the so-called eyes and ears of the government when the rights of persons with disabilities are being violated. Historically, the media in Africa have often been accused of perpetuating discrimination against people with disabilities. However, over the past decade, things have slowly begun to change thanks to partnerships with other development partners. For example, in Ethiopia, the European Union–funded a joint project between the International Labour Organization and the United Nations Children’s Fund on Improving

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Synergies between Social Protection and Public Finance Management (SP-PFM), in partnership with the Federation of Ethiopian Associations of Persons with Disabilities (FEAPD), to support capacity building and stronger advocacy among media companies for disability inclusion within social protection systems. The result of such a partnership was a strengthened media able to engage government on disability issues. Today, the influence of the media in promoting and protecting the rights of persons with disabilities can no longer be ignored, especially as African countries seek to attain the optimum level of success in achieving the goals of the convention by developing and using appropriate behavior change communication materials in all accessible formats.

About This Book Historically, people with disabilities have lived in institutions, which limited their interactions with their families and communities; the outside world had limited opportunities to communicate with them. Most communities and families did not understand sign language, for example, and this made it difficult for the deaf community to communicate with their members who used sign language. Chapter 2 discusses opportunities currently being offered by new technology and social media. The crux of the chapter’s discussion is that the increased opportunities to communicate with diverse populations may come with latent identity crises in the lives of some deaf people using mobile technologies. The crises potentially arise from the possibility that local norms and especially culture-based signing conventions may be overshadowed and considered inferior to those originating elsewhere. On the other hand, if organizations for deaf people strategize, these mobile technologies have the potential to document local zimbabwe sign language (ZSL) varieties. This would preserve ZSL and deaf culture for posterity and, thus, empower local deaf people to view themselves as linguistic minority citizens who, like any other linguistic minority, do not require therapy. Acknowledging that persons with disabilities are not a homogeneous group is very important, especially when we want persons with disabilities to have access to media and development initiatives. Chapter 3 discusses the challenges faced by girls with disabilities in accessing media. However, the government of Nigeria has implimented a number of policies and programmes to empower PWDs. The chapter acknowledges that Nigeria, like all other African countries, is embracing technology to meet the demands of the United Nations Convention on Persons with Disabilities. However,

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the invisibility of girls with disabilities in the Nigerian media remains in place. In particular, there is a lot of rhetoric surrounding girls with disabilities and their right to access the media. The situation of young girls with disability is therefore synonymous with multiple jeopardy, that is, being female, a child, and a person with disability. This invisibility is particularly glaring with respect to the technological divide, the approach of media, and its effect on society. Female children with disabilities are rarely if at all discussed, and when they are, the coverage is negative and not in alignment with respect for human rights or the right to development. The chapter also examines the emerging practices of protecting the rights of PWDs in some developed legal frameworks. Furthermore, it looks at the various ways the media can improve the conditions of girls with disabilities and offers suggestions for Nigeria. Despite the transformative promise of “Leave No One Behind” of the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the inclusion of persons with disabilities as a priority group for all development policies and programs largely remains a work in progress due to the stigma and stereotypes that continue to be attached to disabilities. Chapter 4 furthers the discussion of issues of stereotypes associated with persons with disabilities in Nigeria. The media in Nigeria play a peripheral role in raising awareness of the rights of persons with disabilities. At the heart of the insensitivity and lack of awareness with respect to disability issues by the wider public is the mass media, whose role has been characterized as being one of neglect, at best. This chapter makes a broad assessment of the publicity and portrayal of disabilities and disability issues in the Nigerian media. The background to the discussion was laid by a presentation of disability stereotypes common in Nigerian society, which also discussed causes and implications in detail; in addition, the media’s effect on audiences was examined as a potential reason for the continued spread of stereotypes and stigmatization of people with disabilities. Framing is an important concept, in particular in discussions of the rights of marginalized groups in society. There is a strong relationship between framing and agenda setting. The theory of framing posits that how subject matter is presented to an audience (“the frame”) influences the choices people make about how to process information related to that matter. It is always crucial to evaluate the implications of framing for respecting the rights of minority groups. Chapter 5 discusses how the media in Nigeria negatively frames people with disabilities. The chapter

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examines media frames of disability in newspapers from both northern and southern Nigeria in the period 2001–2010. The results of the analysis show that newspapers’ framing of disability in both regions is full of negative and stereotypical language that can reinforce marginalization and discrimination against people with disabilities. The media rarely report self-advocacy by people with disability, suggesting that Nigerian reporters and editors hold them in very low esteem and consider their voice irrelevant in matters that affect them. Chapter 6 continues the framing theme with a discussion of how people with disabilities in various sectors are framed in Zimbabwe. The aim of Chap. 6 is to explore the media’s framing and coverage of the domains of occurrence of vendors who are PWDs in major Zimbabwean urban centers. Intricate linkages between disability and poverty exist in the Global South, where PWDs experience, inter alia, comparatively lower educational attainment, lower employment and higher unemployment rates, worse living conditions, and higher poverty rates. Importantly, as the chapter illustrates in the Zimbabwean context, socioeconomic turbulence has threatened the fabric of society. Though Zimbabwe’s social protection system once ranked impressively with respect to coverage and other measures, recent crises and structural challenges have eroded its quality and reach. The media in Zimbabwe portrays people with disabilities who are vendors negatively. Negative name calling is a prominent part of the discussion in Chap. 7. People with disabilities are referred to in connection with their bodies or physical mannerisms. Derogatory names that are given to people with disabilities are also perpetuated and sustained by the mass media, as revealed in the chapter. These names portray PWDs as deviance and as people without the capacity to contribute anything meaningful in their communities. The chapter observes that media outlets portray people with disabilities as hopeless and less than human. Regardless of such negative name calling, advocates with disabilities have been fighting for a political identity. Chapter 8 analyzes the mediating role of social media in disability politics using Zimbabwe as a case study. The chapter examines the development of disability identity consciousness and how it has been shaped by the spread of social media. The key question addressed in the chapter is the extent to which information and communication technologies (ICTs), particularly in the utilization of social media, have been a positive or negative force in nurturing disability identity in Zimbabwe. To this end, the chapter analyzes the concepts’ identity and disability consciousness using relevant

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literature before presenting and discussing empirical evidence from the results of a research study carried out by the authors on two WhatsApp groups for people with disabilities in Zimbabwe —the Disability Rights Chat and Prime Access. Chapter 9 describes the experience of an individual with disabilities and how it was handled by the media in Ghana. Gloria Huang was an eight-­ year-­ old girl with multiple disabilities died suddenly. The subsequent media coverage surrounding Gloria’s death revealed vestiges of colonialism and the commodification of African bodies. Although many of the descriptions of the incident centered around the injustices directed at Grace and Matthew, Gloria herself, as an individual human being with a disability, received much less attention. Rather, much coverage focused instead on her body as the object of the controversy. For instance, Huang’s intentions in adopting children from Africa, “others” unlike themselves, received undue and negative scrutiny, even according to the ethical guidelines of the news agencies reporting on the case. When Gloria’s person and plight did receive attention, the tone often seemed unflattering at best and dismissive at worst. Media services further disputed her disability status. At one point, Gloria’s adoptive parents even faced false accusations that they had murdered their daughter to sell her organs. People with disabilities, especially those with albinism, need state and community protection for their survival due to myths about how their bodies can be used for medical purposes. Chapter 10 discusses attacks on and medical murders of people with albinism recorded in Tanzania and various African countries since year 2000. These events have attracted the attention of national and international media companies, humanitarian organizations, and various political institutions. Journalistic reports, documentaries, and films, released by both Western and non-Western media companies, have focused on the medical murders and life experiences of people with albinism in Tanzania. Through the examination of two documentaries about people with albinism in Tanzania, this chapter aims to shed light on the multiple ways the media have represented attacks on persons with albinism and the socioeconomic conditions in which they live. Related points of analysis regard the ways these documentaries have portrayed “traditional” healing practices and the humanitarian activities carried out by international and national nongovernmental organizations working on behalf of people with albinism. Chapter 11 discusses opportunities offered by augmentative and alternative communication (AAC). People with disabilities who cannot rely on

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their speech can use AAC. Media used to pose formidable obstacles for those with communication challenges. This chapter shares some of the strategies that can be used by the media using AAC to interview people with communication difficulties. Chapter 12 discusses the contributions of Web 2.0 and social media. PWDs have used social media to campaign for their rights in Africa and to create a resource for the disability rights movement regarding ways to enhance advocacy efforts using social media. Chapter 13 discusses how people with sensory impairment in mass media in Zimbabwe. Like other people with disabilities, they are portrayed as people deserving of our pity. The voice of people with sensory impairment is largely absent in the media.

Conclusion The media can play a very important and powerful role in addressing and promoting the rights of persons with disabilities. Electronic and print media should serve to raise awareness and educate society about persons with disabilities and their rights and opportunities. The media should be able to sway public opinion in favor of persons with disabilities and may motivate legislators, policymakers, opinion shapers, and others by portraying persons with disabilities as role models with tremendous potential and ability. The media should make a deliberate effort to provide accurate information and knowledge about persons with disabilities. In addition, the media should be cautious about the language and appropriate terminology it uses when referring to persons with disabilities. Terminology that promotes a charity-based approach or medical model for persons with disabilities should be rejected in all spheres.

CHAPTER 2

Mobile Media and the Sign Language of Zimbabwe’s Deaf Community Martin Musengi, Chenjerai Muwaniki, and Esther Musengi

Introduction The mobile technology revolution has resulted in greater use of social media tools by not only the general population but also people who are deaf and hard-of-hearing (DHH) (McNaughton & Light, 2013; Zdrodowska, 2016; Manhique & Giannoumis, 2019; Setyawan et  al., 2022). This has resulted in more opportunities for DHH people to communicate with and participate in diverse populations, thereby placing greater demands on their linguistic, operational, social, and strategic competencies to meet the increased communication demands in diverse

M. Musengi • C. Muwaniki (*) Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] E. Musengi Zimbabwe Open University, Harare, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_2

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environments. The effects of increased mobile technology use on sign language development and Deaf 1 culture in general appear to be underresearched and therefore require, at the very least, exploratory documentation. The increase in smartphone use in sign languages is now influenced not only by the local Deaf community but also by global Deaf people on the other side of the screen, regardless of their location (Tannenbaum-Baruchi & Feder-Bubis, 2017; Zaien, 2020). Changes in sign languages are therefore no longer restricted to accommodating the localized needs of local Deaf communities. This chapter discusses prospects for the conservation and development of Deaf culture, in particular Zimbabwean Sign Language (ZSL), in light of the advent of mobile media technologies in Zimbabwe, a developing country. To this end, the chapter traces historical and contemporary notions of communicating for DHH people before analyzing the communicative competencies required for mobile technology use. This is followed by a discussion of the challenges and opportunities opened up by using mobile technology. The chapter tentatively explores the potential this technology has to influence the identity development of DHH people.

Historical and Contemporary Notions of Communication for the DHH Population Less than 20 years ago, many people who are DHH in Zimbabwe lived and grew up in large residential institutions, with limited educational and vocational options (Chimedza, 2008; Musengi, 2014). In Zimbabwe, people who are DHH are known to have come together in large enough numbers to form communities that use a sign language when three special schools for the deaf were established on the basis of charity during the pre-­ independence era (Musengi, 2014). These schools are the Emerald Hill School, the Henry Murray School, and the Jairos Jiri Naran School. The first school was started by Dominican nuns of the Roman Catholic Church 1  This chapter follows the convention established by Woodward (1972) and followed by other authors (e.g., Ladd, 2003; Parasnis, 1998) whereby the capitalized form “Deaf” is used to refer to those deaf people who share a sign language and cultural values that are distinct from the hearing society. The lowercase “deaf” is therefore used to refer to the audiological condition of deafness as this chapter recognizes this latter term as encompassing children to whom Deaf culture is a birthright but for whom we do not want to foreclose the choice of hearing cultural identity or Deaf identity. Special schools for such learners are therefore also referred to as for the deaf rather than for the Deaf.

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at Loreto Mission in Midlands Province in 1926 (Hlatywayo, 2017). The second school was opened in 1947 by Dutch Reformed Church missionaries at Pamushana Mission in Masvingo Province (Musengi, 1999), and the third, Jairos Jiri Naran School, was established by a Zimbabwean charitable organization, Jairos Jiri Association, in Gweru in 1968 (Musengi, 1999). These three schools were established as boarding institutions for DHH children, who were officially known as children with hearing impairment, while the schools were called special schools for the deaf. Initially the special schools for the deaf were concerned with the provision of care and basic training. Chitiyo and Wheeler (2004) stated that the focus in the special schools tended to be on practical skills, such as basketry, woodwork, leatherwork, sewing, and cookery. Peresuh and Barcham (1998) explained that in Zimbabwe the missionaries and humanitarian organizations like the Jairos Jiri Association considered their work more as a charity and religious obligation than a concern for the right of deaf children to receive an education. In line with the most prevalent arrangements in deaf education worldwide (Reilly & Reilly, 2005; Moores, 2009), the placement option of first choice in Zimbabwe are residential special schools for the deaf (Nziramasanga, 1999; Chimedza, 2008; Musengi, 2016). This is most likely because the school, and not the family, was regarded as the major socialization agent for most deaf children (Padden, 1998). The literature shows that DHH children largely acquire spoken and sign language at school (Marschark et  al., 2006; Marschark & Spencer, 2010; Reilly & Reilly, 2005). Padden (1998) explained that the traditional means of schooling in the first part of the century was the residential school where deaf children were introduced to classes with other deaf children and lived in boarding arrangements for long periods of time. Residential schools for the deaf offer a unique environment providing a deaf child with immersion in interaction and experience, as well as a critical mass of deaf learners who experience language visually (Padden & Humphries, 2005). The large number of deaf learners in the school is very important in terms of learning the visual language of DHH people, sign language, and also for learning about the world through using this language (Reilly & Reilly, 2005; Yiu et al., 2019). However, Padden (1998, p. 82) stated that these residential schools have served as “island communities” with the typical ones fulfilling the “asylum” prototype of a walled­in “minimum security prison.” Residential school arrangements of this kind limit the necessary socialization with the outside world. Padden and Humphries (2005) also cautioned against the dangers of physical, sexual,

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and emotional abuse and neglect when such institutions claimed the entire lives of deaf pupils, separating children from home and family. As a result of these and other fears about segregation, there was a decline in residential school attendance for deaf children and an increase in mainstream school attendance for the deaf in the United States (Moores, 2009; Padden, 1998). Although he does not provide the precise dates, Moores (2009) indicated that at the time he was writing, several residential schools had been closed and several more would be closed in the near future (2009, p. 3). In contrast, in Zimbabwe, the preferred placement for deaf children remains the residential school for the deaf, as shown by the findings of Nziramasanga (1999) and Chimedza (2008). In Zimbabwe, residential special schools were based on a medical model, and so hearing aid technology was traditionally prescribed to try to enhance the hearing abilities of deaf learners (Musengi, 2014). DHH learners were expected to use deficit-inclined technology to augment spoken language. Spoken language is traditionally considered primary, and many Zimbabweans view deafness primarily as a lack of speech, rather than a direct hearing problem (Chiswanda (1997). Chiswanda (1997) stated that in the Shona communities of Zimbabwe, the terms used to refer to DHH people are usually chimumumu or mbeveve (the silent) and, rarely, chiurinzeve or matsi (with defective ears). The schools in general placed a high importance on learning to speak in order to be included in speaking society, in what Knoors and Marschark (2012) called the social desire for DHH children to eventually integrate fully into the larger society. The special schools had a pathological understanding of deafness, which they believed to be a condition characterized by an auditory deficit. Musengi (2018) observed that many believe that DHH people are, at least in a physiological sense, inferior to hearing people. They are likely to pity and patronize the deaf and remediate hearing loss or impairment associated with being DHH, for example, through teaching speech and speech reading and using hearing aids (Lane, 2008; Ladd, 2008). These programs are implemented so that hearing impairment does not result in a communication disability and handicap in a largely hearing and speaking world. In hearing society, awkward speech and gesticulations are associated with a simple mind, thereby linking language and the intellect and making deafness a defect of the intellect (Hauser & Marschark, 2008; Lane, 1999). Baumann and Murray (2009) pointed out that for many centuries, scientists wrongly assumed that the basis of language was speech. As a result of

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this faulty assumption, the concept of normalcy in language at schools for the Deaf related to spoken language. Spoken language had long been seen as being at the core of human society and human cognitive development (Blamey et al., 2006). Access to spoken language has greatly improved for deaf children as a result of advances in identification of hearing loss in infancy and developments in amplification systems (Ackely & Decker, 2006; Raeve et al., 2012). These developments imply that deaf children receive improved feedback from other speakers, whom they can use as models while at the same being better able to monitor their own speech production. This in turn implies that, all other factors being constant, deaf learners should produce more speech than before the aforementioned advances in technology. All the advances in technology are, however, countered by late identification and intervention that begin after the sensitive period for optimal language acquisition. In any case, the exclusive focus on spoken language is contrary to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) (2006), which advocates the acceptance and facilitation of sign languages (Article 21) and the promotion of the linguistic identity of the Deaf community so that they can participate effectively in a free society (Article 24). It is not surprising, therefore, that Musengi (2016) found that, despite the official aural-oral focus of communication in special schools, DHH learners secretly used ZSL. DHH learners only had limited opportunities to interact with the outside world as they mostly interacted with hearing staff in the institutions in which they lived. They also communicated with each other using ZSL dialects peculiar to these institutions, as discussed in the following section.

ZSL Development in Zimbabwe Little is known about deaf people and ZSL in Zimbabwe prior to colonization and formal schooling (Musengi, 2014). However, since deafness is a low-incidence disability, at 5.3% of the population (WHO, 2012; Kadenge & Musengi, 2018), and most deaf children are born to hearing parents who do not know the language (Mitchell & Karchmer, 2011), it is improbable that ZSL could have developed in precolonial rural communities where deaf people were scattered. ZSL development may therefore not owe much of its genesis to what Fusellier-Souza (2004) called home signs or “emerging sign languages,” which develop into microcommunity and macrocommunity sign languages. After colonization and the

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beginning of public education, the state authorities took little or no responsibility for establishing schools for the deaf for Black children as this was left entirely to churches and other charitable organizations (Musengi, 2014). The government established King George VI Memorial Centre and St. Giles Rehabilitation Centre for the minority White, Coloured and Indian children with disabilities, which included deafness (Musengi, 1999; Musengi, 2014). Once the schools were established, the state aided them but gave little or no direction on teaching approaches (Peresuh & Barcham, 1998) as government sought information on which to base educational policies for the deaf (Chimedza, 2001). Without government direction, the schools began to use oral teaching approaches derived from sister schools in Europe and South Africa. As discussed in the preceding section, such approaches precluded the use of the visual-gestural language of deaf people. However, because the special schools for the deaf had been brought together into a critical mass, sign language developed naturally from their need to communicate ideas to each other. It is in the special boarding schools for the deaf that a sign language developed out of the natural need to communicate with other deaf children (Musengi, 2018). The literature concurs on the acquisition of this language at school (Marschark et al., 2006; Marschark & Spencer, 2010) and that home signs may contribute to the development of macrocommunity school-based signs (Fusellier-Souza, 2004). Fusellier-Souza (2004) explained that sign languages emerged from a cognitive-­ communicational process defined by the iconization of experience anchored in the practical-perceptual world. Stokoe (2005) explained the same process by saying that there grows between the child born deaf and those around the child a communicative system derived in part from the visible parts of the paralinguistic, and especially the kinesic, communicative behavior of the culture. This means that in their daily need to communicate with each other, deaf children made picture-like representations of objects and activities as they created a complex language. Despite the fact that most schools for the deaf preferred the learning of a spoken language that can be written (Musengi, 2014), deaf children were resilient as, according to Morgans (1999), they used the language in secret, away from hearing educators who prohibited sign language. Special boarding schools for the deaf were therefore the ground upon which different dialects of ZSL evolved from as early as 1926, when deaf children were brought together at the Loreto Mission special school, which is now Emerald Hill School for the Deaf. On the global stage,

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Stokoe discovered American Sign Language (ASL) as a natural language comparable to all other languages. Following this landmark study, there has been increasing international evidence challenging the long held traditional view that deaf people were deviants with no language (Akach, 2008). In Zimbabwe, despite resistance from conservative specialists who strove to rehabilitate deaf people and incorporate them into the mainstream hearing society by communicating with deaf learners through the medium of spoken language (speech), different dialects of ZSL steadily but unofficially became part of the teaching and learning landscape (Musengi, 2014). Sign language became increasingly accepted in education largely as a result of overwhelming international evidence (Akach, 2008; Glaser & Pletzen, 2012). International organizations that put pressure on governments on this issue include the Secretariat of the African Decade of Persons with Disabilities (SADPD), now called the African Disability Alliance (ADA). The UNCRPD (2006) was also unequivocal on the matter. Locally, sustained pressure from organizations of the deaf, such as the Association of the Deaf (ASSOD) and Zimbabwe National Association of the Deaf (ZIMNAD), put pressure on government for the use of ZSL in education and on television (Barcham, 1998). The use of ZSL on television helped to standardize the dialects. The increased meeting of deaf people from different schools in Deaf clubs and in sporting events also helped to converge and harmonize the varieties of sign language. Natural harmonization of ZSL is ongoing owing to the greater mixing of different communities. Official recognition of ZSL as a language was granted in 2013, when it was given legal status by the Zimbabwe Constitution (2013), which specified ZSL and fourteen other indigenous languages as legitimate and requiring development. With the advent of philosophies related to community-based rehabilitation in education, integrated and inclusive education were initially conceptualized as practices that could only happen by taking deaf learners to mainstream schools for nondeaf learners. This initial conceptualization had an effect on the existence and development of ZSL. The underlying need to ensure acceptance and inclusion in learning is congruent with United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (1994)2 and the UNCRPD (2006). This is why the government of Zimbabwe became a signatory to these international treaties. In 2

 UNESCO document commonly referred to as the Salamanca Statement.

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practice, this shift to inclusive education meant that the previously “self-­ contained” integration units became less self-contained as deaf children became more engaged in academic subjects in mainstream classes. New government policies stipulated that special needs education was now the responsibility of all teachers, who were to teach all students regardless of any disabilities they might have (Mpofu et  al., 2007). In line with the global community, the emphasis was now on provision, within the mainstream school environment of the conditions, and support to enable diverse people to achieve certain specified goals that might or might not be the same for all learners (Green & Engelbrecht, 2007; Koster et al., 2009). Hodkinson (2005) and Green and Engelbrecht (2007) pointed out that this contrasted with the traditional understanding of schools as inflexible systems to which all learners despite their differences had to adapt if they were to be successful. However, in developing countries, there was relatively limited access to smartphones (Samant et al., 2013), and so deaf learners in schools in these underresourced areas had little or no access to a critical mass of other deaf users of the visual language. This may be detrimental to the optimal development of the language. On the other hand, the greater access to mainstream society assumed by education in mainstream schools also suggests access to mainstream communication technology such as mobile media (McNaughton & Light, 2013). This is unlike in the past when hearing aids were the only communication technology for deaf learners in special schools. Access to mobile media opens channels of communication with many other deaf individuals in distant places, thereby fostering the continued development of the language. More people who are DHH now live and learn within their mainstream communities, where they make use of the more widely available mobile technologies. Even those who remain in special schools can also be considered as participating in inclusive education. According to the founding document of the practice (UNESCO, 1994), inclusive education can be practiced even in special schools for the deaf. UNESCO (1994) pointed out that deaf pupils may be more inclusively provided for in special schools rather than mainstream schools. UNESCO (1994) observed that deaf children needed to use a national sign language as the medium of communication in order to have access to education. Further, UNESCO (1994) recognized that the particular communication needs of deaf learners should be addressed in order for them to participate and become included in education. This is why UNESCO (1994, p.  18) stated that deaf pupils’ education may be more suitably

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provided in special schools or special units in mainstream schools where sign language is used. Powers (1996) corroborated this notion of inclusion when he argued that inclusive education should not focus exclusively on geographical location where pupils are taught but should be about attitudes geared toward ensuring learning. He is saying that inclusive education should focus on adapting educational practices to suit each pupil so that he or she learns optimally. This supports the continued existence of separate residential special schools, which Padden and Humphries (2005) say have a unique environment that could provide deaf children with immersion in interaction and experience, as well as with a critical mass of visual learners. Nowadays, regardless of whether deaf learners are in residential special schools or mainstream schools, they make use of widely available mobile technologies. In this light, the mediation of mobile technology in the development of sign language is discussed briefly in the following section.

The Interface Between Sign Language and Mobile Technology The relationship between mobile technology and sign language needs to be understood in light of the global proliferation of smartphones and increasing recognition of sign language as a natural language. Although they do not provide the statistics behind their claims, Tannenbaum-­ Baruchi and Feder-Bubis (2017) asserted that in 2013, global sales of smartphones surpassed those of regular cell phones. Leykin et al. (2016) observed that this opened up various channels of social media, such as social networks, photo sharing, forums, and blogs. Tannenbaum-Baruchi and Feder-Bubis (2017) posited that this new technology might have triggered the globalization of sign language for three major reasons. First, unlike telephones, smartphones suited deaf people because hearing is not needed to use them; with smartphones individuals can express, transmit, and share information in a visual way. Second, thanks to smartphones, deaf people no longer had to wait to receive messages in sign language since smartphones reduced the dependence on television news with sign language translation and on sign language information in Deaf clubs. Third, smartphones are relatively simple to use, and it only takes one smartphone to connect to other smartphone users around the globe. Tannenbaum-­ Baruchi and Feder-Bubis (2017) argued that smartphones facilitated the

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globalization of sign language through exposure to sign language from other countries and frequent use of foreign signs. They further argued that smartphones were not only a platform for learning a new sign language but also allowed local Deaf communities to expand their sign language repertoire while enriching the sign language of the international Deaf community. According to the literature, since 2013 a growing number of deaf people have been using smartphones (Lyall et  al., 2016; Mairora-Basas & Pagliaro, 2014; Mielke & Brueck, 2015; Efrina & Zulmiyetri, 2020; Cabanillas-Carbonell et  al., 2022). Although the research to support this is lacking, there is reason to believe that this global phenomenon regarding sign language has been replicated in national sign language development, where previously isolated dialects of sign language can now be accessed more easily because of easy access to smartphones. The communicative competency required in the use of this mobile technology is a largely underresearched area that is explored briefly in the next section.

Communicative Competencies Required for Mobile Technology Use With the increased opportunities to communicate with diverse populations come increased requirements for operational, social, and strategic competencies to meet the increased communication demands of participation in diverse environments. According to Light (1989), communicative competence is based on the functionality of communication, the adequacy of communication, and the sufficiency of knowledge, judgment, and skills in four related domains: linguistic, operational, social, and strategic competencies. Traditionally, communication interventions seldom resulted in functional communication according to Lyon and Moats (1993), such interventions focused on trying to remediate speech impairments in isolation in an effort to repair broken parts. The earlier description of how hearing aid technology was prescribed and used in the residential schools for the deaf in Zimbabwe would fit this medical model, resulting in Musengi’s (2014) finding that deaf learners did not have functional communication despite wearing hearing aids. This is why the World Health Organization (WHO)’s (2014) International Classification of Functioning and Disability emphasizes that when it comes to functional communication, ability to participate in the real world should be the yardstick used to judge outcomes.

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Regardless of whether one is a person with a disability or not, all individuals using communication tools must develop social competence by ensuring the appropriate functional use of mobile technologies so that they meet the individuals’ communication goals. This means that, like all other users of mobile technologies, deaf individuals must learn the basics proposed by Hymes (1972) and Light and McNaughton (2014) as follows: learning when to communicate and when not to, about what to communicate, with whom, when, where, and in what manner. This means that individuals need to develop skills in taking turns, initiating interactions to appropriately request information, paying attention, providing information, and indicating confirmation to communication partners (Light & McNaughton, 2014). Previously restricted to local communication partners, deaf users of mobile technologies must now learn to develop and maintain various topics of discourse with different partners from around the world. Mobile technology widens deaf people’s horizons as they interact with other users of smartphones from across the country and beyond. This increases those individuals’ communication demands in their environment as they communicate about materials and issues that are not normally available in their culture and environment. Hand in hand with increased communication demands, there may therefore arise the need for adaptable if not higher communication skills. This is because the adequacy of the communication of a deaf user of a smartphone may vary across contexts depending on the partners, environments, and communication goals. Communication partners will determine whether or not formal or informal communication is used. The interplay between formal and informal communication demands using ZSL in a world filled with mobile smartphones needs to be understood. Aarons and Reynolds (2003, p. 204) pointed out that sign language, just like other languages, had different registers for formal and less formal occasions with polite and less polite signs, slang, fast signing, in-group signing, and all the other variations that other languages boast. The potential interference or facilitation between formal and informal communication resulting from smartphone use can be understood in light of border theory. Deaf sign language users of mobile technology may engage in different types of border behavior that impact and may be impacted by self-esteem. Not only should such users participate actively in interactions, but they must also demonstrate interest in various communication partners. This interest in others should, however, not detract from their projection of a

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positive self-image or identity. Many Deaf people embrace their Deaf identity and reject the pathological view that labels them as “disabled” since this is socially and politically constructed by hearing people (Padden & Humphries, 1988; Lane, 2008; McIlroy & Storbeck, 2011). However, according to Goldblat and Most (2018), some develop a culturally marginal identity in which the DHH individual battles to fit into both Deaf and hearing worlds. Some may view themselves as culturally hearing (Maxwell-McCaw, 2001; Hintermair, 2008). This identity is commonly used by late deafened students who identify deafness as pathological and requiring medical attention to fix the impairment (Bat-Chava, 2000; Glickman, 1993; Maxwell-McCaw, 2001; Goldblat & Most, 2018). These tend to be individuals who have residual hearing and embrace the hearing world by using assistive technology that amplifies sound and also speech or lip read. They associate mostly with hearing people and demonstrate limited association with those who use sign language. Others develop an identity referred to as culturally deaf and immersion or Deaf-acculturated as they are immersed in the Deaf community, culture, and language (Bat-­ Chava, 2000; Glickman, 1993; Maxwell-McCaw, 2001; Goldblat & Most, 2018). They consider themselves members of the Deaf community and use sign language as their first language. They prefer not to use assistive technologies such as hearing aids or cochlear implants (Bat-Chava, 2000; Goldblat & Most, 2018). Culturally deaf students have reframed themselves from an identity of hearing loss and hearing impairment to an identity in which they see themselves as having gained Deaf-hood. It is quite possible that there may be latent identity crises in the lives of some deaf people using mobile technologies. The crises may arise because of the contradictory goals of mainstream hearing culture with its hearing-­ majority view of deafness as a disability that needs therapy on the one hand and organizations of DHH people’s view of themselves as oppressed, linguistic-­minority citizens who, like any other linguistic minority, do not require therapy. The communication of deaf people has been influenced by changing perceptions of disability and the widespread availability of off-the-shelf mobile media. The use of mobile technology to send and receive SMS and WhatsApp messages assumes that deaf individuals have sufficient knowledge, judgment, and skills in the linguistic code of the language written in the broader social community, including receptive and expressive skills. However, deaf children’s educational outcomes are a long-term global challenge. The literature is replete with research studies recording how

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most deaf children find literacy a challenge as they achieve significantly less than hearing peers (Mayer, 2007; Kyle & Harris, 2010; Harris & Terlektsi, 2011). These global low levels of literacy achievement are also evident in Zimbabwe, despite the country’s having the double distinction of having a literacy rate of 92%, the highest in Africa (UNDP, 2010),3 and, as Devlieger (1998) reports, being one of the most disability-friendly on the continent. Such findings and observations imply that it cannot be taken for granted that deaf people who use mobile technology have sufficient knowledge, judgment, and skills in the linguistic code of the language written in the broader social community, usually English. Inadequate knowledge and skills in the linguistic code of the language written in the wider social community may, however, be a problem circumvented by many of the new social media that do not rely solely on linguistic content to communicate. According to Light and McNaughton (2014), linguistic content may be supplemented with extensive use of visual images such as photos and videos as channels of expression. Such social media applications are used to support communication for education, employment, health, and social purposes  (Fornara & Lomicka, 2019). Similarly, just as many older hearing people face challenges with new technology, some older deaf individuals may not have the skills to navigate and operate smartphones efficiently. The opportunities and challenges opened up by the mobile technology revolution are discussed in the next section.

Potential Opportunities and Challenges Opened Up by Mobile Technology Revolution The mobile technology revolution has resulted in the greater use of social media tools, which in turn has positively impacted social awareness and acceptance of these as augmentative and alternative communication (McNaughton & Light, 2013). McNaughton and Light (2013) point out that the benefits of this revolution include the reduction of attitudinal barriers as well as instant communication between distant and diverse populations. It is evident that mobile technology empowers deaf signers who become better placed to communicate with others in distant places. As Tannenbaum-Baruchi and Feder-Bubis (2017) observe, globalization changes languages constantly as there may be a decrease or increase in the 3

 United Nations Development Programme

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use of words, replacement of idioms, and flexibility of syntax. They point out that every Deaf community has variations in their sign language, depending on such factors as the age of the Deaf person and the area of residence. Leykin et al. (2016) attribute some modern day variations in sign language to the extensive use of smartphones, which have arguably redefined social interaction and communication. Similarly, ZSL, like all sign languages, has variations attributable to age and area of residence. However, the impact of the mobile technology revolution on ZSL is an issue that is yet to be fully understood. What is known is that smartphones facilitate exposure to sign language from other regions of Zimbabwe and beyond. It is also known that some foreign signs may begin to be frequently used according to the Deaf individual’s preference. This implies that smartphones allow Deaf communities to expand their sign language and potentially enrich other Deaf communities’ sign languages. The mobile technology revolution may therefore facilitate the harmonization and standardization of ZSL as preferred signs tend to dominate. However, a potential offshoot of this harmonization process may be the inclusion of slang and rules that differ from those rules that govern the so-called conservative sign language acquired in local communities. Older Deaf individuals and others of limited means may have limited access to smartphones and may therefore not understand this language in process. In line with this, there is potential for the domination and hegemony of signs from areas or countries that are perceived as prestigious, with the uniqueness of signs based on local cultures being downplayed. For example, signs for “woman” and “girl” are a case in point. In ZSL these signs have traditionally been articulated by bringing one’s hand to the breast position and opening the palm to indicate “woman,” while the closed fist would indicate “girl.” These signs are acceptable in Zimbabwe because in local culture the breast is neither considered sexually suggestive nor a taboo. However, with the advent of the mobile technology revolution and influx of “gender-sensitive” signs from developed sign languages, the traditional local signs are now labeled sexist, primitive, and, therefore, inappropriate. Many deaf young people now use the American Sign Language (ASL) signs for “woman” and “girl” in place of the traditional ZSL signs. Tannenbaum-Baruchi and Feder-Bubis (2017) posit that a number of famous Deaf people from different countries on social media have followers from many countries and that these Deaf celebrities shape sign languages worldwide and may be in the process of building a global sign

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language. This romantic notion, which is supposedly the first step in building a future universal sign language, faces the challenge that local, less publicized sign languages like ZSL may end up not contributing anything to this global sign language.

Conclusion: Toward a Globally Balanced Bicultural Identity Through Mobile Technology This chapter discussed prospects for the conservation and development of Deaf culture, in particular ZSL, in light of the advent of mobile media technologies in Zimbabwe. It was highlighted that less than 20 years ago many people who are deaf lived and grew up in large residential institutions, where they had limited educational and vocational options and used prescribed hearing aid technology to try to enhance their hearing abilities in formal situations. ZSL dialects peculiar to these institutions were used in secret to communicate among the deaf themselves as it was considered detrimental to the development of spoken language communication. With the advent of inclusive education and philosophies related to community-­ based rehabilitation, more people who are deaf now live and learn within their mainstream communities, where they make use of the more widely available mobile technology and therefore face greater communication demands and enjoy communicating with more partners outside their immediate spheres. The mobile technology revolution, which has made off-the-shelf mobile media readily available, has resulted in the greater use of social media tools, which in turn has positively impacted social awareness and acceptance of these as augmentative and alternative communication. The benefits of this revolution include the reduction of attitudinal barriers as well as instant communication between distant and diverse populations. The crux of the chapter’s discussion was that with the increased opportunities to communicate with diverse populations come increased requirements for linguistic, operational, social, and strategic competencies to meet the increased communication demands of participation in diverse environments. It is imperative that stakeholders analyze the impact of the mobile technology revolution on the harmonization and standardization of ZSL and on the communicative competence of people who are deaf. The chapter contrasted the historical notions of deficit-inclined technology with contemporary, rights-based use of nonprescriptive mobile

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technology, which enables access to signed languages. It was suggested that there may be latent identity crises in the lives of some deaf people using mobile technologies. The crises might have arisen from the contradictory communication goals of mainstream hearing culture with its hearing-­majority view of deafness as a disability that needs therapy. On the other hand, mobile technologies enabled deaf people to view themselves as linguistic-­minority citizens who, like any other linguistic minority, do not require therapy. The chapter briefly explored how sign languages in general are influenced by the mobile technology revolution and how ZSL in particular may be vulnerable to the hegemony and cultural imperialism of more developed sign languages. In light of these influences, the chapter suggested that organizations of Deaf people, such as ASSOD and ZIMNAD, need to adopt strategies for ensuring that, in the inevitable harmonization and globalization resulting from the mobile technology revolution, key linguistic features of ZSL and local Deaf culture will be identified and preserved. Since smartphones expands access to video recording, this technology could be used by organizations of Deaf people to record various dialects of ZSL even in remote parts of the country. This is important because local deaf people need to be well grounded in the local Deaf culture, particularly ZSL, in order to contribute meaningfully to the romantic global project of a universal sign language. It is critical to assert that local norms, values, beliefs, and especially culture-based signing conventions should never be considered inferior to those originating elsewhere. No Deaf culture should ever be considered inferior to any other, and locals should be empowered to proudly stand for local culture and language. Conversely, digital technologies could be used to document local ZSL varieties and preserve them and Deaf culture for posterity.

References Aarons, D., & Reynolds, L. (2003). South African Sign Language: Changing Policies and Practices. In L.  Monaghan (Ed.), Many ways to be Deaf (pp. 194–210). Gallaudet University Press. Ackely, S.  R., & Decker, T.  N. (2006). Audiological Advancement and the Acquisition of Spoken Language in Deaf Children. In P.  E. Spencer & M.  Marschark (Eds.), Advances in the Spoken Language Development of Deaf and Hard of Hearing Children. Oxford University Press.

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Akach, P. (2008). The Grammar of Sign Language. Language Matters: Studies in the Languages of Africa, 28(1), 7–35. Barcham, L. (1998). The International Dimension. In S.  Gregory, P.  Knight, W.  McCracken, S.  Powers, & L.  Watson (Eds.), Issues in Deaf Education (pp. 245–254). David Fulton Publishers. Bat-Chava, Y. (2000). Diversity of Deaf Identities. American Annals of the Deaf, 145(5), 420–442. Baumann, H. D. L., & Murray, J. M. (2009). Reframing: From Hearing Loss to Deaf Gain. Deaf Studies Digital Journal, 1, 1–10. Blamey, P.  J., Sarant, J.  Z., & Paatsch, L.  E. (2006). Relationships Among Speech Perception and Language Measures in Hard-of-Hearing Children. In P.  E. Spencer & M.  Marschark (Eds.), Advances in the Spoken Language Development of Deaf and Hard-of-Hearing Children. Oxford University Press. Cabanillas-Carbonell, M., Cusi-Ruiz, P., Prudencio-Galvez, D., & Herrera Salazar, J. L. (2022). Mobile Application with Augmented Reality to Improve the Process of Learning Sign Language. Chimedza, R. (2001). The Context of Deaf Education. In R.  Chimedza & S. Peters (Eds.), Disability and Special Needs Education in an African Context. College Press. Chimedza, R. (2008). Disability and Inclusive Education in Zimbabwe. In L. Barton & F. Armstrong (Eds.), Policy, Experience and Change: Cross Cultural Reflections on Inclusive Education (Vol. 4, pp. 123–132). Springer. Chiswanda, M. V. (1997). Hearing Mothers and Their Deaf Children in Zimbabwe: Mediated Learning Experiences. PhD University of Oslo. Chitiyo, M., & Wheeler, J. (2004). The Development of Special Education Services in Zimbabwe. International Journal of Special Education, 19, 46–52. Devlieger, P. J. (1998). Vocational Rehabilitation in Zimbabwe. Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation, 11, 21–31. Efrina, E., & Zulmiyetri, G.  K. (2020). Mobile Learning as Teaching Aid and Learning Media for Special Teacher of Deaf Students. International Journal of Management and Humanities, 4(11), 28–30. Fornara, F., & Lomicka, L. (2019). Using Visual Social Media in Language Learning to Investigate the Role of Social Presence. Calico Journal, 36(3), 184–203. Fusellier-Souza, I. (2004). Emegence and Development of Sign Languages: From a Semiogenetic Point of View. Sign Language Studies, 7(1), 30–56. Glaser, M., & Van Pletzen, E. (2012). Inclusive Education for Deaf Students: Literacy Practices and South African Sign Language. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, 30(1), 25–37. Glickman, N. S. (1993). Deaf Identity Development: Construction and Validation of a Theoretical Model. Ph.D. University of Massachusetts.

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Goldblat, E., & Most, T. (2018). Cultural Identity of Young Deaf Adults with Cochlear Implants in Comparison to Deaf without Cochlear Implants and Hard-of-Hearing Young Adults. The Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 23(3), 228–239. Green, L., & Engelbrecht, P. (2007). An Introduction to Inclusive Education. In P.  Engelbrecht & L.  Green (Eds.), Responding to the Challenges of Inclusive Education in Southern Africa (pp. 2–9). Van Schaik. Harris, M., & Terlektsi, E. (2011). Reading and Spelling Abilities of Deaf Adolescents with Cochlear Implants and Hearing Aids. The Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 16(1), 24–34. Hauser, P.  C., & Marschark, M. (2008). What We Know and What We Dont Know About Cognition and Deaf Learners. In M. Marschark & P. C. Hauser (Eds.), Deaf Cognition: Foundations and Outcomes. Oxford University Press. Hintermair, M. (2008). Self-Esteem and Satisfaction with Life of Deaf and Hard of Hearing People—A Resource-Oriented Approach to Identity Work. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 13, 283–300. Hlatywayo, L. (2017). An Analysis of Reverse Inclusion as an Alternative Education Model in Deaf Education. PhD Thesis, College of Education, University of South Africa. Hodkinson, A. (2005). Conceptions and Misconceptions of Inclusive Education: A Critical Examination of Final Year Teacher Trainees’ Knowldedge and Understanding of Inclusion. Research In Education, 73, 15–32. Hymes, D. (1972). On Communicative Competence. In J. Pride, & J. Holmes (Eds.), Sociolinguistics (pp. 269–285). Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Kadenge, M., & Musengi, M. (2018). Zimbabwean Sign Language. The Social and Political History of Southern Africa’s Languages, 339–346. Knoors, H., & Marschark, M. (2012). Language Planning for the 21st Century: Revisiting Bilingual Language Policy for Deaf Children. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 17(3), 291–305. Koster, M., Nakken, H., Pijl, S. P., & Houten, E. V. (2009). Being Part of the Peer Group: A Literature Study Focusing on the Social Dimension of Inclusion in Education. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 13(2), 117–140. Kyle, F. E., & Harris, M. (2010). Concurrent Correlates and Predictors of Reading and Spelling Achievement in Deaf and Hearing School Children. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 11, 273–288. Ladd, P. (2003). Understanding Deaf Culture: In Search of Deafhood. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Ladd, P. (2008). Colonialism and Resistance: A Brief History of Deafhood. In H. D. L. Baumann (Ed.), Open Your Eyes: Deaf Studies Talking. University of Minnesota Press. Lane, H. (1999). The Mask of Benevolence: Disabling the Deaf Community. Knopf.

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Lane, H. (2008). Do Deaf People Have A Disability? In H. D. L. Baumann (Ed.), Open Your Eyes: Deaf Studies Talking. University of Minnesota Press. Leykin, D., Aharoson-Daniel, L., & Lahad, M. (2016). Leveraging Social Computing for Personalized Crisis Communication Using Social Media. PloS Currents, 8(Disasters). https://doi.org/101.1371/currents.dis.b2c5870addf1b7a77af82e7d555aabe7 Light, J., & McNaughton, D. (2014). Communicative Competence for Individuals Who Require Augmentative and Alternative Communication: A New Definition for a New Era of Communication? Augmentative and Alternative Communication., 30(1), 1–18. Lyall, F.  C., Clamp, P.  J., & Hajioff, D. (2016). Smartphone Speech-to-Text Applications for Communication with Profoundly Deaf Patient. The Journal of Laryngology & Otology, 130(01), 104–106. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0022215115003151 Lyon, G. R., & Moats, L. C. (1993). An examination of research in learning disabilities: Past practices and future directions. In G. R. Lyon, D. Gray, J. Kavanagh, & N. Krasnegor (Eds.), Better understanding learning disabilities: New views from research and their implications for education and public policies (pp. 1–13). Baltimore: Brookes. Mairora-Basas, M., & Pagliaro, C. (2014). Technology Use Among Adults Who Are Deaf and Hard of Hearing: A National Survey. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 19(3), 400–410. https://doi.org/10.1093/deafed/enu005 Manhique, J., & Giannoumis, A. G. (2019). Experiences of Disabled People in Using Information and Communication Technology in Mozambique. In T.  Chataika (Ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Disability in Southern Africa (pp. 69–82). Routledge. Marschark, M., Schick, B., & Spencer, P. E. (2006). Understanding Sign Language Development of Deaf Children. In B. Schick, M. Marschark, & P. E. Spencer (Eds.), Advances in the Sign Language Development of Deaf Children. Oxford University Press. Marschark, M., & Spencer, P. (2010). Promises (?) of Deaf Education: From Research to Practice and Back Again. In M. Marschark & P. Spencer (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Deaf Studies, Language and Education (Vol. 2). Oxford University Press. Maxwell-McCaw, D.  L. (2001). Acculturation and Psychological Well-Being in Deaf and Hard—Of-Hearing People. 9995473 Ph.D., The George Washington University. Mayer, C. (2007). What Really Matters in the Early Literacy Development of Deaf Children. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 12, 411–431. McIlroy, G., & Storbeck, C. (2011). Development of Deaf Identity: An Ethnographic Study. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 16(4), 494–511.

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McNaughton, D., & Light, J. (2013). The iPad and Mobile Technology Revolution: Benefits and Challenges for Individuals who require Augmentative and Alternative Communication. Augmentative and Alternative Communication., 29(2), 107–116. Mielke, M., & Brueck, R. (2015, November). Design and Evaluation of a Smartphone Application for Non-Speech Sound Awareness for People with Hearing Loss. In proceedings of the Annual International Conference of the IEEE Engineering in Medicine and Biology Society (pp.  5008–5011). EMBS. https://doi.org/10.1109/EMBC.2015.7319516 Mitchell, R.  E., & Karchmer, M.  A. (2011). Demographic and Achievement Characteristics of Deaf and Hard of Hearing Students. In M.  Marschark & P.  Spencer (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Deaf Studies, Language and Education (Vol. 1). Oxford University Press. Moores, D. F. (2009). Residential Schools for the Deaf and Academic Placement Past, Present and Future. American Annals of the Deaf, 154(1), 3–4. Morgans, H.  G. (1999). Where Did South African Sign Language Originate? Language Matters: Studies in the Languages of Africa, 30(1), 53–58. Mpofu, E., Kasayira, J.  M., Mhaka, M.  M., Chireshe, R., & Maunganidze, L. (2007). Inclusive Education in Zimbabwe. In P. Engelbrecht & L. Green (Eds.), Responding to Challenges of Inclusive Education in Southern Africa (pp. 66–79). Van Schaik. Musengi, M. (1999). The Impact of Hearing Aid Fitting Practices on Ways of Teaching Hearing Impaired Pupils in Zimbabwe's Special Schools. B.  Ed, University of Zimbabwe. Musengi, M. (2014). The Experience of Teaching in Residential Schools for the Deaf. PhD Thesis, Wits School of Education, University of the Witwatersrand. Musengi, M. (2016). Teachers’ Sign Language Beliefs and the Influence of Such Beliefs on Zimbabwean-Curriculum-in-Practice for Deaf Learners. Dzimbahwe Journal of Multidisciplinary Research, 1(1), 14–26. Musengi, M. (2018). Deaf Education Policies in Zimbabwe. In M.  Marschark, H.  Knoors, & M.  Brons (Eds.), Deaf Education Beyond the Western World. Oxford University Press. Nziramasanga, C.  T. (1999). Report on the Presidential Enquiry Into Education and Training. Government of Zimbabwe. Padden, C. (1998). From the Cultural to the Bicultural. In I.  Parasnis (Ed.), Cultural and Language Diversity and the Deaf Experience. Cambridge University Press. Padden, C.  A., & Humphries, T.  L. (1988). Deaf in America: Voices from a Culture. Harvard University Press. Padden, C., & Humphries, T. (2005). Inside Deaf Culture. Harvard University Press.

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Parasnis, I. (1998). Cognitive Diversity in Deaf People: Implications for Communication and Education. Scandinavian Audiology, 27(4), 109–115. Peresuh, M., & Barcham, L. (1998). Special Education Provision in Zimbabwe. British Journal of Special Education, 25(2), 75–80. https://doi. org/10.1111/1467_8527.00061 Powers, S. (1996). Inclusion is an Attitude Not a Place Part 2. British Association of Teachers of the Deaf, 20(3), 65–69. Raeve, L. D., Baerts, J., & Colleye, E. (2012). Changing Schools for the Deaf: Updating the Educational Setting for Our Deaf Children in the 21st Century, a Big Challenge. Deafness & Education International, 14(1), 48–59. Reilly, C., & Reilly, N. (2005). The rising of the lotus flower: Self-education by Deaf Children in Thai Boarding Schools. Gallaudet University Press. Samant, D., Matter, R., & Harniss, M. (2013). Realizing the Potential of Accessible ICTs in Developing Countries. Disability, Rehabilitation Assistive Technology., 8(1), 11–20. Setyawan, A., Naphan, G. X., Dynata, K., Friry, J. E., & Warnars, H. L. H. S. (2022, February). Deaf Helper Mobile Application for Interaction of Hearing Disorders Communities. In 2022 Second International Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Smart Energy (ICAIS) (pp. 958–963). IEEE. Stokoe, W.  C. (2005). Sign Language Structure: An Outline of the Visual Communication System of the American Deaf. Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education, 10, 3–37. Tannenbaum-Baruchi, C., & Feder-Bubis, P. (2017). New Sign Language New(S): The Globalization of Sign Language in the Smartphone Era. Disability & Society. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2017.1383034 UNCRPD. (2006). Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and Optional Protocol: United Nations. UNDP. ( 2010). Human Development Report 2010. UNESCO. (1994). The Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action on Special Needs Education. UNESCO. WHO. (2012). Mortality and Burden of Diseases and Prevention of Blindness and Deafness: WHO Global Estimates on Prevalence of Hearing Loss. WHO. WHO. (2014). ICD-10-CM Official Guidelines for Coding and Reporting (10th ed.). World Health Organisation. Woodward, J.  C. (1972). Implications for Sociolinguistic Research Among the Deaf. Sign Language Studies, (1), 1–7. Yiu, K.  C., Tang, G., & Ho, C.  C. (2019). Essential Ingredients for Sign Bilingualism and Co-Enrolment Education in the Hong Kong Context. In M.  Marschark, S.  Antia, & H.  Knoors (Eds.), Co-Enrollment in Deaf Education. Oxford.

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CHAPTER 3

Girls with Disability in Africa: Accessing the Role and Opportunities of Media for Inclusive Development Olayinka Oluwakemi Adeniyi and Theophilus Michael Odaudu

Introduction Overview and Definition of Disability It is estimated that about one billion people, or 15 percent of the world’s population, are persons with disabilities, and 80 percent of these live in developing countries, including the countries of Africa, with women and children numbering higher among persons with disabilities (Vesper, 2019; Arroyo & Tampoe, 2018). Persons with disabilities face multiple forms of discrimination and the abuse of their rights in Africa, especially

O. O. Adeniyi (*) Centre for Intellectual Property and Information Technology Law (CIPIT), Strathmore University, Nairobi, Kenya T. M. Odaudu Disability Rights Fund Inc. (DRF), Abuja, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_3

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marginalized groups like women and girls with disabilities. As observed by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), children with disabilities are up to four times more likely to experience violence and discrimination, with girls being most at risk (Arroyo & Tampoe, 2018). It is difficult to define disability in specific terms, because the concept of disability has evolved over the years through several models like the charity model, the medical model, the social model, and the rights model. People often define disability based on “the methodologies used to learn about it and the contexts in which it is addressed” (Francis & Silvers, 2016, p. 1025). Disability models adopt different approaches to what a disability is and how it should be addressed. The focus of this chapter is not a discussion of the various models or approaches to disability. However, it is important to state that the charity and medical models are becoming less acceptable as they do not accurately reflect or capture the dynamics of disabilities. For instance, in the medical model, the inability of persons with disabilities to interact in normal daily life is a result of their physical and/or mental impairment (Pirsl & Popovska, 2013, p.  1), placing the disability before the person. It sees disability and its manifestations as a “medical and clinical phenomenon intrinsic to the individual; something to be examined, diagnosed, managed and cured,” an approach rejected by the disability community for being restrictive and unresponsive to their needs and for promoting the social stigma of persons with disabilities (Mostert, 2016, p. 4; Kanter, 2007, p. 291). The social model sees disability as a creation of society because it is set up in a way that prevents persons with disabilities from participating in everyday life. Hence, persons with impairments face restrictions due to inadequate social organization. Bernes (1992) observed that “impairments,” which are individually based functional limitations, whether physical, sensory, intellectual, or hidden, do not prevent persons with disabilities from living a fulfilling lifestyle but rather a restrictive environment and disabling barriers. He went further to define disability as “a complex system of social constraints imposed on disabled people by a highly discriminatory society.” Thus, if a society removes disabling barriers, persons with disabilities will function adequately and participate in social life without their disabilities being seen as constraints. The rights-based approach to disability sees persons with disabilities as subjects of rights and recognizes their rights to the dismantling of disabling barriers and to inclusion and participation. It recognizes disability as an inherent part of human

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diversity, so society should ensure that the rights of all humans, including persons with disabilities, are respected (Mandrilly-John, 2010, p. 10). According to the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF), disability is “an umbrella term, covering impairments, activity limitations and participation restrictions” (WHO, 2013). The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD)1 sees disability as a complex concept that results from interactions between persons with impairments and attitudinal and environmental barriers that hinder their full and effective participation in society (Paragraph 5 of the convention’s preamble). Hence, in Article 1, the CRPD defines persons with disabilities as including “those who have long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory impairments which in interaction with various barriers may hinder their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with others.” This shows that the door is not closed on categories of disability as the convention is nonrestrictive. It rather provides a floor and not a ceiling for determining who may be included as persons with disabilities under the protections of the convention (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs [UNDESA]). African Perceptions of Disability Several studies have been carried out on the concept of disabilities from various cultural perspectives in Africa. One thing is clear: disabilities are perceived differently in different communities and the perceptions determine the attitude toward or treatment given to persons with disabilities. History is full of incidents of inhuman treatment being meted out to persons with disabilities across the globe, and Africa is no exception. However, this does not mean that persons with disabilities are always poorly treated in all communities and by all persons. The Ubuntu worldview is one that resonates with the African continent, and it celebrates the uniqueness of our diversity as a necessary part of our shared humanity. Ubuntu, which translates as “a person is a person through other persons,” reflects “an African humanist and ethical world view where disability as part of a common humanity is necessarily part of what makes us human” (Berghs, 2017). 1  UN General Assembly, Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities: resolution / adopted by the General Assembly, 24 January 2007, A/RES/61/106, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/45f973632.html (accessed 7 July 2020).

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Examples of positive perceptions of disabilities can be found among the Chagga in East Africa, where persons with physical disabilities are highly regarded because they are seen as soothers of evil spirits. Contrary to the practice in most African countries today where persons with disabilities are excluded from joining the armed forces, in traditional Benin culture, persons with physical disabilities are often engaged as law enforcement agents. In Kenya, the Turkanas see children with disabilities as gifts from God and should not be mistreated; otherwise, they will incur the wrath of the deity (Mostert, 2016, p.  9; Groce & McGeown, 2013a, b p.  7; Rohwerder, 2018a, p. 8). Religion also has some positive influence on perceptions of disabilities as most religions in Africa preach love and tolerance, which leads to the acceptance of persons with disabilities in communities and their inclusion in society. On the flip side, others view disabilities as punishment and a curse, and in many communities, persons with disabilities are isolated or even killed (Aley, 2016, p. 20). Thus, in Africa, attitudes and approaches to disability vary as there are instances of positive and empowering views of disabilities, as well as negative or harmful views. Disability and the Media in African Perspectives This chapter adopts a holistic view, looking at both traditional and modern media, including print media, electronic media, and the new media. The role of the media as a tool for social change cannot be overemphasized. Public perceptions about people, events, or issues are largely shaped by the manner in which such people, events, or issues are portrayed in the media (Adeyanju, 2014, p. 4). Several studies have been devoted to understanding how the media influence social change, resulting in several theories (Kraidy, 2002, p. 931). These include individual differences theory, social categorization theory, the theory of social relations, and the theory of cultural norms (Paul et al., 2013, p. 35). Paul et al. went further to explain that the media have the potential to reinforce existing cultural beliefs, create a new noncontradictory culture to complement or improve the old culture, or change existing cultural norms, leading to changes in social attitudes. Hence, the media could have both a positive and negative influence on social life, depending on how information is received and utilized. Cobbina (2017) observes that the media provide a platform for journalists to tell stories that “inform, educate, entertain or influence the behaviour of the society.” Even though the media tend to represent the values and beliefs of the elites, practitioners often mirror their thinking through the

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way the issues are framed. A persistent discussion of an issue in a particular manner could eventually influence societal thinking and attitudes. As Fadila (1997) puts it, “our attitudes are created, reinforced and perpetuated by what we hear, read and see in the media.” As was noted earlier, persons with disabilities are treated differently by different societies in traditional Africa. However, a holistic view of societal attitudes toward persons with disabilities in Africa today reveals a culture of marginalization, discrimination, and abuse, leaving persons with disabilities behind at the bottom spectrum of society. The attitudes of members of the public toward persons with disabilities are informed by their perceptions of disability, which are largely informed by available information (Inimah et al., 2012, p. 27). Bernes (1992, p. 5) captures this succinctly saying that “the history of the portrayal of disabled people is the history of oppressive and negative representation…disabled people have been presented as socially flawed able-bodied people, not as disabled people with their own identities.” Hence, the way the media portray persons with disabilities and the information it gives to the public play a huge role in shaping the opinions and approach of society to persons with disabilities (Hunt, 1991, p. 46). Over the years, many social and cultural changes have been engineered by the work of civil society and human/disability rights activists, but the imagery of persons with disabilities portrayed in the media in Africa has changed very little (Ndavula & Lidubwi, 2016, p. 1). Although disability-­ related issues are increasingly being featured by the media, disability is often being misrepresented (Gray, 2008). This can be seen from the way disability is often framed, which often reinforces stereotypes about persons with disabilities. Hunt (1991, p. 46) observed that ten disabling stereotypes are used by the media to portray disability, that is, persons with disabilities: as pitiable or pathetic, as objects of curiosity or violence, as super cripples, as sinister or evil, as a burden, as their own worst enemies, as laughable, as asexual, and as being unable to participate in daily life. Bernes (1992, pp. 7–19) provides an explanation of these stereotypes, including an additional one: “the disabled person as normal.” Though these stereotypes are taken from a study of British society with examples drawn from other Western societies, they are relevant and depict clearly the portrayal of persons with disabilities in the media in Africa, as shown in the next few paragraphs. Writing about disability and the media in Francophone West Africa, Mandrilly-John (2010, p. 2) observes that the language often adopted by

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the media in reporting or covering disability reinforces stereotypes about persons with disabilities, with emphasis being placed on certain disability categories like physical disabilities to the exclusion of others like psychosocial disabilities. It is common to find disability being presented in the light of charity or portrayals of persons with disabilities as victims eliciting the reader’s empathy; in addition, persons with disabilities are also sensationalized as heroes, their disability notwithstanding. The former creates a sense of persons with disabilities as pitiable and at the mercy of the public. The latter approach, though intended to demonstrate the capabilities of persons with disability, often amplifies common achievements by persons with disabilities as if to say they are uncommon or that it is strange for someone with a disability to reach such heights of glory. It also means that persons with disabilities will have to be outstanding to be recognized, thereby creating a sense of inadequacy in average people with disabilities. In other words, persons with disabilities must demonstrate superior qualities to elicit respect and recognition from the public (Bernes, p. 12). Mandrilly-John also observed that little attention has been paid to the experiences of women and girls with disabilities in the media, despite their vulnerability due to their gender and disability (6). Even though the media in Francophone West Africa often convey the message that “it is society that must provide all the conditions ensuring that the rights of all, including PWDs, are respected,” the terms used are often derogatory, and the charity and medical models are still widely adopted. In addition, articles on disability and persons with them are often devoid of real content and short and show a lack of understanding of the subject (Mandrilly-John, 2010, pp. 4–5). Akpan (2015, p. 231), in his research on electronic reportage of persons with disabilities by the Akwa Ibom Broadcasting Corporation (AKBC TV) in South South Nigeria, observed that, although AKBC TV did report on persons with disabilities, emphasis was placed on portraying persons with disabilities as superheroes, objects of charity, and sufferers in need of public sympathy and compassion. Thus, the media continue to reinforce disability stereotypes by presenting persons with disabilities in a negative and unempowering way. Ogundola (2013), in his analysis of two major newspapers in Nigeria (the Daily Trust and the Nigerian Tribune), also found that persons with disabilities were often misrepresented and presented in derogatory or pejorative terms, pitiable, and incapable of living normal lives without support. Stories about persons with disabilities are more often than not

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focused on the disabilities, portraying the people with them as helpless and dependent. In addition, emphasis is placed on physical disabilities to the neglect of other forms of invisible disabilities like psychosocial disabilities and intellectual disabilities. Terms like “less privileged,” “downtrodden,” “adversity,” “special,” and the like are often used by the media to reinforce differences between persons with disabilities and nondisabled persons. However, Ogundola also revealed some reports on efforts, though minimal, to advocate for disability rights (73). In Kenya, Inimah, Mukulu, and Mathooko (2012, p.  226) reported that persons with disabilities were underreported and often misrepresented in the media, with emphasis being placed on the disability and not the person with the disability. Inimah et al. further observe that a 2007 study by Handicap International revealed that the underreporting of disability issues was due to poor knowledge on the subject. This resulted in training for the media in Kenya on effective coverage of disability to improve the representation of persons with disabilities and enhance the quality of reporting. A similar training was organized for media practitioners in Libya by the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) in 2017 to promote inclusive media coverage2 because the media in Libya hardly cover issues on disability, and when they do, it is highly sensationalized, where persons with disabilities are misrepresented and presented as objects of charity and pity, which fosters further marginalization (Rohwerder, 2018b, p. 15). In his work on disability reporting in Uganda, Cobbina (2017) analyzed media reporting on disability in Uganda and concluded that there was a dearth of understanding on how to accurately report stories on disabilities as many stories were found to be dehumanizing, pejorative, and crafted in derogatory terms. This, of course, is not the intention of media practitioners, hence the need for proper education on disability labeling and framing, because wrongly framing disability creates negative perceptions in the minds of the people and serves to reinforce stereotypes and widen the gap between persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities. It is therefore important for media practitioners to become acquainted with international and domestic obligations on disability rights. My experience working with the disability community in Nigeria and across Africa reveals that in recent times, advocacy efforts by persons with disabilities and their organizations have led to increased reporting on 2

 https://www.ifes.org/news/libyan-journalists-trained-disability-inclusive-reporting)

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disability issues in the media. But work remains to be done on the use of language in the framing of disability. Besides calling for proper framing and use of language in disability reporting, rights advocates are also now calling for inclusive and accessible information dissemination. In this way, persons with disabilities, irrespective of the nature of their disability, should be able to understand the information being conveyed by the media and interact like all people. For instance, in the wake of COVID-19, Nigeria witnessed increased use of sign language interpretation in COVID-­ related information by the presidential task force and other programs. Although sign language is not as widely used as expected, it represented a shift from the usual way of doing thing, and it is hoped that this practice will become more entrenched in the media in Nigeria. There has also been a push for an increased use of image descriptions and captioning for picture messages and videos on social media when sharing information to accommodate the needs of different disability categories. Also, several initiatives have been launched to train media personnel and provide them with the necessary tools and information to adequately and effectively report on disability.3 Generally, Africa is becoming more sensitized about digital accessibility and inclusion. This development represents a benefit for the disability community as it signifies the enhanced participation of persons with disabilities in digital and media spaces to monitor reports and contribute to discussions. This contributes to media awareness and sensitivity to disability-related reporting, which in turn brings society closer to the realization of disability rights. It is important for persons with disabilities to be involved in media reporting, and disability studies should be introduced in training institutions for media personnel. If we are to succeed in changing negative and stereotypical narratives about disability and persons with disabilities in Africa, the media must be brought on board as a dependable ally because the media is a powerful tool and resource in the mainstreaming of persons with disabilities. Stigma and Discrimination of Disabled Girls in Africa The stigma, discrimination, and rights abuse associated with disability in Africa have a gender dimension. Women and girls with disabilities in Africa experience more severe hardship as a result of their disabilities in 3  http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/more-news/427384-nigerian-journalists-­ trained-on-reporting-matters-affecting-persons-with-disabilities.html

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comparison with their male counterparts. This has a tremendous impact on the status of girls with disability in Africa. The stigma and discrimination experienced by disabled girls are often reinforced by the media in its portrayal of disability. Before explaining how the media does this in the next section, the next few paragraphs will discuss some of the attitudinal, cultural, and societal perceptions and practices that perpetuate stigma and discrimination against disabled girls in Africa. Gender inequality: Gender inequalities are prevalent in Africa, mainly due to sociocultural and religious beliefs rooted in patriarchy. Generally, the male gender is rated higher than the female gender in Africa (Asemah et al., 2013, p. 65; Beleza, 2003, p. 9), and this is manifest in numerous spheres of life, such as access to and control over resources, participation in decision-making, and access to power or positions of authority, which almost always favors males (Azuh & Amodu, 2017). Reams of paper have been consumed in discussing gender disparities in Africa and how the female gender is suppressed by its male counterpart and the discrimination, stigma, and rights violations suffered by persons with disabilities in Africa. It follows, therefore, that women and girls with disabilities face discrimination for being female as well as for having disabilities (Mandrilly, p. 10). That is, women and girls with disabilities experience multiple layers of discrimination. Hence, girls with disabilities “face the same prejudices, disadvantages and exclusions as non-disabled women and children, and men with disabilities face in legal, social, cultural and economic context” (Fadila, 1997; Mandrilly, p. 10; Moodley & Graham, 2015). Poverty and unemployment: Women with disabilities are more likely to be poor, have no vocational skills, and be unemployed. Persons with disabilities are twice as likely to be unemployed as their nondisabled counterparts (Mostert, 2016, p. 11), and the figure is higher among women and girls with disabilities. Even where persons with disabilities manage to find jobs, they are often underemployed and face discrimination, abuse, and marginalization in the workplace because they are considered to be less productive (Mostert, 11). Hence, the rights of persons with disabilities, especially women and girls, to work and live decent lives are often compromised. Poor education: While obtaining quality and inclusive education for persons with disabilities remains a challenge in Africa, girls with disabilities are more severely affected as the level of education is lower among girls with disabilities compared to boys (Shakespeare, 2019). Girls with disabilities also drop out of school at a higher rate due to factors like poverty, abuse,

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and early/forced marriage, for example (Carew et al., 2020, p. 2; Arroyo & Tampoe, 2018). Access to education for persons with disabilities cannot be overemphasized, and this is even more important for girls with disabilities, who are highly marginalized. Hence, education is said to be “a veritable tool utilized by economically and socially marginalized adults and children in achieving freedom from poverty and participate fully as citizens” (Okorie, 2017, p. 249). Thus, the quality of education obtainable by girls with disability in Africa has a significant impact on their status in society. Inaccessible services and spaces: Women and girls with disabilities are more unlikely to access services in comparison with other women and men with disabilities. An example is the poor access to sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services among women and girls with disabilities. Until recently, women and girls with disabilities were generally perceived as asexual, a perception that has not completely gone away. Hence, little or nothing is done to include women and girls in SRH services and awareness. Also, a significant number of children with disabilities (with girls with disabilities in the majority) do not attend school, and as a result, they lack the exposure that comes with interacting with their peers and learning about their sexuality in a formal setting. Women and girls with disabilities are more likely to stay unmarried and not have a family. This is because the general perception is that women and girls with disabilities are weak and lack the ability to perform common household duties and raise children (Aley, 2016, p. 24). Families are also reluctant to have a woman with a disability for a daughter-in-law. While men with disabilities also face this challenge, it is to a lesser extent, especially where men with disability are economically more stable. Hence, women and girls with disabilities in Africa often suffer violations of their rights to get married and form a family. Violence and abuse: Women and girls with disabilities in Africa are more vulnerable to physical, emotional, and sexual abuse. While it is not uncommon to find male figures around women or girls with disability, women are often left feeling used and abandoned because romantic relationships with women or girls with disabilities are often seen as doing the women or girls a favor (Aley, 2016, p.  21). Often, when a woman with disability gets pregnant, she is abandoned by the father of the child, who feels ashamed to have her as a wife, leaving the woman to fend for the children on her own (Fadila, 1997). Research has shown that it is commonly believed that women and girls with disabilities lack sexual agency of their own and are

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unlikely to report sexual abuse or identify their attacker, leaving them vulnerable to abuse (Vesper, 2019; Beleza, 2003, p. 10). Also, paternal abandonments have been shown to be practiced in African communities where a woman gives birth to a child with a disability, leaving the mother alone with the responsibility for caring for and raising the child (Aley, 2016, p. 15) (Rohwerder, 2018a, p. 7). Due to the high rate of school nonattendance among girls with disabilities, they do not benefit from education on health and relationships and lack the experience of natural social and personal interactions in a school environment from which balanced attitudes to personal relationships are developed by most children (Aley, 2016, p. 21). Hence, girls with disability in Africa are discriminated against and stigmatized on several fronts, and they are not exposed to the same opportunities as other girls and persons with disabilities of the opposite gender. The disempowerment of girls with disabilities in Africa is deeply rooted in the negative perceptions of disability and gender disparities in a highly patriarchal region of Africa. Therefore, it is possible to change the narrative by reassessing the kind of information being passed to the public about disabilities and pushing for the inclusion of women and girls with disabilities in the struggle to liberate women in Africa. To this end, the media as a tool for social change must be galvanized toward changing the narrative. Girls with Disability and the Media in African Perspective The discrimination and stigmatization faced by girls with disabilities in Africa stem from wrong perceptions of disability by society. As discussed earlier, this is due to several factors, including cultural, religious, and attitudinal factors. The media play a major role in shaping attitudes and perceptions; thus, the image of women and girls with disabilities projected by the media have a significant influence on the way disability is perceived and on the treatment given to women and girls with disabilities in society. However, women are poorly represented in the media, and this includes women and girls with disabilities, and this cuts across all types of media, including new media, which are also used like the traditional media to misrepresent, underrepresent, and objectify women (Omotoso, 2019a, b p. 2). Research has shown that in 2015, as in 2010, women only constituted 24 percent of people heard, read about, or seen in the news, and in Africa, women’s representation in the media stood at 22 percent by 2015

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(Macharia, 2015, p.  31). As Asemah et  al. (pp.  68–69) noted, in every community, the media are regarded as agents of development and social change and should focus on disseminating information that will engineer positive attitudinal changes among the people. The media is a viable tool for the advancement and empowerment of women, a role supported by the Beijing Conference of 1995, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the African Union’s Agenda 2063 (Gender Links, 2017, p. 2). Hence, the media can be used to change the negative perceptions, attitudes, and harmful cultural practices toward women and girls with disabilities in Africa by prioritizing positive portrayals of girls with disability. However, little is being done by the media in Africa to liberate African girls with disability from the misconceptions and attitudinal barriers that have held her down for too long. Women in Africa are often underrepresented and misrepresented by the media, and many African countries do not have explicit legislation and policies that protect women from the prevailing “silent gender censorship” in the media (Omotoso, 2019a, b; Gender Links, 2017, p. 3). Thus, generally speaking, women in Africa do not enjoy equal and quality representation in the media, much less women with disabilities, who are naturally marginalized. It is uncommon to find women and girls with disabilities appear in news reports, interviews, advertisements, films, and other media without their disability coming into focus as though women and girls with disabilities are incapable of carrying out daily living tasks. Often, girls with disability are presented in a condescending manner, which conveys the message that she is weak and overly dependent on others. As observed by Fadila (1997), women and girls with disabilities are usually not shown in the media buying products, falling in love, or pursuing careers without it being a pitiable scene or looking as if the people with disability are performing an extraordinary task. According to Fadila, “Have you ever seen disabled women buy detergent, give a child medicine or engage in any activities or daily living in advertising and commercials? I don’t think so!” This exclusion of girls in every aspect of communication and information dissemination, apart from presenting a negative view of disability and persons with disabilities to the public, negatively affects the self-esteem of girls with disability as it instills in them a sense of inadequacy starting at an early age. This continuous exclusion and negative portrayal of girls with disability in the media has resulted in the public viewing a scene or write-up about girls with disability as unusual, drawing unnecessary attention to them, and such people are often viewed in connection with their impairments

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and not valued as normal people (Pirsl & Popovska, 2). Besides the negative portrayal, persons with disabilities, especially females, are less involved in the media space as writers, journalists, producers, editors, and so on (Fadila, 1997; Pirsl & Popovska, p. 2). Hence, persons with disability are often not given the opportunity to correct negative portrayals of disability and persons with disabilities. It must be stated that the media has made progress with respect to media inclusion and positive representations of persons with disabilities. However, much remains to be done as regards equal representation, language and framing, and employment or engagement of persons with disabilities in the media, especially girls and women with disabilities.

Legal Framework on Rights of Persons with Disabilities and Inclusion of Girls with Disability in Development Process in Africa The UN CRPD, which entered into force on May 13, 2008, is the fastest negotiated human rights treaty and one of the most rapidly and widely ratified human rights instruments in the history of the UN,4 with 181 countries having ratified it to date.5 The CRPD is the first internationally binding legal instrument to specifically address the human rights of persons with disabilities. The convention has enjoyed widespread support in Africa. The CRPD is a paradigm-setting instrument, requiring a shift from the traditional view of disability as individual impairments to a broader view with a focus on states’ obligations to ensure the creation of an enabling environment that is inclusive and accommodating of all individuals irrespective of differences. The purpose of the convention as set out in Article 1 is to “promote, protect and ensure the full and equal enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms by all persons with disabilities, and to promote respect for their inherent dignity.” The CRPD is founded on eight general principles in Article 3, which provides guidance for the understanding and interpretation of the convention. The principles are respect for inherent dignity, nondiscrimination, full and effective 4  https://www.un.org/development/desa/disabilities/convention-on-the-rights-of-­­ persons-with-disabilities.html 5  https://www.un.org/development/desa/disabilities/convention-on-the-rights-of-­­ persons-with-disabilities.html

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participation and inclusion in society, respect for differences and acceptance of persons with disabilities as part of human diversity, accessibility, equality of opportunity, gender equality, respect for the evolving capacity of children with disability, and the preservation of their identity. Article 4 contains the general obligations of states parties, including obligations to take all necessary steps (legislative, administrative, or otherwise) to ensure the protection of rights contained in the convention for all persons with disabilities and to involve persons with disabilities in all decision-making processes that concern them. Articles 5–9 contain cross-cutting provisions on equality and nondiscrimination, children and women with disabilities, awareness, and accessibility. This is followed by human rights provisions, such as the right to life; equality before the law; access to justice; freedom from exploitation, violence, and abuse; respect for home and family; the right to education; the right to health care; the right to work and employment; the right to an adequate standard of living; the right to participate in political and public life; and so on (Articles 10–30). States parties are enjoined to take appropriate action to create an enabling environment for persons with disabilities to exercise their rights fully on an equal basis with others (see Article 9 on accessibility, Article 11 on situations of risks and humanitarian emergencies, Article 20 on personal mobility, and Article 26 on habitation and rehabilitation). The convention’s Article 33 makes provisions for national and international monitoring of implementation/compliance with its provisions, including the establishment of focal points in government and participation of civil society in monitoring. Also, the Committee on the CRPD and the Conference of the States Parties are to serve as international monitoring mechanisms. The CRPD is thus a comprehensive human rights treaty specific to persons with disabilities, and it has enjoyed widespread acceptance among nations, with almost all African countries ratifying it. In providing for measures to be taken toward the realization of the rights of persons with disabilities, the CRPD did not fail to recognize the importance of creating awareness about those rights and the vital role of the media in achieving this. Article 8 enjoins states parties to create public awareness of the rights of persons with disabilities; combat stereotypes, prejudices, and harmful practices toward persons with disabilities, including those related to sex and age; and to showcase the strengths of persons with disabilities. It went further, providing for measures that can be taken to include the design of effective public awareness strategies that, among

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other things, promote positive perceptions of persons with disabilities and their contributions to society and ensure that all organs of the media portray persons with disabilities in a manner consistent with the provisions of the convention. Article 21 recognizes the rights of persons with disabilities to access information and engage in communication on an equal basis with others. This entails information being made available in accessible formats to suit the needs of different disability categories, such as braille, sign languages, augmentative and alternative communication, and other formats. It went further to urge service providers that furnish information over the Internet to make such information accessible and encourage the mass media and providers of information over the Internet to make their information and services accessible to persons with disabilities. The CRPD has heightened disability rights advocacy on the African continent and has informed the enactment and formulation of laws and policies on disability by several African countries and amendments of existing ones. Besides the various national frameworks on disability, at the regional level there exist several provisions on disability scattered throughout various regional instruments. The primary human rights instrument on the continent is the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the Charter),6 from which other instruments draw their legitimacy. Article 2 of the charter makes it clear that the provisions of the charter apply to all people irrespective of class or status, and although disability was not expressly mentioned, it is captured by the phrase “such as” and “other status” as contained in the text of the charter (Oyaro, 2015, p.  354). Articles 16 and 18(4) of the charter provide for the right to the best attainable physical and mental health and special protection for older persons and persons with disabilities in line with their unique circumstances. As if aware of its inadequacies, the charter in Article 66 makes provisions for the adoption of protocols tailored to a specific subject, and several human rights instruments have come out of this provision, including the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol),7 the African Charter on the Rights 6  Organization of African Unity (OAU), African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (“Banjul Charter”), June 27, 1981, CAB/LEG/67/3 rev. 5, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982), available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3630.html (accessed July 7, 2020). 7  African Union, Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, July 11, 2003, available at: https://www.refworld.org/ docid/3f4b139d4.html (accessed July 7, 2020).

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and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC),8 the African Youth Charter,9 and the protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (Protocol on Disabilities).10 Although these instruments already have their UN versions that were widely ratified by African countries, it was felt that the UN instruments did not adequately capture the special features of the African continent, hence the need to develop African versions tailored to addressing Africa’s problems. For instance, the Maputo Protocol was adopted because its UN counterpart, the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), did not recognize the traditional and cultural dynamics of African women (Mukasa, 2009). Thus, it was felt that an African instrument on women’s rights would enjoy more acceptance (Bond, 2010, p. 539). The Maputo Protocol has been hailed as being progressive and more inclusive and sweeping (Banda, 2006, p. 72), even though it lacks the voices of rural women, including women and girls with disabilities (Bond, 2010, pp. 540–541). In Article 23, the Maputo Protocol recognized the rights of women and girls with disabilities, and states parties are obligated to ensure the realization of all human rights for them. In Article 2, member states are enjoined to modify social and cultural perceptions with a view to eliminating harmful practices and stereotypes through public education, information, and communication strategies. This is a recognition of the role of the mass media in changing perceptions and engineering social change. The ACRWC provides for the rights of children, including girls, with disabilities. Article 13 states that countries must provide “special measures of protection for handicapped children” for the protection of their dignity, self-reliance, accessibility, and full participation in society. The right of “mentally and physically challenged youths to special care” is recognized by Article 24 of the African Youth Charter, and the Protocol on Disabilities is the African version of the UNCRPD, which recognized the rights of persons with disabilities in Africa, taking into consideration the peculiarities of the African continent. However, as observed by Oyaro (2015, 8  Organization of African Unity (OAU), African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, July 11, 1990, CAB/LEG/24.9/49 (1990), available at: https://www.refworld. org/docid/3ae6b38c18.html (accessed July 7, 2020). 9  African Union, African Youth Charter, July 2, 2006, available at: https://www.refworld. org/docid/493fe0b72.html (accessed July 7, 2020) 10  https://au.int/en/treaties/protocol-african-charter-human-and-peoples-rights-rights-­ persons-disabilities-africa (accessed July 7, 2020).

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p.  357), these African instruments, especially ACRWC and the Youth Charter, “adopt a rudimentary medical model approach to disability that singularly attributes disability to impairment without considering social and environmental factors.” This is clearly seen in their use of pejorative language like “handicapped children” and “mentally and physically challenged youths” in referring to children and youths with disabilities. It should be noted that the African Protocol on Disability was adopted on January 29, 2018, but it has not yet come into force as it has not attained the required number of ratifications. However, the protocol, when fully in force, does have provisions that will guarantee access to information for persons with disabilities, accessible technology, and use of the media to change negative perceptions about disability. For instance, Article 15(1) provides, inter alia, that every person with a disability has the right to barrier-free access to information, including communications technologies and systems. Article 23 provides that persons with disabilities have the right to freedom of expression and opinion, and states parties should undertake all measures to ensure the exercise of these rights on an equal basis with other people. Article 24 guarantees the right to access information and requires governments to adopt all measures to ensure that persons with disabilities will enjoy these rights on an equal basis. This includes the provision of information required for the general public in accessible formats and technology for persons with various disabilities, and even private entities with information for the public in print and electronic media must make that information accessible to persons with disabilities. It is specifically mentioned that persons with visual disabilities must be granted effective access to published works, including by using information and communication technology. Article 25(2)(f) provides that states must ensure that persons with disabilities can exercise their right to participate in sports, recreation, and cultural activities by facilitating audio, video, print, and media technologies and services including theater, television, film, and other cultural activities and performances. Article 25(g) states that negative representations and stereotypes of persons with disabilities in the media must be discouraged. Article 27 concerns specifically women and girls with disabilities. Article 27(e) provides that states parties must ensure that women with disabilities have access to information, are able to engage in communication, and are able to use technology. Article 28 concerns children and can be read in connection with Article 27 on girls. It provides that states parties must ensure that children with

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disabilities are able to exercise their right to express their views freely on all matters affecting them. One thing that is common in the aforementioned legal instruments is that they recognize the role of the media in creating awareness and driving change. They also resonate with the issue of development as envisioned in the United Nations Declaration on the right to development as well as SDGs, which are naturally inclusive. They also require states parties to ensure that access to information and communication is guaranteed to everyone, disability status notwithstanding. These instruments further promote the projection of positive imagery of disability in the media and frown at the use of terms that are discriminatory and stigmatizing. However, there exist no direct provisions on the involvement of persons with disabilities as media personnel and no direct reference on how the media should advance the rights contained in these instruments. Hence, Cunningham (2016) submits that basic guidelines directed at getting the media and disability organizations to share best practices should be issued by the UN. Despite the numerous legal frameworks for the protection and promotion of the rights of persons with disabilities, especially women and girls with disabilities in Africa, persons with disabilities still suffer discrimination and inequality and daily encounter barriers to interacting with society. The situation is worse for girls with disability, who suffer abuse and rights violations on several grounds—for being female and young and having a disability; such girls’ situation is even worse if they have multiple disabilities. The CRPD is a human rights instrument with an explicit social development dimension and establishes a link between the realization of disability rights and development. Hence, for African countries to succeed in their development goals, they must treat disability as not just a human rights issue but also as a development issue. This will ensure inclusive and sustainable development, and only then can persons with disabilities fully enjoy their rights on an equal basis with others (Akpan, 2015, pp. 234, 235; GIZ & CBM, 2011, p. 4). The human rights dimension of disability recognizes that persons with disabilities are entitled to all human rights, like all other populations, but they are unable to enjoy these rights on an equal basis with others due to historical disadvantages and discrimination; these include harmful traditional practices, gender disparities, and other prejudices and stereotypes that reinforce and perpetuate disabilities and rights violations across the world. Hence, although the CRPD affirms rights already existing in other

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human rights instrument, it sets out measures to comprehensively address the specific challenges facing persons with disabilities in the enjoyment of those rights. Article 32 of CRPD emphasizes the importance of international cooperation among states, international and regional organizations, and civil society, especially organizations of persons with disabilities, in realizing the objectives of the convention. In addition, states are urged to adopt appropriate measures to in pursuit of those objectives. The measures could include ensuring that international cooperation and development programs are inclusive of and accessible to persons with disabilities, capacity building, and sharing and facilitating access to assistive technologies. Hence, disability is recognized as a development issue. It has been observed that there is a bidirectional link between poverty and disability because disability is both a cause and consequence of poverty (Awasthi et al., 2017; Owens & Torrance, 2016). Therefore, since development efforts must tilt toward lifting people out of poverty and improving their standard of living (Akpan, 2015, p. 236), persons with disabilities cannot and should not be neglected if the desired results are to be achieved. Often, persons with disabilities are unable to fully participate in the economic and social life of their communities due to environmental and attitudinal barriers and the absence of appropriate support and accommodation. Such restrictions mean a lack of equitable access to resources like education, employment, health care, social and legal support, and physical access, which is why persons with disabilities suffer such high levels of poverty. On the other hand, poverty often leads to malnutrition, poor health care, poor working or living conditions, and increased vulnerability to risks, which can lead to disability. Therefore, persons with disabilities must be involved at all levels of development, from planning and development to execution (Mittler, 2015), and deliberate steps must be taken not to leave women and girls behind, especially those in rural areas hardest hit by years of neglect (Obe, 2012; Katsui, 2012). Okunna (2004) identified certain elements of positive development, and these are relevant in discussions of disability and development. They include the idea that development should result in a change in the so-­ called normal, that the change should be for the better and benefit most people, that the process should be participatory and be compatible with the environment, that is, sustainable. It therefore means that there must be a transition to a better standard for the general public resulting from a joint effort and contributions of all sectors of society in order for

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sustainable development to be attained. For persons with disabilities, this means participating directly or through their representative organizations in all development processes, with special attention being paid to highly marginalized groups like children, women and girls, and those in rural areas. However, in Africa, development programs and policies often do not include the voices and needs of persons with disabilities, and this often results in a gap between disability and development (Lang et al., 2019, p.  157). Often, when development policies are formulated by governments or the African Union, they tend to address major concepts and ideas that are fundamental in international disability rights documents, like inclusion and inclusive development. However, those ideals do not seem to be internalized when it comes to implementation, raising doubts as to whether those concepts are understood for what they represent in international human rights law (Lang et al., 2019, p. 168). Persons with disabilities constitute the largest minority group on the continent, and governments cannot afford to leave them behind in the drive toward sustainable development. As noted by Akpan (2015, p.  237), “Any vision towards development for the future of Africa must include persons with disabilities, who constitute a significant percentage of the community anywhere in Africa.” There is no gainsaying the fact that for decades now, there have been a global campaign for the recognition, promotion, and protection of the rights and development of girls, especially in the Global South, with its repressive cultural practices rooted in patriarchy, as is the case with most African societies (Odewale, 2018, pp.  145, 147). However, amidst the struggle for the recognition of girls in Africa, girls with disability are scarcely visible, as the special needs of girls with disability are seldom addressed under a general approach. Hence, girls with disabilities are often left behind in development programs and policies. It has been established that children with disabilities are highly marginalized, are excluded from the development process worldwide, and suffer a wide range of rights violations and discrimination not because of the intrinsic nature of children’s disabilities but because of other factors such as a lack of understanding of the causes and implications of disability, a fear of difference and contagion or contamination, and negative religious or cultural views of disability. This situation is further exacerbated by poverty, social isolation, humanitarian emergencies, lack of services or support, and a hostile and inaccessible environment (UNICEF, 2013, p.  3). These factors pose a

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serious challenge to the inclusion of children with disabilities in development programs because they heightened such children’s invisibility, especially girls with disability. Making the situation even more complex and difficult is the lack of reliable data to quantify the number of and deprivation suffered by girls with disability in Africa. This further aggravates their vulnerability because these marginalized populations not accounted for and so are usually invisible in programming efforts, leading to their exclusion in decision-making and undermining the self-esteem and self-­ confidence of girls with disability. Hence, the greatest barriers to the inclusion of children with disabilities are stigma, prejudice, ignorance, and a lack of training and capacity building (UNICEF, 2013, p. 4). The CRPD introduced a more pragmatic way of viewing disability, and it is now clear that it is possible to dismantle the factors that exclude and marginalize children with disabilities and to build inclusive societies where children with disabilities are able to enjoy their civil, political, social, and economic rights. This is possible where disability is mainstreamed in all development programs, including health, education, and humanitarian services. In other words, all development efforts in Africa must consciously include children with disabilities within general development initiatives and, as necessary, adopt disability-specific measures targeted at addressing the needs of the highly marginalized, neglected, and hard-to-reach populations like girls with disability. The Role and Importance of the Media It is trite to state that the media is a medium of communication (Singh & Singh, 2017). It has both positive and negative impacts on society. It is the voice of society, it informs, educates, and entertains at the same time (Singh & Singh, 2017). It can make people aware of their rights, expose rights violations, and focus attention on vulnerable people in danger of having their rights violated (Ray, 2007). The media can inform and educate people of their rights and recommend measures and solutions for protecting or defending them, thus empowering citizens when it comes to their rights (Ray, 2007). Today, with advances in technology, the media’s new role extends to reporting, analyzing, and commenting. The media serves as a means of communication between the state and citizens, making authorities aware of their duties and the citizens’ expected response (Ray, 2007). Thompson opined that the media acts as a platform of public participation. According to him, the media is a social change agent that

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performs the role of encouraging governments and other civil society organizations to create ideals and improve the quality of people’s lives. For McQuail (2010), the media are a vehicle of communication that plays a social functional role in providing comprehensive information capable of improving the lives of people with access to the media. Mohammed asserts that the media serves as a bridge between the people, government, and civil organizations and has a critical role to play in times of crisis by providing information and solutions. In general, the media has become overall the dominant source of international and national political news for many people. Without a doubt, the media plays the important role of society’s watchdog. Effect of Negative Media Portrayals of Persons, Including Girls, with Disabilities Negative images of persons with disabilities in the media cause society to perceive or believe that people with disabilities are social misfits who need to be “fixed.” This negates the discourse of inclusiveness (Chilemba, 2013). This also brings about a negative response or interaction between persons with disabilities and nondisabled persons in places of employment and in public and communal spaces. Viewed in this light, the potential of persons with disabilities is not acknowledged by society. The effect of this is that they are not given the opportunity to enjoy their rights to development even by contributing to their societies. In this light, too, government and other authorities will not see their responsibilities as duty bearers and the need to fulfill that duty with respect to persons with disabilities. Negative media portrayals also affect persons with disabilities psychologically, as they tend to believe the media lies and fail to rise from their circumstances and be achievers. Simply put, this labeling of persons with disabilities can cause them to fall into a state of self-pity. Importance of Media for Persons with Disabilities Already, the CRPD requires states to raise awareness and combat stereotypes related to persons with disabilities, including by encouraging all media to portray persons with disabilities in a manner consistent with a respect for human rights. Note that images and stories in the media can deeply influence public opinion and establish societal norms. In this light,

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persons with disabilities are seldom covered in the media, and when they are featured, it is often with inappropriate misrepresentation and negative stereotypes. It is not uncommon to see persons with disabilities featured as objects of pity, charity, or medical treatment that must overcome a tragic and debilitating condition or, conversely, as superheroes who have accomplished great feats to inspire the nondisabled. The media can be a platform for the creation of awareness, to counter stigma and misinformation. It can be a powerful force to change societal misconceptions and present persons with disabilities as individuals that are a part of human diversity. By increasing awareness and understanding of disability issues and the diversity of persons with disabilities and their situations, the media can contribute to the successful integration of persons with disabilities in all aspects of societal life. The media can help change perceptions of persons with disability by presenting accurate and balanced portrayals of disability as a part of everyday life. The media can play an important role in presenting disability issues in a way that would dispel negative stereotypes and promote the rights and dignity of persons with disabilities. The media can provide the kind of information and imagery that acknowledges and explores the complexity of the experience of disability and a disabled identity for persons with disabilities (Ndavula & Lidubwi, 2016). In this connection, girls with disabilities face triple vulnerability/ discrimination for being female, children, and persons with disability (Fadila, 1997). Even among persons with disabilities, girls are almost invisible in the media, and so the reality of their existence, challenges, prospects, and solutions is unknown. This can change with a positive media influence. Emerging Practices of Media Use in Protecting and Including the Disabled in Development in Other Legal Frameworks In recent times, the media has been used to advance the cause of persons with disabilities and to showcase the engagement, involvement in communities, and activities of persons with disabilities. Advocacy for the recognition of persons with disabilities has promoted in the media, and increasingly, calls for the rights of persons with disabilities are being advanced through the media. This analysis takes into account emerging practices of law and practicality in some developed countries and compares them with some countries in Africa.

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In Canada, although negative portrayals of disability still appear frequently in Canadian news reports, researchers have detected a paradigm shift in which traditional news media representations of people with disabilities are now being framed through a disability rights lens (Haller et  al., 2012). Media activities, such as prominent news coverage of the Vancouver Winter Paralympics and the country’s ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, are proof of this. In 1982, after intense lobbying over an extended period, Canada enacted the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which provided constitutional protection of equality that included people with disabilities (Prince, 2009). With this development, it has been argued that Canadians can respond to the momentum with further diligence in monitoring, analyzing, and critiquing news media representations of disability (Haller et al., 2012). The approach has involved monitoring of individual experiences, public awareness monitoring (examining media coverage of disability), and systemic monitoring (examining the effectiveness of legislation in protecting disability rights) (DRPI, 2011). Canada has a strong legislative framework that guarantees the equal rights of people with disabilities. In addition, a range of federal programs support the lives of Canadians with disabilities. Laws have been applied in different forms, and the media publication of such laws, for example, in documents like “Your Guide to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom”, has had an effect. There are also regulations affecting broadcasters and telecommunications companies. In 2012, the Government of Canada launched the Federal Disability Reference Guide, a tool that can help ensure that legislation, policies, programs, and services are inclusive of people with disabilities, respect the rights and needs of people with disabilities, and promote positive attitudes and raise awareness about the needs of people with disabilities. In 1990, the Canadian Department of Secretary of State published two reports: “Worthless or Wonderful” includes recommendations on the elimination of social stereotyping of disabled persons, modeled on guidelines for sex-role and cultural stereotype elimination, and “A Way with Words” (1990) provides guidelines and appropriate terminology for the portrayal of persons with disabilities (Dahl, 1993). In the UK, although available data indicate that progress to date has been inadequate and, therefore, not in line with the CRPD committee’s recommendations, the UK and devolved governments have introduced commitments and measures with a view to tackling prejudice and negative

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attitudes toward persons with disabilities. There has been some work around disability confidence building and disability champions across different industry sectors. New measures proposed by the UK government to tackle online hate speech, harassment, and abuse, including a social media code of practice and transparency reporting, may prove useful for individuals experiencing disability-related harassment, especially in relation to the process of reporting incidents (GOV UK, 2017). However, the UK must take even more measure, especially in the wake of its withdrawal from the European Union when it comes to issues relating to women with disabilities. Thus, the UK still has a lot to do in terms of taking action to combat negative or discriminatory stereotypes or prejudices against disabled people in public and the media. Such action includes steps to ensure that disabled people have equal rights to justice and are able to receive appropriate legal advice and support. This would involve disabled people and disabled people’s organizations in planning and implementing all laws and policies affecting disabled people, incorporating CRPD into domestic legislation to ensure that people can take legal action if their rights have been violated. Plans are in the works to address online hate speech, bullying, and abuse, but so far, no visible actions have been taken. South Africa The government employs the media to create awareness on the rights of persons with disability through publications, advocacy, and other programs, although a white paper on the topic remained only a paper that has not resulted in meaningful legislation that would enable persons with disabilities to seek redress in courts. Experts were concerned about the situation of women and girls with disabilities, particularly black women and girls, who suffered intersectional discrimination on the basis of their disability, gender, and race and faced violence on a regular basis. According to Human Rights Watch, “The government has described its plans for children and young people with disabilities but has failed to translate them into results” (Human Rights Watch, 2019). Attempts have been made to employ legislation and policies, while advocacy groups and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), through updated media publications on development, report that little progress has been made with respect to the development of persons with disabilities. Awareness creation of the rights of persons with disabilities through the media are examples of measures that the government has taken in response to the discourse of media perception or the display of negative image of persons with disabilities. However, girls with disability are not singled out in particular.

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Nigeria Relentless advocacy for disability rights with media publicity has been on going in Nigeria and culminated in the promulgation of the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act 2018. As is the case with laws in Nigeria, the concern is for authorities to put in place effective measures for the full implementation of the act and ensure equal treatment and participation of people with disabilities across Nigeria (Ewang, 2019). Media advocacy is ongoing on several fronts to improve the rights of persons with disabilities particularly through NGOs (Chadwick, 2016). Much remains to be done on the rights and development of persons with disabilities in Nigeria despite already existing and newly promulgated laws. Media engagement and use can help improve the situation. Media publicity through several disability organizations in the south advocating for the rights and protection of interests of people with disabilities can help advance their rights (Ogundola, 2013). There is no existing media guideline for reporting on disability issues, which is critical to the inclusion of people with disability in any society. Kenya Apart from the Persons with Disabilities Act enacted in December 2003, the government drafted the National Disability Policy (2006) so that it could guide government plans on how to address the needs and aspirations of persons with disabilities in prevention, of negative perception and treatment awareness and public education, rehabilitation, education and training, employment and economic empowerment, and other ancillary progressive issues (Njogu, 2009a, b). Kenya’s efforts at training in information and communication technology for persons with disabilities are notable (CIPESA, 2019). The National Council for Persons with Disabilities (NCPWD), which includes programs such as Disability Mainstreaming, an established department at NCPWD. Its sole mandate is to facilitate Disability Mainstreaming Programs in the public and private spheres (http://ncpwd.go.ke/index.php/media-­centre). Although Kenyan journalists occasionally report on disability, they have hardly any training on how to do it in a humanizing and nonstigmatizing manner (Njogu, 2009a, b). Again, amidst development, girls with disabilities continue to be invisible and denied their rights.

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Accessing Media to Improve Inclusion of Girls with Disability in Development in Africa with Special Suggestions for Nigeria The exclusion of children with disabilities from education is one way of excluding persons with disabilities from contributing to development, and this has an adverse economic impact at the family, community, and country level. A range of approaches can be employed to get the media involved or engaged in the inclusion of persons with disability in social development. Following policy recommendations or legal provisions, advocacy, enlightenment programs, and other sociolegal measures can be implemented. These include the training of journalists and enabling them to report investigative stories on politicians and communities, sensitizing persons with disabilities on how to engage with the media, and networking media with organizations committed to disability issues. Through the provision of alternative models in the media, new behavior can be learned and modified (Njogu, 2009a, b). The media can play an important role in the pursuit of advocacy in the African Union to demand that member states take steps toward enacting legally binding affirmative action in support of persons with disabilities. Training journalists and media personnel would be a step in this direction (Inimah et al., 2012). Raising awareness of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities would be another approach (UN Enable).

Conclusion This study of the approach of some countries to the use of media to improve the rights of persons with disabilities and to include them in development reveals the application of multidisciplinary measures. The use of legislation, education, and enlightenment, including training for media practitioners, was elucidated. The same approach can be adopted by African countries, and Nigeria in particular. Even when laws are not enforced, at least they exist as a framework for consideration. In the case of girls with disabilities, promulgation of general legislation and specifically regulation and responsibilities of media will be a starting point. There are ample opportunities for Africa to change the narrative and move in the direction of realizing human rights for girls with disability. Countries should develop media guidelines on disability to guide the framing, labeling, and presentation of disability-related issues. While it is difficult to

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develop a comprehensive list of acceptable terms, media practitioners should undergo training to improve their use language and reporting on disability, and courses on disability rights should be included in the curriculum in media training institutes. Also, persons with disabilities should be employed and constantly engaged in the media to strengthen the move toward a more inclusive media space. African countries should be deliberate about dismantling all barriers to the maximization of the potential of girls with disability, such as stigmas, stereotypes, harmful traditional practices and beliefs, inaccessible environment, and services, and work to promote inclusive development that leaves no one behind. Girls with disability in Africa deserve, along with all children, equal opportunities to develop. Thus, if the dream of sustainable development in Africa by 2063 is to be realized, persons with disabilities, including highly marginalized groups like girls with disabilities and those in rural areas, must be part of the process.

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CHAPTER 4

Media Portrayals of Disability and Disability Issues in Nigeria: Stereotypes and Solutions Okechukwu Chukwuma and Julius Omokhunu

Introduction The United Nations reports that there are approximately one billion persons with disabilities in the world, which is about 15 per cent of the global population. Indeed, the evidence suggests that persons living with disabilities (PLWDs) not only are unequally represented among the world’s poor but also tend to be less materially fortunate than their counterparts without disabilities. This is true in both developed and developing nations (UN, 2017). In Nigeria, the actual statistics on the disabled population are not exact. The last official census held in 2006 reported that 3.6 million Nigerians lived with a disability. This figure has been contested by advocates for people with disability (PWDs) who believe that the full range and extent of disability were not captured in that enumeration exercise.

O. Chukwuma Islamic University in Uganda, Kampala, Uganda J. Omokhunu (*) University of Lagos, Akoka, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_4

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The World Report on Disability 2011 published by the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the World Bank reported that about 25 million Nigerians had at least one disability, with 3.6 million of these facing severe difficulties in functioning. These data serve as the benchmark for statistical reference to disability and disability issues in Nigeria. The struggles faced by persons with disabilities are numerous, but chief among them are economic and social exclusion, which ultimately constitutes a breach of human rights and is viewed as a major development challenge for such persons. The United Nations is adamant that a society which is inclusive of all its members—including persons with disabilities—can help strengthen fundamental human rights and contribute to development for all, so much so that the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities was put together as a way to empower persons with disabilities to improve their lives and promote their inclusion in society on an equal basis with others. In Nigeria, there seems to be a cultural view of disability as a curse, to the extent that people discriminate against PWDs. The discrimination extends to families, where there is a high rate of discrimination against children with disability. The resultant culture has denied these Nigerians their right to dignity and serves as a hindrance to the attainment of their full potential. The media, given its role in shaping opinion and perception, is expected to play a role in raising awareness of and sensitisation to disability issues. It appears, though, that this is not happening.

Stereotypes and Stigmatisation in Nigeria Much of the Nigerian society remains highly traditional and, for the most part, superstitious. Hence, disability is looked upon with suspicion and largely pity. Due to the multi-ethnic nature of the country, there is always a diversity of opinion on what is deemed “not normal.” This generally transmits to the media, which is typically reflective of societal beliefs and norms. The disability stereotypes visible in the Nigerian society are not much different from those discussed earlier. However, there is a slightly more negative approach to people with disability and disability issues in the country. People with disability are typically viewed with:

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(a) Pity: Naturally, anyone without complete use of his/her senses is treated with some sort of empathy or sympathy. It is not unnatural for an individual with a disability to be indulged in certain aspects of daily life due to the disability they live with. People relate to such persons with an overwhelming display of pity for their condition, not minding the fact that they may have come to terms with their condition and are making a good living. (b) Contempt: Because of the growing level of impatience in an everbusy society, those who suffer from one disability or another often find themselves looked down upon, usually for two reasons. The first is as a result of their logically different (and often slow) approach to life. People with some form of disability are unable to equally compete or approach life in the same manner as those who have full use of their senses and limbs. The naturally slow or impaired approach to life of PLWDs will often see them become victims of the disdain of their impatient colleagues, neighbours or even strangers who would like things done at a faster pace. Admittedly, such colleagues, neighbours or strangers may be in the minority, but they exist. The second reason people with disability are treated with contempt is a consequence of the pity they receive due to their disability. Some people do not feel that special treatment should be given to people with a disability and can resent the recipient of such preferential treatment. Admittedly, not all people with disability enjoy being recipients of special treatment, as they want to make their own way. (c) A desire for segregation: The high level of superstition brought about by religious and cultural teachings ensures that a good portion of people with disability are often segregated in Nigeria. A disability of any kind is regarded as a deformity or a consequence of the wicked or evil actions of the individual with a disability or his/ her family. As a result, there is blatant exclusion of the disability community in many parts of the country, especially in places where families cannot be bothered to look after their kin who suffer from a disability. This is more prominent in Northern Nigeria. Recently, it has become even more evident that society’s opinion of people with disability as objects of charity in Nigeria has led to an increase of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) targeting the welfare of people with disabilities. The effect of this is institutionalisation. According to

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Ogundola (2013, p.  7), “There is an alarming increase in institutions where people with disabilities are abandoned. The situation of residents’ welfare in most of these institutions further reveals that disability, as an object of charity in Nigeria, is an exploitation tool in the hands of management of these institutions.” Ogundola (2013, p. 7) further avers that within the Nigerian context, disability as a stigma has greatly aided the promotion of the concept of institutionalisation. He says, “Due to erroneous cultural and traditional beliefs attached to disability, some families having people with disabilities, especially wealthy ones who can afford the exorbitant cost of institutionalisation, may abandon their family members with disabilities in one of these institutions to avoid the social stigma and the burden of caring for them.” The long absence of disability rights law in the country is certainly a factor that continues to make life difficult for people with disability. Despite decades of activism and advocacy by NGOs, disability legislation in Nigeria was only enacted in 2019 after the  signing into law of the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act, 2018 by the then-president Muhammadu Buhari. The effectiveness of the Act remains in doubt, however, because, as activists suggest, Nigerian society is primed to discriminate against people with disability. In May 2016, people with disabilities in Kaduna State in Nigeria took to the streets to protest a proposed law banning street begging and hawking. Activists argued that the government needs to enact the Disability Rights Law and provide gainful employment before they ban the primary means of income for people with disabilities (Internews, 2016). The stigmatisation and stereotyping of people with disability in Nigeria are attributable to three basic factors: 1. Ignorance: Illiteracy in Nigeria is quite high. Statistics from Nigeria’s government show that no fewer than 76 million Nigerians are illiterate (Onyedinefu, 2022). This is no doubt a contributory factor to the continued stereotyping and stigmatisation of PWDs. The majority of the Nigerian population do not have the education required to know that a disability is not the result of a sin and does not make a person less human. This lack of knowledge is prevalent in Northern Nigeria, where there is a higher occurrence of people with a physical disability (Etieyibo & Omiegbe, 2016).

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2. Beliefs: Many cultures in Nigeria instil a certain notion that a disability is a taboo and a consequence of one’s actions in a previous life or due to a past evil committed. As such, people with disability are looked upon with suspicion and treated accordingly. Those lucky enough are regarded with pity, when they are not shoved aside entirely. These beliefs go a long way towards promoting the various stereotypes that ultimately lead to stigmatisation. 3. Lack of public enlightenment: The absence of media effort also plays a key role in aiding and abetting the promotion of stereotypes against PWDs in Nigeria. According to the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (2015), close to 34 million households have access to televisions. Given the figures, it follows that a huge number of the population would naturally acquire their beliefs from the media. But the lack of public enlightenment especially in the media has left too many in the dark about the appropriate treatment to give PWDs, thereby creating a problem of co-existence between PWDs and those without disabilities.

Overview of Media Coverage of Disability The term media is defined as “a means of carrying or communicating information” (Daramola, 2012). For the purposes of this chapter, the term “mass media” is used to describe the media forms which are specifically designed to reach a large section of a heterogenous population. These media forms are radio, the press (newspapers, magazines), print (books), television, film/cinematography, the Internet and advertising. For several decades, the media has been developed to plan and disseminate information to the masses. It has been used as a means of education, a political platform, a forum for entertainment and a means of making public service announcements. The media is a powerful tool in every society. As a matter of fact, images and stories in the media can deeply influence public opinion and establish societal norms. It is safe to say that the media is an extremely significant part of everyday life and as an industry has been critical in the dissemination of information to the broader population. Referencing cultivation theory, Darke (2004) makes the assumption that “the portrayals of those with disabilities seen in stereotyped roles on

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the screen have a lasting impression on the psyche that is carried over into one’s daily attitudes.” A 2011 report, Where We Are On TV Report: 2010–2011 Season, found that only one per cent of regular characters on American broadcast TV had one or more disabilities, compared to 12 per cent of the U.S. and Canadian populations. It follows, therefore, that the media can and should play a role in advancing the cause of PLWDs. Some, however, are of the opinion that the influence that the media exerts on society has not always been used to society’s benefit, particularly in relation to disability, where the media has continued to foster discrimination against disabled people (Disability Planet, 2011). Persons with disabilities are seldom reported on in the media, and when they are featured, they are more often than not negatively stereotyped and not appropriately represented. It is not rare to see persons with disabilities treated as objects of pity, charity or medical treatment who must overcome a tragic and disabling condition or, contrariwise, presented as superheroes who have accomplished great feats, so as to inspire the non-disabled. The evidence for negative stereotyping is overwhelming. The representation and treatment of disability and disability issues in the media have received a fair share of criticism a raise a number of issues. One issue is the under-representation of PLWDs. Barnes (1992) holds that the under-representation of disabled people in the media or the misleading portrayal of disabled people has wide-ranging consequences for the disability community. With little or no representation of disabled people in the media, and given the tradition of the segregation of disabled people, attitudes and beliefs about disability have been left unchallenged (Barnes, 1992). The Centre for Digital and Media Literacy (n.d.) noted that disabled “individuals are viewed as the objects of pity and depicted as having the same attributes and characteristics no matter what the disability may be, pointing out that “disabled people, when they feature (in the media) at all, continue to be all too often portrayed as either remarkable and heroic, or dependent victims.” Not only does it appear as if people with disability are being heavily stereotyped, but it also seems that the full range of disabilities is not reflected in media portrayals. Lynne Roper of Stirling Media Research Institute, in her article “Disability in Media”, notes that “wheelchairs tend to predominate … since they are an iconic sign of disability. Most actors playing disabled characters are, however, not disabled. The wheelchair

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allows the character to be obviously disabled, whilst still looking ‘normal’, and does not therefore present any major challenges for audience identification.” Hunt (1991) concluded that the media use ten stereotypes to portray disabled people: . Pitiable or pathetic 1 2. An object of curiosity or violence 3. Sinister or evil 4. A super cripple 5. As atmosphere 6. Laughable 7. His/her own worst enemy 8. A burden 9. Non-sexual 10. Unable to participate in daily life Following from Hunt’s work, the British Film Institute in 2006 created a list of films which featured a character for each of the ten stereotypes. The selected films were from 1920 to 2006. Examples include the following: • the character of Colin from the Secret Garden—a character who falls into the stereotype of “pitiable and pathetic; sweet and innocent; a miracle cure” • the “sinister or evil” Dr. No, with his two false hands, from the Bond film of the same name • Ron Kovic, the disabled war veteran in Born on the Fourth of July, who is portrayed as “non-sexual or incapable of a worthwhile relationship” However, there is some argument to be made for the media’s “positive” portrayal of PLWDs. Gale (2012) conducted an analysis of some movies that had lead characters with a disability or that were about a disability. The study focused on Oscar-winning films dating as far back as 1989. Gale’s study unearthed several films which not only portrayed the lead characters as heroes but were also inspirational. Studies tend to agree that the way and manner in which the news media portray people, events or issues impact our perceptions of them. Appel,

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Mara & Weber (2014) assert that this is because people typically depend on radio, television, film and other media to shape personal and social identities and to help form opinions on topics that impact communal co-­ existence. Studies have shown that “media distortions of the experience of disability contribute significantly to the discriminatory process” (Barnes, 1992, “Discrimination And The Media,” para. 2), while “generalizations about ‘disability’ or ‘people with disabilities’ can mislead” (World Health Organization, 2011, p. 8).

Disability in Nigerian Media As with most parts of the world, there does not appear to be a particular desire for the Nigerian media to report on disability issues on a regular basis. Apart from global events such as the Paralympics, the media in Nigeria is hardly bothered about adequately covering and reporting on issues of disability. And even when such issues are reported, they are framed in two broad categories: superhero and victim. Take, for example, the 2016 Paralympics. When Team Nigeria exceeded expectations at the event, the press was awash with reports on the heroism of the athletes. The sports pages of newspapers wrote about the enigmatic team captain and how the athletes overcame challenges to excel at the Paralympics. Television and online media daily reported the exploits of the team, and pundits used the team’s feats to criticise the Nigerian Olympic contingent for its abysmal showing earlier that year. The team’s return was celebrated wildly in the media, and the heroic athletes with disability were the toast of the press. Only a few weeks later, the narrative was different. The athletes were protesting non-payment of bonuses by the sports ministry in Nigeria, and the media took the opportunity to launch broad-scale condemnation of the sports authorities in the country for denying the “victims” of their entitlement. After that incident, a quick check of the sports pages would reveal an absence of stories about athletes with disability. This is often the case. When the Paralympics are not in session, the media rarely covers disability issues except to celebrate an International Day. Most media houses across all genres usually only refer to disability issues on days such as • World Down Syndrome Day (21 March) • World Autism Awareness Day (2 April) • World Mental Health Day (10 October)

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• World Sight Day (second Thursday in October) • World AIDS Day (1 December) • International Day of Persons with Disabilities (3 December) Elaborate reports are packaged on such days with suggestions of how life can be made better for people with disability. It is all forgotten the next morning, at least until the next International Day. When disability issues are reported in the media, they are often misrepresented. Chadwick (2016) quoted Julius Shemang, a journalist and the Chairman of the Joint National Association of Persons With Disabilities (JONAPWD) Kaduna State as saying that: .. the mainstream media have not done enough in fighting the disability cause in Nigeria. For instance, I don’t know of any media organization that ever visited the headquarters of JONAPWD [Joint National Association of Persons with Disability] Abuja to find out what we are there for, what we do, how we do it, our struggles, and challenges. In recent months, it was wrongly reported in a national daily that the population of Nigerians living with disabilities is close to 15 million when in reality the number is 25.5 million, according to United Nations data. The mainstream media do not consult organizations of people living with disabilities to get accurate information about disability issues.

There are currently few cases of employment opportunities in the media for people living with disability. There is also an absence of media programmes that emphasise disability issues. Chadwick (2016) reports in Internews that “although there are some other media focusing on disability issues, such as Inclusive Network News (INN) TV, an effort of Sign Language Interpreters and other disabled people in southern Nigeria, currently the coverage is still sparse.” There is also the problem of generalisation in the media when it comes to people with disability. People living with physical disability are not necessarily differentiated from those with intellectual disability, when clearly the cases are different.

Common Media Stereotypes of Disability Keller and Hallahan (1990) investigated the stereotype of non- or under-­ representation of PLWDs. Their study unearthed the fact that most references to disability issues in American newspapers occurred more in features or soft news articles rather than hard news stories.

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The study also found that coverage tended to be about physical disabilities and was identified with generic labels such as “handicapped” or “disabled”, an affirmation of the inadequate reportage on disability. Keller and Hallahan speculated that the limited representation could produce a skewed picture of disabilities (Keller & Hallahan, 1990). Richardson (2005), who also reviewed a substantial volume of existing studies on representations of disability in the media came to the conclusion that “the existing literature does confirm the longstanding claim by disability advocates that mainstream media has misrepresented or ignored disability issues in past publications” (Richardson, 2005, p. 17). A major part of stereotyping is the false assumption that all members of a particular group are the same or can be classed into a small number of types. Researchers agree that this is especially true of people with disability, when they appear in the media at all. Below are some of the stereotypes attached to disability and promoted by the media: 1. Victim: This stereotype shows people with disabilities as needing charity and treatment. The victim stereotype suggests that people with disability are incapable of supporting themselves and are always reliant on others. Most depictions of disability in films and mainstream media in Nigeria use this stereotype most frequently, often coupled with the miracle cure stereotype. The stereotype also appears to support the view that living with a disability is a terrible existence, so it is only natural to feel pity for those who have one. This is evident in the few Nollywood movies featuring a character with a disability. 2. Hero: While not necessarily the opposite of the victim stereotype, it is more of an improvement over that view of people with disability. Here, disabled characters are shown as extraordinary or heroic individuals because of their disability. On the rare occasions when media outlets report on disability, terms such as “inspirational”, “brave” and “courageous” contribute to the stereotype. Criticism of this stereotype includes the fact that it reflects “low expectations” especially when people with disability are praised for simply going about their lives—like leaving their house, holding down a job or having a family. 3. Villain: Other depictions of disabled people that do not fall into the two preceding categories portray disabled people as villains. Several

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films have depicted disabled people as angry villains who have a score to settle with the world. This portrayal of disabled people is typically false and only scripted into media programmes for its aesthetic effect and entertainment value.

Effect of Negative Media Portrayal of Disability The Policy Paper on Media Portrayal of Disability by the Special Olympics Committee (2005, p. 1) noted that “Despite greater scientific knowledge, policy and societal changes, and the establishment of high-profile events such as the Special Olympics World Games, media accounts have continued to portray persons with intellectual disabilities in stereotypical, one-­ dimensional ways. Often, characters with intellectual disabilities were nearly ‘invisible’ presences (not complex), even if they were the main characters.” Such media portrayals have far-reaching effects on audiences. Timke (2019), Babik & Gardner (2021) and McGillivray et al. (2021) aver that the depiction of disabled people as superhuman or evil has far-reaching consequences, such as • Lack of role models for disabled people • Continued reinforcement of negative/misguided stereotypes of disabled people that are applied to the disabled community as a whole • The focus of over- or under-achievement means that disabled people can never be who they are, without striving to overcome their impairment/disability • The distance placed between disabled people and the intended audience underpins the gap between disabled and non-disabled people Localising these consequences to Nigerian society, the following should also be considered: • Hatred and disregard for disabled people • Lack of survival means • Denial of employment opportunities • Continued life of squalor due to high poverty rate in the country

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The Media and Disabling Imagery The stereotype of disabled people in Nigeria can chiefly be credited to the persistence of traditional misconceptions about disability and people with disability. Stereotypical assumptions about people with impairments are typically based on superstition, myths and beliefs from less enlightened times. They are intrinsic to the culture and persevere partially because they are constantly reproduced through the media via books, films, television, newspapers and advertising. Despite its critical role, the media alone cannot be blamed or exclusively called out for promoting and supporting the stereotyping of disability. The media’s impact on these issues, however, cannot be overlooked or overemphasised. As mentioned previously, researchers have perceived ten frequently used stereotypes in the portrayal of disability, particularly the mainstream media. These speculations are particularly evident on TV, in newspapers and in advertising.

Disability Stereotypes on Television People with disability and issues related to them are generally under-­ reported on TV; however, when they are covered, it is, generally speaking, in terms of existing stereotypes. Major portrayals of disability on television deal with rehabilitative treatment for disabled persons, stories about their inspirational deeds and the like. Given the absence of disability issues in mainstream programming and that whenever disability is mentioned, failure and rehabilitation come to mind, it is easy to see how TV programmes help perpetuate the widely held belief that injured people are debilitated and unfit to lead normal lives.

Disability Stereotypes in Newspapers Research clearly shows that the use of disablist language is prominent in newspapers, whether in features or hard news. Terms like “the crippled” and “the weakened” show up rather frequently despite campaigns to raise awareness about the pejorative connotations of such terms. As in films, reports on people with disability are typically featured for their sensational value rather than their fairness. Individuals with disability are regarded as sales boosters by a sensation-hungry press on the hunt for a basic story and unwilling to consider the harm done to the public image of people with disability.

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The Advertising Industry Barnes (1991, p. 3) says there are at least two ways in which the advertising industry contributes to discrimination. According to him: … disabled people are excluded and in some instances deliberately ignored by mainstream advertisers and advertising agencies. Besides hiding disability from the general public this is a clear denial of disabled people’s role as consumers. Secondly, some advertisers, notably charities, present a particularly distorted view of disability and disabled people to raise money. In both cases disabled people are the losers.

Barnes goes on to add that besides emphasising the abnormality of the individuals concerned, advertising using people with disability reinforces the perceived inadequacy of the rest of the disabled population. He notes that “a more recent development in charity advertising is the stress on the ‘abilities’, rather than the ‘disabilities’, of disabled individuals—normal able-bodied attributes are emphasized while impairments are conveniently overlooked” (Barnes, 1991, p. 5).

Solutions Given its powerful effect on society, the media can be a dynamic tool for raising awareness, countering stigma and misinformation about disability. It can be a powerful force for changing societal misconceptions and present persons with disabilities as individuals that are a part of human diversity. It is generally accepted that by increasing awareness and understanding of disability issues and the diversity of persons with disabilities and their situations, the media can actively contribute to an effective and successful integration of persons with disabilities in all aspects of societal life. Recognition of the stereotyping and negative portrayal of disabilities in the media seems to have increased in recent years. The Ruderman Family Foundation announced a major new journalism awards programme starting in 2018 to recognize the best disability reporting produced each year by media organisations around the world. Known as the Ruderman Family Awards for Excellence in Reporting on Disability, the award will recognize work done by large-market digital, broadcast and print media outlets and will be administered by the National Center on Disability and Journalism (NCDJ) at Arizona State University. The NCDJ, meanwhile, has run a smaller awards programme since 2013, with a view to encouraging a larger

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volume of reporting and more balanced and fair representation of disability issues in the media. Recent evidence supports the belief that portrayals of persons with disabilities are improving in parts of the world, particularly in more developed countries of the world where advocacy is on the rise for greater improvement in coverage and representation of persons with disabilities. Producers in the media industry now make efforts to accurately present a more balanced view of disabilities, particularly on TV. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation offers a guide for producers to use in portraying persons with disabilities on screen. It consists of three questions which are obligatory in some other parts of the world: . Does the portrayal patronise persons with disabilities? 1 2. Does the portrayal victimise persons with disabilities? 3. Does the portrayal demonise persons with disabilities? The Canadian Association of Broadcasters also has material on the portrayal of disabilities in its Equitable Portrayal Code with a view to “address issues identified in the research relating to the portrayal of persons with disabilities in television programming.” The Canadian Centre for Digital and Media Literacy suggests that producers do the following: 1. Consider disabled characters in scenarios that might be commonplace for a non-disabled person. 2. Treat characters with disability as multi-dimensional individuals, with good and bad qualities. Showing a disabled person as mean or nasty might be a challenge, but how many non-disabled people are “nice” all the time? Addressing the stereotypes accompanying the reporting on disability issues in the media, the International Labour Organisation’s Media Guideline for the Portrayal of Disability (p. 2) noted that language and images emphasise the value of the lives of people with disabilities, their dignity and strength and the contribution they make.

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Some words and images perpetuate inaccurate stereotypes. People with disabilities are often portrayed either as high achievers or as passive recipients of support. Repeated images of people as victims of accident, tragedy, illness or injustice reinforce stereotypes of helplessness and less value.

It is believed that the words and images that are used in the media and the way information is presented can have a negative or positive impact on how PLWDs are viewed. According to Babik & Gardner (2021), the media framing and representation of people with disability can either promote equality and inclusion or it can contribute to society’s negative stereotypes. On the issue of language and the use of disabling imagery in the media, the ILO’s Media Guideline for the Portrayal of Disability provides a table of “avoid” and “use” phrases while addressing disability issues (cf. Table 4.1). The overwhelming stereotyping and false portrayal of persons with disability have been attributed to the absence of actual persons with disability in the media industry. The Canadian Centre for Digital and Media Literacy puts it this way: One of the most high-profile portrayals of a person with a disability in recent years is Artie Abrams on Glee. Reaction to the character has been mixed: in general, non-disabled viewers have tended to see him as a positive portrayal of a person with a disability, and Glee was given an award by the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences for exemplifying “television with a conscience.” Many disabled viewers, on the other hand, view Artie as an inaccurate, stereotyped character. Artie is played by Kevin McHale, an actor who is not disabled. In addition, he embodies several common stereotypes: that persons with disabilities are only worthy of being admired if they “overcome” their disability; that persons with disabilities are automatically social outcasts; that persons with disabilities cannot participate in physical activities such as dancing, sports, and acting; and that the strongest emotion in the lives of persons with disabilities is a desire to not have their disability. Of course, all of these stereotypes would be just as bad if Artie were played by a wheelchair user. It seems likely, though, that if he were played by a wheelchair user—or if someone on the production staff had a disability or was familiar with the disabled community—the character would not be so badly stereotyped.

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Table 4.1  Language to use Avoid Phrases Like

Use Phrases Like

Afflicted by/victim of multiple sclerosis, cerebral palsy, etc. Birth defects, congenital defect, deformity

Person who has cerebral palsy, person with cerebral palsy Person born with a disability, person with a disability from birth, person who has a congenital disability The blind, the visually impaired Person who is blind, person with visual impairment or who is partially sighted Confined to a wheelchair, wheelchair-bound Person who uses a wheelchair, a wheelchair user Insane, mad, demented, psychotic, lunatic, Person with a mental health/ psychiatric crazy, maniac, mental diseased, disability, person who has schizophrenia, schizophrenic, deviant, psycho etc. Cripple/crippled Person with a physical disability, person with a mobility impairment, person who walks with crutches Deaf-mute, deaf and dumb Person who is deaf, person who is hearing impaired Hard of hearing, hearing impaired Person who is hard of hearing The disabled Person with a disability, people with disabilities, a woman or man with a disability Epileptic Person who has epilepsy Fit, attack, spell Seizure Learning disabled Person with a learning disability A dyslexic Person with dyslexia Handicap(ped) Person with a disability Handicapped seating, parking, toilets Accessible seating, parking, toilets Invalid Person with a disability Spastic Person who has spasms Mentally retarded, idiot, imbecile, slow, Person with an intellectual disability, defective, feeble minded, moron, simple persons with a learning disability Mongoloid, mongolism Person with Down syndrome Suffers from / stricken with.. A person who An individual with autism (disability is not suffers from Autism or an Autistic person synonymous with suffering) Source: Guidance on the Positive Portrayal of People with Disabilities

In addition to the above, the need for legislation to protect the rights of people with disability and to regulate their portrayal in the media plays a major role in finding solutions to this problem. To date, a number of policy initiatives have emerged from the disability rights movement to rectify this situation. These include calls for more involvement of media

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personnel, particularly those in positions of authority, in disability equality training presented by people with disability and a greater effort to recruit and train more people with disability to work in the media. Also relevant is the need for governments to introduce comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation which would provide a framework for guidelines to enable people with disability to integrate fully into the mainstream economic and social life of the community while sending a clear signal that discrimination against such people is no longer acceptable.

References Appel, M., Mara, M., & Weber, S. (2014). Media and identity. In M. B. Oliver & A.  A. Raney (Eds.), Media and social life (pp.  16–28). Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315794174-2 Babik, I., & Gardner, E. S. (2021). Factors Affecting the Perception of Disability: A Developmental Perspective. Frontier Psycholology. 12:702166. https://doi. org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.702166 Barnes, C. (1992). Media Guidelines. In A. Pointon & C. Davies (Eds.), (1997) Framed: Interrogating Disability in the Media (pp.  228–233). British Film Industry. Barnes, D. (1991). Discrimination: Disabled People and the Media. Contact, 70(Winter), 45–48. Centre for Digital Media Literacy (n.d). Concerns about Media Representation of Disability. Accessed at https://mediasmarts.ca/digital-media-literacy/media-­ issues/diversity-media/persons-disabilities/concerns-about-mediarepresentation-disability Chadwick, P. (2016, September 16). A Deaf Journalist in Nigeria Fights to Advance Disability Rights. Accessed via https://medium.com/@ radiochiwalker/a-deaf-journalist-in-nigeria-fights-to-advance-disability-rights2a909f83c2c0 Daramola, I. (2012). Introduction to Mas Communication. Rotham Press. Darke, P. (2004). The Changing Face of Representations of Disability in the Media. In J.  Swain et  al. (Eds.), Disabling Barriers—Enabling Environments. Sage. Disability Planet. (2011). Media Representation of Disabled People. http:// www-disabilityplanet-co-uk Etieyibo, E., & Omiegbe, O. (2016). Religion, culture, and discrimination against persons with disabilities in Nigeria. African Journal of Disability, 5(1), 192. https://doi.org/10.4102/ajod.v5i1.192 Gale, D. (2012). Disability and the Media: Disability in Films. http://disability-­ horizons.com/disability-­in-­films.html

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Hunt, P. (1991). Stigma: The experience of disability. London: Geoffrey Chapman. International Labour Organisation-Media Guidelines for the Portrayal of Disability. http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_emp/@ifp_ skills/documents/publication/wcms_127002.pdf Internews. (2016). A Disabled Journalist in Nigeria Fights to Advance Disability Rights. http://internews.org/journalist-­in-­nigeria-­fights-­to-­advance.html Keller, C. E., & Hallahan, D. P. (1990). The Coverage of Persons with Disabilities in American Newspapers. Journal of Special Education, 24(3), 271–282. McGillivray, D., O’Donnell, H., McPherson, G., & Misener, L. (2021). Repurposing the (Super)Crip: Media Representations of Disability at the Rio 2016 Paralympic Games. Communication & Sport, 9(1), 3–32. https://doi. org/10.1177/2167479519853496 NCDJ. (2017). Ruderman Family Foundation Launches Journalism Awards for Excellence in Disability Reporting. http://ncdj.orh Ogundola, O. J. (2013). Framing Disability: A Content Analysis of Newspapers in Nigeria. Masters Thesis submitted to the S.  I. Newhouse School of Public Communication at Syracuse University Onyedinefu, G. (2022, September 7). Nigeria’s illiteracy rate is now 31%, says FG. Business Day. https://businessday.ng/news/article/nigerias-illiteracyrate-is-now-31-says-fg/ Richardson, L. N. (2005). Media Portrayal of People with Disabilities and Coverage of Landmark Moments in Disbaility History. Masters Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia. Roper, L. (2015). Disability in Media. http://attitude.org.au Special Olympics. (2005). Changing Attitudes Changing the World. Policy Paper on Media Portrayal of Intellectually Disabled People. Timke, E. (2019). Disability and Advertising. Advertising & Society Quarterly 20(3). https://doi.org/10.1353/asr.2019.0024. United Nations. (2017). Disability and the Media. http://un.org World Health Organization. (2011). World Report on Disability. http://who.int/ disabilities/world_report/2011/en/

CHAPTER 5

Marginalization and Misrepresentation: Framing Disability in Nigeria Olusola John Ogundola and Carol Liebler

… representations are not pre-fixed, static reflections of prevailing social structures and values but rather symbolic sites of struggle over establishment of ‘truths.’ —(Orgad, p. 141)

Introduction Literature on the media and disability is still limited, and even more so when considering contexts outside the West. There are about a billion people with disabilities worldwide (World Health Organization [WHO], 2011). Indeed, 80 percent of them reside in developing nations (United Nations Enable, n.d., “Factsheet on Persons,” para. 3), but there is an

O. J. Ogundola (*) Project Restoration International Initiative, Ibadan, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] C. Liebler Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_5

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astonishing lack of research on media and disability issues in these regions. Nigeria is one example of where the federal government only recently domesticated the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) (Ameh, January 25, 2019). In such a climate, media coverage of people with disabilities is critical. Texts, whether visual or printed, play a significant role in how society perceives individuals and cultural groups (Burns, 2010; Haller, 2010; Haller et al., 2006). Studies have shown that “media distortions on the experience of disability contribute significantly to the discriminatory process” (Barnes, 2010, “Discrimination and the Media,” para. 2), and “generalizations about ‘disability’ or ‘people with disabilities’ can mislead” (WHO, 2011, p. 8). This study, by examining media portrayals of disability around three decades ago, sheds light on the marginalization of people with disabilities in Nigeria with a view toward advocacy for an inclusive society. Framing involves choosing and giving some part of a noticed reality salience in order to influence audiences’ perceptions (Entman, 1993). Pan and Kosicki (2001) give additional insight into the concept of “noticed reality” in relation to “issues” or “people” when they assert that “framing not only frames an issue but also frames social groups” (p. 44). In other words, through the framing of discursive communities, frames operate to reproduce cultural categories as well as reinforce social boundaries. Thus, media framing has the potential to favor social groups or their issues without revealing bias (Tankard, 2001), or media frames can taint social groups and their issues and attract hostile attitudes toward them. This latter point is particularly relevant to a discussion of news coverage of disability. In this study, two major newspapers (stories on disability about three decades ago) with nationwide readership in Nigeria were analyzed, from northern and southern Nigeria respectively. The Daily Trust is a privately owned newspaper firm situated in Abuja, Nigeria’s federal capital city. It started publication as the Weekly Trust in March 1998 and incorporated the Daily Trust in January 2001, together with the Sunday Trust. The Daily Trust enjoys a wide circulation among states in northern Nigeria (Abubakar, 2014). The Nigerian Tribune is based in Ibadan, which is considered the political headquarters of the southwest, the hub of media activities in Nigeria. Established in November 1949, it is the oldest surviving private newspaper in Nigeria and has special publications on weekends called the Saturday and Sunday Tribune. It enjoys a nationwide circulation (Popoola, 2006). Of note, initially, the New Nigerian newspaper located in Kaduna State was to be included in the sample; however, activities of

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the fundamentalist group Boko Haram made it prohibitive to travel to collect news stories in this area. This research assumes that cultural and religious differences between these two regions may affect news media framing of disability. In terms of religion, northern Nigeria is dominated by Islam (Pierri & Barkindo, 2016), which has encouraged a practice of charity or almsgiving to people with disabilities: Islamic tenets value acts of charity and this may be expressed toward them. Southern Nigeria is predominantly Christian (Pierri & Barkindo, 2016) and may be considered more progressive than the north. Although works of charity are a necessary requirement for practicing Christians, people with disabilities in the south have a choice of whether or not to be subjected to acts of charity. Media Framing of Disability Studies (Burns, 2010; Ciot & Hove, 2010; Clogston, 1994; Haller, 1995; Haller et al., 2006; Jones & Harwood, 2009; Riley, 2005; Wardle et al., n.d.; Wilkinson & McGill, 2009), primarily conducted in developed nations, reveal an array of problematic representations of stereotyping, stigmatizing, and misrepresentation. Particularly relevant to a discussion of framing is Clogston’s typology of news frames of disability, as well as Haller’s (1995) expansion of it. Drawing upon the notion of framing, Clogston (1994) examined whether news accounts portrayed people with disabilities in traditional or more progressive ways. Clogston’s frames predate the Americans with Disabilities Acts (ADA) and the CRPD and may appear obsolete, but they remain a spectrum in which contemporary disability models can be located. Clogston’s traditional frame is one that shows the person as malfunctioning and placing a burden on society. The medical model, the social pathology (deviant) model, and the supercrip model are all included on the traditional frame spectrum. His progressive frame (Haller, 1995) put the blame of “disability” solely on society since it is a social construct. This spectrum includes the minority/civil rights model and the cultural pluralism model, which identifies people with disabilities as “multifaceted individuals” (p.  47). Haller (1995) adds three models to Clogston’s typology—business, legal, and consumer models. The traditional frame spectrum is expanded to include the business model, and the progressive frame spectrum includes legal and consumer models.

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All of this begs the question as to how newsworthy disability issues really are. Riley (2005) asserts that “the media are alienating an audience conservatively estimated to number in the hundreds of millions worldwide” (p. 4), indicating that the socioeconomic and political influence of people with disabilities is yet to be considered relevant by the media. Indeed, Haller et al. (2012) discuss the ableism manifest in news coverage and conclude that “the traditional news media of newspapers and TV prefer government and other elite sources with powerful status,” thereby leaving people with disabilities on the sidelines. Media and Disability in Africa As observed earlier, the extant literature on media and disability is focused on Western societies. The subject has been relatively understudied in Africa, but available research shows that the media in Africa rarely represent views of people with disabilities from their own perspective; for example, Ogundola (2012) finds that in Nigeria traditional media such as newspapers primarily cover disability events when government and nongovernmental organizations (run by nondisabled people) are involved versus when people with disabilities hold the events (“Discussion,” para. 2). Media representation of disability in Africa may be analyzed from a cultural perspective based on the assertion that the media produce content that reflect society’s values and norms. Religion can be a significant factor that can impact media portrayal of disability in Africa. In Islam, for instance, there is a professed ideology of inclusion, and a person is judged not on material or physical characteristics but on piety, which involves both faith and a genuine attempt to obey Islamic obligations (Hasnain et al., 2008). Eskay (2012) shows that both cultural and disabling limitations impact governments’ policies on disability in Africa, and these ultimately limit opportunities for people with disabilities in social spaces. In the same vein, it is logical to assume that news media frames of disability in Africa will reinforce stigmatization and discrimination against people with disabilities. The link among disability, media, and culture in Africa was highlighted in a study by Nepveux and Beitiks (2010), who find from an analysis of documentary films that disability is often used to embody humiliating aspects of cultures that have never been impacted by modernization and technology.

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Method This study analyzes newspaper stories from around three decades ago from both northern and southern Nigeria. As Orgad (2014) asserts, context will influence media representation. We assume that cultural and religious differences reflect ideologies that may affect news media framing of disability, so we included both regions in the study. The sample was drawn from two major newspapers in Nigeria—Daily Trust, based in Abuja in north-central Nigeria, and Nigerian Tribune, based in Ibadan in southwestern Nigeria. The two newspapers included in the sample circulate daily and are published in English. News stories were accessed directly from the archives of the Daily Trust and Nigerian Tribune in Abuja and Ibadan, respectively. We solicited the assistance of a trained Nigerian librarian who identified and collected stories/articles on disability from each newspaper’s archives, made photocopies, and mailed them to the authors. The search terms used to locate stories/articles in the newspapers were as follows: disabled, disability, disabilities, challenged, physically challenged, mentally challenged, mentally deranged, mentally retarded, blind, deaf, dumb, cripple, crippled, polio, handicap, and handicapped. Stories that use figurative disability terms not associated with disability issues or people with disabilities were eliminated. For instance, stories with “the economy has been crippled” or “a blind decision” were excluded. We analyzed stories from around three decades ago to help understand frames the news media in Nigeria employ to shape disability issues and maintain the status quo. The time frame for the data collected from the newspapers varied due to news story availability. From the Nigerian Tribune we analyzed a total of 39 stories. We collected data between 2001 and 2010, a period (1999–2009) considered significant because of the global clamor against discrimination against people with disabilities in Africa tagged “African Decade of Disabled Persons” (United Nations Enable, n.d., “African Decade of Disabled Persons,” para. 1). Moreover, the United Nations CRPD came into effect on March 30, 2007, with Nigeria being among the first nations to sign the document (United Nations, n.d., “Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities,” para. 3) and only recently domesticated it in 2019 (Ameh, January 25, 2019). From the Daily Trust we collected data between 2002 and 2008 as the newspaper’s archive had complete volumes for this period only. We analyzed a total of 14 stories from the Daily Trust newspaper.

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To ensure visibility in news content, all articles, picture captions, and interviews published in December (between 2001 and 2010) for the relevant years were selected for analysis. The month of December was chosen for several reasons. First, December 3 was proclaimed International Day of Persons with Disabilities by the United Nations General Assembly in 1981 (United Nations Enable, n.d., Background, para. 1). Issues about disability are expected to be on the public agenda on this day in Nigeria considering its international relevance. It is expected that the media will give coverage to these issues. Second, December is the last month of the year, and it is viewed as a festive period in Nigeria. Several organizations hold charity events for people with disabilities during this time to mark their end-of-year activities. These events often get news coverage. Therefore, although news on disability in the month of December alone may not fully reflect coverage of people with disabilities in Nigeria, it does offer visibility that is largely lacking at other times of the year. We analyzed headlines, photo captions, and sentences, identifying dominant themes among them. Hesse-Biber and Leavy (2011) posit that data analysis and interpretation go together in qualitative research. Therefore, although we drew upon previous research, especially that of Clogston and Haller, the textual analysis was largely inductive. In other words, no previous (Western) typologies were imposed upon the text. The first author’s experiences as a Nigerian living with a disability gave rise to this study. He has on several occasions attempted to involve the media in the activities of disability organizations he has participated in, but found resistance. He was therefore inspired to examine news coverage more closely. The second author has extensive experience in media and diversity issues. She also has experience navigating societal reactions to disability.

Results Textual analysis of newspaper representations of disability in Nigeria revealed the varied ways people with disabilities are described in Nigeria’s news media. Although there is a general dearth of disability representations in the news, the data analyzed provide considerable information on how the news media describe people with disabilities within the Nigerian cultural and religious context. The findings show that newspapers’ framing of disability in northern Nigeria differs in certain ways from that of the south. On the other hand, both regions share similar frames. Overall, the

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newspapers from both regions employ frames that have negative implications on how society perceives people with disabilities in Nigeria. First, we report results from the analysis of each newspaper and then we compare similarities and differences between them. The third section compares representations of disability before and after the year 2007. The Daily Trust The analysis of stories in the Daily Trust revealed how people with disabilities are portrayed as a homogeneous group within the larger community, despite the various disability categories present in northern Nigeria. We termed such coverage the “group-identity frame.” Another finding showed that people with disabilities were portrayed in derogatory terms, and we described this as “pejorative frame.” Group-Identity Frame Interviews, photo captions, and news stories were replete with phrases such as “disabled persons” and “people/persons with disabilities”—terms that have been described by disability scholars and activists as “impairment first” and “person first” language, respectively. This is a notable finding because the group-identity frame is used in most of the news reports analyzed, except in rare cases where specific categories of disability are focused on. Sample Daily Trust headlines: “Disabled persons mark day, trek within stadium” (December 8, 2006); “115 Disabled persons offered jobs in Kano” (December 22, 2006); and “Disabled persons receive monthly allowance” (December 20, 2004). Similarly, some pictures of people with disabilities were captioned thus: “A cross-section of disabled persons at the prayer ground yesterday” (December 5, 2002) and “Disabled man at Abuja” (December 8, 2006). The terms “disabled persons”/“people with disabilities” and “persons with disabilities,” as used by the Daily Trust, are a means to bring people with different forms of disabilities under a single group identity. Thus, although “person first” language is desirable, the context in which it is used is critical to consider; treating individuals who are vastly different from one another as a monolithic group is problematic. The use of the group-identity frame, which is based on shared attributes among members of a particular group, could also indicate an overwhelming presence of people with various disabilities in the community, which is also a way of

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bringing them under a single umbrella while failing to acknowledge their differences. Furthermore, the group-identity frame can also mean that people with disabilities are visible in northern communities. Jamillah Nuhu Musa and Musa Umar Kazaure (journalists from the Daily Trust) support this argument when they write reports such as: “Disabled persons in Ugogo local government of Kano state …” (Musa, December 20, 2004) and “The Governor … challenged people who are in the habit of giving pittance in the name of alms to disabled persons on the streets” (Kazaure, December 22, 2006). Abubakar Yakubu, also a journalist with the Daily Trust, wrote: “Hundreds of disabled persons within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) …” (December 8, 2006). Their use of prepositional phrases such as “in Ugogo local government of Kano state,” “on the streets,” and “within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT)” suggests that people with disabilities are visible members in the community. Pejorative Frame Within this frame, both newspapers employ stereotypes of disability to describe people with disabilities in Nigeria. In fact, they appear in nearly all news reports analyzed. People with disabilities are portrayed mainly as dependent upon others, as beggars, and as unfortunate beings deprived by nature, not by the society of which they are part, ultimately resulting in a reduced sense of self for a person with disability. As an example, one Daily Trust photo cutline provided this description of a lady with a disability: “Members of a senate committee on Home Affairs, Senator Abubakar Sodangi giving a helping hand to Miss Chika Chioma, during the visit of persons with disabilities to the National Assembly in Abuja …” (Tuesday, December 1, 2008). Chika Chioma uses a wheelchair and was being wheeled by a senator during a visit of people with disabilities to lawmakers in Nigeria. The phrase “giving a helping hand” speaks volume about Chika Chioma. It implies she is incapable of functioning independently and therefore needs “a helping hand” to get around. The emphasis is consistently on the person with disability and not the society (in this case, the National Assembly complex) that fails to accommodate the needs of people with disabilities. Such a portrayal communicates that persons with disabilities are too frail and weak to engage in any productive livelihood.

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The concept of frailty explains why people with disabilities are perceived as objects of pity, with almsgiving considered subsistent for them. For example, Musa Umar Kazaure’s report on December 22, 2006, headlined, “115 disabled persons offered jobs in Kano,” reveals the expectations and attitudes of northern society toward them. As members of a culture, journalists are inculcated with these expectations and attitudes and “present them back to society as news ‘facts’” (Haller, 2010, p. 43). Here is how one reporter captured the governor’s concern on the issue of begging associated with disability: The governor … challenged people who are in the habit of giving pittance in the name of alms to disabled persons on the streets to embark on serious disabled empowerment projects and programs that would ultimately take them off the streets as beggars. (December 22, 2006)

The governor’s concern, as framed in this report, says much about northern communities’ perceptions and expectations of people with disabilities. Northern societies in Nigeria have traditionally viewed almsgiving as subsistent for people with disabilities, and because disability is associated with begging, nondisabled people often feel pity and obligated to help. However, as Colker (2009) asserts, acts of charity can deny people with disabilities their self-respect and dignity. Furthermore, acts of charity take away one’s power to advocate for equal rights and opportunities in society. Other stories labeled people with disabilities in pejorative terms. For example, on Wednesday, December 20, 2004, one headline reads, “Disability is no reason for begging—Crippled bicycle engineer.” Modu Nanami, the subject of the story, uses a wheelchair. After years of street begging without a job, Modu decided to employ a skill he had acquired earlier in life before acquiring a disability. Despite his apparent agency, the use of stigmatizing language like “crippled” is an example of how the news media in the north use derogatory labels for people with disabilities. The Nigerian Tribune The Nigerian Tribune portrayals reflect how society perceives disability in the south. People with disabilities are portrayed as physically challenged, handicapped, less privileged, special, and supercrips. Very rarely were phrases such as “people with disabilities” or “disabled people” used to describe them. Where one of these terms was used, for instance in

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headlines, it rarely remained throughout the story. That is, derogatory words are used interchangeably to portray them. We describe the Nigerian Tribune’s use of “physically challenged” to represent all categories of disability as a misrepresentation frame; handicapped, less privileged, and special as a pejorative frame; and content that describes feats accomplished by people with disabilities as “courage,” “overcoming adversity,” and “extraordinary” as a supercrip frame (Clogston, 1994). Misrepresentation Frame The phrase “physically challenged” is most often used by the Nigerian Tribune to portray people with disabilities, which is misrepresentative because it leaves out other forms of disabilities. The following sample headlines are illustrative: “Yuletide: Help Project putting smiles on faces of the physically challenged” (December 29, 2009); “Lagos imports special BRT buses for physically-challenged” (December 17, 2008); “Oni offers scholarships, employment to the physically-challenged” (December 21, 2007; “Church hosts the physically-challenged” (December 10, 2007); “Physically challenged people yearn for better academic deal” (December 8, 2006); and “ARFH celebrates World AIDS Day with physically challenged” (December 18, 2003). It appears the news media in the south view the physically challenged as the symbol of disability and that addressing issues surrounding them should suffice for every other disability group. Consequently, other disability categories are left out. Pejorative Frame The Nigerian Tribune also uses a mix of different terms to represent people with disabilities, leaving room for a variety of stereotypically offensive labels. It is not uncommon for the newspaper to associate the term “less privileged” with people with disabilities. For example, in a story headlined “Samaritan group feasts the less privileged,” one reporter has this to say: According to the head of the ministry, Mr. Samuel Bolanriwa, the event is to reach out to the less privileged in the society so as to put smiles on their faces and to let them realize that they are relevant despite their disabilities. (December 13, 2009)

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Several indicators are used to identify people with disabilities as “less privileged” ones in society, and the overall tone is patronizing. The phrase “despite their disabilities” suggests that the “less privileged” in society refers to people with disabilities. In the same vein, the opening paragraph of a story about a visit to the Stella Obasanjo Child Care Trust Center by the Rotary Club of Asokoro in Abuja is instructive. The Child Care Trust was a pet project of the deceased wife of former Nigerian President Obasanjo and serves as a home for orphans and children with disabilities. The newspaper used another indicator here to link people with disabilities to the term “less privileged”: “The greatest message of Christmas is peace. It is also a time to share, love and give, especially to those who are less privileged and those who are deprived one way or the other” (December 12, 2006). The phrase “those who are deprived one way or the other” may also refer to orphans in the home. However, if the phrase is examined in the light of “people who have no use of one or more of their body parts,” in this case people with disabilities, it becomes apparent that the newspaper actually was referring to children with disabilities. Here is similar evidence: …. This fact was the motivating tonic and propelling force for the members of the Lions Club International, District 404B, Nigeria, which resolved to be making life more beautiful for the less privileged in the society, and this it did recently in Ibadan, the capital of Oyo state when members visited Oluyole Cheshire Home, Sango-Ijokodo Road, Ibadan, to touch the lives of the inmate there. (Adeniyi, December 9, 2005)

Again, the use of statements like “those who for one reason or the other have become less privileged in the society” in a setting like the Oluyole Cheshire Home clearly suggests that the phrase “less privileged in society” is used to refer to people with disabilities. The Oluyole Cheshire Home is an institution where people with disabilities live in Ibadan, southern Nigeria. The pejorative frame used by the media parallels society’s perception of people with disabilities in southern Nigeria. Issues of disability support and empowerment in Nigeria are fraught with misconceptions, as Lang and Upah (2008) point out: “There is an underlying ideological belief that these should be addressed through ‘charity and welfare’” (p.  17). Because “disability” in itself is believed to be a factor in poverty (Amusat, 2009), the media pay little or no attention to issues of stigma and social

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exclusion, which obviously account for the economic misfortunes of people with disabilities within the society. People with disabilities are also portrayed as unfortunate and bitter. A feature story by Akin Adewakun focused on four blind musicians of the Bethesda Group brought to Lagos by their coordinator to beg for alms using their musical prowess. The story is headlined “A date with Lagos blind minstrels” and is framed thus: A group of four, two men and two women, in white and blue uniform, united by a common adversity, occupied a small portion of the road. They kept drumming, singing and praising God in their native language, Igbo, despite their deficiencies. (December 4, 2006)

The phrases “united by common adversity” and “despite their deficiencies” reinforce the fact that disability is perceived as a misfortune. Such wording suggests that people with disabilities lead a miserable and bitter life. Another term used to refer to people with disabilities is the word “special.” At face value, this word appears befitting. However, the reverse is the case on two accounts. First, Lang and Upah (2008) show a correlation between discriminatory tendencies and special schools in Nigeria. Second, on close analysis of the word as used by the Nigerian Tribune, it turned out to be another way of comparing people with disabilities with their nondisabled counterparts, who are considered “normal.” The flip side of the word “normal” is “abnormal”—the use of the word “special” to label people with disabilities is another way of referring to them as abnormal. Take for example: “Special teachers to receive 15 per cent incentive in Lagos” and “Lagos boost special education with buses” are headlines of two stories by Kunle Awosiyan. In the first story, he reported that Teachers of physically challenged pupils in Lagos on Wednesday were excited when the state government announced an incentive of 15 per cent on their basic salary as special allowance for them … Reiterating the commitment of the government to provide adequate education for special pupils, Sosan said training and re-training of special teachers would be a regular exercise in the state. (December 4, 2008)

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The second story used a binary difference between “special” and “normal” to categorize pupils with disabilities and their nondisabled mates, respectively: Respite may have come the way of specially challenged pupils in Lagos as the State Government increases the budget for special education … According to her, as part of steps to promote special education in the state, the government has also created a system where special challenged pupils are mixed with normal pupils in the same school environment. (December 4, 2008)

Because the media use language that reinforces differences between people with disabilities and nondisabled, a distorted picture of disability may be conveyed, and consequently, as in this case, it will require giving teachers special incentives to stimulate their interest in the task of teaching “special pupils.” Similarly, Biodun Odunuga-Samuel reported a story on December 10, 2007, where a church support group hosted people with disabilities during their Christmas party held every December. He quoted the leader of the group, Mr. Adeniji, as saying “the Samaritan Care Ministry had the vision of visiting these special people’s homes …” The phrase “special people’s homes” is quite instructive here. It brings to the fore the issue of institutionalization of people with disabilities, a common phenomenon in the south of Nigeria. Another story, on December 17, 2008, carried the headline “Lagos imports special BRT buses for physically-challenged.” The notion of “special” not only separates people with disabilities from the nondisabled; it suggests the provision of segregated facilities—an idea that greatly negates the spirit of inclusion. Supercrip Frame The supercrip frame views accomplishments by people with disabilities as “incredible.” It is important to highlight here how the Nigerian Tribune uses the supercrip frame. This is revealing for several reasons. First, it focuses mainly on individuals with specific disabilities. Second, it is one of the few instances where specific disabilities are reported. Third, the supercrip frame holds the assumption that what is “normal” is for people with disability to lead a quiet, nonvisible existence, as doing otherwise requires much effort and is considered “courageous.” It also highlights disability as “adversity.”

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Friday Ekeoba, in a 2008 story headlined “When Physically-Challenged Became Super Heroes,” made the following report: One thing that made the awards for the year stand out is that the three children awarded with the Indomie Independence Day Awards for Heroes of Nigeria were honoured for their outstanding deeds of bravery and courage in the face of disability and illness … Fifteen-year-old Rasaq Omolade, a cripple, won the 3rd prize trophy and 500,000 naira scholarship, a reward for their extra-ordinary heroism and courage. (December 13, 2008)

The supercrip notion is linked to the achievement of three children with disabilities who were among some young Nigerians rewarded for bravery. Because society often equates disability with illness, these children would not have been among the awardees but for some supernatural forces helping them. This explains the phrase “a reward for their extra-ordinary heroism and courage.” Similarly, in an interview with a businessperson with disability, Adelowo Oladipo employed an astonishing headline to convey the story: “Disabled Man Owns Chains of Coys: Pays GM N120, 000.00 Monthly.” The man in question owns a rental business. Based on some of the questions he was asked, one can infer that his ability to run a business successfully as a person with disability is called into question. The journalist seems more concerned about his disability than the skills and ideas that made him successful at his business, asking: “Which school did you attend?” This question is based on the general assumption that people with disabilities don’t go to school. “If I may ask, were you born with deformity, and if not, what brought about your predicament?” Here, disability is treated as adversity and an impediment for a person with disability, who is expected to lead a quiet and nonvisible existence. “What are those things you could not do in the past and you are now striving to do?” The phrase “striving to do” clearly supports the argument that people with disabilities are expected to have courage and extraordinary effort in order to succeed in tasks that nondisabled people ordinarily succeed in. Gboyega Adeoye wrote about a young deaf man on December 5, 2006, with a headline that clearly conveys disbelief: “INCREDIBLE! Deaf and mute Evangelist preaches on the streets.” The opening paragraph of the story reads as follows:

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He is partially deaf and mute, but he manages to produce meaningless and incoherent sounds whenever he is in dire need to communicate. Any speech, to him, means evangelism and working for the Almighty God, his handicap notwithstanding. Moses Onyia is an unusual man, a trait he exhibited right from his formative years. He was born on July 7, 1972 as a retarded child to expectant parents who would have wanted a normal child for their first born.

These stories suggest that people with disabilities are incredible beings with superhuman abilities to shuttle between the physical and spiritual at will. Comparative Analyses of Newspapers in the North and South of Nigeria Studies addressing the coverage of marginalized groups have found that the media often portray them negatively. Jones and Harwood (2009) found that the media in Australia represent people with autism in a dual stereotype of “burden to family” or “socially unloved” (p. 16). Wilkinson and McGill (2009) found that the increase in newspaper coverage of autism in Britain may reflect an “autism epidemic” (p. 74). Heider (2000) concludes that news stories about powerless groups are framed from negative culturally frozen norms. There are both similarities and differences in how the newspapers in the north and south of Nigeria represent people with disabilities. Apart from sharing a general negative representation (that is, the pejorative frame), similarities between the two newspapers are basically in the form of stereotypically offensive language. In terms of differences, cultural and religious factors play a significant role in how newspapers represent people with disabilities. The pejorative frame used in the Daily Trust describes people with disabilities mainly as “beggars,” which may be linked to their perceived socioeconomic status in society. It may also be partly linked to Islamic practice, which, as adherents assume, encourages the giving of alms as a necessary condition for being blessed. Furthermore, media representations that imply “frailty” help reinforce the impression that people with disabilities cannot make a living by engaging in economic activity. Consequently, almsgiving is considered subsistent for them. The Nigerian Tribune shares in the pejorative frame by using multiple derogatory terms. The term “less privileged” is often used interchangeably with other such terms, and it suggests that people with disabilities are

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disadvantaged mainly because of their impaired bodies, not by the society that marginalizes and discriminates against them. In any case, both newspapers describe people with disabilities, under the pejorative frame, in stereotypically offensive language that is detrimental to their images in society. Between the Daily Trust and the Nigerian Tribune, the main difference in their representations of people with disabilities is that, whereas the former portrays people with disabilities under a group-identity frame, the latter uses a misrepresentation frame. The group-identity frame brings people with various forms of disability under an umbrella that neither overemphasizes nor deemphasizes a particular disability category. The Daily Trust remained consistent in its representation of people with disabilities under the group-identity frame. These headlines indicate this fact: “Disabled persons receive monthly allowance” (Musa, December 20, 2004); “115 disabled persons offered job in Kano” (Kazaure, December 22, 2006); and “Disabled persons mark day, trek within stadium” (Yakubu, December 8, 2006). In contrast, the Nigerian Tribune uses the misrepresentation frame, which represents all categories of disabilities from the perspective of the physically challenged. The following headlines from the Nigerian Tribune also substantiate this fact: “Oni offers scholarships, employment to the physically challenged” (December 21, 2007); “Ilejemeje council celebrates physically-challenged” (December 22, 2009); and “Parents task to show concern for physically challenged children” (Oguntola, December 27, 2007). The analysis also considered variations in representation of disability in both newspapers, before and after the year 2007, to ascertain whether Nigeria’s assent to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and its Optional Protocols on March 30, 2007, influenced representation. No meaningful changes surfaced in this regard, indicating that representations in both newspapers remained fairly constant across the time period studied despite political changes.

Disability in Nigeria since 2010? Conclusion People with disabilities in Nigeria face impediments that militate against their full inclusion into mainstream society. One such impediment is the negative news portrayals of disability. This study examined media frames

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of disability in newspapers from both the north and south of Nigeria for the period 2001–2010. The results show that newspapers’ framing of disability in both regions is replete with negative and stereotypical language that can reinforce marginalization and discrimination against people with disabilities. On the question of how they are portrayed by the press in Nigeria, four frames emerged: group identity, pejorative, misrepresentation, and supercrip. The media rarely report self-advocacy by people with disability, suggesting that Nigerian reporters and editors hold them in very low esteem and consider their voice irrelevant in matters that affect them. Overall, the results of this study clearly indicate that these newspapers do not consider disability very important in terms of their news agenda, whether through a lack of coverage or a failure to provide insightful and sensitive reportage. This study extends the research on media and disability to the African context, drawing upon earlier work by Clogston (1994) and Haller (2010). Its findings highlight the linkage between news, culture, and power. In the news accounts analyzed here, people with disabilities are marginalized and trivialized, and media representations fail to challenge or subvert dominant ideologies. Although media representation alone may not be able to “impel change,” Orgad (2014) reminds us that “changes must correspond with and be supported by broader social discourses and larger political, economic, and cultural structures” (p. 143). In this regard, the Nigerian press has fallen far short.

References Abubakar, A.  A. (2014). Portrayal of Jonathan’s Administration in Selected Nigerian National Newspapers (2012–2013). Unpublished master’s thesis. University of Lagos. Ameh, J. (2019, January 25). Buhari Signs Bill Prohibiting Discrimination Against Persons with Disability. Punch. https://punchng.com Amusat, N. (2009). Disability Care in Nigeria: The Need for Professional Advocacy. AJPARS, 1(1), 30–36. http://www.ajol.info/index.php/ajprs/ article/viewFile/51313/39976 Barnes, C. (2010). A Brief History of Discrimination and Disabled People. In L. Davis (Ed.), The Disability Studies Reader (pp. 20–32). Routledge. Burns, S. (2010). Commentary: Words Matter: Journalists, Educators, Media Guidelines and Representation of Disability. Asia Pacific Media Educator, 20, 277–284. http://ro.uow.edu.au/apme/vol1/iss20/28

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Ciot, M., & Hove, G. (2010). Romanian Approach to Media Portrayals of Disability. Disability & Society, 25(5), 525–538. http://web.ebscohost.com. libezproxy2.syr.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=3&hid=19&sid=596 1dc02-­a048-­4a63-­9d3b-­5a96515f2610%40sessionmgr10 Clogston, J.  S. (1994). Disability Coverage in American Newspapers. In J. A. Nelson (Ed.), People with Disabilities, the Media and the Information Age (pp. 45–53). Greenwood. Colker, R. (2009). The Law of Disability Discrimination. Lexis Nexis. Entman, R. (1993). Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51–58. http://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/ teaching/POLI891_Sp11/articles/J-­Communication-­1993-­Entman.pdf Eskay, M. (2012). Disability Within the African Culture. In O.  Ukpokodu & P. Ukpokodu (Eds.), Contemporary Voices from the Margin: African Educators on African and American Education (pp.  197–211). Information Age Publishing, Inc.. Haller, B. (1995). Disability Rights on the Public Agenda: Elite News Media Coverage of the Americans with Disabilities Act (UMI No. 9527481) [Doctoral dissertation]. ProQuest Dissertations and Thesis Database. Haller, B. (2010). Representing Disability in an Ableist World: Essay on Mass Media. Advocado Press. Haller, B., Dinca-Panaitescu, M., Rioux, M., Laing, A., Vostermans, J., & Hearn, P. (2012). The Place of News Media Analysis within Canadian Disability Studies. Canadian Journal of Disability Studies, 1(2). http:// 129.97.58.125:8080/cjds/index.php/cjds/article/view/42/45 Haller, B., Dorries, B., & Rahn, J. (2006). Media Labeling Versus the US Disability Community Indentity: A Study of Shifting Cultural Language. Disability and Society, 21(1), 61–75. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687590500375416 Hasnain, R., Shaikh, L., & Shanawani, H. (2008). Disability and the Muslim Perspective: An Introduction for Rehabilitation and Health Care Providers. http://cirrie.buffalo.edu/culture/monographs/muslim.pdf Heider, D. (2000). White news: Why local news program don’t cover people of color. Routledge. Hesse-Biber, S. N., & Leavy, P. (2011). The Practice of Qualitative Research. Sage. Jones, S., & Harwood, V. (2009). Representations of Autism in Australian Print Media. Disability & Society, 24(1), 5–18. http://web.ebscohost.com.libezproxy2.syr.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=4&hid=19&sid=5961dc02-­ a048-­4a63-­9d3b-­5a96515f2610%40sessionmgr10 Lang, R., & Upah, L. (2008). Scoping Study: Disability Issues in Nigeria. http:// www.ucl.ac.uk/lc-­ccr/downloads/scopingstudies/dfid_nigeriareport Nepveux, D., & Beitiks, E. (2010). Producing African Disability Through Documentary Film: Emmanuel’s Gift and Moja Moja. Journal of Literary &

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Cultural Disability Studies, 4(3), 237–254. https://doi.org/10.3828/ jlcds.2010.21 Ogundola, O.  J. (2012, June). Symbolic Annihilation of Disability in Nigeria’s News Media. Paper Presented at the Twenty Fifth Annual Conference of Society for Disability Studies. Orgad, S. (2014). When Media Representation Met Sociology. In S.  Waisbord (Ed.), Media Sociology: A Reappraisal (pp. 133–150). Polity. Pan, Z., & Kosicki, G. (2001). Framing as a Strategic Action in Public Deliberation. In S.  D. Reese, O.  H. Gandy, & A.  E. Grant (Eds.), Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World (pp. 35–65). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Pierri, Z., & Barkindo, A. (2016). Muslims in northern Nigeria: Between Challenge and Opportunity. In R.  Mason (Ed.), Muslim Minority-State Relations: Violence, Integration, and Policy (pp.  133–135). https://www. researchgate.net/publication/310596098_Muslims_in_Northern_Nigeria_ Between_Challenge_and_Opportunity Popoola, I. S. (2006). Advertisement as an Index of Media Acceptability: A Case Study of Nigerian Tribune and the Sun Newspapers. International Journal of Communications, 5, 170–177. Riley, C. (2005). Disability and the Media: Prescription for Change. University Press. Tankard, J. W. (2001). The Empirical Approach to the Study of Media Framing. In S.  D. Reese, O.  H. Gandy, & A.  E. Grant (Eds.), Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World (pp. 95–106). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs Disability. (n.d.). Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. https://www.un.org/ development/desa/disabilities/convention-­on-­the-­rights-­of-­persons-­with-­ disabilities.html United Nations Enable, Development and Human Rights for All. (n.d.). Fact Sheet on Persons with Disabilities. http://www.un.org/disabilities/default. asp?id=18 Wardle, C., Boyce, T., & Barron, J. (n.d.). Media Coverage and Audience Perception of Disfigurement on Television. http://www.cardiff.ac.uk/jomec/resources/09 mediacoverageofdisfigurement.pdf Wilkinson, P., & McGill, P. (2009). Representation of People with Intellectual Disabilities in a British Newspaper in 1983 and 2001. Journal of Applied Research in Intellectual Disabilities, 22, 65–76. http://web.ebscohost.com. libezproxy2.syr.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=6&hid=19&sid=596 1dc02-­a048-­4a63-­9d3b-­5a96515f2610%40sessionmgr10 World Health Organization, World Report on Disability. (2011). Disability—A Global Picture. https://www.who.int/disabilities/world_report/2011/ report.pdf

CHAPTER 6

Unpacking Zimbabwean media’s Representations of Vendors Who Are Persons with Disabilities (PWDs): A Critical Social Work Perspective Tatenda Nhapi

Background and Introduction Because a large proportion of the global population is composed of persons with disabilities (PWDs), the media should focus its lens on PWDs’ experiences, consistent with its mantra of educating, entertaining and informing. The World Health Organisation (2011) reported on the likely increased prevalence of disability due to ageing populations and chronic health conditions, which are on the rise globally in the form of diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cancer and mental health disorders. A failure to address PWDs’ challenges will profoundly impact individuals, households, communities, broader society and national economies (Kidd). Furthermore, many Global South countries, such as Nigeria and Zimbabwe, are characterised by Lang (2009) as having a real paucity of

T. Nhapi (*) University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_6

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reliable and robust disability statistics. Article 31 of the UN Convention explicitly requires states parties to Undertake to collect appropriate information, including statistical and research data, to enable them to formulate and implement policies to give effect to the present Convention. (Lang, 2009)

PWD narrative themes which predominate in the Zimbabwean context, as identified by Dube and Charowa (2005), include a dual system of laws and their application, negative portrayals of disability issues in the media, weak political capacity for effective mainstreaming of the PWD agenda, negative customary beliefs and practices, and non-domestication of international instruments. On the same note, strong disability and poverty linkages are observed by Scarf, Budge, Rosamund and Madden (2016), who note that more people living in poverty have some form of disability. More people with some form of disability live in poverty, as noted by Scarf et  al., due to inadequate housing, sanitation, nutrition and unsafe work conditions, widespread barriers to health and education services, unemployment and expenses associated with managing a disability (Scarf et  al., 2016). Significantly, PWDs seem to remain invisible at all levels of society and are denied access to health care, jobs, education and justice, with disabled women and girls bearing the brunt of discrimination due to their gender (United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organisation [UNESCO], 2017, 2018). What this chapter shows is that in most Global South regions, informal employment accounts for more than half of total employment, with street trade being one of the most visible occupations. In this chapter, I aim to address and assess the scholarly and political-strategic debate regarding the nature, coverage and efficacy of Zimbabwean print and electronic media with respect to PWD vendor and livelihood activities, with a view to coming up with suggestions for strengthening these. Using selected national policy documents, media publications and Africa-focused PWD strategy documents as references, I examine the prevailing media narrative on Zimbabwean PWDs. The overarching research question was the extent to which Zimbabwean media embeds the PWDs socioeconomic transformation agenda in mass media products. I proceed as follows. I outline a few crucial aspects of key domains of PWDs’ socioeconomic circumstances within the broader Zimbabwean context, starting with some trends from the official socioeconomic domain in which PWDs are

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situated. I intend to enrich and sharpen the concept of a rights-based approach and social models of disability at the theoretical level with Foucault’s understanding of power when contextualised in disability. Foucault proposes that resistance is ontologically prior to power and should be given emphasis in disability studies. In a third step, these theoretical reflections will be utilised for a better understanding of the current Zimbabwean media’s approach to topical socioeconomic empowerment and disability issues in Zimbabwe. The chapter surveys trends in reportage on PWDs by five major Zimbabwean newspapers between 2016 and 2018. The objective is to assess the extent to which the media has been instrumental in documenting PWDs’ lived realities, including vending so that  state and non-state actors can initiate appropiate safety nets. An extensive literature review was undertaken to contextualise the study and draw some insights from both the theoretical and empirical literature that provided a framework of analysis for the study. Also, websites of selected Zimbabwean print and electronic media outlets were reviewed to acquire a general understanding of the framework on the dominant narratives in Zimbabwean media reportage of PWDs issues. This was for the period 2016–2018. The media outlets sampled included Newsday newspaper and the Daily News, which represent the independent press, and the newspapers Chronicle, Herald, and Sunday News, which are part of the publicly owned Zimpapers media company. Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, the national broadcaster in Zimbabwe, was also part of the sample.

Socioeconomic Context and Demographic Trends This section summarises the key trends in Zimbabwe’s socioeconomic trajectory. The underlying drivers of poverty and volatile economic environment drivers are analysed. Zimbabwe’s current vulnerability has neither been caused by nor resulted in large-scale violent conflict, but it is associated with a record peacetime decline in welfare (African Development Bank, United Nations, and World Bank, 2019). In 2012 an estimated 20 per cent of the labour force was covered by social security in Zimbabwe largely due to the informal nature of the economy. This makes it difficult to make formal arrangements for social security coverage such as those between an employer and employee as mandated by the state (International Labour Organisation, 2018). The 2011/2012 Poverty Income and Consumption Survey (PICES), a Zimbabwe Statistical Agency survey based on 32,248 nationally representative households, estimated that 76

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per cent of rural households are poor, with 23% deemed extremely poor (Regional Psychosocial Support Initiative [REPSSI], 2012). Zimbabwe has high and persistent poverty, and monetary poverty due to a relatively high national poverty line of US$4.70 per person per day, measured in 2011 purchasing power parity (PPP) (African Development Bank, United Nations, and World Bank, 2019). As such, Dube and Charowa (2005) assert that poverty is highly correlated with social exclusion, marginalisation, vulnerability, powerlessness, isolation and other economic, political, social and cultural dimensions of deprivation. In the same vein, Eide et al. (20103, p 27) state: A large majority of PWDs live in developing or low-income countries, very often living without optimal technical, medical or social support that could have improved their level of living conditions considerably.

With the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZimStat) estimating that 94,5 per cent of the 6,3 million people defined as employed work in the informal economy, vending dominates the sector. At the same time, according to South African Broadcasting Corporation (2014), Zimbabwe had the highest literacy rate in Africa, at 91 per cent, reflecting a history of investment in education. Further, according to the Herald newspaper, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) released a study (IMF, 2018) showing that Zimbabwe had the second largest informal economy as a percentage of its total economy in the world, after Bolivia. Over the past 18  years, fiscal excesses, corruption, and uneven implementation of reforms—including land reform—had ushered in the deepest peacetime contraction recorded of any economy (real gross domestic product fell by 49 per cent between 1999 and 2008), a steep decline in social indicators, and hyperinflation. This decline led Zimbabwe to abandon its currency in 2009 and adopt a multicurrency regime to include the U.S. dollar. During the same period, payment arrears accumulated with international financial institutions (IFIs) and bilateral and domestic creditors, and the United States and European Union imposed political and economic sanctions on Zimbabwe (African Development Bank, United Nations, and World Bank, 2019). Mandipa and Manyatera (2014) lamented that national policies had not addressed the economic empowerment of PWDs or income generation initiatives for PWDs. Section 22 of Zimbabwe’s constitution mandates

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the State, all government institutions and agencies at every level to develop programmes for the welfare of persons with physical or mental disabilities especially work programmes consistent with their capabilities and acceptable to them or their representatives; to consider the specific requirements of persons with all forms of disabilities as one of the priorities in development plans; to encourage the use and development of forms of communication suitable for persons with mental or physical disabilities; to foster social organizations aimed at improving the quality of life of PWDs; and to take measures to ensure accessibility of PWDs to buildings and amenities. (Mandipa & Manyatera, 2014)

Despite this, Zimbabwe has faced unprecedented economic challenges, and PWDs have been excluded from employment. The laws that address disability in Zimbabwe have many shortcomings with regard to PWDs’ exercising a right to employment (Mandipa & Manyatera, 2014). The laws still embrace an outdated welfaristic or medical approach to disability. Zimbabwe’s constitution does not confer any right to employment for PWDs, nor does it confer any state obligation to safeguard and promote such rights (Mandipa & Manyatera, 2014). The Disabled Peoples Act (DPA) merely prohibits discrimination against PWDs in employment; it does not confer any right of substance in relation to the employment of PWDs. The act is also not a human rights document and embraces the medical approach to disability, as opposed to a robust human-rights approach. The Labour Act (Chapter 28), in a similar fashion to the DPA, merely protects employees against discrimination on the basis of disability without imposing on obligation on the state to promote, protect and fulfil a right to employment (Mandipa & Manyatera, 2014). The Ministry of Health and Child Care (MOHCC) (Ministry of Health and Child Welfare, 2013)’s “Living Conditions among Persons with Disability” survey underpins empirical evidence on the lived realties of PWDs in Zimbabwe. The survey assessed and documented the degree of activity limitations, participation restrictions and societal activities for PWDs. It established that disability prevalence in Zimbabwe is estimated at 7 per cent, which amounts to over 990,000 individuals. The major disability types according to the sample were physical disability (31 per cent), visual impairment (26 per cent), multiple disorders (13 per cent), hearing impairment (12 per cent), intellectual disability (8 per cent) and mental illness (6 per cent) (Ministry of Health and Child Welfare, 2013). Also, another laudable step in documenting media coverage of PWDs was the Ministry of Information, Media

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and Broadcasting Services’ 2014 inquiry into the state of the media industry in Zimbabwe through an Information and Media Panel of Inquiry (IMPI). The director of the National Association of Societies for the Care of the Handicapped (NASCOH), Farai Mukuta, was quoted regarding media’s important role in educating the community to break down stigma and social restrictions: Journalists as professional communicators are in a unique position to shape the public image of persons with disabilities. The words and images they use can create balanced views or insensitive portrayals that reinforce common myths and promote discrimination. (Herald newspaper, 2011)

Conceptual Framework In this section, I develop a conceptual framework on factors and opportunities in Zimbabwe media coverage of PWDs’ economic survival narratives. The rights-based approach and social models of disability as espoused by the CRPD provide the theoretical framework for this study. Disability is a conundrum in that many families in which it occurs misunderstand it and that some disabilities are subtle and invisible makes them difficult to handle (Chimuka, 2017). It must be noted that previously, international development policies and programmes often failed to reach PWDs. This not only has had serious consequences for individuals and families but also holds back entire societies owing to the social and economic costs of excluding disabled people. Thus, reaching people with disabilities is not only important from a human-rights perspective but also vital if we are to end extreme poverty (Christian Blind Mission, n.d.). Secondly, as observed by the UN, media images and stories deeply influence public opinion and establish societal norms. The UN contends PWDs are seldom covered in the media, and when they are featured, they are often negatively stereotyped and treated as objects of pity or charity or in need of medical treatment who must overcome a tragic and disabling condition or, conversely, as superheroes who have accomplished great feats, so as to inspire the non-disabled. As a vital awareness-raising instrument with the power to counter stigma and misinformation, the media can be a powerful force to change societal misconceptions and present PWDs as individuals that are a part of human diversity (United Nations, n.d.).

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Economic and social exclusion is a part of daily life for PWDs; it poses a major development challenge and represents a violation of human rights. The rich diversity of our society, inclusive of all its members—including persons with disabilities—can help strengthen fundamental human rights and contribute to development for all (United Nations, n.d.). Understanding how the media frames issues, including what is included and what is not included, is important to understanding why a society chooses to act or fail to act in a given event (Kariuki, 2013). According to Inimah (2012), mass communication scholars are in agreement that the depiction of disability in the media plays a major role in forming public perceptions of disability. Perceptions created by the media inform the way PWDs are treated in the wider society (Inimah, 2012). How PWDs are portrayed and the frequency with which they appear in the media have an enormous impact on how they are regarded in society as the media is a uniquely powerful shaping tool (Inimah, 2012). Finally, Foucault’s proposition that resistance is ontologically prior to power should be given emphasis in disability studies. For Foucault, power is productive, not repressive, operating by producing “knowledge and desire” (Campbell & Beckett, 2015). The scientific discourses on medicine, the criminal justice system, psychiatry, and the social sciences produce new forms of knowledge, which influences our behaviour and has a controlling effect on our bodies, such that knowledge is inseparable from power (Pylpa, 1998). Additionally, resistance is a transgenerational, creative force arising from the collective character of human existence, allowing for the present to be overcome and the world to be remade (Campbell & Beckett, 2015). Foucault does not underestimate our capacity to resist but seeks to augment resistance by providing us with a method—genealogy—that allows for a description of that which needs to be resisted (Campbell & Beckett, 2015). While empowerment has become a buzzword in Zimbabwe and is at the heart of all development efforts and discourse, for the more than two million PWDs in Zimbabwe, who suffer from a documented lack of access to fundamental freedoms and rights that everyone else in society takes for granted, empowerment remains a mirage. At the centre of the generalised disempowerment of this extremely marginalised group is the non-­ implementation of a seminally important international legal instrument, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), which Zimbabwe signed on September 23, 2013 (Rambinayo, 2017). On the same note, Zimbabwe follows a dualist approach in the

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implementation of international treaties. In accordance with this approach, international treaties ratified or acceded to by the Government of Zimbabwe (GoZ) will not become self-executing upon ratification or accession. Treaties must first be domesticated through parliamentary approval and be incorporated into domestic laws through an Act of Parliament before they become binding (Mandipa & Manyatera, 2014).

Domains of Media Outlets’ Coverage of PWDs’ Economic Activity In this section I present evidence of the media’s narrative on economic issues affecting PWDs, as discussed earlier. Throughout, keep in mind the perspective of PWDs on socioeconomic prospects. I contend that considerations and PWDs’ thinking on their prospects ought to form the basis of any discussion on youth. Vending and Livelihoods One particularly salient structural problem is a lack of livelihood options, which has led PWDs to resort predominantly to vending as a means of earning a living. A Newsday Newspaper (2015) article reported on Harare City Council (HCC)’s engagement of vendors with disabilities in consultation with the aim of dissuading them from participating in illegal vending activity. Newsday noted that HCC had designated a number of vending spots in the central business district with the capacity to accommodate 6000 vendors. This Newsday report significantly underpinned the advocacy role of media with respect to PWDs’ right to livelihood security. The report stated that vendors with disabilities decried the absence of ramps at the venue for registering their vending spots, HCC’s Publicity Office, located on Harare’s Africa Unity Square. Hence, accessibility by persons on wheelchairs posed a challenge. Additionally, the same report mentioned that vendors with disabilities reported that the newly approved vending sites did not have disability-friendly toilets (Newsday Newspaper, 2015). Again, the Herald (2018) newspaper carried a report of how Senator Annah Shiri, a member of the legislature representing PWDs, met with vendors with disabilities. This Herald report stated that vendors with disabilities decried the unfair competition they faced from rival vendors and

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asked to be allocated their own designated place to conduct their vending activities. Furthermore, analysis by the Media Centre (2015) of Zimbabwe identified disputes which aid this ongoing examination of livelihood security through vending by PWDs. The arguments identified by Zimbabwe Media Centre are that government must not remove vendors from the streets without creating alternative employment for them. To substantiate assertions by the Zimbabwe Media Centre, a Sunday News 27 October 2017 report noted that the Bulawayo City Council had been accused by vendors with disability of inhumane tendencies and not honouring PWDs’ rights (Sunday News, 2017). Mr John Jemwa, a resident and a City of Bulawayo central business district vendor, is quoted as accusing the local authority of being inconsiderate of people living with disabilities, especially those who are vendors. This came after the local authority confiscated his popcorn machine. The Sunday News quotes Mr Jemwa as making the following statement: I am a resident of city of Bulawayo with a disability. I have a disabled wife and also a disabled daughter. I got a donation of a gas popcorn making machine last year from Edgars Stores. Government supported my vision to become self-reliant by donating $400 which was paid directly to Zimra for the machine’s customs clearance. It is sad to note that Bulawayo City Council management has being refusing to licence the operation of the popcorn making machine. The engineering services in particular has been changing goal posts whenever I meet their set requirements. I was pushed from one council office back and forth for the past year. I was even denied access to the town clerk (Mr Christopher Dube) by the management. (Sunday News, 2017)

This quote clearly shows a media that is supportive of PWDs and their entrepreneurial endeavours. Empowerment In the area of PWDs’ economic empowerment strategies, this chapter uses for its analysis an 8 March 2018 Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) website report. The report states that a group of physically challenged young men and women from the city of Bulawayo’s Nketa suburb teamed up to start self-sustaining projects to improve their livelihoods. The ZBC report quotes one of the group’s leaders, Mr Mkhwananzi,

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reiterating that physically challenged people are tired of surviving on handouts and that it is high time for them to step up and shape their own destiny. Furthermore, on 17 August 2017, the Daily News (2017) reported that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) had set aside $5  million to lend to physically challenged persons. According to the Daily News, RBZ Deputy Director for Bank Supervision Division Norah Mukura said the $5million was part of empowerment funds under the central bank’s five-­ year National Financial Inclusion Strategy. According to the report, through the PWDs’ thematic working group, RBZ will continue to engage banks and other financial service providers to promote access to financial services by PWDs.This is laudable in the spirit of Leaving No One Behind as enunciated in the Sustainable Development Goals. Representation On 18 January 2018, Newsday reported the appointment of a 17-member National Disability Board to assist the Labour and Social Services Ministry in the implementation of PWD programmes. Furthermore, the ZBC (2017) reported that the Municipality of Gwanda had launched a disability inclusion policy. According to the ZBC, the Municipality of Gwanda is the first local authority to have a disability inclusion policy and this development will allow PWDs to enjoy the same rights as other citizens. The idea of drawing up a disability policy was inspired by civil society organisations and World Vision’s Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) programme currently being implemented in the town of Gwanda, which places an emphasis on gender equity and the inclusion of PWDs in all WASH projects (Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, 2017).

How Mass Media Organisations Spearheaded the Scaling Up of PWDs’ Economic Empowerment Despite increased global recognition of the need for PWDs’ economic empowerment to reduce vulnerabilities and building resilience, and despite national and international political commitments to expanding their livelihood security, significant gaps and barriers to access remain. The next section of the chapter enumerates strategies that can promote the visibility of PWDs’ empowerment agenda in the mass media.

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Disability-inclusive communities are those communities that facilitate the inclusion of people with and without disabilities, rather than expecting individuals to fit into existing arrangements (Mpofu). The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) underscore the need to address broad inequalities in the quest to “leave no one behind.” Human rights and social protection have emerged as two key elements in the post-2015 development agenda. The 2030 Agenda is grounded in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and other international human-rights treaties. Social protection is a human right enshrined in the UDHR and several other international human rights treaties. Each SDG and target corresponds with either one or more provisions of international human-rights treaties. The SDGs and human-rights anchorage enable and justify the adoption of a rights-based approach to implementing policies and programmes to advance the rights of people like PWDs. These recent policy-level developments could provide a basis for increased attention to the discrimination, abuses and poverty that affect women and men with disabilities.

HRBA Approaches The UNCRPD is the first legally binding international instrument by which PWDs and other stakeholders working within the disability sector are able to hold their respective governments to account for the promotion and enforcement of disability rights (Lang, 2009). While acknowledging that this UN convention is of historic importance, it is nevertheless argued that, in and of itself, it will not end disability discrimination per se (Lang, 2009). The Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission was established under Section 242 of the constitution. Its functions include promoting awareness and respect for human rights and freedoms at all levels of society; promoting the protection, development and attainment of human rights and freedoms; monitoring, assessing and ensuring observance of human rights and freedoms; and receiving and considering complaints from the public and taking action with regard to the complaints it receives. Zimbabwe is part of the global commitment to “leave no one behind,” which is a key feature of the 2030 Agenda for SDGs. The country recognises that the dignity of the individual is fundamental and that the agenda’s goals and targets should be met for all nations and people and for all segments of society. In Western countries, the norms and aspirations that

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underpin the assertion that disability is inherently a human-rights issue is well grounded, providing the intellectual and ideological underpinnings upon which disability policy and practice is premised (Lang, 2009). Section 56(6) of the constitution, which addresses the need for affirmative action programmes to benefit PWDs, provides for affirmative action (legislative or other measures to protect or advance people or classes of people who have been disadvantaged by unfair discrimination). PWDs are a class of people who have been disadvantaged by unfair discrimination. A genuinely equal society is one that takes a positive approach to human differences and positively accommodates them (Mandipa & Manyatera, 2014). However, this is not the case in many developing countries (Lang, 2009). Recognizing the plethora of challenges facing persons with disabilities, the GoZ ratified the UNCRPD in 2013, but its implementation remains in a state of limbo. Zimbabwe has a weak coordinating mechanism with no national strategy or framework to implement the convention. Line ministries have yet to develop disability-inclusive polices to support the implementation of the convention, and the role of civil society organisations in the implementation process remains unclear (United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organisation [UNESCO], 2017).

Advocacy In 2020, the GoZ launced a community radio programme which will provide marginalised communities with information and allowed their voices to be heard. The programme is being piloted in ten communities. This is a laudable move by GoZ’s Ministry of Information and Publicity. With community radio shows, opportunities exists for PWDs’ voices to be heard through the community-based programming of these stations. This reinforces the advocacy efforts of PWDs’ livelihood security (Herald, 2019). PWDs should initiate a participatory approach through which communities are empowered to control their own development process by contributing related ideas with regard to the projects/programmes affecting them (Dube & Charowa, 2005). Also, media practitioners can play an important role in investigating and publicising abuses experienced by PWDs. Journalists may need training in disability awareness and PWDs’ rights. In Swaziland, through the Leonard Cheshire Young Voices programme, young disability advocates met with local and national journalists to challenge them to cover disability issues. They also trained reporters from the Times of Swaziland in the best language to use when reporting

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on disability issues. Following the meeting, the Sunday Times of Swaziland published several articles on the UNCRPD and related topics (Dube & Charowa, 2005).

Future Research Future researchers will need to consider new and emerging approaches for securing the livelihoods of PWDs, such as cash transfer schemes and other social support mechanisms which are starting to be introduced in countries where no previous programmes existed for those who live in dire poverty. Where such schemes are considered part of a right to a basic quality of life for all citizens, they may have significant implications for raising the economic status of both persons with disabilities and households with members who have disabilities.

Conclusion Though it is well documented that an enabling legislative environment exists for galvanising PWDs’ economic activities, poverty remains pervasive among PWDs. In addition, it cannot be denied that media coverage of the issue is not robust. The efficacy of media coverage of PWDs in Zimbabwe is compromised by the application of a predominantly victim reporting approach as opposed to advocacy reporting.

References Campbell, T., & Beckett, A. (2015). The Social Model of Disability as Oppositional Device. Disability and Society, 30(2), 270–283. Chimuka, T. (2017). The Conundrum of Disability and African Solutions in Education. BOLESWA Journal of Theology, Religion and Philosophy, 4(2), 35–50. Christian Blind Mission. (n.d.). Policy & Research. Retrieved January 15, 2020, from https://www.cbmuk.org.uk/policy-­practice/ Daily News. (2017). RBZ Taregts PWDs in New Strategy. Retrieved March 12, 2018, from https://www.dailynews.co.zw/articles/2017/08/11/ rbz-­targets-­pwds-­in-­new-­strategy Dube, A. K., & Charowa, G. (2005). Are Disabled Peoples’ Voices from Both South and North Being Heard in the Development Process? DFID Disability KaR Programme. Herald. (2018). For Disabled Vendors, It Is Tough Business. Retrieved April 8, 2018, from https://www.herald.co.zw/for-­disabled-­vendors-­it-­is-­tough-­business/

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Herald. (2019, January 17). Mutsvangwa Unveils Community Radio Stations Programme. www.herald.co.zw/:; https://www.herald.co.zw/ mutsvangwa-­unveils-­community-­radio-­stations-­programme/ Herald newspaper. (2011). Disability: Media Has Role to Play. Retrieved May 2, 2018, from https://www.herald.co.zw/disability-­media-­has-­role-­to-­play/ Inimah, G. (2012). Literature Review on Media Portrayal of People with Disabilities in Kenya. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 2(8), 223–228. International Labour Organisation. (2018). The Enabling Environment for Sustainable Enterprises in Zimbabwe. ILO. Kariuki, J. (2013). A Comparative Analysis of Framing in Kenyan Newspapers' Coverage of People Living with Disability (A Case Study of the Nation Newspaper and the Standard Newspaper). Unpublished Dissertation. University of Nairobi. Lang, R. (2009). The United Nations Convention on the Right and Dignities for Persons with Disability: A Panacea for Ending Disability Discrimination? ALTER, European Journal of Disability Research, 3, 266–285. Mandipa, E., & Manyatera, G. (2014). Country Reports Zimbabwe. In African Disability Rights Yearbook (pp. 287–305). Pretoria University Law Press. Media Centre. (2015). The Paradox of Vending in Zimbabwe: Analysis. Retrieved February 2, 2018, from http://www.mediacentrezim.com/?p=2758 Ministry of Health and Child Welfare. (2013). Living Conditions Among Persons with Disability Survey 2013—Key Findings Report. UNICEF. Newsday Newspaper. (2015). Disabled Find Going Tough in Vending Fast Lane. Retrieved March 2, 2018, from https://www.newsday.co.zw/2015/05/ disabled-­find-­going-­tough-­in-­vending-­fast-­lane/ Pylpa, J. (1998). Power and Bodily Practice: Applying the Work of Foucault to an Anthropology of the Body. Arizona Anthropologist, 13, 21–36. Rambinayo, L. (2017). Disability Convention in Limbo. Retrieved May 8, 2018, from https://www.thestandard.co.zw/2017/03/09/disability-­convention-­ limbo/ Regional Psychosocial Support Initiative (REPSSI). (2012). Zimbabwe Country Strategy 2014–2016. REPSSI. Scarf, C., Budge, F., & Madden, R. (2016). Knowledge and Disability Inclusive Development. Knowledge Management for Development Journal, 13(6), 1–8. South African Broadcasting Corporation. (2014). Zimbabwe-Leads-Literacy-­ Ratein-Africa. Retrieved June 8, 2018, from http://www.sabc.co.za/news/ a/5c11890044581c8fbd02fd744a7933f3/Zimbabwe-­l eads-­l iteracy-­ ratein-­Africa-­20140612 Sunday News. (2017). BCC in Disability Storm. Retrieved May 2, 2018, from http://www.sundaynews.co.zw/bcc-­in-­disability-­storm/

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The African Development Bank, the United Nations, and the World Bank. (2019). Joint Needs Assessment for Zimbabwe Identifying Challenges and Needs. African Development Bank. United Nations. (n.d.). Promoting an Accurate Image and Enhancing the Voice of Persons with Disabilities in the Media. www.un.org; https://www.un.org/ development/desa/disabilities/resources/disability-­and-­the-­media.html United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). (2017). Disabled Persons Organizations Meet with UN Agencies in Zimbabwe. Retrieved June 2, 2018, from http://www.unesco.org/new/en/harare/about-­this-­office/ single-­v iew/news/disabled_persons_organizations_meet_with_un_ agencies_in_zimb United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organisation(UNESCO). (2018). Terms of Reference Project Coordinator Advancing the Rights of Women and Girls with Disabilities. UNESCO. World Health Organisation. (2011). World Report on Disability. WHO. Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation. (2017). Gwanda Launches Disability Inclusion Policy. Retrieved March 12, 2018, from http://www.zbc.co.zw/ gwanda-­launches-­disability-­inclusion-­policy/

CHAPTER 7

Disability, Language and the Media in Zimbabwe: Perspectives of Media Companies on People with Disabilities Phillipa Mutswanga

Introduction Worldwide media continues to play a major role in creating global villages through information sharing, but its portrayal of disability seems to continue to receive criticisms from the disability studies experts. Informal conversations with persons with disabilities (PWDs) describe the prevailing relationships between media industry and disability language issues in Zimbabwe as fractured and requiring mending, which this study hopes to fulfil. Zimbabwe is a developing country with a terrain filled with physiological, religious, philosophical, psychological, social, economic, attitudinal, and political perspectives and perceptions about disability (Nyanguru & Nyoni, 2014). As such, people hold varied views on disability issues,

P. Mutswanga (*) Department of Disability Studies and Special Needs Education, Zimbabwe Open University, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_7

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which sometimes make the cultural impetus in disability an aspect of life that society is not easy to change as a generational perspective. Thus, PWDs in Zimbabwe find themselves with a plethora of challenges largely emanating from their interactions with society and as well from how the media linguistically represents them. Most PWDs continue to feel betrayed by the media’s portrayal and coverage of them (Gavril, 2002). Informal discussions with PWDs created opportunities to have their voices heard on the subject while at the same time creating learning platforms. A dearth of knowledge on the phenomenon also contributed to the value of this study for highlighting the media’s role in addressing disability language issues. To identify the underlining factors of the issues, the background to this study, supported by a qualitative perspective of media companies from PWDs, gave the study insights.

Language and Disability Media is a means of communicating information; thus, how language is used is extremely important for knowledge sharing and humanity. Zimbabwe’s key languages are English, Shona and Ndebele, plus other minority group languages like sign language, Tonga, and many others. Language is, thus, a system of communication used by a particular country/community consisting of words conveyed through speech, writing and signs/gestures. The media industry’s coverage and representations in developing countries seem to report less on disability and portray it negatively (Cobbinah, 2013; Biklen & Bogdan, 1977). The Zimbabwe Media Commission and Media Information Commission have had many regulatory bodies starting in the colonial period and continuing to independence up to the current and ongoing changes of leaderships, which has brought varied views on media laws while remaining silent on acceptable language for PWDs, indicating a lack of mandate on the matter. Eventually, the media industry started to report on disability issues using language that marketed their product rather than address the needs of PWDs. Labels used to classify people have the potential to construct identities; thus, disability labeling has to do with words that identify PWDs either positively or negatively (Cobbinah, 2013). According to informal street conversations the consequences of those words depend on how they are used, where and when they are used, and the relationships between the user and the person being referred to, but caution is needed since they are usually not empty language tags but intended to describe people’s

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conditions or manners, which makes it trite to say PWDs are sometimes negatively represented by media, as shall be established by this study. Disabling language is generally referred to as a perpetuator of stereotypes, myths and discrimination (Cobbinah, 2013; Biklen & Bogdan, 1977). The disability rights movement came up with different terms it deemed appropriate, which contributed to the publication of International Classification of Impairments, Disability and Handicaps (ICIDH) in 1980 under three umbrella terms: impairment, disability and handicap. This serves as a standard for the criticism for medicalising disability, where PWDS are misrepresented, so the ICIDH has been criticized for equating disability to health while neglecting its social circumstances. The amended 1992 Disabled Persons Act (DPA) made Zimbabwe the first model country to promulgate disability rights in Africa (Chataika, 2007), but it is criticized for overlooking issues of language in the media. This shortcoming and title, Disabled Persons, is criticized by several authors, including Mandipa (2011), who found the term disabled persons pejorative for reflecting a medical diagnostic approach to disability while ignoring the surroundings. Nyirinkindi (2006) further opines that terms and labels become significant in colouring perspectives and determining rights attached to PWDs. Thus, the DPA is considered to have been overtaken by international events as its terminology is at variance with terms in the CRPD as “persons with disabilities”. Also, the Zimbabwean constitution section on disabilities, the DPA and CRPD’s lack of clear definition of disability seemingly allow the media industry to use language for self-­ marketability rather than for the emancipation of PWDs. Sutherland (1993) argues that since previous representations of disability have been narrow, confused and unimaginative, it leaves the way open for the media to proceed as it wishes. In 2013 Zimbabwe ratified the CRPD, which was a noble gesture since it is seen as the key driver in articulating the rights of PWDs (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2015). The DPA [Chapter 17: 01] is the major law addressing disability in Zimbabwe prohibiting discrimination against PWDs but is silent on disability-friendly discourse, yet it is regarded as the disability bible expected to address all disability issues. The rights of PWDs are officially acknowledged in developed countries like the United States (US) through the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act (IDEIA) and the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). This has helped such countries to make better progress on disability media representation, though that progress does not necessarily

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exceed that achieved in developing countries due to related technological advancements and is as well influenced by the country’s lack of commitment to disability issues. Such unwillingness is likely to contribute to the framing of disability-friendly discourse by the media, but Avramidis and Norwich (2002) argue further that this did not necessarily lead to inclusive attitudinal changes in some sectors. Physical deformities or any visible defects continue to symbolize evil, monstrous behaviour (Beth, 1997), hence, such behaviour seems to continue to influence the media industry to hold on to historic belief systems. As such, it is likely to take long for the media reporters to promptly become sensitive to positive terms of representing or referencing PWDs. To understand the context of this phenomenon in Zimbabwe, beliefs and proverbs related to disability require analysis. For example, in Shona culture, the prefixes aka and iri are derogatory because they devalue people with disability, as does a term like rema (usaite serema), which metaphorically means that one is acting like an idiot. As portrayed by these examples and many others not highlighted in this paper, this exemplifies how some media reporters in Zimbabwe still continue to use derogatory terms despite written policies and held workshops and conferences reinforcing the use of positive terms of references towards people with disabilities.

Disabling Words, Cultural Reframing of Disability and the Media The term lame in the seventeenth century described people with physical impairments but was later suggested to have hurtful meanings; as defined by most dictionaries, lame means uninspiring, lifeless and weak. With such a negative association, over the years the term lame not only has come to refer to people who have physical impairments but is now considered an insult. The word cripple from the old English word crypel is related to “creep” or “crawl”. This word was used simply to describe people with physical impairments. Such terms’ use by preachers seemed to continue to strengthen the society at large’s adherence to derogatory terms where society ends up being socialized on this subject. This is likely to increase the public and media’s use of derogatory terms as acceptable societal terms. Moron, from the Greek moros meaning foolish and stupid, now sounds very insulting and demeaning but was acceptable as a scientific

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term describing feeble-minded people as expressed by the pschologist Dr. Henry Goddard in 1910. Dr. Henry Goddard, the scientist who coined the term, was referring to people with an intelligence quotients (IQs) below 75. It has evolved into insulting language and has therefore been rejected as a scientific term, with preference being shown for intellectual challenges. The term retard means “slow”, “delayed”, or “underdeveloped”. The disability rights movement rejects these terms because they create a dichotomy between what is normal and abnormal (ILO, 2015). The terms promote exclusion yet global growth calls for inclusivity. Shifts from insulting labels saw the emergence of the term the disabled, which is considered to be just as derogatory. According to people-first philosophy, disability discourse should put people first, ahead of their disability, instead of seeing them as primarily disabled. However, most developing countries are struggling to shift to acceptable discourse, whilst in 2002 US rights groups came together to develop guidelines for media disability discourse. However, in most developed countries, the mitigation of injustices related to this matter seems minimal. In the February Herald (2019), a man who was blind expressed disappointment over Public Street calls and reference to him as bofu or chirema (blind) and to others as mbeveve/matsi (deaf) and mupengo (intellectual challenge), which he claimed not to be deliberate but an ignorance socialisation effect. For example, some prefixes carried a negative historical connotation akin to animal references, like chi. Many instances still refer to PWDs as living with disabilities. Even in the 25 April Newsday (2017), one journalist reported on “… more than 20 people living with disabilities evicted from Masterton Cheshire Home in Harare and exposed to vagaries of weather”. This reflects that public communities in Zimbabwe need education on the best terms to refer to PWDs. It is important to make the public aware that impairments only become disabilities when they interact with unfriendly environments such as giving printed signs to someone with a visual impairment, not interpreting for someone who is deaf or asking a wheelchair user to use the stairs. In essence, the media has a big role to play in reshaping mindsets and revising terms rather than reinforcing them. In Zimbabwe, National Association of Societies for the Care of the Handicapped (NASCOH) workshops with key figures on the subject seemingly yielded slight changes.

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Methodology The study topic was developed from several conferences attended in 2018 whilst I was on sabbatical leave in Masvingo, where most persons with sensory impairments felt that society at large used derogatory terms to describe them, which they purported to be acquired through socialisation. One attendee, a prison officer, shared a brief story on the phenomenon under study which prompted this study implies that the society at large had varied experiences and perspectives to this topic. As such, the use of the qualitative approach was appropriate to this study to give more insights to this study. Trainers were questioned on the meanings of signs used by a convicted boy who was deaf. After elaborations, the attendee confessed that the matter needed revisiting. This implies that many such convicts are probably convicted for crimes they did not commit because of language barriers. According to informal street conversations, most PWDs are negatively judged before they are given chances to showcase what they can do, they are quickly judged according to the status of their disability. From these groups, two participants who were deaf volunteered to take part in the study. At another research symposium in Masvingo, two volunteers with learning disabilities (LDs) and two others with visual impairments opted to take part in the study. All volunteers were appropriate because they had some sentiments to share on the phenomena under study; thus, the six participants were purposively selected. Despite the participants’ volunteer status, issues of confidentiality were observed, and their consent was sought before the actual data collection began as an ethical consideration. Semi-structured open-ended interviews were used to solicit information from the participants. The objectives of the study helped to develop the research questions, namely: (1) What are the justifications for attitudes towards people with disabilities by the Zimbabwean media industry? (2) How does the media cover and represent people with disabilities in Zimbabwe? (3) How can the existing media be revamped to enhance positive coverage and representation of people with disabilities? The qualitative approach was appropriate for this study because of its potential to give rich and unexpected relevant information. Hammarberg et al. (2016) and Denzin and Lincoln (1998) stress that a qualitative researcher believes that human actions are strongly influenced by the settings in which they occur because human behaviour cannot be understood without

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understanding the framework within which people interpret their thoughts and actions. The case study was employed as the most appropriate design feature because it matched the thrust of the qualitative approach of generating an in-depth, multifaceted understanding of complex issues in a reallife context (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). The case study aimed to capture the attention of all readers by giving insights on how to mend positive relationships between the media and PWDs. Day-to-day informal conversations, texts and media materials contributed to the development of this chapter. The two participants with LDs and the other two with visual impairments were respectively named LD 1 and 2 and VI 1 and 2 and participated in face-to-face, in-depth interviews while the two participants who were deaf were referred to as D1 and D2 and presented their views in narratives while guided by semi-structured interviews. Document analysis of related policies, such as the DPA, Zimbabwean Constitution and the CRPD, gave guidance as to how to critically analyse the content of the chapter. The critical and content analysis assisted in analysing the data and was augmented by the documentary analytical findings to give the collected data credibility and dependability. Under the discussion section, the data are contested using related literature reviews. The implications of the findings are presented in this study as recommendations.

Findings The findings ermeging from this study included the themes; (1) attitudes of people; (2) the role of the media in portrayals and representations of PWDs and (3) suggested paths to positive portrayal of persons with disabilities in the media field.

Attitudes of People Towards Persons with Disability Most of the participants felt that the Zimbabwean statutes needed to be revisited to reinforce the use of disability-friendly language. They further proposed that all institutions should take a leading role in amending the use of disability-friendly discourse by the media. Both narratives reported feelings of discomfort when some preachers continued to refer to them as chirema, zvirema izvi (in English, these disabled persons!), though taken as it is from Biblical verses, sensitivity to disability seems lacking. Participants

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felt the religious sector should be at the forefront in transforming society and media reporting. D1 wrote: However, we feel that our modern preachers should read the Biblical verses as they are, but their preaching should reflect that they are transformed individuals by using terminologies that are in line with disability discourse shifts and we hope this will influence media reporters to transform too.

D2, currently a teacher, stated: When Zimbabwe ratified the CRPD it did not sign for a divided transformation where some groups continue to use derogatory terms using its own justifications. Such splits are likely to make the goal of the CRPD less purposive, yet all people are expected to use one voice against derogatory discourse since some feel they have a right to say it as historically used. These are some of the reasons that make some of us not go to church because once we get to most churches we are treated as objects of pity who need hand-outs while little care is given to emancipation of our souls and our salvation. We feel inclusion should be applied by all churches, not only education sectors. Some preachers do not use disability-­ friendly discourse. This influences their members to do the same, including media reporters.

Most participants proposed that cultural effects stemmed from socialisation tendencies of naming calling using one’s bodily appearanceand/or mannerisms and were described as the main root cause of discrimination and hopelessness with respect to self-regard. Participants said this demeaned them and reduced efforts to showcase their capabilities. They stressed that anyone with disability who had managed to make it in life had struggled and fought for it. They called on one-voice representation to condemn the use of some common cultural proverbs and metaphorical language where people used language to achieve self-fulfillment while hurting persons with related disabilities. One of the interviewees, LD1, made the following statement: I would like to briefly tell how a friend of mine with a physical impairment could not access transport to attend a workshop due to unfriendly means of transport. She asked news reporters who passed by for a lift, but their small cars could not be of assistance and the next thing was a social media report with headline coverage on a stranded individual living with some physical disabil-

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ity. The piece of writing was silent about making transport accessible for all to stir policymakers and even the transport industry into action. My other colleague told me another story where a gentleman with physical challenges who used to frequently board the same company plane was denied boarding because a fitness confirmation was demanded against his physical appearance, yet he was not sick and was going for a conference which he had to miss because of this. Although the matter was later settled, this gentleman missed the conference. Under such circumstances, media usually report the news but without reprimands against the airline name.

Thus, Manatsa (2015) showed that when a dog bites a man , it is not news, but when a man bites a dog, then it is news. News to the media industry seems to be the extent to which its own interests and market performance are achieved rather than the representation of PWDs’ needs, even though yet its role is to reshape attitudes towards PWDs.

Socialisation in Disability Discourse Madness is linguistically couched in euphemistic terms which underestimate the being-ness of others. Hove (2013) says terms like mupengo (the mad one), fuza (an inveterate fool) and benzi (lunatic) are metaphorically used, as are euphemisms like musoro wake unotenderera (suffers from confusion), dzakadambuka (mental malfunctional), dzakasangana (mental functionality is entangled), dzinokuta (has a short circuit in mental capacity) and dzakatamba nevanana (disoriented mental capacity below age levels). According to most participants, metaphorical terms are daily used despite the extent to which they hurt affected individuals. Such people are usually referred to the largest mental institutions like Bulawayo Psychiatric Hospital, known as eNhlanyeni (the place of the mad ones), which also derogates patients. Discourses are obtained through socialisation as a cultural norm. However, when new shifts in contextual adjustment and use occur, they do not occur overnight but may take some time to shake off the old ways, as suggested by most participants, indicating the need to persist with the matter. With clear frameworks, changes are likely to be gradual and reinforced through legislation. In other words, this chapter encourages society to revisit legal frameworks and adjust as needed in the CRPD or our own policies. There are also idioms and metaphors which encourage both positive and negative discourse on disability matters. One common proverb is anebenzi

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nderake, kudzana unopururudza, which harps on the fact that however little effort is expended, a person who is mentally incapacitated should be highly praised no matter what they do. Other negative terms are ane mhepo (possessed by evil spirits) and murungudunhu (literally, an albino). Generally, communities are socialised to never mock anyone with deformities lest the same deformities befall them, as expressed by the idiom sekavurema wafa. All participants felt that when people become sensitive to disabling terms, they are likely to desist from referring to PWDs euphemistically or metaphorically. Most participants encouraged making positive references to other people as a way of unlearning discriminatory terms. Thus, LD 2 made the following statement: My Grade 1 to 3 teachers always name-called me rema and this cascaded to my family members and even playmates. I had concluded that I am a rema and nothing good could come out of me. I thank the new shift of developing special classes where I later got placement under a loving specialist teacher. The teacher identified capabilities in me and started nurturing them while taking me through my academic studies step by step. For the two years I was under this teacher, my life got transformed. I became positive about who I was and got to know that I was not a rema and that I had great potential to do better than the rema that my Grade 1 to 3 teacher knew. After being moved to the next level I was placed in the conventional class in Grade 3 where I was very good in artdrawing and painting and even managed to academically excel, passed Grade 7 and even managed in later life to obtain good O’level passes. I then trained as a teacher and advanced in special education to make sure that I assisted appropriately all learners with disabilities despite being physically challenged and having learning disabilities. Labels are very powerful, and they can destroy people with a bright future if nobody comes to their rescue. All this equally transformed my family members and surrounding communities who used to know me as a rema, dofo and chirema chakapetwa makumbo (idiot, less intelligent and with folded limbs) and am now a teacher of their grandchildren in the same neighbourhoods where I was once despised and name-called ichi chaida kuitwa chimhuka chaicho (a replica of animals).

V1 complained that preachers always described congregants metaphorically as … asi muri mapofu asingaoni (people with no sight, or matsi (cannot hear). This was my family church, and it was attended by many people from the media who equally always used similar terms in the media. I am now a lawyer, and

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some of this preacher’s sermons cloud my memory as to why this preacher kept on using visual impairment; there are so many words that could have been used to reinforce the church’s vision. These statements always made me feel uncomfortable being part of a congregation with such a mentality towards disability. I concluded that, using negative language with respect to PWDs does not have a formula and neither does it respect a person’s societal position or his/her educational status. People sometimes talk as if disability will never ever affect them in life, especially some educated religious leaders, teachers and journalists. I sometimes wonder whether journalists were only trained to capture and represent the field of disability negatively. I keep questioning this.

In support, Beth (1997) asserts that physical barriers can limit access opportunities, but attitudinal barriers posed more hindrances to the freedom of individuals with physical or intellectual impairments. These injustices can be related to the language of lumping together, such as referring to PWDs without specifying the disability, or the language of tragedy, where communities feel uncomfortable talking about such a taboo. These illustrations and experiences aptly show that negative language towards disability has powerful negative effects on the ways PWDs are perceived in society. Media reporters are not trained in a vacuum; they are influenced by cultural beliefs and surroundings. In most African countries, Zimbabwe is no exception with respect to disability, which is perceived as a curse that could befall any member of society who might have mistreated ancestors, for example. This relates to one of the outgoing NASCOH directors, who in the 2019 Herald expressed his view that media had a key role to play in educating the community on disability issues and getting community members to refrain from perpetuating stereotypes (Rugoho, 2020). Most study participants felt that the term handicapped in the abbreviation NASCOH needed revisiting because, if unchanged, it was susceptible to misrepresentation. The director further argued that journalists should not present outdated, insulting or patronizing views of PWDs (Herald, 2019). The director further elaborated that the language used to interact with others matters because it reflects one’s inner way of thinking about others. Thus, he urged media reporters to re-examine their language and desist from language which portrays PWDs as less than human. The outgoing director of NASCOH further emphasised that the media should avoid misinformed disability reporting, which undermines and misrepresent PWDs (Herald, 2019). That is, the media industry should avoid using terms which

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misinform people on disability issues. Dahl (1993) further argues that the commonly held theory is that one cannot legislate attitude changes, but one can legislate behavioural change with the hope that changes in attitude will follow.

The Role of Media in Portrayal and Representation of PWDs Surprisingly, the media tends to promote certain images of PWDs through selective coverage while ignoring events of importance to PWDs. Media headlines often promote companies’ own interests at the expense of less representation of PWDs’ needs or advocating mindset changes. This is depicted in a 2017 issue of Newsday, where more emphasis is placed on the status of material possessions of PWDs without showing any interest in seeking alternative accommodations from well wishers for the evicted PWDs. The reporter used derogatory language and described their possessions as follows: A group of people living with disabilities are gathered in … flats. They are surrounded by a wide array of their possessions in torn mattresses and a rickety dressing table … The sight is not in sync with the serene neigbourhood. The question is: had the reporter gone to the scene to report on the status of PWDs’ possessions, on what the neighbourhood felt like, or to present PWDs’ eviction in such a way that society would be driven to come to their rescue so that their plight would receive instant attention and better accommodations? Such insensitive reporting systems have the potential to fracture relationships between reporters and PWDs. This makes one question our inborn sisterhood and brotherhood mindsets. Sometimes the intended key messages and coverage fail to achieve their aim or affects how the message influences readers because of insensitivity. The selective coverage of disability has led to the creation of heroes by hype and perpetuated stereotypes and story characters which portray PWDs negatively (Manatsa, 2015). As shown by most of the excerpts in this chapter, attitudes and opinions change are influenced by significant others and read reports or texts because the media has high potential to create false impressions in favour of those with political power and sometimes makes exaggerated claims in its reporting system which is likely to further influence use of derogatory terms. The media can also convey new information and contribute new ideas and values (Beth, 1997), and, according to Manatsa (2015), media

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images can help to shape the interpretation of a given situation and even reveal new facts. Evidence from excerpts D1 and D2 suggests that In most instances, we are generally reported as people who are aggressive and emotional and this is equated to describing us as people without a personality.

All participants who are deaf echoed this and claimed it arose due to a failure to understand each other. In support, D2 made the following statement: The way we scroll our faces and spread the talking hands to express and emphasize any issues and even using our body language is usually mistakenly construed as us being aggressive, suspicious, and emotional beings. These are enough indicators that society at large and the media systems need education on Deaf Culture and Sign Language.

In the following excerpt, both V1 and V2 express their belief that the public misreads their actions and behaviour: We are generally a minority group receiving less media coverage. But when media gets chances, we are equally described as an ever emotionally charged and defensive group of people. We were also described as good at psychologically using language to get away with crimes we committed especially our natural use of the high tone when either talking or singing is in most cases mistakenly considered as some mental challenge, stubbornness and most concluded that and labeled us as tricksters.

Rugoho (2020) and Hunt (1991) posit that media continues to reinforce disability stereotypes by portraying individuals with disability in negative and disempowering ways. Thus, it is on such issues that this chapter hopes to transform media practices with respect to PWDs, who traditionally have been underrepresented, and encourage the media to develop a positive mindset towards PWDs. Shakespeare (1999) condemned the theatre industry, which continues to derogentory terms against PWDs despite ongoing emphasis on use of positive terms towards PWDs. The findings acknowledge that the media industry is a very strong agent of change which can be used to help restore the fractured relationships between the media industry and PWDs through positive representations. Haller et  al. (2006) propose that the terminology used in most

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media articles reinforce discrimination by using disabling language which devalues people; however, according to Manatsa (2015), it can also positively impact our lives and perceptions.

Discussion Article 8 of the CRPD (2006) relates to the subject under consideration, and Section 1 makes the following statement: “State Parties undertake to adopt immediate, effective and appropriate measures: (a) To raise awareness throughout society, including at the family level, regarding persons with disabilities and to foster respect for the rights and dignity of persons with disabilities; (b) To combat stereotypes, prejudices and harmful practices relating to persons with disabilities, including those based on sex and age, in all areas of life; (c) To promote awareness of the capabilities and contributions of persons with disabilities.” Section 2 says the following: “Measures to this end include: (a) Initiating and maintaining effective public awareness campaigns designed: (i) To nurture receptiveness to the rights of persons with disabilities; (ii) To promote positive perceptions and greater social awareness towards persons with disabilities; (iii) To promote recognition of the skills, merits and abilities of persons with disabilities, and of their contributions to the workplace and the labour market; (b) Fostering at all levels of the education system, including in all children from an early age, an attitude of respect for the rights of persons with disabilities; (c) Encouraging all organs of the media to portray persons with disabilities in a manner consistent with the purpose of the present Convention; (d) Promoting awareness-training programmes regarding persons with disabilities and the rights of persons with disabilities.” The statement of “Awareness Raising” is relevant to the media in terms of the creation of awareness and the portrayal of PWDs, but the media seems to have failed to come up with a strong monitoring and evaluation tool which various institutions and media companies could use to measure their implementation practices and the extent to which the objectives are achieved and identify gaps requiring attention. Interestingly, the convention itself does not include a definition of “disability” or “persons with disabilities” per se and does not explicitly cover language, media and disability, which makes it weaken the education on being sensitive to derogatory terms. According to International Labour Organization (ILO) (2015), the media industry is composed of television, radio, newspapers, magazines, the Internet, social media and many other unmentioned forms. Hove

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(2013) and Haller et al. (2006) argue that the choice of words, images and messages can determine perceptions, attitudes and behaviours and define what does or does not matter to PWDs. Thus, how PWDs are portrayed and the frequency with which they appear in the media can impact how they are regarded in society (ILO, 2015). Though debatable, considering the study’s findings and the related literature review, media images, depictions and narratives on PWDs can have both negative and positive effects. Thus, most participants felt that disability studies should be a core course in media studies to help develop positive representations. The study is, thus, cautious with respect to why past experiences continue to influence the media in its reporting on disability issues, and in support Hunt (1991) says that the stereotyped portrayal of PWDs reflects a popular culture whose sentiments are as relevant today as they were then. As such, socialisation plays a big role on help perspectives on disability issues and how media portrays PWDs, but this can be changed through viewing television documentaries and reading articles that portray PWDs in a positive light.

Suggested Paths to Media Industry This study’s findings stress that in Zimbabwe, the use of disability-friendly discourse lies in everyone’s hands, and it is up to all individuals to acknowledge PWDs as equal citizens. This should drive the public to revisit its statutes so that media industry policies are developed in line with accepted emerging media standards on language and disability. Media practitioners should start writing positive articles on disability matters as the springboard and foundation to attitudinal change towards disability issues. Thus, there is a need for the media to revisit all its policies, disability frameworks and statutes to make sure that they are following expected disability discourse. Members of the media need to remain informed through conferences and exposure on positive disability coverage and representation. Such measures are likely to neutralise traditional cultural aspects of disability in a modern context in compliance with inclusive practices, where every human being matters.

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Conclusion The findings of this study suggest that there is a need for the media industry to return to the drawing board to explore the best ways of restoring positive media coverage and representation for PWDs. Such measures are expected to restore the previously lost understanding about PWDs, not as an overnight change but a gradual one. This should help mend the fractured relationship between the media industry and the disability community. Although the media is slightly changing in disability coverage and representation, issues of terminology still need a lot of effort if the media is to be a key instrumental agent of change in raising awareness and changing societal misconceptions regarding PWDs. The findings also accept that the media industry has both positive and negative influences on the public. PWDs need to be included in discussion of what human diversity means to combat stereotypes in line with human rights and inclusive practices. Most of the study’s participants felt that media reporters needed some in-service on disability and language issues. Interestingly, related literature reviews posit that the media seems to have failed to unlearn the past to accommodate the present, but the study foresees progress in the area if clear policies are put in place.

References Avramidis, E., & Norwich, B. (2002). Teacher’s Attitudes Towards Integration/ Inclusion: A Review of Literature. European Journal of Special Needs Education, Routledge, 17(2), 129–147. Beth, B. (1997). Images of Disability in New Media: Implications for Future Research (pp.  19–23). Paper Presented at Annual meeting of National Communication Association. Biklen, D., & Bogdan, R. (1977). Media Portrayals of Disabled People: A Study in Stereotypes. Interracial Books for Children Bulletin., 8(6–7), 4–9. Chataika, T. (2007). Inclusion of Disabled Students in Higher Education in Zimbabwe. In Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Policy and Practice, Decolonizing Community Context. Taylor & Francis Group. Cobbinah, S. T. (2013). Labelling and Framing Disability: A Content Analysis of Newspapers in Uganda. Makerere University. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). (2006). Retrieved February 10, 2019, from https://www.un.org/development/desa/disabilities/convention-­on-­the-­rights-­of-­persons-­with-­disabilities.html

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Dahl, M. (1993). The Role of the Media in Promoting Images of Disability— Disability as Metaphor: The Evil Crip (Vol. 18(1)). University of British Columbia. Denzin, N., & Lincoln, Y. (1998). Entering the Field of Qualitative Research. The Landscape of Qualitative Research: Theories and Issues, Sage, 1, 34. Gavril, F. (2002). Improving Media Access for the Population with Disabled Hearing in Romania and Hungary. Retrieved February 18, 2016, from http://www. policy.hu/flora/projtitle1.htm Haller, B., Dorries, B., & Rahn, J. (2006). Media Labeling Versus the US Disability Community Identity: A Study of Shifting Cultural Language Towson University: USA. Journal of Disability & Society., 21(1), 61–75. Hammarberg, K., Kirkman, M., & de Lacey, S. (2016). Qualitative Research Methods: When to Use Them and How to Judge Them. Human Reproduction, 31(3), 98–501. Herald. (2019). Lessons Learnt for Disability in Zimbabwe. Herald. Hove, L.  M. (2013). Deformity, Disability and Marginalization in Zimbabwe Literacy Discourse. Journal of Mutlicultural Discoveries, 3, 2. Hunt, P. (1991). Discrimination: Disabled People and the Media. (70, Winter), 45–48. International Labour Organization (ILO). (2015). Reporting on Disability Guidelines for Media. Irish Aid. ILO. Manatsa, P. (2015). Are Disability Laws in Zimbabwe Compatible with the Provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD)? International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention, 4(4), 25–34. Mandipa, E. (2011). A Critical Analysis of the Legal and Institutional Frameworks for the Realisation of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Zimbabwe. Unpublished master’s thesis, University of Pretoria. Newsday. (2017, April 25). Evicted People with Disabilities Refused Help. Harare Newsday. Nyanguru, D., & Nyoni, C. (2014). Promoting Social Work for Zimbabwe’s Development. Bindura University Press. Nyirinkindi, L. (2006). A Critical Analysis of Paradigms and Rights in Disability Discourses. East African Journal of Peace and Human Rights, 12. Rugoho, T. (2020). Disabled Representation in Digital Media in Zimbabwe. In Education for Democracy 2.0. BRILL.  Retrieved January 10, 2023, from https://doi.org/10.1163/97890044484990_006 Shakespeare, T. (1999). A Critical Analysis: Overview of the Media. Retrieved February 21, 2019, from www.disabilityplanet.co.uk/critical-­analysis.html

CHAPTER 8

Social Media and Disability Politics in Zimbabwe: Should we Celebrate “Liberation” or Resist a New Form of Social Oppression? Kudzai Shava and Isheunoziva Chinyoka

Theorizing Disability Identity Disability identity relates to the extent to which one possesses a positive sense of self and feelings of connection to, or solidarity with, the disability community (Dunn & Burcaw, 2013). Thus, an important element in disability identity is the individual’s sense of pride to belong to the community of disabled people. According to Dunn and Burcaw (2013), this pride is essential for adjusting to one’s condition and developing high self-­ esteem, confidence, and assertiveness since support, friendship, and love will all be readily available. These are important traits for individuals who

K. Shava (*) University of Illinois, Chicago, IL, USA e-mail: [email protected] I. Chinyoka University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_8

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face discrimination and marginalization because of their minority status. People with disabilities, more often than not, wrestle with this phenomenon most of their lives, so a positive identity is an important asset in their empowerment (Riddell & Watson, 2014; Watson, 2014; Dunn & Burcaw, 2013). Closely associated with the individual’s disability identity is consciousness of a rights movement. A rights movement is an organized body of people striving for social justice. The idea was mainly inspired by the civil rights movement in the U.S., which concerned itself with an end to racial inequalities. However, it was the rise of feminism, not only as a movement but as an ideology for framing liberational politics, that gave all other traditionally marginalized groups and groups that are discriminated against a way to express themselves in rights movements. Consequently, feminism has undoubtedly been an inspiration to and influence on the disability rights movement (Arneil, 2016). The disability rights movement started in the 1960s, largely in North America and Europe, and has since been embraced by DPOs across the world. DPOs are generally engaged in a struggle to project and represent the collective aspirations of persons with disabilities. In this light, the adoption of the CRPD by the United Nations in 2006 is often characterized as the climax of a generational struggle (Malhotra & Rowe, 2014; Pettinicchio, 2019). In Zimbabwe, for instance, the disability rights movement is epitomized by the activities of such organizations as the National Association of Societies for the Care of the Handicapped (NASCOH) and the Federation for Organizations of Disabled People in Zimbabwe (FODPZ). Each of these organizations is an amalgamation of DPOs operating in the country. Though they differ in outlook and composition, they are legitimated by their claim to represent, at a grassroots level, people with different forms of impairment. Critical to the work of the disability rights movement is the media and its collective role in shaping and crystalizing disability imagery and representation, which, in most cases, has regrettably been negative, stereotyped, and archetypal. Stereotyped assumptions about people with impairments are predominantly based on superstition, myths, and beliefs, and these are inherent in our culture and persist partly because they are constantly reproduced through communications media (Barnes, 1991). The media has focused on portraying impairment through the influence of the medical model of disability, which perceives disabled people’s inability to interact in so-called normal daily life as a direct result of their physical, sensory,

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and/or mental impairment. It has failed to positively interpret and represent the intersection between the impairment of the body and a disabling society (Ellis, 2009, 2014). Riley concurs with this view and contends that media depictions of individuals with impairments have not changed since the 1920s and that the negative representation of disability carries with it political and economic costs for disabled people, at the center of which is a general violation and denial of their human rights (Riley, 2005). This medicalized view of disabled people, which is in fact impairment imagery, is evident in all media forms, both electronic and print. It is meant to portray disabled people as unfortunate, different, useless, and sick (Hunt, 1966; Barnes & Mercer, 2007), which has resulted in the social exclusion, inequality, discrimination, and poverty that largely characterize the lives of disabled people and underpin their “social oppression” in Zimbabwe and elsewhere since time immemorial. Recent advances in the development of social media and new technologies are generally believed to have had a significant effect on disabled people. A number of scholars have written on the potential that social media has presented to both business and ordinary people. Other than facilitating synergies, establishing new networks and friendships, and building bridges, social media has also been seen as an empowering tool for marginalized groups. Barlott et al. (2016) show how people with disabilities relate to technology and the implications of social media. They point out that technology for persons with disabilities can be in the form of either assistive devices or enabling technology. It becomes assistive if it is designed to address a specific disability, and often it is expensive. On the other hand, it becomes enabling if such technology is designed for the mainstream but enables people with disabilities to use the “mainstream gadget” in which the technology resides.

Putting Disability Identity into Context: The Zimbabwean Case Study Having looked at the various theoretical underpinnings behind the development of a disability identity and implications of the evolution of technology, it is time we contextualize this discussion in a developing economy. We will use Zimbabwe as the location of this case study, for a number of reasons.

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First, other than being a low-income country, according to a World Bank Report (WORLD BANK DATA Team, 2019), Zimbabwe boasts of the highest literacy rate on the African continent. With an 87 percent literacy rate as of August 2017, it is the fifth most educated country in the world (Pariona, 2017). The significance of this statistic is that, regardless of its developing status, the country’s citizens are able to exploit the opportunities that come their way as a result of their education (ibid). Education by itself represents an enabling tool for empowerment. Second, we sought to understand the implication of these statistics for the disability rights movement in Zimbabwe. Does it offer hope for a realization of its goals as a collective entity? For instance, if a higher literacy rate translates to a higher potential for the mainstream body of citizens, it should do so as well for people with disabilities. Last but not least, the Zimbabwean disability rights movement is characterized by an active grassroots voice rather than DPOs. While DPOs have been playing a leading role in the early stages of disability rights campaigns, with the dawn of social media in the early twenty-first century, students and professionals with disabilities have been seizing the initiative in calling for change. Consequently, it is to the actions of these ordinary people that we now turn. Of interest for this study are two social network groups, the Disability Rights Chat and Prime Access, both of which are hosted on the WhatsApp platform. While both are intended to give voice to disabled people and their allies, their focus is on different aspects of empowerment and membership sectors. The two groups were founded at about the same time by disabled people and now have many subscribers some of whom may have no DPO affiliation. The Disability Rights Chat was created in July 2014. As of the date of writing, its total subscriptions are around 250 people. On the other hand, Prime Access was created to address a niche area of access to technology for visually impaired people. Its primary aim is to act as a virtual help desk staffed by volunteers. It was founded in September 2016 and as of writing has a membership of about 100. There seems to be a relationship between the role that social media plays in fostering a disability identity and belonging. The question is whether it is a liberating or an oppressive one in light of other economic factors. The extent to which these two social media groups enable the emancipation of its members was therefore unclear. To this end, we wanted to answer three research questions to appreciate how social media impacts disability identity:

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• Why do the groups exist? • How do the members identify their individual personality in light of the group’s cause? • To what extent does technology advance the groups’ and the individuals’ causes? To address these questions, we (the authors) carried out a research study as presented and discussed in the next section.

Empirical Study Data for the study were collected over a period of 7 months, from March to September 2019. Research Design A descriptive survey design was used to collect data from participants who are members of two disabled persons’ WhatsApp groups. Participants’ views were sought regarding the extent to which these social media groups enable their emancipation in terms of digital inclusion. Participants Participants were people with various disabilities, but primarily those with visual, hearing, and physical disabilities. In response to a post sent on both the Prime Access and Disability Rights Chat WhatsApp groups, a hundred people with disabilities participated. While the initial call for participation was done in the open groups, the short-listing deliberately considered factors such as age group, occupation (students and professionals), gender, and location of participants in order to represent varied interests. The 100 people willingly consented to participate as key informants in the study. Ethical considerations such as voluntary participation and confidentiality of data were adhered to. Instruments A questionnaire consisting of four open-ended items was sent to the WhatsApp inbox of each of the 100 participants. The focus of the items was on how the members identified themselves in light of the group’s

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cause as well as the extent to which technology advanced their individual and group causes. The intention was to uncover how participants related to the group’s aims and objectives. Based on the data of all the participants, we then developed an interview guide with three open-ended questions in order to elaborate on and explain the initial answers and possibly develop a set of recommendations for technology service providers and policymakers. Data Collection Procedures Both the Disability Rights Chat and Prime Access WhatsApp groups display their overall aim in the “description” section of the groups’ icon, which can be accessed by clicking on the “options” button in WhatsApp. These platforms and interviews with the group administrators provided data on why the groups exist. In addition, the researchers clearly explained the purpose of the study in their call for participants. Verbal and written consent to participate in the study was obtained. The participants were informed that participation was voluntary and that they were free to withdraw from the study at any time during the process. Data Analysis Data collection and data analysis occurred simultaneously (Creswell, 2009). Thematic content analysis was used to analyze data. Codes were affixed to the data by identifying similar or contrasting words, phrases, and patterns so that differences and similarities helped to form themes. Results Three closely related themes emerged: Cause of the group, membership identity, and role of social media in disability identity. These themes are used as subheadings to frame the presentation of data in this section. Cause of the Group The Disability Rights Chat WhatsApp group states that it was set up in order to discuss the rights of people with disabilities. According to the administrators of the group, it was set up as a direct response to Zimbabwe’s ratification of the UNCRPD on September 23, 2013. Since there was no avenue at the time to express their hopes and fears, members came up with

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the idea to create a group where they would share views and ideas on how to hold the government accountable for its obligations as spelled out in the UNCRPD. The idea for this group was first conceived by a few disabled people who were using the Facebook platform at the time (Disability Rights Chat administrator). On the other hand, the Prime Access WhatsApp group was created as a result of the need to talk about access to technology for the visually impaired community. According to group administrators, while visually impaired people are a subgroup of people with disabilities, their common interest lies in their quest to access information. Since written information by its nature is in print, this means that they are excluded from printed information flow that takes place on paper. Thus, the digital revolution meant that, for the first time, they were able to actively be involved in sharing written information with their sighted counterparts. The group was created as a “help desk” for those with questions about how to carry out certain actions with their phones or computers. As stated on its description page: “Welcome to the Prime Access group where we discuss everything technology for the visually impaired from mobile to desktop, Voiceover, Talkback NVDA and JAWS-feel free to ask. Help may be slow in coming, but eventually it will. Happy accessing!” The direct stimulus that caused this group to be created was, according to one of its founding members, an administrator, the “predatory attitude by some people and groups to charge people to get information and programs.” From both groups we established from the administrators that no deviations from the set aims and objectives of the groups were tolerated. This means that no off-topic posts were allowed. With Disability Rights Chat, posts are on topic if they relate to disability, whereas with Prime Access, they have to be about technology. Now let us turn to membership identity to appreciate whether these group objectives tally with members’ individual expectations. Membership Identity The second question was about how members identified themselves with these groups’ objectives and what it meant to have a disability. We feel that it is important that for a group to be relevant, it must directly appeal to its members’ expectations. So the question we posed to each of the participants from both WhatsApp groups was: “How do you relate to this group, and do you feel it helps you identify with your individual goals in life?”

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More than 75% of participants from the Disability Rights Chat group said they related very well to this portal since the group is about rights, particularly law and policy on disability, as well as highlighting disabilityrelated activities. The overall feeling seemed to be that the Disability Rights Chat was what a DPO should be—an information center for them on current developments in the disability movement. The fact that, as members, they could express themselves on any issue pertaining to their welfare meant that the group was more or less like their voice. Therefore, in this group, members have an outlet and feel that at last they have discovered their identity. This is enhanced by their interaction with others who might share their views. Even with respect to those who hold different view from them, they at least found a common denominator in talking about how disability politics should be conducted. With the Prime Access group, more than 90% of the participants felt that the group was a companion. They felt that any query they had on technology utilization, Prime Access was the answer as other members would help them. Participants felt that they could not do without Prime Access if they were to be successful in their careers. In short, Prime Access was identified with one’s career goals. The overall feeling is that it boosts members’ confidence in themselves in the workplace and at learning institutions. The extent to which members identified with the group cause could be judged by their desperation when a member had been suspended or expelled for violating the rules. Those who posted jokes or trending news that had nothing to do with the subject matter of either group were suspended for a few days or, in rare cases of “stubborn noncompliance,” expelled. The result of such suspension or expulsion was spirited pleas for reinstatement. Members would often appeal to the injustice of rule enforcement on them as “being insensitive.” In one such appeal sent to the inbox of one of the Prime Access administrators in August 2018, a suspended member wrote, “You should be tolerant of someone disabled like yourself.” From such appeals we concluded that group membership in Disability Rights Chat and Prime Access for disabled people was not just out of the need to be in a group; instead, it was a way for members to fulfill their goals and empower themselves—qualities that are core to a disability identity.

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 he Role of Social Media in Disability Identity T Finally, the third question has to do with the role of social media in disability identity. It is important to answer this question as it is central to this inquiry: What is the role of social media in disability identity? Does it liberate or oppress? The study established that the groups under study were made possible by members’ possession of some form of communication technology. This could be a desktop computer or a mobile phone. Ninetyfive percent of members used mobile phones to participate in their groups. Of those with mobile phones, only 15 percent used high-tech gadgets like an iPhone. Whether the gadgets were low- or high-end, their role in disability identity was generally liberating for the individuals.

Discussion The study revealed that the two WhatsApp groups exist for the sole purpose of empowering persons with disabilities with their rights. Such empowerment is achieved in two ways. First, technical expertise for optimum utilization of ICTs is availed through a “help desk” WhatsApp group. Second, free technical services make the technology accessible to more people with disabilities with both high- and low-technology gadgets. Once accessibility is attained, no deviations are allowed from the set aims of the groups, which are centered on discussing the rights of people with disability, particularly furthering the right to access technology and, ultimately, information. The study found that the groups were set up on WhatsApp for practical purposes. First, as Unuth (2019) observes, WhatsApp is more or less like a traditional SMS or online chat room. Second, it is cheap and affordable. Third, it is possible to send not only text messages between members but also multimedia content like pictures, audio, and videos (Unuth, 2019). Finally, it had to do with the introduction of WhatsApp bundles by all the major mobile network providers in Zimbabwe. This brought the cost of communication down, so that it became attractive to use it instead of other alternatives such as Facebook. The study also revealed that members identified their individual goals with the groups’ goals and therefore related very well to the groups. This relationship emanated from the congruent need to talk of rights, particularly rights based on practices, laws, and policies on disability. Members have an outlet for their needs and feel that at last they have discovered

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their identity through interaction with others who experience the same marginalization as they do. In light of the empowering nature of the groups, which enable members to identify their individual goals with group goals, the study revealed that technology advanced individual and group causes consistently. Technology was consistently viewed by participants as liberating. This contradicts findings reported in the literature, which generally found that ICTs were often oppressive because of their inaccessibility to many people with disabilities (Park & Nam, 2014; Dobransky & Hargittai, 2016; Grönlund, Lim & Larsson, 2017). This contradiction can be explained by the observation that in this Zimbabwean case study, the group goals enables the satisfaction of preexisting information needs of people with disabilities. Preexisting information needs are satisfied through the groups’ goal of offering technical expertise for manipulating ICTs as this avoids the creation of an additional barrier to information access. In addition, Zimbabwe’s 87 percent literacy rate, which Pariona (2017) rates as the fifth highest in the world, may have enabled what Kieran et al. (2014) call “the correlation of literacy and ICT proficiencies.” These explanations become more feasible when it is realized that the digital literacies required for using WhatsApp in the Zimbabwean case study may be of a lower order compared to those required for using high-end Internet technology.

Implications of the Study The main implication of these findings is that ICTs that are utilized for clearly focused purposes tend to have cohesion. Such technology use represents a positive force for the development of disability identity, as individuals become satisfied with group membership. Based on the outcomes of their participation in the groups, the achievement of one’s personal goals could be positively linked to group goals. This signifies technology as a tool for liberation. The end result is that liberation for people with disabilities results from access to technology and having the means to enhance their self-esteem and identity. People with disabilities need to have access to technology. This builds on their identity and helps them to express themselves in a way they could not traditionally have done. Whereas resources could be devoted to organizing workshops, seminars, and community gatherings to bring together members of a marginalized group, the social media era has made it possible for such people to communicate across wide geographical spaces with ease. Bringing together

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members of this marginalized group with greater ease is liberating for a lot of people with disabilities, some of whom use affordable low-end devices. In that regard, the regular updates by social media sites and apps that incapacitate many low-end devices limit the full participation of people with disabilities in their own affairs. The ICT field may need to devise ways of regularly updating devices for high performance, without incapacitating users of low-end devices in developing countries. Finally, if the possession of a high-tech gadget results in empowerment, then conversely this implies that the lack of such a device is extremely disempowering. The cost of such technology should, therefore, not remain a stumbling block to the liberation of people with disabilities.

Conclusion Social media has proved to be a tool of liberation for people with disabilities in developing countries. Its functionality in bringing people together has made it possible for ordinary people to have a voice and express themselves. Their ability to put forth ideas on how their affairs are run by both DPOs and the national government has meant that they now have greater ability to exercise their rights as citizens. Despite this development, the relatively high cost of the technology and continual updates by social media companies threaten the reversal of gains made by their introduction. This study has shown not only the positive impact that social media has on educated persons with disabilities but has marginally thrown light on the dark corners of disability activism, namely, capturing the voice of ordinary members of society who drive the rights movement. However, there is a need for further research on the number of people with disabilities without formal education and how they are affected by social media.

References Arneil, B. (2016). Disability in Political Theory versus International Practice: Redefining Equality and Freedom. In N. J. Hirschmann & B. Arneil (Eds.), Disability and Political Theory. Cambridge University Press. Barlott, T., Adams, K., & Cook, A. (2016). Increasing Participation in the Information Society by People with Disabilities and Their Families in Lower-­ Income Countries Using Mainstream Technologies. Universal Access in the Information Society, 189–198.

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Barnes, C. (1991). Discrimination: Disabled People and The Media. Contact, 70(Winter), 45–48. Barnes, C., & Mercer, G. (2007). Exploring the Divide: Illness and Disability (2nd ed.). Disability Press. Dobransky, K., & Hargittai, E. (2016). Unrealized Potential: Exploring the Disability Digital Divide. Information, Communication & Society., 9(3), 313–334. Dunn, D. S., & Burcaw, S. (2013, November). Thinking About Disability Identity. Spotlight Newsletter. Retrieved September 19, 2019, from https://www.apa. org/pi/disability/r esour ces/publications/newsletter/2013/11/ disability-­identity Ellis, K. (2009). A Quest through Chaos: My Narrative of Illness and Recovery. Gender Forum: An Internet Journal for Gender Studies, 26. Ellis, K. (2014). The Voice Australia (2012): Disability, Social Media and Collective Intelligence, Continuum. Journal of Media & Cultural Studies, 28(4), 482–494. Grönlund, A., Lim, N., & Larsson, H. (2017). Effective Use of Assistive Technologies for Inclusive Education in Developing Countries: Issues and Challenges from Two Case Studies. Hunt, P. (1966). A Critical Condition. In P. Hunt (Ed.), Stigma: The Experience of Disability. Geoffrey Chapman. Kieran, M., Anoush, S. & David, A. (2014). Digital Inclusion and Social Inclusion: A Tale of Two Cities. Malhotra, R., & Rowe, M. (2014). Exploring Disability Identity and Disability Rights Through Narratives. Routledge. Pariona, A. (2017, August 1). The 10 Most Literate Countries of Africa. WorldAtlas. https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/the-­1 0-­m ost-­l iterate-­c ountries-­o f-­ africa.html Park, E-U., & Nam, S-J. (2014). An Analysis of the Digital Literacy of People with Disabilities in Korea: Verification of a Moderating Effect of Gender, Education and Age Pettinicchio, D. (2019). Politics of Empowerment: Disability Rights and the Cycle of American Policy Reform. Stanford University Press. Riddell, S., & Watson, N. (2014). Introduction. In S. Riddell & N. Watson (Eds.), Disability, Culture and Identity (pp. 1–17). Routledge. Riley, C. A. (2005). Disability and The Media: Prescriptions for Change. University Press of New England. Unuth, N. (2019, May 10). Why WhatsApp is so Popular. LifeWire. https://www. lifewire.com/reasons-­why-­whatsapp-­is-­popular-­3426372 Watson, N. (2014). Daily Denials: The Routinisation of Oppression and Resistance. In S. Riddell & N. Watson (Eds.), Disability, Culture and Identity. Routledge. WORLD BANK DATA Team. (2019). New Country Classifications by Income Level: 2019–2020. The World Bank Group.

CHAPTER 9

The Postcolonial Commodification of Gloria Huang’s Black, Disabled Body: A Case Study in Media Ethics Gia Alexander

Eight-year-old Gloria Huang, a native of Ghana, suddenly and unexpectedly passed away in Qatar in January 2013. Gloria, a special needs child with a severe eating disorder, had been adopted from an African orphanage at age four by an American couple of Asian descent, Grace and Matthew Huang. Intercultural misunderstandings and miscommunication, coupled with media sensationalism, quickly compounded an already tragic situation when Gloria died. Grace and Matthew were arrested, tried, and detained by the Qatari government, which, when unconvinced of Gloria’s disability status, accused the couple of complicity in their daughter’s death. The subsequent media coverage surrounding Gloria’s death revealed vestiges of colonialism and the commodification of African bodies. Although many of the descriptions of the incident centered around the injustices leveled against Grace and Matthew (foster parents of Gloria), Gloria herself, as an individual human being with a disability, received

G. Alexander (*) Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_9

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much less attention. Rather, much coverage focused instead on her body as the object of the controversy. For instance, the Huangs’ intentions in adopting children from Africa, “others” unlike themselves, received undue and incursive scrutiny, even according to the ethical guidelines of the news agencies reporting the case. When Gloria’s person and plight did receive attention, the tone often seemed unflattering at best and dismissive at worst. Media services further disputed her disability status. At one point, Gloria’s adoptive parents even faced false accusations that they had murdered their daughter in order to sell her organs. Building on a meta-analysis of sources including print and online newspapers, media websites, televised news segments, social media, and published interviews, this chapter is grounded in postcolonial theory and its influence on the media ethics in the coverage surrounding Gloria Huang’s disability and death. I focus special attention on the three major world news outlets involved in the coverage, which include Al-Jazeera, the BBC, and CNN, with comparative and supporting information from more localized sources such as The Los Angeles Times. This chapter is ultimately about Gloria, and it is dedicated to her memory and dignity as a person of African heritage with a disability.

Introduction and Background Whenever we hear the phrase “something no parent should ever have to endure,” we typically think of the death of a child. When the parents went through extraordinary means to bring that child into their family, the tragedy of the subsequent loss is even more heartbreaking. And when the parents are falsely implicated in that loss, the compassionate among us wonder how they can go on with their lives. And yet, Matthew and Grace Huang survived just such circumstances, despite the specious media coverage following the sudden and unexpected death of their eight-year-old adopted daughter, Gloria. Grace and Matthew adopted Gloria and her brother from an orphanage in her native Ghana in 2009 when she was four years old. Unfortunately, Gloria had developed, and been formally diagnosed with, a gastrointestinal parasitic infection called giardiasis, something akin to infectious gastroenteritis (Carlstrom, 2013; Do, 2015). In the short term, this infection, acquired by consuming water contaminated with the giardia bacillus, results in severe stomach upset, vomiting, abdominal pain, and loss of appetite. In the long term, even after the initial parasitic infection is

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resolved, giardiasis can perpetuate as a pattern of anorexia followed by binging, as well as malabsorption of nutrients (Carlstrom, 2013). Gloria’s extreme poverty in her early childhood, marked by scarcity of nutritious food, may also have contributed to her eating disorder, a condition known in the developing world as “refeeding syndrome,” in which children continue to exhibit behaviors surrounding food insecurity, such as eating from garbage pails, even when placed in a situation where food is both plentiful and available (Carlstrom, 2013). Witnesses reported that Gloria manifested symptoms of refeeding syndrome by sometimes not eating for long periods of time, even up to several days, and then foraging frantically and gorging herself on food (Carlstrom, 2013; Do, 2015). It was this disordered pattern of eating that likely perpetuated her discomfort and malnutrition. In January 2013, Matthew and Grace were living in Qatar, where Matthew, a civil engineer, had been sent by his employer to work on building the infrastructure for the 2022 FIFA World Cup. On the afternoon of January 15, Matthew rushed Gloria to a hospital after discovering her unresponsive. There, Gloria died, and within hours the Qatari government had detained Grace and Matthew. Gloria’s biological brother and a second adopted son from elsewhere in Africa were removed from the Huangs’ custody and initially placed in an orphanage in Doha, Qatar (Carlstrom, 2013; Do, 2015) but were eventually released to the care of their adoptive grandmother and allowed to return to the United States (Kennedy, 2014). The initial autopsy conducted by Qatari medical examiners concluded that Gloria had died from cachexia, or extreme muscle weakness and atrophy, and dehydration (Carlstrom, 2013; Do, 2015; Kennedy, 2014). Gloria’s disability had simply caused her muscle tissue to waste away, ultimately affecting her heart. In lay terms, the autopsy concluded that she had starved to death. However, a 2014 review of the autopsy results by pathologists in the United States, coupled with eyewitness testimony of neighbors and Matthew’s colleagues, cast doubt on Gloria’s actual cause of death. Witnesses had seen Gloria running around and playing with her brothers the day before she died, which some doctors found to be inconsistent with starvation and more consistent with a long-standing disability (Carlstrom, 2013, Kennedy, 2014). To the Qatari officials, however, Gloria’s eating disorder did not rise to the level of a disability that could result in death.

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Still, Gloria was a United States citizen, having been legally adopted. Under the laws of the United States, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) defines disability for American citizens and legal residents as “a physical or mental impairment that limits one or more major life activities” (ada.gov). Eating is definitely listed among those “life activities” (US Department of Justice, 2009). But because Gloria died on Qatari territory, and thus under Qatari jurisdiction, the local definition of disability, or lack thereof, applied. Since the Qatari government did not accept Gloria’s eating disorder as a likely cause of her death, a hasty overgeneralization implicating her parents as being complicit in her demise ensued, and the Huangs were arrested. One possible reason why the Qatari authorities may have declined to acknowledge Gloria’s disability is that eating disorders fall under the category of “hidden” or “nonvisible” psychiatric disabilities, particularly when they are not well-recognized conditions such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa (Fairburn & Bohn, 2005). This ambiguity results in a type of “neglect” (Fairburn & Bohn, 2005, p. 695) of eating disorder not otherwise specified (NOS) patients like Gloria, who have mixed symptoms (loss of appetite and binging). Because her disability did not fit neatly into a specific category under a given code in the International Compendium of Diseases, or ICD-10, her very status as an individual with a disability came under question. Immediately following Gloria’s death and the arrest of her parents, a barrage of media coverage erupted, much of it quite sensationalist. Accusations quickly flew that the Huangs had starved their daughter to death (Carlstrom, 2013). Across social media, for example, a vitriolic debate ensued over whether the Huangs in fact fully understood Gloria’s disability and whether they did enough to manage it, many citing an apparent lack of medical attention, even though Gloria had reportedly not eaten for four days prior to her death (Do, 2015). Did the cultural “othering” of the Huangs perhaps give Grace and Matthew pause about seeking treatment in Qatar? At a greater extreme, the BBC in particular perpetuated a rumor that Gloria had been killed so that her organs could be sold on the black market. Free press aside, what of the ethics of propagating salacious and far-fetched rumors such as this? Further, in the interest of factfinding, is it ethical to dispute someone’s disability status? If so, what standards of ethics should be applied? Usually, discourse such as this raises more questions than it answers. This chapter is no different. When embarking on any discussion of ethics,

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we would be remiss not to acknowledge the academically uncomfortable fact that ethical standards are open to interpretation; they vary according to the cultural values and practices of their creators (Ward, 2015). For the purposes of the present discussion, cultural values are deep-seated dichotomies of belief that are unlikely to change over a person’s lifetime, such as what is true or false, clean or dirty, right or wrong, us or them (Hofstede et al., 2010). Cultural values concerning disability are relevant in two ways here. First, some developing cultures still regard disability as something shameful or even an act of divine retribution (unclean). Other cultures, such as those in Western Europe and the United States, recognize different states of disability as falling along a spectrum, with certain levels of severity required for legal designations, such as the ADA’s stipulation of impairment of major life activity or the US military’s assignment of percentages of disability to affected veterans. Still other societies, such as those mentioned earlier that denigrate differences in ability, view disability under a stricter dichotomy: a person is either completely able-bodied or completely disabled (CIA World Factbook, 2018). This latter viewpoint can be especially troublesome to someone with a hidden disability such as an eating disorder. Since Gloria was seen on the day before her death up and about, walking, and interacting with her siblings (Carlstrom, 2013; Do, 2015), all-or-nothing thinking regarding her disability status may have contributed in practice to officials’ skepticism over the cause of her death. Cultural practices, on the other hand, are actions and behaviors based on values that can change over time and include things like legal processes and treatment of cultural minorities (Hofstede et al., 2010). For example, Qatari value-based attitudes toward the Huangs and their family structure as “other” or “them” contributed to the practices of suspecting and detaining them after Gloria died. Ahn Do (2015) points out that in Middle Eastern countries such as Qatar, unfortunately sometimes people of Asian descent are treated with derision, and thus their motives are questioned (Carlstrom, 2013; Brennan, 2014; Do, 2015; Hofstede Insights Oy, 2018). Specifically, Grace and Matthew found themselves othered by being doubted and harshly treated. Their motives for adopting African children were also questioned, as both adoption and mixed-race families are culturally anathema to both the values and practices of the Qatari establishment. Although this chapter engages directly with the multicultural conversation surrounding standards of ethics, it does not engage with any

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traditionally philosophical ethical theories, such as deontology or utilitarianism. Rather, it takes a two-pronged approach to ethical analysis, with the initial part being a rhetorical one. First, I will analyze how well each example news story I cite adheres to the expressed ethical standards of its publisher. To overcome the rhetorical fallacy of comparing a thing to itself, I will also discuss whether each example fulfills what common sense dictates to be the ethical expectations of a reasonable person in the cultural context of the publication. This approach follows that of media ethicist Stephen Ward (2015), who, in his book Radical Media Ethics, advocates a journalistic ethical standard that is built on responsibility. “Responsible journalists,” Ward explains, “therefore consider the consequences of their actions, e. g., the impact of stories; are respectful of others; follow good methods for gathering facts and evidence; minimize the harm of publishing; acknowledge, explain, and make amends for mistakes” (p.  95). Concerning factfinding, Ward (2015) further advocates for a more contextual and practical conceptualization of objectivity, as held up against absolute objectivity, which, he argues, is largely unattainable. Still, I grant that this more liberal approach to media ethics may at times skate very close to the realm of opinion, so I will provide ample direct evidence for readers to conduct their own analysis. But because in the Huangs’ case the media coverage was both vast and global, I have selected for analysis in the next section example news stories that center on Gloria, her disability, and her death rather than on legal proceedings, international intervention, or negotiations on behalf of her parents.

Media Coverage and Ethical Analysis A world media outlet actually based in Doha, Qatar, where Gloria died, Al Jazeera initially picked up coverage of the story, followed almost immediately by the BBC, which also relayed news of the case in Ghana, and then by CNN and major Associated Press (AP) publishers in the United States. Among these, The Los Angeles Times largely led the AP coverage in the U.S. because it was the Huangs’ hometown newspaper (Do, 2015). Coincidentally, both Ghana, the African nation of Gloria’s birth, and Qatar, the Arabian nation of her death, both have history as British colonies. Ghana endured colonialism from 1867 to 1957 and Qatar from 1916 to 1971 (CIA World Factbook, 2018). The effects of this in the BBC coverage are particularly telling. And here is where the postcolonial

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commodification of the news itself and, by extension, that of Gloria herself via perpetuated innuendo, began. This chapter is too brief for an in-depth analysis of postcolonialism; however, a concise but supported introduction should serve our purposes here. At its most basic level, postcolonialism is a theoretical approach to culture, literature, history, anthropology, and other qualitatively oriented disciplinary practices that studies the residual effects of colonial subjugation on now-independent peoples (Epstein, 2014). Charlotte Epstein (2014) refines this very broad general definition to cast postcolonialism in a more granular, “situated perspective” (Epstein, 2014, p.  294) that enhances its application here. Also drawing upon concepts of cultural values and practices, similar to those I discussed earlier, Epstein looks for and analyzes specific hallmarks of colonial influence on what she terms “cultural norms” (p. 294) and the subsequent “normalization” (p. 294) process of affected societies throughout their colonialization and after. For example, Epstein recognizes that children acculturated under one regime may actually attain different core values than their ancestors or descendants acculturated under a different colonial or independent regime. Thus, those in power today in Qatar might view adoption, for instance, as a less acceptable family arrangement (Do, 2015) than did their grandparents of 1950, who lived under British colonial “protection.” Epstein also looks at the effects of the changing dynamics of power throughout the colonial and postcolonial processes. Further, Scollon et al. (2012) identify this aspect of a rhetorical situation as “power-distance” (p. 52), reflecting the uncertainties and reassertions that can occur when a subjugated people finds itself liberated. These theoretical and rhetorical points of investigation and analysis of cultural values, practices, and power distance relative to colonial history relate directly to the present case study through the convoluted legal system the Huangs found themselves entangled in following Gloria’s death. As a Muslim nation that used to be a British colony, Qatar actually has two legal systems, one resembling conventional Western justice systems and another, known as Sharia law, a Muslim code of justice (Hamzeh, 1994). While the secular courts handle things such as murder investigations, the Sharia courts generally handle family matters (Hamzeh, 1994). With the “suspicious” death of a family member, then, Grace and Matthew found themselves answering to both court systems (Do, 2015), in which they had less power and ethos in the Sharia courts than they did in the standard ones. The power-distance relationship between the two court systems

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themselves also proved ambiguous as to which would take precedence in this case (Do, 2015). Qatar is unusual in the configuration of its justice system, in that most other Muslim nations in the region, such as Iran and, more recently, Syria, follow only Sharia law (Hamzeh, 1994). The remainder of this section takes up examples of news stories from Al Jazeera, the BBC, and CNN, with supplemental input from The Los Angeles Times and other local sources such as the California Innocents Project and the Huangs’ own Facebook page, to examine whether they are congruent with the declared ethical standards of their publishers and with Stephen Ward’s ethical journalism standards based on responsibility as a reasonable human being. Coverage by Al Jazeera Largely due to its proximity to the events of the case, Al Jazeera was among the first to report on Gloria’s death and her parents’ detention. Al Jazeera also coincidentally updated its ethics statement amid the controversy, although there is no evidence that the Huang case specifically motivated the revision. In its code of ethics, Al Jazeera pledges to, among other things, provide balance and credibility in coverage, ensure the validity of reported facts, avoid speculation, treat audiences respectfully, and “to present a clear, factual and accurate picture while giving full consideration to the feelings of victims of crime, war, persecution and disaster, their relatives and our viewers, and to individual privacies and public decorum” (Al Jazeera, 2014). On August 2, 2013, Gregg Carlstrom reported for Al Jazeera that Qatari officials had formally charged Grace and Matthew Huang with murdering Gloria. Carlstrom lays out the facts of the case, as described earlier, using an objective tone and including information from both sides of the issue, particularly highlighting the debate over the medical evidence. The journalist does report on the human trafficking rumors but attributes these to “cultural misunderstandings” (Carlstrom, 2013). In a follow-up piece for Al Jazeera on March 27, 2014, Robert Kennedy reported that, after being incarcerated for months, Grace and Matthew had been found guilty by the secular courts and sentenced to three additional years in a Qatari prison. This reporter quotes Matthew Huang’s response to and denial of the human trafficking rumors, revealing the continuation and perpetuation of the postcolonial commodification of Gloria’s

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body (Kennedy, 2014). Overall, however, he lays out the facts in an objective, two-sided manner similar to that of Carlstrom. In an unattributed November 30, 2014, follow-up, Al Jazeera reports that, after successful appeal of their conviction, Matthew and Grace had been acquitted and cleared of all implications in Gloria’s death (“Qatar court”). Interestingly, this piece clarifies that the Huangs had been previously convicted in Qatar of “child endangerment,” not of “murder,” as had been previously reported. The appeals court ultimately found that Gloria had been neither neglected nor slain. In making this important clarification, Al Jazeera falls back on its standards of ethics to present the facts accurately. Furthermore, this article preserves Gloria’s dignity while promoting its own ethical standard of “public decorum” (Al Jazeera, 2014) by refraining from flaunting the accusations of organ harvesting (“Qatar court”), ultimately abjuring the postcolonial commodification of Gloria’s body. Finally, this piece argues again that “cultural misunderstandings” (“Qatar court”) perpetuated in the media likely exacerbated the sensationalism surrounding the case. Overall, Al Jazeera’s coverage of Gloria Huang’s death seems to follow the news agency’s standard of ethics more closely as the case and its reporting progresses. Misrepresentations of facts and slights of decorum give way to a more accurate detailing of the Huangs’ situation as they prepare to leave Qatar following their acquittal. Coverage by the BBC The BBC nominally elides a direct commitment to media ethics, as set forth by Stephen Ward and peer global news agencies, by offering a set of “editorial guidelines” (BBC, 2018) in place of a code of ethics. Granted, the BBC does have a separate code of ethics titled as such, but it pertains to the fiscal operations of the organization. To its credit, however, the BBC’s editorial declaration is much more thorough and detailed than that of its peer network Al Jazeera. Similarly, though, the BBC pledges accuracy, accountability, and impartiality while refraining from causing harm or offense (BBC, 2018). Concerning the latter, the BBC argues that it actually seeks to follow a more balanced ethical approach more in line with that of Ward, stating that “We aim to reflect the world as it is, including all aspects of the human experience and the realities of the natural world. But we balance our right to broadcast innovative and challenging content with our responsibility to protect the vulnerable from harm and avoid

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unjustifiable offence. We will be sensitive to, and keep in touch with, generally accepted standards as well as our audiences’ expectations of our content, particularly in relation to the protection of children” (BBC, 2018). But perhaps it is not coincidental that, as the mouthpiece of the former colonizer of virtually all of the nationalities involved in this case, the BBC’s coverage of Gloria Huang’s death and its aftermath is the most postcolonial of all of the media outlets examined here, even falling short of its own declared ethical values, especially those relating to “protect[ing] the vulnerable from harm,” “unjustifiable offence,” and “the protection of children” (BBC, 2018). Indeed, in her March 29, 2010 article, “Partitioning the BBC: From colonial to postcolonial broadcaster,” Sharika Tharanagama analyzes the rhetorical situation and power-distance relationships of BBC journalists working in Southeast Asia, particularly in India and Pakistan. Tharanagama concluded that “Both interpersonal and macro-level relationships were at times read by those within them as a relationship between Britain and its former colonies, with all that entails.” Indeed, on March 27, 2014, the BBC, in an unattributed piece, sensationalizes the human trafficking innuendo of the case with the headline “Qatar jails US pair over daughter’s ‘organ harvesting’ death” (BBC, 2014). The placement of quotation marks around the words “organ harvesting” in this title may serve to call those words into question, but they also serve to make them stand out and catch the reader’s attention. Even more ethically specious in this article is the later clarification that such was in fact not the case, thus calling the title out as exploitative postcolonial clickbait. The article focuses centrally on the human trafficking rumors of this case in a way that does not seem to uphold the BBC’s promise not to raise deliberate offense or harm, especially when reporting about a child. It subjugates the facts in favor of sensationalism. For example, the introductory statements of the article read, “A court in Qatar has sentenced an American couple to three years in prison over the death of their eight-yearold adopted daughter. The judge did not specify the exact charges of which they were convicted. But prosecutors had accused Matthew and Grace Huang of fatally starving their daughter Gloria, originally from Ghana, so that they could harvest her organs” (“Qatar jails,” 2014). Thus, the BBC admits further that their sensationalism is based on hearsay accusations in “the judge did not specify,” “but prosecutors had accused.” This article does go on to point out the fact that Gloria’s postmortem exams were disputed, but it concludes with the following sentence: “Qatari prosecutors asserted that chunks of organs had been examined microscopically

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but provided no samples or photographs” (Qatar jails,” 2014). Chunks of organs? No photographs? This unseemly journalism does not meet the BBC’s ethical standards or those of balance and compassion for human feelings and dignity espoused by Stephen Ward. Furthermore, the focus on Gloria’s body and organs in this piece rings loudly of postcolonial influence. For want of a better scholarly term, eeeeewwwww! However, on November 30, 2014, when the Huangs were ultimately acquitted by the Qatari Court of Appeals, BBC coverage became more conciliatory to the facts but still included now-conceded references to human trafficking (“Les Huang,” 2014; “Qatar appeals,” 2014). A French-language piece published on BBC Afrique still clings to the sensationalist innuendo by providing one of the very few direct quotes in any of the coverage from Qatari medical examiner Dr. Aness Mahmud, who said, “Je n‘ai trouvé aucune trace de nourriture dans son estomac ou encore dans ses intestins, et je n’ai trouvé aucune autre cause de sa mort” (“I have not found any trace of nutrition in her [Gloria’s] stomach or in the intestines, and I have not found any other cause of her death”) (translation mine) (“Les Huang,” 2014). Earlier in this installment, however, the unattributed reporter includes the following statement: “Tous deux ont été accusés de l’avoir affamée pour provoquer sa mort et vendre ses organs” (“Both were accused of starving her to cause her death to sell her organs”) (translation mine) (“Les Huang,” 2014). In a contemporaneous English-language piece, we finally get a more balanced statement of the controversy. “They [Matthew and Grace] say the little girl died of medical problems complicated by unusual eating habits that included periods of binging and self-starvation. Prosecutors alleged she had died after being denied food and being locked in her room” (Qatar appeals,” 2014). Still, this article goes on to perpetuate the now virally Internet-based controversy that “Qatari police had accused them at one stage of starving Gloria to death in order to harvest her organs or to perform medical experiments on her body” (“Qatar appeals,” 2014). The continuous referencing of the allegations of human trafficking of an African child throughout the BBC’s coverage of this case, even after being proved false, exemplifies the postcolonial commodification of Gloria Huang’s black, disabled body.

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Coverage by CNN The United States-based Cable News Network, or CNN, operates under the ethical guidelines of the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ). Similar to Al Jazeera and the BBC, the SPJ professes to report the truth, to minimize harm, and to be objective and transparent (SPJ, 2018). Further, the SPJ praises Stephen Ward’s ethical standards by first and foremost encouraging journalists to take individual responsibility for their work (SPJ, 2018). Specific SPJ guidelines germane to the present case include providing adequate context, avoiding overgeneralization and stereotypes, being compassionate, showing sensitivity when children are involved, considering cultural differences, refraining from “undue intrusiveness,” and not “pandering to lurid curiosity” (SPJ, 2018). To promote an apples-to-apples comparison, this section draws its specific examples from CNN’s coverage of the Huangs’ detention, conviction, and ultimate acquittal. For example, CNN reported on December 3, 2013 that Grace and Matthew Huang had appeared in a Qatari court to face formal charges of murdering their daughter. Like other similar pieces from peer networks, this article lays out the facts of the case, including details of Gloria’s African heritage and adoption, her history of an eating disorder, and the family’s reason for being in Qatar (Sheble, 2013). And although this article does mention that the Huangs had been accused of buying their children from Africa (also false) and that they faced the accusation of starving Gloria to death, nowhere in the piece is there any mention of the possible motive for the alleged murder being the potential sale of Gloria’s organs. Still, the postcolonial taint of human trafficking via the insinuation of purchasing people from Africa remains. On March 27, 2014, the same CNN reporter followed up on the story by penning an account of the Huangs’ initial conviction for Gloria’s death. Like Al Jazeera and the BBC, this piece backs away from the charge of murder, clarifying that, at this point, the judge did not specify the exact charge. The article does make mention of the organ trafficking accusation, including a direct quote from Matthew Huang, who stated, “The prosecutor accused us of trafficking our legal adopted children with the intent of selling their organs. That is how ridiculous this is” (Sheble, 2014). Here, CNN seems to seek to desensationalize the sordid claim and avert “lurid curiosity” (SPJ, 2018) by attributing it to Gloria’s father and by also including his evaluation of the same as “ridiculous” (Sheble, 2014).

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Therefore, even though the postcolonial tinge of the commodification of African bodies persists in the media coverage of the case by latching on to this particular quote, in this instance it is more clearly marked as unsupported, merely exemplifying the extremes of the ongoing controversy and the height of the emotions involved. Under Stephen Ward’s formulation, the inclusion of the quote might be read as the journalist’s attempt to honor the feelings of the human involved. In relation to its stated ethical standards, then CNN has taken care to respect Gloria’s memory by demonstrating and attributing clearly the fact of the accusation—not of the alleged act. Once Grace and Matthew had finally been cleared of any wrongdoing in Gloria’s death, CNN reported that, although they had been acquitted, efforts to prevent them from leaving Qatar and even to rearrest them on other “unknown” charges persisted (Labott & Shebl, 2014). This article backs away from the organ harvesting innuendo by omitting it, but it does mention the allegation of purchasing children from Africa. The piece answers the SPJ’s ethical call to be compassionate by concluding with a quote from Grace: “We haven’t had a chance to really say goodbye and mourn. We just really want to be able to honor her [Gloria’s] place in our lives with our friends and family and that hasn’t happened yet.” After subsequent intervention from the U.S.  State Department, Matthew and Grace were finally allowed to return home and be reunited with the rest of their family in December 2014.

Discussion How ethical was the media coverage of Gloria Huang’s death? The postcolonial aspects of the case center on the allegations of human trafficking and the commodification of African, bodies. Stereotyping such as this is not compatible with ethical journalism, yet some progress has been made. For example, recent data mining of Western media sources revealed that journalists largely no longer refer to Africa as “tribal” or “dark” (Nothias, 2016). And yet, the media coverage following Gloria Huang’s death was marked by vestigial rhetoric from a regime under which African people were regarded as chattel. The fact that the very notion of human trafficking came up at all in this case evidences a postcolonial influence on the words and actions of many of those involved. Clearly, lingering postcolonial attitudes about race in general and about people of African heritage in

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particular, and about nontraditional multicultural families, made such the “go-to motive” in the absence of any other. To make my point, a brief thought experiment is in order. What if the Huangs had been a natural family all of the same race and nationality, and one typically given greater respect by the local authorities? What if they had been locals instead of foreigners? What motive then might the police have cited as a reason to starve an eight-year-old girl to death? What if, instead, the Huangs had been accused of murdering their daughter because she had a disability? Or of euthanizing her because she had a disability, one that they might have found difficult to manage? In no way am I insinuating here that such was the case. Rather, I am calling into question the postcolonially influenced hasty generalization of latching so quickly and so strongly onto human trafficking as a motive for murder and the subsequent subordination of Gloria’s status as an individual with a disability to the point of omission. In the absence of such postcolonial influences, perhaps Gloria’s disability would have been given the attention it was due and would have thus averted the entire controversy so that the Huang family could properly grieve their loss. Here, the social model of disability (Barnes, 1998) applies in two important ways. First, in Gloria’s case, the social conditions into which she was born and spent the first four years of her life actually did contribute quite materially to her disability. The disabled social circumstances in Ghana, specifically severe malnutrition and poor sanitation, in turn disabled Gloria. Then, the postcolonial prejudices and cultural misunderstandings of the Qatari society in which she found herself imperiled ironically masked her disability, indeed denied her of it, ultimately exacerbating her final health crisis to the point of death. The media outlets covering her case would have done well to recognize the postcolonial sensationalism and guesswork for what it was, “ridiculous” in Matthew Huang’s words, and instead concentrate on Gloria’s true cause of death— her disability—not merely a rumor or mild “medical problem” (Sheble, 2013; “Qatar appeals,” 2014).

Conclusion This chapter is ultimately about Gloria, and it is dedicated to her memory and dignity as a person of African heritage with a disability. It has argued that and demonstrated how specific media outlets commodified this child’s heritage, her disability, and her body amidst a whirlwind of sensationalism.

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Further, the chapter shows that postcolonial influences continue to be a source of bias in the media. Even in the “just-the-facts” ideal, those “facts” are informed by the cultural norms and values of those who created and experienced them. Continued discussion of different viewpoints of what is right or wrong, clean or dirty, public or private remains a task in any plan toward understanding and respecting each other. Recognizing, owning, and analyzing past instances of postcolonial influences will no doubt help the media and the world continue this conversation to move forward in terms of ethical and respectful intercultural discourse.

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Kennedy, R. (2014, March 27). US couple found guilty in Qatar murder case. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2014/3/27/us-couple-foundguilty-in-qatar-murder-case. Labott, E., & Sheble, R. (2014, November 30). Qatar Judge Overturns Conviction of U.S.  Couple in Child’s Death. CNN. https://www.cnn.co2014/11/30/ world/meast/qatar-­u-­s-­couple-­appeal/index.html. Les Huang acquittés après la mort de leur fille. (2014, November 30). BBC News Afrique. https://www.bbc.com/afrique/monde/ 2014/11/141130_qatar_huang_acquitted Nothias, T. (2016). How Western Journalists Actually Write About Africa: Reassessing the Myth of Representations of Africa. Journalism Studies, 19(8), 138–159. Qatar appeals court clears US couple of neglect. (2014, November 30). BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-­middle-­east-­30267022 Scollon, R., Scollon, S. W., & Jones, R. H. (2012). Intercultural Communication: A Discourse Approach. Wiley-Blackwell. Accessible Kindle edition, Amazon.com Sheble, R. (2013, December 3). U.S. Couple Appears in Qatar Court, Accused of Murdering Adopted Daughter. CNN. https://www.cnn.com/2013/12/03/ world/meast/qatar-­us-­murder-­charge/index.html Sheble, R. (2014, March 27). Qatari Court Finds American Couple Guilty in Death of Adopted Daughter. CNN. https://www.cnn.com/2014/03/27/ world/meast/qatar-­us-­couple-­case/index.html Society of Professional Journalists. (2018). SPJ Code of Ethics. https://www.spj. org/ethicscode.asp. U.S.  Central Intelligence Agency. (2018). CIA World Factbook. www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-­world-­factbook/ U.S. Department of Justice. (2009). A Guide to Disability Rights Laws. ada.gov Ward, S. J. A. (2015). Radical Media Ethics: A Global Approach. Wiley-Blackwell.

CHAPTER 10

In-Between Violence and Humanitarian Mercy: Western Media Portrayals of Albinism in Tanzania Giorgio Brocco

Introduction According to the biomedical literature, albinism is a genetic condition due to a deficit in melanin production of the skin, hair, and eyes. Major health issues for people with albinism in many African societies are lifelong sun-­ induced skin damage, high rates of skin cancer, and impaired eyesight (e.g., involuntary nystagmus, photophobia, low depth perception, strabismus, poor visual acuity, and refractive errors). People with albinism are present in every area of the world, although in various percentages. As highlighted by Brocco (2015, 2019) and Saffitz (2018), the biomedical definition of albinism as a genetic condition is not neutral or predetermined. Rather, the category excludes multiple and subaltern etiologies, ideas, and conceptualizations of albinism. Alternative healing practices, religious ideas, moral stances, historical alternative genealogies, and

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political perceptions of the condition constitute important factors in the condition’s definition. The population with albinism in the African continent and, especially, Tanzania have attracted the global attention of international public opinion since a series of violent events, assaults and murders involving persons with the condition occurred in the country. From the early 2000s onward, around 186 attacks on and 76 murders of people with albinism have been recorded in Tanzania, while over 2001 killings and more than 650 assaults have been recorded in 30 African countries (UTSS, 2019; Baker and Imafidon 2022: 3). In Tanzania, the implementation of post-colonial and post-socialist market-driven policies has led to the adoption of neoliberal measures. This has resulted in the precarization of life and the establishment of highly exploitative working conditions, particularly within the country’s fishing and mining industries located in the north-western areas of the nation-state. These new conditions of life have become the main material motivations behind the eruption of violence against people with albinism. Rumors, promulgated in the media, about a supposed lucrative market for body parts of people with the condition have fueled even more the commodification of their limbs by supposed traditional doctors/healers (labelled in the media with the term “witchdoctors”). Such widespread rumors connect the enhancement of one person’s wealth and luck to the possession of “magic” amulets made of body parts of people with albinism (Bryceson et al., 2010; Schühle, 2013). This spate of events, along with the first journalistic coverage of the murders and attacks against people with the condition, have also captured the interest of various national and international actors and stakeholders. Political institutions (e.g., the United Nations and the European Union), several nongovernmental organization (NGOs) (e.g., the Canadian organization Under the Same Sun [UTSS] or the British Standing Voice) and many media companies from both the Global North and South expressed their interest in these events. Several media productions (e.g., journalist reports, documentaries, and films) and scholarly works have explored from different perspectives the life experiences and socioeconomic conditions of people with albinism living in Tanzania and other African nation-states. In Tanzania and other nation-states around the world, various reports and articles have underlscored the stigma and marginalization experienced by persons with albinism in society on a daily basis (Baker et al., 2010; Blankenberg, 2000; Carnegie, 1996; Wan, 2003). However, more recently, some scholars have also described the production of positive

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narratives and representations of albinism by organizations and activists from and outside the African continent (Baker & Imafidon, 2022). By departing from earlier studies and media reports, this analysis explores how two Western documentaries on people with albinism in Tanzania, The Boy from Geita (2009) and Zeruzeru the Ghosts (2014), have represented attacks, murders and life experiences of people with the condition. The examination aims to point out the many ways these two media productions portray and describe the social, cultural, political, collective and individual understandings of albinism in Tanzania in the wake of humanitarian and human-rights actions. On the one hand, the analysis explores the main symbolic themes about people with albinism and the attacks on them highlighted in the two documentaries. A comparison with other media productions highlights the specificity of the media representations of the issues related to albinism in Tanzania and other African countries. On the other hand, the examination takes into consideration how mainly Western media productions and journalistic reports have represented Tanzania and other African countries (Ansell, 2002; Harding, 2003). The analysis does not consider African and Tanzanian media coverage on albinism, although these journalistic products make up important aspects of a wider problematization of representations of the continent by African and African diaspora media and filmmakers (Njogu & Middleton, 2009; Wasserman, 2011; Ogunyemi, 2014; Tsikata, 2014). Before exploring the two documentaries, I review previous scholarly research on albinism and traditional healing practices in Tanzania. Then I describe how other Western and non-Western media productions have portrayed people with albinism living in Tanzania and other African countries so far. Since the two documentary films are set up in Tanzania, the review mainly focuses on socio-cultural aspects of albinism in that country.

Albinism and Violence in the Wake of Humanitarian Initiatives One of the central topics taken up in the two media documentaries under analysis concerns the socioeconomic condition in which people with albinism live. The recent scholarly literature on this topic pointed out that people with albinism usually encounter social stigma and marginalization, produced by dubious epistemological and ontological claims and interpretations (Imafidon, 2019, 2022). Because of specific religious and moral ideas about albinism, “ambiguity” (Machoko, 2013) characterizes some

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social experiences of living with the condition. Epithets make visible such marginalizing ideas. Other labels derive from human-rights and biomedical concepts spread after media and humanitarian attention was drawn to the medicine murders (Brocco, 2015). Considered as “God’s will” in many African countries (Brocco, 2015; Baker et al., 2010; Braathen & Ingstad, 2006), albinism is also believed to be caused by moral misdeeds and maternal infidelity (Blankenberg, 2000). Aside from community stigma and violence, family and extended networks of relatedness through self-help groups and local organizations represent social loci of inclusion that people with albinism use to improve their lives (Braathen & Ingstad, 2006). As with people with other stigmatized conditions, like HIV/AIDS, marginalizing attitudes toward and individual moral concerns about people with albinism depend on family ties, economic situations, social status, levels of education, political involvement, and religious-moral thoughts (Brocco, 2016). On the one hand, albinism increases one’s vulnerability and affects a person’s social status. On the other hand, religious discourses, humanitarian narratives (i.e., the self-conception of albinism as a “normal condition” and/or a disability), and biomedical conceptions are means by which people with albinism in Tanzania try to develop a self-identity imbued with information and specific values of their condition, promote self-empowerment, and gain public recognition and visibility. Another important aspect explored by the two documentaries on albinism in Tanzania regards the role played by “traditional” or “local” healing practices in the murders and attacks on persons with the condition. Besides biomedical healthcare provision, these healing practices make up an important component of the social fabric in Tanzania and other African countries. Traditional healers can provide the population, especially living in remote geographical areas and with difficultires in gaining access to biomedical healthcare system, with various healing remedies and medicine that are mutually intertwined and commingled. Spirit and ancestor veneration and exorcism, protection from malevolent spirits, treatment of related afflictions, herbalism and bone setting allow people to make sense of their daily suffering caused by illness, misfortune, and maladies. Such healing practices develop under specific social ideas and conceptualizations of health, illness, and healing derived from social, moral, and spiritualreligious dimensions (Langwick, 2011). Together with spirit possessions and plants remedies, traditional or local doctors can provoke maladies and cure suffering caused by malicious human and extra-human influences following the utilization of evil magic

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and medicine. Instead of a phenomenon related to colonial times, traditional healing practices represent a relevant aspect of “contemporary disparate modernities” (Green & Mesaki, 2005, p. 372; see also Nichols-Belo, 2018). Defined in this way, these practices are the result and manifestation of socioeconomic inequalities, moral judgments, and out-of-balance economic relations (Stroeken, 2012) that occur consistently to this day in Tanzania and many other parts of Africa. Following the widespread media and political attention to medicine murders, the Tanzanian government encouraged the development of healing practices that entail the exclusive use of plant remedies. To meet national and international development goals, the political authorities also facilitated the integration of “modern” medical systems and “traditional” therapeutic practices (Marsland, 2007; Nichols-Belo, 2018).

Media Representations and Their Limits Before delving deeper into the examination of the two documentaries about people with albinism, I note that the representation of people with the condition and the events related to their lives accommodate an Afro-­ pessimistic narration on the continent. Following the many literary and media representations of life experiences of people with albinism by African and non-African authors and artists (Baker, 2011a; Baker, 2022; Olaiya, 2022), Western media and humanitarian organizations have portrayed the population with albinism as living in condition of social marginality, economic vulnerability, and stigma (Brocco, 2015, 2016; Burke et al., 2014). Although the continent has always received less attention compared to other world areas, Western media coverage has stressed negative tropes and images of the African countries highlighting poverty, conflicts, diseases, and social dysfunction (de Beer, 2010; Steeves, 2016). Narratives have predominately focused on political affairs, mass conflicts, stories of HIV/AIDS, Ebola, and economic issues constructed around melodramatic and pietistic frameworks (Ojo, 2014; Wahutu, 2017). Even though racial stereotypes have been confuted and critiqued afterwards, this particular rhetoric is still used to describe African issues nowadays (Franks, 2013; Härting, 2008; Ibelema, 2014). This was also the case for the representations and portrayals of the medicine murders of people with albinism and their marginalized lives on the African continent. In addition, narratives of “Africa as a victim” are also present and serve to sustain aid funding and humanitarian actions for the supposed social and economic development of the continent (Steeves, 2016). An example of this

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phenomenon are the discursive practices in NGO video campaigns and the way they reinforce Western negative assumptions about African countries (Hanchey, 2016). Media reports on the life conditions of these individuals overshadow the social complexities around networks of social and family relatedness in the lives of persons with albinism. Most Western media coverage reproduces stereotypes about the lives of these individuals and does not address the social complexity around their existence (Brocco, 2016, 2019). Conversely, several international (mainly Western) and Tanzanian national media outlets’ coverage on the condition highlight social and political issues related to albinism, addressing the fear of further murders and attacks. Additionally, these media reports portray these persons as mainly victims (Baker, 2011b). However, as underlined by Burke et al. (2014), media coverage also tries to stress the rights to life, education, health services, work, freedom of movement, and political participation of people with albinism in Tanzania. Unlike Western media, Tanzanian press reports and artistic products (e.g., music videos and songs) in fact describe people with albinism as “brothers and sisters, as part of a ‘we’, position[s] them as included in the ‘family of Tanzanian society’” (Burke et al., 2014, p. 128; Brocco, 2020). Western and non-Western media on albinism and the attacks on people with the condition mainly reproduce these individuals as stigmatized and marginalized by the communities where they live. In addition, “witchcraft” and skin cancer constitute further threats in the lives of persons with albinism (Baker et al., 2010; Brocco, 2019), while attacks on and murders of people with the condition have consistently decreased in Tanzania in recent years (UTSS, 2019; AFP, 2017). Western media have mainly recognized NGOs, national disabled people’s organizations (DPOs), and governmental institutions (e.g., UTSS, Standing Voice, Tanzania Albinism Society, United Nations) as main actors in the fight against “witchcraft-­ related” attacks and the improvement of (bio)medical prevention for skin diseases.

The Underlying Reasons: Introducing the Two Documentaries on Albinism in Tanzania Over the last decade, several movies (e.g., White Shadow by Noaz Deshe), media reports (“Born too White” by BBC Two, “Spell of the Albino” by Al-Jazeera, “Fear & Loathing: Albino Africans’ Survival in Tanzania”

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by Russia Today), and documentaries (e.g., In the Shadow of The Sun by Harry Freeland, Black Man White Skin by Jose Manuel Colón, White Black Boy by Camilla Magid) on albinism in Tanzania have been produced by Western and non-Western media companies. Despite these various approaches to the phenomenon, the analysis here only concerns two Western media products (The Boy from Geita and Zeruzeru the Ghosts) for several reasons. Before underlining the motives behind the decision to analyze these two documentaries, some information about these media products is provided. Zeruzeru the Ghosts (original title in Greek Zeruzeru ta Fantasmata) was directed by Yorgos Avgeropoulos in 2009. The documentary, in Kiswahili with subtitles in English, is part of the “Exandas” documentary series, created in 2000 and produced by Small Planet Productions. This has won many awards and has been broadcast on the state-owned Greek television channel ERT, the public television network of Cyprus (RIK), and other European and American television networks (e.g., Current TV, Russia Today, ARTE, and so on). The Boy from Geita was created by Vic Sarin, a Canadian/American director, producer, and screenwriter. The documentary, released in 2014, was produced by Sepia Films, a Canadian film production company based in Vancouver. The documentary, in Kiswahili with subtitles in English, has won several awards in the US and Canada. While I analyzed these two documentary films together with other media productions elsewhere (Brocco, 2022), I decided to list here the reasons why I wanted to explore them and examine these productions from similar and different perspectives. One of the main reasons behind the choice to analyze these two documentaries is related to the fact that they represent the beginning and continuation of a series of media reports on social and political issues in connection with albinism in Tanzania. The two documentaries summarize the various perspectives through which Western media have approached and investigated marginalization and attacks against individuals with albinism in the country. In addition, a second reason that led to the choice to look at these two films concerns the way albinism and the violence against people with the condition have been portrayed in the two documentaries. Zeruzeru the Ghosts emphasizes the attacks and their victims, whereas The Boy from Geita centers around several aspects: the events that shook (inter)national public opinion, the social role played by witchcraft beliefs in Tanzania, and the importance of humanitarian and NGO actions in the country to date.

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A further reason behind the choice of focusing exclusively on these two documentaries is related to their material linkages with sociopolitical factors behind their production. Zeruzeru the Ghosts was created right after the first newspaper reports of murders of people with albinism came out on the BBC in around 2008. Following that date (inter)national attention and humanitarian organizations started to delve deeper into the issues related to the assaults targeting people with albinism. The Boy from Geita portrays the humanitarian works of one of the most renowned NGOs working on behalf of people with albinism, UTSS, to the extent to raise criticism from the Tanzanian government in the person of Tuvako Manongi, Tanzania’s special representative to the United Nations (Evans, 2015). This point makes it possible to situate the analysis in a wider examination of the global attention to Western NGO media products, aid campaigns, and humanitarian narratives on African issues (Hanchey, 2016; Thrall et al., 2014). Finally, the two media products deal with the topic of albinism in Tanzania from various perspectives. Like other media productions, Zeruzeru the Ghostshighlights the social and economic vulnerability of people with albinism and their being under threat following the supposed rumors about the good fortune of their body parts allegedly spread by “witchdoctors.” Therefore, the discursive practices also focus on uncovering the social role played by beliefs in “witchcraft” in the Tanzanian population. Besides shedding light on the reasons for the attacks, The Boy from Geita positively underlines the work carried out by NGOs and governmental organizations in improving the lives of those persons with albinism who have been injured or wounded following assaults.

At the Mercy of “Witchcraft” and Medicine Murders in Tanzania: The Case of Zeruzeru the Ghosts Part documentary, part sensationalistic report, Avgeropoulus’s portrayal of albinism focuses exclusively on the medicine murders of people with albinism and their victims, mainly children and women. Besides the spectacularization of the events narrated, the effects of victimization of the individuals with albinism as well as the lack of any social belonging are activated in various ways. Besides the spectacularization of the events narrated, the effect of victimization of the individuals with albinism as well as the lack of any description of social belonging to these persons to their

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family or socio-cultural milieus are recurring leitmotivs. The documentary employs multiple elements, such as the soundtrack, framings, interview snippets and the strategic utilization of hidden-camera footages to enhance these narratives. Rather than solely focusing on people with albinism, the film outlines the pervasive issues of violence, stigma, marginalization these persons face, in addition to the negative portrayals of traditional healing practices and local healing treatments. As such, these broader societal tropes emerge as the documentary’s true protagonists and primary focus. Additionally, Tanzania is displayed as an “impoverished” and “underdeveloped” country with natural landscapes serving as a prominent backdrop. The documentary regularly features images of pristine natural environments, rural human conglomerations, and rugged landscapes as contextual frameworks for people with albinism to talk about episodes of violence, sorrow and grief. An instance of these narrative dynamics is the interview of Mariamu Stanford, the victim of a violent attack celebrated in international media outlets. At Ngara Hospital in the Kagera region, this woman with albinism talks about the ways she was attacked at night by some neighbors who hacked off both her arms. Subsequently, two children with albinism with their parents recounted how they were impressed by the events related to Mariamu, their neighbor. Even the doctor at Ngara Hospital was shocked by the violent attack against Mariamu and talked about how she lost her baby in her fifth month of pregnancy due to the injuries she suffered. Mariamu also shared that the assailants took her arms to sell them to witchdoctors. “Witchcraft”, described as a malevolent practice, constitutes the main threat to the lives and social integrity of people with albinism. Another example of violence against people with the condition is the assault against a child, Vomilia, who was killed in front of her mother. The woman buried the body of her daughter close to her family house to prevent other people from stealing her daughter’s bones for “witchcraft” purposes. The reasons for these attacks are the beliefs in lucky charms produce out of “albino” body parts. The entire documentary underlines the lack of agency and individual actions of people with albinism. An instance of these elements is present in the parallel story of two children with albinism saved from an unfortunate life with their parents-in-law by a future member of parliament, Al-Shymaa J. Kway-Geer. This Tanzanian politician with albinism adopted them when she heard their story. One of these two young siblings suffered violence at the hands of his uncle, who cut off his leg. While bursting into tears,

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Al-Shymaa J. Kway-Geer cries out, “No one cares for them! They stayed in the orphanage for more than a year and a half. That’s why I adopted both of them!” The Tanzanian politician goes on to say that people with albinism are discriminated against, haunted, and chased by witchdoctors (wa/mganga wa kienyeji) and their clients, mainly gold miners and fishermen in the northwestern parts of Tanzania. It emerges that children and persons with albinism are not only victims of attacks but also marginalized by their own family. The documentary therefore seems to depict their lives as marked by isolation, loneliness and lack of social and political integration into their communities. While the first part of Zeruzeru the Ghosts focuses on the victims, the second part of the documentary involves a first-person inquiry into murders, crimes, and the illegal trade in the body parts of people with albinism. The documentary shows images of mining areas in Northern Tanzania and fishermen at Lake Victoria providing information on magical practices for enhancing individual wealth. For instance, the documentary represents one witchdoctor while performing magic rituals for several customers in a rural area. This narrative artifice presents notions of otherness to the audience. Additional examples of the backwardness of Tanzania are the words of the chairperson of a village assembly (mwenyekiti). During asp interviene session, he acknowledges that he received treatments from a traditional healer during previous political election campaigns. Along this narrative line, the documentary goes on to draw a striking comparison between the works of a mganga on the dead body of a chicken to predict the future, on the one hand, and the illegal trade in body parts of people with albinism, on the other hand. Hence, the documentary features illegal traders of bones and body parts of people with albinism. These film sequences serve to show how such occult commerce is carried out. The documentary’s closing scene shows bones bought in an illegal market. The final written sentence in the documentary is about how 173 persons were arrested for these illegal acts, but no one went on trial. This point stresses not only the endemic circulation of “witchcraft-related” criminal actions against people with albinism but also the inefficacy of national government in dealing with these attacks. From this representation of traditional healing, referred to in the documentary as “witchcraft” emerge the documentary’s communicative strategies of exoticizing Tanzania, condemning practices different from (bio)medical treatments and therapies, and suggesting that beliefs in superstition and “witchcraft” are widespread in the broader Tanzanian population.

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Images of Suffering and Hope: The Example of The Boy from Geita The Boy from Geita focuses on two distinct attacks and their aftermath. One case concerns Mariamu Staford, one of the main characters in Avgeropoulus’s documentary. The other protagonist is Adam Robert, a boy from the Geita region of Tanzania who was injured and lost the use of a wrist and some fingers following a murderous assault. In both cases, the attacks were facilitated by family members of the two persons with albinism and involved neighbors as material perpetrators. Another main character that has a central role in the documentary is Peter Ash, head of the Canadian NGO UTSS, a Christian charity organization based in Canada and created in 2009. Together with the NGO’s founder, other important figures are involved in stopping attacks against people with albinism and improving their social lives: Vicky Ntetema, executive director of UTSS and the first journalist to uncover attacks against people with albinism in Tanzania; Alfred Kapole, chairman of the national organization Tanzania Albinism Society (TAS); and the Canadian surgeon who operated on Adam’s hand in Vancouver. While Ntetema and the Canadian physician play a primary role in rehabilitating the lives of people with albinism, Alfred Kapole contributes the “sorrowful” narration with personal stories and life anecdotes of stigma and marginalization occurred to him and other people with albinism. As in the case of Zeruzeru the Ghosts, the documentary follows the discursive dynamics of Afro-pessimism. The unspecified rural areas in Northern Tanzania where the assaults seem to have taken place are described as savage places, surrounded by nature and inhabited by economically poor people who believe in superstitions and “witchcraft”. In addition, the two protagonists with albinism, Mariamu and Adam, are portrayed as mere victims at the mercy of atrocious actors and waiting for external humanitarian support. Sarin’s media production suggests the audience that these two persons with albinism cannot count on solidarity and help from members of their families or fellow villagers. Mariamu and Adam lack agency, although the two persons with the condition were able to escape death when they were assaulted. People with albinism are characterized as without interior feelings of anger or revenge. The only possible sentiment is fear, which is caused in the two protagonists by the discriminating acts from other community members and in the threats from practitioners of “witchcraft”. People with albinism are treated as

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“big curses (mkosi kubwa sana)” for their lighter skin tone. Their kinship networks of relatedness are totally broken. Both Mariamu and Adam have in fact been rejected by at least one of their parents, especially the father, and marginalized by other relatives. In both cases, the fathers play active parts in the attacks against their children and is blamed for selling their body parts to witchdoctors. The mothers of both Mariamu and Adam are absent or dead; they are disappearing figures mentioned by the two protagonists. Conversely, special emphasis is placed on portraying the humanitarian efforts of Peter Ash and UTSS. Against all odds and adversities, Ash underlines that his mission is to save and improve the lives of people with albinism, represented as his brother and sisters because of shared genes. Ash’s aim is to convince the entire Tanzanian population that these individuals are neither ghosts nor curses. The documentary shows the strengths of UTSS and its founder in finding solutions to the problems facing Mariamu and Adam. While the boy from Geita is sent to Canada for an operation on his injured hand, Mariamu is displayed while she is fed by her son without albinism. Additionaly, she seems to be accepted by relatives and neighbors thanks to the support of the NGO. Therefore, the documentary seems to promote rehabilitative practices in accordance with the criticized medical model of disability. Besides the victimization of people with albinism, one discursive practice in the documentary concerns the importance of external economic support and international actions in improving the educational level and lives of children with albinism. These messages about ignorance and education are valid for both people with albinism and the entire Tanzanian population. The documentary points out that the main causes that lead to the violence against people with albinism are: discrimination/stigma, lack of medical treatments and limited genetic knowledge about albinism in the Tanzanian population. Beliefs in superstition and “witchcraft” practices are further reasons behind such events. These constitute the negative symbolic antagonists against which international actors and national political representatives (e.g., former Tanzanian prime Minister Mizengo Pinda and parliament member Al-Shymaa J. Kwegyir) fight. The documentary does not describe the social rooting of “witchcraft beliefs”. However, it shows so-called “witchdoctors” performing unknown rituals dressed in supposed “traditional” clothes or people with albinism and other figures recalling the dangerousness of these practices for people with albinism.

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Given the inefficacy of the Tanzanian government in facing all these issues, the only solution is actions carried out by NGOs like UTSS. The documentary does not describe the social roots of witchcraft beliefs in the Tanzanian population. Instead, it shows so-called witchdoctors performing unknown rituals dressed in supposed “traditional” clothes. Representations of albinism as presented in The Boy from Geita utilizes the same discursive practices of Afro-pessimism. Tanzania’s social realm is characterized by economic vulnerability, ignorance, and beliefs in “witchcraft” and superstitions related to the use of body parts of people with albinism. The media production seems to invite the audience to craft representations of otherness around symbolic axes and networks which alternate images of a wild and exotic Tanzania—an epitome of the entire African continent—with frames of vulnerable life conditions for people with albinism. Modern socio-economic advancements are absent as well as the strengths put in place by national politics and civil society in stopping the occult economy around body parts of individuals with albinism. Therefore, these narratives underline the salvific role of NGOs and the power exercised by Western biomedical actors (i.e., the Canadian hospital, the surgeon and biomedical personnel). Besides these descriptive tropes, there is no inquiry about the socioeconomic issues that caused the rise of attacks and the structural political problems and neoliberal political measures that led to the collapse of the mining and fishing industries in Northwestern Tanzania and constitute one of the main reasons that triggered the attacks.

Conclusion In recent years, several (inter)national media discursive practices, representations, and images of people with albinism have been produced in order to address stigma, marginalization, and social suffering affecting people with albinism. Reports of threats such as murders, attacks, violence, the rise of skin disease, and cancer have circulated widely in both Western and non-Western media. Such representations of albinism have appeared in increasing numbers in the years since the first media coverage of the so-called “albino killings” in the 2000s. Western NGOs, national DPOs, and governmental broadcast media institutions started to offer humanitarian aids and act on behalf of individuals with albinism producing representations of the condition.

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The two documentaries examined in this chapter illustrate such narratives in their epistemologica and aesthetic complexities. Zeruzeru the Ghosts mainly portrays people with albinism as victims at the mercy of violent events in the form of attacks and medicine murders ordered by Tanzanian witchdoctors. While acknowledging the threats caused by attacks and murders, The Boy from Geita provides a narrative of hope materialized by the actions carried out by the Canadian NGO UTSS. The Afro-pessimistic elements in descriptions of the Tanzanian social realm that both documentaries have in common are references to “witchcraft” and witchdoctors as the main threats to the safety of people with albinism. These media products describe “witchcraft”, which should not be intended as a neutral term to define various social practices related to “traditional” healing as a series of irrational beliefs and ideas that have no scientific or biomedical foundation. Instead of inquiring into the social, political, and economic reasons behind the rise of these practices and discourses connected to the wealth and light skin of people with albinism, the documentaries classify any practices outside the realm of Western religion and biomedicine as irrational and, thus, to be condemned. A further interesting point that situates the two documentaries within the narrative dynamic of Afro-pessimism is the way the selves and subjectivities of people with albinism are (not) described and accounted for. Persons with albinism, mainly children, cannot navigate the complex reality they live in. These individuals appear to have no agency and to be at the mercy of external events and circumstances. Conversely, the two documentaries display witchdoctors and individuals engagged in the gruemsome trade of body parts of people with albinism. They also portray the pivotal role played by NGOs’ activists and their organizations who strive to support and improve the life of those with the condition in Tanzania. A life that, despite stigma and violent events, seems to be worth living.

References AFP. (2017, November 16). Albino Attacks Drop in Tanzania, But Grave Vandalism Rises: NGO. News24. Retrieved November 23, 2019, from https:// www.news24.com/Africa/News/albino-­attacks-­drop-­in-­tanzania-­but-­g Ansell, N. (2002). Using Films in Teaching About Africa. Journal of Geography in Higher Education, 26(3), 355–368. Baker, C. (2011a). Enduring Negativity: Representations of Albinism in the Fictional Work of Didier Destremau, Patrick Grainville and Williams Sassine. Oxford: Peter Lang.

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Baker, C. (2011b, July 12–14). Representing “the Tribe of Ghosts”: Stereotypes of Albinism Emerging from Reports of Recent Attacks in Tanzania and Burundi. 1st Global conference Images of Whiteness: Exploring critical issues, Mansfield College. Retrieved June 13, 2018, from http://www.inter-­disciplinary.net/ wpcontent/uploads/2011/07/cbakerepaper.pdf Baker, C. (2022). Literature as Advocacy: Fictional Representations of Albinism in the African Contexts. In C. Baker & E. Imafidon (Eds.), Cultural Representations of Albinism in Africa: Narratives of Change (pp. 15–36). New York: Peter Lang. Baker, C., Lund, P., Nyanthi, R., & Taylor, J. (2010). The Myths Surrounding People with Albinism in South Africa and Zimbabwe. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 22(2), 169–181. Baker, C., Imafidon, E. (eds.). 2022. Cultural Representations of Albinism in Africa: Narratives of Change. New York: Peter Lang. Blankenberg, N. (2000). That Rare and Random Tribe. Critical Arts, 14(2), 6–48. Braathen, H. S., & Ingstad, B. (2006). Albinism in Malawi: Knowledge and Belief from an African Setting. Disability and Society, 21(6), 599–611. Brocco, G. (2015). Labelling Albinism: Language and Discourse Surrounding People with Albinism in Tanzania. Disability and Society, 30(8), 1143–1157. Brocco, G. (2016). Albinism, Stigma, Subjectivity and Global-Local Discourses in Tanzania. Anthropology and Medicine, 23(3), 229–243. Brocco, G. (2019). (Un)Categorizing Albinism. In M. Friedner & T. Zoanni (Eds.), Disability From the South: Toward a Lexicon. Somatosphere. Retrieved July 2, 2019, from http://somatosphere.net/2019/uncategorizing-­ albinism.html/ Brocco, G. (2020). Notes of Despair and Consciousness: Performativity and Visibility of Albinism in Musical Practices. Disability & Society. https://doi. org/10.1080/09687599.2019.1609422 Brocco, G. (2022). Sparks of Otherness: Producing Representations of Albinism in Documentary Films from the Global North. In C. Baker & E. Imafidon (Eds.), Cultural Representations of Albinism in Africa: Narratives of Change (pp. 115–132). New York: Peter Lang. Bryceson, F. D., Jonsson, J. B., & Sherrington, R. (2010). Miners’ Magic: Artisanal Mining, the Albino Fetish and Murder in Tanzania. The Journal of Modern Africa Studies, 48(3), 353–382. Burke, J., Kaijage, T. J., & John-Langba, J. (2014). Media Analysis of Albino Killings in Tanzania: A Social Work and Human Rights Perspective. Ethics and Social Welfare, 8(2), 117–134. Carnegie, C. V. (1996). The Dundus and the Nation. Cultural Anthropology, 11(4), 470–509. de Beer, A. S. (2010). News from and in the “Dark Continent”. Journalism Studies, 11(4), 596–609.

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CHAPTER 11

Inclusion of Persons Who Use AAC in the Media: A South African Perspective Alecia Samuels and Refilwe Elizabeth Morwane

Introduction Persons with severe communication disabilities who use augmentative and alternative communication (AAC) instead of spoken language to communicate (Beukelman & Light, 2020) are often absent in the media. This is despite the fact that, even though they cannot communicate using verbal language, through the use of communication technology, such as computers and mobile devices with text-to-speech software, they are often able to communicate their views. There are, however, a few notable and popular examples of individuals who use AAC, such as the late physicist, cosmologist, and author Professor Stephen Hawking, who used an AAC device, which he accessed using eye movement to communicate his deepest and most scientific thoughts (International Society for Augmentative XE “Augmentative” and Alternative Communication [ISAAC], 2014). Another example of a famous person who uses AAC is stand-up comedian

A. Samuels (*) • R. E. Morwane University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_11

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Lee Ridley, who is more commonly known as “The Lost Voice Guy.” He won the 2018 version of “Britain’s got Talent” and has since been featured extensively in the mainstream media for his comedic talents. For his stand-up routine, Ridley uses an iPad™ with a text-to-speech voice application that is pre-programmed with his comedic set. In South Africa, while persons with disabilities tend to be less visible in the media, persons with communication disabilities who use AAC to communicate are even less so. Steps to counter this invisibility have started to be taken. The South African government has launched initiatives in creating awareness about the different types of disabilities, and international disability days such as Down Syndrome Day, Cerebral Palsy Day and Autism Awareness day are often observed in the country. These initiatives are supported by various organisations and disability advocacy groups that aim to educate the public about the different types of disability. In these campaigns, narratives of success about persons with disabilities are usually highlighted, but it is felt that the media requires more diverse stories that portray persons with disabilities as integrated members of society. The University of Pretoria’s Centre for Augmentative and Alternative Communication, the only one of its kind on the African continent, since 2005 has hosted an annual youth development programme for young people who use various types of AAC technologies to communicate. This programme, called Fofa, a SeSotho word which means “to fly”, aims to empower youth with severe communication disabilities. The focus is on enhancing their competence with AAC technology, an important goal for achieving communicative independence (Light & McNaughton, 2014). Discussions around career development, planning for one’s future and aiming to live as an independent member of society while also being an advocate for people with disabilities form an integral part of this programme (Sefotho et  al., 2019). Fofa is based on the Augmentative Communication and Empowerment Supports (ACES) programme at Temple University in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA (Bryen et  al., 1995), which has produced successful AAC users who have been able to share their personal journeys as well as career aspirations. The Centre for AAC always tries to involve the media to cover the activities of the programme and its participants, with the hope of creating awareness and eradicating the stigma associated with having a severe disability. Martin Pistorius, a New  York Times best-selling author of the book Ghost Boy (Pistorius, 2013), is a 2005 graduate of the Fofa programme. In his autobiography he describes his journey of living in and eventually

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coming out of a minimally conscious state to finding his voice again through the use of AAC technology. Pistorius’ story became known to many people around the world when he was featured on the National Public Radio (NPR) podcast Invisibilia and has also been interviewed on several international platforms including CNN (Cooper, 2015). He has often, through various media platforms, shared his experience of not being able to communicate and explained how this has the potential to limit one’s ability to succeed. The visibility of his story has given hope to many and resulted in an increased number of parents and family members contacting the Centre for AAC for advice on communication options for their loved ones with a severe communication disability. Other graduates have also been encouraged to share their narratives, including the late Cival Mills, a medical doctor diagnosed with locked-in syndrome, and Constance Ntuli, who works as an AAC advocate at the Centre for AAC at the University of Pretoria. Mills, who lost his ability to speak after a motor vehicle accident, also published two books on his life with a severe communication disability (Mills, 2010). His journey, which has been shared on various online media platforms (Sinkwa Productions, 2015; Rolling Inspiration, 2015), often took a capabilities approach (Sen, 2005) to living with a severe disability. A disability advocate employed by the Centre for AAC, Constance Ntuli, who has an acquired speech disability, tirelessly educates the university community as well as the general public about the benefits of AAC for people with complex communication needs. She has been interviewed on various radio (TUKS FM, 2015) and television stations in South Africa (SABC, 2015) using her mobile phone with a text- to-speech voice output application. As a confident, young, African woman, her ability to conduct these interviews with her synthesised voice often inspires awe from many who are not used to seeing a woman with complex communication needs advocating for herself and others with similar disabilities. These interviews often trigger an immediate response from the general public requesting additional information on AAC or for AAC consultations. In a developing context like South Africa, with its complex history of segregation and exclusion, people with disabilities must compete for their voices to be heard among many other equally vulnerable minority groups. Examples such as these are therefore important as they literally bring to the fore the voices of people who would otherwise be silent and invisible. Showcasing their capabilities through their lived experiences rather than their impairments may be one step to counteract the disempowering and

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negative portrayals of people with disability that are often perpetuated by the media (Darke, 2004). Barnes (1992), for example, has identified eleven recurring ableist media stereotypes of persons with disabilities in which they are portrayed “as pitiable and pathetic, as objects of violence; as sinister and evil; as an atmosphere or curio; as a super cripple, as an object of ridicule; as their own worst enemy; as a burden; as sexually abnormal; as incapable of participating fully in community life and as normal” (Cunningham, 2016 p. 25). Positive imagery, on the other hand, is not without its own stereotypical problems. A critique of the foregoing examples, may be that they still encourage the framing of people with disabilities as individuals who did not let their disability “get them down” or who were able to “overcome” their disability and appear “normal” (Darke, 2004). Participants in a South African study of disability and the media (McDougall, 2006) refer to this as the “superhero” stereotype. McDougall (2006) argues that this dichotomy of either being pitied or seen as heroic reflects both forms of disregard for the everyday lived experiences and humanity of people with disabilities. If we are to advance different perceptions and understanding of people with disabilities, Stadler (2006) advises that the starting point should be getting better stories that shift away from these stereotypical models of reporting. Participation and input from the disability community is therefore essential as a first step to challenge an alternate framing of disability that includes affirmations of living with a disability as well as alternate identities that look beyond the disability (Swain & French, 2000). An affirmative model of disability therefore highlights that the experience of being disabled can provide a space to challenge the values of mainstream society and the definitions of “normality” and success (Stadler, 2006). In this spirit, since 1992, the International Society for Augmentative and Alternative Communication (ISAAC) has presented an Outstanding Consumer Lecture award at its biennial international conference to a person who uses AAC and can highlight their talents, perspectives or individual endeavours beyond their AAC identity. This is done to reinforce the assertion that a person who uses AAC is not defined by their disability or their ability to communicate via AAC. Previous winners of this award have discussed a range of topics such as the use of humour in social connectedness; feminism; writing and starring in a film; human rights, personal experience and perspective on living in different political environments; intimacy as a human need; and motherhood (ISAAC, 2019).

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Becoming acquainted with the lived experiences of people with disabilities is therefore recognised as a positive first step towards empowerment (Ison 2009). When interviewing someone with a severe communication disability, media practitioners, for example, may face challenges similar to that experienced by qualitative researchers. According to Ison (2009), this challenge is twofold. Firstly, there is a need to address questions that are important to people with disability themselves. Secondly, the right methods and technology to reveal information that can only come from people themselves should be used while not restricting the way in which these stories can be told. For people who use AAC in particular, the assumption should be challenged that their experiences will be shared through typical spoken forms. Alice Wong (2016), the American disability rights activist, in a blog post on diversifying radio, highlights that there is a bias in this medium in particular for people to hear and speak well and that apart from very few exceptions, you hardly hear people with communication disabilities on the radio. Wong challenges those in radio, including listeners, to think critically about the message that is being sent when, for example, the voices of people who stutter, articulate differently, use ventilators and pause often to breathe or use sign language or text-to-­speech AAC technology are excluded. Huntemann and Morgan’s (2001) assertion that the absence of representation as a form of prejudice is, thus, a point well made. When people with communication disabilities observe their underrepresentation in certain media formats, they learn about their group’s importance, sending a clear message that they have less worth in society. This allows the media to then become gatekeepers of what is interpreted as normal and valued by society (Stadler, 2006). To challenge this, there appears to be a need to improve methods of how we go about documenting or gaining knowledge from people with communication disabilities and, in particular, those who use AAC, about their lived experiences, views and perceptions. A starting point would be to firstly understand who exactly this population is and how they typically present. Secondly, there are strategies recommended by people in the AAC community and disability advocates which media practitioners can employ to include an otherwise unrecognised and marginalised group. Using our knowledge of severe communication disability in South Africa and our experience of mentoring youth who use AAC to become advocates in this context, the rest of this chapter is devoted to our understanding of how this need can be addressed practically.

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Understanding Persons with Communication Disabilities South Africa has a population of over 60  million people (Statistics SA, 2013). Although there are no exact disability statistics in the country, a 13% prevalence rate of disability is estimated, with severe disabilities estimated to be at 5% (Statistics SA, 2013). If rough estimates of severe communication disabilities in a population are to be believed (Beukelman & Light, 2020), 1,3% of South Africans (± 780,000 people) could have insufficient speech abilities to communicate effectively (Bornman et  al., 2016). It should be noted, however, that the population of people with severe communication disabilities is quite diverse. In addition to their primary communication disability, they can also present with comorbid impairments such as physical, sensory, intellectual or medical disability (Grigal et al., 2011). When seen in this light, the population of persons with communication disabilities are far larger in number than estimated. Communication disabilities also vary in severity, presenting with challenges ranging from dysfluent or unintelligible speech to more severe communication disabilities that result in very limited use of verbal speech to none at all (Bornman & Tönsing, 2019). Similarly, this population is more likely to face exclusion from education (Morwane et al., 2019) and employment (Sefotho et al., 2019) and to experience abuse (Rugoho & Maphosa, 2018). An example of the abuse suffered by those who cannot communicate their needs and discomforts using verbal language is a recent incident which occurred in South Africa, in what has come to be known as the Life Esidimeni tragedy. At least 144 people with mental health disabilities lost their lives due to neglect in so-called institutions of care (Ferlito & Dhai, 2017). It has been described by many as one of the worst human rights abuses in post-­ apartheid South Africa, and Bornman (2017a) suggests that many of those who died would have stood a better chance of survival if they had been able to communicate their abuse (Bornman, 2017a). Women with severe communication disabilities in particular are at increased risk of being abused, neglected or victims of crime (Bornman, 2017b; Bryen et  al., 2009). In a shocking statistic, it has been estimated that as many as 70% of women with a variety of disabilities may at some point in their lives be violently assaulted (Farrar, 1996). Of additional concern is that persons with communication disabilities who are victims of crime are often unable to report abuse by giving a statement to the police (Bornman et al., 2011)

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or to testify in court (Bryen & Wickman, 2011). This means that perpetrators usually get away with crimes against persons with communication disabilities and, at the very extreme, they can lose their lives. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities highlights the media as a vital tool for educating society about disability in order to eradicate stigma and misinformation (United Nations, 2006, 2018). Drawing attention in the mass media (i.e. radio, press, television and advertising) to the lived experiences of people with severe communication disabilities and the issues that affect them ensures exposure and education about disability. It is also important that these stories address not only the negative attitudes and stereotypes that people often associate with disability but also their capabilities, achievements and aspirations. Most importantly, they should reflect their own perspectives and be in their own words. Stadler (2006) alludes to three aspects which need to be considered when trying to understand the relationship between disability and media. One must firstly look at the content that is in the media, i.e. how persons with disabilities are portrayed and, as alluded to earlier by Alice Wong, whether they are present in the media. Secondly, the accessibility of media technologies for people with disabilities (e.g. subtitled programming, sign language presenters) and policies that promote inclusion or mainstreaming can contribute positively to the lives and perceptions of people with disabilities. Although all three aspects are crucial to explore and discuss, this chapter mainly focuses on the media content with the aim of highlighting the representation and presence of persons with disabilities in the media particularly those with a severe communication disability.

Facilitating Participation and Inclusion of AAC Users in the Media Drawing on the influence of media on changing people’s perceptions about certain topics, as encapsulated in McCombs and Shaw’s (1972) seminal work on their agenda-setting theory, best describes the role of the media as a source of information and awareness giving (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). This theory asserts that issues which are frequently highlighted or given prominence in the amount of coverage provided tend to become a priority in the minds of the general public, thereby setting the agenda for what society deems important (McCombs & Shaw, 1993). It

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therefore supports the notion that the more people read and hear about disability issues in the media, the more they are likely to pay attention to it. The correct use of terminology (i.e. respectful disability language), for example, progressively themed articles (focused on inclusion or barriers to participation), or the portrayal of persons with disabilities as equal and capable members of society, can directly influence society’s attitude towards disability (Zhang & Haller, 2013). Certain types of disability (e.g. hearing impairment, physical disabilities) tend to be more represented in the media compared to other types of disability such as communication disabilities (Ellis & Goggin, 2015). Noticeably, the lack of representation of persons with communication disabilities in the media workforce itself has obvious implications for the power of the disabled community to influence how it is portrayed within the media. Perhaps the participation of persons with disabilities themselves in the media could be a way to start influencing how they are portrayed. However, persons with communication disabilities can be a challenge to interview for mass media such as newspapers, television or radio. This is because communication disabilities are heterogeneous. Nevertheless, they have one thing in common: the use of augmentative and alternative communication (AAC) as a support or as an alternative to verbal speech (Von Tetzchner & Martinsen, 2000). The American Speech–Language–Hearing Association (ASHA) defines AAC as an area of research, clinical and educational practice. It involves compensating for the temporary or permanent loss of function which results in activity and participation limitation of those with severe communication disabilities (ASHA, 2023). AAC can therefore be used to augment limited verbal skills or be an alternative to verbal speech. Persons with communication disabilities who rely on AAC are therefore known as AAC users. For the different groups of AAC users, AAC can be used to augment verbal and written language skills as well as understanding (Bornman & Tönsing, 2019). The choice of AAC technology provided will depend on the AAC user’s cognitive, literacy and motor skills (Light & McNaughton, 2015). A brief description of the types of disabilities that present with a communication disability is given in Table 11.1. A distinction is made between disabilities that a person is born with and those that are acquired. There are various modes of AAC which can be either unaided or aided modes of communication (Beukelman & Light, 2020). Unaided modes of communication do not rely on any form of technology and include body language, gestures, pointing, facial expressions, vocalisations and sign

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Table 11.1  Disabilities that present with a severe communication disability requiring the use of AAC 1. Developmental disabilities that result in severe speech disability Childhood or developmental disabilities are present at birth or can be caused by external factors in the environment (Simkiss et al., 2011). The following are examples of congenital disabilities. 1.1. Autism The onset of autism is observed before the age of three years and is spectrum characterised by impaired social/communicative deficits and disorder restricted repetitive behaviours. Impaired communicative deficits refer to an inability to converse either verbally or non-verbally with other people. Persons with autism therefore have difficulties sharing information or ideas. Often understanding what is being communicated to them is also impaired (Wing et al., 2011). 1.2. Cerebral palsy This is the most prevalent disability in South Africa (Loeb et al., 2008). A common definition of cerebral palsy used worldwide defines cerebral palsy as “a group of permanent disorders of the development of movement and posture causing activity limitation that are attributed to non-progressive disturbances that occurred in the developing foetal or infant brain. The motor disorders of cerebral palsy are often accompanied by disturbances of sensation, perception, cognition, communication, and behaviour, by epilepsy, and by secondary musculoskeletal problems” (Rosenbaum et al., 2007). Expression, i.e. use of verbal speech and understanding of language, may also be affected. Severity of impaired communication can vary from mild speech intelligibility to a severe communication disability 1.3. Childhood Childhood apraxia of speech is a motor speech disorder. People apraxia of diagnosed with this childhood apraxia experience challenges with speech producing verbal speech on demand (Kent, 2000). Verbal communication is therefore impaired. This occurs when a person is not able to control or coordinate body parts necessary to produce speech such as the facial muscles, jaw movement and movement of the tongue, lips and larynx (Shriberg et al., 1997). This also includes control of the respiratory system and the vocal cords. However, in some people, planning of movement, coordination and sequencing of these body parts responsible for speech production is impaired (Bowen, 2015) 2. Acquired disabilities that result in severe speech disability Acquired disorders are disorders that are acquired after birth and can be a result of diseases, accidents or other causes (Bogart et al., 2019). (continued)

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Table 11.1 (continued) 2.1. Aphasia

Persons with aphasia present with impaired expression and understanding of spoken language, written language and reading as a result of brain damage due to either an ischaemic stroke, infection or traumatic brain injury (McNeil & Pratt, 2001). The different types of aphasia range in severity from impaired word finding and difficulty retrieving names of people or objects to very severe impaired understanding of language and impaired verbal language communication (Jacobs et al., 2004). 2.2. Amyotrophic ALS is an idiopathic, fatal neurodegenerative disease that affects lateral sclerosis motor neurons in the brain and spinal cord (Kiernan et al., 2011). (ALS) There are two forms of ALS, one that affects the spinal cord and one that occurs in the bulbar area of the brainstem. The bulbar area of the brainstem controls motor function necessary for communication. With this type of ALS, symptoms include difficulty in speaking, swallowing and chewing (Robarge, 2009). As this is a degenerative disease, symptoms worsen over time, resulting in severe communication challenges. 2.3. Traumatic brain An alteration in brain function caused by an external force which injury can result in impaired expression and understanding of language (Menon et al., 2010).

language. Aided modes of communication, on the other hand, rely on external material in order for communication to occur. These include basic low technology − alphabet boards, communication charts or books with pictures, photos and symbols  – as well as high technologies which range from simple digitised (recorded) speech-generating devices to very sophisticated computer- or tablet-based systems that use synthesised (text-­ to-­speech) voice output (Bornman & Tönsing, 2019). The prospect of interviewing someone with a severe communication disability who uses AAC might seem to be a daunting prospect at first. However, as when interviewing anyone, when in doubt it is usually best to ask the interviewees themselves. The following general considerations are provided to assist with conducting in situ interviews with AAC users. Face-to-Face Interviews with AAC Users If the aim is to source the opinions of people with disabilities via face-to-­ face interviews, some general considerations should be made. Importantly, effort should be made to avoid the use of proxies, i.e. caregivers or partners, as they may have a different perspective reflecting their own opinions rather than those of the persons with disability they represent (Ison, 2009).

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S trategies to Consider Before the Interview Enquire from the interviewee about the most convenient time of day to schedule a meeting. For many people with disabilities, the beginning or end of the day can make it difficult to work around their personal care schedules (ISAAC, n.d.). Bearing in mind that AAC users often have accompanying physical disabilities, when an interview is to be conducted in an unfamiliar environment, it is useful to enquire beforehand whether AAC users will require any specific accommodations such as wheelchair access. It therefore goes without saying that the agreed-upon venue should be accessible as well. Mobile applications such as Access Now, which crowd sources information about accessibility in cities around the world, can be consulted. Since not all communication devices employed by people who use AAC have a very loud voice output, it may be useful to avoid noisy spaces. Choosing a quiet environment with minimal background noise will also make it easier for interviewees to concentrate and protect the privacy of their conversation if they are using a speech-generating device. Ask interviewees if they would like to receive the interview questions in advance. Similarly, it may helpful to provide an agenda or even topics of discussion before the meeting so that AAC users can prepare their responses ahead of time and speed up communication. This is because associated motor disabilities influence the rate of communication of AAC users. To put this into perspective, while the rate of communication for people who use their natural voice to speak varies between 150 and 250 words per minute, people who use AAC are up to fifteen to twenty-five times slower (Beukelman & Light, 2020). This amounts to approximately ten to fifteen words per minute, even when using rate enhancement techniques such as word prediction (Fiannaca et al., 2017). It is therefore best to allow sufficient time for a face-to-face interview. In our experience, we have found that a series of shorter interviews may even work better since real-time communication for people who use AAC places a significant strain on their physical abilities and energy resources. Therefore, interviewers should be prepared to give AAC-using interviewees sufficient time so they can be more relaxed and the interview will not be rushed. S trategies to Consider During the Interview Interviewing a person who uses AAC is not an intuitive process and will require that the interviewer change unconscious ways of communicating (Blackstone, 2006). People who use AAC may therefore require a communication partner to use strategies with which they may not be familiar.

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For a media practitioner such as a journalist, it is therefore essential to use interaction strategies that can positively affect the communication process. The basis of good communication is to start off with a respectful attitude and being an active listener. It is therefore essential in interviews with AAC users to maintain eye contact and speak with them directly rather than to their companion or assistant or even to their device (Communication Matters, 2015). This will ensure a good start to the conversation and boost everyone’s confidence. Therefore, it is important to begin by asking AAC-using interviewees what they will require from you as a communication partner to facilitate easier communication. For example, some persons who use AAC will ask the communication partner to supplement their verbal questions by typing or writing the question as they speak in order to avoid potential comprehension difficulties (Light & McNaughton, 2014). One can start off by asking if there is anything specific that they need to help them be successful in your interaction with them. Many people who use AAC usually don’t mind if you ask how their communication system works, especially since everyone tends to communicate differently. Many high-tech users may typically have something pre-programmed into their speech-generating devices while low tech users who use a communication or alphabet board will have some way to let their communication partners know their method of communication and how best to respond (Blackstone, 1999). For example, some users may or may not want the communication partner to predict words while spelling.  thical Considerations During the Interview E Some people with disabilities view their assistive technology as an extension of their bodies (Krantz, 2012). Therefore, it is not acceptable to touch or start playing on someone’s communication device unless you are specifically invited to. Scott Thomas, who uses a high-tech eye gaze AAC system, recommends that you think of an AAC device like you would a non-AAC user’s smartphone screen. Since AAC devices these days are also used for things besides communication, e.g. texting, email or banking, screen privacy should be respected unless, again, you are specifically invited to look (Thomas, 2018). It is important not to limit topics of discussion, but since the pace of AAC interaction is slower, it is helpful to introduce one topic of conversation at a time. It also helps if the person who uses AAC can know in advance the topics, questions or other communication expectations since

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many high-tech speech-generating devices allow for messages to be prepared and stored beforehand. Communication partners should be clear when the topic of conversation changes especially since AAC users may miss important facial or behavioural cues as they are often looking down at their AAC system (Communication Matters, 2015). The amount and types of questions posed can also negatively influence the communication process. Asking too many questions at once can be overwhelming (Blackstone, 1999), and even though questions requiring a yes or no answer can be faster, they quickly become tedious and boring. Open-ended questions, therefore, may stimulate better discussions, and when a question is asked, the communication partner should typically wait for a reply. While some AAC users find it acceptable for their communication partners to finish their sentences in order to speed up communication, others find it annoying. Bearing in mind that the wait time in composing a message on an AAC device can result in long periods of silence, it is always recommended that interviewers discuss with AAC users what they should do while messages are being composed (ISAAC, n.d.). As with any conversation, misunderstandings can occur with AAC communication, especially because many AAC systems lack the ability to adequately convey tone and emotion (Thomas, 2018). Since people who use AAC devices also communicate with their bodies, communication partners should regularly check facial expressions, gestures, nods, sounds, eye gaze and eye blinks, especially for potential confusion. Equally, interviewers should also be honest and not pretend to understand if they do not. To avoid confusion, it can help to repeat back what was said and ask AAC users to confirm their intended message by asking “Did you mean...” or “Could you say that again?” (Communication Matters, 2015). While the aforementioned strategies for face-to-face interviewing of AAC users may seem easy to remember, just reading about them may not be sufficient. New ways of communicating will require practise and modelling, but with continued interaction with this population, the chances of communication breakdown should decrease. Alternatives to Face-to-Face Interviewing When conducting interviews with AAC users, different methods and platforms should be considered. In South Africa, many people who use AAC devices are increasingly able to access the Internet through their AAC

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devices or through mobile technologies (Bornman et  al., 2016). This allows them to communicate via email or online instant messaging on social media platforms like Facebook and X (formerly Twitter) (Ellis & Kent, 2016). Some AAC interviewees report that when they use these platforms, they are able to communicate their opinions better (Hynan et al., 2015). S ocial Media Platforms For people with severe communication disabilities who are literate, the use of computer-mediated communication technologies offer an alternate method of eliciting their opinions (Ison, 2009). Computer-mediated communication refers to the use of computers in text-based communication and includes synchronous, real-time communication through chat rooms and instant messaging mobile services (e.g. SMS, WhatsApp™). Technologies to make mobile phones and communication services more accessible for people with disabilities are increasingly being brought into the fabric of product design and are being launched practically every day (Narasimhan, 2012). Our experience with young people who use AAC in our Fofa empowerment project is that the majority are able to use their smart phones independently to read and construct short messages. However, because many people who use AAC also tend to have concomitant motor impairments, difficulties with physical access remain a challenge and can slow down communication significantly. Smart phones, which are still relatively expensive within the South African context, therefore present additional opportunities for synchronous and asynchronous online communication on social media platforms. Email Interviews As mentioned earlier, face-to-face interviewing can be tiring for people who use AAC devices and can lead to fatigue and loss of concentration. Interviewing via email allows interviewees to construct their messages at their own pace and provides them with the opportunity to go into much more detail. Borrowing from participatory research techniques with people who use AAC, Ison (2009) recommends that email questions follow a funnelling technique. Initial questions can be typically general and broad, followed by ones that are more specific or recursive, that is where answers from one question lead to series of follow-up questions. These questions typically do not need to occur all in one email but can occur over a series of emails, allowing for a more conversational style of interviewing (Ison,

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2009). In follow-up emails, it can be helpful for the interviewer to restate what was said previously prior to posing a new set of questions. In this way, interviewees have the opportunity to extend discussion topics and clarify their responses over time. For journalists and reporters, email interviews obviate the need for travel and disability accommodations that are required for face-to-face interviewing, allowing for geographically dispersed people to be interviewed. Since email interviews do not require transcription, time is also saved. Email interviews are not without their disadvantages and have been criticised for being impersonal. The personality of the interviewee may therefore be lost since body language and facial expressions, which add layers of meaning to human communication, may be sacrificed (Ison, 2009).

Conclusion Persons with severe communication disabilities continue to be marginalised and excluded around the world. The importance of including persons with unfamiliar and unknown disabilities in stories presented to the general public, such as persons with severe communication disabilities, cannot be overstated. Strategies that can assist media practitioners when interviewing persons with severe communication disabilities to better understand their lived experiences and place their issues at the forefront of the public agenda are invaluable. Having people with disabilities participate more actively in media narratives about themselves may help to address some of the binary stereotypes we are all too often exposed to. As mainstream and alternative media platforms become more accessible, perhaps it is also time for AAC users to follow the lead of other disability activists and take on the mantle of media disrupters. By becoming more actively engaged in the media and part of shaping the new disability media agenda (Ellis & Goggin, 2015), people who use AAC would truly be embodying the spirit of “nothing about without us”.

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CHAPTER 12

Can Web 2.0 Salvage the Gains of Disability Rights Advocacy in Africa? Nqobani Dube

Introduction Web 2.0, especially social media, has become central in the actions of civil society worldwide. The power of this form of new media has been seen in how it has galvanised various groups, including youth, women’s rights activists and other civil society organisations, to champion their cause through such platforms. Similarly, these forms of social media have begun to play an increasingly significant role in human interaction. By enabling users to express themselves publicly in ways previously unavailable to them, especially under heavily controlled and monitored traditional media like television and radio, social media have given power to the individual. What has changed is not just the way people communicate but the reach and intensity of this communication in real time, regardless of existing geographic or social boundaries, as long as there is access to the Internet (Danspeckgruber, 2011, p. 3). Africa has not been spared such social-media-powered protests. As such, many scholars (e.g. Bosch, 2016a; Gerbaudo, 2016; Mutsvairo &

N. Dube (*) National League of the Blind, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_12

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Sirks, 2015) have examined the uses of social media platforms by different groups of activists around Africa. In Egypt, researchers (Herrera, 2012; Gerbaudo, 2012; Honwana, 2013) have demonstrated that the “We Are All Khaled Said” Facebook page, which was created in June 2010 to protest the police-inflicted death of Said, played an instrumental role in the instigation of the Egyptian uprising. Bosch (2016a) discusses the South African student-led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall (#RMF) to explore youth activism and counter-memory via X (formerly Twitter). In Tunisia, a Facebook page title “Mr President, Tunisians are setting themselves on fire” was established and also played an invaluable role in organising and galvanising country-wide protests (Honwana, 2013). Most of the research in Africa suggests that social media platforms provide the means to bypass traditional news gatekeepers, thereby enabling movement participants to publish their own information and publicise activities which are often overlooked by the mainstream media. As such, this chapter provides insights into the possibilities provided for disability rights activism by Web 2.0 or the interactive nature of new technologies, especially social media and such other related platforms. The chapter explores the power of such new media as demonstrated by other social movements and illustrates how aspirations for social inclusion by disability rights activists in Africa may leverage such potential. Thus, the main thrust of the chapter is to examine how social media activism is succeeding in driving change in other sectors such as youth, women’s and other political movements, but such achievements seem to be limited when it comes to disability rights issues in Africa, if, indeed, digitally inspired forms of protest are bearing fruit for other groups. The question to ask therefore is why disability rights activists are falling short in using such technologies. Using a wide range of scholarly perspectives on how other groups have succeeded in using the interactive nature of the Internet for their activities, this chapter assesses trends and opportunities associated with the successful use of digital technologies and suggests possible areas of improvement to enhance disability rights advocacy in the digital world. First, the chapter starts out by unpacking digital activism. This is followed by debates concerning the effectiveness of social media and activism. The chapter then delves into exploring the ways in which other groups in Africa have deployed social media activism to champion their cause, looking particularly at both the negative and positive issues from such actions. Furthermore, the chapter then considers the possible limitations for disability rights advocacy across Africa in the digital era. This

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takes the chapter forward to consider strategies on how disability rights advocacy can be strengthened in the face of such disruptive social media. The chapter ends by drawing some conclusions targeting disability rights activists, scholars in the field of new media and disability and other marginalised groups interested in understanding the role of social media in advancing transformative change within environments full of socially constructed barriers.

Deconstructing Digital Activism Activism is usually associated with social movements. Many types of activism are common the world over; these include actions such as digital activism, petitions, lobbying, demonstrations, litigation and others. As illustrated by various examples across the globe, it is through these actions that desired change can be effected. For instance, the disability movement has had its fair share of success in putting the disability agenda at the centre of legislation and development in the Global South. In this chapter, activism is discussed as online on the one hand or offline on the other. Online activism, according to Vegh, is proactive, aims at achieving certain goals and is usually targeted at “the controls and authorities imposing them” (2003, p. 72). In that light, Vegh (2003) defines online activism as “a politically motivated movement relying on the internet”. Extending the concept, Joyce (2010, p. viii) defined online activism as “the use of digital technologies: mobile phones and internet-enabled devices”. As such, digital activism according to this view may be Internet-based or simply Internet-facilitated. Accordingly, Vegh further notes that there is, on the one hand, Internet-based tactics which can only be done online, like hacking. On the other hand, Internet-facilitated strategies depend on the Internet to enhance the traditional media’s role in protests (Vegh, 2003, p. 71). Building on the conceptualisation noted earlier, digital activism has been largely facilitated by the new media, especially social media. The new media, as discussed in other chapters of this book, include mobile phone technologies and various Internet platforms that enhance the accessibility of the Internet to marginalised groups such as people with disabilities. In that light, Kaplan and Haenlein (2010, p. 61) describe social media as “a group of Internet-based applications that build on the ideological and technological foundations of Web 2.0 and that allow the creation and exchange of user-generated content”. As was already discussed, social

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media has occupied a sacred place in the hearts of many activists in the digital era. The following section considers some of the debates about the power of the new media.

Is Social Media the Magic Bullet for Activism? Surman and Reilly (2003) recognise the advancements in information and communication technologies (ICTs), which gave rise to new opportunities for political activism. There has been few, or no, empirical studies investigating social media strategies used by disability rights activists in Africa (Dube, 2019), while on the other hand, researchers have been clearly exploring such issues focusing on other groups from as early as ten years ago. What makes it even worse has been that studies on social-media-­ powered advocacy also started a bit late in Africa, unlike in other regions of the world (Polletta, 2002; Reingold, 2002; Sunstein, 2003; Castells, 2012; Eltantawy, 2013). Even with all these studies, it remains unclear whether social media is the major ingredient driving political and social change in such advocacy actions. Despite this doubt about the potential of social media, Fuchs et al. (2011) postulated that the Internet has worked well as a mobilising tool and in bringing together people for collective action. Supporting this view are also Lievrouw (2011) and Segerberg and Lance Bennett (2011), who note the centrality of Internet communication in building networks that go on to pursue various agendas. An example of the centrality of social media in activism is given by Tufekci and Wilson (2012), who posited that new digital media were “game-changers” because they enabled Arab citizens to evade media censorship and swiftly mass-mobilise. However, social media as a tool has come under its fair share of criticism by scholars, including Wolfsfeld et al. (2013), who posited that social media are only a part of a bigger picture in protests, as the success of activism depends on other critical ingredients. This view is also further buttressed by Valenzuela (2013), who, based on his research in Chile, claimed that social media has not given birth to new forms of protest but has simply built on existing forms of resistance. Similarly, Morozov (2009) also noted that giving people access to the Internet does not result in activism. Making the picture even bleaker is Tejerina et al. (2013), who use a political economy perspective to criticise the new media; in their view, protests which depend on these tools are simply a manifestation of a protracted crisis of global capitalism. It is easy to get lost in these debates

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by various scholars about whether social media has been the key component driving success of protest. What is of interest for disability rights activists is whether such views could translate into an enhancement of their actions for a disability-inclusive society. Despite the criticism of uses of social media presented in the preceding discussion, Castells (1997, 2009) and van Dijk (2005) brought to the fore the idea of a networked society, which provided an interesting perspective of the analysis of new ICTs and their influence on the various levels of interactions in society. Expanding his ideas of a networked society, Castells (2012) also postulated that the Arab Spring protests were the result of post-2008 “networks of outrage” that evolved into “networks of hope” in an Internet-driven self-communication order with a global reach. Building from such hope, activists from different groupings and causes could practically share the same techniques and objectives, but the situation for disability rights activists may not always guarantee shared positive outcomes, mostly because of various influences on perceptions of disability (Oliver, 2017). The concerns raised by this chapter therefore are centred on how other groups in Africa have succeeded in making use of technological innovations to successfully campaign for their issues. It is against this background that this chapter attempts to understand where those groups that have been successful in utilising social media have done well and the lessons from which disability rights activists may draw insights. The following section considers some of the challenges that could limit the impact of disability rights activism in the digital era.

What Is Limiting Disability Rights Activism in the Digital Era? There are many limitations on the effectiveness of contemporary disability rights activism in Africa. These factors can be divided into offline and online, for instance in the offline realm issues such as disharmony between the old and the tech-savvy young activists and the failure to connect offline and online actions (Dube, 2019). Those offline issues unfortunately cannot be adequately dealt with in such a limited space. As this chapter focuses on social media and disability rights activism, this section will confine its attention to online limitations such as Internet shutdown, Internet surveillance and censorship, algorithms and social media bots and contemplate how such issues could be crowding out disability issues. Additionally,

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the section also considers the concerns of echo chambers and filter bubbles. These challenges are peculiar to online activities and build on other challenges affecting disability rights activism in the Global South identified by other researchers (Berghs et al., 2019). The first major challenge that disability activists encounter online is that of Internet authoritarianism. This challenge is appropriately captured by Freedom House, who highlighted that “The internet is growing less free around the world, and democracy itself is withering under its influence.” The dominant online dissemination of fake news, disinformation and other forms of information meant to alter the opinions of people have corrupted the public sphere. The digital rights that are critical for online activism, such as the right to privacy and the freedoms of expression and association, are being trampled upon by many countries in Africa, which are following in the footsteps of China to collect personal data for use in denying citizens their human rights. Furthermore, most countries are also implementing strategies to carry out extensive forms of online censorship and complex surveillance systems that have become automated. Additionally, the other method of limiting freedom of expression online in Africa is the growing trend of Internet shutdown in Southern Africa, as clearly demonstrated through the actions of governments in Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo, which shut down cyberspace in the first two months of 2019. As a result of these trends, disability rights activists must navigate so many barriers to champion their cause in the digital era. Another interesting angle on social media is the collection of vast amounts of data about people using complex Internet tools. The type of information collected is vast and touches on many aspects of life, such as places visited, types of food ordered online, user clicks, likes and other virtual actions that might appear to be valueless. Such collection of data allow social media platforms to analyse almost everything done by people on a daily or even minute-by-minute basis. As a result, Pasquale (2015, p. 4) highlights that such collected and collated data whose analysis usually goes unnoticed is fed into databases and assembled into profiles of unprecedented depth and specificity. Also brought into the mix are software and algorithms, which facilitate the organising and ranking of content seen by users. Most noticeable in these tools are algorithms, which, as Gillespie (2014, p. 167) highlights, are the procedures which the social media platforms must follow to achieve a desired output adhering to specified calculations. MacCormick (2012, p.  25) aptly observes the virtual

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supremacy of the algorithms when he highlights their “ability to find needles in haystacks,” which captures their ability to seek out and hierarchically arrange online content. The question readers might ask is how these algorithms and other related tools affect disability rights activism in Africa. The answer to this question lies in the power of algorithms and, in particular, how they influence online media content, which certainly makes them a significant element in activism. This view is supported by Beer (2017), who posits that “once we begin to reflect on the scale of these processes—with algorithms, sorting, filtering, searching, prioritizing, recommending, deciding and so on,” their centrality to social and political processes, which include activism, cannot go unnoticed. However, critiques of this power of algorithms have highlighted that the vagueness characterising how they function may “lead us to misjudge their power, to overemphasize their importance, to misconceive of the algorithm as a lone detached actor” (Beer, 2017, p.  3). In connection with disability rights activism, it is critical to examine how these algorithmic processes within the core of social media are shaping actions aimed at influencing change for concerned groups in the African context. In our case, the difficult question will be whether social media algorithms are changing the activism landscape. If so, what are the implications for actions by disability rights activists that are going unnoticed or being ignored within the African context? There is still limited evidence that might help us answer such questions. However, the assertion by Milan and Trere (2019), who postulated that the “different, the underprivileged, the silenced, the subaltern, and the ‘have-nots’, whose presence outdoes geographical boundaries, often remain in the blind spot” (p.  320), offers us a hint on how such tools sweep under the rug groups like people with disabilities in Africa. Africa is still blighted by high levels of inequality and poverty, which manifests in the imbalanced distribution of ICT resources. In the context of disability rights activism, it is critical to accede to the views of Medina et al. (2014), who asserted that ICTs are not just “imported magic” but rather a context-­ specific appropriation moulded by an array of social forces that are also responsible for inhibiting persons with disabilities from full and effective participation. As such, ways in which social media is appropriated by different groups must be investigated and how automation through algorithms impacts the equalisation of visibility needs to be challenged. As Gillespie (2011) argues, we should recognise that these algorithms are not

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neutral, that they encode political choices and that they frame information in a particular way. As illustrated in the preceding discussion, algorithms impact visibility, which is the life blood of media. Through editorial policies, corporate interests, political economy and other factors, the media industry determines the visibility or approach of how issues are portrayed. As argued by Bucher (2017), “becoming visible, or being granted visibility is a highly contested power in which the media play a crucial role” (p. 1165). This is in line with theories in communication studies, including gatekeeping theory (Lewin, 1951), where media outlets are gatekeepers who decide what information will become visible, and agenda-setting theory by McCombs and Shaw (1972), which describes the influence of the media and their ability to tell us what issues are important. In that light, traditional media have been criticised for perpetuating the invisibility or negative portrayal of disability. Various scholars have blamed the media for the negative view held by many people of disability issues, including Mallett (2009), on how media representations of disability have resulted in negative and prejudicial views throughout the British press. Similarly, McRuer (2006) and Shakespeare (1994) argue that the way society views people with disabilities as objects of pity is a consequence of media portrayal. Supporting this criticism of the media is Zalkauskaite (2012), who explored media in Lithuania that portrayed people with disabilities as a societal risk. Even worse, Stuart (2006) also demonstrated how the media in Canada presented people with disabilities as criminal, violent and dangerous. Furthermore, Stuart (2006) blames the mass media for providing a “highly dramatizing and corrupting image”. While this media representation of disability may be driven by editorial policies of media outlets, it may be argued that algorithms, like the actions of the media industry demonstrated earlier, are also aiding the invisibility and negative perceptions of disability issues in digital media content. Evidently, in the social media sphere, the designers of algorithms are the gatekeepers, and in terms of agenda-setting, social media algorithms participate in configuring, according to Ndlela and Mano (2020), “what can/should be seen and cannot be seen as well as who can see and who cannot see whom”. It is critical to concede, therefore, that behind social media content are some economic, political and cultural agendas and authority that are increasingly expressed algorithmically and unfortunately bury disability issues out of sight. As has been shown by other studies, some of these social media actors employ social robots, which are called bots, to

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manipulate public opinion and influence change. In so doing, bots can potentially alter perceptions of political reality by propagating messages from their designers. As such, algorithms and bots play an increasingly prominent role in the movement of information on social media, and this trend in using big data and social media campaigns is the present and future of activism. This leaves disability rights activists with a difficult question on how to manoeuvre around such complex realities for their issues to gain prominence. Let us also briefly look at the problem of echo chambers and filter bubbles. Adding to the challenges posed by algorithms, bots and other software noted in the preceding discussion, another aspect that could be limiting the effectiveness of actions by disability rights activists on social media in Africa are the dynamics introduced by echo chambers and filter bubbles. These echo chambers manifest in the form of Facebook and WhatsApp groups, born of a variety of factors, including political views, religious inclination and many others. Consequently, concerns of activists are shared and discussed within such groups. While such groups may help in sharing information about the actions of activists or in mobilising other interested demonstrators, unfortunately, instead of those groups aiding protests, they sometimes become graveyards where concerns are buried. As highlighted by Thomas, WhatsApp, a platform on which the challenge of echo chambers is especially evident, is one of the most popular platforms for information distribution around Africa, and in countries such as Zimbabwe, WhatsApp connections constitute almost half of all Internet usage. As such, disability rights activists must enhance their skills to overcome the challenges of echo chambers and filter bubbles. The following section provides an illustration of how other groups around Africa have successfully deployed social media tools in their campaigns.

How Other Groups Have Used Social Media Tools in Africa In demonstrating how other groups have used social media in their protests, this chapter combines both sides of contentious policies –protest under democracy shown by the case of #MustFall campaigns in South Africa and protest under authoritarianism illustrated by the Tunisian protests. Let us start by looking at South African students’ #MustFall campaigns as noted by Bosch (2016b) and Daniels (2016) who demonstrate

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the successful deployment of X (formerly Twitter) in activism. The #MustFall campaigns include the #RhodesMustFall (#RMF) campaign at the University of Cape Town (UCT) in 2015, which brought down the statue of Cecil John Rhodes, one of the symbolic remnants of the troubled colonial past of South Africa. The other campaign was the #FeesMustFall protest towards the end of the same year which achieved the reduction of fee increases at South African universities from 10% to 0%. The first example is the #RMF, which Bosch (2016a) argues that it was a social-media-­powered campaign characterised by discussions on Twitter (now X) that was able to create a networked community and set the agenda for public debate in various online and offline spaces, thereby influencing perceptions about the student movement. Furthermore, analysing the #RMF campaign, Bosch (2016a) uses Bickford’s (1996, 2000) conceptualisations of listening, the emergent field of memory research and Foucault’s (1977) notions of counter-memory. As such, Bosch (2016a) posits that the #RMF campaign must be framed as collective action of resistance to normative memory production, seeking to fashion a new landscape of “minority” memory. As a result, such actions advance the memory of groups which would have been rendered invisible around a particular landscape, and consequently groups in related instances will voice an alternative interpretation of historical events. Daniels (2016) also identifies the #RMF as the spark that ignited the protests that she characterises as “organic, intersectional and overlapping struggles”, which spread to other campuses like veldt-fires using the hashtags. Bosch (2016a) on the #RMF campaign further deals with social media as a place where “indifferent detachment and intimate comfort” may coexist among citizens, a key ingredient to a democratic politics in a highly varied and unequal state (Bickford, 2000). In addition, Bosch (2016a) observes that symbols similar to statues used for commemoration may be interpreted as a “practice of representation that enacts and gives social substance to the discourse of collective memory” (Misztal, 2003, p. 80). What becomes significant in such instances therefore is challenging collective memories that seek to perpetuate the invisibility of other groups within such contexts. What is also interesting in these #MustFall campaigns is the active participation of young people, who demographic data suggest are apathetic and disinterested in mainstream politics (Deegan, 2002). Similarly, youth across the world are said to be uninterested in engaging in protest action than older citizens (Resnick & Casale, 2011). The so-called Twitter revolutions, as they came to be known, seem to be

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proving otherwise as the largest groups of such protests are usually young people, as illustrated by the #RMF campaign. While such monuments such as the statue of Cecil John Rhodes might seem irrelevant to the discourse on disability exclusion, actions resisting the perpetuation of the invisibility of historically marginalised groups, including people with disabilities, using social media tools becomes important. Further, as Loader and Mercea (2011) observe, social media is now at the forefront of the shift towards a more participatory culture, which disability rights activists may take advantage of to champion their cause. Daniels (2016) uses radical democracy as a theoretical framework to understand both the #RMF and the #FMF protests and points to the notion of agonistic spaces, a central concept in radical democracy. According to radical democratic theorist Chantal Mouffe (2005), agonistic spaces exist where legitimate adversaries fight, but within the symbolic space of democracy. As such, in those symbolic spaces, conflict must be accepted as part of the process, and difference, pluralism and division as part of politics and society. As such, Daniels (2016) posits that in both the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall campaigns, the legitimate adversaries included university administrators viewed by students as enemies, whereas they exist within the broad democratic space and are legitimate adversaries. Now, having considered the #RMF campaign, let us turn to the other campaign that went under the banner of #FeesMustFall. In the #FeesMustFall (#FMF) campaign, Twitter (now X) was deployed both as a platform for debating national issues, especially those related to service delivery, and as an organising tool by students. In these campaigns, students used Twitter to mobilise others and to coordinate meetings and other related activities to champion their cause. To complement this effort, Twitter was also used to propagate messages about the campaign and personal stories of students who had been denied a chance to attain tertiary education due to financial limitations. Such action, as Bosch (2016b) claims, helped to positively frame the protests and by so doing justified the political action by the students. The way the students used Twitter confirms what Shirky (2008) postulated about such social media tools, and in the case of #FMF Twitter was employed to enable new forms of group formation, which resulted in rapid communication combined with swiftness in group actions. These actions by students also confirm the notion by Gerbaudo (2012), who argued that contemporary popular movements are focused on the idea of unity and the adoption of practices of “centring”, with the most

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common manifestation being “the tactic of the mass sit-in, the physical occupation of public space which often evolves into a semi-permanent protest camp” (p. 11). Gerbaudo (2012) further argued that “the crucial element in understanding the role of social media in contemporary social movements is their interaction with and mediation of emerging forms of public gatherings and in particular the mass sit-ins which have become the hallmark of contemporary popular movements” (p.  5). In this instance, Twitter played a central role in mobilising protesters to “occupy” university spaces and in broadcasting information about the occupation. One of the main purposes of tweets thus appeared to be coordinating face-to-face meetings, protests, sit-ins and other gatherings. Furthermore, in the #FMF campaign, as hinted earlier, Twitter (now X) enabled protesters to convey information swiftly to colleagues at distant locations. Students and other interested individuals used Twitter to obtain information about activities taking place on specific days, and in responding to such requests, those with information would provide information on specific activities, the times and the nature of the events. The uses of social media tools in this instance provided what Gerbaudo (2012, p. 12) refers to as a “choreography of assembly”, and Twitter enabled the protesters to share specific actions and justifications of their cause, further strengthening their resolve to continue being part of the campaign. The dominant narrative was that of support for the actions of protestors, and those with a different view, especially those individuals who complained about the violence of the protesters’ actions, received strong criticism from others. In conceptualising the #FMF campaigns, Bosch (2016b) uses Turner’s (1978) notion of social drama to describe political processes that originate within a social group but can spread across a wider intergroup field unless appropriate “redressive action” is taken. As a result of such actions, Bosch (2016b) further highlights that the #FMF campaign had begun to garner support from academics, who also spoke up and marched in solidarity with students across South African universities and colleges. Social dramas, as Turner (1978) notes, undergo four stages: (1) breach, (2) crisis, (3) redressive action and (4) either reintegration or schism. In this instance, Bosch (2016b) posited that the redressive action was reflected by the zero perc ent fee increase. The hesitation by Bosch (2016b) on the effectiveness of the redressive actions is understandable as the social drama continued with other protests in 2016. Twitter, as argued by Turner (1978), in such cases might thus be considered a liminal space, which is an

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unstructured, temporary state which allows people from different sectors of society to come together and participate in temporary relationships, where the dismantling of traditional social hierarchies becomes possible. Bosch (2016b) further uses Postill’s theorisation of a viral campaign to characterise the hashtag #FMF, to describe the viral culture marked by the acceleration of news cycles about the protests. Postill (2013) suggests that “social media are viral media. That is, they are designed and actively used to spread digital contents epidemically, from peer to peer, through routinised activities such as ‘liking’ a Facebook photograph, retweeting a political slogan, or emailing a YouTube hyperlink to friends” (p. 6). As such, disability rights activists must learn from the #FMF campaign how to design viral campaigns, defined by Postill as one which “achieves popularity by spreading from person to person, especially by digital means” (p. 7). We now turn our attention to the protesters in the Tunisian uprising, who are another group that successfully deployed social media for their cause. Tunisia was the first Arab country to overthrow its leader by early 2011 and “the first socio-political revolution powered by social media”. Similarly, Castells (2012) explains that in Tunisia, free communication on social media platforms created a public safe space for political expression. Furthermore, Breuer (2012) argues that the social-­media-­powered activism in Tunisia became possible because the country had the most developed communication networks around 2007. For instance, Twitter (now X) played a central role as it promoted interaction, debate and coordination of actions by citizens, especially young people. Another example of how social media was deployed is demonstrated by how the hashtag #sidibouzid was used by citizens to access and disseminate posts linked to the revolution. Similarly, Facebook was also central in the collection of social media tools as it gave people a means of expressing themselves publicly. In addition, as Castells (2012) notes, videos of protests and police violence posted on the Internet also inspired actions all over the country. It is important to note also that the success of the Tunisian revolution seems to have arisen from the effective convergence of both social media and other traditional forms of mass media, especially television. As Castells (2012) notes, the Internet in its Web 2.0 form and television channels such as Al Jazeera were the critical elements for triggering, maximising and organising spontaneous revolts. Breuer (2012) also posits that the traditional mass media used information originally sent through social media to counter the dictatorial actions of the government to censor information about the uprising. As a result, the various technological tools

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enabled a connected network (Allagui & Kuebler, 2011; Castells, 2012) or the Habermasian public sphere (Habermas, 1962; Leyva, 2017; Mutsvairo, 2016) that became a solid foundation on which to construct a new and authentic space to campaign for the protesters’ cause. Further demonstrating the success of the Tunisian revolution was the ability of the protesters to convert an apolitical society, living under authoritarian rule, into a global model of how to effect change in an oppressive system. As a result, many testimonies reveal the uprisings operated as a spark for a political awakening that engulfed the whole region with varying levels of success. In our analysis of the Tunisian revolution and the subsequent Arab Spring, it is critical to consider the common thread that ran through the various revolutions, which was the mobilisation of political capital through networks of many layers, including protesters on the ground, social media and traditional mass media tools. Using resource mobilisation theory, Breuer (2012) gives us three conclusions about the Tunisian social-media-­powered protest. First, social media gave those with access to the Internet to dislodge media censorship typical of most authoritarian regimes, mostly by providing mainstream media with content as discussed earlier. Secondly, social media helped in the mobilisation of protestors by vividly illustrating the callous actions of the regime, and that served as the convergence point for collective action across the nation. Thirdly, social media was central in intergroup collaboration, which stimulated the evolution of a large cycle of protest, leading to the success of the revolt. Drawing from the preceding discussions, we may argue that the use of digital tools helped to optimise the processes and strategies for sharing information and mobilisation of protesters. Furthermore, social media, among other digital tools, evidently played a central role in the revolution, especially in clarifying the message that protesters were campaigning on and helped with the legitimation of the revolution around the world. As such, disability rights activists must learn that if various networks support their cause, it becomes easier to mobilise people to act as a coordinated unit for a common goal, and their impact can even transcend borders if they adopt such strategies.

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Strategies for Effective Disability Rights Activism in the Digital Era Having explored how other groups have used digital technologies (mostly social media), let us consider strategies by which disability rights activists might improve the effectiveness of their actions. Drawing from trends observed in other groups, our proposed strategy will have two sides: first, that of the skills that disability rights activists must possess and, second, the opportunities offered by the interactive nature of social media that the activists must exploit. Let us start by considering the different skills that disability rights activists must have to be efficient in their digital activism. In discussing the three main types of skills or groups that characterise most social-media-­ powered protests, we draw on the discussion of Postill’s (2014) theorisation of “freedom technologists”. The first group are tech lawyers who deploy their skills to champion technological and or copyright issues. Fuster gives an example of activists in this category, legal scholar and free culture guru Yohai Benkler, who in The Wealth of Networks (2006) explores the potential for voluntary collaboration and wealth creation offered by networked technologies. Similarly, Lessig (2004) is another prominent tech lawyer in the free culture movement who announced in 2007 that he was redeploying his skills from copyright issues to political corruption. In the case of Tunisia, Salhi is another lawyer who used his Facebook page to mobilise protesters (Ryan, 2011). It is critical for disability rights activists to cultivate such skills or bring on board members with those skills to enhance the effectiveness of the disability rights movement in the digital era. In that connection, Lessig provided an example of how such skills could be deployed. In 2007, Lessig established the Internet project Change Congress, which focused on developing technological tools that US voters can use “to reduce the influence of money on politics” (Fuster, 2012). Secondly, another controversial group is made up of geeks and hackers who possess another set of skills important for activism. Coleman (2011, p.  512) describes hackers as skilled programmers, security researchers, hardware builders and system administrators who are motivated by information freedom and participate in different causes through hacking. In the same category are geeks who have digital media skills in various areas, such as video editing and design, and the knowledge to utilise platforms where they meet up with like-minded people. In the case of the Tunisian

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uprising, Ali Bouazizi, Mohamed Bouazizi’s cousin who edited and circulated the video of his cousin setting himself on fire, fits well in this category of geeks (Lim, 2013, p.  927). Another example of hackers contributing to the Tunisian protests is that of the online group Anonymous, who launched Operation Tunisia, where they carried out attacks against government websites (Lim, 2013). Coleman (2011) notes that geeks and hackers are bonded by their love for all things computers and individual freedoms in the face of oppressive regimes. Similarly, Brooke (2011) emphasised the importance of such spaces in the fight for Internet freedoms. The third group is made up of online journalists, with their undying love for technology, such as Brooke (2011), who deploy their investigative skills to expose odious actions of governments and corporations. It is prudent to posit, therefore, that if disability rights activists bring together such a broad array of skills to champion their cause, their ineffectiveness and invisibility spell might be finally broken. To complement the skills possessed by groups of activists noted earlier, it becomes necessary to uncover opportunities offered by social media for activists to exploit. The first opportunity is to make improvements in Internet infrastructure across the continent where most people access web content via mobile phones. Such improvements in telecommunications infrastructure offers disability rights activists a platform to strategise, mobilise and action their protests at a cheaper rate than ever. Another, very obvious, opportunity, as shown by the different groups discussed earlier, is that of a networked community. An example provided by Bosch (2016a) and Daniels (2016) in the #RMF is that of the Twitter (now X) community discussions that fostered debates and set the agenda for student activists. While online relationships have been characterised as “weak ties”, Bosch (2016b) posits that such connections, despite their shortcomings, are critical for a democracy. Daniels (2016) uses Mouffe’s (2005) agonistic spaces to characterise the space on social media where disability rights activists must view opposition to their issues as a progressive element for any democratic process. As such, disability rights activists do not need to have strong ties with everyone on the Internet for their campaigns to be effective; rather, they must seize such an opportunity to raise awareness and enhance understanding about disability by various people throughout the continent. As hinted at earlier, social media plays a critical role in protest by offering an easier means of mobilising protesters, and disability rights activists must never let such an opportunity pass them by since democracy always

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favours those with the largest numbers. Furthermore, as shown in the #MustFall campaigns in South Africa and the Tunisian uprising, social media was effectively deployed for coordinating face-to-face meetings, and Gerbaudo (2012) characterises such actions as “centring” as protesters are brought together in a physical space for their campaign. One characteristic of protests is that they evolve swiftly, and because of that, social media provides another opportunity for transmitting information with great speed and so activists must utilise this advantage to stay ahead of actions by governments or corporations that might try to block activities that do not favour their interests. Similarly, as noted by Postill (2013), since social media are viral media, this provides an opportunity for disability rights activists to actively spread digital content epidemically. Disability rights activists must also take advantage of the convergence of new and traditional media, as shown in the Tunisian protests (Castells, 2012), and this might reduce the negative views about disability that continue to derail social inclusion for such marginalised groups.

Conclusion This chapter contends that if disability rights activists have the relevant skills, and opportunities like those provided by social media and the interactive nature of Web 2.0 exist, the effectiveness of their campaigns and the visibility of positive portrayals of people with disability must improve. Additionally, as more people share, debate and reconfigure the disability narrative online, the algorithms, bots and other software will finally be beaten at their game of rendering such content invisible. The chapter started out by framing digital activism. This was followed by a discussion of debates on the effectiveness of this form of activism. The online challenges that could be limiting the effectiveness of disability rights activism in the digital space were also considered. The chapter then used the case of #MustFall campaigns from a democratic South Africa and the Tunisian uprising in an authoritarian state to illustrate how other groups used the Internet to champion their cause. The chapter then ended by considering strategies that disability rights advocates can implement to enhance the effectiveness of their campaigns in the digital era.

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Lim, M. (2013). Framing Bouazizi: ‘White Lies’, Hybrid Network, and Collective/ Connective Action in the 2010–11 Tunisian Uprising. Journalism, 14(7), 921–941. Loader, B., & Mercea, D. (2011). Networking Democracy? Information, Communication and Society, 14(6), 757–769. MacCormick, J. (2012). Algorithms that Changed the Future: The Ingenious Ideas that Drive Today’s Computers. Princeton University Press. Mallett, R. (2009). Choosing Stereotypes: Debating the Efficacy of (British) Disability-Criticism. Journal of Research in Special Educational Needs, 9(1), 4–11. McCombs, M. E., & Shaw, D. L. (1972). The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media. The Public Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), 176–187. McRuer, R. (2006). Crip Theory: Cultural Signs of Queerness and Disability. New York University Press. Medina, E., Marques, I. C., & Holmes, C. (2014). Beyond Imported Magic. Essays on Science, Technology and Society in Latin America. MIT Press. Milan, S., & Trere, E. (2019). Big Data from the South(s): Beyond Data Universalism. Television & New Media, 20(4), 319–335. https://doi. org/10.1177/1527476419837739 Misztal, B. (2003). Theories of Social Remembering. Open University Press. Morozov, E. (2009). Downside to the Twitter Revolution. Dissent, 56(4), 10–14. Mouffe, C. (2005). The Democratic Paradox. Verso. Mutsvairo, B. (2016). Digital Activism in the Social Media Era: Critical Reflections on Emerging Trends in Sub-Saharan Africa. Springer. Mutsvairo, B., & Sirks, L. A. (2015). Examining the Contribution of Social Media in Reinforcing Political Participation in Zimbabwe. Journal of African Media Studies, 7(3), 329–344. https://doi.org/10.1386/jams.7.3.329_1 Ndlela, M. N., & Mano, W. (2020). Social Media and Elections in Africa, Volume 1: Theoretical Perspectives and Election Campaigns. Oliver, M. (2017). Defining Impairment and Disability: Issues at Stake In Disability and Equality Law (pp. 3–18). Routledge. Pasquale, F. (2015). The Black Box Society. The Secret Algorithms that Control Money and Information. Harvard University Press. Polletta, F. (2002). Freedom is an Endless Meeting. University of Chicago Press. Postill, J. (2013). Democracy in an Age of Viral Reality: A Media EpidemioGraphy of Spain’s Indignados Movement. Ethnography, 1–9. http://eth.sagepub.com/content/early/2013/10/08/1466138113502513.abstract Postill, J. (2014). Freedom Technologists and the New Protest Movements: A Theory of Protest Formulas. Special Issue of Convergence Journal, 20(3). New Media, Global Activism and Politics. Reingold, H. (2002). Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution. Basic Books. Resnick, D., & Casale, D. (2011). Political Participation of Africa’s Youth: Turnout, Partisanship and Protest. Working Paper No. 136. Afrobarometer. Retrieved January 13, 2020, from www.afrobarometer.org

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Ryan, Y. (2011, January 26). How Tunisia’s Revolution Began. Al Jazeera. h t t p : / / w w w. a l j a z e e r a . c o m / i n d e p t h / f e a t u r e s / 2 0 1 1 / 0 1 / 2011126121815985483.html Segerberg, A., & Lance Bennett, W. (2011). Social Media and the Organization of Collective Action: Using Twitter to Explore the Ecologies of Two Climate Change Protests. The Communication Review, 14, 197–215. Retrieved January 15, 2020, from http://research.fit.edu/sealevelriselibrary/documents/doc_ mgr/921/Segerberg_&_Bennett_2011_Twitter_to_explore_ecologies_of_ CC_protests.pdf Shakespeare, T. (1994). Cultural Representation of Disabled People: Dustbins for Disavowal? Disability and Society, 9(3), 283–299. Shirky, C. (2008). Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations. Penguin Press. Stuart, H. (2006). Media Portrayal of Mental Illness and Its Treatments. What Effect Does It Have on People with Mental Illness? Department of Community Health and Epidemiology. Queens University. Sunstein, C. (2003). Why Societies need Dissent. Harvard University Press. Surman, M., & Reilly, K. (2003). Appropriating the Internet for Social Change: Towards the Strategic Use of Networked Technologies by Transnational Civil Society Organizations. Social Sciences Research Council. Retrieved January 10, 2020, from http://marksurman.commons.ca/wpcontent/uploads/sites/2/ Surman_2003_Appropriating_Internet_Social_Change.pdf Tejerina, B., Perugorría, I., Benski, T., & Langman, L. (2013). From Indignation to Occupation: A New Wave of Global Mobilization. Current Sociology, 61(4), 377–392. Tufekci, Z., & Wilson, C. (2012). Social Media and the Decision to Participate in Political Protest in Egypt: Observations from Tahrir Square. Journal of Communication, 62(2), 365. Turner, V. (1978). The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-structure. Aldine Publishing. Valenzuela, S. (2013). Unpacking the Use of Social Media for Protest Behavior: The Roles of information. Opinion expression, and activism. American Behavioral Scientist, 57(7), 920–942. Van Dijk, J. (2005). The Deepening Divide: Inequality in the Information Society. Sage Publications. Vegh, S. (2003). Classifying Forms of Online Activism: The Case of Cyberprotests Against the World Bank. In M. McCaughey & M. D. Ayers (Eds.), Cyberactivism: Online Activism in Theory and Practice (pp. 71–95). Routledge. Wolfsfeld, G., Segev, E., & Sheafer, T. (2013). Social Media and the Arab Spring: Politics Comes First. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 18(2), 115–137. Zalkauskaite, U. (2012). Crystallization of Disability Stereotypes in Lithuanian Media. Socialiniai Mokslai, 75(1), 83–91.

CHAPTER 13

The Voices of Persons with Sensory Impairment Versus Their Portrayal by Mass Media in Zimbabwe Phillipa Mutswanga

Introduction In this study, the word media is used broadly to include radio, television, newspapers, magazines, film production and news media, such as social media and books. Sensory impairment relates to persons with visual and hearing impairments. Sensory impairment is a topical issue that is currently attracting a lot of attention from social scientists, educationists, the health secto, and mass media, to mention just a few. This chapter focuses on the influence of mass media on sensory impairments. Both fields have grown exponentially with the advent and growth of technology. However, while they appreciate improvements in technological changes, most persons with sensory impairment have felt betrayed by the mass media portrayals and coverage (Gavril, 2002).

P. Mutswanga (*) Department of Disability Studies and Special Needs Education, Zimbabwe Open University, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_13

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Background This topic was developed from several conferences and workshops attended by the author where most persons with sensory impairment expressed their sense that society at large used different derogatory language and terms to describe them, including name calling acquired through socialisation. They felt this had a greater chance of further spreading like fire by the different media reporters who were even knowledgeable about disability-­friendly terminology but were under strong cultural influences. Persons with sensory impairments felt the mass media in Zimbabwe deliberately covered them negatively to achieve their own interests and market focus. As such, they felt their circumstances, stories and successes were not reported with their interests in mind. Persons with sensory impairments felt hurt by the way members of society metaphorically associated some members of society’s faults with sensory impairments. For example, three narratives expressed different cases where a metaphor was used in Shona: Usaite sebofu (English: Do not behave as if you are a blind person), Asi hauna nzveve (English: Don’t you have ears?), and Asi hauna maziso (English: Don’t you have eyes?). These metaphors are used in daily narratives. Imagine their impact when someone with hearing or visual loss is present. How would you feel if such communications referred to you? Such metaphors imply that one should always expect persons with sensory impairment to deliberately make mistakes, which they cannot avoid because of their sensory condition, but this is not always the case. According the author’s experience, persons with sensory impairments are usually very careful and try to avoid making mistakes. Hence, society seems to have adopted mocking metaphors in the hope that the concerned ‘normal’ individuals will desist from the mistakes since most able-bodied people would not like to be associated with the mentioned impairments. Culturally speaking, when one continually makes mistakes that are related to one’s sensory make-up, one is likely to end up being identified as weak in terms of their senses. Yet metaphors are simply a cultural means of demeaning individuals for their mistakes or rebuking them so that they learn to avoid those mistakes in the future, thereby removing a reason for being rebuked. While such rebukes may help reduce individuals’ mistakes, they have a downside in that they leave in place stereotypes that will continue to be hard to shake off and so will be used in the next generation, including in media misrepresentations.

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For example, before the shift to the term hearing impaired, people with such an impairment were known as deaf and dumb, meaning people who could not hear or speak. These terms continue to be commonly used by society at large, despite calls to use modern terms. The worldwide disability rights movement, which is the American National Association of the Deaf, disagrees that persons with a hearing impairment cannot be described as deaf and dumb because of the various modes of communication they use to express themselves such as sign language (SL) and many others. Furthermore, the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle equated deaf and dumb with low intelligence and suggested that a person born with a visual impairment was likely to be more intelligent than one who was deaf and dumb. As a result, deafness and dumbness have since been historically stereotyped as associated with a lack of intelligence, which is currently unacceptable and an insult in the modern context. Against such backgrounds plus cultural factors, stereotyping of sensory impairments, specifically hearing impairment, continues to face less media coverage and much misrepresentation. Mass media is generally trusted as an authority for news, information, education and entertainment. Initially, books exercised supreme influence because they came first before newspapers, recordings, films, magazines, radio or television. Over time, newspapers and magazines became important influencers, then came radio and televisions with improved channels, where individuals sometimes argued, which emerged as the best reporting channel; this remains a controversial issue to this day. Against this background, it is important to be aware that the values and beliefs we hold harbour lead us to make decisions, despite being based on assumptions, experiences, our education and what is known about the matter under scrutiny (Haller et al., 2006). Media representations are usually swayed by reporters’ background and opinions on sensory impairments and what they believe can capture the attention of the intended audiences (Kabiru & Haruna, 2016). It is for these reasons that sometimes reporters do not want to take risks by portraying people with sensory impairment outside the historically widely shared stereotypes. Thus far as an industry, the media is portrayed as an extremely important part of our everyday life which is critical in the dissemination of information to the masses for their benefit, but in this chapter, it is also regarded as a spreading stereotypes and discrimination against PWDs. The explored experiences were critically analysed as portrayed by the findings. The media’s contribution to PWDs’ discrimination are also discussed.

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Findings The case studies in this chapter aim to capture the attention of readers to give insights into unique ways of spurring improvements in the relationships between the media and persons with sensory impairments. The idea for this chapter arose from day-to-day informal conversations, preliminary views, reading or media materials where people with sensory impairments are portrayed differently. Another media story which prompted this study was of a late very popular singer who was blind. Three decades after the singer’s death his confidante reported in the Daily News in 2019 that this singer had been convicted from 1989 to 1991 for crimes he had not committed. If true, this is quite a sad story. Though not empirically proved, there are probably more persons with sensory impairment receiving similar unfair reports and prison terms for crimes they did not commit due to their sensory characteristics. At a Zimbabwe Open University Sign Language Short Courses training in 2006 in Masvingo, one of the attendees, who worked as a prison officer, quizzed trainers on the meanings of signs that one of the convicted boys who was deaf tried to communicate during his court case hearing in SL. The attendee confessed that, through the SL training, he learnt that the convicted boy’s case needed revisiting. Imagine how many cases of persons who are deaf are the victims of wrong interpretations and are probably convicted for crimes they did not commit because of being taken advantage of by the hearing world and how media covers the issues. For these reasons, relationships between persons with sensory impairments, members of law enforcement and reporters are strained, as suggested by most informal conversations. This shows that, under such circumstances, people with sensory impairment are negatively judged before they are given the chance to state their own views. The cases usually favour persons without sensory impairment. Thus, most participants in this study felt that there was a need to engage with media systems in Zimbabwe and conduct surveys on areas those media systems needed to know about in connection with sensory impairments. The survey’s findings would indicate what sorts of in-service programmes should be implemented. The majority of the participants further felt that media reporters needed some in-service training on acceptable terms in the disability field, deaf culture and the philosophy of visual impairment (Crowley & Crowley, 1999). The participants hoped that with such basic knowledge, media reporters were likely to acquire a basic,

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informed understanding of people with sensory impairments, provide more positive coverage of them and make contributions to the field of disability. The participants felt that all was not lost when it came to mending the fractured relationships between the media and people with sensory impairments and promote inclusion as promulgated in Zimbabwe statutes and as enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) (2006), which Zimbabwe ratified in September 2013. This is expected to transform the mindset of followers of Aristotle and influence them to consider the being-ness of persons with sensory impairment more positively. Excerpts from the participants’ responses suggested that In most instances, we are generally reported as people who are aggressive and emotional and this is equated to describing us as people without a personality. [All narratives of participants with hearing impairment echoed this.]

The British Deaf Association also expressed similar sentiments on its website, https://bda.org.u/finding-­the-­voice-­of-­deaf-­characters/. One of the interviewees with a hearing impairment made the following suggestion: The way we scroll our faces 1 and spread the talking hands 2 to express and emphasize any issues and even use our body language is usually mistakenly construed to describing us as aggressive, suspicious, and emotional beings. These are enough indicators that society at large and the media systems needed education on Deaf Culture and Sign Language.

Most participants with visual impairments (+VI) expressed the sentiment in the following excerpt as reflecting a generally common way of describing them by the public:

1  Scroll our faces—Grammatical structures of the Sign language are formed by the face body language. In other words the way the face is presented in the accompainment of sign language depicts contextual meanings presented at the time. That is faces give away far more meanings than just our mood and that influences how we feel or view incidences. 2  Spread the talking hands—sign language is a visual language where hands have the talking power of expression for varied experiences where different hand signs are presented to express different meanings. To understand a deaf person people read what the different handshapes express.

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We are generally a minority group receiving less media coverage. But when media gets the chance, we are equally described as an ever emotionally charged and defensive group of people. We were also described as good at psychologically using language to get away with crimes we committed especially our natural use of the high tone when either talking or singing was in most cases mistakenly considered as some mental challenge, stubbornness and most concluded that and labeled us tricksters.

In support of this, Hunt (1991) posits that the media continues to enforce disability stereotypes which negatively portray individuals with sensory impairment in disempowering ways. These are the attitudes that this chapter aims to reshape and transform so that historical perspectives towards people with sensory impairments, which previously helped create inequality and discrimination against them, and misrepresentations can be used to bring justice and equality to their recognition in all areas of life. All these challenges seemingly developed from disability media studies. Why? According to Muromo (2014), the challenges arose from the fact that it is a new and growing area of interdisciplinary academic interest and particularly at the intersection of media studies and sensory impairment studies, which allow persons with sensory impairment to have their voice heard for equality and equity. As expressed by most participants, it is not easy to have a dialogue using related terms from separate disciplines, hence, though such dialogue is necessary, the presented excerpts suggest that it is not easy, but it is still recommended as the way to go by the majority of participants in this study. Furthermore, Shakespeare (1999) condemns those in the film industry and many other forms of media for the way they portray people with disabilities (PWDs), where disability is used as a character trait. He went on to say that this is not a fair representation of the actual experience of PWDs. Such publications are likely to increase voicelessness among persons with sensory impairment as they are likely to fulfil the primitive and negative prophecy. Why? According to participants, they find the world not ready to hear their voices. In the Mutsiwi (2016), dated 4 April, one activist at a centre for learners with hearing impairment complained that the achievements and school activities of their learners who were deaf lacked media coverage by the local media due to lack of SL communication skills. Thus, hiring journalists proficient in SL was recommended as one of the ways which could help them develop positive representations about sensory impairments. As such, stereotypes reinforced negative

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attitudes and ignorance about the nature of sensory impairment due to cultural influences, which created misconceptions in most instances as reflected by the excerpts. All participants felt that All these experiences seem to also impact on our employment negatively in the industry field since we are considered as not worthy of being employed. Zimbabwe needs to educate people in the journalism field and continue to train them because there were chances for the reverse of the past representation because what they report can erase the past.

It can then be concluded that the participants considered journalism or the media as a very strong agency of change which could easily help to restore the fractured relationships described in this study between the media and disability fields, especially coverage of PWDs and their need to be portrayed with a positive lens. According to Haller et al. (2006), the terminology used in most media articles reinforces discrimination since using negative disabling language devalues people and can even create a negative self-image, as exemplified by Mutswanga’s chapter pending publication entitled: “Disability, Language and the Media in Zimbabwe: Perspectives of Media Industries on People with Disabilities.” It points out that terms used to refer to a group are important because they have ramifications for both self-perception and what the public believes about sensory impairments. In support of this, Ewoldsen and Roskos (2012) posit that the media has always had the ability to significantly impact our lives and our perceptions; it can change the ways the world perceives sensory impairments using various modes, such as audio systems, video and text. All participants felt that With the current advent of technology, we, people with sensory impairments, are slowly permeating into all life circles as we work side by side with our hearing and seeing counterparts, and those counterparts are beginning to realize our potentials and capabilities. This is slowly creating the realization that we can be and, given the appropriate tools, we are equal competitors. We therefore need to continue to exploit technology to showcase new knowledge, ideas, skills, and industrial facts which shall drive the media industry to seek out our voices whether they like it or not and report our works positively. This shall set the benchmark the beginning of our being given a voice. The media should improve in its outreach to everyone.

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According to Rugoho (2020) the digital media has ushered in a new education of awareness and advocacy for PWDs. Technology is also considered as a weapon which can help in increasing the voices of persons with sensory impairment.

Conclusion The findings of this study imply that, despite the shift in calls to update its coverage and representation of people with sensory impairments, the media is largely responsible for the prevailing stereotypes of people with sensory impairments. However, the study suggested that the matter under study requires a radically new approach, a return to the drawing board as it were, to explore the best ways of restoring positive media coverage and representation for people with sensory impairments. According to the study’s findings, it is hoped that such an action would restore the previously lost understanding about people with sensory impairments and help establish new relationships between them and the media and reduce or completely eliminate the continuing trend by newspapers to use negative language, portraying people with sensory impairments as sufferers of their own impairment. Although the media is slightly changing its coverage of disability, the issue of changing the terminology that is used with respect to disability still requires considerable effort to make the media a key agent of change in the field. The issue of effort can only be addressed when the voiceless are given a voice. The media should report their stories, achievements and talents positively. This was suggested as the means to hear the voices of persons with sensory impairments. However, it is important to be aware that the media has both positive and negative influences on public or society at large. It encourages false ideals, praises selfishness and portrays the possession of a sensory impairment as a medical condition suffered by people who are socially unfit both in society and in industry, which is likely to create a spirit of helplessness; a positive stereotype, however, can increase people’s self-esteem. It is important to be aware that in most instances, media influences the public by sharing news from a biased perspective. The aim of this study was to make the media instrumental in raising awareness, countering stigma and misinformation, changing societal misconceptions and presenting persons with sensory impairments as individuals who are a part of human diversity. The media has the capacity to combat stereotypes in a manner which is consistent in respecting human rights and engaging in inclusive practices

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as enshrined in the CRPD (2006), to help build a peaceful and inclusive society for all where individuals with sensory impairments receive fair media coverage and representation.

References Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). (2006). Retrieved February 10, 2019, from https://www.un.org/development/desa/disabilities/convention-­on-­the-­rights-­of-­persons-­with-­disabilities.html Crowley, M., & Crowley, M. (1999). Spotlight on Handicap. Take Our Word for It, 66. Retrieved February 14, 2019, from http://www.takeourword.com/ Issue066.html Ewoldsen, D. R., & Roskos, B. (2012). Applying Social Psychology to the Media. In F.  W. Schneider, J.  A. Gruman, & L.  M. Coutts (Eds.), Applied Social Psychology: Understanding and Addressing Social and Practical Problems (2nd ed., pp. 135–163). Sage Publications. [Book chapter]. Gavril, F. (2002). Improving Media Access for the Population with Disabled Hearing in Romania and Hungary. Retrieved February 18, 2016, from http://www. policy.hu/flora/projtitle1.htm Haller, B., Dorries, B., & Rahn, J. (2006). Media Labeling Versus the US Disability Community Identity: A Study of Shifting Cultural Language Towson University: USA. Journal Disability & Society., 21(1). Retrieved February 21, 2019, from https://bda.org.u/finding-­the-­voice-­of-­deaf-­characters/ Hunt, P. (1991). Discrimination: Disabled People and the Media, 70(Winter), 45–48. Kabiru, D., & Haruna, M. (2016). Media and Minority in Nigeria. Retrieved February 21, 2019, from http://www.academia.edu/com Muromo, B. (2014). The Place of the Visually Challenged in Mainstream Media: The Zimbabwean Case. The Dyke, 8(1). Mutsiwi, P. (2016). Journalists Urged to Learn Sign Language. Gweru: Chronicle, Midlands Reporter Journalist (4 April). Retrieved March 20, 2022, from https://www.chronicle.co.zw/journalists-urgeed-to-learn-sign-language Rugoho, T. (2020). Disabled Representation in Digital Media in Zimbabwe. In Education for Democracy 2.0. BRILL.  Retrieved January 10, 2023, from https://doi.org/10.1163/97890044484990_006 Shakespeare, T. (1999). A Critical Analysis: Overview of the Media. Retrieved February 21, 2019, from www.disabilityplanet.co.uk/critical-­analysis.html

CHAPTER 14

Disability in Government-Controlled Media and Legislation in Malawi 2012–2019 Sarah Huque, Lena Wånggren, Limbani Kachali, and Jen Remnant

According to Malawi’s 2018 census, 10.4% of the population (aged 5 or older) has a disability. Historically, persons with disabilities in Malawi have faced stigmatisation and abuse and violence (Malawi Government, 2006); violence against those with albinism (Amnesty International, 2018) is particularly pervasive. This stigmatisation of persons with disabilities extends to Malawi’s formal and informal economic sectors, resulting in inequitable participation and discrimination in both employment and education (Remnant et al., 2022; Wånggren et al., 2022). In recent years, Malawi

S. Huque • L. Wånggren University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] L. Kachali Malawi Congress of Trade Unions, Lilongwe, Malawi J. Remnant (*) University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4_14

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has seen crucial changes in disability legislation and policy, including the 2012 Malawi Disability Act (the Act), which moved towards a social model of disability in its language, defining disability as a ‘long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory impairment, which in interaction with various barriers may hinder the full and effective participation of a person on an equal basis with other persons’ (Malawi Government, 2012, p. 3). Disability policy continues to develop, with updated legislation currently under consideration by Parliament, which would combine and update all previous disability legislation in Malawi. This chapter examines the presentation of disability in articles by the Malawi News Agency (MANA) through 2019. By following the change in tone and content of articles produced by MANA about persons with disabilities, the chapter provides insight into changing attitudes towards disability at the government level; the work done to promote the rights of persons with disabilities by the government, civil society and media; and the impact that this work has on the lives of Malawians with disabilities. It highlights specific problems and possibilities in implementation and communication around disability legislation and policy. Exploring this context is of particular relevance as Malawi’s Parliament is currently considering the Persons with Disabilities Bill 2019, meaning the policy context for disability rights in Malawi may change again soon; successes and challenges in implementing previous legislation may thus provide a guide for what to expect should this new legislation become law.

The Malawi News Agency The MANA, established in 1966, is part of the Malawi government’s Ministry of Information (Malawi News Agency Online, 2012). MANA was chosen as the source for a scoping review of disability in Malawian media because (1) it is Malawi’s largest media provider; (2) it is a well-­ established agency in terms of structures and human resources; (3) the majority of reputable news providers in Malawi subscribe to MANA’s mailing list and source news from them and (4) MANA disseminates official government information as well as news (Malawi News Agency Online, 2012; Nyasa Times, 2012). Examining MANA publications provides insight into government rhetoric juxtaposed with government action, especially given the piecemeal implementation of disability legislation in Malawi. Studying the tenor, tone and content of these articles enables us to investigate the

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independence of Malawi’s state-run media when reporting on the state, thereby providing insight into the balance of news being dispatched by MANA to other news providers.

Disability Representation in MANA Online Publications 2012–2019 Methods Building on a thematic analysis of MANA articles relating to disability from January 2012 through September 2019, this section examines how disability was represented in news articles published by MANA during that time frame. As will be demonstrated, while media articles often reflect the rhetoric of government representatives, MANA reporters are also willing to publish material critical of policy implementation and highlighting the limitations of government. While MANA presents a wide range of stories on disability, this chapter focuses on the evolution of the discussion around disability by government officials and advocates, as well as implementation of disability programming and policy. A scoping search was done of the MANA online archives in order to obtain broad information on disability in Malawi, using the search terms ‘disabl*’ and ‘disabil*’. Articles returned during the search were coded at nine general coding nodes; the following analysis will focus one one recurrent distinct theme: economics, with particular emphasis on articles coded at both ‘economics’ and ‘government’. The coded articles under each node were reviewed twice to consider the implications of the data. In addition, timelines were constructed to review changes in the number and content of articles over the search period. The search, review and analysis were conducted by the first author, with critical input on final analytical findings from the co-authors. In addition to the scoping review, exploratory empirical research was conducted with numerous stakeholders in Malawi by the second and fourth authors in August 2019. Qualitative data were generated via interviews, group interviews and focus groups with employer association representatives, government staff working in labour, disability and special-education-focused roles, disability-focused organisations, trade union staff and disabled union members (n = 34). Interviews and focus groups followed a semi-structured format, took place at participant

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workplaces, Malawi Congress of Trade Unions (MCTU) head office in Lilongwe or researcher accommodations (hotel cafes in Lilongwe or Blantyre) and lasted between 25 and 90  minutes. Questions related to participant roles, their perceptions of people with disabilities in relation to paid work and the challenges they perceived to full economic participation for people with disabilities living in Malawi. Data were analysed thematically and were found to support the findings of the MANA news article review. Results Economic participation, and alleviation from poverty for people with disabilities in Malawi, is of vital importance and a key issue for Malawian disability rights organisations—for this reason, this analysis focuses on depictions of people with disabilities in Malawian media in relation to work and employment. Through legislation, speech and action, the government demonstrated a focus on increasing economic participation by persons with disabilities, meaning there is an ongoing discussion between the government and civil society on this issue, some of which plays out in the media. The decision to focus on government and economics highlights (1) the attitude of the government on the economic participation of persons with disabilities, (2) the levels of economic participation of persons with disabilities and (3) the impact of these levels of participation on the lived experiences of persons with disabilities in Malawi. Our search returned MANA articles relating to disability and economics in most districts of Malawi, as shown in Fig. 14.1. Search results for articles relating to economics and disability are broken down by year in Table 14.1. As demonstrated by the figures in Table  14.1, there were no articles returned related to disability and economics in 2012 or 2013, despite the passage of the Disability Act, which contained provisions for economic participation by persons with disabilities. In 2014, the number of results jumped to eight, coinciding with Malawi’s 2014 national elections. Prior to the elections, disability rights groups exerted pressure on political parties to include disability in their platforms. Since economic empowerment is one of the critical foci of the disability rights movement in Malawi and is politically popular due to Malawi’s focus on development, it follows logically that the economic rights of persons with disabilities would be at the forefront of (disability-related) discussion in an election year. (In

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Fig. 14.1  Map of Malawi. Key: Yellow (filled in) districts were covered by one or more MANA ‘economics’ articles between January 2012 and September 2019

2019, another election year, we again saw a large increase in economically focused articles in our search results compared to the previous year.) One of the articles published in 2014 reported on the People’s Party’s pledge

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Table 14.1  Search results for MANA articles on economics and disability Year

Total Number of Search Results Returned

Number of Search Results Coded at ‘Economics’

2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019

1 0 24 11 7 24 12 29

0 0 8 5 2 9 5 11

to fully implement the Act if elected, specifically promising to increase training and employment for persons with disabilities and protect the right to work (Likomwa, 2014). This political discussion of economics, especially around the lack of progress on the implementation of the Act, is evident in the content of other 2014 search results. One article presented a scathing argument that Malawians have benefitted little from many ‘great’ pieces of legislation passed by Parliament, including the Act, despite the potential for economic growth built into these policies (Kazembe, 2014a). The article quoted activists who claimed that the slow pace of progress was intentional, given that these policies did not directly benefit those already in power (Ibid.). This sentiment came on the heels of the incorporation of the previous Ministry of Disability into the new Ministry of Gender, Children, Disability and Social Welfare—a move strongly opposed by advocates already concerned with the lack of progress on the implementation of the Act with a dedicated ministry (Kazembe, 2014b). MANA reported later in 2014 that the minister for the newly created ministry defended the government from the backlash, claiming advocates should not be discussing fears over funding issues prior to the passage of a national budget (Chiwanda, 2014). The minister reportedly also claimed that combining the ministries was anti-discriminatory and that maintaining a special ministry for disability would in itself be unfair to persons with disabilities (Ibid.). Presenting quotes from both the ministry and activists, this article shared two views on the issue, revealing concerns over the allocation of resources in national budgets. Overall, these 2014 articles demonstrate the government’s desire to be seen as working for persons with

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disabilities while simultaneously executing aspects of its political strategy that seem to work against that aim. Beyond 2014 as an election year, the lack of progress on the implementation of legislation was a significant theme in much of the MANA coverage relating to disability, economics and governance between 2014 and 2019. Many of the articles published by MANA relay national government officials’ statements regarding the economic situations faced by persons with disabilities. One of two results for 2014 conveyed a message from the ministry ‘shaming’ parents of children with disabilities who turn their children over to the state, claiming that this increases stigmatisation and that the government does not have the resources to care for all children with disabilities (Mkupatira, 2014). Often, MANA articles also contain statements from disability advocates, sometimes as the prompt for the government’s statement in response. One such article presented the government’s response to advocates’ calls for investigation into the issues causing persons with disabilities to take to the streets to beg (Phiri, 2014). The included statement declared that the government had established training centres and launched a policy to ‘get rid of all physically challenged people away from the major cities’ (Phiri, 2014, para. 11). The government also, according to disability activists, blamed Malawians’ generosity, saying they should not give ‘these people’ money, because it ‘empowers them’ (Phiri, 2014, para. 9). The inclusion of non-­governmental disability activist voices in such articles shows the diversity of narratives around the efficiency of disability policy and legislation. The language used in government officials’ statements contradicts its supposed dedication to a politics of care for citizens with disabilities, while still claiming the government is attempting to provide, placing blame on the efforts of the citizenry to be ‘generous’ for its shortcomings. The focus on disability policy and action is highlighted not only by disability activists and government officials but also by some senior politicians. MANA published the transcript of President Mutharika’s (Democratic People’s Party) 2015 State of the Nation address, which included a section on the government’s programming for persons with disabilities, including skills training and building of a ‘female hostel’ at a vocational training centre for the blind (Malawi Government, 2015). In a 2017 article presenting President Mutharika’s remarks from a Human Rights Commission meeting, Mutharika again highlighted the rights of persons with disabilities to participate in economic activities and discussed plans to increase funding for the Federation of Disability Organizations in

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Malawi (FEDOMA) as well as to grow the special needs teachers college (Kazembe, 2017). Meanwhile, in 2018, MANA articles reported on calls to the government by disability activists. In the first article, FEDOMA called on the government to support candidates for Parliament who have disabilities and to include persons with disabilities in party manifestos, leadership and appointments to government positions (Kamwendo, 2018). FEDOMA also called for the reduction or waiving of registration fees for aspiring parliamentarians, a strategy previously employed to encourage women to run for office (Ibid.). The government’s response was that persons with disabilities should engage with the customary process and first join a political party at the grassroots level to let party members become familiar with them (Ibid.). The second 2018 article discussed the release of a report from the Parliamentary Committee on Social and Community Affairs stating that persons with disabilities still faced socioeconomic exclusion (Kayira, 2018). The chairperson ‘noted that disability issues remain ignored even though they cut across every section of the nation’ (Kayira, 2018, para. 3). Over the time period covered by our search, the rhetoric presented by national-level government officials shifted from ‘getting rid’ of persons with disabilities toward that of empowerment and inclusion. While the motivation behind the rhetoric used by politicians may not have changed (whether we consider that motivation to be ‘cleaning up’ or ‘hiding’ of impoverished individuals from public spaces, a genuine desire to create economic opportunity or some combination of the two), the public-facing language of the government evolved. Statements became more positive and specific and attempted to highlight what the government has done or plans to do, avoiding emphasising shortcomings. These shortcomings, however, continue to be pointed out by activists’ calls for inclusion, which as noted earlier are given equal space in MANA reporting. In the remarks made by national-level governments, we can also see evidence of disability rights being incorporated into a broader strategy for economic development. For example, increasing capacity for special needs teacher training opens up more jobs for aspiring educators. Additionally, calls in newspaper articles for the incorporation of persons with disabilities specifically into government roles may magnify activists’ calls for employment opportunities across the spectrum, including leadership roles. The inclusion of such issues in national news releases may help to mainstream the idea of persons with disabilities in positions of leadership in Malawi.

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However, data from interviews indicate that this kind of inclusion is still elusive: ‘…having those people [with disabilities] as employers, having them as decision makers, as policy makers definitely is something that is not easy…’ [Representative from the Malawian Ministry for Gender, Disability, Children and Social Welfare (MGDCSW)]. Our search also returned articles containing government statements at the local level, where we see a similar shift in language over time. One early statement from a local official called for children with disabilities to be included in education bursaries (Nyale, 2014). Another, about activists’ calls for local councils to work harder on disability-inclusive development, quotes a FEDOMA spokesperson as saying that none of the ‘top’ officials from the local district council invited to an open day promoting the participation of persons with disability in local government attended, although some sent delegates (Maingo, 2015). Meanwhile, a representative for the District Council Secretariat at the event said ‘that the council is doing everything possible’ regarding the rights of persons with disabilities (Maingo, 2015, para. 11). Another article reported on a district government speech promoting the participation of persons with disabilities in local governance at the launch of a district campaign to encourage the same (Vega, 2015). The project, funded by a non-governmental organisation (NGO), would ‘complement government efforts,’ according to the official (Vega, 2015, para. 6). One participant quoted in the article noted that already more persons with disabilities were participating in  local development councils (Vega, 2015). In an article from 2018, an assistant labour officer discussed reports of employers’ discriminatory hiring practices towards persons with disabilities and the government’s efforts at combatting this discrimination using the National Disability Monitoring Evaluation Framework (Fletcher, 2018). In a 2019 article, the head teacher for schools for the deaf and blind asked the government to fund local schools whose learners were from poor families struggling to support their children (Likomwa, 2019a). The district chairperson’s response, included in the article, pledged to raise food and supply shortages at schools for the deaf and blind with the council (Ibid.). As seen in the aforementioned articles, over time, political statements made by local governments have remained relatively steady in that they express positive sentiments around the empowerment and economic development of persons with disabilities. In the articles from 2014 and 2015, however, the examples are more general statements which lack public declarations of political intentions. These earlier examples also

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highlight a gap between local officials’ statements and actions, for example the assertion that the council is doing ‘everything possible’ at an event which no council members attended. In contrast, in the articles from 2018 and 2019, local officials’ pledges use more specific language, identifying particular areas of concern and responding with dedicated commitments to work on those areas. This change in rhetoric runs parallel to the continued growth and development of Malawi’s disability rights movement, as well as growing frustration among Malawians over the slow progress of policy implementation in general. It is also noteworthy that starting in 2015, FEDOMA began rolling out District Disability Forums (DDFs) to monitor the implementation of legislation at a local level. (Much national legislation in Malawi is designed for implementation by district governments.) Government rhetoric is not the only area covered by MANA news reports, and some of the search results presented evidence of progress made on the economic empowerment of persons with disabilities. Some of these sources of progress are found in disability-inclusive local programmes. In 2015, one article spotlighted the inclusivity of a particular Area Development Council’s (ADC) activities, including in programmes on public works, housing and farm input subsidies (Mpumulo, 2015). This article also pointed out, however, that persons with disabilities were not included in the activities of other local ADCs (Ibid.). That article also discussed the role played by the DDFs in working with the ADCs on inclusion (Ibid.). Eventually, the success of this partnership led to a meeting between the DDF and all ten of the district’s councillors, as a result of which local officials committed themselves to ‘spearheading’ change in the future (Ibid.). We found no results from 2016 and 2017 discussing evidence of economic empowerment on the ground for persons with disabilities. This may be due to the focus in the national and international news on the high levels of violence against persons with albinism, which peaked in 2016. When using the media as an area of study, the most urgent and sensational stories can dominate, limiting discussion of other issues in the face of more immediate horror and direct endangerment of lives. [This focus on physical violence also demonstrates that as some progress (and/or talk of progress) is made in some areas, Malawians with disabilities still face challenges to their very existence and right to life.] After a relative silence on economic empowerment, however, in 2018 we see articles about economic empowerment programmes again. One

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article detailed a training event on climate-smart agriculture, specifically mentioning that the programme (funded by the Norwegian Association of the Disabled) would focus on women and persons with disabilities (Mtuwakale, 2018). In 2019, the need for inclusive development, as called for by Malawi Council for the Handicapped (MACOHA) during the opening of a district workshop on the topic, was highlighted in an article (Makhiringa, 2019). Another 2019 article made a point of noting that two persons with disabilities were included in the first group of 158 attendees at a new vocational training programme for youth in Lilongwe (Nyirenda, 2019). These 2018 and 2019 articles take on a different tone to the vague statements made by politicians by allowing readers a window into the practical reality for Malawians with disabilities. They contextualise government statements and reveal evolution over time. This evolution can be mutually reinforcing: Politicians come on board because of local pressure and examples of success, as in the case of the DDF-ADF partnership discussed earlier. These articles also demonstrate that programming not developed specifically for persons with disabilities can be inclusive. However, the necessity for consciously inclusive economic policy (to meaningfully reach marginalised people) remains. The media has an important role to play in emphasising inclusivity when and where it occurs: It is newsworthy that this new training programme launched, but it is especially newsworthy because it included people with disabilities. This consideration relates specifically to one interviewee’s point that ‘…those laws and policies relating to employment, they are not conducive [with the economic participation of people with disabilities], they were not developed specifically to discriminate, but they end up discriminating’ (Representative from Malawian MGDCSW). Articles detailing the ongoing economic difficulties faced by Malawians with disabilities are key to examining issues of economic participation in more depth. Prior to 2017, most of the articles that raise these issues focused on personal stories, discussed later in the chapter. From 2017 on, some articles looked at broader, more systemic challenges. In one of these, a report on a maize donation to households dealing with food shortages, the author mentioned that persons with disabilities were among those affected (Bulombola, 2017). Long dry periods made many Malawian families’ access to food insecure, an issue which was also being tackled by the project through the promotion of small business development and livestock/crop production (Ibid.). As the challenges faced by persons with albinism are among the most high-profile disability rights struggles in

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Malawi, they were the subject of several articles. When linked to economic issues, the articles sometimes presented calls for public-private-NGO partnerships to address the lack of sufficient sunscreen (both in terms of SPF and distribution). Two articles focused on making sunscreen locally available, via government provision (Gwazanga, 2019) or local production (Likomwa, 2019b). Local production of sunscreen (instead of importing it) for persons with albinism was raised as a way to provide jobs and economic growth while increasing coverage (Ibid.). Several articles focused on educational opportunities. One contained statements from the national Early Childhood Development (ECD) director, claiming that the ministry tried to make ECD centres inclusive, but few children utilise them (Itai, 2017). While ‘integration of all children’ (Itai, 2017, para. 6) was stressed as a priority for ECD policy, including foci on accessible facilities, caregiver training, network-building and changing attitudes, the article mentions the budgetary constraints that make implementing these changes difficult (Itai, 2017). Another article continues in this critical vein, discussing the lack of special education teachers in Malawi (Yapuwa, 2019). The article pointed out that Malawi has only one special education training college, run by the government, with 45 graduates annually (Ibid.). Meanwhile, another article pointed to the lack of special education science teachers in particular as a limiting factor in tertiary school and career opportunities of persons with disabilities (Munde, 2019). That article also reported plans to make schooling, especially science and math, more inclusive, noting that ‘inclusive education’ goes beyond building ramps and accessible toilets to encouraging students with disabilities to engage in subjects previously inaccessible or discouraged (Ibid.). Both the progress and lack thereof on disability issues presented by the examined articles provide a rich context for understanding the difficulty in advocating for a particular group in low-resource settings; policy and practice often do not come together. Additionally, such articles highlight the piecemeal nature of projects that seek to implement national legislation at local levels. Reading these articles helps external stakeholders to gain an understanding of Malawi’s political system, especially of the need for programming that focuses on locally acceptable solutions, since working with area and village councils is critical. This is especially true given that the majority of Malawians live in rural areas, often without means of electronic communication. Reaching people where they live is where most of the

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stories of progress come from and where a ‘hearts-and-minds’ strategy can contribute to inclusivity, sometimes using a personal-narrative approach. Personal stories were used in MANA articles to explore the lived economic experiences, both positive and negative, of persons with disabilities. These narratives combine elements of the other articles discussed here to present a broader picture of the economic realities faced by Malawians with disabilities. In an early example of this, one article presented the life story of a former Minister of Disability and Elderly Affairs, highlighting the obstacles, including disability prejudice, she faced to acquire an education and find employment (Ndau, 2015). In that same article, the subject lamented the lack of progress in implementing the Disability Act (Ibid.). Other articles focused on disability and tourism, as seen in a 2016 article reporting on a government call for accessible tourist attractions. The article pointed out that accessibility increases demand (by increasing the variety of individuals who can visit a given attraction and the other services they require), which in turn spurs economic growth (Likomwa, 2016). Another 2016 article centred on accessible tourism, but this one pointed out the lack of access afforded to Malawians with disabilities in accessing tourist attractions. The story told was of a MACOHA-arranged trip to the Majete Wildlife Reserve for persons with disabilities during the Department of Tourism’s ‘tourism month’ celebrations (Kazembe, 2016). The reserve, however, is not wheelchair accessible, and the article described the struggles faced by one of the participants, ultimately leading to a difficult and embarrassing day for the individual (Ibid.). The article pointed out that these accessibility issues remained a problem despite the 2012 Act, which supposedly ensured persons with disabilities access to the same rights as all Malawians (Ibid.). In these articles, we see not only economic discussion and government statements but the grounding of these issues in the realities faced by individuals. Our interviews highlighted the lack of consideration around accessibility in general: ‘…the unfortunate part is that our society, when we are actually planning, constructing the environment … we had nothing in mind to say these facilities will be used by people with different abilities. The focus was just “everybody can use it”. So to be honest, the working environment, in terms of the facilities, the offices, they are not accessible’ (Representative from Malawian MGDCSW). The intention of articles containing personal stories may be to make these issues more real to readers and encourage sympathy from the audience. The language in them makes an argument in favour of working for inclusion.

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We see a shift in the use of personal stories by MANA over time; specifically noteworthy are the several personal stories of economic transformation published in 2017. While the 2015 piece on achievement highlighted the struggles of a high-status individual to reach her position, the 2017 pieces take more of an ‘everyman’ approach. The disability movement in Malawi has tried in recent years to emphasise that Malawians with disabilities are ‘capable’ and that they can do what their non-disabled peers do if given the opportunity. That idea is reflected in the later personal stories our search returned. These articles shared stories of persons with disabilities who own businesses and presented their successes, the ongoing struggles they face and, crucially, how changes to society might help them overcome these challenges. One article told the story of a woman who used begging to fund a small business to support her family (Wasili, 2017). Another story was of a bicycle taxi operator with one leg (Nayeja, 2017). In both of these stories, the businesspeople had aspirations to expand their entrepreneurial projects. A third article emphasised the difficulty of expanding businesses, as business owners with disabilities face difficulties getting loans for expansion (Zinga, 2017). The executive director of FEDOMA at the time discussed micro-finance programmes being run to address these challenges, and a district social welfare officer noted that they have worked with community-based organisations to promote collaborations (Ibid.). Nonetheless, there remain barriers to economic opportunity even for those persons with disabilities who have already started small businesses. The article posited that persons with disabilities who run small businesses were surviving but ended with the hope that these individuals would be ‘swimming with success’ in the future (Zinga, 2017, para. 30). In these articles, people with disabilities are presented as capable, often to the point of spilling over into problematic ‘supercrip’ territory (Clare, 1999). Their work ethic is described as going above and beyond, given their impairments—the bike taxi operator is described as ‘magical’ (Nayeja, 2017). This type of language reflects a lot of the articles containing very positive, pro-empowerment language in government statements. Since MANA is state-run media, the tone they have set in these ‘personal story’ articles and other pieces is indicative of the government’s public position towards combatting negative characterisations of persons with disabilities. Toeing this ‘party line’ likely also allows MANA the freedom to criticise the government’s lack of progress, since the commitments to achieving

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progress are in writing. In this way, MANA’s connection with the state also allows it to point out the state’s flaws. While the depiction of persons with disabilities who overcome their circumstances as inspiring can and should be criticised in its own right, there is simultaneously a definite thread within the MANA articles that persons with disabilities are people—they are ‘just like’ their peers and should have equal rights. The historic dehumanisation of persons with disabilities in Malawi makes this a radical point in and of itself, especially with suspicion and violence still prevalent today. In these articles, we also see the voices of persons with disabilities increasingly emphasised and presented by reporters, with the use of interview techniques to present personal stories ‘in their own words.’ The positive portrayal of persons with disabilities in these articles may help to overturn other stereotypes, including those around who is ‘able’. People with disabilities are framed in these articles as economically engaged and entrepreneurial—in the story of the woman who supplemented her business through begging, the author turns the usual negative impression of people who engage in begging on its head. In this article, the act of begging is portrayed as calculating and determined, and the necessity of it is framed as preventable if greater economic inclusion were to be achieved. These articles present a stark contrast to the 2015 articles discussing the government’s intention to ‘get rid of’ people who beg in public city centres. Interestingly, though, it is owning a business that is framed as laudable and held up as the ideal standard. There were no articles about people with disabilities who work in other areas. During the authors’ time doing research in Malawi, for example, we met many persons with disabilities who are teachers. The stories of these citizens were not highlighted by MANA, except in articles which presented news of training or skills programmes, never following up to see what impact such programmes may have had on participants. This may be because those who gain positions in areas like politics or education are themselves educated and are not the individuals reporters want to highlight; starting a small business is seen as a path for those with little education to support themselves. On the other hand, it may be because the entrepreneurial spirit is prized and lauded in Malawi, again highlighting that Malawians with disabilities are ‘not so different’ from those around them. In a country with a small formal economy, the informal economy—consisting mainly of individuals with very small businesses—takes precedence. This point leads us back to the articles

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which emphasised a dearth of formal educational opportunities and slow development in the formal business sector. While it may be difficult to follow up with participants in training programmes (or simply less interesting from a journalist’s point of view), the lack of reporting on it means we lose the chance to find out what the real impact of these programmes may have been, at least for the purposes of this review.

Conclusions Between January 2012 and September 2019, MANA articles relating to disability included evidence of evolution both practical and rhetorical over time. These articles grant us a window into what government actors said and what they actually did, using the economic rights of persons with disabilities as a framing device. The articles also helped us to examine the piecemeal implementation of legislation, the interplay between civil society and government and how personal stories might shed light on the lived experiences of persons with disabilities, highlighting the impacts (or lack thereof) of policy. As seen in this chapter, while articles from MANA often reflect the rhetoric of government representatives, reporters are also willing to publish material critical of government. Most articles included comments from both government and civil society and/or individuals with disabilities, providing perspectives from multiple sources. This indicates a level of freedom of press even within state media and a willingness of reporters to both support and hold to account their government employers. In particular, this scoping review demonstrates a change in the way government officials speak in public about disability rights over time. Rhetoric has become more specific and meaningful, demonstrating that the government’s attitude toward action on disability rights has changed over time. The more specific commitments may be a response to criticism from both the media and civil society over the ongoing lack of implementation of legislation passed years prior. As noted, MANA at times presented personal stories, sometimes using problematic ‘supercrip’ language. Despite the fact that this type of depiction has been challenged, these articles place a positive spotlight on persons with disabilities, potentially helping to combat abuse and decrease vulnerability within a local context. This positive depiction contrasts with an interviewee’s statement that ‘…most people associate disability with failure…’ (Representative from Malawian MGDCSW). By presenting a

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position of evolving positivity towards disability rights, MANA engages in a process of mainstreaming a counter-narrative to negative associations. MANA’s reporting has often focused on the implementation of policy on disability, which is critical as Malawi is in the throes of another period of evolution around disability rights in producing and implementing the new Persons with Disabilities Bill. The media will be important in highlighting the new bill’s provisions and rhetoric and reporting on whether the government achieves further expansion of the rights of persons with disabilities than it has with the 2012 Disability Act. The scoping review presented here of MANA articles around disability and economics offers a glimpse into potential challenges for the future but also indicates a positive trajectory that the new legislation may enable politicians and civil society actors to build on in the future.

References Amnesty International. (2018). Towards Effective Criminal Justice for People with Albinism in Malawi (Index No. AFR 36/8634/2018). https://www.justice. gov/eoir/page/file/1079266/download Bulombola, G. (2017). CADECOM Donates to Hunger Stricken Households in Ntcheu. Malawi News Agency Online. Chiwanda, M. (2014). Government Thrashes MANAD’s Sentiment Over Ministries Combination. Malawi News Agency Online. Clare, E. (1999). Exile and Pride: Disability, Queerness, and Liberation (1st ed.). South End Press. Fletcher, E. (2018). FEDOMA Orients Thyolo Stakeholders on Disability Service Provision. Malawi News Agency Online. Gwazanga, L. (2019). PWAs Want Locally Produced Sunscreen Lotion. Malawi News Agency Online. Itai, B. (2017a). Children with Physical Challenges Shunning ECD Centres. Malawi News Agency Online. Itai, B. (2017b). Airtel Aid People Living with Disabilities. Malawi News Agency Online. Kamwendo, S. N. (2018). FEDOMA Request Political Parties to Give Chance to Aspiring Persons with Disabilities. Malawi News Agency Online. Kayira, I. (2018). Report Unveils Plight of Persons with Disability. Malawi News Agency Online. Kazembe, I. (2014a). Malawi Politics Thriving on Failed Policies. Malawi News Agency Online. Kazembe, I. (2014b). FEDOMA Hopes Its Mother Ministry Survives the Chop. Malawi News Agency Online.

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Kazembe, I. (2016). Tourism for All? Malawi News Agency Online. Kazembe, I. (2017). President Mutharika Spells Out Human Rights Strides. Malawi News Agency Online. Likomwa, L. (2014). PP to Enforce the Implementation of the Provisions of Disability Act. Malawi News Agency Online. Likomwa, L. (2016). Demand for Universally Accessibility Tourism Products Needs Address. Malawi News Agency Online. Likomwa, L. (2019a). Chiradzulu Link-Lilongwe Chapter Donates to the Blind, Deaf Learners. Malawi News Agency Online. Likomwa, L. (2019b). APAM Asks Government to Approve Production of Sunscreen Lotion. Malawi News Agency Online. Maingo, W. (2015). People with Disabilities Cry for Recognition at Local Government Level. Malawi News Agency Online. Makhiringa, M. (2019). MACOHA Calls for Full Inclusion of Persons with Disabilities. Malawi News Agency Online. Malawi Government. (2006). National Policy on Equalisation of Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities. Malawi Government. (2012). Disability Act, 2012 (No. 8 of 2012). https://malawilii.org/mw/legislation/act/2012/10 Malawi Government. (2015). State of the Nation Address by President Mutharika. Malawi News Agency Online. Malawi News Agency Online. (2012). About Malawi News Agency. Malawi News Agency Online. Mkupatira, B. (2014). The Disabled Are Not State Property—Malawi Govt. Malawi News Agency Online. Mpumulo, A. (2015). Disability Forum Calls for Inclusion in Development, Governance. Malawi News Agency Online. Mtuwakale, H. (2018). TEVETA to Train 5130 Youths in Climate Smart Agriculture. Malawi News Agency Online. Munde, A. (2019). Inclusive Education That Excludes Others. Malawi News Agency Online. Nayeja, R. (2017). Charles George: Bicycle Taxi Operator with Magical Leg. Malawi News Agency Online. Ndau, T. (2015). Conquering Disability with Faith: Rachel Kachaje. Malawi News Agency Online. Nyale, E. (2014). Inclusion of Physically Challenged Children in Education Bursaries ‘A Must’. Malawi News Agency Online. Nyasa Times. (2012). Malawi News Agency to be Online, Says Director of Information. Nyasa Times. Nyirenda, M. (2019). 158 Youth to Benefit from Vocational Project in Lilongwe. Malawi News Agency Online.

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Phiri, E. S. (2014). FEDOMA, Government Advocate for Physically Challenged People Clean Up. Malawi News Agency Online. Remnant, J., Wånggren, L., Huque, S., Sang, K., Kachali, L., & Richards, J. (2022). Disability Inclusive Employment in Urban Malawi: A Multi-­ perspective Interview Study. Journal of International Development, 34(5), 1002–1017. https://doi.org/10.1002/jid.3678 Vega, T. (2015). Government Urges Full Participation of Persons with Disabilities in Local Systems. Malawi News Agency Online. Wånggren, L., Remnant, J., Huque, S., Kachali, L., Sang, K. J. C., & Ngwira, J. (2022). Disability Policy and Practice in Malawian Employment and Education. Sociology of Health & Illness, 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-­ 9566.13577 Wasili, B. (2017). Using Alms to Take Children to School. Malawi News Agency Online. Yapuwa, Y. (2019). Stillbirth of Quality Inclusive Education. Malawi News Agency Online. Zinga, M. (2017). Surviving in the Face of Disability. Malawi News Agency Online.

Index1

A AAC devices, 183, 193–196 AAC technology, 184, 185, 187, 190, 196 Abilities, 7, 12, 18, 23, 40, 77, 96, 97, 132, 147, 153, 185, 186, 188, 193, 195, 209, 210, 216, 231, 247 Absence, 49, 68, 69, 72, 73, 76, 79, 110, 162, 187 Abuse, 12, 31, 35, 38–41, 44, 48, 55, 114, 188, 235, 250 Acceptance of persons with disabilities, 34, 44 Accessibility, 38, 44, 46, 107, 110, 145, 189, 193, 205, 247 Access information, 45, 47, 143 Access to technology, 140, 143, 146 Act, 2, 51, 56, 107, 109, 140, 153, 161, 174, 175, 177, 216, 249 Actions, 44, 55, 57, 67, 69, 113, 114, 124, 125, 127, 131, 140, 143, 153, 154, 161, 167–169, 171,

173, 174, 176–178, 203–219, 232, 236, 238, 241, 244, 250 Activism, 68, 147, 204–212, 215, 217–219 Activists, 2, 35, 68, 89, 178, 187, 197, 203–209, 211, 213, 215–219, 230, 240–243 Acts of cha, 85, 91 ADA, see Americans with Disabilities Acts Adopted daughter, 150, 158 Adults, 40 Advances, 2, 13, 48, 51, 53, 56, 113, 114, 139, 141, 186, 193, 194, 212 Advent of mobile media technologies in Zimbabwe, 10, 23 Advocacy, 3, 7, 37, 45, 53, 55–57, 68, 78, 84, 110, 114–115, 184, 203–219, 232 Africa, 2, 6, 7, 21, 31–58, 86, 87, 106, 121, 150, 151, 160, 161, 169, 203–219

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

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© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2024 T. Rugoho (ed.), Disability and Media - An African Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40885-4

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256 

INDEX

African Charter, 45 African children, 153, 161 African Context, 99, 209 African continent, 33, 45, 46, 140, 169, 184 African countries, 3, 6, 34, 42, 44–46, 48, 57, 58, 129, 166–170 African Decade of Disabled Persons, 87 African Development Bank, 105, 106 African instruments, 46, 47 African people, 161 African societies, 50, 165 African Union, 42, 50, 57 African Youth Charter, 46 Agencies, 6, 40, 77, 91, 107, 150, 157, 173, 175, 178, 231, 236 Agenda, 4, 88, 99, 104, 112, 113, 189, 193, 197, 205, 206, 210, 212, 218 Agenda-setting function of mass media, 210 Aid technology, 12, 18, 23 Albinism, 6, 165–178, 235, 244–246 Albinism in Tanzania, 6, 165–178 Alms to disabled persons, 90, 91 American Sign Language (ASL), 15, 22 Americans with Disabilities Acts (ADA), 85, 121, 152, 153 Analysis, 5, 6, 36, 53, 71, 86, 88, 89, 94, 98, 105, 111, 122, 125, 142, 154–161, 167, 171, 172, 207, 208, 216, 237, 238 ASL, see American Sign Language Aspirations, 56, 113, 114, 138, 184, 189, 204, 248 Assessment, 4 Attacks, 6, 167, 168, 170–178, 218 Attacks on people, 170 Attention, 6, 19, 20, 36, 42, 50, 51, 93, 105, 113, 125, 130, 132, 150, 152, 158, 162, 166, 168, 169, 172, 189, 190, 207, 215, 225, 227, 228

Attitudes, 17, 33–35, 41, 42, 54, 55, 70, 84, 91, 124–127, 130, 132, 133, 143, 153, 161, 168, 189, 190, 194, 230, 231, 236, 238, 246, 250 Augmentative and alternative communication (AAC), 6, 7, 21, 23, 45, 183–197 Authorities, 14, 39, 51, 52, 56, 72, 81, 111, 112, 152, 162, 169, 205, 210, 227 Autism, 97 Awareness, 1, 2, 4, 7, 21, 23, 38, 40, 44, 48, 52–57, 66, 76, 77, 113, 114, 132, 134, 184, 189, 218, 232 B BBC, see British Broadcasting Corporation Begging, 68, 91, 248, 249 Beliefs, 24, 34, 39, 58, 66, 68–70, 76, 78, 93, 104, 122, 129, 131, 138, 153, 171–174, 177, 178, 227 Bodies, 5, 6, 98, 109, 120, 131, 138–140, 149–163, 173, 174, 176, 178, 190, 194, 195, 197, 229 Body parts of people, 93, 172, 174, 177 British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), 150, 152, 154, 156–160, 172 Businesses, 85, 96, 110, 111, 139, 245, 248–250 C Campaigns, 7, 50, 76, 132, 140, 170, 172, 174, 184, 204, 207, 211–216, 218, 219, 243 Canada, 54, 171, 175, 176, 210

 INDEX 

Capabilities, 36, 107, 126, 128, 132, 185, 189, 231 Care, 11, 44, 46, 49, 104, 126, 151, 161, 174, 188, 193, 241 Cases, 6, 13, 22, 50, 56, 57, 72, 73, 77, 89, 90, 93–95, 98, 114, 131, 138, 144, 150, 154, 156–162, 169, 172–176, 209, 211, 213, 214, 217, 219, 226, 228, 230, 245 Case study, 5, 125, 139–141, 146, 149–163, 228 Categories, 33, 36, 38, 45, 72, 74, 84, 89, 92, 98 Cause, 4, 49, 50, 52, 53, 70, 73, 126, 141–144, 146, 151–153, 159, 162, 203, 204, 207, 208, 213–219 Cerebral palsy, 184 Challenges, 2, 3, 5, 7, 10, 20–23, 39, 40, 49, 51, 53, 66, 71–73, 78, 99, 103, 107, 109, 110, 114, 120, 123, 127, 131, 186–188, 190, 196, 207, 208, 211, 219, 230, 236, 238, 244, 245, 248, 251 Challenges of inclusive education, 39 Change, 2, 3, 10, 21, 34, 35, 41, 42, 47–49, 53, 57, 75, 98, 99, 108, 120, 122, 123, 127, 130, 131, 133, 134, 140, 153, 193, 195, 204, 205, 209, 211, 216, 225, 231, 232, 236, 237, 244, 246, 248, 250 Characters, 70, 71, 74, 75, 78, 79, 109, 130, 175, 230 Charity, 2, 10, 11, 32, 36, 37, 53, 67, 68, 70, 74, 77, 85, 88, 91, 93, 108, 175 Child/Children, 4, 6, 10n1, 11–14, 16, 17, 20, 21, 31, 32, 34, 39–42, 44, 46, 47, 50, 51, 53, 55, 57, 58, 66, 93, 96–98, 132, 150, 151,

257

153, 155, 157–161, 172–174, 176, 178, 241, 243, 246 Choice, 4, 10n1, 11, 85, 133, 171, 172, 190, 210 Citizens, 3, 20, 24, 40, 51, 112, 115, 133, 140, 147, 152, 206, 208, 212, 215, 241, 249 Civil society, 35, 44, 49, 52, 203, 236, 238, 250, 251 and government, 250 organisations, 112, 114, 203 Claiming, 240, 241, 246 CNN, 150, 154, 156, 160–161, 185 Colonial, 120, 155, 158, 169, 212 Combat stereotypes, 44, 52, 132, 134, 232 Commodification, 6, 149–163 Communication, 3, 7, 10–13, 16, 18–24, 42, 45–48, 51, 52, 107, 109, 120, 138, 145, 185, 190, 192–197, 203, 206, 210, 213, 215, 226, 227, 230, 236, 246 demands, 9, 18, 19, 23 disabilities, 12, 183–185, 187–192, 196, 197 partners, 19, 193–195 technology, 16, 47, 145, 183, 196 Communities, 2, 3, 5, 6, 9–24, 32–34, 37, 38, 41, 42, 49, 50, 53, 57, 67, 70, 75, 79, 81, 84, 89–91, 103, 108, 113, 114, 120, 123, 128, 129, 134, 137, 143, 146, 168, 170, 175, 185–187, 190, 212, 218, 248 Complex communication, 185 Computers, 143, 145, 183, 192, 196, 218 Concept, 4, 5, 13, 32, 33, 50, 68, 84, 91, 105, 155, 168, 205, 213 Condition, 2, 4–6, 10n1, 12, 16, 36, 49, 53, 67, 70, 97, 103, 104, 106, 108, 121, 137, 151, 152, 162, 165–171, 173, 175, 177, 226, 232

258 

INDEX

Confidentiality, 124, 141 Continent, 21, 33, 45, 46, 50, 140, 167, 169, 184, 218 Convention, 3, 10n1, 24, 33, 43–45, 49, 104, 113, 114, 132, 189 Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), 1, 2, 33, 43–45, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54, 55, 57, 66, 84, 85, 87, 98, 108, 109, 121, 125–127, 132, 138, 229, 233 Council, 111, 243, 244, 246 Countries, 1–3, 6, 10, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 24, 31, 34, 42–46, 48, 53, 54, 57, 58, 66–68, 72, 75, 78, 103, 106, 113–115, 119–123, 129, 138, 140, 147, 153, 166–171, 184, 188, 204, 208, 211, 215, 249 Coverage, 2, 4–6, 37, 54, 69–74, 78, 84, 86, 88, 89, 97, 99, 104, 105, 107, 108, 110–112, 115, 120, 124, 126, 130, 131, 133, 134, 149, 150, 152, 154–161, 167, 169, 170, 177, 189, 225, 227, 229–232, 241, 246 Crimes, 124, 131, 156, 174, 188, 189, 228, 230 CRPD, see Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Culture, 3, 10, 10n1, 14, 19, 20, 22–24, 34, 35, 66, 69, 76, 86, 91, 99, 122, 133, 138, 153, 155, 213, 215, 217, 228, 229 minorities, 153 norms, 34, 127, 155, 163 values, 10n1, 153, 155 D Daughter, 6, 111, 150, 152, 158, 160, 162, 173

Deaf/deafness, 9–24, 10n1, 87, 96, 97, 123–125, 131, 227, 228, 230, 243 child/children, 11–14, 16, 17, 20, 21 community, 3, 9–24 education, 11 individuals, 16, 19–22 learners, 11–13, 15–18 people, 3, 10, 10n1, 13–15, 17–22, 24 studies, 124 Death, 6, 149–162, 175, 204, 228 Deformities, 67, 96, 122, 128 Democracy, 208, 211, 213, 218 Depictions, 74, 75, 109, 133, 139, 238, 249, 250 Depictions of disabled people, 74 Derogatory, 5, 36, 37, 89, 91, 92, 97, 122–124, 126, 130, 226 Developed countries, 53, 78, 121, 123 Development(al), 2–5, 10, 13–17, 23, 31–58, 66, 77, 107–109, 112–114, 125, 139, 144, 146, 147, 169, 184, 205, 238, 242–245, 250 issue, 48, 49 programmes, 49–51, 184 sustainable, 48, 50, 58 Digital activism, 204–206, 217, 219 Digital era, 204, 206–211, 217–219 Disabilities/disability, 1–7, 12–14, 16, 18–20, 24, 31–58, 65–81, 83–99, 103–115, 137–147, 149–154, 162, 168, 176, 183–194, 196, 197, 203–219, 227–232, 235–251 access, 247 activism, 147 activists, 2, 197, 208, 241, 242 in Africa, 31–58, 86, 87, 209 community, 32, 37, 38, 67, 70, 134, 137, 186

 INDEX 

discrimination, 113 and economics, 238, 251 identity, 5, 137–142, 144–146 issues, 2–4, 37, 38, 53, 56, 57, 65–81, 86, 87, 104, 105, 114, 115, 119–122, 129, 130, 133, 190, 207, 210, 242, 246 language issues, 119, 120 policy, 112, 114, 236, 241 representation, 88, 237–250 rights, 37, 38, 45, 48, 50, 54, 56, 58, 113, 121, 140, 203–219, 236, 238, 242, 245, 250, 251 rights activism, 204, 207–211, 217–219 rights activists in Africa, 35, 187, 204–209, 211, 213, 215–219 rights laws, 68 rights movement, 7, 80, 121, 123, 138, 140, 217, 227, 238, 244 status, 6, 48, 150, 152, 153 stereotypes, 4, 36, 66, 76–77, 131, 230 studies, 38, 105, 109, 119, 133 Disabilities Act, 56 Disabilities Bill, 236, 251 Disabilities, learning (LDs), 124, 125, 128 Disability Rights Chat, 6, 140–144 Disabled people(persons), 32, 35, 54, 55, 70, 71, 73–78, 89–91, 98, 108, 121, 125, 137–141, 143, 144 Disabled Peoples Act (DPA), 107, 121, 125 Disabled people’s organizations (DPOs), 55, 138, 140, 144, 147, 177 Disabled Peoples’ Voices, 50, 185, 249 Discourse, 19, 52, 99, 109, 121–123, 125–130, 133, 152, 163, 168, 178, 212, 213

259

Discrimination, 2, 5, 31, 32, 35, 38–41, 48, 50, 53, 55, 66, 70, 77, 81, 86, 87, 99, 104, 107, 108, 113, 114, 121, 126, 132, 138, 139, 227, 230, 231, 235, 243 Documentaries, 6, 133, 166–172, 178 DPOs, see Disabled people’s organizations E Eating disorder, 151–153, 160 Economics, 1, 39, 49, 51, 57, 66, 81, 94, 97, 99, 105–110, 112, 115, 119, 139, 140, 168, 169, 172, 176–178, 210, 235, 237–243, 245–251 empowerment, 56, 105, 106, 111–113, 238, 244 participation, 238, 245 rights of persons with disabilities, 238, 250 Education, 11, 14–17, 21, 23, 37, 39–41, 44, 46, 49, 51, 56, 57, 68, 69, 94, 95, 104, 106, 123, 126, 128, 131, 132, 140, 147, 168, 170, 176, 188, 189, 213, 227, 229, 232, 235, 237, 243, 246, 247, 249 Effectiveness, 54, 68, 204, 207, 211, 214, 217, 219 Effects, 4, 10, 15, 52, 54, 67, 75, 77, 87, 104, 109, 123, 126, 129, 133, 139, 154, 155, 172, 216 Emancipation, 121, 126, 140, 141 Employers, 151, 237, 243, 250 Employment, 5, 21, 43, 44, 49, 52, 56, 68, 73, 75, 92, 98, 104, 107, 111, 188, 231, 235, 238, 240, 242, 245, 247 Empowerment, 42, 56, 91, 93, 105, 109, 111–112, 138, 140, 145, 147, 187, 196, 242, 243

260 

INDEX

Enabling environments, 43, 44 Enlightenment, 57, 69 Environment, 10, 11, 16–19, 23, 32, 41, 49, 50, 58, 95, 105, 115, 123, 186, 193, 205, 247 Ethics, 149–163, 248 Events, 6, 15, 34, 71, 72, 75, 86, 88, 92, 109, 121, 130, 156, 166, 169, 171–173, 178, 212, 214, 243–245 Examination, 6, 111, 167, 169, 172 Experiences, 5, 6, 11, 14, 17, 32, 36–39, 53, 54, 72, 84, 88, 129, 133, 146, 157, 166–168, 185–189, 193, 196, 197, 226, 227, 230, 231, 238, 247, 250 Exploring, 167, 204, 206 Expression, 21, 47, 190, 195, 197, 208, 215 F Families, 3, 11, 12, 40, 44, 57, 66–68, 74, 97, 108, 128, 132, 150, 153, 155, 160–162, 168, 170, 173, 174, 243, 245, 248 Family members, 68, 128, 155, 175, 185 Federation of Disability Organizations in Malawi (FEDOMA), 242–244, 248 FEDOMA, see Federation of Disability Organizations in Malawi Field, 129, 147, 205, 212, 214, 225, 228, 229, 231, 232 Films, 6, 42, 47, 69, 71, 72, 74–76, 86, 166, 171, 174, 186, 225, 227, 230 Findings, 12, 18, 21, 80, 88, 89, 99, 125, 131, 133, 134, 146, 176, 185, 227–232, 237, 238 Focus groups, 237

Frames, 4, 5, 84–99, 109, 142, 210, 213, 237 Framing, 4, 5, 37, 38, 43, 57, 83–99, 138, 186, 219, 250 Freedom, 1, 40, 43, 44, 47, 54, 109, 129, 170, 208, 217, 218, 248, 250 G Geita, 175, 176 Gender, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 48, 55, 104, 112, 141 Gender inequalities, 39 Girl-child, 4 Girls, 3, 4, 6, 22, 31–58, 104, 159, 162 Gloria Huang, 6, 149–163 Government, 2, 3, 14–16, 44, 47, 50, 52, 54–56, 68, 81, 84, 86, 90, 94, 95, 107, 110, 111, 113, 143, 147, 151, 152, 169, 172, 174, 177, 184, 208, 215, 218, 219, 236–238, 240–251 Government-controlled media, 235–251 Government officials, 237, 241, 242, 250 Group-identity frame, 89–90, 98 Groups, 1, 3, 4, 6, 32, 50, 55, 58, 74, 84, 85, 89, 92, 94, 95, 97, 99, 109, 111, 112, 120, 123, 124, 126, 130, 131, 138–147, 168, 184, 185, 187, 190, 203–207, 209, 211–219, 230, 231, 237, 238, 245, 246 H Health, 21, 41, 44, 45, 49, 51, 103, 104, 121, 162, 165, 168, 170, 188, 225

 INDEX 

Highlights, 95, 99, 167, 170, 186, 187, 189, 208, 209, 214, 236, 238, 242, 244, 246, 249 Humanities, 33, 120, 186 Human-rights, 1, 2, 4, 43–46, 48–50, 52, 57, 66, 107–109, 113, 134, 139, 167, 168, 186, 188, 208, 232 dimension of disability, 48 and freedoms, 113 issue, 48, 114 of persons with disabilities, 43 Human Rights Based Approach, 32, 105, 108, 113 Human Rights Watch, 55 Human trafficking, 156, 158–162 I ICTs, see Information communications technologies Identity, 3, 5, 10, 10n1, 13, 20, 23–24, 35, 44, 53, 72, 89, 99, 120, 137–146, 186 Idioms, 22, 127, 128 Illness, 79, 96, 107, 168 ILO, see International Labour Organization Images, 2, 21, 38, 41, 52, 69, 76, 78, 79, 98, 108, 130, 131, 133, 169, 174–177, 210 Impairments, 7, 11, 12, 18, 20, 32, 33, 42, 43, 47, 75–77, 107, 121–126, 129, 138, 139, 152, 153, 185, 188, 190, 196, 225–233, 236, 248 Implementation, 2, 44, 50, 56, 106, 110, 112, 114, 132, 236, 237, 240, 244, 250, 251 Implementation of legislation, 241, 244, 250 Implications, 4, 50, 89, 115, 125, 139, 140, 146–147, 157, 190, 209, 237

261

Improvements, 74, 78, 204, 218, 225, 228 Inclusion, 3, 15, 17, 22, 32, 34, 38, 41, 43–57, 66, 79, 86, 95, 98, 112, 113, 126, 141, 161, 168, 183–197, 204, 219, 229, 241–244, 247, 249 Inclusion of persons with disabilities, 4, 57 Inclusive education, 15–17, 23, 39, 246 Inclusivity, 123, 244, 245, 247 Indicators, 93, 106, 131, 229 Individuals, 6, 16, 17, 19–22, 32, 34, 43, 53–55, 67, 70, 74, 76–78, 84, 89, 95, 103, 107, 108, 113, 126, 127, 129, 131, 133, 137–139, 141–143, 145, 146, 149, 152, 156, 160, 162, 167, 168, 170–174, 176–178, 183, 186, 203, 214, 218, 226, 227, 230, 232, 233, 242, 247–250 Information, 2, 4, 5, 7, 14, 17, 19, 34, 35, 38, 41, 42, 45–48, 52, 53, 69, 73, 79, 88, 104, 114, 119, 120, 124, 130, 143–146, 150, 156, 171, 174, 185, 187, 189, 193, 204, 208, 210, 211, 214–217, 219, 227, 236, 237 Information and communication technologies (ICTs), 5, 145–147, 206, 207, 209 Information society, 2, 35 Institutionalisation, 67, 68, 95 Institutions, 3, 6, 10–13, 23, 38, 68, 93, 107, 125, 127, 132, 144, 166, 170, 177, 188 Integration of persons with disabilities, 2, 53, 77 Intellectual disabilities, 37, 73, 75, 107 Interaction, 3, 11, 17, 19, 22, 33, 41, 52, 120, 144, 146, 194, 195, 203, 207, 214, 215, 236

262 

INDEX

International Labour Organisation (ILO), 2, 78, 79, 105, 121, 123, 132, 133 International Society for Augmentative and Alternative Communication (ISAAC), 183, 186, 193, 195 Interviewing, 187, 192, 193, 195–197 Isolation, 1, 2, 18, 50, 106 ISAAC, see International Society for Augmentative and Alternative Communication Issues, 1–4, 15, 19, 22, 34, 35, 37, 38, 48, 49, 53, 55–57, 65–81, 84, 86–88, 91–93, 95, 104, 105, 109, 110, 114, 115, 119–122, 124, 125, 129–131, 133, 134, 144, 156, 165, 167, 169–172, 177, 189, 190, 197, 204, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213, 217, 218, 225, 227–229, 232, 238, 240–242, 244–247 J Jairos Jiri Association, 11 Journalists, 34, 43, 56, 57, 90, 91, 96, 108, 114, 123, 129, 156, 158, 160, 161, 166, 175, 194, 197, 218, 230, 250 Justice, 44, 55, 104, 109, 138, 155, 156, 230 K Knowledge, 7, 18, 20, 21, 37, 68, 75, 109, 120, 187, 217, 228, 231 L Labels, 20, 74, 91, 92, 94, 120, 121, 123, 128, 168 Lack, 1, 4, 12, 36, 40, 41, 46, 49–51, 68, 69, 75, 84, 99, 109, 110,

120, 121, 147, 152, 172, 173, 175, 176, 190, 195, 227, 230, 243, 246, 247, 250 of progress, 240, 241, 247, 248 of progress on implementation, 240, 241 Lagos, 92, 94, 95 Laws, 34, 44, 45, 50, 53–57, 68, 104, 107, 110, 120, 121, 144, 145, 152, 155, 156, 228, 236, 245 LDs, see Learning disabilities Learners, 10n1, 11–13, 15–18, 128, 230, 243 Learning, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17–19, 40, 120, 144 Learning disabilities (LDs), 124–126, 128 Light, 6, 10, 17, 19, 23, 24, 36, 52, 84, 93, 133, 138, 140, 141, 146, 147, 172, 178, 188, 205, 210, 250 Limitations of government, 86, 237 Lived experiences of persons with disabilities, 187, 238, 250 Living conditions, 5, 49, 106 M Mad, 127 Mainstream, 15, 16, 20, 23, 24, 73, 74, 76, 77, 81, 98, 139, 140, 184, 186, 197, 204, 212, 216, 242 Mainstream schools, 12, 15–17 Malawi, 235–251 Malawi government, 236, 241 Malawi News Agency (MANA), 236–251 Malawi News Agency Online, 236 Malawian media, 236, 238 Malawians, 236, 238, 240, 241, 244–250

 INDEX 

Marginalisation, 2, 5, 35, 37, 39, 83–99, 106, 138, 146, 166, 167, 171, 177 Marginalised groups, 4, 32, 50, 58, 97, 109, 138, 139, 146, 147, 187, 205, 213, 219 Mass media, 4, 5, 7, 45, 46, 69, 104, 112–113, 189, 190, 210, 215, 216, 225–233 Matter, 4, 5, 15, 48, 69, 70, 99, 120, 123, 124, 127–129, 133, 144, 155, 227, 232 Media, 1–7, 9–24, 31–58, 65–81, 83–88, 91–93, 95, 97–99, 103–115, 119–134, 149–163, 165–178, 183–197, 203–219, 225–233, 235–251 in Africa, 2, 31–58, 86, 211 articles, 132, 231, 237 coverage, 6, 37, 54, 69–72, 84, 107, 108, 115, 131, 134, 149, 150, 152, 154–161, 167, 169, 170, 177, 227, 230, 232, 233 effects, 2 ethics, 149–163 houses, 72 industry, 78, 79, 108, 120–122, 124, 127, 129, 131–134, 210, 231 industry and disability language issues, 119 labelling, 37, 91 outlets, 5, 74, 77, 105, 110–112, 173, 210 personnel, 38, 48, 57, 80–81 platforms, social, 196, 204, 208, 215 portrayals, 52, 65–81, 84, 86, 165–178, 225 practitioners, 37, 57, 58, 114, 133, 187, 194, 197 productions, 166, 167, 172

263

products, 104, 171, 172, 178 reporters, 122, 126, 129, 134, 226, 228 reports, 126, 167, 170, 171 representations, 54, 86, 87, 97, 99, 121, 167, 169–170, 210, 227 space, 38, 43 systems, 131, 228, 229 technologies, 10, 23, 47, 189 tools, 9, 21, 23, 211–216 Media and Identity in Africa, 35 Media Literacy, 70, 78, 79 Medical models, 7, 12, 18, 32, 36, 47, 85, 138, 176 Medicine, 42, 109, 165–178 Metaphors, 127, 226 Ministry, 72, 92, 114, 240, 241, 246 Mobile phones, 145, 185, 196, 205, 218 Mobile technology revolution, 9, 21–24 Mobilisation, 216 N Narratives, 38, 41, 57, 72, 104, 105, 108, 110, 125, 133, 168, 169, 172–174, 177, 178, 184, 185, 197, 214, 219, 226, 229, 241, 247 Nations, 44, 83, 85, 87, 113, 154–156, 216, 241, 242 Negative representation, 35, 47, 97, 139 New media, 34, 41, 203, 205, 206 News, 17, 41, 42, 52, 54, 71, 73, 76, 84–92, 98, 99, 126, 127, 144, 150, 154, 155, 204, 208, 215, 225, 227, 232, 236–238, 242, 244, 249 agencies, 6, 150, 157 stories, 73, 85, 87, 89, 97, 154, 156

264 

INDEX

NGOs, see Non-governmental organisations Nigeria, 3–5, 36–38, 56, 57, 65–81, 83–99, 103 Nigerian Media, 4, 72–73 Nigerian Tribune, 36, 84, 87, 91–92, 94, 95, 97, 98 Nigerians, 4, 5, 65, 66, 68, 73, 75, 87, 88, 96, 99 Non-governmental organisations (NGOs), 170–172, 176, 243 O Online, 55, 72, 145, 150, 185, 196, 205, 207–209, 218, 219, 237–250 Organizations, 2, 3, 6, 11, 14, 15, 20, 24, 32, 37, 48–50, 52, 56, 57, 73, 86, 88, 107, 138, 157, 166, 168, 169, 172, 175 Organs, 6, 45, 132, 150, 152, 157–161 Orphanage, 150, 151, 174 P Parents, 6, 13, 97, 98, 150, 152, 154, 156, 173, 176, 185, 241 Participants, 124–129, 131, 133, 134, 141–144, 146, 184, 186, 204, 228–231, 237, 238, 243, 247, 249, 250 Participation, 18, 23, 32, 33, 39, 44, 46, 51, 56, 107, 141, 146, 170, 186, 189–197, 209, 212, 235, 236, 238, 245 Participation of people(persons) with disabilities, 38, 56, 147, 190, 238, 243, 245 Partnership, 2, 3, 244–246 Pathetic, 35, 71, 186, 212

People, 1–7, 9–13, 10n1, 16, 20–23, 31, 32, 34, 35, 37, 38, 41–43, 45, 47, 49, 51, 52, 55, 66, 67, 76, 79, 104, 106, 111–114, 122, 123, 125–129, 131, 132, 138–141, 143, 167–171, 175, 184, 185, 187–190, 193–197, 206, 218, 227, 228, 230, 232, 241, 245 People with disabilities (PWDs), 1–7, 36, 42, 52, 54–56, 65–70, 72–74, 76–81, 83–99, 103–115, 119–134, 138–143, 145–147, 184–187, 189, 192–194, 196, 197, 205, 209, 210, 213, 219, 227, 230–232, 238, 245, 248, 249 Peoples’ Rights, 45, 46 Perceptions, 20, 33–35, 37, 39–42, 45–47, 53, 66, 71, 84, 91, 93, 109, 119, 132, 133, 165, 166, 186, 187, 189, 207, 210–212, 231, 238 Perceptions of people with disabilities, 189, 238 Perpetuating, 2, 129, 210 Personal stories, 213, 245, 247–250 Persons with disabilities (PWDs), 2, 31, 35, 38, 39, 43–56, 65, 103–115, 119–134, 138, 184, 209, 235 Perspectives, 33–38, 41–43, 86, 98, 103–115, 119–134, 155, 166, 171, 172, 183–197, 204, 206, 207, 230, 232, 250 Physical disabilities, 34, 36, 37, 68, 73, 74, 107, 127, 141, 190, 193 Pity, 2, 7, 12, 37, 53, 66, 67, 69, 70, 74, 91, 108, 126, 210 Platforms, 18, 34, 51, 53, 69, 120, 140, 142, 143, 185, 195–197, 203–205, 208, 211, 213, 215, 217, 218, 238

 INDEX 

Policies, 4, 14, 16, 42, 45, 50, 54, 55, 57, 75, 80, 86, 104, 106, 108, 112–114, 125, 127, 133, 134, 144, 145, 189, 210, 211, 236, 237, 240, 241, 243–246, 250, 251 Policy and practice, 114, 246 Politicians, 57, 173, 174, 241, 242, 245, 251 Population, 3, 9–13, 18, 21, 23, 31, 48, 51, 65, 68–70, 73, 77, 103, 168, 169, 172, 174, 176, 177, 187, 188, 195, 235 Portrayal, 2, 4, 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, 52–54, 65–81, 84, 86, 90, 91, 98, 104, 108, 119, 120, 125, 130–133, 165–178, 186, 190, 210, 219, 225–233 Portrayal of persons with disabilities, 35, 54, 78, 79, 190, 249 Positive portrayal of persons with disabilities, 249 Postcolonial commodification, 149–163 Postcolonialism, 155 Poverty, 5, 39, 40, 49, 50, 75, 93, 104–106, 108, 113, 115, 139, 151, 169, 209, 238 Poverty for people with disabilities, 238 Power, 39, 91, 99, 105, 108, 109, 130, 155, 190, 203, 204, 206, 209, 210, 240 Practices, 4, 6, 15–17, 34, 38, 39, 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 53–56, 58, 85, 97, 104, 114, 131–134, 145, 153, 155, 165, 167–170, 172–174, 176–178, 190, 212, 213, 232, 243, 246 Prejudices, 39, 44, 48, 51, 54, 55, 132, 162, 187, 247 Programmes, 73, 75–77, 107, 108, 112–115, 132, 184, 228, 244, 245, 248–250

265

Progress, 4, 43, 54, 55, 121, 134, 161, 240, 241, 244, 246–249 Protection, 3, 5, 6, 33, 44–46, 48, 50, 54, 56, 113, 155, 158, 168 Protocol, 45–47 Provisions, 11, 16, 44, 45, 47, 48, 57, 95, 113, 168, 238, 246, 251 PWDs, see People with disability PWDs vending, 105, 110–111 R Radio, 69, 72, 114, 132, 185, 187, 189, 190, 203, 225, 227 Recognition, 15, 17, 36, 46, 50, 53, 77, 112, 132, 168, 230 Relationships, 4, 17, 40, 41, 71, 119, 120, 125, 130, 131, 134, 140, 145, 155, 158, 189, 215, 218, 228, 229, 231, 232 Reporters, 5, 91, 92, 99, 114, 122, 126, 129, 130, 134, 156, 159, 160, 197, 226–228, 237, 249, 250 Reporting, 2, 6, 36–38, 51, 55, 56, 58, 72, 77, 78, 114, 115, 126, 129, 130, 133, 150, 157, 158, 186, 227, 237, 242, 247, 250, 251 Report stories on disabilities, 37 Representation of disabled people, 70 Representations, 14, 35, 37, 41–43, 47, 54, 70, 74, 78, 85–89, 97–99, 103–115, 120, 121, 124–127, 130–134, 138, 139, 167, 169–170, 174, 177, 187, 189, 190, 210, 212, 227, 230–233, 237–250 Research, 6, 18, 20, 36, 40, 41, 76, 78, 84–86, 88, 99, 104, 115, 124, 140, 141, 147, 167, 190, 196, 204, 206, 212, 237, 249

266 

INDEX

Resistance, 15, 88, 105, 109, 206, 212 Resources, 7, 38, 39, 49, 146, 193, 209, 216, 236, 240, 241, 246 Respect, 2, 4, 5, 36, 43, 44, 52, 54, 55, 104, 110, 113, 126, 129, 131–133, 144, 161, 162, 232 Responsibility, 14, 16, 41, 52, 57, 154, 156, 157, 160 Results, 2, 3, 5, 6, 12, 13, 15, 32, 33, 38, 40, 49, 50, 55, 67, 68, 88–99, 138, 140, 142–147, 150–152, 188, 190, 195, 206–208, 212, 214–216, 227, 238–250 Revolution, 9, 21–24, 143, 212, 215, 216 Rhetoric, 4, 161, 236, 237, 242, 244, 250, 251 Rights, 1, 11, 31, 66, 85, 105, 121, 139, 153, 186, 203–219, 236 movements, 7, 80, 121, 123, 138, 140, 147, 217, 227, 238, 244 of persons, 2–4, 7, 39, 43–57, 132, 236, 238, 243, 250, 251 Risks, 32, 44, 49, 188, 210, 227 Role of social media, 5, 142, 145, 205, 214 S Schools, 10–17, 39–41, 95, 96, 230, 243, 246 residential, 11, 12, 18 SDGs, see Sustainable Development Goals Search, 87, 237–240, 242–244, 248 Segregation of disabled people, 70 Self-empowerment, 168 Self-identity, 168 Sensory impairments, 7, 33, 124, 225–233, 236

Services, 6, 40, 45, 47, 50, 51, 54, 58, 69, 104, 111, 112, 142, 145, 150, 170, 196, 213, 247 Severe communication disabilities, 183–185, 187–192, 196, 197 Sign language (SL), 3, 9–24, 38, 45, 120, 131, 187, 189, 227–230 Signs, 13, 14, 18, 19, 22, 70, 87, 120, 123, 124, 126, 228 Skills, 11, 18–21, 39, 91, 96, 132, 190, 211, 217–219, 230, 231, 241, 249 SL, see Sign Language Small businesses, 245, 248, 249 Smart phones, 196 Social awareness, 21, 23, 132 Social change, 34, 41, 42, 46, 51, 206 Social inclusion, 204, 219 Social integrity, 173 Social media, 3, 5, 7, 9, 17, 21–23, 38, 55, 126, 132, 137–147, 150, 152, 196, 203–219, 225 Social media era, 146 Social models, 32, 105, 108, 162, 236 Social oppression, 137–147 Society, 35, 50–52, 86, 91, 108, 153, 155, 165 Solutions, 51–53, 65–81, 176, 177, 246 South Africa, 14, 55, 184, 185, 187, 188, 195, 211, 212, 219 Special education, 94, 95, 128, 237, 246 Special schools, 10–14, 10n1, 16, 17, 94 Spectrum, 35, 85, 153, 242 Speech, 7, 12, 13, 15, 18, 20, 55, 97, 120, 185, 188, 190, 192–195, 238, 243 Spoken language, 12–15, 23, 183 State, 2, 6, 14, 32, 43, 44, 46–49, 51, 52, 57, 84, 90, 93–95, 104–108,

 INDEX 

111, 114, 142, 153, 185, 212, 215, 219, 228, 237, 241, 249, 250 Statements, 93, 111, 126, 128, 129, 131, 132, 156, 158, 159, 188, 241–248, 250 Status, 2, 6, 15, 39, 40, 45, 48, 86, 97, 115, 124, 129, 130, 138, 140, 150, 152, 153, 162, 168 Steps, 23, 44, 49, 55, 57, 95, 105, 107, 112, 184–187 Stereotypes, 2, 4, 35–37, 44, 46–48, 52–55, 58, 65–81, 90, 97, 121, 129–132, 134, 160, 170, 186, 189, 197, 226, 227, 230, 232, 249 Stigma, 1, 4, 32, 38–41, 51, 53, 58, 68, 77, 93, 108, 166, 168, 169, 177, 184, 189, 232 Stigmatisation/stigmatization, 4, 41, 66–69, 86, 235, 241 Stories, 2, 34, 36, 37, 52, 57, 69, 72, 73, 76, 84, 85, 87, 89, 91–97, 108, 124, 127, 130, 154, 156, 160, 169, 173, 184–187, 189, 197, 213, 226, 228, 232, 237, 244, 245, 247–250 Strategies, 7, 24, 44, 46, 104, 111, 112, 114, 174, 187, 193–195, 197, 205, 206, 208, 216–219, 241, 242, 247 Students, 16, 20, 140, 141, 204, 211–214, 218, 246 Study, 6, 15, 20, 33–35, 37, 38, 57, 71–74, 84–88, 97–99, 105, 106, 108, 109, 119–121, 124, 125, 128, 129, 133, 134, 140–147, 155, 167, 186, 206, 210, 225, 228, 230–232, 244 Subject, 4, 16, 32, 36, 37, 45, 86, 91, 120, 123, 132, 144, 246, 247 Sunscreen, 246

267

Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), 4, 42, 48, 113 T Teachers, 16, 94, 95, 126, 128, 129, 242, 243, 246, 249 Teaching, 12, 14, 15, 67, 95 Technology, 3, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16–24, 47, 49, 51, 86, 139–147, 183–185, 187, 189, 190, 192, 194, 196, 204, 205, 217, 218, 225, 231, 232 Television (TV), 15, 17, 47, 69, 70, 72, 73, 76, 78, 79, 86, 132, 133, 171, 185, 189, 190, 203, 215, 225, 227 Terminologies, 7, 54, 121, 126, 131, 134, 190, 226, 231, 232 Terms, 10n1, 11, 12, 32, 33, 36, 37, 48, 55, 58, 67, 69, 74, 76, 85, 87, 89, 91–94, 97, 99, 121–124, 126–129, 132, 141, 150, 151, 155, 159, 163, 178, 210, 226–228, 230, 231, 236, 237, 246, 247 Therapy, 3, 20, 24, 174 Time, 11, 12, 32, 52, 76, 78, 87, 88, 93, 98, 112, 127, 139, 140, 142, 143, 151, 153, 154, 158, 169, 193–195, 197, 203, 214, 227, 237, 242, 243, 245, 248–250 Traditional media, 41, 86, 203, 205, 210, 219 Training, 11, 37, 38, 51, 56–58, 81, 94, 114, 228, 240–242, 245, 246, 249, 250 Transport, 126, 127 Trends, 104–108, 204, 208, 211, 217, 232 Twitter, 196, 204, 212–215, 218

268 

INDEX

U Uganda, 37 UNCRPD, see United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities UNDESA, see United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs UNESCO, see United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organisation United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), 32, 40, 50, 51 United Nations Convention on Persons with Disabilities, 3 United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD), 15, 33, 46, 54, 84, 87, 98, 109, 114, 115, 142, 143, 189 United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), 33, 48, 49 United Nations Enable, 57, 83, 87, 88 United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), 15, 15n2, 16, 39, 68, 104, 114 University, 185, 212–214 Use, 7, 9, 10, 12–23, 38, 47, 48, 53–58, 67, 71, 74, 76, 78–80, 87, 89–95, 98, 107, 108, 111, 114, 121–123, 125–127, 131–133, 139, 145–147, 169, 175, 177, 183–197, 204–208, 212–218, 227, 229, 230, 232, 244, 248, 249 Use AAC, 7, 183–197 V Values, 24, 34, 75, 76, 78, 79, 85, 86, 94, 120, 130, 153, 155, 158, 163, 168, 186, 227

Variations, 19, 22, 98 Vending, 105, 106, 110–111 Vendors, 5, 103–115 Victims, 36, 67, 70, 72, 74, 79, 115, 156, 170–175, 178, 188, 228 Violence, 32, 35, 40, 44, 55, 71, 168, 173, 186, 214, 215, 235, 244, 249 Visibility, 88, 112, 185, 209, 210, 219 Voices, 5, 7, 46, 50, 51, 99, 114, 120, 126, 140, 144, 147, 184, 185, 187, 192, 193, 212, 225–233, 241, 249 W Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH), 112 Web, 218 WhatsApp, 20, 140–142, 145, 146, 196, 211 WhatsApp groups, 6, 141, 143, 145, 211 Wheelchair, 70, 79, 90, 91, 110, 123, 193, 247 WHO, see World Health Organization Witchcraft, 165–178 Witchdoctors, 172–174, 176–178 Woman/women, 22, 31, 39–42, 44, 46, 47, 55, 94, 111, 113, 172, 173, 185, 188, 203, 204, 242, 245, 248, 249 Women and girls, 32, 36, 38–42, 46–50, 55, 104 Work, 4, 11, 35, 37–39, 44, 55, 58, 71, 77, 81, 85, 99, 103–115, 138, 151, 160, 166, 170, 172, 174, 185, 189, 193, 194, 231, 236, 238, 240, 241, 243, 244, 248, 249 World, 1, 3, 11–14, 18–20, 31, 33, 48, 65, 72, 75, 77, 78, 106, 109,

 INDEX 

138, 140, 146, 150, 151, 154, 157, 163, 165, 166, 169, 185, 193, 197, 204–206, 208, 212, 216, 228, 230, 231 World Bank, 57, 66, 105, 106 World Health Organisation (WHO), 13, 18, 33, 66, 72, 83, 84, 103 Y Young people, 22, 55, 184, 196, 212, 213, 215 Youth, 46, 47, 110, 184, 187, 203, 204, 212, 245

269

Z ZBC, see Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation Zerezeru the Ghosts, 171–175, 178 Zimbabwe, 5–7, 9–24, 103, 105–109, 111, 113–115, 119–134, 137–147, 208, 211 Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), 105, 111, 112 Zimbabwe Media Centre, 111 Zimbabwean media, 103–115, 124 Zimbabwean Sign Language (ZSL), 3, 10, 13–17, 19, 22–24