Development and religion: theology and practice 9781848445840, 1848445849

Citation preview

Development and Religion

Development and Religion Theology and Practice

Matthew Clarke Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia

Edward Elgar Cheltenham, UK • Northampton, MA, USA

© Matthew Clarke 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Published by Edward Elgar Publishing Limited The Lypiatts 15 Lansdown Road Cheltenham Glos GL50 2JA UK Edward Elgar Publishing, Inc. William Pratt House 9 Dewey Court Northampton Massachusetts 01060 USA

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Control Number: 2010939198

ISBN 978 1 84844 584 0

03

Typeset by Cambrian Typesetters, Camberley, Surrey Printed and bound by MPG Books Group, UK

Contents Foreword by Katherine Marshall Preface 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

vii xi

The religion–development nexus Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship Buddhism: a middle way for development Judaism: a cry for justice Christianity: development as an option for the poor Islam: equality and action Conclusion

References Index

1 25 52 83 109 144 171 176 193

v

Foreword: Religion and development – towards authentic mutual understanding and creative partnerships Katherine Marshall, Georgetown University and World Faiths Development Dialogue The challenge of ending poverty today grips many leaders and institutions in the international community. For the first time in human history, it is an achievable dream that every human being can have a genuine chance to live a decent life. Many contemporary changes, above all in technology, medical science, universal education, economic organisation and sheer human creativity, have turned upside down the harsh historic reality that poverty was then and evermore a fact of life: ‘the poor shall be always with us’. That is simply no longer true, and societies in many corners of the world have showed that balanced and sustainable societies are possible and that seemingly hopeless situations can, with will and resources, be turned around in an extraordinarily short time. Several notorious ‘basket cases’ of the early days of my own professional career (Singapore and Ireland, for example) are now held up as models of success. Modernity is accompanied by a host of problems that we need to address, but we should never lose from sight the exciting promise and potential of more dignified and more fulfilled life for billions across the world. But the very promise of the dream of a world free of poverty puts into ever more stark relief the gulf between what might be and the reality that over a billion people are still trapped in poverty, that preventable disease kills millions of children and adults, and that a good education and a good job are simply not available in many places. Inequality is if anything growing and it is unmistakably ‘in your face’ as images of wealth and poverty circulate through media and the internet. It takes faith in the goodness of human kind and our capacity to mobilise resources and will to address problems that we know can be solved to believe that a far better world lies ahead. If there is one lesson of the first decade of the 21st century, it is that bridging the gaps that separate rhetoric and promises from hard reality calls for new and different kinds of partnerships. The silo worlds that separated public from private, profit from non-profit and business from bureaucrats need to change. vii

viii

Development and religion

And among the most important, but also the most challenging, partnerships that cry out for action are those that link development and faith institutions. Clifford Geertz, one of anthropology’s gurus, commented astutely: Of all the dimensions of the uncertain revolution now underway in the new states of Asia and Africa, surely the most difficult to grasp is the religious . . . It is not only very difficult to discover the ways in which the shapes of religious experience are changing, or if they are changing at all; it is not even clear what sorts of things one ought to look at in order to find out. (Geertz 1968, p. 1)

Geertz’ insight on the sheer complexity of religion helps to explain an anomaly in the recent history of international development: that until recently religion barely received a mention in the written records or, even more significant, in the operational history of projects, policies and reflections about international development. One reason is the sheer complexity of the topic of religion. Religions are highly complex and, for many, religion is a notoriously sensitive subject, raising many nervous flags in societies where relationships between state and religion are delicately balanced or contested. Yet in truth there is enormous common ground between the worlds of development and religion. After all, the deepest traditions that are the foundations of both charity and human rights are to be found in the world’s religions. Education and health practice and knowledge trace their histories to religious institutions. It was religious institutions and beliefs that were the safety nets for orphans and widows, in monasteries and temples across the world. And in the post-World War II period, countless organisations inspired in different ways by religious faith have worked across a spectrum that goes from humanitarian relief and care of the world’s neediest to bold efforts that look to transformation and building the ‘better worlds’ that we believe are possible. The Jubilee 2000 campaign, which mobilised millions of people against heavy poor country debt, was inspired and led by religious institutions. What it showed more than any similar campaign was the capacity to mobilise citizens for a just cause, and that it is possible to reframe an arcane technical conversation in ethical, commonsense terms and language and by doing so achieve results that many held were impossible. There are many reasons for the notable gaps in communication, respect, cooperation and partnership between the worlds of religion and development. While much of the language that development institutions and religious organisations and leaders use about poverty and social justice are strikingly similar (as Matthew Clarke points out), there are also important differences. These differences are amplified by the extraordinary complexity of approach and organisation on all sides: development is complicated and contested, and religion, as Geertz points out, is among life’s more challenging topics to grapple with. Prejudices, fear, misunderstandings and simple lack of knowledge have

Foreword

ix

kept many actors in the different institutions apart. These barriers and prejudices hold on all sides: the unacceptable practice of enticing victims of catastrophe with promises of help if they convert may in practice occur quite rarely but examples appear almost daily in the press; and the image of development work as driven by crude desires to expand markets and consumption is also a travesty. The good news is that in important ways there is an emerging consensus among thoughtful advocates for change that community-based approaches that balance respect for cultures with individual rights are the way to start. Many development and faith institutions, inspired by the calls to partnership and the obvious need to pool knowledge and resources, are exploring new links, sometimes with wholehearted enthusiasm, more often a bit gingerly and with some fits and starts. The major development institutions, multilateral and bilateral, many parts of the United Nations, and non-profit and for-profit entities, are far more open today to working with and learning from faith institutions. And most faith institutions appreciate that the development world is as varied as can be and tend to question less the motivations of their potential partners. Particularly at the strategic level of senior leadership in development institutions, there is a new recognition that the neglect of matters religious is unwise and can be counterproductive. And at the working level, where people are engaged in communities, the obvious force of religious belief and institutions and its central role in people’s daily lives makes it obvious that understanding what is happening and working in tandem makes eminent sense. What is still missing is solid knowledge and understanding, in the first instance about the worlds of religion. This applies both to the development world but also among and even within religious traditions. An expanding body of studies, research and ample web documentation is becoming available, but the fields of both faith and development can be extraordinarily hard to navigate. Many practitioners have patchy understandings of even the most basic facts. Thus Matthew Clarke’s book is an important contribution to the muchneeded effort to provide a foundation of what might be termed ‘faith literacy’. He makes a good case that understanding, appreciating and reaching out to faith partners is an essential part of ‘good’ development, development that is grounded in community participation and looks to sustainability over the long term. What is needed is an authentic understanding, going well beyond the superficial and reflecting respect and appreciation, of history and of how religions vary and change. And he is persuasive in arguing against the temptation to take an ‘instrumental’ approach, wherein religion might be expected simply to serve the goals of development, for example by implementing information campaigns to fight malaria or to advocate for changes in agricultural practices. Yet he also grasps clearly that religion is no holy grail. He highlights some of the problematic topics that bedevil faith development engagement, notably the

x

Development and religion

unbalanced roles of men and women and rather murky approaches (on all sides) to the thorny modern dimensions of social inequality. Clarke’s book is indeed what he terms an ‘appreciative’, sympathetic introduction to the roles that religion plays in development, one that looks more to the good in religious traditions and institutions than to the all too well-known dark sides. He argues forcefully that religion is an integral part of societies and worldviews, and thus must be integral to reflections about what development means and the kinds of support and push it should receive. He takes five major world religions, introducing their history and major beliefs in a thoughtful and challenging manner. And he illustrates their approaches to development through an example of a significant faith-based organisation. These five stories are clearly framed and illustrate well the depth and diversity of their work. This treatment will help different development partners to come sensibly to terms with the diverse roles of faith-based development organisations, which can be strikingly similar yet also at times quite different from their secular non-governmental organisation counterparts in approach and ethos. Matthew Clarke uses the analogy of a dance, or more properly, a set of different dances, as the ideal towards which faith and development institutions might aspire. The dances involve a common venture, and above all a common vision of a more just world. Partnership and appreciation of one’s partner is of the essence. There is a common music, a common journey or venture. But the steps can vary, as can the rhythms. And, above all, each partner can learn from the other. Together they have the chance to achieve what each individual, dancing alone, cannot.

Preface The genesis of this book dates back to a thesis prepared for my first postgraduate degree nearly twenty years ago. The title of this thesis was ‘Liberation Theology, Development and Latin America’. Its premise was that religion was an integral component of the social tapestry of Latin America but had been overlooked and excluded from consideration by the major development paradigms. The thesis gave accounts of various practical examples of how Christian religious beliefs and organisations in this part of the world were having positive effects on human well-being. Since that time, I have been interested in how the world’s major religions understood development in their sacred texts and social teachings and how this was put into practice by affiliated development-focused agencies. However, as is often the case, my desire to spend time researching these questions was scuttled by other tasks. Although these tasks precluded such research, they did conspire to keep my interest aflame. This included working in a large Christian faith-based organisation, planning, designing and evaluating development projects in primarily Buddhist countries, completing doctoral studies on human well-being indices that explicitly excluded religious beliefs, teaching ‘development’ at a secular university and undertaking evaluations of projects that were implemented in Pacific countries which were heavily reliant on Christian churches to bolster civil society. While undertaking these activities over the past two decades, it remained apparent to me that religion was still a thoroughly relevant but under-researched aspect of development. This book is my small contribution to what I perceive as a gap in the development literature. As the writing of this book has unfolded, I have been pleased to discover that an increasing number (albeit it from a very small starting point) of researchers and practitioners share this desire to bring religion into the conversation of development. Slowly but surely the importance of religion and religious organisations is becoming noticed. A decade ago, the president of the World Bank co-hosted, along with the archbishop of Canterbury, a World Faith Development Dialogue to establish connections between the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and various religious groups. Since then, other multilateral agencies have also initiated dialogue with religious groups. More recently there has been recognition in the development sector that there xi

xii

Development and religion

is importance and synergy to be gained by being aware of and incorporating religion more purposely into the development domain. Indeed, this followed a number of international forums that have brought together religious leaders and large international donors to explore how to leverage the experience and expertise that both groups can bring to improving the lives of the poor. For example, ‘spiritual development’ was discussed at the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development, ‘initiatives that require a spiritual vision’ were discussed at the 1996 Habitat Agenda, the need for ‘addressing spiritual needs’ was recognised in the 1995 Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development. This increased dialogue between religious institutions and their associated faith-based organisation and multilateral organisations has been accompanied by an increase in scholarly work that investigates the role of religion and development. The most substantial of these is located at the University of Birmingham (UK) and funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DfID). The research had three core themes: • understanding how religious values and beliefs motivate the actions of both individuals and faith-based organisations; • understanding how religious values and beliefs and religious organisations influence relationships between societies and states; • understanding the ways in which religious organisations and faith communities interact with development agencies and practitioners and what outcomes occur as a result of this in regard to the achievement of certain development goals (see www.rad.bham.ac.uk) Similar research is being undertaken in the United States at Georgetown University’s Berkley Center for Religion, Peace and World Affairs. These research goals are of great import. But it is frustrating to note that these research questions were presciently raised in 1980 by Wilber and Jameson in their contribution to the special edition of the foremost development studies journal: World Development. This special edition on the relationship between religion and development might have been expected to ‘convert’ the field of development studies to believing and having faith in the importance of religion in development. Yet the stony silence that greeted this edition and the eschewing lack of interest suggests a failure in this regard. Perhaps this recent renewal of interest may result in a new faith in the importance of religion in development. This book will, I hope, add to this recent work by undertaking a review of how the world’s five major religions understand and practice development. I am very grateful to Anthony Ware for his assistance with this book. He has provided a critical review of each chapter and provided generous assistance with ideas and insights.

Preface

xiii

I am also grateful to Lindsay Rae, Rob Kilpatrick, Ted Vandeloo and Ashley Goode – all of World Vision Australia – with whom I have attended various meetings, prepared grant proposals and written conference presentations (particularly with Lindsay), all of which have strengthened the analysis of faith-based organisations presented in this book. During the writing of this book, Professor Bill Logan helped me to say ‘no’ to many other pressing tasks, which gave me the time and space to focus solely on this work. I finally wish to thank my wife, Gabrielle, and children, Sophie, Peter and Hannah, who have forgiven me for the time I have given over to this research. This book is dedicated to all faith-inspired people – lay and ordained – who have dedicated their lives to working with the vulnerable and marginalised in our communities. MC Melbourne, October 2010

1. The religion–development nexus INTRODUCTION Religious belief is a common human characteristic. Eighty per cent of the world’s population professes religious faith, including 2.1 billion Christians, 1.3 billion Muslims, 950 million Hindus, 400 million Buddhists and 13 million Jews (O’Brien and Palmer 2007). Religious belief is pervasive, profound, persuasive and persistent and is observable in all societies. The premise of this book is that despite this, religious belief has long been ignored in mainstream development paradigms and by development practitioners (both locally and at the international level), resulting in less than optimal development outcomes. The values and attitudes associated with religious beliefs within countries can affect both public policy settings as well as social behaviours (with both positive and harmful consequences possible). This book is specifically interested in the dance between religious belief and development. This dance or interaction is explored by considering the social teaching and sacred texts of the world’s major religions and investigating how development is understood in these religions. Religious belief (or faith) is widely understood as the acceptance of some unseen order and that achieving the highest level of well-being requires a rightful relationship with this unseen order (James 1902). Religious practice involves ‘the worship of a personal supernatural deity, a revealed scripture, a divinely ordained code of laws, and an assortment of institutions and communal structures in which the religion is observed’ (Segal 2009, p. 4). Religious belief is relevant to both social and private realms. Religious belief systems provide a meaning for existence through which adherents interpret their own circumstances and make decisions on how to act and interact in wider society. These judgements are based on religious teachings that contain precepts on how to live a righteous life, including how to respond to those who are materially poor. This is particularly important when we consider that (using the most common World Bank measure of poverty), over 1 billion of the world’s population live in poverty and exist on less than US$1 a day (and nearly 3 billion live on less than US$2 a day). More than 1 billion people around the globe do not have access to clean water, 115 million children do not attend primary school and 10 million children die each year of preventable illness 1

2

Development and religion

(World Bank 2010). Responding to the materially poor has a long history in many religious groups and individuals motivated by concepts of religious charity to provide material care and comfort. Religious groups have long provided education and health facilities not only in their home countries but also in mission countries – often long before nation states provided such institutions (see Duggan 1983; Gardner 2006; 2008; Harnetty 2001; Hassell 1989; Manji and O’Coill 2002; Wetherell 2005; Williams 1972). Since halfway through the last century, the international community has also recognised the need to work to improve the lives of the poor. The success of the Marshall Plan to reconstruct war-torn Europe and President Truman’s 1949 inauguration speech are often cited as the starting points of the international community’s commitment to improving the lives of the poor. In Truman’s speech, the United States assumed the task to: … embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas … More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims of disease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas … Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens. (quoted at http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/50yr_archive/ inagural20jan1949.htm)

Of course, earlier efforts, including the establishment of national and later the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent societies and the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society indicate a desire to address human misery beyond national boundaries. Similarly, the League of Nations in 1934 called for universal primary education, which remains one of the Millennium Development Goals set by the international community in 2000. The international community and religious groups and individuals motivated by religious belief share this common purpose of seeking to improve the lives of the poor. However, there has been a lack of recognition (particularly by the former) of this common desire. Indeed, a review of the relevant development studies literature suggests that efforts by religious bodies to improve the material conditions experienced by the poor have not been made.1 The apparent invisibility of religion in the development studies literature, though, should not be mistaken for its non-existence. More correctly, any invisibility actually reflects a blindness by the development sector in failing to recognise the importance of religion and religious organisations in the development sector.2 While religious groups are primarily concerned with providing spiritual leadership, an interest in the physical welfare of their

The religion–development nexus

3

communities has also been a core aspect of their existence. As a result, organised religions have long played an important role in enhancing the welfare of local communities. A strong case can be made for suggesting that religious organisations and faith-inspired individuals were undertaking ‘development’ long before the term came into being (Clarke and Donnelly 2009). As the World Conference of Religions for Peace concluded in 2001, Religious communities are without question the largest and best organized civil institutions in the world today, claiming the allegiance of billions of believers and bridging the divides of race, class and nationality. They are uniquely equipped to meet the challenges of our time: resolving conflict, caring for the sick and needy, promoting peaceful co-existence among all peoples. (James 2009, p. 7, emphasis in original)

A conciliatory explanation for this exclusion of religion from the development studies literature may be that religious groups are embedded in communities and are more ‘organic’ to the community and therefore less prominent than external organisations. It may also be that organised religions have chosen to position themselves outside the development sector. These explanations are undoubtedly true, but the situation is exacerbated by the fact that religion continues to be taboo in development studies literature (Lunn 2009).

MAKING A CASE FOR THIS BOOK There are various reasons why the investigation of religion and development is long overdue. Religious belief is both private and social in its expression and thus affects society through both informal behaviours and formal social institutions (Deneulin 2009). Religious belief is a very personal concern, with hundreds of millions of people across the globe holding (to various degrees) beliefs in different gods, sacred texts and religious teaching. In the largest survey of poor people around the world undertaken by the World Bank, it was evident that worldviews were often explained in religious terms. ‘When asked why there are rich and poor, they answered, “Destiny”, “That’s the way God created the earth”, and “The rich are of the devil and the poor of God”’ (Narayan et al. 2000, p. 229). Regardless of religious faith or geographical location, a common view was that overcoming poverty required faith and prayer. Moreover, organisations that are affiliated with religious belief systems have a central role in communities, and their influence transects the local, national and international sphere (see Clarke, Charnley and Lumbers 2011). It is also not uncommon to label nation states in religious terms. There are Christian countries (such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, the Philippines), Islamic countries (such as Iraq, Egypt, Afghanistan), Buddhist countries (such as Thailand, Myanmar), Hindu countries (such as

4

Development and religion

India) and the Jewish nation of Israel. Not only do these labels reflect the majority religious belief held by the population, but they also speak to the religious underpinning of political, social and economic structures in these countries. For example, shari’a law is firmly rooted in Islam, while devotion to the monarchy in Thailand is closely aligned to Buddhist teachings. Historically, the world’s major belief systems have held great influence across traditional nation state boundaries, and this influence seems again to be on the rise (if in different forms) in a newly globalised world (Ellis and Ter Haar 2004). The role of religion is increasingly being discussed in connection with other aspects of the public life. For example, the Index of Religiosity, which measures the importance of religion to respondents, is increasing globally, suggesting a retreat of secularisation and a return of religion to public life (Rakodi 2010; Wodon 2010). Religion is of course garnering greater attention from those interested in politics (both domestic and international), with the clash of religions (more often described as the ‘clash of culture’) between Christianity and Islam becoming almost a cliché since 11 September 2001. The obvious relevance of this to the closely aligned interest of development has yet to infiltrate from the field of politics to development studies in any significant way. The relevance is based upon a number of issues. First, there has been a growth in the roles that religious groups and religion have assumed in social movements. For example, the global Jubilee 2000 and the subsequent Make Poverty History campaigns had religious geneses. Secondly, religion has grown in prominence in terms of civic culture; religious groups are becoming increasingly important in providing ‘identities’ for people and communities. Thirdly, the process of globalisation has enhanced the reach of religion and religious groups. Religious groups are able to connect across the globe in ways that were not possible until recently, resulting in a stronger sense of identity and wielding a greater sense of influence. Finally, participation in religion and commitment to religious values are seen as rational choices, with many religious groups actively seeking to ‘grow’ their congregations (Ebaugh 2002). Politics and religion continue to be closely entwined in many environments (both north and south). While development actors are largely secular, this secularism causes tensions when dealing with constituents or communities that are linked to religious groups. While this book adopts a view of religion that highlights its strengths and opportunities to enhance our understanding of development and development outcomes, it is important to acknowledge that religion, religious institutions, religious beliefs and religious faith can be viewed in a negative light. For example, the negative impacts of religion on world conflict (Fox and Sandler 2006, Stewart 2010), security issues (Seiple and Hoover 2004) and extremism in international politics (Haynes 2007; Juergensmeyer 2008) have all been examined recently. Moreover, there is of course substantial literature on the

The religion–development nexus

5

implausibility of religious deities entirely (see recently Dawkins 2006; Dennett 2006). These critiques should not be ignored. Indeed, persuasive arguments can be made that religion has exacerbated poverty in various ways, including gender inequity, the doctrine of predestination, religious spending on temples, an emphasis on non-temporal salvation, the protection of vested interests by those in authority, and so on. However, while not denying these problematic issues, this book holds the view that religion must also be considered as an important constitutive force that requires proper consideration (see Barr 2010 for this use of religion in international politics). In this sense religion should not be considered ‘exotic’ but a normal part of the social context, to be considered when investigating ‘development’ (see Durkheim 1976). As previously stated, the purpose of this book is to investigate how the world’s major religions understand and conceptualise development and related issues, such as poverty, quality of life and charity. This will be done by investigating the sacred texts, social teachings and commentaries of these faiths. To understand the practical expression of these faiths in this realm better, a set of short case studies centring on one ‘representative’ faith-based organisation associated with each faith will be undertaken. The aim of these case studies is to illustrate how the social teachings are expressed in the development sector. This book also recognises the need for religious literacy and so a short introduction to the basic religious beliefs and history of each religion is also provided in the relevant chapter. When exploring the teachings around development therefore, the arguments of this book will be based on the premise that it is possible to undertake a ‘value-free exploration of religious meaning and institutions (Flood 1999, p. 19). This requires an agnostic approach to the ‘truth of religious beliefs’ (Tomalin 2007, p. 4). This book will ‘take all expressions of religion at face value and attempt to capture subjects’ accounts of their views and experiences as faithfully as possible’ (Rakodi 2007, p. 30). It is certainly not the intent or aim of this book to demonstrate the ‘truth’ of these beliefs; although it will assume a sympathetic approach to religious beliefs generally. This book will therefore present an outsider’s analysis of the different religious faiths. An approach widely utilised in the field of religious studies is that of phenomenology. Tomalin defines this approach as ‘more likely to ask questions about (and be informed about) the nature of religious beliefs or the content of particular texts and their interpretations’ (2007, p. 10, original emphasis). It is the context of religion and how it is expressed and practised that is of more interest to this approach than, say, its theology or structural dimensions. Tomalin notes this methodology as ‘1) attempting to empathise with believers and to understand as closely as possible their beliefs and experiences and 2) focus upon what is distinct about particular religious teachings and beliefs’ (2007, p. 24). This is closely aligned to the emerging discipline of

6

Development and religion

development studies that has sought to wrestle the focus away from economic hegemony to consider a wider range of issues and concerns that affect human well-being. When we explore how religious beliefs affect both institutional and personal responses to development, we can recognise that the weakness of the phenomenology approach of treating ‘religious subjects as beyond scrutiny (sui generis) … avoids comment upon the social, economic or political contextuality of religious phenomena’ (Tomalin 2007, p. 6). Therefore, it may be that the approach undertaken in this book is something of a hybrid in so far as it recognises that religions are not sui generis as they cannot be separated from people’s lived experiences, but at the same time it is not necessary to investigate the ‘truth’ of religious beliefs in order to understand them vis-à-vis development and related concepts. This hybrid approach recognises that religion sets social and political contexts as well as being affected by these (and other) spheres (see Sutcliffe 2004). Religion cannot sit outside of society because it is embedded in it, but there remains value in looking at religion to improve our understanding of the greater social setting. In economics this is coined a problem of endogeneity, which can be overcome not least by the simple recognition of this feedback loop. The arguments thus made are by no means made to develop an argument that religion is the solution that will deliver better development outcomes for those who are most marginalised and at risk in our societies. However, the case is being made for a realistic appreciation of the centrality that religion holds in certain communities and for some individuals. Failure to be cognisant of this constrains efforts to engage with communities. Religion should not be considered, however, as something that might aid development outcomes if appropriately understood by development actors. Rather, religion has an inherent dynamism that informs both people’s perception of the concept of development and their response to circumstances of poverty or deprivation. In this regard, religion is a lens through which to understand the world, and also a catalyst that changes the world. To restate: this book is not interested in claims of ‘authenticity’ of religious belief or tenets of faith in the religious sense, but rather, it is interested in developing an authentic understanding of religion by development scholars, practitioners and policymakers that may aid those actors in achieving more effective development outcomes. This book also takes a very pragmatic approach to defining religion. Geertz (1973) defines religion as an overarching explanation of existence that is presented in a factual and realistic manner through a series of symbols that evoke certain feelings and motivations among adherents. Belief systems vary greatly as to the reason for existence and the relationship between humankind and the divine. There are also great differences in the symbols and ceremonies used to communicate the links between the temporal and otherworldly. However, it is less the differences in these expressions of faiths and more the

The religion–development nexus

7

commonality in holding religious belief that makes religion – regardless of its expression – an important concept to consider in understanding and practising development. A similar pragmatic approach to understanding the concept of development is also taken. There is little doubt that the development process is contested. However, despite the lack of certainly that surrounds the development process, there is wide acceptance that the intrinsic goal of development is to advance human dignity, freedom, social equity and self-determination. Kingsbury et al. (2008) describe this as being ‘good change’. A lack of development is characterised by social exclusion, poverty, ill-health, powerlessness and shortened life expectancy. Good development outcomes are best achieved when communities have ownership of the goals and processes of development and where there are mechanisms for participatory representation, transparency and accountability. Good development outcomes must also explicitly consider the importance of gender and diversity. Development occurs in all societies; it involves processes that require an appreciation of existing endogenous strengths and (often) exogenous interventions. Successful development requires critical analysis, mutual learning and acceptance of its paradoxes and dilemmas. To ensure that benefits of development are sustained, the environment must be a central priority. If religion is important to individuals and social constructs (as is the premise of this book), for development to be effective therefore requires a better understanding of what adherents to different religions understand about poverty, charity, inequality, and so on. There is also value in more clearly understanding religious teaching on related issues such as gender, environment, economic prosperity, and so on. Over the course of this book, it will be evident that divergent views exist on these matters both between different religions but also within the same faith traditions. Indeed, as will also become apparent, there is much common ground across the religious faiths and, often, the more disparate views are between adherents of the same teaching. Religions are not by definition either conservative or radical. While it is easy to find examples of religious stereotypes as male-dominated and hierarchical, there are also many instances where religious faith stands firmly in the corner of the oppressed and disadvantaged and where social justice is a core tenet.

SECULAR DEVELOPMENT The exclusion of religion from discussion in mainstream development studies is best understood as a continuation of the economic and social secularisation experienced in developed countries over the past few hundred years (Juergensmeyer 2010). Weber’s (1904/1930) Protestant work ethic linked the rise of capitalism to religious belief, but also sowed the seeds for the eventual

8

Development and religion

secularisation of the economic sphere. It is no longer widely argued that Weber’s thesis on the causal relationship between Protestantism and capitalism is direct and linear (see Robertson 1959 for an early critique of this position). Rather, it is more reasonable to argue that capitalism was supported by the Protestant work ethic, but in time the Protestant work ethic became so visible and identifiable because of the conditions that an expanding capitalist system brought up. Without spending too much time reworking this hypothesis, the conflation of the Puritan ascetic and capitalist entrepreneur was selfsupporting. Wilber and Jameson capture this endogeneity well: To the Puritan, life was long spiritual combat, with battles all fought alone. Thus, the Puritan character esteemed hard work, frugality, sobriety and efficiency. Selfreliance became of the symbol of this world asceticism. In the development of the capitalist spirit as embodied in the person of the inventor and engineer and captain of industry, the Puritan character played an important formative role. (1980, p. 470)

The impact of Puritanism on the secularisation of the economy (capitalism) goes further, though. Puritanism is a very private affair, with individuals having their own relationships with God. Grace, by which one is saved, is a direct gift of God and cannot be mediated by earthly institutions; thus, an externalisation of this relationship with God only diminishes it. Salvation is not derived through good earthly works or deeds and therefore Puritans reject the notion of having a social role in society. This individualism of religious belief enhanced and supported the role of individualism across all realms of society – including the economic. Once Puritanism had aided the success of capitalism through shared characteristics (those noted above: hard work, frugality, sobriety and efficiency), capitalism was able to break away from any dependence it may have had on this religious basis and became dominant both socially and individually as society sought to grow and individuals pursued their own wealth. As capitalism’s influence over society grew, so the import of religion withered. The secularisation of society and the hegemony of capitalist structures grew out of the previous sectarian base but fulfilled the same role of providing a structure, set of rules and aspirations around which to build and sustain societies and communities. When the ‘development age’ of developing countries began in the middle of the last century, religion had long been removed from any economic role within developed countries.3 The long process of modernisation in the West which eventually championed secularism over sectarianism and the social redundancy of religious belief or faith was simply transferred to developing countries as part and parcel of the drive for modernity. While matters of spirituality and faith may have held a central role in the lives of those in developing countries, the marginalisation of religion by ‘modernists’ (and latterly ‘neo-liberals’) occurred quite quickly.

The religion–development nexus

9

The success of the Marshall Plan to rebuild war-ravaged Western Europe filled the then-industrialised world with optimism that similar success could be achieved in poor undeveloped nations. It was expected that the standards of living experienced in these undeveloped nations could reach the levels of industrialised countries in a short period of time. While policy prescriptions on how development might be achieved shifted during the early 1980s, the dominance of economic growth as the basis for all development has remained unmoved over the past 60 years. Criticisms of this were raised in response to perceived failures in the 1970s and again more recently (and reinforced by the global financial crisis – see Naude 2009), but no alternative to the fundamental need of economic growth to achieve ‘development’ has been widely discussed in the international financial institutions that hold sway over international (and often national) policy making in this realm. As will be explored briefly, the consideration of religion as a basis for development was immediately and continuously sidelined during this time, reflecting the secularisation of the economic and social sphere that had been experienced in industrialised nations. Economic expansion based on societies becoming more industrialised, scientific, monetised, urbanised and so on has been the underlying force of the policies pursued by the main international development players. The original approach as to how this development would occur flowed directly from the capitalist experience of the industrialised nations and can be in part understood as an aspect of the then-emerging cold war (this is certainly evident from President Truman’s speech of 1949). This ‘modernisation’ approach was the first of two approaches that dominated the thinking about development at the national and international level.4 Neo-liberalism replaced modernisation as the dominant theory in the 1980s, but achieving economic growth to facilitate development remained the primary objective. Modernisation and neo-liberalism have been the main theories held by the international financial institutions such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF); both paradigms, though, have minimised or ignored the role of religion in their approaches to development.

AUTHENTIC ENGAGEMENT WITH RELIGION This secularisation of the development process has meant that religion has long been excluded from mainstream discussions of international development. However, religion should not be seen as something apart from development processes; rather, it should be seen as a part of these processes. However, where religion and development have been discussed together, religion is generally couched in limited stereotypes that presume a minimal role that sits

10

Development and religion

outside the driving process. The common understandings of the interplay between religion and development have not changed significantly over the past few decades.5 According to these stereotypes, religion is: 1) an instrumental tool that can be used to further the aims of development interventions; or 2) part of a society’s culture that is often considered an impediment to development; or 3) a private pursuit that can assist in furthering development – but only in certain forms (those linked to Protestantism); or finally 4) a factor that is included in vague non-economic considerations of ‘culture’. Not one of these understandings is particularly positive or cause enough to challenge the long-standing general exclusion of religion from development studies.6 A more active role for religion can be realised if development is seen less as an economic outcome and more as concerned with addressing human well-being (McGillivray and Clarke 2006). Religion and religious groups are well placed to play a powerful role in development at the local level. Religious views and beliefs are potent political, ideological and social tools that inherently have much to say on development outcomes, but as yet are not incorporated into the wider development approach. In Goulet’s (1980) words, the one-eyed giant still does not see the relevancy of religion to development. This is a very bleak scenario and one against which this book rails. This work will explore the theological teaching of the world’s major religions relevant to ‘development’ and use case studies of various faith-based organisations (FBOs) to illustrate how these religious tenets both inform and lead to the implementation of development interventions at the local level in which economic growth is not an explicit or necessary goal (as it is at the international and national levels). Current best practice within development focuses on community participation and community ownership of development interventions (Ife 1995, Kirk 2000).7 Traditional structures of power and domination are overturned when community activities are strengthened and people themselves are allowed to run and take control of these development interventions. People’s sense of self-worth is restored when they are able to sustain these interventions through their own efforts. They are more encouraged when they see themselves taking part and contributing as members who own their projects. However, empowering communities does not happen immediately; it takes a great deal of struggle, time and effort by people who are committed to genuine development. Further, cooperation in the community, participation, inclusiveness and consensus are among the different facets of development that also need to be taken into consideration. Partnering with religious groups can assist in reducing the time it would take to achieve these goals as religious groups have already made these connections. While this focus on community ownership and participation is currently considered best practice, it has long been known (to some). Nearly 50 years

The religion–development nexus

11

ago, it was argued that successful development required ‘the presentations of certain key alternatives to the community in ways which help shape the evolution of the community’s value system’ (Millikan 1962, p. 33). This clearly remains true today. The nexus of religion and development becomes clear at this point. Community values are often tied into religious values and belief systems. Good development must therefore take into account the religious values held by the community. The question of how development can ‘take advantage’ of religious values held by individuals and communities is therefore important. As Goulet noted thirty years ago, religious beliefs, … harbour within them a latent dynamism which, when properly respected, can serve as the springboard for modes of development which are more humane than those drawn from outside paradigms. When development builds from indigenous values it extracts lower social costs and imposes less human suffering and cultural destruction then when it copies outside models. This is so because indigenouslyrooted values are the matrix whence people derive meaning in their lives, a sense of identity and cultural integrity, and the experience of continuity with their environment and their past even in the midst of change. (Goulet 1980, p. 485)

This harnessing of local values can be either authentic or inauthentic, or ‘instrumental’ or ‘non-instrumental’, to use Goulet’s (1980) terms. It is not uncommon to see development practitioners acculturate their interventions to make them more palatable to their targeted beneficiaries. It is recognised that programmes to change behaviour – addressing the transmission of HIV, for example – should be targeted to particular social cohorts if they are to be effective. Commercial sex workers require different information in different languages and presented in different ways to that of high-school students or illegal migrants (see Clarke 2002 for further discussion of this and the evolution of the different ‘generations’ of approaching behaviour-change programmes). Likewise agricultural workers will adopt local farming practices in order to introduce new crops or fertilisers, and development works focusing on gender will utilise local gender roles to shift traditional perceptions of domestic violence and so on. It makes sense to incorporate local conditions and values in this way. But, these examples are in fact inauthentic. They are simply co-opting or ‘clothing’ pre-existing interventions or predetermined activities in local garb. There is no genuine or authentic engagement with the local circumstances. In more blunt terms, this is simply window dressing. A more authentic engagement does not require simply trying to determine how to ‘sell’ development interventions that have already been determined by presenting them in local flavours, but in fact in the first instance requires that the existing values are drawn on to determine what the development goals

12

Development and religion

ought to be. An authentic approach recognises that the value system of local communities has inherent strengths that can be harnessed to achieve good development outcomes. By examining existing value systems, development goals that are relevant and appropriate to existing needs will be set and they will resonate with the local population. Local values therefore provide a dynamism that supports new and innovative ways to approach development. Two examples demonstrate this: one historical and one contemporary. Gandhi’s approach to modernising India leading up to independence was based on development at the village level and on traditional Hindu values. Gandhi challenged traditional Hindu practices and encouraged all Indians to examine and critique the sacred teachings of Hinduism in order to understand better the link between religious beliefs and their worldly experience and to act in accordance with this understanding. This was in contrast to the traditional practice of allowing Brahmin to be the only interpreters of these texts. Through this critical engagement with the people’s religion, Gandhi was able to bring together religious belief and more modern social organisation. By authentically engaging with Hinduism, a plan for modern India emerged. More recently, the world witnessed the devastation wrought by the Indian Ocean Tsunami in late 2004. While the international response was overwhelming, one constant shortcoming of the response was the failure to appreciate fully the local perspective on the tsunami (see Clarke, Kenny and Fanany 2010 for more analysis of the different perspectives of the reconstruction). One survivor explained her understanding thus: I remember … two of my daughters and I were watching the local affiliate of the Indonesian state television broadcaster, TVRI (Televisi Republik Indonesian), on 24th December: Christmas Eve 2004. Something caught our attention. TVRI was screening a Christmas program! We stopped talking and stared at the screen. It was unbelievable. The Aceh affiliate of TVRI was celebrating Christmas! Christmas songs were playing. There was a discussion about Christianity, the birth and life of Jesus, and the importance of Christmas and its celebration. Aceh, the most Muslim region of Indonesia, was celebrating Christmas! We watched the program with great interest, almost without blinking … but not because we were Christian. We looked at each other without speaking, but each of us knew what the others were thinking. That was the first time we had seen a Christmas show broadcast in Aceh. They might have done it in the past and we missed it for whatever reason, but this broadcast had a major impact on us. At the end of the program, I told the others what I was thinking. ‘Oh, God, what had become of Aceh and the people of Aceh? Christianity was now really in Aceh! Our great Islamic tradition and culture was ending. Why, God, Why?’ Norma and Indah, my daughters, nodded in agreement. I told my children to raise their hands in prayer, and I did the same. I prayed out loud: ‘God, if this is what our beloved land and its people have become, please bring an end to this world!’ We said Amen together. Norma, Indah and I were cleaning up after breakfast when the earthquake of 26

The religion–development nexus

13

December 2004 struck. We were in the kitchen, dropped what we were doing, and looked at each other. The strength of the quake frightened us. It was so strong that we thought the house was going to collapse. In a split second, we remembered our prayer of two nights previous. I smiled at my children and then said: ‘Thank you, God. You are answering our prayers!’ My children nodded their agreement, smiling. When the huge waves of the tsunami hit our house less than an hour later, I was upstairs with Norma. Indah was downstairs doing the regular house work, putting things away, sweeping, that kind of thing. The water quickly reached the second floor. Norma and I looked out the windows. We were amazed to see water all around us. Here and there, a few buildings that were more than one storey high were sticking out. Our house was more than 2 kilometers from the beach, and the water was up to our second floor and was still rising. There were not too many two storey houses around us, and our neighbors had all disappeared! We both turned white. Almost at the same time, we screamed for Indah, but we knew we could not go downstairs because of the rising flood. We hugged each other as the water started to come in through the upstairs windows! The ocean had reached so far inland that we both felt certain the world was ending. ‘God has indeed answered our prayer,’ I whispered. We felt the water rising around our legs, and soon my daughter and I were floating towards the ceiling. We had no idea what had happened to Indah. We didn’t know what had happened, but there was one thing we were sure about: the end of the world had come, and we were going to die soon! We praised God as the water approached near the ceiling. Soon we could touch the ceiling. We knew that we would soon drown. When the water reached the ceiling, we would have no more air to breathe. Norma and I were clinging to each other. It was quite dark now as the dirty water did not reflect much light into the space between the ceiling and its surface. I could feel Norma shaking, even though we hadn’t been under water for long, and the water was quite warm. I was shaking, too. We were terrified. The realization that we would die slowly in this way and that Indah might have died under equally frightening circumstances scared me in a way I had never felt before. I could tell my daughter felt this as well. ‘God,’ I whispered in the silence preceding death, ‘please don’t let us die this way. If this is what the end of the world is like, please abort it. We don’t want to witness it.’ I barely whispered, but my voice sounded clear and eerie in the small space. I heard Norma say amen at the end of my prayer. By now our heads were touching the ceiling. All of a sudden, we realized the water had stopped rising! We did not know how long we were wedged against the ceiling before we felt the water start to recede. It felt like a lifetime. At that moment, we felt that our first life was over, and we were beginning a new life. God had answered our prayers in the most spectacular manner. It was nothing short of a miracle. He had brought an end to the world in Aceh, to the world we saw when we were watching the Christmas program two nights before. Equally miraculous, He had spared our lives in the process! (Fanany 2010, pp. 237–9)

Without engaging with these local understandings it was not possible for responding aid agencies to initiate a suitable response that was at its core an ‘Islamic developmental’ approach to the reconstruction. This is not to say that the responding agencies had either genuinely to believe or disingenuously to pay lip-service to the belief that God sent the tsunami to punish the people, but

14

Development and religion

rather that the starting point in working with the affected communities was this religious understanding of the tsunami, and it was important to draw on the inherent dynamism within this faith to determine what appropriate reconstruction and development initiatives would be appropriate and to forge a connection with those affected. An authentic engagement with the affected communities will necessarily be more effective than interventions that are inauthentic and simply clad in local ‘dress’. One of the major criticisms of non-Islamic NGOs was their inability to appreciate fully the religious sensitivity required. Staff found it difficult to abide by Islamic laws on appropriate dressing and fraternising between men and women. In turn, local communities would use these examples of ‘inappropriate’ behaviour against these NGOs and withhold their cooperation. As a result, there was much inefficiency in the post-tsunami reconstruction (Telford and Cosgrave 2006).

FAITH-BASED ORGANISATIONS AS AUTHENTIC EXAMPLES While it was not necessary for all NGOs that responded to the Indian Ocean tsunami in Aceh to be Islamic, for example, an appreciation of Islamic values and a recognition of the importance of preparing their response so to reflect Islamic principles of social justice would have improved the outcome. There are of course models of faith-based NGOs or faith-based organisations that have their genesis within religious groups and institutions. The term ‘faithbased organisation’ is therefore used to describe a particular niche within the voluntary and/or charitable sector. ‘Faith-based’ is often used as a euphemism for ‘religious’ in this context. FBO is increasingly a generic term covering all faiths in an undifferentiated way (Rakodi 2010). ‘Generally, but by no means exclusively, faith-based organisations are philanthropic in nature, constituted as charities or non-profit organisations, and aligned with one of the world’s major religions’ (Religions and Development Programmes 2010). FBOs have long played an important role in enhancing the welfare of local communities. While religious groups are primarily concerned with providing spiritual leadership, for many the physical welfare of their communities has also been a core aspect of their existence. This concern with physical well-being is often experienced and delivered through affiliated FBOs which operationalise this outreach (see Clarke and Jennings 2008; M. Clarke 2008; Clarke, Charnley and Lumbers 2011; Harb 2008). The existence of organisations with religious affiliations working to improve the well-being of the disadvantaged is not necessarily recent (many missionary organisations date back hundreds of years), the term faith-based organisation is relatively recent and been coined to distinguish those organi-

The religion–development nexus

15

sations that are ‘sectarian’ in nature (James 2009). There are a number of ways in which FBOs might be understood in relation to these secular non-governmental organisations (see Figure 1.1). The first manner in which FBOs might be described is as organisations that sit within the vector of NGOs and religious organisations – that is, these FBOs can be classified both as NGOs because of the work in which they are engaged, and as religious organisations because of their faith-based identity: For many years, FBOs have played major roles in society, delivering a variety of services to the public, such as caring for the infirm and elderly, advocating justice for the oppressed and playing a major role in humanitarian aid and international development efforts. In this context they are perhaps closer in terms of organisational set up, structure and administration to other 20th century civil society organisations than to more traditional and historic religious organisations. (Religions and Development Programme 2010)

FBOs might share basic characteristics with ‘secular’ NGOs – independent, not-for-profit, voluntary and altruistic (Ball and Dunn 1996) – but they are distinguishable by their affiliation with a religious structure, doctrine or congregation (Figure 1.1, 1). The second manner in which they might be perceived is as completely distinct and separate from NGOs (Figure 1.1, 2). While they may undertake similar activities and share much of the same ‘DNA’, it is precisely their religiosity that makes them incomparable to NGOs. This religious motivation that underscores their existence is sufficiently differentiated from NGOs to render FBOs completely distinct entities. The third way in which they might be seen sits in binary opposition to the previous approach. In this understanding, the religious motivation is irrelevant because there is no empirical evidence to suggest a difference in their impact when they work with local communities (Figure 1.1, 3). Therefore in this sense they are effectively the same as NGOs and can quite accurately be described as NGOs themselves – in more plain language, they are ‘same but different’. A fourth approach is to consider FBOs as a subset of NGOs in the sense that the term NGO is quite broad and includes a array of organisations that are nongovernmental and that FBOs are one such grouping of organisations (Figure 1.1, 4). This is slightly different to the fifth way in which to understand FBOs, which might be described as FBOs co-existing with NGOs (Figure 1.1, 5). In this understanding, FBOs are given equal weighting to NGOs as key stakeholders in civil society, each playing important roles in holding the state and market to account. A sixth manner in which FBOs might be understood is as an atomistic group of many individual and distinct organisations that have many differences but a common faith-based premise (Fig. 1.1, 6). This approach accounts for the marked differences between FBOs that are small micro-agencies located at a congregational level as well as international aid

16

Source:

Development and religion

Author’s own work.

Figure 1.1

Comparing FBOs and NGOs

The religion–development nexus

17

agencies operating transnational partnerships. A strong case can be made for the use of any one of these descriptions, and illustrative examples would easily be found to bolster such a position. It is not the purpose of this brief description to lay a definitive claim as to how the FBOs should be understood in relation to NGOs in order to carve out a space in which their role in development might be more clearly understood. However, that said, the preferred model by which FBOs might be understood in relation to NGOs is that FBOs are constitutive of a number of bodies that are involved in development activities (see Figure 1.2). FBOs can claim heritage and relationship to NGOs, religious organisations, civil society organisations and communities. In this sense they are creatures with something of a ‘Frankenstein’ nature – distinct and existing in their own right, but drawing on aspects and parts of other stakeholders. In this sense, FBOs are distinct from NGOs, but contain elements of NGOs within them. As is the case with many concepts and terms in development studies (see Cornwall 2007), it is therefore not surprising that a precise definition of FBOs does not exist. Vidal (2001) identifies three types of FBOs in a United States domestic setting of welfare service provision: congregations affiliated with a physical structure of worship or geographical grouping of worshippers; national networks of congregations, including national denominations and their social services affiliates, as well as other networks of related organisations, such as the YMCA and YWCA; and unaligned or freestanding religious

Religious Organisations

Communities

FBO

NGO

Civil Society

Figure 1.2 A seventh way of seeing the interaction of FBOs and NGOs – constitutive

18

Development and religion

organisations that are incorporated separately from congregations and national networks. The specific nature of working in the development sector is not clearly captured using Vidal’s three types, therefore it is necessary that a distinct typology for faith-based international development agencies be developed. As a starting point the following four categories are proposed: 1) FBOs directly linked to a local congregation or religious leader; 2) FBOs directly linked to a religious denomination, sect or branch and formally incorporated within the institutional organisation of that religious body; 3) FBOs directly linked to a religious denomination, sect or branch but incorporated separately from that religious body; and 4) FBOs self-identified as falling within a broad religious tradition from which they draw their motivation. The religiosity of FBOs can also differ in magnitude; in others words (and as might be expected), some FBOs wear their religious beliefs less openly than others. James (2009) finds that Muslim FBOs, for example, generally have a clearer religious identity compared to Christian FBOs, which tend not to stress their faith roots. He argues that, while both are motivated by their religious tenets, non-Christian FBOs are less reliant on state funding because of their relative newness to the development sector and therefore more likely to show their religious heritage more strongly. It is not surprising that FBOs have also long been ignored in mainstream discussions of development. This may be partly explained by the fact that FBOs are embedded within communities and act less as external agents and more as ‘organic’ to the community. It can also be explained as being a choice by FBOs to position themselves outside the development sector and to remain more closely aligned with the religious body to which they are affiliated. The exclusion of FBOs when discussing community development work, however, is now diminishing. More recently there has been recognition both within the development sector and by FBOs themselves that there is relevance and synergy to be gained by being aware of one another and incorporating FBOs more purposely into the development domain (Clarke 2006). As participatory community-focused models of development have become more dominant in recent years (see Chambers 1983; 2005; Craig and Porter 1997; Sihlongonyane 2003; Stiglitz 1999), FBOs have become increasingly attractive as agents or key stakeholders in the development process due to their strong links to local communities. Moreover, FBOs themselves have also begun to initiate contact with aid donors to seek increased involvement (and funding) in development interventions. Over the past decade a number of international forums have been developed that have brought together FBOs and large international donors to explore how to use the experience and expertise that both groups can bring to improving the lives of the poor.

The religion–development nexus

19

Marshall and Van Saanen note that FBOs are seeking ‘a seat at the policy table, while they are also, in many instances, asking development institutions to work and support faith groups in scaling up their community and social justice operations’ (2007, p. 4). Earlier reticence by donors to be seen working with FBOs is now being replaced by a clearer understanding that FBOs are a legitimate part of civil society with both an entrée into local communities, networks across countries and regions and (often) expertise in community development processes and interventions. This recent acceptance of FBOs mirrors the acceptance of NGOs during the 1990s by the same donors. Enhancing aid effectiveness requires accessing and engaging with local communities and there is now a recognition that FBOs (like NGOs) can facilitate this access and engagement for donors. There are consequences for FBOs, though – beyond potential increases in funding – if they assume this more public role. Seeking a seat at the policy table also means facing greater scrutiny of their own activities; acceptance of public funding is associated with expectations that the funded interventions will reflect best practice or community standards in addressing various development issues. FBOs are uniquely placed in communities and can operate outside mainstream structures that constrain the activities and networking of other civil society groups. Unlike secular NGOs, FBOs have a natural constituency at the local level, but in addition also have organisational networks – both nationally and internationally. The use of the networks that exist at these different levels supports the FBOs’ ability to undertake effective development. Feeny and Clarke (2009) describe the different roles that NGOs can play at the micro, meso, macro and supramacro levels in both advocacy and programming. FBOs are also able to operate in these levels by piggy-backing on the pre-existing structures their associated religious organisations have in place. This therefore aids their efficiency and provides them with advantages over secular NGOs (see Figure 1.3). NGOs often trade off credibility with clients in order to gain broader social acceptance. For example, broad-based public charities have large constituencies drawn from the general public and are therefore likely to have objectives in broad conformity with the general public interest. In contrast, NGOs are closely aligned to their constituent clients and are likely to have high credibility with these clients, but perhaps not attract wider social support (World Bank 1999). So, while other NGOs may have to reduce their credibility with clients in order to gain wider population support, FBOs can simultaneously achieve high support with both (see Figure 1.2) because they are visible at the local level working with target groups and also form part of the social mores upon which the wider society is based.8

20

Development and religion

Credibility with clients

Client affinity groups

Faith-based organisations

Social service clubs

Non-profit firms

Public charities

Conformity of objectives to majority preferences

Source:

Modified from World Bank 1999.

Figure 1.3 Differing strengths of five types of non-profit NGOs

USING THIS BOOK This book is agnostic of the ‘truth’ of religious faith per se. Further, it does not require the reader to hold a particular religious view. Indeed, it may be easier for the reader to suspend their own religious beliefs (if they have any) when reading this book, in order to explore other religions with less bias than might normally be the case. While there is no prerequisite that the reader hold a religious belief, this book is written in an appreciative manner so that the ‘good’ of religion is highlighted over what might be considered its ‘bad’ consequences. Likewise, for those holding agnostic or atheist views, an open mind to understand why people are motivated to act in certain ways may be more useful than looking for flaws or inconsistencies within belief systems. This book does not suggest, for instance, that development can only occur if humans have a spiritual aspect to their life. Some people point to a ‘having a meaningful existence’ (Goulet 1979, p. 49) as the most basic of human needs – and a meaningful existence by their definition requires a spirituality – but this book does not propose that religious belief is the only manner in which a meaningful existence can be found. Neither does not it agree with Falk’s premise that ‘the future prospects of the human species depend upon internalising an essentially religious perspective, sufficient to transform secular

The religion–development nexus

21

outlooks that now dominate the destiny of the planet (1978, p. 134). However, the premise of this book is explicitly that religious belief and religious structures are a reality in many billions of people’s lives and inform people’s private and social behaviours as well as providing an explanation for the world’s existence and a normative view of how it should be. Religious belief therefore must be taken into consideration by those seeking to bring about ‘good change’ in the lives of the poor. The largest survey of the views of the poor indicated that well-being is closely aligned to spirituality and religious observance. ‘Tranquillity and peacefulness are important to poor people, even when poverty does not decrease. Maintaining social traditions, hospitality, reciprocity, rituals, and festivals is central to poor people’s self-definitions as humans’ (Narayan et al. 2000, p. 267). While the development specialists might be agnostic about the role of religion (Goulet 1980), their intended recipients are not. It is odd therefore that this disjunction about the place and importance of religion in development exists. The exclusion of religion from consideration, though, does severely constrain efforts and compromise the potential to improve the lives of the poor. Religious identity is integral to a community’s culture, and the exclusion of religious consideration will limit successful development interventions; therefore it is necessary to conflate examination of religion and development in order to enhance efforts aimed at improving the lives of the poor. In this way religious belief cannot be ignored by those seeking to achieve material improvement in living standards of these people. Three decades ago, Goulet wrote ‘Most development authors and practitioners have simply assumed that religious beliefs incarnate a superstitious or retrograde approach to knowledge and reflect an uncritical cast of mind incompatible with the demands of modern rationality’ (1980, p. 483). It is reasonable to argue that this view has not largely changed in the intervening years, yet it is an unhelpful approach to understanding the dynamism that is inherent in religious belief. This book therefore considers how the world’s major religions of Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity and Islam interact and understand key concepts of development. Each major religion is given its own chapter that includes a brief outline of the major tents of faith as well as a description of the sacred texts associated with that religion. Analysis of how the social teaching and sacred texts interpret development is then undertaken. Interspersed in each chapter is a short vignette of a FBO associated with that religion. Again, an appreciative approach is used to prepare these illustrative case studies of how the approach to development of each religion is reflected in the actions undertaken in these FBOs. Some of the FBOs are large, some are small, some are based in the north and some in the south. This volume has been written so it is possible to dip in to the book to allow consideration of a religion in isolation from the others. In this sense, each

22

Development and religion

section is self-contained. However, it would be instructive to consider all of the religions to better understand the differences and similarities in their approaches to development. Of course, proposing to survey the world’s major religions to improve comprehension of their teaching and practice concerning development is fraught. Perhaps the most obvious difficulty is that there are many traditions within each of these faiths. Moreover, even within these traditions, there can be very stark differences in teaching. For example, this book will focus on the Anglo-Catholic tradition of the Christian faith, but it is clear that there are marked differences within this broad church. Conservatives in the Roman Catholic Church point to ‘heretical’ teachings associated with liberation theology, which was taught by some members of the church as a radical interpretation of the gospel advocating a preferential option for the poor and the quest for justice (Gonzalez 1985; Gutierrez 1973). However, while these distinctions are clear to the protagonists, there is sufficient common ground between them (though they may not wish to acknowledge this) on the basic tenets of the Church’s teachings that some sense can be given of the fundamental approach to development and associated concepts. Finally, it should be made clear that this book is simply an introduction to the dance between religion and development. Certainly an entire volume could (and should) be devoted to exploring how each of the major religions understands and practises development. Such volumes would be able to explore in much greater detail the theologies and teachings surrounding key development concepts such as gender, the environment, sustainability, and so on, that are only briefly touched on in this book. However, in the absence of such volumes, this introduction serves an important purpose in bringing together this initial analysis for the first time.

CONCLUSION This opening chapter has presented a scenario in which those in the development sector have largely ignored religion. It has presented a sector characterised by its committed faith in the secular and disinterest in anything sectarian. Of course, there have been lone figures going against the current for over 60 years in this regard, but they have been a small fringe-dwelling minority. So, while it is always possible to find such exceptions, the fact remains that religion still resides outside mainstream development thinking, which suggests that these occasional calls for its inclusion have by and large failed. However, despite this relatively bleak historical picture, there is some evidence that the invisibility of religion is diminishing – at least within policy and practitioner circles (see Marshall and Keogh 2004).

The religion–development nexus

23

The exclusion of religion that has occurred has failed those about whom scholars, practitioners and policymakers are most concerned: the poor. Religion is not a private affair without social ramifications. Rather, religion, religious belief and religious groups are all central to many societies. Ignoring this reality and failing to appreciate this force is to be unfaithful to those most in need of development. This books does not seek to analyse the development impact of religion (books that have done this have tended to focus on economic measures of development – see Morris and Adelman 1980 for an early example of this and Bettendorf and Dijkgraaf 2010 and Schaltegger and Torgler 2010 as more recent examples); rather its purpose is to investigate the perspectives of development issues as understood by these religions. This is important as it will enhance development effectiveness. Improving the lives of the poor is a complex undertaking (see for instance Easterly 2002; Sachs 2005; Stiglitz 2007 for diverging views of its success and failure), but it is tempting to look for the quick solution. There is a risk that some may see the ‘discovery’ of religion as an antidote for global poverty. It is not the purpose of this book to present such a claim; this would further put at risk those living precarious existences, but would further be insulting to those that adhere to religious beliefs. Rather, this book will set out more clearly what the major religions teach about development and poverty in order to gain a more complete appreciation of the full human existence of those living in and responding to lives of poverty.

NOTES 1.

2. 3. 4.

5. 6.

Perhaps this reflects an ongoing process of secularisation in modern society. Ver Beek (2002) noted that there was very limited discussion of religion or spirituality in the main development studies journals from 1988 to 1998. Surveys of the same journals for the past decade show a similar lack of religious-focused articles. Paul Collier’s The Bottom Billion (2007) is considered by many as a paradigm-shifting treatise on development, yet does not feature any mention of religion. That is not to say that religion had ceased to play a role in the social or political spheres of life, but rather that the characteristics of capitalism no longer required any link to religion to bolster their credibility or dominance. A third development paradigm was conceived during the late 1960s and early 1970s as a critique of modernisation. This ‘dependency’ school saw the process of western development as inseparable from the underdevelopment of poorer nations. Although it was in opposition therefore to the basic tenets of modernisation, it did share a general dismissive view of the role that religion might play in improving the living conditions of the poor. These stereotypes have not differed significantly over time. See works by Wilber and Jameson (1980) and Selinger (2004), both exploring similar thinking. Tomalin (2006) makes a persuasive argument that when engagement with religion has been made, it is largely limited to Christianity, which itself is the dominant religion in the West. Tomalin discusses how the dominance of the concept of universal human rights and the ‘rights-based approach’ to development in the current discourse are based on Western (Christian) views of rights and ignore non-Christian values.

24 7.

8.

Development and religion ‘Communities’ can of course also refer to religious communities (with either lay or ordained members), but is used here to describe communities in the wider sense of those living together in geographical locations, in which some formal or informal decision-making autonomy resides. In this regard, communities in developing countries are likely to be smaller than communities in developed countries. Interestingly, many of same issues of participation, transparency, and so on, that are important to community development are also relevant to the growth and health of religious communities (see Vanier 1989). Assuming that the faith of the FBO is that of the religious majority for that particular country or region.

2. Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship OVERVIEW OF BELIEFS Introduction Hinduism is an ancient religion, with its origins dating back to 2000 BCE. This makes it older than Judaism (dating Moses’ life to between 1500 and 1350 BCE), Buddhism (the Buddha died in 483 BCE), Christianity (the start of the Common Era) and Islam (Muhammad died 632 CE). Hinduism is quite different from other religions in this book for two reasons: it has no founding figure and it contains an array of diverse practices and apparent beliefs within six major schools of Hinduism. It is therefore possible to find belief and practices in Hinduism that range ‘from stark monism to pure pantheism, from forms of agnostic ritualism to an apparently rampant polytheism, from ardent theisms to a dispassionate spiritual atheism’ (Lipner 2000, p. 117). While an argument might be made that each of these expressions are in fact distinct religions, it is more accurate to liken Hinduism to a banyan tree that is so ancient that all traces of its original trunk have been lost (Lipner 1994). Despite a long history and diversity there is sufficient commonality amid this confusing array of branches, roots and foliage to identify key beliefs that can be considered the essence of Hinduism. The genesis of Hinduism comes to us from the ancient Aryas, who called their religion Sanatana Dharma or the eternal religion, suggesting that it contained universal truths to the questions of human existence. Unknown ancient sages discovered these ‘eternal and supersensuous’ truths that form the religious beliefs now recognised as Hinduism. The prehistory of the Aryas is not well known; it is likely that they migrated to India, but this is contested.1 The word ‘Hindu’ itself comes from a mispronunciation of the dividing river between Persia and the land occupied by the Aryas – the Sindhu. Indeed, the term ‘Hindu’ was generally not used by its adherents, but by Muslims seeking to demarcate themselves from those who were non-Muslims (Lipner 2000). Thus, in this sense, the origins of the term Hindu was to describe the ‘other’. Hindus themselves only began to self-identify with the term in the 16th 25

26

Development and religion

century, reflecting a new desire to distinguish themselves from their Islamic neighbours. Hinduism is very much associated with India. Ninety-five per cent of the world’s 950 million Hindus live in India. However, there are other countries with sizable portions of their populations who are Hindu, including Nepal (80 per cent), Mauritius (44 per cent), Fiji, (33 per cent), Guyana (33 per cent), Trinidad and Tobago (23 per cent), Bhutan (20 per cent), Suriname (18 per cent), Bangladesh (12 per cent) and Sri Lanka (11 per cent) (O’Brien and Palmer 2007). Hinduism has much to contribute to the practice of development. Not only is it the religion of almost 1 billion people living in India, the majority of whom personally experience the grinding material deprivation associated with poverty, it also has at its centre a spirit of self-sacrificial work that places the community above the individual. This ancient religion acknowledges that all living things are on a path towards liberation, but that this path is slow and difficult. To this end, there are precepts (or dharma) on how to live righteous lives that result in improved lives (both now and in the future). Hinduism therefore encourages people to be non-violent, to respect the environment and to put others before themselves. In terms of development, this equates closely to the concept of the ‘active citizen’. Key Beliefs and Texts Perhaps of all the religions discussed in this book, Hinduism is the most confusing for non-adherents. Part of this can be explained by its conflation with Indian culture and the social strata that exists within India, but more importantly because of its concept of God or Brahman.2 Hinduism stands apart from the monothesism of Judaism, Christianity and Islam and their concepts of godhead, and has greater similarities with Buddhism. Moreover, confusion exists for non-believers because there is also great scope in how the godhead in Hinduism is represented. While Buddhists are loath to project human characteristics upon their godhead (usually referred to as nirvana), Hindus do not hesitate to do so, indeed often representing this godhead with non-human traits also. It is common for those unfamiliar with Hinduism to contrast the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam with what they conceive as the apparent polytheist cornucopia existing within Hinduism. This comparison is somewhat inaccurate. While God is represented in many forms within Hinduism, it is acknowledged that each of these forms represents the same God. ‘The Hindus have represented God in innumerable forms. This, they say, is appropriate. Each is but a symbol that points to something beyond; and as none exhausts God’s actual nature, the entire array is needed to complete the picture of God’s aspects and manifestations’ (Smith 1991, p. 36). Hindus

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

27

simultaneously acknowledge that Brahman has no form but that they require a form to assist with their worship of him. Hindu priests note this apparent contradiction in the following invocation often used at the openings of temples: ‘Though art everywhere, but I worship you here; Though art without form, but I worship you in these forms; Thou needest no praise, yet I offer you these prayers and salutations’. For Hindus, God is being (sat), awareness (chit) and bliss (ananda). However, Hindus recognise the limitations of humans to conceive of Brahman infiniteness as well as our need to limit our conception of him in order to grasp this infiniteness in some degree. This gives the freedom to determine how God might be represented, knowing that any representation will fail. Given the finite nature of human thought, it is common to conceive of God in human form. Thus it is possible for Hindus to accept Christ and Buddha as God figures just as they do Rama and Krishna. Indeed, God walks the earth when evil is likely to outweigh good: ‘when goodness grows weak, when evil increase, I make myself a body. In every age I come back to deliver the holy, to destroy the sin of the sinner, to establish the righteous’ (Bhagavad-Gita 4:7–8). This return to earth is to both inspire and help liberate people. This understanding of God also extends to include all living things within the cosmos. The most fundamental message in Hinduism is that every being and everything is divine. This is the universal truth of Hinduism. This truth is described in four mahavakyas or ‘great sentences’ found in the sacred text of the Vedas: I am Brahman. You are That. This indwelling Self is Brahman. Supreme Knowledge is Brahman.

The first three sentences relate to the divinity of the soul, while the fourth concerns the nature of God. The principle that God is equally everywhere does not necessarily mean, though, that God is equally manifest everywhere. ‘His manifestation is greatest in the Divine Incarnations and spiritually-illumined souls, and least in a non-living object, such as a rock’ (Bhaskarananda 2002, p. 14). The ultimate goal in Hinduism is to self-realise this truth. There are four components of Hindu scripture; each comprises various books – each of which contains different sub-components. The first of these, the Vedas, are considered the most sacred and authentic; the word veda itself is Sanskrit for knowledge. The divine truths contained in the Vedas were originally considered so sacred that they were not committed to writing, but rather passed orally from sage to student. Thus, these truths came to be known as shunti because they were learned by hearing (Bhaskarananda 2002). However, in time, it was determined that it would be valuable to commit these truths to

28

Development and religion

the written form, which became known as the Vedas. Tradition holds that this task was undertaken by a sage called Krishna Dvaipayana. The Vedas are contained in four books: Rig-Veda, Sama-Veda, Yajur-Veda and Atharva-Veda. Each book is made up of two distinct parts. The first is the Samhita or hymns; the second contains the Brahmana – instructions or rituals and when and how to use them. The Upanishads are also in the Vedas, these are 108 philosophical works that are in effect commentaries on the revealed truths. In addition to the Vedas, Hinduism has a number of other scriptures and sacred texts, though these are considered secondary to the Vedas. For instance, the Smritis contain laws that assist Hindus in their various paths, the Puranas hold deeper truths of Hinduism told in stories and parables to help ordinary people understand them. Two ‘great epics’ are also included in the Smritis. These two epics – Ramayana and Mahabharata interweave scriptural lessons with histories of various Aryas tribes. The most famous is the Bhagavad Gita, which is a dialogue between a Divine Incarnation and a prince. A third scriptural text is the Darshanas, within which the six different Hindu philosophies – developed at different times by different sages – are described and set out. The lack of a founding figure in Hinduism allows such new philosophies to exist within the existing structures without being seen as heretical. The final text is the Tantras, which sets out yet another approach to understanding the universal truth. Within this discipline, God has two principles – one male (Shiva) and one female (Parvati – sometimes also known as Shatki and various other names). The relationship between Shiva and Parvati is symbiotic. There are six schools of Hinduism, all of them recognising the authority of the Vedas as sacred texts. Each of these schools provides a distinct philosophical viewpoint by which to understand the world. The first school is known as the Mimamsa tradition, which translates as ‘interpretation’. The focus of this school is to explain the early sacred texts, such as the hymns and Brahmanas. It is believed that the theory of karma began in this tradition. The second school is the Vedanta. This centres on proving a philosophical understanding of later Hindu sacred texts, such as the Upanishads. In this school there were two distinct traditions, split over the understanding of atman ‘true essence’ and Brahman. The third school is that of Samkyha, which has as its basis a dualist worldview. Under this school it is thought that the universe has two realms – the consciousness and the phenomenal. The fourth school is that of Yoga, focusing on achieving liberation. The fifth school is Nyaya, which centres on formal reasoning to explain existence. The final school of Hinduism is the Vaishesika which has a metaphysical interest and considers questions concerning the nature of reality, ultimate existence, and so on. The two most dominant schools of Hinduism are currently Vedanta and Yoga. While the differences between these six traditions or schools can be clearly articulated, Smith suggests that Hinduism can be summarised in a single state-

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

29

ment: ‘You can have what you want’ (1991, p. 13). This may appear trite, but the brevity of this affirmation does not detract from the import of its underlying message. If we can have what we want, the most pertinent question that follows is: what do we want? This is the starting point for the Hindu path of enlightenment. Finding the answer to this question involves journeying along two paths – with one leading to the other – the Path of Desire and the Path of Renunciation. Along these two paths sit four phenomena that humans desire. The first desire is physical pleasure. It is perfectly natural and proper that humans seek pleasure. This is known as karma. The world abounds with opportunities for physical pleasure and, so long as we obey social and moral strictures in this pursuit, there is nothing problematic in doing so. It is, though, acknowledged that the propensity for seeking physical pleasure is common to both humans and animals and as such is rather unsophisticated. However, Hinduism still celebrates the sensual pleasures that are available to humans, but does so knowing that this in and of itself will not sustain us. At some point (whether in this life or in another reincarnation) we will find this self-focused, private satiation of desire lacking. There is a deception between what we want and the true nature of reality. When this realisation occurs, humans seek to fill this new empty space with the second human want – temporal success. This is known as artha. Economic development is therefore a reasonable goal and the improved material conditions this development affords should be blessings that are enjoyed. Thus, the pursuit of possession, power and social position is not frowned upon. ‘A modicum of worldly success is indispensible for supporting a household and discharging civic duties responsibly. Beyond this minimum, worldly achievements confer dignity and self-respect’ (Smith 1991, p. 15). Again, the fulfilment of this desire does not ultimately satisfy and those who have achieved such success feel once more (as they did with physical pleasure) an ultimate lack of satisfaction. Both these pursuits occur along the Hindu Path of Desire. Hinduism encourages people to seek to fulfil these desires, but at the same time to know that satisfaction derived from this pursuit will ultimately fail to satisfy. There is no value, though, in pre-empting this maturity and exhorting people to seek higher causes in life until they themselves are ready to do so and realise that ‘what they want’ cannot be found in these pleasures. Hinduism holds that humans can only find their final atman in communion with the universe when they are ready to do so, and it is of little value to chide those that are not ready for this. Moreover, not only is it of little value: there is good reason to celebrate the ‘little lives’ being lived because they are part of the path (whether in this life or the next). Therefore enjoying the fruits of one’s own labour and seeking to improve one’s standard of living is a perfectly acceptable focus in Hinduism (assuming this is done within moral boundaries). However, it is recognised that the pleasure this development will bring will itself eventually fade and a new desire will emerge.

30

Development and religion

Having exhausted the Path of Desire in seeking one’s true desires, a second path becomes apparent: the Path of Renunciation. Renunciation should not be approached with a negative attitude. Rather, it signals that one recognises that there is more to life than can be found in physical pleasure or social success.3 Moving outward from ourselves, the first step of this path is to realise that the community has an importance greater than that of the individual. This is known as dharma. Putting the community before oneself transforms the ‘willto-get into the will-to-give, the will-to-win into the will-to-serve’ (Smith 1991, p. 19). As will be discussed later in this chapter, such self-sacrificing undertakings are a key for successful community development interventions. Hinduism therefore is a supporter of involvement in community endeavours and of seeking to involve those economically most successful as key participants, drivers or patrons in the process. Hinduism also recognises that while this pursuit will also ultimately disappoint (in a similar vein to the pleasures arrived at along the Path of Desire), it is likely that the majority will find it difficult to move beyond this point. Those who do will find that such fulfilment again comes up short. The final human desire – which comes only with the recognition that pleasure, success and service are ultimately unfulfilling – is moksha (liberation). Moksha is the release from existence that is obtained by direct knowledge of atman. ‘This is the state of unutterable and undivided being, consciousness and bliss’ (Lipner 2000, p. 112). This connection with the universal essence is the only desire that allows infinite bliss.4 It is a recognition that the self is one with Brahman. When this realisation is made, it becomes self-evident that there is no distinction between the individual or the cosmos. Once this is understood, a peace and love for the universe occurs: ‘He who perceives all beings in the Self alone, and the Self in all beings, does not entertain any hatred on account of that perception’ (Isavasya Upanishad 6). As might be expected, there is great flexibility in how this moksha or liberation might be obtained. Being the practical and grounded religion that it is, Hinduism recognises that different personality types require different paths to moksha and therefore also require different yoga to assist them do so. ‘The word yoga, from the Sanskrit root yuj “to yoke, unite control”, refers to disciplines of asceticism and meditation that lead to knowledge inaccessible to ordinary human consciousness. Yoga includes moral, physical, and mental discipline because the body must be controlled before it is possible to control and focus the mind to reach higher knowledge’ (Shattuck 1999, p. 29). Therefore the purpose of these yogas is at core the most ultimate goal: ‘How to come to Brahman and remain in touch with Brahman; how to become identified with Brahman, living out of it; how to become divine while still on earth – transformed, reborn adamantine while on the earthly plane’ (Zimmer 1951, p. 81). Those who are reflective practise jnana yoga, those who have

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

31

emotional personalities practise bhakti yoga, while karma yoga is designed for those who are active, and finally those that are scientific or experimental in mind practise raja yoga for their way to God. Hinduism also recognises five debts that all individuals must seek to discharge in every life. These debts are: ‘1) deva-rina or debt to God, 2) rishirina or debt to the sages, 3) pitri-rina or debt to the ancestors, 4) nri-rina or debt to mankind and 5) bhuta-rina or debt to the subhuman beings. A Hindu has to repay these five debts through the performance of certain moral duties enjoined by the scriptures’ (Bhaskarananda 2002, p. 102). These moral duties are also called dharma. For example, there are principles for how individuals might repay these debts through behaviours focused on themselves (called vyakti-dharam), including such things as abstaining from anger, refraining from gossip, being modest, gentle and kind, not coveting the goods of others, being truthful and not injuring any form of life. Hinduism recognises a structural hierarchy and so sets similar dharma to ensure the sustenance of the family (parivarika-dharma), society (samaja-dharma), the nation (rashtradharma) and humankind (manava-dharama). The common characteristics underlying all these dharma is self-sacrifice. The importance of self-sacrifice will be discussed in the next section and its alignment with the developmental concept of active citizenship will also be highlighted. Hinduism and Development in India As 95 per cent of Hindus live in India, it is helpful to consider the nexus between Hinduism and the development experience in the context of this country. While India is home to some of the world’s richest individuals,5 over 40 per cent of its population live on less than US$1.25 per day. Between these extremes is a middle class in excess of 200 million people (World Bank 2010). An examination of three key Hindu concepts provides some assistance in understanding how a society can not only function relatively successfully (India is the world’s largest democracy) despite such inequality, but also achieve recent high growth in economic development. When conflated, these three aspects of Hinduism not only provide an explanation for why people accept their current life circumstances, but they also provide a motivation for people to seek to improve the living standards of both themselves and, more importantly, their communities. These aspects are: 1) the role of the caste system; 2) karma; and 3) reincarnation. Together, these concepts provide great scope for Hindus to assume the role of what is known in the development literature as active citizens (see Clarke and Missingham 2009). Hinduism and active citizenship Hinduism is a positive religion that urges its followers to yearn to live a

32

Development and religion

hundred years (Isavasya Upanishad). The world is a good place and filled with opportunity to find enjoyment. ‘It exhorts its followers to be realistic and hold on to what is good, giving up what may be pleasant but not good’ (Bhaskarananda 2002, p. 186). Yet the reality of life in India is anything but this for the overwhelming majority of people. Living in poverty is harsh and inhumane, life is characterised by ill health, limited access to clean water and hygienic sanitation, poor-quality housing, hunger, illiteracy and premature death. A most striking feature of Indian society is the caste system, which prescribes at birth the station in life one will assume. Thus, being born into a low caste largely determines the life opportunities one will have, which in turn significantly determines one’s material circumstances. The caste system that distinguishes India from other countries is simultaneously a consequence but also an exaggeration of Hindu religious belief. In its essence, there are four different castes, each reflecting a stratum of society that determines both duties and responsibilities to society. Just as Hinduism accepts that people will journey to their atman at different paces and using different paths, Hinduism also recognises that people have different abilities. The establishment of the caste system acknowledges these differences and posits that the use of castes actually protects those more vulnerable. The highest caste is that of Brahmins, who provide both spiritual and political leadership. They are supported by the Kshatriyas, who are the administrators. Their natural skill is project management and ensuring tasks are completed successfully. The third caste, known as Vaishyas, are farmers, merchants and artisans who produce goods for society. The final and lowest Hindu caste are the Shudras, who are the labourers or servants who require oversight and close supervision.6 The Hindu caste system is seen as a social protection of the weak. Unless unequals are separated in some fashion, the weak must compete against the strong across the board and will stand no chance of winning anywhere. Between castes there was no equality, but within each caste the individual’s rights were safer than if he or she had been forced to fend alone in the world at large. Each caste was self-governing, and in trouble one could be sure of being tried by one’s peers. Within each caste there was equality, opportunity, and social insurance. (Smith 1991, p. 57)

As stated, though, this religious social ordering was captured by more secular interests and thus became intertwined with the culture of India, as it has with Hinduism as a religious belief system. While it is possible to recognise these different roles in most communities, the distinguishing characteristic of the current caste system as practised in India is the determination from birth of which caste one belongs to (arguably

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

33

this may exist in other societies – see Young 1958 and more recently Beck 2008 on meritocracy in the United Kingdom). However, the original caste system was not based on hereditary determination; this was introduced at a later stage by Brahmins wishing to protect the self-interest of their families (Rodrigues 2006). Since this corruption of the original caste system (having caste determined before birth), various Hindu saints7 have rejected this mode of social organisation and refused to acknowledge hereditary determination. These include Shri Chaitanya (1485–1533) and Shri Ramakrishna (1836–86). However, efforts to improve equity between castes (specifically to remove discrimination of lower castes – whose members make up 70 per cent of India’s population) have been resisted by those whose privileged position would be threatened by such social changes. Efforts by the Indian government, for example, to set aside a percentage of civil service positions for ‘scheduled castes’ resulted in countrywide violent protests by high-caste university students, eventually stymieing such plans.8 The original Hindu caste system was based on individuals’ abilities and skills. The justification for this caste system rests upon the acceptance that society is made of individuals of unequal talents and abilities. The consequence of this acceptance was the expectation that the higher castes had higher responsibilities to their community. Of course, greater responsibilities were associated with greater privilege (make no mistake – the life of a Brahmin was physically far easier than the life of a Shudras), and with social censure should this responsibility not be fulfilled. ‘The punishment of the Vaishya should be twice as heavy as that of the Shudra, that of the Kshatriya twice as heavy again, and that of the Brahmin twice or even four times as heavy again’ (Coomaraswamy 1985, p. 12). This position is in line with the Hindu view of reincarnation in which jiva or the soul passes through a series of bodies until it is ready to meet its altman. The journey towards this goal is unconscious and inevitable, however slow: ‘Worn-out garments are shed by the body: worn-out bodies are shed by the dweller’ (Bhagavad-Gita 2:22). This jiva-ian progress is based on the concept of karma, which will be discussed below. Given these different stages of spiritual growth, Hinduism certainly does not censure, admonish or ridicule those with lesser abilities – it simply acknowledges it as a fact. The widespread acceptance of the caste system can be understood by reference to the Hindu concept of karma. Karma is the explanation by which jiva transmigrates from lower forms of life to higher forms of life on its ultimate search for atman. Karma has two important implications: individuals are responsible for their station, and there is no such thing as ‘luck’ or ‘good fortune’. This means that life is not predetermined. ‘Karma decrees that every decision must have its determinate consequences, but the decisions themselves are, in the last analysis, freely arrived at’ (Smith 1991, p. 65). For those who

34

Development and religion

are living in poverty or near-poverty, the understanding of their circumstances is very much tied to their understanding of karma. They are responsible for this outcome and only they can rectify it in this life and ensure future lives are not so wretched. Therefore Hinduism holds that present circumstances are a consequence of deeds and thoughts in current and past lives: Now as a man is like this or like that, according as he acts and according as he behaves, so will he be:– a man of good acts will become good, a man of bad acts, bad. He becomes pure by pure deeds, bad by bad deeds. And here they say that a person consists of desires. And as is his desire, so is his will; and as is his will, so is his deed; and whatever deed he does, that he will reap. And here there is this verse: ‘To whatever object a man’s own mind is attached, to that he goes strenuously together with his deed; and having obtained the end (the last results) of whatever deed he does here on earth, he returns again from that world (which is the temporary reward of his deed) to this world of action.’ (Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 4:5–6)

This is the law of karma. This law ‘is a divine, self-governing system of justice that automatically creates the appropriate future experience in response to the current action’ (Yeylanswami 2007, p. 250). Merit is achieved through goods deeds (punya), while sinful acts result in negative consequences (papa). One has the power within this life to choose good over evil and thus improve one’s circumstances. There are three types of karma that affect one’s present and future lives. The first is sanchita, which is that karma carried over from previous lives that has yet to be experienced. The second is prarabdha which is a subset of sanchita karma that will be experienced in the present life. The final karma is that of kriyamana, which is karma created by current deeds and thoughts. The interplay between the religious aspects of this belief and development is very strong. Our actions in the present are creating what we will experience in the future, even in future lives. The point here is that when we think of karma, we tend to think of the past. We reflect upon the rewards and punishments from the past that are now manifesting themselves and what we must have done to create them. However, we must also think about our future in this life and lives to come. Our action in the present are influencing that future, making it pleasant or unpleasant. Therefore before acting, a wise person reflects on that action’s karmic consequences and thereby consciously molds his future. (Yeylanswami 2007, p. 250)

In this sense, Hinduism need not be pessimistic, but a religion of hope and opportunity to improve one’s life circumstances. For those seeking to improve their life’s circumstances, the practice of good karma can assist with this. The ten principles of good karma are:

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

35

Foregoing retaliation Accepting responsibility Forgiving those who offend against you Considering consequences Ceasing to create negative karmas Seeking divine guidance Mitigating past karma (by following dharama) Accelerating karma (through intensifying spiritual exercises) Resolving dream karma (through temporal penance) Incinerating karma (through yoga).

In this regard Hindus will be motivated to be self-sacrificing to improve their current life circumstances, and also with an eye to future lives. Good deeds on earth are not sufficient to achieved moksha. Temporal existence will only cease when atman is found. However, good deeds will ensure a higher rebirth, which may offer the self-realisation of individuals in the next life, whereas a life led contrary to the principles of right living will result in a slide back from human form into animal form (or lower). There is therefore great motivation for Hindus to live good lives and to seek to put themselves second to their community: Those who thus know this (even Grihasthas), and those who in the forest worship faith and the True (Brahman Hiranyagarbha), go to light (arkis), from light today, from day to the increasing half, from the increasing half to the six months when the sun goes to the north, from those six months to the world of the Devas (Devaloka), from the world of the Devas to the sun, from the sun to the place of lightning. When they have thus reached the place of lightning a spirit comes near them, and leads them to the worlds of the (conditioned) Brahman. In these worlds of Brahman they dwell exalted for ages. There is no returning for them. But they who conquer the worlds (future states) by means of sacrifice, charity, and austerity, go to smoke, from smoke to night, from night to the decreasing half of the moon, from the decreasing half of the moon to the six months when the sun goes to the south, from these months to the world of the fathers, from the world of the fathers to the moon. Having reached the moon, they become food, and then the Devas feed on them there, as sacrificers feed on Soma, as it increases and decreases. But when this (the result of their good works on earth) ceases, they return again to that ether, from ether to the air, from the air to rain, from rain to the earth. And when they have reached the earth, they become food, they are offered again in the altarfire, which is man, and thence are born in the fire of woman. Thus they rise up towards the worlds, and go the same round as before. Those, however, who know neither of these two paths, become worms, birds, and creeping things. (Bryadaranyaka Upanishad 6 2:15–16)

This description of these three key Hindu concepts (caste, karma and reincarnation) makes it clearer why Hindus living in materially poor conditions

36

Development and religion

might be simultaneously accepting of their station in life, but also prepared to work to improve not only their circumstances but also that of their community. This is further supported by remembering that there are four main stages of life (asramas) within Hinduism. One must first be a student, then a householder, before retirement, and finally renouncing familial and social responsibilities and embarking on a new life as an ascetic monk. While there is some semblance of hierarchy within these four stages, with life culminating in renouncement and perhaps moksha or self-realisation, there is also a recognition in Hinduism that each has its place and each is singularly important. Indeed, the second period of life – that of household or garhasthya, which the majority of Hindus find themselves unable to move beyond, is ‘considered to be the mainstay of the four asramas, for it gives unity and cohesion to the entire social structure, and the other asramas depend on it for their sustenance’ (Sen 1961, p. 22). It is during this stage that Hindus are expected to lead active and productive lives: ‘Do you perform prescribed action, for action is better than inaction, and the support of your body, too, cannot be accomplished with inaction’ (Bhagavad-Gita 3:8). In this regard, performing a service for others is no less a basic tenet than that of renunciation. It is therefore as a householder that a Hindu might become what is called an ‘active citizen’. Interest in the concept of active citizenship has increased recently as it can link micro-level community development processes more directly with macrolevel national development processes. Active citizenship has therefore come to inhabit a new ‘meso’ space that bridges the local and the national. Within this space, active citizens can not only better hold to account decision-makers at the national level, but also they themselves can become legitimate voices within the decision-making process (Burnell 2007). This maturing of the role of community members in national-level forums has its antecedents in the longer history of community participation in community development interventions. Active citizenship therefore presupposes a level of community participation and ownership over development processes and interventions. This correlates with the expectations of adherents to Hinduism. ‘In Hindu society money does not necessarily bring respectability. What generates respectability is a person’s noble qualities and cultural and educational level’ (Bhaskarananda 2002, p. 51). Sustaining the impact of a community development intervention is more likely to be achieved, experience indicates, if the beneficiaries, local community and other key stakeholders have actively participated in and own the intervention. As karma means that life is neither predetermined nor ordained by luck, it encourages adherents to take control of their circumstances and take responsibility for improving not only their own life, but also the situation of their community. There are a number of reasons why community participation is important. First, the inclusion in the planning stages of those directly affected

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

37

makes it more likely that the right development needs and their causes are identified (Chambers 2005; Dale 2004; Uphoff et al. 1998). Secondly, the responses planned will take into account local resources and the strengths of the local communities, which will ensure that there is less reliance on external inputs. Finally, community participation will also aid in the ongoing management of the project as the decision-making processes will have been developed in the initial stages to include the relevant local beneficiaries and key stakeholders, which will continue once external funding has ceased. It is naive, though, to think that such participation is easily achieved. It is at the very least a time-consuming process that can be very demanding on the local community. However, as self-sacrifice is a fundamental aspect of dharma within Hinduism, this should be possible. The reasons for difficulties in gaining local participation are directly linked to the people’s status as poor. Dayto-day survival for those that are extremely poor requires enormously hard work.9 Participation (and ownership) requires a commitment of time and effort that the extreme poor are unlikely to be able to give. Participation often requires long discussions, travel to and from meetings and assistance with building or delivering interventions during the implementation phase. If the poor are working long hours, they will be unable to contribute greatly to such interventions and therefore their participation can be quite marginal. Certainly, their desire to participate may be quite low if their immediate goal is simply survival. In spite of this, religious teaching within Hinduism supports the notion of Hindus becoming active citizens, not just to improve their situation in their present life, but to increase karma for future lives. Hinduism and environmentalism Of all the major religions discussed in this book, Hinduism is arguably the most concerned with the environment and ecology.10 ‘Hindu ethics believes that all life forms belong to one ecosystem. Man cannot exist without acknowledging his indebtedness to other human beings and life forms on earth. All lives are interdependent. Once cannot survive without the survival of others. Wanton destruction of life, whether human or subhuman, is not permitted by Hinduism’ (Bhaskarananda 2002, p. 102). While the spiritual focus of Hindus is moksha, this does not mean that the importance of our temporal existence is minimised. Rather, not only does Hinduism accept that the path towards liberation is difficult to achieve, it also recognises that most adherents are not ready to begin this final journey. The majority are too ‘immature’ and remain content with the joy and pleasure that is achieved through physical pleasure, wealth and social standing. As discussed earlier in this chapter, Hinduism does not chide those at this stage in their life as it sees that individuals can only move to higher levels of maturity in their own time; they cannot be forced into it. Moreover, given the transmigration of jivas and

38

Development and religion

karmic law, those not ready in this life will be reborn over and over until they are prepared. Therefore, in this regard, temporal enjoyment and existence is not disdained. It is, though, precisely the Hindu belief in reincarnation that heightens the respect paid to the natural world. ‘The concepts of reincarnation and … transmigration through various realms imply that all living things are profoundly connected to each other, and that anyone might be reborn as an animal destined to be somebody’s next meal’ (Rodrigues 2006, p. 331). This results in a respect for all living creatures. Coupled with the Hindu concept of nonviolence (ahimsa), Hindus are loath to kill any living thing, which results in near-universal levels of vegetarianism among adherents and (in India) the clichéd wandering cows. Hindus perceive the entire cosmos in organic terms. Hindu traditions, such as the idea that the goddess Sati’s body falling to earth in separate pieces results in the earth itself being: … the manifest body of the Goddess, and should be treated with respect. Every Hindu city, town and village has an associated goddess, understood as the ‘mother’ of that portion of land and the living things that inhabit it and who look after their well-being, providing nourishment and protection for her ‘children’ … The sacred designations of landscapes, rivers, and social communities, provide a foundation for reverential treatment of these entities, and can serve ecological interests. (Rodrigues 2006, pp. 329–30)

Therefore, damaging the environment in ways such as cutting down immature trees for firewood, injuring living plants or mining the earth’s resources can bring about various punishments, including a loss of caste (see Manusmrti 11:64–5). Hinduism and gender Perhaps the most positive portrayal of women in Hindu sacred texts occurs within the Devi-bhagavata Purana, which includes many stories about and prayers to goddesses. In this text, women are elevated to show they and men stand an equal chance of achieving moksha, and in addition women are given a more prominent role as sages to assist male students. The importance of this particular scripture should not be underestimated as the Puranas themselves became very accessible texts for the larger mass of Hindus from the 5th century onwards. The Puranas became the ‘main source of popular Hindu religion and were considered scriptures containing everything required for finding salvation … On the whole conservative in social maters, religiously the Puranas were progressive by describing practices accessible to everyone, irrespective of gender or caste’ (Klostermaier 1994, pp. 364–5). However, despite this, the role of Hindu women in India has not changed considerably for

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

39

millennia. The description of a typical day in an ancient Hindu text reflects the harsh reality of the majority of women’s lives today throughout India: The housewife is the first to get up in the morning; she then has to clean the house, light the fire, prepare the early morning meal. She has to work throughout the day to provide food for the family, serve everybody’s needs. She was not to indulge in games and plays. At mealtime she had to serve everyone first and had to eat what was left over, all by herself. (Vyasasmrti 2:18–40, quoted in Klostermaier 1994, p. 364)

Rodrigues (2006) therefore argues that a Hindu woman faces a more challenging life than that of a Hindu male. The relationship between men and women in Hinduism has shifted over time. Tradition suggests that there was little discrimination between boys and girls in ancient Hinduism, with both being free to receive spiritual training. Women sages were accepted and women such as Gargi, Vishvavara, Ghosha and Apala were given equal status to their male counterparts (see Klostermaier 1994 for a longer list of women sages). However, as gender roles became more entrenched in Indian society, so too did women’s roles change in Hinduism, with the resultant fall in their access to religious participation (Lipner 2000). For example, the fourth (and final) stage of Hindu life11 is the opportunity for a person who has discharged their familial duties to take leave of their family and spend their final years as a monk. However, this stage is, to all intents and purposes, only available to men. The goal of these wandering monks is ‘to become a God-realized soul by realizing his identity with Brahmin (Bhaskarananda 2002, p. 37). The implication of this exclusion is that obtaining moksha is not expected of women. This in turn reflects that being male is a higher level of existence in Hinduism than that of being female. Marriage is given prominence in Hinduism, even though it is more likely to be a social contract than a union of love. The second stage of Hindu life (garhasthya) is that of family life. While roles may have been defined by gender – men working outside the home and women working within the home – there is a sense of shared responsibility in creating a peaceful home and raising ‘noble’ children. ‘The wife was called ardhangini (literally having half a body) in the sense that she and her husband were two halves constituting the body of an ideal marriage. She was also called sahadharmini, which means “the partner in spiritual life”. Both the husband and wife were expected to help each other in their spiritual growth’ (Bhaskaranda 2002, p. 34). The husband is also charged with treating his wife with respect and honour; marriage is deemed a lifelong sacrament.12 However, Hindu men are allowed to practise polygamy and remarry on the death of their wife – neither of these rights is available to women. The role of motherhood is also highly regarded in Hinduism; in the epic Mahabharata it is told that ‘while a father is superior to

40

Development and religion

ten Brahmin priests well-versed in the Vedas, a mother is superior to ten such fathers, or the entire world’. Moreover, the concept of motherhood is encapsulated in one of the most important expressions of God, that of Kali and Shakti – a feminisation of God that does not exist in other major religions. Thus, while the mother of Jesus is given prominence in Christianity (predominantly in Catholicism), she remains a human figure without any divine characteristics. Conclusion Hinduism can be a very confusing religion. It is an ancient religion without a founding figure, and its basic belief is that we are united as one with a universal life source that encompasses and embodies all. This belief allows great divergence in how this fundamental creed is interpreted and expressed. The vast array of Hindu practice and the apparent polytheist nature of its worship of this universal life source can often be bewildering, but it is an important religious belief, at the very least because it has nearly 1 billion adherents, the vast majority of whom live in poverty (in India). More importantly, though, Hinduism makes it clear that life should be celebrated and enjoyed first, and when this pleasure palls we should seek to improve society and finally gain our own liberation. The focus on self-sacrificial community service is closely aligned to the development concept of the active citizen, in which community members cease to be passive recipients of development interventions and position themselves centrally in these undertakings, thus assuring appropriate planning and lasting outcomes. The laws of karma and the process of reincarnation reinforces the importance of Hindus practising good dharma to ensure that they improve their living conditions in the present as well as in the future. It is therefore a positive religion with much to add to the development process.

A HINDU FBO: BAPS CHARITIES Introduction Formerly registered in 2000, BAPS Charities has a lineage dating back over 100 years to the establishment of a Hindu religious organisation called BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha.13 BAPS Charities is an interesting FBO to consider as it grew out of a religious congregation and evolved into a charity that now operates independently of its originating organisation. In this sense, this FBO is best described as a type 1 FBO – an FBO directly linked to a local congregation or religious leader. The evolution from

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

Hindu religious organisation to an FBO undertaking development work is directly linked to the Hindu focus on serving society in a practical sense. The impact this has on the development approach practised by BAPS Charities is quite interesting. It is evident that much of the work undertaken by BAPS Charities is rather service oriented, and possible tension exists between whether this work is being undertaken to fulfil a religious duty or if it is being undertaken as a genuine development intervention. BAPS Charities is located in Canada and the United States and responds to global needs, but has a very strong focus on India. This is not surprising considering that 95 per cent of Hindus live there, with just 1 million in the United States and around 0.5 million in the UK. BAPS Charities in the United States raises around US$3 million per annum.14 History The history of BAPS Charities begins with the prehistory of its parent organisation, BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha. Bhagwan Swaminarayan – for whom the organisation (or sanstha) is named – was a Hindu swami in the Vedic tradition who taught in the western Indian state of Gujarat at the turn of the 19th century. Highly regarded by those he taught, Bhagwan Swaminarayan had a significant impact on his immediate society. He stopped animal sacrifices, ceased the killing of female babies, banned the practice of forced widow-burning, promoted the education of females and preached against addictions to tobacco and alcohol among other things. His entreaties to live a value-based life resulted in 3,000 followers renouncing their material possessions and living as ascetics. His followers consider Bhagwan Swaminarayan to be a supreme godhead and, following his death in 1831, his spiritual teaching was continued by subsequent enlightened gurus. In 1907, the formal organisation that grew to become BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha was established. By 1950, the sanstha was still largely located in Gujarat, India. At this time, though, the then-leader Yogiji Maharaj began to travel internationally to spread the message of Bhagwan Swaminarayan. With this travel, BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha began slowly to grow, but this growth has accelerated since Yogiji Maharaj was succeeded by Pramukh Swami Maharaj and the organisation is now established in many parts of the world. Adherents abide by basic (but challenging) precepts, including:

41

42

Development and religion

no addictions, no stealing and no illicit sex, a pure vegetarian diet and moral purity. There is a very strong focus on service to society. The primary socio-spiritual aims of BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha are to: Inspire a better and happier individual, family and society. Through its 170 spiritual and humanitarian activities it endeavors to: • inspire one and all towards a better way of life through the humanitarian values of service, purity, discipline, love, tolerance, harmony … • Energize its on-going efforts against dowry, smoking, drugs, alcohol and other destructive addictions. • Promote harmony and peaceful coexistence among all communities through understanding and co-operation. • Develop constructive and creative youth and children’s activities to channel their energy, promoting education and social services. • Sustain the roots of Indian Culture and all the good that it stands for. (BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha 2010)

It was also decided that the religious beliefs that were core to its existence were exhorting the movement’s adherents to undertake significant social and charitable works. In order to manage this growing aspect better, BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha began operating as a charity in 1950, though it was not formally incorporated until 2000. ‘BAPS Charities was thus created and officially registered in 2000 as the independent, nonprofit and nonreligious social services arm of BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha’ (BAPS Charities 2010a). There are now 55,000 volunteers supporting the work of BAPS Charities and it is through this network and from this religious practice that BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha reaches out to undertake work with needy communities and individuals. The relationship between these two organisations is very organic, with adherents of BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha expressing their religious duties through the vehicle of BAPS Charities. Indeed, it is this close relationship that provides the substantial resources (not least the volunteers) that allow the wide range of activities undertaken by BAPS Charities. It is quite likely that BAPS Charities could not survive (in its current form) without this symbiotic relationship with BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha.

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

Vision, Mission and Approach The vision of BAPS Charities is not imbued with overt religious language. Indeed, it is surprising secular in its tone and directness: ‘every individual deserves the right to a peaceful, dignified, and healthy way of life. And by improving the quality of life of the individual, we are bettering families, communities, our world and our future.’ This vision is operationalised through specific programmes that address health, education, the environment, special needs of tribal peoples and those affected by natural disasters. These activities are led by the 55,000 volunteers who are members of BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha. BAPS Charities seek to: • provide inexpensive, even free, health care through the creation of well-staffed hospitals, clinics, dispensaries and awareness outreach programs • build self-supporting educational institutes and help sustain existing educational programs to provide quality, value-based education for children • protect our natural resources by creating innovative sustainable solutions that promote the responsible use of the earth’s ecosystems and resources • empower underprivileged girls and young women with education and skills to raise sound families and in turn strengthen and stabilize their local communities • invest in the future of needy children and youths by inspiring learning, self-reliance, family respect, social responsibility, and moral integrity • assist and advance the most deprived members of our society living in tribal regions with access to basic health care, education, and social and economic amenities • provide immediate relief support to survivors of natural disasters and remain in service until the affected communities are rehabilitated and self-reliant. (BAPS Charities 2010a)

The primary focus of these activities is India – though BAPS Charities does also work in other countries. Health A range of medical services are provided by BAPS Charities that benefit over 600,000 people annually. BAPS Charities operates 14 hospitals (seven in India, six in the United States and one in the United Kingdom), clinics and healthcare centres, 11 mobile medical vans that travel to outlying areas, predominantly servicing

43

44

Development and religion

tribal communities, and numerous medical camps and health fairs. Interestingly, many of the health fairs are provided in the United States and Canada and provide ‘medical care and advice to the increasing number of people who lack access to quality health care’ (BAPS Charities 2010b). Around 10,000 North Americans receive treatment and medical advice at these health fairs annually. BAPS Charities also run public health awareness campaigns and distribute information on a range of medical issues, including HIV and AIDS, alcohol and drug abuse. Financial support is also provided to students in India to allow them to study to become medical professionals. The teachings of Bhagwan Swaminarayan influence the programmes instigated by BAPS Charities, as is evident in the prominence given to antiaddiction drives, which thousands of adherents are mobilised to undertake. ‘Anti-addiction drives are a regular, all-year-round activity for BAPS Charities. Volunteers continually move from village to village, city to city, meeting and counselling addicts into giving up smoking, drinking and drugs’ (BAPS Charities 2010b). Potential tension exists between the approach adopted by BAPS Charities in these drives and best practice within the established behaviour change literature. The stages-of-change model (Prochaska and DiClemente 1983), the health-belief model (Becker and Maiman 1975), the social-learning theory (Bandura 1986), the theory of reasoned action and planned behaviour (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980), or the ecological-approaches model (Borland et al. 1990) would not involve sending thousands of children to hand out literature and speak with relatives, neighbours and citizens in streets, shops, offices and public places to persuade them to cease their addictive behaviour, as is the practice of BAPS Charities. Education Improving educational opportunities and outcomes is a core part of the work undertaken by BAPS Charities. To this end BAPS Charities fund 5,000 scholarships each year, operate ten kindergartens, primary and secondary schools (one of which is located in the United Kingdom), as well as eight colleges or institutes of higher education. In addition they financially support 20 colleges and secondary schools and run 14 student hostels to facilitate school attendance for students. BAPS Charities is working to achieve 100 per cent literacy in the village districts in which it has a significant presence. Professional development opportunities

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

are also provided to teachers to help them be more effective in the classroom. In a similar vein, education awareness campaigns are run to encourage parents to understand the importance of education for their children. Environment A number of programmes are run by BAPS Charities to improve the natural environment, including recycling, tree planting and improving water supply and conservation. Tree planting programmes have been implemented in over 2,000 villages in India, with over 1 million trees planted. A recycling programme (paper and aluminium) has also been established in both India and the United Kingdom. Huge amounts of these products are collected by volunteers and then sold to provide additional financial resources to support other activities of BAPS Charities. Improving water supply and conservation is of great benefit to rural farmers and families. BAPS Charities has helped communities improve rainwater harvesting, de-silt dams, establish new and improve existing wells, producing the social, economic and health benefits that come with improved access to safe water supplies. BAPS Charities centres throughout India also use energy-efficient technologies not only to reduce energy consumption but also to provide a model to others of the effectiveness of using solar panels and bio-gas. Animal husbandry is important in India too, and BAPS Charities runs a number of ‘cattle care’ centres to research and improve cattle in India. These centres also provide support to areas experiencing drought or other emergencies by creating local ‘camps where cows, buffaloes and bulls are provided food and water. These camps also provide free veterinary services’ (BAPS Charities 2010b). Tribal communities While BAPS Charities operates in many parts of India as well as work in North America and the United Kingdom, a special relationship exists with tribal communities. These communities are isolated – both literally and figuratively – from much of the social and government services normally available to other Indian communities. BAPS Charities seeks to overcome the barriers experienced by these tribal communities through a range of specific activities. Nearly 2,000 community centres have been built to provide places where education programmes can be run, food and clothing can be distributed, health checks can take

45

46

Development and religion

place, and where the community can meet. Many of the programmes discussed above focus on tribal communities, including the mobile health vans, scholarships, student hostels and literacy campaigns. Disaster relief Responding to humanitarian emergencies is an important component of BAPS Charities’ work. BAPS Charities has responded to disasters in many parts of the world. More than 50 schools have recently been built in areas affected by natural disasters. Following the Indian Ocean tsunami, for example, volunteers worked with affected communities in India, and supporters provided resources to provide: • 174,000 hot meals served to the homeless. • 12,000 Food Packets and 10,000 litres of mineral water distributed. • 43 tonnes of rice, 16 tonnes of dal & 4 tonnes of sooji distributed. • 6,006 homeless families provided with essential household goods. • Hand pumps and water tanks installed to provide fresh drinking water. • 12,000 notebooks and other educational materials provided to children. • 1,708 adults and children were treated in 4 medical camps. • Medical assistance to medical camps. • 200,000 tablets to treat malaria, cholera, depression, diarrhoea, fever, etc. • 8,000 injections. • 15,000 packets of rehydration powder. • 11,000 mouth mask and 700 pairs of hand gloves to help clean up the area. (BAPS Charities 2005, pp. 3–4)

Medical supplies were provided to assist those affected by the tsunami in Sri Lanka. Interestingly, BAPS Charities raised funds on behalf of UNICEF for the Haiti Earthquake disaster rather than seeking to provide assistance themselves. Gender Although gender is not identified as a sector in which BAPS Charities works, the organisation does have number of programmes that very directly address issues of gender inequality in India. It notes that: … gender based discrimination is manifest in female foeticide, infanticide, chronic neglect of the girl child, unequal wages, non-recognition of women’s contribution to family labour, lack of access and

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship control over resources, feminisation of poverty, increasing violence and crime against women. A largely patriarchal society forces women in the web of low income, low education and low health. BAPS Charities is committed to advancing women’s right to equality through a host of programs. (BAPS Charities 2010a)

These programmes include campaigns against the practice of marriage dowry, domestic violence and in support of marriage counselling, self-employment training, child health seminars, and so on. Donations are sought to support all the programmes and activities described above. In general, supporters are offered two opportunities to donate. The first is a general gift that will be used to support all programmes, while the second is to a specific nominated project or activity within a particular sector to which the donation should be directed. In reality, though, the primary donation made to BAPS Charities – that allows it to reach as many people as it does – is the millions of hours of time ‘donated’ by volunteers. Adherents of the BAPS Swarminarayan Sanstha volunteer their time, which in turn increases the breadth and reach of activities undertaken by BAPS Charities. This volunteerism is very much seen as part of their religious duties. Approach to Development BAPS Charities operates very clearly within Korten’s (1990) first generation of the provision of welfare services. As is clear in the discussion above, the vast majority of activities undertaken under the banner of BAPS Charities is made possible solely through the commitment of the 55,000 volunteers associated with 3,300 BAPS Swarminarayan Sanstha centres around the world. This commitment equates to around 12 million volunteer hours a year. BAPS Charities is able therefore to mobilise adherent of the BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha to provide specialist medical care, to collect discarded aluminium cans, to dig wells, distribute antismoking literature, to serve meals in disaster zones, and so forth. There is little community engagement evident in these activities undertaken by BAPS Charities. The focus on provision of services is also evident in what the organisation identifies as its main commitments: BAPS Charities are committed to:

47

48

Development and religion • respecting the dignity and integrity of the individuals we serve • being sensitive to the local systems and community cultural values of our beneficiaries • achieving effective and efficient stewardship of the donations entrusted to our care • ensuring the maximum possible share of contributions go to promote services • ensuring administrative costs are kept as low as feasibly possible for effective operations • operating under clear financial plans and review systems with strong financial auditing to ensure judicious execution of funds • organizational transparency. (BAPS Charities 2010a)

There is no mention of community participation or ownership of activities. Indeed, there is a conviction that the volunteers ‘sustain any project we undertake to the utmost satisfaction of the beneficiaries’. Such an approach is certainly in contrast to principles of best practice concerning community ownership and participation. So, while members of BAPS Charities are clearly active citizens, they do at the same time minimise opportunities for members of the communities with which they work to themselves become active citizens. It therefore appears that a significant part of the development activities undertaken by BAPS Charities is to express the religious convictions of the adherents to BAPS Swarminarayan Sanstha. This is not to pass judgement on the motivation of these volunteers, but it does raise the question of when religious service crosses over from just that – religious service – to development. Kingsbury et al. define development as good change: Development is not about what actually has or will happen – as in the writings of Rostow and Marx who saw development as historical change or those who defined development as exploitation and domination – but what ought to happen. In short, this is about differentiating between changes per se and that which we would like to see, that change which might simply be described as ‘good’. (2008, p. 31)

Certainly BAPS Charities has a normative view of the world in which everyone lives a peaceful, dignified and healthy life. This worldview clearly reflects the religious teachings of Bhagwan Swarminarayan. The question is not therefore whether this ‘good change’ is appropriate; it is whether the activities undertaken to achieve this preferred ‘good change’ are developmental. Given that the process of development is contested, it is difficult to ascertain whether the aim of the activities undertaken by

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship

BAPS Swarminarayan Sanstha volunteers is development or the fulfilment of religious duty. For example, BAPS Charities undertakes programmes of visiting the elderly in the United Kingdom and United States. BAPS Charities’ ‘Care for the Elderly’ program involves youth volunteers (children between the ages of 9 to 16 years old) interacting with the older generation (members from residential care and sheltered homes). The aims of the program is to reduce the social and cultural isolation and to promote the physical (illness & disability), psychological (depression, dementia, etc) and social (isolation, vulnerability etc) well being of the elderly. At the same time, children are given the opportunity to communicate with the elderly. Children perform an entertainment program consisting of dances, speeches and comedy sketches. The program continues over school holidays. (BAPS Charities 2010a)

It appears that this programme is for the benefit of the youth volunteers just as much as it is for the elderly recipients of these visits. There is not necessarily a tension between undertaking activities to fulfil personal religious duties or obligations and considering these same activities as development activities. The sustained impact of these programmes, though, may be enhanced if it harnesses a greater involvement by the local communities, but the focus on the service being provided by the individual may stymie or limit this participation because it is considered secondary to the primary goal of discharging religious duties – or not considered at all. This approach may perhaps leave BAPS Charities somewhat captive to its parent organisation, as it is not possible to find a donor base or platform of activities beyond that of BAPS Swarminarayan Sanstha. This might not be an issue for BAPS Charities presently, but may give rise to concern in the longer term. Conclusion BAPS Charities was founded in 1950 (though only formally registered in 2000 in the United States and 2004 in Canada) to facilitate the social services and charitable work being undertaken by adherents of Bhagwan Swarminarayan through over 3,000 BAPS Swarminaryan Sanstha centres across the world. Bhagwan

49

50

Development and religion

Swarminarayan was a Hindu guru considered a supreme godhead by his followers. His religious teachings focused on healthy living based on moral purity, with a central tenet of service to others. This is expressed by over 55,000 volunteers today through countless activities in the health, education and environmental sectors with a particular focus on India, specifically tribal communities. BAPS Charities largely coordinates these activities on fairly limited fundraising. There is little doubt that the impact of BAPS Charities would be substantially limited without the work of these volunteers. The question does arise though whether the activities being undertaken are necessarily activities that have as their primary goal the discharge or religious duties or are development activities aimed at improving the lives of the beneficiaries. A tension does not necessarily exist between these two goals, but their lasting impact will be largely determined by the involvement of the local communities. Should these activities be primarily preoccupied with being an act of service, sustained impact may be less than if these activities are mainly concerned with being acts of development. This issue of ‘religious service’ is not confined to BAPS Charities but is relevant to many FBOs working in the aid sector. It is important that FBOs identify possible tensions between their faith-inspired work and being effective development practitioners.

NOTES 1.

2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7.

8.

There are different views as to where the Aryas migrated from; possibilities include Central Asia (see Gafurov 1973), the Arctic (see Tilak 1956), Eastern Europe (see Bender 1922), South-East Europe (see Bongard-Levin 1980; Masica 1991) or perhaps they did not migrate at all and were indigenous to India (see Swami Vivekananda undated). Brahman is Sanskrit word for god. This is similar to the overcoming of tanha within Buddhism. While the concept of heaven is common to both Christianity and Islam, it is understood differently in the two religions. In the same manner, Hinduism and Buddhism share a notion of self-realisation that also differs. ‘The Buddhist notion of nirvana is akin to moska, since both refer to the goal of emancipation or freedom from karma or samsara, and insight into the true nature of reality and the Self. However, Buddhism and Hindu systems can differ, quite fundamentally, in their descriptions of what constitutes the ultimate realization’ (Rodrigues 2006, p. 52). India is expected soon to outrank the United States in its number of billionaires. Outside the caste system are those considered ‘untouchable’, or the Dalits. In Hinduism, a saint is someone who has ‘directly experienced God in this lifetime. A person possessing noble virtues and engaged in doing good deeds is appreciated in Hinduism, but not necessarily considered a saint. Moreover, Hindu tradition does not recognize sainthood through post-mortem canonization’ (Bhaskarananda 2002, p. 12). The caste system was formally abolished under the 1950 Constitution, but continues in practice.

Hinduism: dharma and active citizenship 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

51

Easterly 2002 and Yunnis 2003 provide numerous portrayals of the long days and hard work undertaken by poor men and women, barely providing sufficient income to feed, clothe and provide shelter for their families. Buddhism also contains a very strong commitment to all living creatures. There are four stages of life within Hinduism: brahmacharya, the learning or student phase; garhasthya, the family phase; vanaprashthya, the retired or hermit phase; and sannyasa, the phase in which one becomes a monk or ascetic. In India, for example, divorce does exist, though this is a secular freedom and one not widely practised by observant Hindus. BAPS is a shortened form of Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam, which refers to the first temple built in the Indian town of Bochasan that worshipped the supreme godhead of Bhagwan Swaminarayan. Funds raised in Canada for BAPS Charities are limited – CAN$30,000 per year.

3. Buddhism: a middle way for development OVERVIEW OF BELIEFS Introduction Buddhism is the second oldest of the world religions, dating to around 2550 BCE. Buddhism currently has around 400 million adherents throughout the world (or about 6 per cent of the world’s population). While this may appear a relatively small number, it does mask the fact that half of the world’s population live in countries where Buddhism is currently, or has been in the past, the dominant religion. This is because Buddhism was the first missionary religion, with Emperor Ashoka sending monks from his empire of present-day India and Pakistan in the 3rd century BCE to spread Buddhism from Sri Lanka to Egypt. There has been an increasing interest in Buddhism in other parts of the world, but it does remain an ‘Asian’ religion, with 98 per cent of Buddhists living in South-East Asia (O’Brien and Palmer 2007). In a similar way to the Abrahamic religions of Judaism, Islam and Christianity (and in contrast to Hinduism), Buddhism is firmly based on an historical figure – Siddhartha Gautama of the Sakyas, who was born in approximately 563 BC in present-day Nepal (but close to the Indian border). It is interesting to note some similarities of the traditions surrounding the birth of both Siddhartha and Jesus of Nazareth. Both Siddhartha and Jesus were borne by chaste women and their births were divinely heralded. Of Siddhartha we are told: [T]he worlds were flooded with light at his birth. The blind so longed to see his glory that they received their sight; the deaf and mute conversed in ecstasy of the things that were to come. Crooked became straight; the lame walked. Prisoners were freed from their chains and the fires of hell were quenched. Even the cries of the beasts were hushed as peace encircled the earth. (Smith 1991, pp. 82–3)

Of Jesus we are told of ‘a multitude of the heavenly host praising God’ (Luke 2:13) that heralded his birth. However, the material circumstances of the birth of these two figures could not be further apart. Jesus was born in a manger to poor parents, while Siddhartha was a royal prince whose family 52

Buddhism: a middle way for development

53

enjoyed a life of enormous wealth and privilege. Further comparisons between Jesus the ‘Anointed One’, and Siddhartha the ‘Enlightened One’, although attractive, are inappropriate much beyond this point – largely Jesus’ followers claim him to be divine, but Buddhists do not claim the same for Siddhartha. At the core of Buddhism is the search for enlightenment. The path to this state is described in Buddhism as the ‘Middle Way’: enlightenment is found neither through indulgence nor through asceticism. This approach to enlightenment also underscores the engagement of Buddhism with development. Development is to be based on simplicity and non-violence, and – while this is clearly a rejection of modern economic growth and conspicuous consumption – it does not necessarily mean an austere existence. Material goods must aid the quest for spiritual enlightenment, as long people do not succumb to the very real danger of attachment to these goods, which clearly hampers spiritual well-being. Therefore, the Buddhist concept of development also involves finding a middle way. Spiritual enlightenment is the ultimate goal and, in order for the temporal body to be capable of functioning at a level necessary for enlightenment to be found, it is necessary to avoid abject misery and poverty as well as the entrapment of wealth. The Origins of Buddhism The path to enlightenment undertaken by Siddhartha came after a sumptuous childhood and privileged life as a prince.1 At his birth it was foretold that he had two potential destinies – should he remain tied to the temporal sphere, he would become a great conqueror who would unify India (which was the extent of the known world for the sages at that time) and be known as a universal ling (or cakkavatti). Alternatively, should he remove himself from the temporal to the spiritual sphere he would become a world redeemer. Determined that his son live the former life, Siddhartha’s father enslaved his son into a life of luxury. Siddhartha was surrounded only by beauty and it was the duty of the entire court to provide for his pleasure. His father also issued firm orders that his son was not to view or experience any ugliness, pain or sickness. A captive in this charming court, Siddhartha was unaware of anything other than joy and pleasure. Upon maturity, he married a princess who bore him a healthy, precious son. Without doubt, from childhood to adulthood, Siddhartha knew nothing but happiness. But Siddhartha eventually discovered the truth hidden from him for so long by the king. On his rare excursions beyond the court, the king’s guard would ride ahead to remove or hide anything or anyone that was sick, old or infirm. However, on one particular morning an old man found his way in the path of the prince, who was shocked by this sight of ageing. Despite increased guards, a second trip outside the court led to Siddhartha encountering someone ill and

54

Development and religion

sick sitting on the roadside. On a third trip, Siddhartha travelled past a corpse, and finally, on a fourth trip, he noticed a (Hindu) monk. These Four Passing Sights meant that Siddhartha realised that illness and death were an inescapable part of temporal existence. As a result of this knowledge a pall of sadness soon fell over him; no amount of court gaiety could diminish his growing discontent. Just before his thirtieth birthday and in great secrecy, Siddhartha abandoned his family (including his wife and son) and his royal life to search for enlightenment. For six years Siddhartha searched in vain. He spent time with the greatest Hindu philosophers, but left them when he could learn no more. Following this, he set about punishing his body as an ascetic. Barely eating and undertaking gruelling physical challenges, he realised that such practice was futile in bringing him closer to enlightenment. It did, though, allow him to determine that the Middle Way should be a principle of seeking enlightenment: neither a life a luxury nor a life of austerity could aid or abet one’s search. Siddhartha’s third attempt to find enlightenment was based upon training the mind in accordance with mystical yoga traditions. In accordance with this approach, Siddhartha undertook a significant period of meditation, at which time he achieved enlightenment. Such was the wonder of this experience (lasting some 49 days) that Siddhartha was transformed. This transformation resulted in Siddhartha becoming known as Buddha or the ‘Awakened One’ or the ‘Enlightened One’. The word ‘Buddha’ comes from the Sanskrit budh, which means both ‘to wake up’ and ‘to know’. Buddha then spent the remaining 45 years of his life teaching others the path to enlightenment through meditation and good work. Over the course of these 45 years of teaching and meditation, the basic precepts of Buddha’s teaching did not change. Indeed, his first sermon contained the Four Noble Truths upon which all subsequent religious teachings of Buddhism rest. Understanding these truths is important in appreciating how ‘development’ is understood in Buddhism. In the temporal sphere, it is recognised that poverty and wealth will always be present and cannot be eradicated because they are a natural part of the world. However, it is also understood that both poverty and wealth hinder spiritual well-being and therefore limit the attainment of enlightenment. Buddhism therefore addresses these concepts and provides guidance to lessening their more negative impact. Buddhist Teaching The first truth that must be recognised and accepted before enlightenment is possible is that life is dukkha. The most common translation of this Sanskrit word is ‘suffering’ or ‘ill-being’ (Loy, 2003). While this is certainly a reasonable translation, it does not adequately capture the full depth of this term in its original usage. Smith describes this term more fully:

Buddhism: a middle way for development

55

Dukkha, then, names the pain that to some degree colors all finite existence. The word’s constructive implications come to light when we discover that it was used in Pali to refer to wheels whose axles were off-center, or bones that slipped from their sockets. (A modern metaphor might be a shopping cart we try to steer from the wrong end.) The exact meaning of the First Noble Truth is this: Life (in the condition it has gotten itself into) is dislocated. Something has gone wrong. It is out of joint. As its pivot is not true, friction (interpersonal conflict) is excessive, movement (creativity) is blocked, and it hurts. (1991, p. 101)

Regardless of one’s circumstances, all humans share six moments when this hurt is evident. The first is the trauma of birth, the second is sickness, the third is the process of ageing, the fourth is a fear of death, the fifth is doing something which one dislikes, and the final moment of life’s suffering is to be kept away from that which one loves. Dukkha is plainly evident whenever one of these six moments is experienced. The Second Noble Truth directly flows from the first, in that – despite this inevitable dissatisfaction of life (dukkha) – we are still driven to seek personal fulfilment (tanha) within this temporal sphere. This unquenchable thirst or endless craving cannot be satisfied and this will ultimately fail because of dukkha. The Second Noble Truth therefore reveals the futility of seeking happiness in a life that cannot bear such happiness. The Third Noble Truth makes it clear that suffering can only be overcome by breaking the chains of these desires for fulfilment. Only by ceasing to seek tanha can one be able to be open to enlightenment. The Fourth Noble Truth describes the practical steps (magga) that must be undertaken to escape these desires. The eight aspects are known as the Eightfold Path and must be achieved to overcome the desires that enslave us and result in suffering. They are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Right Views Right Intent Right Speech Right Conduct Right Livelihood Right Effort Right Mindfulness Right Concentration

The presumption is that each involves a choice between that which is proper and that which is not. Therefore, the Eightfold Path is a very purposeful approach to life that requires a conscious decision at every moment in life. While training through meditation may make ‘right’ choices easier and perhaps they be made with less hesitancy, there is a need for a constant wariness by those on this path to remain true to its way. In this sense Buddhism is

56

Development and religion

therefore not a passive acceptance or indifference to the world. Rather, it requires commitment and energetic focus to ensure life is lived in a way that will increase the possibility of enlightenment. Contained with the fourth path – Right Conduct – is a list of specific commandments. These are applicable to all Buddhists (there are significantly more directives for ordained Buddhists): 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Do not kill Do not steal Do not lie Do not be unchaste Do not take intoxicants

While this list (other than the fifth) largely mirrors that found in the Judaic tradition, it has a different purpose to Moses’ commandments. Rather than setting out those transgressions of God’s absolute laws and things which would be offensive to God and therefore sinful, as in the Judaic set of commandments, these Buddhist commandments are first a guide to non-moral repercussions and consequences via karma, and, more importantly, a guide to living the Eightfold Path, the pathway to ceasing to seek tanha and attaining enlightenment. In Buddhism, one’s ultimate destination following enlightenment is nirvana. Unlike the Christian understanding of heaven as a house (John 14:2) or the Islamic view of heaven being a place of pleasure (Qur’an 56:35–8), the conditions of nirvana are not clearly enunciated by the Buddha. Buddha’s silence regarding nirvana was because it is ‘incomprehensible, indescribable, inconceivable, unutterable’ (Smith 1991, p. 113). It might be that our desire to know nirvana is a direct outcome of tanh or that search for personal fulfilment: we must know and cannot be happy without knowing. This inability to conceive nirvana is also linked to questions of ‘god’ within Buddhism. Within other religious traditions, God has been largely anthropomorphised and understood as personal god. However, God can also been conceptualised in a second manner – that of godhead. Conze describes this understanding of nirvana as godhead: Nirvana is permanent, stable, imperishable, immovable, ageless, deathless, unborn, and unbecome, that it is power, bliss and happiness, the secure refuge, the shelter, the place of unassailable safety, that it is the real Truth and the supreme Reality; that it is the Good, the supreme goal and the one and only consummation of our life, the eternal, hidden and incomprehensible Peace. (1975, p. 40)

Certainly, if the human characteristics are removed from the understanding of God within the Judaic, Christian and Muslim traditions, Conze’s description

Buddhism: a middle way for development

57

of nirvana is a close approximation of what would be left. Indeed, the concept of the godhead is not completely unfamiliar in these religions. The medieval Christian mystic, St John of the Cross, described God as being everything and nothing. In this sense, God is everything that we can conceive of, but beyond all our understanding and therefore nothing that we can conceive. St John of the Cross and Buddha therefore share the position that our humanity precludes us from fully understanding God while existing within this temporal sphere. This understanding is also found within Hinduism, but there this is addressed through allowing multiple descriptions and manifestations of God. Unlike the religions in the Abrahamic tradition, Buddhism does not perceive life and death as dualistic events. Existence is simply a cycle of continuing living and dying. Thus, while Christianity, Judaism and Islam have death as the end of life, Buddhism sees life and death as a continuing cycle. The importance of this to material well-being is that for those ‘people of the book’, the reward of heaven following death can compensate for deprivations during an earthly existence. However, if, as is the case in Buddhism, living and dying are not in contest, the focus is then on a different sort of liberation – the liberation from both living and dying, not just death. Thus, the scope of liberation for Buddhism is altogether different to that of Christianity, Judaism or Islam. It should be quite clear that while both Christianity (Judaism and Islam) and Buddhism are concerned primarily with the salvation of human existence, the ground of salvation recognized by each of these religions differs: in Christianity (Judaism and Islam) it is personalistic, whereas in Buddhism it is cosmological. In the former, the personal relationship between a human being and God is axial, with the universe as its circumference; in the latter, personal suffering and salvation reside in the interpersonal, boundless, cosmological dimension that encompasses even the divine-human relationship. (Abe 2000, p. 156)

Thus, in Buddhism, present material circumstances figure much less in consideration of the larger concern of existence. Overlaying the concepts of dukkha and tanha in which material processions most often become a barrier to enlightenment, it is easy to develop a rather jaundiced view of how Buddhism might respond to key development concepts of poverty alleviation, empowerment and progress. There are also different traditions within Buddhism. Soon after Buddha died, various interpretations of his teaching and associated practice emerged. For this study, interested in the interaction between development and Buddhism, these different paths are of importance. The split within Buddhism centred on issues that have caused division within other belief systems: Are people independent or interdependent? Is the universe hostile or friendly towards humans? Is love or reason better? Assuming opposing positions, two

58

Development and religion

distinct camps within Buddhism took form soon after Buddha’s death. Those that believed Buddha taught the primacy of independence, a hostile universe and reason adopted a position that elevated wisdom through meditation. On the other hand, those that believe Buddha in fact emphasised the importance of interdependence, a supportive universe and love place compassion above all else. It is clear therefore that the former path of Buddhism is more individualcentric than the latter. For this reason the latter tradition became known as the ‘Great Raft’ (Maha yana), as this way to enlightenment was based on people working and supporting one another along this journey. The alternative approach became known by default as the little raft (hina yana) because this was a journey for individuals only seeking the most direct route to personal enlightenment as an escape from dukka. However, as this term was considered a slight by these adherents, they began calling themselves the ‘Way of the Elders’ (Theravada) to lay claim to be truly representing Buddha’s own position.2 The primary differences are set out in Table 3.1. A broad but reasonable characterisation would be that Theravada Buddhism is a private pursuit primarily undertaken in a monastic life. For lay people in the Theravada tradition, life becomes more about living within their existing karma to prepare a way for a future life as a monk, which may result in enlightenment. While attaining nirvana remains possible, it is more likely to be achieved by ordained monks then by lay adherents. Mahayana Buddhism, on Table 3.1

Differences between Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism

Theravada

Mahayana

Human beings are emancipated by self-effort, without supernatural aid Key virtue: wisdom Attainment requires constant commitment, and is primarily for monks and nuns Ideal: the Arhat, who remains in nirvana after death Buddha is a saint, supreme teacher and inspirer Minimises metaphysics Minimises rituals Practice centres on meditation

Human aspirations are supported by divine powers and the grace they bestow Key virtue: compassion Religious practice is relevant to life in the world, and therefore to lay people Ideal: the Bodhisattva (leading others to enlightenment) Buddha is a saviour

Source: Smith 1991, p. 126.

Elaborates metaphysics Emphasises ritual Includes petitionary prayer

Buddhism: a middle way for development

59

the other hand, is more socially focused and more community oriented. A Mahayana Buddhist is more likely therefore to be socially engaged and to participate in the day-to-day lives of the local communities. Mahayana Buddhist monks in are also more likely to be interested in improving the social conditions of their local communities more so than Theravada monks. Theravada is strongest in Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, Sri Lanka and eastern Bhutan and Bangladesh, whilst Mahayana Buddhism is strongest in Vietnam, China, Mongolia, Japan, South Korea and North Korea. Before the establishment of these two traditions and while the Buddha was alive, he provided a significant amount of guidance for a whole range of circumstances in which his followers might find themselves. So, while the Buddha set out very clearly the precepts by which his monks should live, he recognised that these rules would need to differ according to geographical location. Therefore, he provided instructions to allow the practices covering clothing, footwear and bathing to vary in different climates, and also reduced the minimum number of monks for a monastic community in regions where Buddhism was not well established (see Ariyesako Bhikku 1999, p. 173). This gave flexibility to evolve the teachings of Buddhism: Although the Vibhanga and Khandhakas (of the original Pali texts) cover an enormous number of cases, they do not of course, cover every possible contingency in the world; and from what we have seen of the way in which the Buddha formulated the rules – dealing with cases as they arose – there is reason to doubt that he himself wanted them to form an airtight system. As for cases that did not arise during his lifetime, he established … the great Standards … – for judging cases not mentioned in the rules. (Ariyesako Bhikku 1999, p. 26)

This flexibility also allows the teachings of Buddhism to be applied to situations and circumstances that were not directly considered by Buddha. The Great Standards are the overarching principles that Buddha set down to inform the necessary development of his teaching over the ensuing millennia. When new circumstances arise – as is certainly occurring in the modern world – the Great Standards can be used to assess what can be considered appropriate or inappropriate in light of Buddha’s past teaching. The Great Standards are formulated as follows: Bhikkhus [a word for an ordained monk], whatever I have not objected to, saying, ‘This is not allowable,’ if it fits in with what is not allowable, if it goes against what is allowable, this is not allowable for you. Whatever I have not objected to, saying, ‘This is not allowable,’ if it fits in with what is allowable, if it goes against what is not allowable, this is allowable for you. And whatever I have not permitted, saying, ‘This is allowable,’ if it fits in with what is not allowable, if it goes against what is allowable, this is not allowable for you.

60

Development and religion And whatever I have not permitted, saying, ‘This is allowable,’ if it fits in with what is allowable, if it goes against what is not allowable, this is allowable for you. (Ariyesako, 1999, pp. 43–4)

The absence of an overarching authority in Buddhism with doctrinal authority across the religion means that interpretation of teaching lies with its teachers. Buddhism is very atomistic in this sense, with responsibility for teaching assumed at the most local level by monks or abbots. In this sense, it is not possible to identify a specific teaching that all Buddhists would adhere to. It is, however, possible to discuss in more general terms what can be considered Buddhist approaches to issues such as poverty, charity and wealth. Development and Buddhism Buddhism began with Siddhartha searching for enlightenment following his shocking first encounters of inescapable human conditions, including illness and pain. While these conditions are found in all societies, they are particularly evident in poorer communities. In some ways, then, Buddhism is a religion born from a reaction to poverty. However, can an argument be made that Buddhism is also anti-development? There is a certain paradoxical nature regarding Buddhism and development. Development, as it is popularly understood, is concerned with material progress and good change in people’s economic and political freedoms (see Kingsbury et al. 2008). The critical question rests on whether this conception of development as underpinned by a progressive improvement in material well-being is driven by the same human frailty that underscores the Buddhist concept of tanha. If development is a pursuit of private fulfilment, then it will necessarily lead to ongoing disappointment and suffering. If, on the other hand, the Eightfold Path reconceptualises the preferred ‘development outcome’, and a middle way between poverty and material consumption is generated – not for the purpose of satisfying personal desires but to provide the essential (but nothing greater) bodily needs – then development is an appropriate activity. In Buddhism therefore, middle-way development requires love and selflessness, while orthodox development is a result of ‘correctable psychological states, such as ill will and possessiveness’ (Candland 2000, p. 366). Buddhism therefore does not engage with development as it is widely understood, but rather it fashions its own concept of development. Poverty, wealth and Buddhism Poverty has been a constant human condition throughout history and appears to be without any solution. Indeed, Siddhartha’s own journey to enlightenment began with his shock at the human condition, which poverty exacerbates. There is certainly no merit in poverty as it is a barrier to the physical and

Buddhism: a middle way for development

61

mental fitness required to live the Eightfold Path (Pryor 1990). Siddhartha’s own early experience, though, also showed that wealth (which is the opposite side of the coin to poverty) is a hindrance to spiritual well-being as it provides a false sense of fulfilment and an attachment that is ultimately unsatisfying. In Buddhism, therefore, poverty and wealth are both unsatisfactory conditions and distractions along the path of enlightenment. In this sense, Buddhism responds to poverty in a way that is quite distinct from other world religions. Buddhism does not see material progress as an appropriate answer to overcoming poverty. Pursuit of increased economic outputs at the national level or increased income at the household level is simply unsatisfactory. This economic pursuit can at best simply distract humans from the basic problems of life, but certainly not solve these problems: ‘Western donors just do not grasp the deep spiritual and cultural dimensions necessary for real development and what these mean for the people. In essence, for western donors, nonconformity with so-called normal patterns of materialistic development is not permissible’ (Ariyartane 1995, p. 12). Indeed, these pursuits only further entrench ill-being. In this sense, Buddhism can be seen as not engaging in the current development debates, because it rejects the basis premises upon which ‘development’ has been conceived. So, while the Catholic Church’s social justice teaching may challenge aspects of development and call for it to be more equitable and fair, it does so on the basis of an (implicit) acceptance of the basic paradigm upon which this development approach sits. Buddhism does not accept this basic premise and asks us instead to reconsider our understanding of poverty. Loy (2003) argues that poverty is a construct built on Western dualistic thinking. In this sense, poverty has to exist if wealth is to be pursued – wealth can only be conceived as the absence of poverty. ‘One implication of this is that there is no such thing as a “poverty problem” that can be understood separately from what must also be called a “wealth problem”’ (Loy 2003, p. 62). It is therefore the West’s preoccupation with wealth that has in effect caused poverty. A duality must exist therefore for those with additional resources to feel wealthy, as their wealth can only be understood in terms of someone else’s poverty. The assumption is that if we are fixated on wealth and economic expansion, then this fixation must be shared by everyone else. It would be disingenuous to dismiss this as interesting, but ultimately simply sophistry. If one accepts the premise that the driving forces behind the dominant development paradigms serve the interests of wealthy nations either by design or by default (see Easterly 2007; George and Sabelli 1994), then it is important to consider what Buddhism would consider delusions. Among the causes of poverty today are the delusions of the wealthy – delusions which have very concrete effects on the well-being of many people, including the

62

Development and religion wealthy themselves. If so, we should not allow ourselves to be preoccupied only with the poverty side of the problem; to correct the bias we should become as concerned about the wealth side: the personal, social, and environmental costs of our obsession with wealth-creation and collective growth. Far from ignoring genuine poverty, a Buddhist approach emphasizes the importance of seeing through such dualisms if our efforts to help the destitute are to be actually successful (Loy 2003, pp. 63–4).

Thus if we reconceptualise poverty, we must also reconceptualise development. As discussed, the principle cause of suffering – according to Buddhist teaching – is the pursuit of happiness through fulfilling our senses. Such pursuit is rooted in hopelessness and futility and simply leads to further discontent. Seeking well-being in such material goods will only lead to further suffering. Of course, basic needs must be met, but in Buddhism these needs are just that – basic. The minimum needs of those who adopt a life leading to the eradication of greed, hatred and delusion are the four requisites prescribed for the Buddhist recluse: food sufficient to prevent the affliction of hunger and adequate to maintain the health of the body; clothing sufficient to appear socially decent and conducive to the protection of the body from any harm from natural environment; housing which gives sufficient safety and security conducive to one’s serious engagement in the culture of the mind; and medicine and health care which cures and prevents disease.3 (Premasiri 1999, p. 2)

Thus the material circumstances of a Buddhist nun or monk perhaps provide a reasonable illustration of the level of material goods below which people should not fall. According to the Buddha, there are only four necessities of life: clothing, food, medicine and lodging: Properly considering the robe, I use it: simply to ward off cold, to ward off heat, to ward off the touch of flies, mosquitoes, simply for the purpose of covering the parts of the body to which cause shame. Properly considering almsfood, I use it: not playfully, nor for intoxification, nor for putting on weight, not for beautification; but simply for the survival and continuance of the body, for ending its afflictions, for the support of the chaste life, (thinking) I will destroy old feelings (of hunger) and not create new feelings (from overeating). Thus I will maintain myself, be blameless and live in comfort. Properly considering the lodging, I use it: simply to ward off cold, to ward off heat, to ward off the touch of flies, mosquitoes, wind, sun and reptiles; simply for protection from the inclemencies of weather and for the enjoyment of seclusion. Properly considering medicinal requisites for curing the sick, I use them: simply to ward off any pains of illness that have arisen, and for the maximum freedom from disease. (Pali, M. I, p. 10; A. III, p. 387)

Buddhism: a middle way for development

63

These simple necessities of life are the same for both those who are ordained and those who are not. It is common, however, to find that most monks do have more than these simple necessities of life available to them, ‘ranging from everyday items like soap and toothpaste, candles and matches, pen and books, a watch or clock, a flashlight or torch, to more sophisticated things appropriate to their environment. The principle is that such things should not be luxurious or expensive’ (Ariyesako 1999, p. 70). It is therefore important to note that it is not that material wealth is of itself ‘wrong’, but rather it is the attachment to it and the greed to own it that have negative consequences for the individual. It is evident therefore that the bar for required material goods is set at a very low level, although it is estimated that over 1 billion of the world’s population live in poverty subsisting on less than US$1 a day (with more than 2 billion living on less than US$2 a day) (World Bank 2010). Such low incomes are insufficient to ward off hunger, to clothe and house someone adequately, or to give them access to health care. So, some 2,500 years since Siddhartha’s birth and subsequent shielding from poverty in India, such deprivation still exists alongside unimaginable riches. Thus it is appropriate that material development is pursued to provide for these bare necessities. More importantly, though, the gains from this material development need to be distributed throughout society and not hoarded by a few. Not only is this necessary to ensure that all in society have the sufficient requisites for life, but it is also necessary to minimise the tanha that results from the human desire to seek personal fulfilment through acquiring such goods. In a very real sense, poverty is therefore overcome less through increased economic production (economic redistribution has long been sufficient) than through a lessening of desires for materialistic fulfilment. By limiting our desire for material goods and services we reduce our poverty of them: if I do not desire a good, I am not poor for lack of it. This reduction in desires leads naturally to a santutthi or contentment. In contrast to economic development, in Buddhism contentment underscores well-being. Indeed, material goods can abet the pursuit of happiness in the correct circumstances. Happiness exists when sufficient (but no more) materials goods are available for use, when these goods are used for their purpose, when these goods are shared among family and friends and when ownership of these goods is not tied to debt. The concept of wealth in Buddhism is also conceived more widely than simply material possessions. Indeed, there are seven types of wealth that are considered noble (ariya dhana) (Premasiri 1999): 1. Having faith in good moral qualities (saddha) 2. Having a high level of morality oneself (sila) 3. Being shamed by doing an immoral act (hiri) 4. Being fearful of doing an act that is immoral (ottappa)

64

Development and religion

5. Developing one’s own moral character (suta) 6. Giving up material processions to benefit others (caga) 7. Understanding the futility of seeking fulfilment through obtaining transient goods (panna). Spiritual poverty therefore is a lack of wealth across these seven spheres. Buddhism is thus interested in reducing spiritual poverty as well as material poverty because spiritual ‘poverty is even more miserable than the poverty resulting from the lack of material resources’ (Premasiri 1999, p. 4). Confusing quality of life with standard of living gives rise to the concept of poverty that is now prevalent within the Western development perspective. Buddhism challenges this hegemony and refocuses the primary consideration on quality of life. In this sense wealth and poverty are more akin to value judgements than objective assessments of fact. Some Buddhist social movements utilise this reconceptualising of poverty and wealth to advance what they understand as human well-being. These social movements seek spiritual enlightenment as their main purpose and use the tools of economic development to achieve this. An example of this is the Sarvodaya Movement in Sri Lanka (see Bond 1996; Pryor 1990 for a fuller description of this movement). ‘Rather than seeing religion as an instrument by which to gain the trust of villagers so that economic development programs can be implemented, the Sarvodaya Movement sees activities to improve material well-being as a vehicle for enlightenment. The Sarvodaya Movement aims to inculcate among its workers love for the people with whom they work and respect for traditional social norms’ (Candland 2000, p. 365). Such a movement seeks to increase self-worth and self-reliance over material advancement. This sharing with neighbours and community members does increase social well-being, but the primary purpose is not this – but rather to increase spiritual awakening within those communities. It should be noted that accumulating wealth is not of itself contrary to Buddhist beliefs, but wealth must be accumulated in a righteous manner. Buddhism condemns all unrighteous means of acquiring wealth. Wealth must be acquired by righteous means, putting forth one’s own effort, without using immoral and exploitative methods. In other words one’s economic life ought to conform to the principle of right means of livelihood (samma ajiva). This is the reason why concerned Buddhists sometimes oppose programmes of poverty elimination proposed and implemented by development policy makers who disregard the cherished moral values of a Buddhist community. The promotion of economic activity involving injury to life in any form, or undermining the moral ideals of a society, however beneficial it is in economic terms, cannot be acceptable to one who values the Buddhist way of life. Any attempt to force such programmes on people who have preserved those values for centuries can have disastrous consequences on the moral fabric of such societies. (Premarisi 1999, p. 4)

Buddhism: a middle way for development

65

As might be expected, though, the accumulation of wealth brings with it very specific spiritual challenges as the attachment to this wealth and focus on this wealth can hinder spiritual fulfilment. However, if wealth is accumulated for the express purpose of merit making, then such wealth presents fewer difficulties. Indeed, there is a virtuous cycle that exists within Buddhism that involves wealth accumulated for merit making. A common Buddhist view is: [A] wealthy man in this life has led a meritorious life in a previous existence, and that this gives him an increased opportunity to improve his Karma in the next existence. It is taught that a life devoid of religious offerings will result in poverty in the next life. Despite a widespread belief on the part of monks and laity alike that it is the intention of the merit maker and not the amount of his offering that is important, an elaborate and expensive initiation ceremony is highly praised and is said to earn much merit for its sponsors. (Pfanner and Ingersoll 1982, p. 345)

A certain level of wealth therefore provides resources for the provision of charity, which again in Buddhism often presents itself in a way that is distinct from most other religiously motivated charities. Charity and Buddhism Making merit is a Buddhist concept that can be equated to what might be referred to as charitable works in other religious belief systems. Making merit is beneficial to their current existence, but also accumulates to improve their circumstances in future existences. The motivation for making merit, though, is not clear cut. While it is in direct response to the Buddha’s exhortation to ‘cease to do evil; try to do good’, it is not clear if the driver of making merit is to improve the well-being of others or to improve one’s own standing and life through karma. In many countries with large Buddhist populations, the concept of karma is popularly conceived as a primary determinant of social position. For example, one’s social position is the result of the karma accumulated in both one’s present and past lives. However, within this understanding, there is a reinforcing virtuous cycle that favours the already wealthy and disadvantages those in poorer circumstances. A higher social position is accompanied by wealth, which allows greater merit-making activities, which in turn enhances karma, which will in turn increase social position in the future.4 Just as wealthy Catholics in the Middle Ages were able to purchase ‘indulgences’ to free them of the consequences of temporal sins or thoughts, so too can wealthier Buddhists make merit to enhance their own future. Indeed, so symbiotic did social position and karma become that high social position became proof of good karma. This meant that social position was both the measure and the means of attaining good karma (Aung-Thwin 1985; Koenig 1999). The benefits that may result from merit making that might extend to the

66

Development and religion

wider community are often limited, as the focus of these acts of charity is very much targeted towards religious activities rather than social activities. Spiro (1982) notes that donations for non-religious purposes, though socially needed and potentially of great benefit to the poor (for example for medical or educational facilities), confer very little merit. Alternatively, financial donations to temples provide substantial merit. It is therefore not uncommon in some countries to see the poor donating between a quarter and a third of their miserly incomes to temples or other religious activities in order to earn merit and improve both their current and future lives. Of course these temples often provide many important social services, including education, health care, nutritional feeding programs, and so on to the most needy and destitute of these communities, but the motivation for providing these donations is religious merit, not providing assistance to those most in need. This focus on making merit and enhancing karma means that ‘religious spending is by far the more rational decision’ (Spiro 1966, quoted in Aung-Thwin 1985, p. 171) for the poor to make as it enhances opportunities for future lives. A study of Burmese farmers highlights the ‘negative’ impact this can have for mainstream economic principles. Pfanner and Ingersoll (1982) found that as rural incomes rose (through additional crops, higher prices or increased productivity), spending on religious merit making also increased to absorb the higher income. This in turn reduced (possible) savings and investment and over time acted as a ceiling on the accumulation of wealth. This again sits outside the current dominant economic understanding of economic rationality and highlights the tension between mainstream development theory and the lived lives of those professing a Buddhist faith. The concept of making merit is relevant to both ordained Buddhists and lay Buddhists. For Buddhist monks and nuns, merit is earned through religious practice, including mindfulness, meditation and prayer. For lay Buddhists, there are seven specific tasks that provide merit if undertaken. These are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

honouring others, offering service, involving others in good deeds, being thankful for others’ good deeds, listening to Buddhist teachings, instructing others in Buddhist teachings, living one’s life according Buddhist teaching.

In practice, these seven tasks are often summarised into three actions: giving alms, maintaining religious commandments and praying. Perhaps, though, the most common act of merit making is that of giving alms. This is a practice that the Buddha himself followed. After the Buddha’s enlight-

Buddhism: a middle way for development

67

enment, two traders gave their food to the Buddha, who received these gifts in this bowl. This practice of the laity providing food to monks has continued since then. Indeed, monks rely on alms giving; without it, they could not survive. Again therefore, in this sense Buddhism appears to be inward looking rather than outward looking in terms of whom it seeks to assist. Buddhist economics The discussion in this chapter to date has largely focused on the intersection of Buddhism and development concepts at the individual or local community level. This of course is largely appropriate as faith and religiosity are at heart personal affairs. However, as Buddhism is the recognised state religion of countries such as Cambodia, Thailand and Bhutan,5 its impact at the macro level should also be explored. As this discussion unfolds, it will be clear that the handling of the concept of development by Buddhism at the macro level closely resembles the rejection of common conceptions held at the micro level. In this way, Buddhist economics must be very different from the economics of modern materialism, since the Buddhist sees the essence of civilization not in a multiplication of wants but in the purification of human character. Character, at the same time, is formed primarily by a man’s [sic] work. And work, properly conducted in conditions of human dignity and freedom, blesses those who do it and equally their products. (Schumacher 1993, p. 40)

Just as Buddhism challenges orthodox understandings of development at the micro level therefore, it also challenges macro theories of economic development. This challenge is most evident in the manner in which labour is treated. Orthodox economics makes a dualistic distinction between leisure and labour. Indeed, the payment for labour is to compensate a person for forgoing leisure. However, in Buddhism, ‘to strive for leisure as an alternative to work would be considered a complete misunderstanding of one of the basic truths of human existence, namely that work and leisure are complementary parts of the same living process and cannot be separated without destroying the joy of work and bliss of leisure’ (Schumacher 1993, p. 40). Buddhist economics would have at its heart the concept of full employment, not to maximise production, but to maximise the opportunity for people to live full lives. The Buddhist understanding of the function of labour is quite different from that of mainstream economics, in which within a closed economy labour is exchanged between households and capital for income and production. In Buddhism labour has a more holistic role. It provides an opportunity to use and develop one’s skills, it assists individuals in overcoming their own ego by working collectively with others, and finally it produce the goods and services required to meet the basic necessities of life.

68

Development and religion

This is not to say that Buddhist economics is anti-progress or that it opposes improvements in people’s standards of living. As has been discussed, material improvement can aid spiritual enlightenment, but that should be the extent of its goal. Material well-being serves a distinct purpose and is not a goal in itself. Notwithstanding the recent uprising by monks in Myanmar, the country began its independence over five decades ago clearly stating that it would base its development path on Buddhist principles: ‘The New Burma sees no conflict between religious values and economic progress. Spiritual health and material well-being are not enemies; they are natural allies … We can blend successfully the religious and spiritual values of our heritage with the benefits of modern technology’ (Government of the Union of Burma 1954, cited in Schumacher 1993). Whether or not these intentions were achieved is debatable, but it is interesting to note that this merger of economic and noneconomic spheres closely resembles what is elsewhere described as a ‘redistribution’ economy. In such an economy, the spiritual is: [T]horoughly ‘embedded’ in noneconomic institutions, rituals and behaviour; few distinctions can be detected between what is ‘economic’ and what is ‘religious’; the ‘just price’ is derived from noneconomic concerns of philia such as kinship and community standards of good will; the exchange of goods is often an exchange of services, trade is for self-sufficiency, not gain; and … prices are not necessarily the result solely of the supply–demand price mechanism but are administered by the state, often upholding social custom. Redistribution, moreover, implies the presence of a storage system, which is the material foundation for political organization as well as centricity. In such systems, market economies were not non-existent; rather they were dispersed and localized pockets operating on the geographical (and moral) extremities of what was considered the center of the culture. (Aung Thwin 1985, p. 171)

The blend between material progress and spiritual well-being in fact puts material progress at the service of attaining spiritual well-being. Wealth is not inappropriate, only the attachment to wealth. If this attachment can be avoided, then wealth in and of itself has no bearing on enlightenment.6 Economic production can therefore be reduced because it is not an end in itself, nor is a self-perpetuating cycle of demand outstripping supply. Within a Buddhist economy, therefore, the optimal outcome would be the highest degree of personal satisfaction met through the least personal consumption. The principle of Buddhist economics is simplicity, but also non-violence. This is particularly relevant to the use of natural resources, especially trees, to which Buddhism pay specific attention.7 Buddhist monks work with communities in various ways to assist them against economic forces that require the destruction of forests. In Thailand, for example, Pra Prajak ordained trees to protect them from loggers; ordaining trees had the effect of changing the trees from the ‘untamed and uncivilized domain into sacred and venerated religious

Buddhism: a middle way for development

69

artefacts’ (Taylor 1993, p. 11). The use of non-renewable resources is even more troubling to Buddhists. ‘Non-renewable goods must be used only if they are indispensible, and then only with the greatest care and the most meticulous concern for conservation. To use them heedlessly or extravagantly is an act of violence’ (Schumacher 1993, p. 44). While not couched in traditional economic terms, this strong determination not to draw on non-renewable resources is in line with modern concepts of sustainability (see Lawn 2007 for a review of this work). For example, Fisher (1965) and Hicks (1946) discussed the concept of sustainability, albeit without using the actual term. Fisher (1965) classified wealth into two spheres, capital and income. Capital is a ‘stock of instruments existing at an instant in time’, whereas income is ‘a stream of services flowing from this stock’. Hicks (1946) later used these categories to imply that a person’s maximum consumption could not be greater than the level of income that does not reduce the initial level of capital. Such a concept of maximising income flows without reducing asset stocks is key in many concepts of sustainability (Maler 1990; Solow 1986; see also Islam et al. 2003). At the international level, the same holds true – sustainability requires present international consumption levels to preserve initial levels of international capital (Hammond 1994). The depletion of natural resources is a liquidation of an asset and therefore is a negative, not a positive, contribution to national savings. This is a Hicksian approach to income. ‘As the world’s resources of non-renewable fuels – coals, oil and natural gas – are exceedingly unevenly distributed over the globe and undoubtedly limited in quantity, it is clear that their exploitation at an ever-increasing rate is an act of violence against nature which must inevitably lead to violence between men [sic]’ (Schumacher 1993, p. 45). The principle of simplicity should also limit trade between countries. While trade is considered as inherently good in traditional economics because the laws of comparative advantage ensure increased total production – and hence consumption – this premise is not a factor in Buddhist economics. Thus, the need for trade is an indicator of failure, more than of progress. Gender and Buddhism Buddha’s teaching on the relationship between men and women was quite limited. As with other world religions, it is difficult to disentangle the gendered impact of Buddhism from the cultural practices where Buddhism is followed. Thus, while women are often thought to have a lower status within Buddhism than men, it is not clear whether this was the intention of Buddha’s teaching or a result of the culture of Buddhist societies. It is certainly true that Buddha appeared reluctant to ordain women nuns, having to be asked to do so three times. Nuns are no longer found in the Theravada8 tradition as the line

70

Development and religion

of succession was broken and it is no longer possible to ordain new nuns. Nuns are ordained in the Mahayana tradition, but they are compelled to follow fewer rules than monk, are not expected to undertake as much scriptural training as monks, and are often given responsibility for caring for elderly monks (again reflecting the gender roles of the wider society). This apparent relegation of women’s status within Buddhism, though, does appear to exist in tension with the acceptance that Buddha’s teachings are not gender specific and apply equally to both men and women. Conclusion Buddhism is a world religion with a very central figure who through enlightenment became Buddha. Born around 550 years before Jesus, Siddhartha was a royal prince shielded from the terrible poverty of that time. When finally Siddhartha saw this poverty first hand, he fell into a deep discontent before abandoning his family and fortune to seek answers to the apparent misery of life. His personal enlightenment led to Four Noble Truths. Each of these four truths arrives at the conclusion that our temporal existence is suffering and efforts for it not to be such are fruitless and lead to even more suffering. Accepting this suffering is central to overcoming it. As an organised religion, Buddhism has two major branches – Theravada and Mahayana. Both have the same core teaching, but differ in terms of their worldview. In regards to development, Theravada Buddhism is more focused on the individual’s journey to enlightenment and therefore speaks little to community development. Mahayana Buddhism, however, is more focused on bringing others to enlightenment and is therefore more socially focused. Social action and seeking to improve the lives of those less fortunate through public work and compassion are more likely therefore to be practised by those adhering to this tradition. Both traditions though hold true to the basic teaching of Buddhism, including the Four Noble Truths. As a result of these Four Noble Truths, engagement with development by Buddhism differs quite markedly from other world religions. Buddhism explicitly rejects the basis upon which the modern development paradigm is built: increased consumption equates to increased human well-being. Buddhism was founded upon Siddhartha’s insight that the way to enlightenment required a middle way – a way that was neither a life of harsh physical asceticism nor a life of sumptuous luxury. Buddhism’s middle way is clearly reflected in its rejection of mainstream development approaches. Just as enlightenment cannot be found in asceticism or luxury, so too is development a path between excess consumerism and poverty. Moreover, development should not be understood only in economic terms, but should have as its basis a focus on spirituality and one’s own journey towards enlightenment. In this

Buddhism: a middle way for development

71

sense, consumption needs are quite minimal as one of the basic tenets of Buddhism is that attachment is a significant cause of disharmony. Given that the basis of Buddhism is the recognition of life as suffering, there is some tension in this work, but this is minimised by an understanding that spiritual well-being requires a minimal level of material well-being. This though is precisely the distinction between Buddhism’s middle way and development: development as it is commonly conceived can never be the answer to human discontent but in fact exacerbates this dissatisfaction. Buddhism’s middle way of development relegates material well-being and ‘development’ to a supporting role to a more fundamental spiritual journey.

A BUDDHIST FBO: BUDDHISM FOR DEVELOPMENT Introduction The recent history of Cambodia has been tragic. It is estimated that between 1.4 and 2.2 million people died during the reign of Khmer Rouge through either direct killing or through starvation or disease. This equates to between 20 and 30 per cent of the then population of 7 million people. While many of those who died were part of the educated elite, significant numbers of farmers, tradespeople and artisans also lost their lives. As a result, by the time the Khmer Rouge was defeated in 1979, there was an enormous loss of capacity across the country as it struggled to rebuild itself both economically and socially. The legacy of the holocaust suffered under Pol Pot during the 1970s continues to affect this nation. Cambodia can be considered to be a Buddhist nation, with 95 per cent of all Cambodians proclaiming this faith. It is reasonable to expect therefore that many local organisations are Buddhist in orientation. One such faith-based organisation is Buddhism for Development (BFD). Established in 1990, BFD focuses on achieving both social cohesion and economic empowerment. As an FBO founded and based in a developing country, it is different from the other FBOs discussed in this book. It is an FBO that largely focuses on delivering of programmes rather than raising funds and distributing these funds through partners. BFD ‘envisions an educated, democratic society, free from poverty and preventable illnesses, law abiding, respectful of human rights and

72

Development and religion

the environment, and a moral society with respect for Buddhism and Cambodian culture and traditions whilst being aware of the threats and opportunities presented by globalisation’ (Buddhism for Development 2010a). It was established in direct response to the needs of Cambodians by a Buddhist monk, Heng Monychenda. Monychenda believed that it was important that a truly Cambodian path of development be taken, rather than trying to replicate development that had occurred in other parts of the world. Monychenda saw the Buddhist faith embedded in Cambodian society as the point of leverage that could assist Cambodia recover from its tragic history. He called this approached ‘socially engaged Buddhism’. Having now left monasticism, Monychenda still remains the director of BFD; he is a charismatic figure with a national profile, and his leadership has been central to the longevity of this FBO. His presence also positions this FBO as a type 1 FBO under the typology set out in Chapter 1 of this book, which is a FBO directly linked to a local congregation or religious leader. History and Strategic Goals Heng Monychenda lived as a monk in various refugee camps on the Cambodia–Thailand border between 1980 and 1997. It became evident to him during the 1980s that there was a need for a practical reconciliation following the Khmer Rouge period. In response, Monychenda established a research centre in the refugee camps to explore how various Buddhists concepts and teaching might assist reconciliation and reconstruction in Cambodia. The concept of socially engaged Buddhism emerged from this research: Socially Engaged Buddhism tells Buddhist institutions to engage people to improve their quality of life. We are not in two different worlds, but rather one single world. Spiritual and economic development should not be separated into two separate realms. In Buddhism, one is not more important than the other. We have a saying, ‘Namarupa,’ which means that mind and matter have to go together. Mind affects matter and matter affects the mind. It is the teaching of the Buddha that economic development and spiritual development need to be done alongside each other. (Monychenda 2009)

In this sense, Buddhist teachings must relate to how life is experienced by Cambodians, and Buddhist monks must move

Buddhism: a middle way for development

beyond the confines of monastery walls and life and work alongside the people. As a result, Buddhism for Development was founded in 1990. The first location of BFD was in Site 2 Refugee Camp at the Cambodia–Thailand border. However, the organisation soon expanded and began work in other locations across Cambodia, including Sangker in 1992, Banleay Meanchey in 1994, Oddor Meanchey in 2001, Battambang in 2002 and Pailin, Siemreap, Kampong Thom and Preah Vihhear in 2004. The focus of its initial work was reconciliation and peace building. It has now grown to encompass a wide range of development programmes across seven provinces of Cambodia. It is one of the largest Cambodianestablished aid agencies and employs 150 staff. Various slogans have been used by BFD over the past 20 years to capture the work and approach they have been undertaking. The first slogan was ‘Buddhism as cement for Cambodia’. This was particularly apt as Cambodia at this time was physically rebuilding itself following the Khmer Rouge period. It captured the expectation that Buddhist social teaching could not only help hold together a fragile society still reeling from a brutal experience, but could also aid in its reconstruction and make it stronger and able to withstand any future attempts to knock it down again. The second slogan was quite straightforward: ‘Put down the gun and take up the Dharma’. This slogan (referring to the Dharma – the doctrines of Buddhism) was introduced in 1996 as a precursor to a set of seminars run around the country involving all political parties. The purpose of these seminars was to demonstrate that dialogue was more effective in resolving conflict than the use of weapons. These discussions opened up a neutral space for those in opposing political sides to negotiate longstanding political disputes. The third slogan devised and widely marketed by BFD since 1999 was ‘Buddhism for peace and development’. This slogan was accompanied by a village-level programme that involved the establishment of commune ‘Committees to Prevent and Manage Human Rights Violations’. BFD volunteers provided training to around 1,500 villages on human rights and helped establish over 150 commune committees across the seven provinces in which it works. The most recent slogan is again heavily imbued with Buddhist references: ‘Towards Dhammocratic society’. The purpose of this slogan is to promote ‘a Cambodian civil society holding democratic culture in which people are educated to harmoniously live in

73

74

Development and religion

the middle path, respect for Human Rights, maintain social justice, protect the rule of law, and the development in which people will not lose their human consciousness and their natural environment’ (Buddhism for Development 2010b). It is quite clear that this use of slogans by BFD not only supports a range of programmes but also explicitly promotes the organisation as being Buddhist in more than just name. Each slogan has at its heart the premise that Buddhism is an important force in improving both the material and the spiritual existence of Cambodians. As an FBO it does not hesitate to identify its religious basis, thereby not ‘secularising’ itself to be attractive to external donors. The philosophy of BFD makes it quite clear that Buddhist teaching is the key to its approach to development: BFD projects are fully participatory and are designed to meet the needs of target groups. With the Dharma as a guide, the aim is to achieve harmony between the individual, society and the environment. The projects focus on the economic, social, spiritual, physical and intellectual well-being of target groups and aim to guide them step by step towards self-reliance and empowerment (Buddhism for Development 2010c). It is unlikely that many other FBOs would have a philosophy so bold in which they would substitute their religious writings – ‘Bible’, ‘Torah’ or ‘Qur’an’ – for ‘Dharma’ in this statement. However, the programmes being implemented by BFD are very grounded and address the very real needs experienced by the poor and vulnerable in Cambodia. In this sense, while Buddhism is seen as the appropriate lens through which to understand problems and seek solutions, religious faith is alone not sufficient and solutions to poverty must have a very strong materials aspect. There are five strategic goals for which BFD works: Wealthy Communities – Improved Rural Economies: Through interventions in the development of rural economy, BFD aims to raise the income levels of BFD target groups to a level above the poverty line. This is done by supporting crop diversification, creating sustainable farmer groups, and providing farmers with better knowledge, technologies and skill in intensive and integrated farming practices. Well-governed Communities – Improved Local Governance: Through BFD programs on local governance, commune councils are improving their effectiveness in local administration, developing social accountability and improving the quality of their services. There are on-going activities strengthening local administration to complement decentralisation and de-concentration policies of government.

Buddhism: a middle way for development Democratic Communities – Civil Society Engagement: Effective engagement by civil society and BFD target groups in the development of their communities is BFD’s goal. We achieve this through promotion of free and fair elections and with increased people’s participation in local activities, especially an increased role of women, and of monks and nuns. This is highlighted as a very important role in improving democratic space; promoting the respect for law, human rights, morality, peace and conflict resolution. BFD have introduced the highly successful and sustainable model of Peace and Development Volunteers (PDVs) and Community-based Prevention and Management of Human Rights Violations groups at village and commune levels. In addition, to support these groups with comprehensive training, mobile multimedia caravans are utilised to deliver quality training on issues relating to human rights, land rights, and democratic governance to tens of thousands of Cambodians. Healthy Communities – Basic Health and Interventions on Diseases: The focus is on integrated Home-based Care for those infected and affected by HIV/AIDS, for people living with the impacts of the disease, especially vulnerable children. The aim is to strengthen volunteerism in Health, to integrate primary health care to all BFD target groups, and have a special focus to improve health services of people living with HIV/AIDS, and to assist them with improving their livelihood skills and capacity. Educated Communities – Access to Education and Strengthened Social Morality: Education is key to future development within society; children and youth need to have access to robust education process from which they will emerge with understandings and skills needed for the future. To meet this challenge, BFD focuses on primary education and supports the educational needs of poor children and youth and promotes especially the education of women. School construction and support of staffing and networks is a key activity. Scholarship programs to enable and encourage all children of BFD target communities are well supported. (Buddhism for Development 2010d)

While BFD employs over 150 staff and has a large number of trained volunteers, the role of ordained Buddhist monks and nuns remains very important to the achievement of these five strategic goals. Buddhist monks and nuns are encouraged to work alongside the communities in which they live and to provide training in Buddhist teaching and how this teaching directly addresses modern development issues. One way in which BFD facilitates this teaching and support is through radio broadcasts, which generally include a story about the Buddha’s life, a story about a historical Buddhist disciple, answering questions submitted by

75

76

Development and religion

mail, and giving teaching on Buddhist principles. It is considered an effective way of reaching isolated and rural communities. Buddhism for Development was established to serve the needs of Cambodians. This geographical focus has not changed during the 20 years of its existence. Given its history and the determination by its founder to seek a ‘Cambodian development path’, it is unlikely that it would seek to expand its operations outside Cambodia. Should this occur, though, it is probable that the new entity would have to be adapted to suit the context of that country. Programmes Buddhism for Development implements a number of programmes across the seven provinces in which it operates. These cover a range of development sectors, but have at their core the understanding that Buddhist principles provide the most appropriate approach for the Cambodian context. Community-based human rights Beginning in 1999 and now operating in nearly 900 villages and over 100 communes, the human rights programme supports local communities to prevent violations of human rights and promote social justice. Local volunteers, supported by local Buddhist monks and nuns, provide a range of information regarding human rights to their local communities. Once training has been undertaken and knowledge of human rights is present, the volunteers train communities in the use of various dispute resolution methods, which may include monks and nuns. Village volunteers also work with local communities to build networks at the district and provincial levels to ensure that violations of human rights at these levels – especially those concerning corruption – are exposed. This promotes the rule of law at a higher level and also an improvement in social accountability. Success in this programme is evaluated in an interesting manner. Communities are assessed on a scale of 1 to 4 before and after work by the volunteers. Level 1 is a willingness to listen to new information concerning human rights and the opportunities to learn about human rights by accessing material made available by the government, civil society and the media. Level 2 is an observable level of human rights language and concept used within the village and the transfer of this new knowledge between villagers. Level 3 involves planned

Buddhism: a middle way for development

action in response to human rights violations and the use of legal structures and protocols to call for justice. Level 4 is demonstrated through the networking and advocacy to demand improved services in this area from government agencies. There is a realistic acknowledgement by BFD that achievement of level 4 is difficult and so their goal is that 60 per cent of targeted communities might achieve this level, while the remaining 40 per cent would achieve level 3. Education Education is an important component of the work of Buddhism for Development. This is achieved not only through funding the building of schools and salary support for additional teachers, but also through the provision of financial assistance to children who because of poverty are unable to access education services. While this financial assistance generally is in the form of scholarships, it might also be a loan to the child’s family or support for a small business (which releases the child from having to contribute to the family’s income). When funds are provided to support a child to attend school, this is sufficient to cover school fees, the cost of uniforms, transport costs to and from school each day, pocket money, health care, school meals and school excursions. Approximately 1,000 children receive this support through BFD. Funds are raised for this programme through a traditional child sponsorship model, but, unlike many other sponsorship schemes, this one encourages sponsors to support the children right through to university study. Funding is also received through other NGOs, as mentioned below under ‘Other fundraising’. Health The focus of Buddhism for Development’s health sector programmes are centred around HIV and AIDS care and prevention. The founder of BFD, Heng Monychenda, was one of the first monks to speak publically on this issue in 1995, at a time when it was considered inappropriate for a Buddhist monk to discuss the problem, but within two years many monks around Cambodia were preaching on the need for prevention and care. The importance of religious leaders speaking on these issues is important as they are very influential in breaking down the social stigma associated with HIV and AIDS that can reduce the effectiveness of behaviour change programmes (Parnell and Benton 1999).

77

78

Development and religion The idea that religious leaders would become vital actors in the global fight against HIV and AIDS once seemed improbable. The complex issues at the heart of transmission of HIV and AIDS – particularly those that touch on sex, sin, and sexual decision-making – were approached by many religious groups with taboos or preaching … This situation has changed dramatically in the past five years. The ferocity of the HIV and AIDS pandemic had drawn many religious leaders and groups – by insight, compassion, or the practical realities around them – to respond. The moral call to act has also led many to a change of heart, as the links between HIV and AIDS, poverty, and development have become increasingly clear. (Marshall and Van Saanen 2007, p. 49)

Included in the prevention and care programmes implemented by BFD are home maintenance, livelihood and income generation activities, food distribution and education support for children who have family members affected by HIV and AIDS. Rural development Cambodia’s economy is still very much rural based. The majority of the population – particularly in the seven provinces in which BFD works – earn their livelihoods through farming. BFD therefore works with local farmers not only to improve productivity but also to improve prices for their goods. With financial support from international foundations, local farmers have begun to grow castor as one of their crops. This new crop has proved to suit the local climate, resulting in high production outputs, which are exported to other countries in the region. BFD has also facilitated the establishment of farming cooperatives to help farmers improve their access to markets, achieve higher selling prices and gain access to low-interest loans. Local governance Cambodia’s present political system is still relatively new, with a decentralisation programme starting in 2001. This policy of decentralisation resulted in 1,600 councils and 11,000 councillors being elected to be responsible for the local administration of these areas. With support from USAID, BFD has developed a programme to enhance the capacity of these local officials. The training under this programme includes, ‘Helping village chiefs, commune councillors with administration and governance training, business and management training, supporting commune councils to establish dispute resolution mechanisms to solve domestic violence, land disputes, or neighbourhood

Buddhism: a middle way for development

conflicts, [providing] legal training in laws relating to land, environment, human rights, [providing] training in administration and management, [and] education for understanding democratic governance principles and practice’ (Buddhism for Development 2010d). While this programme is relatively small (only around 150 councillors in 20 communes have received training), it is expected to be scaled-up if donor support is extended. Fundraising Buddhism for Development raises funds from its supporters, but is also funded by other aid agencies to implement development programmes on their behalf. This has the potential to cause some organisation tension, which is further complicated by commercial arrangements under which BFD is involved in a number of small farming cooperatives. Recognising these three distinct activities, Buddhism for Development has three financial models: 1) partnership (which includes funding received under contractual arrangements with external donors); 2) commercial (which includes income earned through the cooperatives with farmers); and 3) sponsorship (which includes public donations). The organisation is also divided between a central office that is responsible for the development of programmes, financial administration and marketing, and semi-autonomous branch offices that implement project activities. Cyber-relatives As a twist on the usual sponsorship model in which the fundraising programme is named for the recipient (e.g. the ‘child’ in child sponsorship), BFD markets a sponsorship programme named for the benefactor. The cyber-relative programme allows donors to assume a role and make regular donations in accordance with this role. For example, one may choose to become a cybergrandparent and donate US$50 per month or opt to become a more distant relative (such as a cyber-cousin at US$10 per month) or a more junior family member (such as a cyber-sibling, also at US$10 per month). This is an interesting shift as it changes the dynamics of the sponsorship relationship. Immediately the donor becomes more involved and the marketing focus switches away from a single child. That said, there is still a link to a specific location – but not an emphasis on a single child.

79

80

Development and religion

Cyber-relatives therefore receive ‘specific details of village and community where your funds are being applied, where appropriate we will link you with your family and provide you details of their family structure and social circumstances … [that] will include photos and other information that we feel can be ethically provided … [and] a monthly report back to you about your CyberRellie Community (Buddhism for Development 2010c). Other funding activities Buddhism for Development raises funds through a variety of general appeals. Funds raised support activities including scholarships for children to complete school, the provision of meals for schoolchildren and their teachers, working with communities to access safe and reliable potable water, provision of dental treatment, support for small businesses, care for those affected by HIV and AIDS, and supplies of medicines for village health workers. As BFD only works in Cambodia, appeals for natural disasters are only held if a natural disaster directly affects Cambodia. BFD also receives funds from other aid agencies to implement work on their behalf. These aid agencies include NGOs such as the Frenchbased Enfants du Mekong, the Dutch-based Terre des Hommes and the Japanese-based Asian Children Education Fund. Funds are also received from donors, including USAID. With support from USAID, BFD … operates a six-week ‘Peace Development School’ in which monks learn about health care and HIV/AIDS, and about community participation, vocational-building efforts, and agricultural extension methods. Monks are held in the highest regard in Cambodia. Most, however, have little formal education, and only rudimentary knowledge of how to provide health care, how to discuss HIV/AIDS, or how to encourage a community to strive for sustainable agricultural and economic development. Of the more than 1,100 monks who have gone through the Peace Development School so far, many have returned to their home villages and have established HIV/AIDS associations that now carry out HIV-prevention services and home-based care. Many of these monks have also established centers to provide direct care for children who have been affected by HIV/AIDS. (USAID 2005, p. 1)

Buddhism: a middle way for development

81

Conclusion Buddhism for Development has been operating in Cambodia since 1990. Established by a monk – Heng Monychenda – at a refugee camp along the Thailand–Cambodia border, its purpose was to draw on the spiritual teaching of Buddhism to aid the reconciliation and reconstruction required following many years of civil conflict during the bloody reign of the Khmer Rouge. Monychenda termed his approach socially engaged Buddhism and encouraged Buddhist monks and nuns to work closely with their communities to promote peace and material development. Under Monychendra’s ongoing leadership, BFD has expanded and now employs 150 staff in seven provinces, where they undertake a range of projects, including those focusing on HIV and AIDS care and prevention projects, training local leaders and communities in human rights, provision of financial support to assist children to complete their study, the building of classrooms, salary support for teachers, media programmes focusing on the teachings of Buddha and linking this to relevant development issues, and developing farming cooperatives with rural farmers. BFD raises funds directly to support some of these programmes, but also receives funds from other aid agencies (including donors such as USAID) to carry out programmes on their behalf. The focus on using Buddhist monks and nuns is a central tenet of BFD and ensures that the religious language used in its campaigns is not mere rhetoric. BFD has grown strongly under its founder, but will need to ensure that succession planning is implemented so that the organisation can transition successfully when Monychenda is no longer available to be the director. As a FBO, the focus on a religious leader can have serious management consequences if not properly anticipated.

NOTES 1. 2.

3.

See Smith (1991) for a more complete retelling of this story. There is a third stream within Buddhism – Vajrayana. This tradition is most prominent in Tibet, Nepal and parts of northern India. Vajrayana is also often considered a sub-stream of Mahayana as its practices are aimed at bringing enlightenment to all sentient beings. Vajrayana is also heavily ritualistic. While this initially appears reminiscent of Adam Smith’s recognition of the need for a daylabourer to be able to wear a linen shirt to maintain some standing with his contemporaries, the requirement is less to do with social standing and more to do with not offending social etiquette.

82 4.

5. 6. 7. 8.

Development and religion This might be contrasted with Jesus commending the widow who donates a few coins compared to the wealthy who donate greater amounts: Jesus sat down opposite the place where the offerings were put and watched the crowd putting their money into the temple treasury. Many rich people threw in large amounts, but a poor widow came and put in two very small copper coins, worth only a fraction of a penny. Calling his disciples to him, Jesus said, ‘I tell you the truth, this poor widow has put more into the treasury than all the others. They all gave out of their wealth; but she, out of her poverty, put in everything – all she had to live on’ (Mark 12: 41–4). Though in Thailand monks are forbidden to participate in political activism, including voting (Candland 2000). One is reminded of Jesus’ teaching: ‘Again I tell you, it is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God’ (Matthew 19:24). Buddhists are encouraged to plant a new tree every few years and to tend to it until it is established. Or in the Vajrayana tradition.

4. Judaism: a cry for justice OVERVIEW OF BELIEFS Introduction Key Jewish figures are familiar to many as they also appear in the sacred texts of Christianity and Islam. However, the exact dates and the historical authenticity of the existence of many of these key figures are less clear than those of the key figures of Christianity and Islam and indeed Buddhism. The inclusion of Judaism in a book examining the theological understanding of development issues and practical expressions of this through affiliated faith-based organisations appears quite reasonable at first glance. Judaism is one of the world’s great religions, and thus it seems intuitively appropriate to include it in such a book as this; indeed, as the faith that gave rise to Christianity and Islam, it has an important place in the history of world religions. However, there are a number of possible arguments that might be made as to why Judaism ought not to be included in this book. First, Judaism has a very small number of adherents. There are only approximately 13 million Jews throughout the world, of whom 80 per cent live in Israel or the United States of America (O’Brien and Palmer 2007).1 This is in contrast, for example, with the 24 million Sikhs, the majority of whom live in India. It might also be further argued that as Judaism is so closely associated with both an ethnic group and geographical location it does not have a vision for the world beyond its own destiny (see Herder 1997 for a more hostile presentation of this argument).2 Nonetheless, while Judaism’s number of adherents might be small, perhaps resulting from its historical lack of missionary activity, its influence on other religions – particularly Christianity and Islam – is important. This formative role also gives a third reason why Judaism’s inclusion in this book might be questioned: because of this role, it is difficult to explain what is unique or distinct to Judaism – separating it from Christianity and Islam – in terms of its understanding of development. It is not just the incorporation of Jewish teaching into Islam and Christianity that mires attempts to identify clear Jewish influence on development, but the JudaeoChristian tradition has also fundamentally shaped Western secular humanism. Thus it is very difficult to separate a Jewish impact on development as it has 83

84

Development and religion

two means (sectarian and secular) by which it might be transmitted. A fourth reason is that Judaism might be considered an incomplete religion. It may be possible to argue that Judaism has yet to fulfil its consummation in the sense that it continues to wait for its Messiah (acknowledging that the exact nature of the Messiah is contested within Judaism). So, while it waits for this culminating event, its teachings are also incomplete. Unlike Christianity, Buddhism and Islam, in which the divine teaching is in effect complete, it might be considered possible that Jewish teaching is not complete. It is perhaps in this vein that Hegel (1977) argued that Judaism was irrelevant in a modern world. Until this revelation occurs, it may be that Judaism is an historical artefact with little to add to development. Despite these arguments, that is not the position taken in this book. Rather, the inclusion of Judaism is based primarily on the fact that, while it is true that its contemporary impact on the world’s poor may be rather limited, it does have a very direct connection with those suffering poverty. The book therefore includes a chapter on Judaism as Judaism speaks directly to a core development issue: justice. Brief History and Key Texts The sacred text of Judaism is collectively known as the Tanakh, which includes the Torah (the first five books, also known as the Pentateuch, or the Law), the Nevi’im (prophets) and the Ketuvim (writings). Collectively, these texts are known as the Tanakh because the initial letters of these three divisions formed the Hebrew word TaNaKh (Segal 2009).3 Tradition holds that Moses wrote the first five books and in it described the prehistory that resulted in the Israelites becoming a nation seeking God’s Promised Land. The Torah contains five books with content addressing two primary issues: the history of the creation and humanity and the specific evolution of a specific nation and people, and the divine laws delivered to these people. This text presents God’s relationship with the Jews. The first book – Genesis – is a ‘historical’ account that sets out the relationship between the Jews and God, whereas the remaining four books are more ‘contemporary’ accounts. The starting point of Genesis is creation. However, this event is followed by human failure to act according to God’s will, the eventual cleansing of earth by God, and the new covenant between God and a new people that he has called to be his own. The importance of Genesis is not so much its scientific description of the beginning of time or its pragmatic qualities as a creation story, but more its providing of a direct heritage of the Jewish people to be God’s chosen race. The first event described in Genesis is that of God creating heaven and earth, followed by the creation of all living things, not least of which are humans (Adam and Eve) to

Judaism: a cry for justice

85

enjoy the fruits of his work. Yet the frailty of human nature soon became apparent with Adam and Eve disobeying God, resulting in the second event – their banishment from the Garden of Eden and subsequent experience of pain and shame and enduring lives of hard toil. Noah is the central figure in the third key event of the first book – the destruction of humankind. By this time, humans had become evil and violent, which so offended God that he determined to destroy humankind The Lord was grieved that he had made man on the earth, and his heart was filled with pain. So the Lord said, ‘I will wipe mankind, whom I have created, from the face of the earth – men and animals, and creatures that move along the ground, and birds of the air – for I am grieved that I have made them.’ (Genesis 6: 6–7)

God’s destruction of man came in the form of a flood. However, God was able to find one virtuous family and chose Noah and his family to survive this devastation. God charged Noah and his family with the task of preserving a pair of each species of animal so that when the water receded after the flood, the earth would again be abundant with life. The fourth event unites Jews with God by the singling out of Abraham from Noah’s descendants to father a nation that would be God’s chosen people: ‘The Lord appeared to Abram and said, ‘To your offspring I will give this land’ (Genesis 12:7). It is this covenant that binds the Jewish people so closely to God as a people chosen above all others. Following the description of the Abrahamic Covenant, the Book of Genesis then describes other key Jewish figures, including Isaac, Jacob and Joseph. The remaining four books of the Torah further strengthen the link between God and his chosen people. The Book of Exodus tells the story of Moses leading his people from slavery in Egypt to finding God’s Promised Land (though not immediately). It was during the 40 years of wandering the desert that God revealed the Ten Commandments to Moses. The third book, Leviticus, describes the role of the priests (Levites) in teaching the Israelites how to live holy lives and in giving different sets of laws around sacrifices, purity and atonement. There are over 600 laws in these first five books of the Torah, whereas there are only seven set out for Gentiles (non-Jews)4 (Leaman 2006a). The fourth book, Numbers, describes in greater detail the 40-year wanderings of the Israelites as they searched for the Promised Land. The Jews’ inability to find this land was the result of their disobedience (though God continued to provide for them during this time). The final book is Deuteronomy, which describes the last phase of the Israelites’ wanderings, Moses’ death,5 the appointment of Joshua as the new leader and the eventual entrance into the Promised Land. This last event renewed God’s covenant with the Jews. Unlike the historical figure of Jesus, who led only a very small number of believers and disappointed any expectations that he would rise up against the

86

Development and religion

occupying Romans, the majority of key Jewish figures were both religious and political leaders – much in the same way as Muhammad. Moses was clearly the first of these great leaders. Following his death and, having entered the Promised Land and defeated the Canaanites (who were occupying the land), a great nation was built by Joshua and was subsequently ruled over by various great monarchs, including Saul, David and Solomon, who successfully ruled over Israel for approximately 100 years, from 1025 to 928 BCE. The remainder of the Tanakh is a mixture of history, prophecies and praise to God. The Nevi’im has eight books that record the often poetic and florid writings of prophets. The final part is the Ketuvim, which comprises the miscellaneous writings of prophets written before the building of the Second Temple (Segal 2009). However, the Tanakh is best understood through commentaries: ‘and in particular the Mishnah and Talmud, the two main texts that mediate on aspects of Jewish law and practice and so provide us with a concrete set of ideas about how we might act in accordance with the Bible and with what accompanies the Bible, that is, the oral tradition in Judaism’ (Leaman 2006, p. xiii). This focus on action is very important to the practice of Jewish faith. Judaism is also often labelled a very legalistic religion as a result of this focus on action. The interpretation of various laws accounts for much religious dialogue (and argument) in Judaism. Indeed, Hegel argued that this focus on laws pushed God away from humankind by ‘denying humanity any direct connection with God’ (Leaman 2006a, p. 19). It is probably more helpful and accurate, though, to understand Judaism as a religion based on orthopraxis, as compared to Christianity as a religion based on orthodoxy. Christianity was founded on a call to faith in Jesus Christ as the means of salvation; hence while practice is not unimportant, the primary focus of scholars throughout history has been to define right belief, that is, orthodoxy. In Christianity right practice flows out of right belief. Indeed, the very idea of a religious ‘faith’ is derived from this Christian understanding. Judaism, on the other hand, was founded out of a call by God to enter into a covenant where God promises blessing in return for obedience. The focus of Jewish scholars has therefore been to define right practice – orthopraxis. Right practice itself informs and teaches right belief. Basic Jewish Beliefs Unsurprisingly, it is therefore dificult to define Judaism by its beliefs. There is no doubt that one of the greatest contributions Jewish belief has made is that of monotheism. Unlike contemporary communities, the people of Moses and Abraham recognised one God above all others. It is upon this foundation of monotheism that all else stands in Judaism. Having said that, though, unlike

Judaism: a cry for justice

87

Christianity, Judaism does not have an official creed. The closest that exists might be the 13 principles of faith as set out by medieval Jewish scholar Maimonides. These precepts are: 1. the existence of God 2. the one-ness and uniqueness of God 3. the immateriality of God 4. the eternalness of God 5. prayer can be directed to God alone 6. the words of the prophets are true 7. Moses was the greatest prophet 8. the Torah was given to Moses by God 9. there will be no other Torah 10. God knows all 11. God will punish the wicked and reward the good 12. the Messiah will come 13. the dead will be resurrected. (See Steinberg 1975) As can be seen, the centrality of God is critical to Jewish belief, but beyond this monotheistic belief, Judaism is characterised as a religion defined more by practice than by beliefs. This practice is guided by both the laws set out in the Tanakh – over 600 of them as well as the reflection and consideration of these laws contained in commentaries known as oral law. Despite its name, the oral tradition (oral law) consists of written texts by various scholars on the Tanakh as well as reflections on how to reconcile different interpretations of the Tanakh. As a body of work, it is much longer than the Tanakh and requires language skills in both Hebrew and Aramaic. This body of opinion and counter-opinion is complex and difficult to navigate, but it forms a large part of Jewish culture and law. Indeed, ‘the Oral law in the shape of the Mishnah, Talmud, and many other works is the real object of interest of many Jews’ (Leaman 2006a, p. 77). Its importance lies in the fact that, while the Tanakh is sacred, some interpretation and explication is required. The most well-known laws among all the edicts contained in the Tanakh are the ten given to Moses by God on Mount Sinai. The Aseret ha-Dibrot 6 provide a structure around which society can effectively operate. The first six sayings are related to the relationship between humanity and God, while the final four are more temporally focused and make a social world functional (Smith 1991). These Ten Sayings are found twice in the Tanakh, first in the Book of Exodus and then in the Book of Deuteronomy (5:6–18): I am HaShem thy God, who brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. Thou shalt have no other gods before Me.

88

Development and religion Thou shalt not make unto thee a graven image, nor any manner of likeness, of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth; thou shalt not bow down unto them, nor serve them; for I HaShem thy God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate Me; and showing mercy unto the thousandth generation of them that love Me and keep My commandments. Thou shalt not take the name of HaShem thy God in vain; for HaShem will not hold him guiltless that taketh His name in vain. Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labour, and do all thy work; but the seventh day is a sabbath unto HaShem thy God, in it thou shalt not do any manner of work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor thy manservant, nor thy maid-servant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates; for in six days HaShem made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested on the seventh day; wherefore HaShem blessed the sabbath day, and hallowed it. Honour thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long upon the land which HaShem thy God giveth thee. Thou shalt not murder. Thou shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not steal. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house; thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s wife, nor his man-servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbour’s. (Exodus 20:2–20)

As noted, the second half of these commandments are not specifically religious, but are common to social mores across time. Segal notes: ‘Many of them were of an ostensibly prosaic character, not very different from the ones that we would expect to find in any civilized society’ (2009, p. 228). Indeed, the development of a just society based upon fair rule and law is one of the seven laws for Gentiles contained within the Noachide. However, as already mentioned these are not the only prescribed behaviours within the Tanakh. In addition to the laws for Jews, the Book of Psalms lists various attributes that humans should aspire to should they wish to dwell in God’s sanctuary: He that walketh uprightly, and worketh righteousness, and speaketh truth in his heart; That hath no slander upon his tongue, nor doeth evil to his fellow, nor taketh up a reproach against his neighbour; In whose eyes a vile person is despised, but he honoureth them that fear HaShem; he that sweareth to his own hurt, and changeth not; He that putteth not out his money on interest, nor taketh a bribe against the innocent. He that doeth these things shall never be moved. (Psalms 15:2-5)

The Motivation to undertake good works or to live a righteous life is less overtly linked to an afterlife than might be found in Christian or Islamic texts.

Judaism: a cry for justice

89

Indeed, the promise of an afterlife to motivate good work only occurs late in the Tanakh (and was most likely written during a period of Jewish persecution when devotion may have waned under this external assault) (Segal 2009): ‘And many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to reproaches and everlasting abhorrence. And they that are wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament; and they that turn the many to righteousness as the stars forever and ever’ (Daniel 12:2–3; see also 2 Maccabees). Thus, unlike Christianity, which perhaps has a stronger focus on life after death – which may be a motivation for some temporal good works – this is less of an emphasis in Judaism. Judaism and Development At the start of this chapter, a number of reasons were given for the possible unsuitability of including Judaism in a book that seeks to examine how development is understood in the world’s major religions. These reasons included the small number of Jews in the world, Judaism’s close association with a distinct ethnic group and geographic location resulting in a lack of a interest in the wider world, the acculturation of Jewish teaching in subsequent sectarian as well as secular social systems, and finally that it is yet to be completely fulfilled as a religion (in the sense it is still waiting for its Messiah). These combined arguments suggested that the relevance for Judaism of the conditions of the world’s poor is minimal and little can be gained from an exploration of its sacred texts and social teaching. However, such a position is not entirely persuasive when we expand our consideration of Jewish belief to incorporate the Jewish experience. Perhaps in contrast to other religions, it is the lived experience of the Jews that speaks directly to key development issues: hope for justice and care for others. While other religions will rely more heavily on sacred texts and social teaching to inform approaches to development, it is the direct historical experience of Jews that shapes their understanding of these concepts. The remainder of this chapter will consider how Judaism enhances our understanding of a cry for justice in a developmental context. Judaism and a cry for justice A reasonable way in which to summarise the (ancient and contemporary) historical experience of the Jews is that of persecution. As a small tribe of people they were easy prey for their larger more developed neighbours. Over the millennia, the story of Judaism is heavy with violence. Following some hundreds of years of low-level conflict with other nearby tribes, the Israelites were enslaved by the Egyptians in around 1700 BCE. They had to wait for over 400 years7 before Moses – under God’s direction – freed them and they

90

Development and religion

entered the Promised Land. However, their kingdom fell again six to seven centuries later and they were exiled in Babylon and later conquered by the Romans. Persecution continued with the Muslim conquest in 638 CE, massacres by Crusaders in 1096, expulsion from England in 1290 (followed by expulsion from Spain in 1492), pogroms throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, and the Holocaust between 1933 and 1945. Of course, the early Israelites were not the only ones persecuted and there is no doubt that the Tanakh contains many graphic depictions of violence and war. For example, the Book of Esther takes great delight in describing the number of Persians that were killed when the Jews made a pre-emptive strike against them. The Tanakh also contains numerous accounts of the slaughter of newborn babies, the slaying of entire peoples and various accounts of other wartime behaviours we would today label as atrocities (for example, see the conquest of Canaan described in Joshua). ‘The Bible is full of rape, murder, incest, cheating and so on, and sometimes these acts are carried out by the heroes in the text’ (Leaman 2006a, p. 132). However, these are not always condoned and are sometimes included in the story as object lessons of rebuke and moral failure, and as honest examples of human weakness. Military or bellicose terms are widely utilised in the Tanakh (see Exodus 15:3; Joshua 17:1l; Judges 20:17; I Samuel 17:33; II Samuel 17:8; Ezekiel 39:20). It was the periods of persecution that left the most indelible mark upon the Jewish character. Because of the violence of this early history, Judaism contains a longing for peace and a hope that justice and more compassionate times will evolve. Not only is peace a significant theme throughout the Tanakh, but it is also clear that this is God’s desire (see Isaiah 2:1–4; Job 25:2; Micah 4:1–5; Psalms 96; Proverbs 3:17). Judaism contains two notions: that God directly intervenes in the world at crucial times and that Jews are God’s chosen people. As his chosen people, the Jews are recipients of both his love and challenges – especially where God chooses repeatedly to use what happens to the Jews as object lessons to the world. Throughout their history, the most powerful event that encapsulates the Jews’ hope for justice was the Exodus from Egypt. ‘The Exodus, that incredible event in which God liberated an unorganized, enslaved people from the mightiest power of the age, was not only the event that launched the Israelites as a nation. It was also the first clear act by which Yahweh’s [the Hebrew name for God] character was made known to them’ (Smith 1991, p. 304). It was by God’s grace that the Jews were delivered from the Egyptians (Exodus 12:50; Deuteronomy 33:29). God was powerful, but also good and loving; he was a God that provided hope. Thus, while it is common to characterise the God of the Torah as harsh, unforgiving, militaristic, blood-thirsty, demanding, and so on, this depiction is in fact one sided. Rather, the times were harsh, unforgiving, militaristic, blood-

Judaism: a cry for justice

91

thirsty, and demanding, but God cared for widows and orphans, lifted his people out of slavery and sought righteous behaviour and justice: It was I who taught Ephraim to walk, taking them by the arms; but they did not realize it was I who healed them. I led them with cords of human kindness, with ties of love; I lifted the yoke from their neck and bent down to feed them. How can I give you up, Ephraim? How can I hand you over, Israel? How can I treat you like Admah? How can I make you like Zeboiim? My heart is changed within me; all my compassion is aroused. (Hosea 11:3–4, 8)

Understanding the evolution of this hope for justice requires initial consideration of the role of prophecy and prophets within Judaism. Unlike other religions, God’s relationship with this people has been intermediated by numerous prophets who have spoken on behalf of God. While Jesus was the central figure of Christianity and Muhammad the primary figure of Islam, and Buddha is the focus of Buddhism, Judaism has a long list of figures – many of whom we know and many of whom we no longer know by name – that have spoken for God. Smith (1991) identifies three distinct prophetic movements. The first was the prophetic guilds, in which prophecy was a result of a mass ecstatic state brought about through music and dancing (reminiscent of Dervish dancers). The primary purpose of these guilds was not to give pronouncements, rather it was to lose one’s own sense of self to a divine emotion: After that you will go to Gibeah of God, where there is a Philistine outpost. As you approach the town, you will meet a procession of prophets coming down from the high place with lyres, tambourines, flutes and harps being played before them, and they will be prophesying. The Spirit of the Lord will come upon you in power, and you will prophesy with them; and you will be changed into a different person. Once these signs are fulfilled, do whatever your hand finds to do, for God is with you. (I Samuel 10:5–7)

The second movement was that of the pre-writing prophets (so called because, although we know the names of many of them, they did not produce any books). These prophets received their divine visitations while they were alone (as compared to the prophetic guilds), and the message given to them is clear and specific. Speaking for God, these prophets began the cry for justice. God sent ordinary people to decry the actions of kings, of those in power, and of whole cities.8 This demand for justice was revolutionary and unprecedented: Then the word of the Lord came to Elijah the Tishbite: Go down to meet Ahab king of Israel, who rules in Samaria. He is now in Naboth’s vineyard, where he has gone to take possession of it. Say to him, ‘This is what the Lord says: Have you not murdered a man and seized his property?’ Then say to him, ‘This is what the Lord says: In the place where dogs licked up Naboth’s blood, dogs will lick up your blood – yes, yours!’ (I Kings 21:17–19)

92

Development and religion

As Smith (1991) points out, this story is quite unique and has ‘revolutionary significance’ for humankind. An ordinary man confronts a powerful king on behalf of someone who has been wronged. Elijah had no official position in society – he was neither priest nor merchant nor politician. He was simply a man called upon by God to denounce the wrongful actions of the king. His authority to speak against the injustice being meted out was entirely based on speaking on behalf of God. And it was indeed this divine authority within Elijah that allowed him to speak so courageously and, importantly, to have his message heard and accepted as ‘just’. Rather than being immediately struck down by the king’s guards, Elijah was heard and his message accepted by the king. The third prophetic movement was that of the writing prophets. These prophets extended the challenge of individual corruption or wickedness to face corrupt social order and unjust institutions. Prophets such as Amos, Hosea and Isaiah lived in a period of great social inequity, even in Israel. Power and wealth was concentrated in the hands of few and the lives of ordinary people were traded cheaply. It was a world in which masters punished their slaves at will, women were subjugated to men, and unwanted children were abandoned to die in lonely places … Stated abstractly, the Prophetic Principle can be put as follows: The prerequisite of political stability is social justice, for it is in the nature of things that injustice will not endure. Stated theologically the point reads: God has high standards. Divinity will not put up forever with exploitation, corruption and mediocrity. (Smith 1991, p. 291)

As children of God, even the most lowly widow and child should be afforded basic dignity and rights. In this short epoch, a relatively small number of prophets set out in no uncertain terms God’s demand for justice. However, justice is not easily delivered. Suffering often precedes justice and again Jewish history shows a spirit of optimism that is relevant to contemporary development. As a small nation, the Israelites were often subjugated by their foes since Moses delivered this new people. Following Assyria’s conquest of the Northern Kingdom in 721 BCE and the capitulation of the Southern Kingdom to Babylon in 586 BCE, it would have been reasonable for the Israelites to question God’s plan for them and perhaps even reject him. Rather, they saw this suffering as an opportunity to learn the value of freedom, but more importantly as a redemptive act for the world (Smith 1991). When they were finally free from Babylon after nearly 50 years the Israelites sang of their joy: ‘Leave Babylon, flee from the Babylonians! Announce this with shouts of joy and proclaim it. Send it out to the ends of the earth; say, “The Lord has redeemed his servant Jacob”’ (Isaiah 48:20–2). This was not just a lesson for the Israelites to learn: God meant their captivity and subsequent release to be a lesson for all humanity down the ages.

Judaism: a cry for justice

93

God was using them to introduce into history insights that all peoples need but to which they are blinded by ease and complacency. God was burning into the hearts of the Jews through their suffering a passion for freedom and justice that would affect all humankind … Stated abstractly, the deepest meaning the Jews found in their Exile was the meaning of vicarious suffering: meaning that enters lives that are willing to endure pain that others might be spared it. (Smith 1991, p. 295) I, the Lord, have called you in righteousness; I will take hold of your hand. I will keep you and will make you to be a covenant for the people and a light for the Gentiles, to open eyes that are blind, to free captives from prison and to release from the dungeon those who sit in darkness. (Isaiah 42:6–7)

Turning to recent history, the Jews see the Holocaust as a defining event; some suggest it is on a par with the Exodus and the Exile (Berkovits 1973). While there have been a variety of reactions, and the debate continues, many have responded in terms similar to those made during the Exile. There is no sense that the Holocaust was a punishment for a breach of the Covenant, but many choose to interpret it as part of God’s redemptive message to the world (despite the enormous cost to his chosen people). They argue that the very survival of the Jews is an argument for God’s existence and care, and evidence of a reason to hope in even the worst circumstances. It is not a far leap then from this role of carrying the inequities of the world to that of setting foundations of hope and progress which are fundamental to modern development processes. Despite the long history of oppression, dispossession and apparent abandonment, the Israelites of the Talmud and perhaps even in more contemporary times have not lost hope. It is perhaps this inherent sense that things will improve that Judaism has bequeathed to current development thinking. This is not simply a hope tied to material comfort, but has a broader more spiritual element and social aspect. Indeed, the wait for the Messiah sits at the centre of this hope; Messianic tradition in Judaism is very complex and fluid. Different sects have at different times conflated political and spiritual freedom in their expectations. Depending on historical conditions, the importance of political freedom over spiritual enlightenment shifts and changes (Klausner 1955). ‘In periods when the Israelites were still living an independent political life in their own land, ethical perfection and earthly bliss were emphasized; whereas in periods of subjugation and exile the yearning for political freedom was more prominent’ (Smith 1991, pp. 298–9). That said, though, the experience of persecution overlain by the experience of the Exodus remained dominant touchstones in Judaism, which affects Jews’ approach to life and provides insights into how the downtrodden must continue their cry for justice. Again, this is only furthered by the emphasis on the practice of the religion (orthopraxis) over correct belief (orthodoxy). While this cry for justice is heard by God, it is not sufficient that humankind simply passes all responsibility to God. Jews recognise that,

94

Development and religion

although there are over 600 laws set out in the Torah by which to live a righteous life, it is not enough simply to follow laws at the personal level – there is also a requirement to act in the best interests of one’s society and community. There is thus a recognition that social responsibilities exist and any cry for justice must also involve the individual acting to improve the circumstances of the community. So it is reasonable to continue to argue that Judaism is primarily about deed, and it is only through appropriate actions that a righteous relationship with God can be realised. According to Levinas (1990), it is not appropriate for a Jew to retreat into himself to pray to God, because it is only in society that God can be found. ‘For Judaism, one can live a religious life if one responds to God by trying to bring about justice, if one responds to God by helping other human beings, which will result in his response to us being hineni (here I am) as in Isaiah 58:8–9’ (Leaman 2006a, p. 47). This ‘mixed life’ encourages scholarly devotion alongside manual labour. Thus many great rabbis were also labourers, carpenters, and so on, and did not eschew ordinary day-to-day tasks for the monastic dedication to study. Jews know that temporal existence is short lived (see Psalm 103:14; Job 4:19; Ecclesiastes 3:18–19), but because we are created by God, life is blessed. ‘To speak of the hallowing of life in Judaism is to refer to its conviction that all life down to its smallest element can, if rightly approached, be seen as a reflection of the infinite source of holiness, which is God (Smith 1991, p. 301). Life, though, is also dependent on a social connection and this working together and undertaking collective action is life affirming. Life should be a celebration, but one that has God at its centre. The good that life may bring must be shared with God, for this sharing augments our joy. Charity As with other religions, charity is considered a virtue in Judaism. The most evident demonstration of God’s charity is that of the Exodus and the subsequent period of 40 years, during which he provided food and water. Yet how humans might practise these charitable ways is not explicitly defined in the Tanakh. Thus we turn to the commentaries to gain a clear understanding of how to understand charity. One such commentary (by Maimonides) provides eight levels of charity: 1.

The highest level … is that of one who assists a poor person by providing him with a gift or a loan or by helping him find employment – in a word, by putting him in a situation where he can dispense with other people’s aid … 2. A step below this stands the person who gives alms to the needy in such a way that the giver does not know to whom he gives, and the recipient does not know from whom he takes. This is doing a good need for its own sake … 3. One step lower is where the giver knows to whom he gives but the poor person does not know from whom he receives. Thus the great sages would go and secretly put money in the doorways of poor people …

Judaism: a cry for justice 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

95

A step lower is where the poor person knows from whom he is taking but the giver does not know to whom he is giving … Lower than this is where someone gives a person a gift before he asks. Lower still is one who gives only after the poor person asks. Lower than this is one who gives less than is fitting, but does so with a friendly life. The lowest level is one who gives ungraciously. (quoted in Leaman 2006a, pp. 12–13)

The hierarchy of charity is interesting as it suggests responsibilities on behalf of both those giving and those receiving charity. Reminiscent of the view of charity in Islam, it is clearly better to give charity than to receive it, as the highest form of charity results in moving the recipient out of the situation that requires assistance in the first instance. In this sense there is no problem with someone becoming wealthy or owning and enjoying material possessions. This focus on moving people out of a dependent relationship correlates strongly with best practice in humanitarian assistance and development aid. Korten (1990) noted the importance of community ownership of development interventions in his four typologies of NGOs. In his typology, the continuum of (northern) NGO practice begins with the provision of relief and welfare services, progresses to the delivery of community development, moves from that to sustainable systems of development and then finally becomes a people’s movement. The implicit assumption of this continuum is that community participation increases throughout this progression and this is inherently right and proper. Community ownership of development interventions has now become widely accepted as the minimum requirement for successful and sustained development outcomes (see Chambers 2005). ‘It is interesting to speculate on why this is so significant and at the same time note that a good deal of Jewish charity has a very practical bent. The Society for Trades and Agricultural Labour (OTL) system was very effective in training Jews to learn an occupation from which they could support themselves’ (Leaman 2006a, p. 13). Not only is this practical in allowing someone to acquire the skills to find gainful employment, more importantly it enhances the dignity of that person, who is now working and supporting themselves (and perhaps their family and community). At the same time this allows those with less to keep their dignity (often preserved through anonymity), which is very important. Dignity is an essential part of our well-being, often more significant than wealth, and so it is important that the maintenance of dignity be stressed at all times. However, it is also important to note that being poor is not of itself a noble position. While taking advantage of the poor is expressly repudiated in the Torah, it is also noted that the poor should not receive any special favour in judgements. Another example in which Jews are required to provide for others is the concept of the Jubilee year. Leviticus describes the year of Jubilee, in which

96

Development and religion

the fiftieth year is set aside as holy and in which debts are cancelled and liberty is provided to all: And if thy brother be waxen poor, and his means fail with thee; then thou shalt uphold him: as a stranger and a settler shall he live with thee. Take thou no interest of him or increase; but fear thy God; that thy brother may live with thee. Thou shalt not give him thy money upon interest, nor give him thy victuals for increase. I am HaShem your God, who brought you forth out of the land of Egypt, to give you the land of Canaan, to be your God. And if thy brother be waxen poor with thee, and sell himself unto thee, thou shalt not make him to serve as a bondservant. As a hired servant, and as a settler, he shall be with thee; he shall serve with thee unto the year of jubilee. Then shall he go out from thee, he and his children with him, and shall return unto his own family, and unto the possession of his fathers shall he return. For they are My servants, whom I brought forth out of the land of Egypt; they shall not be sold as bondmen. Thou shalt not rule over him with rigour; but shalt fear thy God. (Leviticus 25:35–43)

This of course was the biblical source inspiring the recent Jubilee 2000 campaign9 which called for debt relief for the world’s poorest countries. Judaism and gender The issue of gender in Judaism is also worthy of (albeit brief) discussion. It is possible to say that, while some women have been very visible within the Tanakh, the role they have played has largely been secondary to that of men (Fonrobert 2000). How this is mirrored in Jewish cultural and social practices depends largely on the particular Jewish tradition (Segal 2009). In traditional practices (originating during the Talmudic period and now reflected in current Orthodox practices), women continue to hold roles that are secondary to those of males: they are not permitted to participate fully in the synagogue and are excluded from scholarly study of the Tanakh and Talmud,10 they are presumed to be responsible for primary family needs, and are given lower expectations of compliance in prayer rituals. There were certain rituals that were given over to women, such as the kindling of Sabbath lamps and preparing the dough offering but, overall, women in the Orthodox tradition hold a far more passive role than that assigned to men. However, that being said, much of this lower status in religious lives reflects the social manifestation of community life in traditional times. ‘The society that emerges from ancient Jewish texts is based on heterosexual, polygamous families’ (Segal 2009, p. 260). Marriage was a social convention that both protected women and promulgated community. Indeed, unlike in Buddhism, Hinduism and Christianity, a preference for a monastic celibate life is eschewed (for both men and women) in Judaism.11 In some ways – akin to the discussion of marriage in Islam – women benefited from marriage. A prenuptial agreement (ketubbah) guaranteed the rights of women throughout

Judaism: a cry for justice

97

(and after) their marriage, and divorce was seen as a legitimate option that would not carry a stigma for either party. In non-Orthodox or Reformed tradition, the distinction between male and female roles is less evident. Both women and men can be called upon to read from the Torah in the synagogue, women can train as rabbis and marital roles reflect those of the secular society more than a religious tradition. Conclusion Judaism is the bedrock upon which Christianity and Islam have been built and it was the monotheistic nature of Judaism that changed the nature of how God is perceived by much of the world’s population today. While we may question the contemporary influence of Judaism on the lives of the world’s poor, there is no doubt that it has played an important role in making a cry for justice that is evident in both Christian and Islamic thinking, which is so relevant to all the world’s poor, regardless of religious belief or otherwise. The desire for change and the knowledge that injustice is ultimately unsustainable can provide succour for the oppressed. Even if current circumstances appear hopeless, the story of Judaism is hope based on justice that is God’s desire. So, while the importance of Judaism on the current circumstances of the world’s poor might be less obvious than the other world religions, it has played a significant role in forming and shaping understanding of the nature of hope and justice that are core to contemporary development thinking.

A JEWISH FBO: WORLD JEWISH RELIEF Introduction World Jewish Relief (WJR) is a faith-based organisation displaying characteristics that most closely align with FBO Type 4 – FBOs that identify themselves as falling in a broad religious tradition from which they draw their motivation. Although clearly associated with the Jewish faith, World Jewish Relief is unlike Cartias Internationalis, for example, which formally comes under the jurisdiction of the Apostolic See because of its canonical legal status. Rather, World Jewish Relief is independent of any particular congregation but is a focal point for UK-based Jews wishing to respond to humanitarian emergencies and development needs around the world. World Jewish Relief was initially established to respond to the very real needs of Jews – particularly Jewish children – in Germany in the 1930s, but it now provides support to

98

Development and religion

communities regardless of religion, race or ethnicity in over 40 countries (including in Europe, Asia and Africa) and had an income of nearly £7 million in 2009.12 The origins of World Jewish Relief from around 80 years ago still largely define its approach to development – providing welfare services to vulnerable Jewish community members. Background The history of World Jewish Relief provides an insight to its current approach to development.13 Established in 1933 as the Central British Fund for British Jewry (CBF), its primary purpose was to address the injustice faced by Jews in pre-World War II Germany. This was largely achieved through helping Jews escape Germany at this time; over 70,000 German Jews were brought to the UK before the start of World War II. An important component of this rescue work was the establishment of the kindertransports programme in which 10,000 children were transported from Germany and Austria in 1938 following the Kristallnacht. After World War II, the organisation shifted its primary purpose from helping Jews escape Nazi Germany and occupied territories to providing care to Jewish refugees in the UK, giving relief and support to Jewish survivors living outside the UK, and relocating orphaned Jewish children to the UK. All these actions centred on responding to the gross injustice of the Holocaust. To facilitate the provision of relief services to those living outside the UK, the CBF established the Jewish Committee for Relief Abroad. Centres were established at various locations to offer support and care for survivors, to help them to rebuild their lives following the Holocaust, and to trace family members who had been separated. Across these activities, the primary approach was the delivery of welfare services to those in need – with an exclusive focus on those of the Jewish faith. While the needs of these survivors and orphans remained a primary focus, over time World Jewish Relief began to expand its assistance programmes and to respond to the emerging needs of other Jewish communities. In recognition of the increasing global focus of its work, CBF formally changed its name in 1978 to the Central British Fund for World Jewish Relief, though it is widely known simply as World Jewish Relief. In the 1960s – three decades after it was established – it provided financial assistance

Judaism: a cry for justice

to Tunisian Jews moving to France to escape persecution and evacuated 4,000 Czechoslovakian Jews immediately following the Soviet invasion in 1968. This ‘rescue’ work continued through the 1980s, with assistance provided to Ethiopian Jews escaping famine (rather than religious persecution) and those emigrating from Eastern Europe after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. Assistance was also provided to elderly Holocaust survivors who remained in Eastern Europe, in the form of food and clothing parcels, canteens, day centres and even old people’s homes. While the scale of World Jewish Relief increased during this period, the operational approach of the work remained welfare oriented and largely comprised financial assistance – either through direct cash assistance or the provision of gifts-in-kind. Throughout this time, the beneficiaries of World Jewish Relief were Jewish. However, a smaller UK-based agency also existed that provided support to non-Jews. Established in 1989 as UK Jewish Aid and International Development, it described itself as: … a humanitarian organisation which leads the UK Jewish community in response to international disasters and mobilises Jewish Resources for international development projects. It brings Jewish experience to international development and UKJAID’s work has often focused on minority groups with lack of opportunity. UKJAID plays a role as educator in the Jewish community as to the ethical significance and positive benefit of the Jewish contribution to emergency aid and development and we are widening our links with schools and education forums across the whole community. (UKJAID 2003, p. 4)

While the funds raised by this agency were considerably smaller than those of World Jewish Relief (less than £200,000 per year), it did reach beyond Jewish beneficiaries to provide more ‘developmental’ programmes in a small number of countries (Malawi, Kenya, Zambia and India). UKJAID raised funds predominantly from the UK Jewish community both for humanitarian emergencies (in ‘competition’ with World Jewish Relief) and for development programmes for non-Jewish communities in need (in contrast with World Jewish Relief). In 2003 UKJAID changed its name to World Jewish Aid and became part of World Jewish Relief. In 2007, World Jewish Aid ceased to exist as an entity and was fully integrated into World Jewish Relief, with the result that World Jewish Relief became the main overseas aid charity responding on behalf of the UK Jewish community to both Jewish and non-Jewish needs and emergencies.

99

100

Development and religion

It was not therefore specific sacred texts or social teachings that gave rise to this Jewish FBO, but rather a pragmatic response to injustices (again) perpetrated against Jews. While violence against Jews before and during World War II was of a scale not seen previously (or since), it was sadly reminiscent of a long history of harassment. In this sense, while the establishment and evolution of World Jewish Relief is clearly associated with the Jewish faith, it draws its energy not directly from the Talmud or law but from the continuing experience of persecution and the search for justice. Organisational Objectives World Jewish Relief’s formal objective – defined in its 2003 Memorandum and Articles of Association – is the ‘relief and assistance of persons in necessitous circumstances including, but not limited to, Jewish refugees or any other Jewish persons and the relief of sickness and physical disability in any part of the world in such manner and on such terms and conditions as may be thought fit’. While the formal objective provides for an exclusive focus on those of the Jewish faith, there is a recognition that when responding to humanitarian emergencies, it is important to provide assistance to all those affected, including non-Jews. The current strategic framework for WJR for 2007–12 sets out four primary operational aims. These explicitly include working with non-Jewish communities: 1.

Supporting provision of urgent welfare assistance to children, the elderly and other disadvantaged groups by: • Focusing on communities in the Former Soviet Union but monitoring emerging issues elsewhere; • being prepared to support and, where necessary, directly assist vulnerable Jewish communities fleeing persecution and oppression; • growing our Gifts in Kind operation.

2.

Supporting sustainable community initiatives by: • providing a broad package of infrastructural and programme support in focused locations over a 5 year period; • providing technical, financial and operational support for innovative job creation and community development programmes.

Judaism: a cry for justice 3. 4.

101

Responding to major international disasters, supporting all communities affected, by contributing to meet their relief and recovery irrespective of race, religion or nationality. Developing international programmes for non-Jewish communities playing to the strengths and values of our Jewish identity. (Charity Commission 2009, p. 3)

Testing the operational activities of WJR against Korten’s NGO typology, it is evident that the long history of providing welfare to beneficiaries remains the primary model of assistance. For example, in assessing success against the first operational aim – supporting provision of urgent welfare assistance to children, the elderly and other disadvantaged groups – WJR reports spending just over £1 million ‘on multiple programmes of assistance for older people in the FSU and Eastern Europe. 2,116 received regular meals in Ukraine and 1,699 homecare support. In Georgia 510 people received food support and 682 winter relief packages’ (Charity Commission 2009, p. 3). In a similar manner, the approach taken to achieve the second operational aim of supporting sustainable community development initiatives to ensure the long-term viability of vulnerable Jewish communities involved refurbishing a ‘Jewish Community Centre in Krivoy Rog, eastern Ukraine, [which] was formally opened in April 2009 providing a warm, well equipped welfare and community service with full disability access to the entire community of 12,000 individuals’ (Charity Commission 2009, p. 4). A similar Jewish community centre was funded in Krakow, Poland, in 2008 to provide a place for weekly lunches, educational activities and festival events. Activities were also undertaken to enhance individual abilities and skills, including training in language, dress making, cooking and computer skills in three locations in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia. Around 110 Jewish women who were living on government welfare support participated in these training events. The aim of these structured training programmes was for the participants to move from welfare to paid employment (CBFWJF 2009), reflecting Maimonides’ hierarchy of charity. WJR has also raised funds to support communities and individuals affected by complex humanitarian emergencies. For example, it has provided support to internally displaced persons following conflict in Georgia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, it has assisted those affected by Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar, and those affected by the ongoing violence in Darfur. The fourth operational aim – developing programmes that target non-Jewish communities based on

102

Development and religion

Jewish values and identity – centres on the provision of a play centre in Zimbabwe for children whose families are affected by HIV and AIDS, and in the Ukraine the provision of regular meals for vulnerable elderly people, the purchase of a ‘crawler lift’ for a disability agency, and facilitating the employment of Jewish professionals to work in state-run institutions and orphanages. As an aid agency that largely undertakes the provision of welfare, World Jewish Relief relies heavily on overseas partners. Indeed, it has fewer than 20 staff in the UK. Local partners are in most cases local Jewish organisations that apply to WJR for funding to implement programmes that correlate with its operational aims. In this sense, WJR is not an ‘operational’ agency. The criteria by which funding proposals are assessed are: • Assisting communities to move away from chronic poverty and towards a position where sustainable community development is possible. • Supporting the development, building and sustainability of viable Jewish communities. • Development programmes for vulnerable non Jewish communities that play to the strengths, responsibilities and values of our Jewish identity. • Ensuring the provision of essential materials based on identifiable need from the UK primarily to communities in the former Soviet Union, ensuring that such provision supplements a deficient income source or adds significantly to quality of life. (CBFWJR 2009, p. 10)

As already discussed, WJR began its response to the terrible circumstances experienced in pre-war Nazi Germany. In this sense it was very much providing a welfare service – along the lines of Korten’s (1990) first generation of NGOs. Following the end of the war, when the true scope of the Holocaust became known, WJR focused its energies and resources on providing direct assistance to survivors, either assisting them with relocation or aiding them if they stayed in their home country. Again, the absolute need at this time justified the continuing welfare model. In the ensuing years, though, while other aid agencies have arguably evolved – or at least shifted their emphasis from the provision of welfare to seeking greater community participation and ownership – the primary activities of WJR have remained the provision of welfare. Again, as discussed, this includes supplying food parcels, establishing community centres, providing equipment for local disability service providers, and so on. Within this

Judaism: a cry for justice

103

there appears to be limited community involvement or ownership of the programmes. This is not a criticism of WJR – indeed, participation in community development has been somewhat fetishised and is not always appropriate (see Clarke 2009) – but rather a reflection of its founding drivers. The ongoing provision of welfare services as its predominant mode of aid delivery also largely explains its small staff numbers and its reliance on local partners for the implementation of its programmes. In this sense, the fundraising role of WJR is of greater importance than its programming approach. Fundraising Fundraising is an important part of an aid agency’s operations (M. Clarke 2008). The vast majority of the literature surrounding the role of aid agencies (be they secular or faith-based) in international development focuses on the effectiveness and efficiency of their work in developing countries. However, very little research has concentrated on the other role of aid agencies – fundraising. This omission is interesting because the capacity of aid agencies to undertake effective community development initiatives is predicated on their ability to raise both private and public funds to finance these interventions. If aid agencies are unable to raise funds, they are unable to undertake development interventions. Yet the literature that does concern fundraising is largely limited to a perceived tension between marketing departments using negative images to illicit donations based on guilt or paternalistic emotions and the development programming departments trying to empower local communities (see for example Billis and MacKeith 2004; Edwards and Fowler 2002; Edwards and Sen 2002; Fowler 2002). This dichotomy may certainly exist, but greater consideration of the marketing activities of aid agencies is now required to investigate how effective aid agencies have become in this ‘other role’. New research is needed to reflect and examine how programming and marketing departments in aid agencies now work in close partnership both to educate supporters and to encourage their commitment to donate and undertake other social action (both public and corporate) over the longer term. One of the consequences of this has been the partnerships built between aid agencies and public companies, such as media organisations and other service providers. The strength of these

104

Development and religion

partnerships, combined with the perception of integrity surrounding aid agencies, has resulted in many commercial organisations seeking relationships with aid agencies to support their fundraising activities, especially in times of complex humanitarian emergencies. WJR runs various fundraising campaigns and activities to support its programmes. While the principles of these marketing campaigns would be familiar to most secular and faith-based agencies, there are some features to them that clearly suggest they are targeting a Jewish constituency. The Big Bagel The bagel is a pastry commonly associated with Jewish culture14 that is used by World Jewish Relief as the central theme of its major fundraising event – the Big Bagel. Many charities use food (or the lack of it – as in World Vision’s Forty-Hour Famine) as a means of gathering people together to fundraise. The purpose of these events is twofold: first to raise funds and secondly to bring a community together and raise awareness of a particular issue. The Big Bagel raises funds through individuals or community groups organising a time and place where bagels are served. Those attending are either charged a fee to participate or are asked to provide a donation. It is interesting to note that those making donations may specifically request that their funds be used to assist members of Jewish communities in need, or used by members of non-Jewish communities in need, or be used at the discretion of WJR. The 100 events held during the inaugural Big Bagel fundraising event in 2009 raised £70,000, and they were accompanied by significant media coverage that should enhance future fundraising efforts undertaken by WJR. Sponsor a Grandparent Sponsorship as a means of fundraising is also well established in the aid sector, with many aid agencies relying heavily on this form of marketing to attract private donations. The traditional model is the sponsoring of a child, who will either directly receive financial support or be considered a ‘window’ into a larger community that receives programming support. Upon pledging support, the sponsor will normally receive a photo, some biographical details of the child and be allowed to correspond with the child. WJR has initiated a programme which is

Judaism: a cry for justice

105

based on sponsoring a ‘grandparent’ or elderly citizen in the former Soviet Union. As with traditional child sponsorship, the marketing pitch is personalised, highlights a great need, and offers a solution through financial support: Surviving life in the former Soviet Union is hard enough for most. For our elderly clients life can be even more challenging. With many totally homebound or even bed bound and without family members or friends to look after them, they rely fully on the help and care that they receive from WJR. For example Nadezhda Vlasenko, 85, lives alone in Georgia in a deteriorating house badly in need of repairs. After her husband and two sons passed away, Nadezhda was left alone to care for and support herself in difficult conditions. Her house does not have any indoor plumbing, and instead Nadezhda must use a toilet located outside. The water pump usually doesn’t work because of frost, so the 85-year-old woman must walk to the next street and bring back water to her home. Nadezhda survives on a monthly pension of just £55 a month which must cover all her food, medication, bills and rent. With this limited income, she cannot afford to buy good quality food or medication on her own. It is only with your help that Nadezhda is able to live in dignity and to survive. WJR provides Nadezhda with: – A monthly food card so that she is able to eat well – Medication that she desperately needs – An eye operation through our SOS program Please help us to help more elderly people like Nadezhda by sponsoring a grandparent today. (WJR 2010)

The effectiveness of this type of sponsorship marketing is evidenced by the high number of aid agencies employing this technique. It has been criticised for disempowering those sponsored because images and copy used portray them as helpless and hopeless, as well as for misrepresenting the context of the development programming the sponsored individual is participating in by implying they are the direct beneficiary where in reality they are more often a member within a community that is the actual ‘target’ beneficiary (Rance et al. 1989, World Vision 2006). In the case of WJR, these criticisms are less accurate: the circumstances of these elderly people are as portrayed and their personal power is limited, given their health and age. Perhaps more important, WJR is indeed providing direct welfare services to these citizens and therefore not misrepresenting the development process that takes place.

106

Development and religion

Gift-in-kind programme In line with the provision of welfare services that underpins much of the work funded by WJR, a significant part of its income comes as gift-in-kind donations provided largely through corporate sponsors but also through the collection of certain secondhand goods. This gift-in-kind programme was responsible for just under half of the total income received by WJR in 2008–9, valued at £3.3 million (out of the total income of £6.8 million) and is the single largest activity of WJR in terms of funds raised. Typical goods received under this programme include winter clothing, nappies and baby toiletries, incontinence pads, blankets, shoes, hats, gloves, scarves and school stationery. This large programme is run mainly by volunteers, who assist with collecting, sorting, packing and the distribution of these goods primarily throughout Eastern Europe, particularly in Belarus, Moldova and Romania. Again both the nature of the goods distributed and the act of distribution itself reflect the beneficiaries targeted by WJR as well as the development approach upon which WJR operates. Twinning The twinning programme is perhaps the fundraising event most specifically targeted at the Jewish community. The aim of this activity is to ‘twin’ a celebratory event of the sponsor with a concurrent celebratory event for the recipient. The celebratory event targeted is a bat or bar mitzvah – occasions which represent religious and social recognition of maturity in the Jewish faith, and are generally celebrated with (increasingly elaborate) parties. WJR’s twinning programme encourages parents of children celebrating this important milestone to provide financial support so that a child of similar age will be able to celebrate his or her own bat or bar mitzvah: ‘our Twinning Programme helps provide children with a secure environment as well as clothes, food, medicine, Jewish books and the means to enjoy a celebration on their special day’ (WJR 2010). Certainly this fundraising programme is quite exclusive to the Jewish community. WJR also operates a range of other fundraising activities, including dinners, golf tournaments, challenge events, emergency disaster appeals and traditional child sponsorship. While many events benefit secular and non-Jewish FBOs, the primary market remains the UK Jewish community.

Judaism: a cry for justice

107

Conclusion World Jewish Relief has been in existence for around 80 years and was initiated in response to the growing religious violence perpetrated against Jews in pre-war Nazi Germany. The consequences of the Holocaust caused the British Jewish community to seek to continue their efforts to assist survivors. The forging of the FBO in this period of anti-Semitism has largely defined the approach to development taken by WJR to this very day. Important exceptions can be found, but the overwhelming majority of work undertaken by this FBO is welfare service provision to vulnerable members of Jewish societies in Eastern Europe implemented by local partners. In this sense, therefore, the primary purpose of WJR is fundraising in the United Kingdom in response to injustice experienced largely (though not exclusively) by Jewish people outside the United Kingdom. Given the origins of this FBO, this appears entirely appropriate.

NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8.

9.

Leaman presents a very pessimistic future for Judaism: ‘Low birth rates and high degrees of assimilation suggest that within a comparatively short period the Jews will to all intents and purposes disappear’ (2006a, p. xviii). Though this not need mean that people cannot convert to Judaism; they do – there are not insignificant numbers of Ethiopian Jews, for example – but it is true that by and large Judaism is not a missionary religion seeking converts. In written Hebrew, vowels were not originally written. These seven laws are called Noachide and were given to Noah by God. Adherents must not worship idols, commit murder, steal, be sexually promiscuous, blaspheme, or eat flesh of animals whilst they are alive. Moreover, a community of adherents must themselves fashion their own just laws. Moses’ death is described ‘And Moses the servant of the Lord died there in Moab, as the Lord had said’ (Deuteronomy 34:5). In Christianity, these are widely known as the Ten Commandments, but a more accurate translation would be the Ten Sayings, the Ten Statements, the Ten Declarations, the Ten Words or even the Ten Things. Scholars are divided as to whether the 400 years measures from the time of being enslaved or the time of Joseph and the emigration to Egypt (which would make the enslavement significantly shorter). Of course, not all those called willingly accepted God’s mission (though eventually they did): ‘The word of the Lord came to Jonah son of Amittai: “Go to the great city of Nineveh and preach against it, because its wickedness has come up before me.” But Jonah ran away from the Lord and headed for Tarshish. He went down to Joppa, where he found a ship bound for that port. After paying the fare, he went aboard and sailed for Tarshish to flee from the Lord (Jonah 1:1–3). Jubilee 2000 evolved into the Make Poverty History campaign after 2000. Perhaps the greatest success of these two campaigns has been that of advocacy and lifting the issue of debt to international attention (see Barrett 2000 and Make Poverty History and Micah Challenge 2009).

108 10.

11. 12. 13. 14.

Development and religion There were of course exceptions to this. Two examples include the daughter of the Gaeon Rabbi Samuel ben Hohni, who reportedly lectured on the Talmud to male students in the 11th century and a woman called Dulcie who gave public lectures on the Sabbath in the 13th century. The only exception to this in Judaism is the Essenes, ‘who eschewed marriage out of misogynistic motives’ (Segal 2009, p. 260). Funds raised in the financial year ending June 2005 were nearly £12 million as a result of the significant fundraising associated with the Indian Ocean tsunami. The following section draws primarily on the World Jewish Relief ‘Background’ webpage – http://www.wjr.org.uk/who-we-are/background The method by which the bagel is traditionally prepared made it a suitable food for more orthodox Jews many hundreds of years ago. The bagel can be prepared prior to the Sabbath, allowed to rest (and rise) during the Sabbath, and then quickly cooked at the completion of the Sabbath.

5. Christianity: development as an option for the poor OVERVIEW OF BELIEFS Introduction Christianity is the world’s largest religion, with over 2 billion adherents across the globe. There are three major Christian traditions: Catholicism (Roman), Protestantism (including Anglicans, Evangelicals and Independents) and, Orthodox (Eastern Rite). Approximately half of all Christians are Catholics, around 10 per cent belong to the Eastern Orthodox tradition, and the remaining 40 per cent are denominations of Protestantism (Barrett et al. 2001; O’Brien and Palmer 2007). Christianity has its genesis in Judaism, with its most basic tenet of faith being that approximately 2,000 years ago Jesus of Nazareth was the promised Jewish Messiah. Born in Palestine during the reign of Herod the Great, Jesus lived the majority of his life in the town of Nazareth. When he was around 30 years of age, he commenced a public ministry of healing and preaching in the region of Galilee that lasted approximately three years, at which time he was executed in the manner of a common criminal. Jesus was raised a Jew and, while he preached to Jews and Gentiles alike, it was his Judaism that provided the historical and spiritual context for his teaching, with him regularly referring or referencing in his teaching and activities the Jewish Scriptures. Christians believe that his very life, death and resurrection were the fulfilment of Judaic prophecy regarding the Messiah. Jesus was not just a rabbi who taught a small band of disciples, he was also a healer who gave sight to the blind and allowed the dumb to speak (for example Mark 7:31–7, 8:22–6), cast out demons (Mark 1:23–6), fed multitudes with little (Matthew 14:13–21, 15:32–8) and raised the dead (Luke 7:11–17). He attracted the attention of many who became followers, and also many others who sought to discredit him – those in positions of power who felt threatened by both his blasphemous interpretation of Scripture and his overt criticism of their interpretation of the Scriptures, and – more important – by the sway he held over his fellow Jews (for example Matthew 21:1–19). 109

110

Development and religion

Unlike other Jewish prophets, for Christians Jesus was not simply bringing good news to the world. There was an important distinction between Jesus and those that came before him. Jesus was in fact God made incarnate and therefore himself was the Good News. This divinity sets Jesus apart from all other prophets; Jesus was the Messiah sent to bring salvation. The concept of Jesus’ divinity evolved over time in the Christian faith. Certainly, a bedrock of Christian faith is that God became Man (Jesus) and suffered death so that all humankind could be saved. The distinction between Christianity and Judaism is less to do with the nature of the teaching of Jesus but rather is a result of Christian belief in Jesus’ death and subsequent resurrection. As he himself prophesied (Matthew 12:40), Jesus rose from the dead three days after his crucifixion. For a period of 40 days thereafter, Jesus appeared to his disciples (or Apostles) to encourage them and give them succour, after which he bodily ascended into heaven. Jesus’ resurrection cleansed humankind of sin and permitted all to receive salvation after life. Jesus died for all humankind and in rising brought life to all who receive him. Through the act of death and subsequent resurrection, sin was forgiven and humankind and God were reconciled. In this sense, Christianity is an apocalyptic belief system, with Christians awaiting the Second Coming in which Jesus will return for the Last Judgment (or Judgment Day). At this time, Jesus will judge the living and the dead and the kingdom of God will be established. Those who have received salvation on this Judgment Day will rise to heaven and those who have not been saved will be cast ‘into the outer darkness’ (Matthew 25:30) and into ‘everlasting punishment’ (Matthew 25:46; 1 Thessalonians 4:16–17; Revelation 20:10–15). Christianity is therefore premised on life after death, made possible by Jesus’ own death and resurrection. This is the Good News of Christianity. Basic Beliefs The sacred texts of the Christian faith are the Bible, made up of the Old and New Testaments. The Old Testament comprises books drawn largely from the Jewish Tanakh, though with some variation between the different traditions. The Protestant tradition accepts 39 books of the Jewish Tanakh, while the Catholic tradition adds a further seven books from the Tanakh to its Old Testament, and Orthodox Christians recognise four further Tanakh books. The New Testament is more unanimously accepted and comprises the four Gospels describing the ministry of Jesus and 23 other writings – including a description of the early ministry of the Apostles, letters written to Christian communities and an apocalyptic prophecy. The historical record of Jesus’ life and teaching is captured in the four Gospels (the books of Matthew, Mark, Luke and John). Written more than a generation after Jesus’ death, the Gospels were

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

111

written for different audiences and for different purposes. They therefore present a patchwork of incidents rather than a single historical narrative. What is clear throughout these records is that Jesus taught the compassion of God, especially towards the marginalised, poor and powerless. Indeed, Jesus began his public ministry by quoting Isaiah and claiming the fulfilment of this prophecy: ‘The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to release the oppressed, to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favour’ (Luke 4:18–21, quoting Isaiah 61:1–2). Scriptural teaching on God’s love for the poor is clear. Perhaps the clearest statement of this as preached by Jesus is found in the Sermon on the Mount (also known as The Beatitudes): Happy are those who know they are spiritually poor; the Kingdom of heaven belongs to them! Happy are those who mourn; God will comfort them! Happy are those who are humble; they will receive what God has promised! Happy are those whose greatest desire is to do what God requires; God will satisfy them fully! Happy are those who are merciful to others; God will be merciful to them! Happy are the pure in heart; they will see God! Happy are those who work for peace; God will call them his children! Happy are those who are persecuted because they do what God requires; the Kingdom of heaven belongs to them! Happy are you when people insult you and persecute you and tell all kinds of evil lies against you because you are my followers. Be happy and glad, for a great reward is kept for you in heaven. This is how the prophets who lived before you were persecuted. (Matthew 5: 3–12, also see Luke 6:20–3)

While perhaps most of what Jesus taught can be found in the Jewish Scripture (see Psalms 146:7–10 for a similar description of God’s love for the poor and downtrodden), he brought it together in a new commentary that emphasised God’s love for his people, and moreover that God desired his people to accept his love and to allow this love to be expressed and shared with others. Indeed, Jesus extended the Jewish understanding of God with this new teaching. When explaining to his followers the way to God, Jesus ignores the Ten Commandments given by God to Moses and extols his disciples to ‘love one another, just as I love you’ (John 9:14). Jesus reinforced this teaching by the way he lived. He drew people to him but also sought out those who were

112

Development and religion

socially excluded (in modern terms). Jesus afforded women great respect and included them among his followers (for example Luke 8:1–3; Luke 23:49; Mark 15:41) as well as instructing them directly (Luke 10:39). Jesus healed the sick and touched those considered unclean (Mark 1:41) and also publically mixed with prostitutes (Luke 7:36–9). He reached out to these people and prioritised their well-being and their care. However, while it is clear that Jesus ‘preached the good news to the poor’ (Matthew 11:5; Luke 4:18, 7:22), he also reached out to those who were wealthy and had power, but taught that they must not hoard their material riches (Matthew 19:21; Luke 18:24; Mark 10:25). In the years immediately after Jesus’ death and resurrection, his followers were considered to be a Jewish sect who worshipped in synagogues and continued to follow Jewish traditions. However, as news of Jesus spread, many non-Jews (or Gentiles) became believers, and conflict arose over whether it was necessary for non-Jewish followers of Jesus to keep Jewish law. At the Council of Jerusalem it was determined that this was not necessary, which had the effect of increasing converts but also meant the setting-up of a new faith tradition that stood outside Judaism. Like Judaism at the same time, this new religion of Christianity was persecuted by the Roman authorities, which continued for the next 300 years until 312 CE when the Roman emperor Constantine converted to Christianity following a battlefield victory. Christianity was soon legalised and quickly became the dominant religion of the empire. Statements of Christian beliefs are probably most clearly expressed in the early Christian ecumenical creeds (before distinct traditions emerged in the broad Church). These professions state that Jesus was the son of God, that he suffered, died by crucifixion, was buried and was resurrected from the dead to make the remission of sin possible for those who believe in and trust in him, thereby providing salvation and a way to enter Heaven. The ancient Nicene Creed was formulated and adopted in 325 CE at the First Council of Nicaea and later revised in 381 CE by the First Council of Constantinople. It summarises the primary beliefs of Christians and is still found in the contemporary liturgy of most Christian Churches:1 We believe in one God, the Father, the Almighty, of all that is, seen and unseen. We believe in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the only Son of God, eternally begotten of the Father, God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God, begotten, not made,

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

113

of one Being with the Father. Through him all things were made. For us and for our salvation he came down from heaven: by the power of the Holy Spirit he became incarnate from the Virgin Mary, and was made man. For our sake he was crucified under Pontius Pilate; he suffered death and was buried. On the third day he rose again in accordance with the Scriptures; he ascended into heaven and is seated at the right hand of the Father. He will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead, and his kingdom will have no end. We believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father and the Son. With the Father and the Son he is worshipped and glorified. He has spoken through the Prophets. We believe in one holy catholic and apostolic Church. We acknowledge one baptism for the forgiveness of sins. We look for the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come. Amen

As well as acknowledging the scriptural message of God’s special love for the poor, it is valuable also to understand how social teaching has developed to address the modern concepts of development and how the Church as an institutional body should respond to the 1 billion poor who live on less than US$1 per day. With half of all Christians belonging to the Catholic Church, this chapter will focus primarily on how ‘development’ is understood in this tradition, but it will also have a brief exploration of how development is seen by Christians outside the Catholic tradition, by examining statements and documents from the World Council of Churches (WCC). The WCC represents over 560 million Christians, including most of the world’s Orthodox churches, and many Anglican, Baptist, Lutheran, Methodist, Reformed, United and Independent churches. Development and Catholicism: A Preferential Option for the Poor The Holy Roman Catholic Church is led by the pontiff, who is the bishop of Rome. Responsibility for the Church rests with this individual because of the concept of apostolic succession. Jesus entrusted the apostle Peter with this responsibility (John 21:15–19), which has passed from pontiff to pontiff to continue this succession. A second aspect of Catholicism that is pertinent to this particular study of the interplay between religion and development is the Living Magisterium. As the pope has the ultimate temporal responsibility for

114

Development and religion

the Church’s teaching, the belief system of Catholicism has evolved over time rather than remained static. This chapter will consider the contemporary social teaching of Catholicism to gain insights to how development is both understood and practised in this religion. Doctrinal consistency is important in Catholic social teaching, but this does not mean that positions of social justice and understanding of the role of the Catholic Church cannot evolve. The teaching of the Roman Catholic Church is known as the Living Magisterium – its very name reflects its active and ongoing nature. As a teaching that is alive, it is neither static nor complete. This teaching has two fronts: revealed truth contained in scripture and revealed truth contained outside scripture. Unlike the Protestant denomination, Catholics hold that revealed truth can be found outside the Bible and that Jesus instituted the Church so it can speak with divine authority on certain issues. The Catholic Church is a hierarchical institution with the supreme pontiff holding the Holy See of Rome. As such, the pope can speak with authority on issues of faith and morals. Indeed, such is this authority that when the pope teaches ex cathedra (when discharging his role of pastor to the entire Church) these teachings are infallible (that is not only free from error but free from the possibility of error). However, while not all teachings emanating from the pope are considered infallible,2 great weight and authority are attached to all his writing. A common means of communication for the pope is through papal encyclicals (letters to his bishops). Papal encyclicals are a means by which the pope can address certain issues that directly affect the welfare of the Church and beyond. It has been through papal encyclicals (and other papal writings) that much of the social doctrine of the Catholic Church has evolved over time. This is particularly true of teaching relevant to issues of development. A phrase within Catholic social teaching that most directly resonates with the concept of development is ‘preferential option for the poor’. This phrase was coined in the late 1960s and early 1970s, but retains currency in social teaching. While the term itself is most closely aligned with a school of theology known as liberation theology, it was also used by Pope John Paul II.3 This preferential option requires that the Church make a conscious and decisive move to assist the poor. It has taken some time to become apparent, but a historical analysis of papal encyclicals since 1891 reveals a trajectory towards a preferential option for the poor in the Church’s social teaching.4 This movement was not always constant, but there has been a steady trend in the doctrinal teaching to this understanding. That said, this trajectory was ‘shocked’ by the relative stark emergence of the new theology – liberation theology – that came from Latin America in the 1960s. This resulted in a certain recalibration of the Church’s social teaching at around this time to increase the slope of the trajectory in favour of the poor.

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

115

Leo XIII to Paul VI The starting point for understanding the Church’s contemporary perception of development dates back to Pope Leo XXIII, who issued a papal encyclical entitled Rerum Novarum (RN) in 1891.5 The primary focus of this papal letter was to protest against the harsh conditions experienced by industrial workers at that time. While the notion of the ‘developing world’ had not yet appeared in European consciousness at this time, this encyclical did lay foundations upon which future Church teaching on this matter would build. For example, Pope Leo taught that ‘a small number of very rich people have been able to lay upon the teeming masses of the labouring poor a yoke little better than that of slavery itself’ (RN 2). Moreover, rather than just noting an instance of injustice, Rerum Novarum ‘had a truly epoch-making effect in driving home the idea that Catholics must have a social conscience’ (Vidler 1964, p. 127). In this sense Rerum Novarum was not just a contribution to the doctrine of the Church but it had an effective meaning as it called for action (for the state to have a role in protecting the poor). According to Rerum Novarum, ‘… when there is a question of defending the rights of individuals, the poor and badly-off have a claim to especial consideration. The richer class have many ways of shielding themselves… whereas the mass of the poor… must chiefly depend upon the assistance of the State’ (RN 29). While Rerum Novarum also expressly taught against workers rising up against employers (maintaining social stability was very important to Leo XIII), it did call upon powerful people not just to change their hearts but also to change social structures, which would in turn eliminate instances of poverty. In this way, Leo made it quite clear that social structures brought about inequity and injustice. In 1891, the Church therefore spoke of the injustice of material inequality and the structural causes of this inequality. Some 40 years later (to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of Rerum Novarum), Pope Pius XI issued the second great social encyclical of the Catholic Church – Quadragesimo Anno (QA). This encyclical continued to express moral outrage at the suffering of the working poor (QA 29, 112) and criticised the capitalist ideals that had brought about this suffering (QA 10, 88). As with Rerum Novarum, the poor of Europe were the primary focus, but brief reference was also made to the poor living in developing countries (QA 59). Social stability remained a priority for Pius but, unlike Leo, Pius recognised that conflict between classes was a reality. In the papal letter entitled Firmissimum Constantiam (F, which was addressed to Catholics in Mexico in 19376), Pius XI allows for political action in the face of oppression and injustice: … the Church … condemns every unjust rebellion or act of violence against the properly constituted civil power. On the other hand, … if the case arose where the

116

Development and religion

civil power should so trample on justice and truth as to destroy even the very foundations of authority, there would appear no reason to condemn citizens for uniting to defend the nation and themselves by lawful and appropriate means against those who make sure of the power of the State to drag the nation to ruin. (F 35)

Thus in the mid 20th century the Church began to directly address the issue of power imbalances in the context of a developing country (Mexico). The position on political action presented between Quadragesimo Anno and Firmissimum shows a trajectory that moves away from focusing on ensuring political and social stability towards: … the possibility of disobedience and resistance to civil authorities and even a justified rebellion in certain exceptional circumstances . . By doing so [Pius] showed very clearly that the official Church does not always have to play a conservative role in society. Concern for stability is important; but stability is not the only social value, or even the highest. Justice ranks higher. There may be times when the value of justice calls the Christian community and its elders to take a risky stand on political, social and economic issues. (Dorr 1992, p. 93)

Slowly the Church was beginning to move to side with those that might be considered oppressed by the balance of power and vested interests keen to maintain the status quo. In 1941, eight years before President Truman’s inauguration speech that defined the start of the secular ‘development’ era, Pope Pius XII spoke of the right to economic development of all states. In a radio broadcast, the pope stated that economic development was not solely concerned with the quantity of material goods owned (Dorr 1992). Rather, it required social stability and equitable distribution of available goods and services. This was in contrast to the economic approach that would be prevalent in the coming decades, in which it was prescribed that equitable distribution could be sacrificed (at least in the short term) to facilitate economic growth. This was the start of the Catholic Church speaking out on behalf of the world’s poor, building on the previous teaching that addressed the rights of the poor in a European setting. In 1945 and again ten years later Pius XII also spoke of the right of countries to their independence (see Fidei Donum 1957). In this manner, the Church was calling for the international community to accept calls for decolonialisation and more equitable distribution of goods and services. Two decades after calling for economic development to consider both social stability and equitable distribution, Pope John XXIII issued Mater et Magistra (MM 1961), which in part reflected a great optimism for the future but also recognised the poverty faced by workers in certain countries as well as the poverty experienced across whole continents (MM 68). Interestingly, in this encyclical John XXIII nominated the process of ‘modernisation’ as a

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

117

significant force for positive change in the lives of the poor; he also called for countries to redistribute property now that they had experienced high levels of economic growth. The emphasis on redistribution continued the general trajectory started by Pius XII of prosperity being assessed by measures of equity, not simply quantity: ‘the economic prosperity of any people is to be measured less by the total amount of goods and riches they own than by the extent to which these are distributed according to the norms of justice’ (MM 74). It is interesting to note the terminology used by John XXIII in describing poorer countries: in line with that adopted by dependency theorists (and liberation theologians), poor countries were described as being ‘underdeveloped’ (see Gunder Frank 1967). For John XXIII, the relationship between developed and underdeveloped nations was a most important international concern. However, while the terminology used was similar, the prescriptions for action were different; according to John XXIII, underdevelopment would be resolved through the adoption of Western capital and Western skills and technology (MM 163–4). What is clear, though, is that the Church was now addressing issues found in developing nations and the interdependence of the poor and wealthy nations alike. While John XXIII saw the ownership of private property as a positive outcome and tool for economic equality, he made it clear in his final encyclical in 1963, Pacem in Terris (PT), that private property and private interests were not sacrosanct to the Church and that there was a role for the state to protect the interests of its citizens. In this manner the Church could no longer be used by conservative groups to resist land reform or other redistribution social policies in the name of the Church: ‘The common good requires that civil authorities maintain a careful balance between coordinating and protecting the rights of the citizens on the one hand, and promoting them, on the other. It should not happen that certain individuals or social groups derive special advantage from the fact that their rights have received preferential protection’ (PT 65). Thus by the early 1960s the Church was increasingly sceptical of the claims being made by modernists of the success of eradicating poverty through the transference of capitalist systems to developing nations. Gaudium et Spes (GS), which was written by the Council Fathers during the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II) and released in 1966, therefore presents a less optimistic view of the process of development, although development was still mainly understood from a Western perspective. While poverty was an urgent problem, Vatican II saw it as being addressed in practical terms which involved ‘development’ (GS 65–71). ‘A careful examination of the various prescriptions of Gaudium et Spes enables one to compile a list of some fundamental values which its authors saw as central to authentic development:

118

Development and religion

• A more equitable distribution of resources, including land (GS 71, 78.1); • A better sharing of the fruits of economic activity between the nations (GS 69.1, 70, 85–7) and within each country e.g. between farmers and the rest of the community (GS 66); • The right of workers to share in management and in the whole process of economic planning (GS 65, 68.1–2); • The right of workers to establish trade unions and, as a last resort, to go on strike in defence of their rights (GS 68.2–3); • The use of improved methods of production (GS 66.1, 87.1); • The importance of investing resources to promote development (GS 65.3); • The need to ensure that workers can live with dignity and have the opportunity to develop their talents, even in their work (GS 67); • The protection of workers against unemployment (GS 67.2) and against the effects of automation, relocation and migration which may arise from economic development (GS 66.2–3); • The importance of taking into account the needs of future generations (GS 70); • The adoption of more equitable trade between the wealthy nations and the poorer ones (GS 85.2) and the establishment of organisations to regulate this trade (GS 86.6). (Dorr 1991, pp. 170–1)

All these are very Western-centric and do not show a great appreciation of the reality of subsistence living experienced by the vast majority of the world’s poor at that time. That said, they were looking beyond just economic concerns and calling for development to incorporate notions of freedom, dignity and participation. However, the prescription was still economic expansion as understood in the Western experience. A more critical definition of development and the development process came in 1967. This new approach to development is clarified in Pope Paul VI’s Popularum Progressio (PP). Again, this is not to say that past doctrine was broken, rather that the trajectory in which the Catholic Church had been progressing in its teaching on development continued. Paul VI described development as being ‘of each person and of the whole person’ (PP 14). The term used to describe this was integral development. In this approach, development of the economic sphere is not given precedence over other dimensions, such as religion, ecology, psychology, culture or politics. Integral development was now understood as ‘the transition from less human conditions to those which are more human’ (PP 20). This involves escaping from destitution, eliminating social evils, increasing knowledge, attaining culture, developing greater respect for the dignity of others, having a spirit of poverty, cooperation for the common good, and having a will for peace. The approach allows the integration of personal, community, national and international development. Paul VI identified the power imbalance between poor and wealthy nations caused by colonialism and continued by neo-colonialism as a key driver of global inequality (PP 7–9, 52, 56–8). Interestingly, the teaching of Paul closely resembles that of dependency theory in which ‘poor nations become poor

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

119

while rich ones become still richer’ (PP 57). As with dependency theory (Gunder Frank 1967 is a seminal work in this field), Paul’s remedy was to reduce the exposure to trade of poorer countries. The similarities between this view of development and dependency theory continued with Paul’s criticism of the world’s capitalist system: … the baseless theory has emerged which considers material gain the key motive for economic progress, competition as the supreme law of economics, and private ownership of the means of production as an absolute right that has no limits … This unchecked liberalism led to dictatorship rightly denounced by Pius X as producing ‘the international imperialism of money’. One cannot condemn such abuses too strongly, because … the economy should be at the service of people. (PP 26)

In a pragmatic manner, Paul suggested very clear policies and the actions required to overcome this destitution, including: greater aid (PP 48–9), limits to trade (PP 61) and increased international development cooperation (PP 50). It was at this time that liberation theologians began to disseminate their work beyond the theological colleges of Latin America and find a wider audience. It is valuable therefore to consider how liberation theology understands issues of development so that we can compare it with the Church’s social doctrine to this point, before shifting attention back again to post-liberation theology encyclicals and social teaching. Medellin and liberation theology The term liberation theology came from Gustavo Gutierrez’s 1973 book, The Theology of Liberation. This was the first publication to synthesise a new type of thinking that had been discussed at various theological faculties and among bible study groups in Latin America over the previous decade. This book was also the academic addendum to the decisions taken at the Second Latin American Bishops’ Conference in Medellin, Colombia, in 1968. This section of the chapter will explore this theology with reference to how it impacts upon development. It is important to note from the outset that liberation theology did not emerge from a socioeconomic vacuum. The distinctive experience and history of Latin America was central in its formation, and this history will therefore be briefly discussed. The actual theology of liberation will be studied by drawing on its major proponents and a case made for why it can be considered a distinct theology separate to other teachings of the Catholic Church and the importance this has on development thinking within the Church. This chapter (like others in this volume) is not a theological discourse, but rather it is an attempt to analyse liberation theology from the viewpoint of development. That said, a theological description is needed to explain its inherent understanding of development and the practical impact this may have on the lives of the poor with whom it engages.

120

Development and religion

Liberation theology evolved from the middle of the last century, but it makes sense here to give a longer historical account of its genesis and that of the Catholic Church in Latin America because it is precisely this history that sowed the seeds for this movement. The Catholic Church entered the New World soon after Christopher Columbus. With the support of the Spanish Crown, the Church set out to match Spain’s political and social colonisation with its own religious domination. It viewed local ‘natives’ as non-humans and readily had them slaughtered by the Crown if they did not accept conversion (Gibillini, 1987). The close alignment of the Church and Crown continued throughout the Spanish colonial period, with the Church providing ‘ideological justification’ (Hennelly 1990, p. xviii) for the oppression of the poor. Although the Church did support independence for certain Latin American countries in the 19th century, it quickly resumed a neo-colonial position once independence had been achieved. Not all representatives of the Catholic Church in this period, however, supported activities that oppressed the poor. There were a number of priests during the colonial era who did challenge the inherent violence against the oppressed; these were priests such as Bartolome de las Cases, Antonio Montesinos, Jose de Acosta, and Bernardino de Sahagun (see Kirby 1981; Planas 1986 for further information on these men), who worked with indigenous people against the exploitative practices of the colonial rulers (Gibillini 1987). This distinction between the position of the Church hierarchy and that of its members working with local communities is a recurring theme in the history of liberation theology. The efforts of these individuals achieved little change, but they left a legacy of a tradition of fighting for the oppressed which would become formalised into liberation theology in the mid 20th century. This legacy was enhanced in the 1930s onwards when local Catholic organisations were established in Latin America. Initiatives such as theological faculties and journals, youth and social groups, and labour and political organisations all began to be formed and all became vital ‘infrastructure’ for producing an indigenous theology specific to Latin America. With this general enabling environment, four distinct events occurred in the 1950s and 1960s that directly attributed to the formation of liberation theology: 1) the increase in bible study groups challenging the position of social issues taken by the Church elite; 2) the rise of Friere’s mass education method of critical pedagogy; 3) the growing awareness in theological faculties of the use of ideology (by both the state and Church) to legitimise injustice; and 4) the Second Vatican Council (Gibillini 1987; Hennelly 1990). These conditions bolstered the legacy of early priests such as de las Casas and formed the environment in which liberation theology took root. By the time the Latin American bishops met in Medellin in 1968 to discuss the practical introduction of the changes heralded by the Second Vatican Council, many local

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

121

theologians had been writing on the poor as oppressed peoples. At Medellin this new theology was given practical expression through the programmes and initiatives undertaken by the bishops (Wostyn 1986). The theology of liberation theology The theology of liberation claims to be a new way of ‘doing’ theology. Previously, theology was focused on either understanding the meaning of life or understanding the relationship between God and humans (Ferm 1988). The former approach centred on wisdom and understanding the purpose of life as revealed through God to the Church. This had two purposes: to strengthen the faith of believers and to challenge non-believers through the intellectual rigour of faith. The latter approach focused on the relationship between God and those he created. It did not seek so much to comprehend the daily questions of life, but rather sought how passage into the kingdom of God could be achieved. Liberation theology is not necessarily a rejection of these two traditional types of theology, but is better understood as an amalgam of the two. It seeks to give concrete answers to the misery and oppression suffered by the people of Latin America (and since exported to all parts of the world – see for example the role of the Church in Pacific decolonisation – Regenvanu 2004) in light of God’s word in the Bible. But it also seeks to obtain salvation for the oppressed. As liberation theology is seeking answers for a particular narrative, it tends to draw on certain parts of scripture that display parallel or similar occurrences to that found in the modern world. Thus, for example the Book of Exodus is important not just because of the political liberation narrative that occurs in it, but also because of the covenant that God formed with his people. Likewise, the Book of Prophets is favoured because of its consistent rejection of injustice (see Zephaniah 3:11–13); the Gospels because they tell of Jesus’ special relationship with the poor (see Luke 17:19; Mark 2:11–12); the Acts of the Apostles because they talk of the early liberative Christian communities (Acts 2:44–6); and the Book of Revelations because it speaks of the struggle of good versus evil and the final victory over oppression. In the relationship between action and reflection, action is the more dominant partner. The action that liberation theology seeks to undertake has the grand aim of changing the world. It questions both the religious and political status quo and seeks to attain new social goals based upon scripture. This action is therefore nothing less than a development intervention and is conceived around the notion of the development of the human, not simply the development of the economic. Liberation theology is also not simply a restating of development clothed in religious rhetoric. Rather it is quite distinct from other theologies and has six primary perspectives that shape its approach:

122

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Development and religion

The oppressed and poor are the starting point for all action and reflection. The person for whom liberation theology exists is the ‘nonperson’ – the poor for whom the existing structures deprive them of living full human lives. Its analytical tools derive predominantly from the social sciences rather than traditional theology. It utilises Marxist ‘reality as conflict’ to shape its analysis issues. Praxis is the first act. Theological consideration must (and can only) follow praxis. (Brown 1978)

These six characteristics of liberation theology make it distinct both as a theology as well as a development paradigm. 1. Preferential option for the poor Liberation theology focuses primarily on the poor (Wostyn 1986). The call for ‘the preferential option for the poor’ was alluded to first in the Medellin statements in 1968 and then formally accepted at the Latin American Bishops Puebla Conference in 1979. This preferential option is the embodiment of the first characteristic of liberation theology. It calls for the Church to make a decisive and conscious move to assist the poor. Under this preferential option, the poor are no longer to be peripheral to the Church; instead they are made the body of the Church. Shifting to this option requires that the Church become poor in spirit (Wostyn 1986). It must take on the fight of the poor and not only walk alongside them but also carry their cross of oppression and misery (Nolan 1989). As the bulk of Catholics (particularly in Latin America – but also across the globe) are poor, this shift of the Church in Latin America allowed it to be for the first time the church of the Latin American people. This preferential option certainly has political implications, but the step was not taken on political grounds but rather theological ones. God felt compelled to help the oppressed throughout scripture (old and new) (Boff and Boff 1990). Widows, orphans and disabled people figure predominantly as God comes to their aid and commands his people to do the same. At the Christological (the theological study of Christ’s life) level, the authenticity of a preferential option for the poor is evident, according to liberation theologians. Jesus makes clear through word and deed his love for widows and orphans. He was constantly seen in the presence of the oppressed, and many of his disciples were poor fishermen (or social outcasts in the case of Matthew the tax collector) (Mark 1:14–20, 2:13–17). He preferred this company to that of the wealthy and ruling elite. Moreover, not only did he allow himself to be surrounded by the poor, he purposely sought them out, thus giving them the dignity which the existing religio-social structures had taken from them (Nolan 1989).

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

123

Thus, the lesson drawn by liberation theologians was that expressing faith in Christ requires expressing preferential option for the poor, which also resonates for eschatological (the theological study of the end of time) reasons. Jesus foretells Judgment Day when the saved will be rewarded for their assistance to the poor, hungry, naked, imprisoned and lonely Those that are damned are so because they did not help these oppressed people and so did not make themselves valuable to God (Matthew 20:16–20). The actions of the Apostles after Jesus’ ascension to heaven also support the preferential option of the poor. In its earliest days, all members of the Church pooled their resources and lived communally so that no member went without, thus fulfilling God’s commandment to love one another (Matthew 22:34–40; Mark 12:28–34; Luke 10:25–8). The Church of Latin America therefore chose this preferential option for the poor because it saw this as following the commands of God. God chose the poor as his people, not necessarily because being poor makes a human act more justly but because the poor have been wronged and exploited. ‘God does not will the poverty they suffer’ (Boff and Boff 1990, p. 41). Therefore, to follow God’s command, the Church must undo what human hands have made. 2. A theology for the non-person In this regard, liberation theology is not for ‘an enlightened man [sic] in a world that has come of age’ (Gibillini 1987, p. 14). Rather, because of the structures of oppression and institutional violence that exists, this theology is for the ‘non-person’. This shift in focus to a new interlocutor is crucial for it allows different questions to be raised: ‘How can we believe in God in a society that systematically crushes and destroys us? How can we believe in God as personal when everything in the world conspires to deny own personhood?’ (Brown 1978, p. 64). Liberation theology is therefore coming from a different theological perspective, just as it is approaching development from a new perspective – that of a theological base. 3. A social science theology The third component of liberation theology is the socio-analytical or historic-analytical mediation, that is, the use of social sciences to ‘find out why the oppressed are oppressed’ (Boff and Boff 1990, p. 24). As a practical theology, liberation theology is addressing the lived circumstances of the poor in today’s world. It is based on the desire to transform the temporal sphere into the kingdom of God. With this aim, liberation theology cannot simply take as its starting point an acceptance that oppression exists. To be practical and overcome this oppression it must examine its causes and the political and social structures that support its continuation. The use of analytical tools commonly used in the social sciences allows this to occur. Again, this use of the tools (and perhaps questions) of other disciplines, sets liberation theology apart from other theologies.

124

Development and religion

4. Marxism and theology Part of the socio-analytical mediation is also to argue against false ideological positions that act to hide the realities of oppression and further entrench the positions of the rich and elite. The empirical explanation of poverty in the 1960s and 1970s in the development literature of modernisation (which is closely aligned to the current neo-liberalism approach) at the time liberation theology was first espoused was considered one such false ideology. In this approach poverty is not structural, but rather is individualistic. Poor societies and countries are simply the totality of a populace that is not prepared to work and save sufficiently to achieve high levels of economic prosperity. In this regard, poverty can be overcome through a shift in personal habits and routine. Further, modernisation also allowed for poverty to exist as a collective phenomenon as a result of traditional or backward social, religious and economic practices. By modernising backward societies, prosperity could be achieved. Liberation theology rejects this analysis, viewing poverty as the ‘product of economic, social and political situations and structures … where the rich get richer at the expense of the poor, who get even poorer’ (Boff and Boff 1990, p. 26). This of course reflects the explanation supported by dependency theory, which was also rooted in the Latin American experience of this time. In dependency, poverty is explained as structural oppression, the result of economic organisations and structures in the global capitalist system that are premised on exploitation. As such, poverty cannot be overcome through conflict between the oppressed and the exploiters; a revolution of the social and economic systems is thus needed: a revolution both between and within countries. It is in trying to understand the causes of poverty that liberation theology has assumed a Marxist analytical perspective. While this association with Marxism was a cause of great concern with certain (conservative) parts of the Church hierarchy, liberation theology does not deny this link. Proponents of liberation theology argue that in order to understand the true causes of poverty they must draw upon all tools of analysis that the social sciences offer. Marxist analysis is one such tool and is important in understanding the centrality of economic factors, class struggle and the power of ideologies in analysing poverty and thus conflict in society (Boff and Boff 1990). 5. Action comes first The fifth distinct characteristic of liberation theology is the importance of praxis. The Christian duty of ‘orthodoxy’ or correct thinking should be replaced by ‘orthopraxis’ or correct action (Brown 1978). In some regards, this is reminiscent of the Jewish focus on orthopraxis. As action is so important, liberation theologians take pains to stress that any action taken with the poor should not be spasmodic or uncoordinated, but rather should be undertaken systematically and thoughtfully if it is to succeed. Actions that are taken ought to favour nonviolence means, such as moral pressure, passive

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

125

resistance, public demonstrations, and so on if they are to have enduring viability. There needs to be coordination of local action with national campaigns. All action in supporting the poor should be based on Gospel values. Action that prioritises the poor should grow out of the current context and situation of that community. However, as this action has the prescribed purpose of committing to the oppressed and non-person it must aim to transform society. This praxis can therefore be considered ‘subversive’, as it will be from below and for the ‘benefit of the poor and the powerless’ (Brown 1978). 6. Reflection comes second The relationship between action and reflection underscores liberation theology. This relationship is symbiotic and one cannot exist without the other. Liberation theology is based on the practical attainment of liberation – it is a theology built upon the actions of the poor in their search for God’s kingdom (Lovett 1984). Liberation theology can only occur at ‘sundown’ following praxis (Gutierrez 1973); it is the prayerful reaction and reflection of the poor in conflict with their oppression (Ferm 1988). This theology is the reflection of what has transpired during action that itself was a commitment to the poor. The hermeneutics (the interpretation of scriptural text) employed by liberation theologians is described as ‘militant’ because it reads the Bible with the problems of oppression in mind (Boff and Boff 1990). This view of the oppressed is unlike that of other theologies. Therefore the questions asked by liberation theologians when interpreting the Bible are different: What is God saying to the oppressed? What is God doing for the poor? How does God want the oppressed to act? Indeed, this style of hermeneutics is less interested in explanations and more interested in applications. The result of this new militant reading provides a translation of the message given in one historical and social context for the current circumstances of the poor. This therefore is less a literal translation but rather an extension of the lessons taught in a previous context translated to the current context. Liberation theology and development As already stated, the term liberation theology was coined from the title of Gutierrez’ 1973 book The Theology of Liberation. It could just as well have been titled ‘The Theology of Development’, with the resulting theology being known as ‘development theology’. However, Gutierrez consciously chose the concept of liberation over development because at that time in Latin America the term development had come to represent a process that was ‘ineffective in the long-run and counter-productive to achieving a real transformation’ (Gutierrez 1973). Just as dependency theorists coined the term underdevelopment in response to dissatisfaction with the outcomes and processes attributed to development under the modernisation approach, so too did liberation

126

Development and religion

theologians also choose to disdain the term development for that of liberation. Further, liberation also implied a much more radical economic and political independence for Latin America. Certainly Gutierrez (and other fellow theologians) saw liberation as being more complex than understood in the term development. He saw liberation as containing three levels of meaning, all of which must be borne in mind when reading or acting on liberation theology: 1) liberation means to be free from economic, social, and political conditions that are oppressive; 2) liberation means humans are able to take control of their own historical destiny; and 3) liberation means that humans are emancipated from sin (Ferm 1988). It is this final meaning of liberation that sets this development school of thought apart from secular concepts. A ‘proper’ comprehension of liberation theology is not possible without all three of these meanings being considered at once. However, the sin that Gutierrez refers to is the structural or social sin that deprives people of meaningful life (of which personal sin is often a consequence or reaction to). It is also this final meaning that critics (within the Catholic Church and beyond) ignore when charging liberation theology with being secular in nature, reductionist, politicised and Marxist. Yet, according to Gutierrez, it is precisely this meaning that is the keystone on which the rest of liberation theology relies – liberation (development) from economic and political oppression can only be achieved through the liberation from sin. With its praxis so deeply rooted in overcoming oppression, it is not surprising that the concept of salvation is also perceived as an aim for the present rather than as a concern following death – as it is traditionally perceived. ‘Salvation is not something to be achieved in another world … It is the eradication of injustice, violence and oppression’ (Ferm 1988, p. 20). Thus, salvation should be sought for this world through practical action. This practical action seeks to achieve movement from less human conditions to more human conditions. This understanding of history as movement holds that humanity can shape history and is not passive. ‘All things are called upon to develop and fulfil themselves, for every life is a vocation’ (Boff and Boff 1990, p. 68). Because this development is part of our vocation in life, the execution of this development brings us into communion with God. As it is God’s will that humans develop, to undertake this task is to be faithful to God and therefore can be salvational. This departure has significant consequences. If salvation is now understood as being the realisation of the kingdom of God on earth – rather than entering the kingdom upon death – salvation can be understood as being linked to integral development. Development is characterised as attaining the necessities of life, the acquisition of knowledge, acceptance of the dignity of all humans, working for the common good and peace, and the knowledge and acceptance of God’s love (Gutierrez 1973). It is possible therefore that it is not only those who are mate-

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

127

rially poor but also those who are affluent who can require development. Liberation theology also aims to develop or liberate these people through liberation from sin. This is in line with Freire’s (1982) argument that it would only be the poor who could truly liberate the oppressors. Development has not been defined in these terms in secular discussions. Thus the concept of integral development in liberation theology goes further than definitions of development in other approaches because its focal point is the acceptance of God. The conventional definition of removing misery and oppression is still vital but considered impossible without the parallel acceptance of God. Salvation – the attainment of God’s will – is to work towards the liberation of humankind, and is the movement from less human conditions to more human conditions. Salvation therefore is a temporal concern. Liberation theology sees the ‘elimination of misery and exploitation … [a]s a sign of the coming of the messiah’ (Gutierrez 1990, p. 72). As such it sees the kingdom of God as being built on earth. In this conception the Church must be part of the real world, not apart from it. The emancipation of sin is therefore a temporal concern not simply a pursuit of heaven. Social teaching since Medellin While the environment of the wider Church had shifted dramatically over the preceding decades, the theology of liberation was still a ‘shock’ to this broad trajectory of the Church’s social teaching. As with most external shocks, liberation theology both interrupted and moved the path being taken, in effect shifting the wider Church more quickly towards claiming for the first time to be the Church for and of the poor. To commemorate the eightieth anniversary of Rerum Novarum, Pope Paul VI wrote an apostolic letter entitled Octogesima Adveniens (OA) which gave some qualified support to the ideas being espoused by liberation theology. Paul VI shifted his focus from a consideration of issues of poverty from the perspective of economics to that of understanding poverty through the guise of politics. ‘This is why the need is felt to pass from economics to politics … The passing to the political dimension also expresses a demand by people today for a greater share in the exercise of authority and in consultation for decision making’ (OA 45–7). Certainly it is with Octogesima Adveniens that we can see how the trajectory of social teaching of the Church has been directly affected by liberation theology. However, this does not necessarily mean that there was total agreement between these perspectives. The use of Marxist analysis within liberation theology remained unacceptable to Paul (OA 34). Moreover, while Populorum Progressio used the same language and phrases as liberation theology, Medellin documents call for the raising of the consciousness of the masses, which Octogesima Adveniens pulls back from.

128

Development and religion

In 1971 the Synod of Bishops published a document called Justice in the World (JW). This document reiterated many of the previous Church teachings on international trade and relations. For example, it saw that inequity in current international relationships between nations would lead to new forms of colonization (JW 16). It also spoke boldly on the failure of modernisation to improve the lives of the poor: In the last twenty-five years a hope has spread through the human race that economic growth would bring about such a quantity of goods that it would be possible to feed the hungry at least with the crumbs falling from the table, but this has provided a vain hope in the underdeveloped areas and in pockets of poverty in wealthier areas. (JW 10)

This criticism was particularly strong as it was not just rapid population growth, rural stagnation, lack of land reform, rural–urban migration and low employment (see Dorr 1991) that exacerbated problems of poverty, it was in fact the mode of development that brought this about. The bishops made it clear that they were rejecting development as understood in mainstream secular theory. Using very poor-specific language, the bishops declared that the Church must side with the poor in these circumstances because ‘God is the liberator of the oppressed and Christ proclaims the intervention of God’s justice on behalf of the needy’ (JW 30–1). Moreover, ‘action on behalf of justice and participation in the transformation of the world fully appear to us as a constitutive dimension of the preaching of the Gospel, or, in other words, of the Church’s mission for the redemption of the human race and its liberation from every oppressive situation’ (JW 6). It is interesting at this point to reflect on the terms being used to describe the process of improving the lives of the poor. The term ‘development’ is used both in Gaudium et Spes and Populorum Progressio, whereas the term ‘liberation’ is favoured in liberation theology documents. Paul VI sought to unify these two concepts in the 1975 apostolic exhortation Evangeli Nuntiandi (EN). Liberation is given central role in Evangeli Nuntiandi (but gives it a wider meaning beyond that of just ‘political liberation’): As the main point and the very centre of his Good News, Christ proclaims salvation; this is the greatest gift of God which is liberation from everything that oppresses people, particularly liberation from sin and the Evil One, together with the joy experienced when one Knows God and is known by God, when one sees God and entrusts oneself to God. (EN 9)

By recasting the term ‘liberation’, Paul was able to use it in a way that more closely resembles earlier discussions of ‘integral development’ as used by Paul

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

129

VI. Within Evangeli Nuntiandi, liberation and development form the basis of salvation, which is the Church’s ultimate goal. Through liberation and development, salvation starts in this life but is fulfilled in eternity (EN 27). Although somewhat qualified, Pope John Paul II positioned the Catholic Church as being the Church of poor in the late 1970s and early 1980s in a variety of public speeches. John Paul spoke of the importance of the Church being in solidarity with the poor. However, he was also quick to caution against calls for the Church to focus exclusively on the poor: You know the preferential option for the poor, forcefully proclaimed at Puebla, is not an invitation to exclusivism, and would not justify a bishop’s refusal to proclaim the Word of conversion and salvation to this or that group of persons on the pretext that they are not poor … because it is duty to proclaim the whole Gospel to all people, that everyone, should be ‘poor in spirit’. But it is a call to a special solidarity with the humble and the weak, with those who are suffering and weeping, who are humiliated and left on the fringes of life and society, in order to help them realise very more fully their own dignity as human persons and children of God. (quoted in Dorr 1992, p. 278)

John Paul II was very forceful in his call for both the poor and wealthy alike to end poverty. Poverty must be addressed by the rich and powerful as they can implement the changes required. Poverty must also be challenged by the poor as well: You must struggle for life, do everything to improve the conditions in which you live, to do so is a sacred duty because it is also the will of God. Do not say that it is God’s will that you remain in a condition of poverty, disease, unhealthy housing, that is contrary in many ways to your dignity as human persons. Do not say, ‘It is God who wills it’. (Dorr 1991, p. 283)

In 1981, John Paul wrote Laborem Exercens (LE) in which he clearly committed the Church to the poor. ‘The Church is firmly committed to this cause, for she considers it her mission, her service, her proof fidelity to Christ, so that she can truly be the “Church of the poor”’ (LE 8). In Laborem Exercens John Paul was also very critical of both socialism and capitalism in equal parts. This criticism was also taken up five years later when he wrote Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (SRS). In this document, John Paul referred to firstworld, second-world, third-world and fourth-world countries. He also called for a ‘fuller and more nuanced concept of development’ (SRS 4). Development is both economic and social and a wide range of indicators are required, including: access to safe drinking water, life expectancy, housing, un/under-employment and debt. John Paul also noted that there is not a single mode of development and different countries have the right to carve out their own path in this regard (SRS 14).

130

Development and religion

Just as Paul VI attempted to bring the concepts of liberation and development together in Evangeli Nuntiandi so too did John Paul: ‘the process of development and liberation takes concrete shape in the exercise of solidarity’ (SRS 46). Development as solidarity requires the recognition of individual interdependence, which in turn requires a moral response to interdependence that results in acts of collaboration. These acts transform personal relationships which, conflated across a nation, result in nations’ changing relationships with other nations. All of which lead to radical change (SRS 33). Solidarity helps us to see the ‘other’ – whether a person, a people or nation – not just as some kind of instrument with a work capacity and physical strength to be exploited at low cost and then discarded when no longer useful, but as our ‘neighbour’, a ‘helper’ (cf. Genesis 2:18–20), to be made a sharer, on par with ourselves, in the banquet of life to which all are equally invited by God. (SRS 39)

The one-hundredth anniversary in 1991 of Rerum Novarum was commemorated with John Paul’s Centesimus Annus (CA). Reflecting the fall of the Soviet Union, this document shifts away from ‘welfare’ and moves towards giving responsibility and freedom to the poor to make their own decisions. It is not merely a matter of ‘giving from one’s surplus’, but of helping entire peoples which are presently excluded or marginalized to enter into the sphere of economic and human development … [which] requires above all a change of life-styles, of models of production and consumption, and of the established structures of power which today govern societies. Nor is it a matter of eliminating instruments of social organisation which have proved useful, but rather of orientating them according to an adequate notion of the common good. (CA 58)

The new pontiff, Benedict XVI, celebrated the fortieth anniversary of Populorum Progressio with the encyclical Caritas in Veritate (CV). The primary focus of this document was to re-emphasise the importance of Christian charity – described as being ‘at the heart of the Church’s social doctrine’ (CV 2). Benedict XVI defines charity in this sense as being concerned with the truth of Christ and his love. It is the practical expression of the Church’s concern for those most vulnerable who require justice and will benefit from an improvement in the common good. Echoing Populorum Progressio, Benedict’s encyclical makes it clear that ‘authentic human development concerns the whole person in every single dimension’ (CV 11 – from PP 14) and must include material growth, but only alongside spiritual growth. It is interesting to note that Benedict also makes it clear that integral development is now an issue that must be addressed in both developed and developing worlds – perhaps coming full circle from Rerum Novarum, which over 100 years earlier focused on the poor in industrial societies: ‘The world’s wealth is growing in absolute terms, but inequalities are on the increase. In rich coun-

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

131

tries, new sectors of society are succumbing to poverty and new forms of poverty are emerging. In poorer areas some groups enjoy a sort of “superdevelopment” of a wasteful and consumerist kind which forms an unacceptable contrast with the ongoing situations of dehumanizing deprivation’ (CV 22). In this sense, the option for the poor must also explicitly include the poor in wealthy countries. Caritas in Veritate also focuses on the importance of two relatively recent concepts in the development literature. The first is civil society, which describes those organisations that sit outside the state and market but which provide support for a functioning society (see Clarke and Missingham 2009). Benedict highlights the idea that the market itself will not function efficiently without a strong civil society that focuses on achieving distributive and social justice – for which the Church’s social doctrine calls. The second recent concept is the environment and the need for a strengthening of the ‘covenant between human beings and the environment’ (CV 50). This covenant recognises that the Church must act to ‘defend not only earth, water and air as gifts of creation that belong to everyone. She must above all protect mankind from self-destruction’ (CV 51). Conclusion Unlike the consideration of other major religions in this book, this chapter has specifically focussed on one denomination within this faith tradition – Catholicism. This has been done for two reasons. First, the number of Catholics account for around half of all adherents to this faith (and an even greater percentage in developing nations). Secondly, the organisational structure and history of Catholicism results in a very specific social teaching that has authority in this tradition. It is therefore possible to identify a ‘Catholic’ position on various issues – including development. Through the process of apostolic succession, the doctrine of the Catholic Church is ‘living’ and evolving over time. The pope primarily uses encyclicals to address current and emerging issues and describes the Church’s teaching with regards to these issues. In terms of development a very strong trajectory in this living teaching can be seen, with the Catholic Church committing itself over the past 100 years to give a preferential option towards the poor. This means that the Catholic Church is committed to be the Church of the poor with a focus on integral human development, which must include both spiritual growth and material growth. Over the past century, the Catholic Church has spoken against unjust and oppressive economic doctrines – both capitalist and communist. A specific theology (liberation theology) emerged in Latin America during the late 1960s in response to what was seen as a failure of the modernisation process. While

132

Development and religion

there appeared at times to be conflict between this new theology and the tenets of Catholic social teaching, the focus on the poor was common to both – so much so that much of liberation theology has since been comfortably accommodated in the Church’s social teaching. The evolution of the Church’s teaching on development has resulted in there now being an explicit recognition that integral human development is required in both poor and wealthy countries, wherever the poor are oppressed and excluded.

A CHRISTIAN FBO: CARITAS INTERNATIONALIS Introduction Caritas Internationalis means ‘international love’. According to the late Pope John Paul II, work undertaken by Caritas Internationalis is based upon Gospel principles. During the Last Supper, on the eve of his Passion, the Lord Jesus made a specific request to his Apostles: ‘A new command I give you: Love one another. As I have loved you, so you must love one another’ (John 13:34). Sustained by this mission, the Church has proclaimed the Gospel and bestowed the grace of the sacraments, always making sure to accompany its action with the witness of love. Therefore, since the beginning, the life of the Christian community has been characterised by the active exercise of charity, expressed in particular through attention to the poor and vulnerable (see Acts 2:42–47). For almost two hundred years, diocesan and parish groups emerged and subsequently took on the name of Caritas, with the purpose of helping those in need. As time went by, they also began to organise themselves at national and international levels. (Pope John Paul II 2004, p. 1)

The origins of this organisation stem from a small diocesan organisation set up to respond to the needs of its local parishes in Freiburg, Germany in 1897.7 The number of these organisations slowly grew across the globe and over time Caritas members in developed countries began to help Caritas organisations in other countries in times of conflict and natural disasters (Caritas Internationalis 2003). Caritas Internationalis is now a confederation of 164 Roman Catholic organisations working across the world. Of these 164 Caritas members, there are 45 located in sub-Saharan Africa, 23 in Asia, 48 in Europe, 25 in the Americas, 17 in the Middle East and North Africa and 6 in Oceania. The annual budget for the entire partnership is around

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

133

US$5.5 billion per year. Over 24 million people are directly assisted each year by Caritas in 200 countries. It employs 440,000 people and another 625,000 work in a voluntary capacity. Initially, various dioceses had established aid agencies to respond to those in need throughout the world. In the 1920s, a number of these organisations came together to form Caritas Catholica to coordinate their international efforts. Regular biennial meetings ceased during World War II, but after the conflict the Vatican appointed Caritas to represent it at the United Nations with respect to the provision of welfare to those in need. This was formalised in 1950 when the organisation relocated its headquarters to Rome.8 Pope Pius XII, wished to create an organisation in Rome which, at the level of the universal Church, would bring together national charitable organisations authorised by their respective episcopates, with a view to fostering mutual knowledge, coordination and collaboration in carrying out charitable and social activities around the world. My other predecessors also took a paternal and active interest in the development of Caritas Internationalis. The Servant of God, Pope Paul VI, was therefore able to affirm with satisfaction that the organisation was ‘at work everywhere’. (PP 46)

The link between Caritas Internationalis and the Roman Catholic Church was validated in 2004 with the confirmation of its canonical legal status. Canonical legal status brings Caritas Internationalis under the authority of the Apostolic See and as a result the pontiff must approve any changes to its constitutional statutes and rules as well as the appointment of its president and secretary general. As might be expected, the conceptual understanding of ‘development’ has shifted over time in Caritas Internationalis. The transfer of resources from wealthy countries to poorer countries characterised the relationships between Caritas members during the 1960s. Programmes undertaken were largely welfare oriented, such as the provision of education and health services and clean water. The funds transferred between Caritas members were largely raised through local church appeals. During the 1970s, there was a shift both in the manner in which the funds were raised, but also in the concept of partnership. The idea of subsidiarity gained prominence as the capacities of Caritas organisations were enhanced and as parish-level Caritas groups

134

Development and religion

were formed in developing countries. Greater control was therefore afforded to these members by Caritas organisations in wealthier countries. As the skills and capacities of Caritas members grew, they also began to implement larger development interventions – often funded through government aid programmes channelled via the relevant Caritas organisation in the donor’s home country. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the development programmes implemented focused increasingly on empowerment of local communities ‘with the aim of identifying the root causes of injustice and providing the poor with critical awareness about the forces operating in society that were oppressing them. Groups could then take collective action to liberate themselves from these injustices and work for social transformation to build a just society’ (Caritas Internationalis 2003, p. 13). This was often made more difficult by Caritas members more often operating in ethnic conflicts and so peace-building and reconciliation programmes became more common. Donor funding became more difficult to access during this time as donor demands for accountability of NGOs increased. From the mid 1990s to the present, Caritas Internationalis increased its focus on advocacy – not just on behalf of those who have been marginalised, but also to enable these people to advocate for themselves. This evolution of funding, focus and approach is recognisable in Korten’s (1990) typology of NGOs. Perhaps more than the other faith-based organisations discussed in this volume, Caritas Internationalis is closely linked to its associated religious body. This link is in its legal status but also in its identity. In terms of FBO types, Caritas Internationalis is best described as Type 2: an FBO directly linked to a religious denomination/sect/branch and formally incorporated within the institutional organisation of that religious body. Many Caritas members are often diocese based and even at the parish level. This is particularly true in developing nations where development programmes are implemented. As with all typologies though, there is some fluidity, and in this respect Caritas Internationalis also displays some characteristics found in Vidal’s second type: national networks of congregations. The strength of Caritas is that it is closely aligned with local dioceses. Therefore, while is has the financial strength associated with an international confederation able to raise funds across the globe, it is able to distribute these funds at the local level without the need to establish new structures but can utilise those of the local diocese and parish. This

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

135

provides an efficiency that many other aid agencies struggle to replicate. Caritas partnerships Partnerships between different organisations are very important to Caritas Internationalis. As it does for its mission, Caritas Internationalis draws on the Catholic concept of ‘spirituality of communion’ to describe its model of partnership. A spirituality of communion also means an ability to think of our brothers and sisters in faith within the profound unity of the Mystical Body and therefore as ‘those who are a part of me’. This makes us able to share our joys and sufferings, to sense their desires and attend to their needs, to offer them deep and genuine friendship. A spirituality of communion also implies the ability to see what is positive in others, to welcome it, and cherish it as a gift from God: not only as a gift for the brother or sister who has received it directly, but also a ‘gift for me’. A spirituality of communion means understanding how to ‘make room’ for our brothers and sisters, to bear ‘each other’s burdens’ (Gal 6:2) and resist the selfish temptations that constantly beset us and provoke competition, careerism, distrust, and jealousy. (Novo Millennio Ineunte 2001, 44)

Partnership therefore implies trust, commitment, shared vision, transparency and accountability. This does not mean that partnerships between Caritas members are not at times difficult – there are numerous challenges, including funding models, capacity, dependency – rather, that these challenges can be minimised because of the underpinning principle of solidarity (Caritas Internationalis 2003). Caritas mission Caritas Internationalis is governed by Canonical Law and its own statutes and rules. These statutes and rules provide the framework that not only establishes Caritas Internationalis as a legal entity, but also describes and sets out its vision and purposes. The form of vision of Caritas Internationalis is a ‘civilisation of love’. This is understood as a world, … which reflects the Reign of God, where justice, peace, truth, freedom and solidarity prevail, in which the dignity of the human person made in the image of God is paramount, where dehumanising poverty is no more and the goods of the Earth are shared by all, where the whole of creation is cherished and held in trust for the common good of future generations, where all people, especially the

136

Development and religion marginalized, oppressed and excluded find hope and are empowered to come to the fullness of their humanity as part of a global community. (Caritas Internationalis 2003, p. 50)

To achieve this civilisation of love, Caritas Internationalis seeks to take a leading role in implementing the Catholic Church’s social mission through spreading solidarity and social justice.9 Spreading solidarity and social justice will assist in ‘liberation from everything that oppresses humankind’ (EN 9). Caritas Internationalis describes itself in the following manner: Caritas Internationalis, the global and regional expression of the Confederation, essentially exists to benefit its members and to be the international expression of Caritas activities. The principle of subsidiarity is inherent in all our work. We aspire to play a leading role in the socio-pastoral mission of the Church, building on our credibility and authenticity, on our grassroots base, and the quality of our work. Our particular ethos and spirituality, based on Christ’s teaching and example, will permeate all our work - in our dealings with the people we serve, our partners, international institutions and with one another. The world will know Caritas by its commitment to justice and solidarity. We seek to be receptive to the signs of the times, and to adapt our working methods, structures and actions to meet the challenges of the new millennium while remaining faithful to our vision of a world of justice and solidarity springing from our Christian faith. We will strive towards being a true family of organisations, working in a united way to transform our world to one of justice for the poor and oppressed through socio-pastoral endeavour. This will be done without regard to creed, race, gender or ethnicity. Our presence at the international, regional, national and community level will bear effective witness to this vision, helping to forge a new society on the principles of social justice, valid for all the peoples of the earth. We wish to position ourselves so that we have an effective and major global and local impact in the years to come. We recognise that this requires us to be pro-active and focused so that we concentrate on those priorities in which we have the capacity to make a significant impact. (Caritas Internationalis 2008, p. 80)

There are five guiding values that underscore and inform all activities undertaken by Caritas Internationalis. These are: 1) dignity of the human person; 2) option for the poor; 3) universal destination of the earth’s goods; 4) solidarity; and 5) stewardship. These five values draw heavily from the social teaching of the Catholic Church. For example, the destination of the earth’s goods, which means that any economic, political, cultural or social structures that oppose or oppress or prevent changes that would

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

137

bring justice are sinful, comes from the papal encyclical Centesimus Annus (CA 31). Likewise, the fourth guiding value of solidarity is explained in Sollicitudo Rei Socialis: solidarity is ‘not a feeling of vague compassion or shallow distress at the misfortunes of so many people … On the contrary, it is a firm and persevering determination to commit oneself to the common good; that is to say, to the good of all and of each individual because we are all really responsible for all’ (SRS 38.4). Under these five guiding values are ten guiding principles: 1. Caritas Internationalis is closely tied to the Catholic Church. Its primary purpose is to be the practical expression of the Church’s social mission. 2. Caritas Internationalis has as key strength its ability to connect with local communities and bring attention to their issues at national and international levels. Whilst Caritas Internationalis is willing to speak on the behalf of the poor, they seek first to enable the poor to speak for themselves. 3. Caritas Internationalis is built upon subsidiarity so that while the partnership should work together to achieve the common mission, local autonomy for decision making is the first principle of organisation. 4. Caritas Internationalis is committed to learning from its actions and sharing lessons learned throughout the partnership and beyond in order to become more effective in future activities. 5. Caritas Internationalis understands good development as resulting in the promotion of human dignity. As such, development interventions as well as relief and emergency work should not disempower individuals. 6. Caritas Internationalis exists as a true partnership. This partnership must be based upon mutual respect, trust, goodwill, shared vision and common values. It is characterised by transparency and accountability in the transfer of resources and information. 7. Caritas Internationalis seeks to cooperate with other organisations – be they Catholic, Christian, other faiths or secular – that share a vision of a civilization based on love. 8. Caritas Internationalis understands that resources have been entrusted to them and as such must be used in an effective and efficient manner. Member organisations must be transparent and accountable not only to themselves and the Catholic Church, but more importantly – to the poor.

138

Development and religion

9. Caritas Internationalis continues to strengthen its own capacities as an organisation so it can deliver more effective programming in more efficient ways. 10. Caritas Internationalis witnesses to its faith primarily through actions and the way it interacts with the world. This involves being open, transparent and visible. (Caritas Internationalis 2008) Work in different sectors Caritas Internationalis works across a range of development sectors. It provides humanitarian assistance, it is involved in advocacy campaigns, it delivers HIV and AIDS care and prevention programmes, it responds to changing climatic conditions for local communities, it works towards reconciliation in places of conflict, and it addresses human trafficking. In 2007, the general assembly ratified a new strategic framework in which humanitarian assistance, integral human development and building sustainable peace became the central themes of a single programme to help the poor to transform their own lives. Issues such as climate change, gender and empowerment of the poor were also considered, with emphasis on the special position of Caritas Internationalis as an agent for change (Caritas Internationalis 2007a, p. 32). Emergency relief Caritas’ ability to respond immediately to complex humanitarian emergencies illustrates the effectiveness of utilising existing local and organic church networks. In 2008, Caritas was able to assist directly 26,000 people in Myanmar following the destruction of Cyclone Nargis. While the military regime in Myanmar largely held back the international community from providing humanitarian assistance immediately after the cyclone (see ICG 2008) Caritas was able to distribute much-needed aid. As one of the only international agencies able to operate within Myanmar for some weeks, Caritas was often the first deliverer of aid to those in need. Moreover, given the international resources it was able to call upon, it provided ‘over 100,000 people with basic food staples, around 40,000 people with non-food items such as blankets and mosquito nets, and thousands of other families with household hygiene and sanitation kits (Caritas Internationalis 2008, p. 6). In 2008, for example, Caritas Internationalis responded to 40 complex humanitarian emergencies with aid valued at US$77 million.

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

139

Advocacy As a lead agency in the Make Poverty History campaign and its predecessor – Jubilee 2000 – Caritas Internationalis plays an important role in advocating at the international level in conjunction with other aid agencies. Caritas is campaigning for: … a clear timetable for meeting the 2005 promise to give 0.5 percent of gross national income (GNI) in aid by 2010, and subsequently to increase the proportion to 0.7 percent; an end to the practice of counting debt relief as aid; responsible new lending that will not lead to a renewed debt crisis; a commitment that aid and debt relief are not tied to conditions that are unacceptable to developing countries. (Caritas Internationalis 2007a, p. 19)

Caritas Internationalis also provides appropriate support to those in need in ‘developed’ nations. The global financial crisis saw Caritas organisations in Germany, the USA, Spain and elsewhere provide basic relief services to growing numbers of people affected by the crisis (Caritas Internationalis 2008). Climate change In recognition of the growing impact of a changing climate, Caritas Internationalis has established a climate change unit to advocate for a post-Kyoto international protocol. This work is being done in partnership with the International Cooperation for Development and Solidarity – ‘a network of 16 Catholic development agencies in Europe and North America. The campaign will lobby for a strong, enforceable agreement to address the impact of climate change’ (Caritas Internationalis 2007a, p. 13). The advocacy position taken by Caritas Internationalis regarding the design of the post-Kyoto protocol has the following objectives: • All countries should recognize and protect the right to sustainable development of people in developing countries, and prioritise the most vulnerable, • Industrialised countries should provide sufficient, secure additional and accessible financial and technological support for adaptation and mitigation efforts by developing countries, • Industrialised countries should commit to at least 30–40 percent reduction in emissions by 2020 (based on 1990 levels). (Caritas Internationalis 2008, p. 17)

Caritas Internationalis also works directly with affected communities in a range of activities, including water and food security, health, natural disasters, land loss, loss of biodiversity, conflict

140

Development and religion

and migration (Caritas Internationalis 2008). Eighty-five per cent of member organisations of Caritas Internationalis report they have had to adapt their normal programming to take into account the effects of climate change upon their communities. HIV and AIDS Africa has been particularly affected by HIV and AIDS (UNAIDS 2009). Caritas Internationalis provides around one-quarter of all care and prevention programmes implemented in Africa, and was often among the first aid agencies to address these emerging crises during the early 1980s (Caritas Internationalis 2007b). Caritas Internationalis also provides direct support to those with HIV, supplying food, medical treatment, counselling, skills training and employment, and literacy training. Reducing the stigma associated with HIV and AIDS is also an important part of its interventions. Caritas Internationalis is addressing HIV and AIDS in other regions of the world. In India, for example, it has worked closely with the bishops to develop a HIV and AIDS policy for the Catholic Church. The objectives of this policy are to: • • • • •

•

Increase awareness about HIV/AIDS, knowledge of its modes of transmission and means of prevention among all sections of the society in the spirit of the teachings of the Church. Follow the mandate given by the Lord ‘to heal every disease and every infirmity’ and to give care to the people infected and affected by HIVAIDS, especially women and children. Evolve meaningful and appropriate strategies for timely interventions for prevention, treatment, care and support based on Catholic values. Provide guidelines to health care providers in offering compassionate and loving care to the infected in settings such as hospitals, hospices, palliative care units, families and the community. Motivate educational, developmental and welfare institutions and associations, as well as youth, women and family groups in the parishes, to mainstream HIVAIDS into their ongoing programmes. Effectively address issues related to stigma, discrimination, gender, equity, human rights, and to particularly empower the vulnerable population. (Caritas India 2005, p. 10)

At the global level, Caritas Internationalis has launched a campaign to increase HIV diagnosis and access to childfriendly medicines to improve survival rates among children (Caritas Internationalis 2008).

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

141

Peace and reconciliation Poverty is both a driver and consequence of conflict. It is therefore not surprising that Caritas Internationalis works in many places of conflict (Caritas Internationalis 2008). Peace-building means long-term building of peaceful, stable communities; it needs to be grounded in justice and reconciliation to restore relationships and transform unjust systems. Peace-building focuses on building relationships with partners as an integral part of establishing peace in violence-prone areas. With its grassroots presence, Caritas is in an ideal position to help mediate, establish peace committees, rectify false information, reduce stereotyping and promote human rights. (Caritas Internationalis 2007a, p. 24)

As well as addressing the consequences of conflict through the provision of health services and implementing other community development interventions, Caritas Internationalis is also involved in addressing the conflict itself through its peace-building activities. Working in Africa, the Middle East and Asia, Caritas Internationalis provides training facilitators to overcome conflict through negotiation, mediation, nonviolence and integration. An example of this work is the Inter-religious Peace Commitment Foundation in Sri Lanka. Leaders from Sri Lanka’s major religious traditions (Hindus, Christians, Buddhists and Muslims) have met regularly since 1982 to work towards a peaceful solution to the civil conflict in Sri Lanka. In Colombia, ‘Caritas tries to help children express their fears with creative activities such as the making of masks that they can use to take part in role play, which gives a voice to the emotions they might not otherwise be able to express’ (Caritas Internationalis 2008, p. 10). Human trafficking Forced migration and human trafficking are often consequences of low economic development and limited choices. Those most vulnerable to forced migration and human trafficking are the young (especially women) and those facing limited economic opportunities in their own communities. Forced migration and human trafficking can occur across borders or within a country. For Caritias Internationalis the solution ‘is global action based on development, which will involve addressing poverty, social inequality, conflict, famine, persecution and unequal access to resources. Richer nations tend to see migrants as a mobile labour force, ignoring the effects on individuals and families’ (Caritas

142

Development and religion

Internationalis 2007a, p. 29). Caritas member organisations operate a range of activities to minimise forced migration, including counselling and provision of microfinance to women at risk of migration. Specific interventions must also be implemented for those who have been trafficked. ‘Caritas provides counselling and bureaucratic assistance to migrants, who may find themselves in a country where they do not know the language. It offers legal advice, language courses, skills development and help in finding employment. It also offers moral and psychological support. And Caritas raises awareness among communities and host governments about the meaning and benefits of integration’ (Caritas Internationalis 2008, p. 22). Conclusion Caritas Internationalis is a significant aid agency with a presence in nearly all countries across the globe. Utilising local organisations at the diocese and parish level, Caritas Internationalis has the advantages of local networks in addition to international partnerships that can leverage substantial funds from both the private and public sectors. Caritas Internationalis is intimately associated with the Catholic Church, having canonical legal status (bringing the organisation formally under papal authority), and also draws its vision from Gospel principles and the Church’s social teachings, including papal encyclicals. This relationship with the Catholic Church is also symbiotic in a very real sense as Caritas has the responsibility of delivering relief and development interventions and representing the Catholic Church at appropriate international forums on these issues. Caritas Internationalis has evolved both its programming and conceptualisation of development along lines similar to other secular NGOs. It currently operates across the entire spectrum of programming sectors with particular interest in peace-building and reconciliation.

NOTES 1. The following version is found in English Language Liturgical Consultation 1988, pp. 16–17. 2. There are certain conditions that must be met for papal teachings to be considered infallible, including teaching in his public and official role of pastor and doctor to all Christians, teaching on doctrinal issues of faith or morals, teaching with supreme authority, and teaching in order to bind the whole Church (Toner, 1910). 3. It is widely thought that the positions contained in the papal encyclicals are conservative and in conflict with the Marxist-inspired teaching of liberation theology. However, as will be

Christianity: development as an option for the poor

143

discussed, other than a 1983 ‘Instruction on Certain Aspects of the “Theology of Liberation”’ (which itself was overridden by an ‘Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation’ issued in 1986), the theology contained in liberation theology and the social teaching in the papal encyclicals have a great deal in common. 4. While social teachings of various Church leaders have discussed the poor throughout the millennia, they did so in a context in which poverty was a phenomenon of the age, not in the context of the great disparity between poor and wealthy as experienced currently. 5. Much of the following discussion draws on Dorr (1992). 6. Firmissimum was the final of a series of three encyclicals written by Pius in 1937 that addressed obedience to civil authorities. The first was Mit brenneder Sorge which spoke against the Nazi regime in Germany, the second was Divini Redemptois, in which communism is condemned. 7. Schmidhalter (2007) provides a full history of Caritas Internationalis. 8. The organisation changed its named to Caritas Internationalis in 1957. 9. Various fundraising mechanisms are used across the different Caritas Internationalis partner offices. While many are quite similar to funding in secular NGOs, the Australian office does run a specific campaign called Project Compassion. This campaign runs during the Lenten period, a time where Catholics traditionally give up something in order to assist them with their spiritual preparations for the coming Easter celebrations.

6. Islam: equality and action OVERVIEW OF BELIEFS Introduction Islam derives its name from the human experience to which this faith gives rise. The word ‘Islam’ is based on the root s-l-m, which has two connotations – peace and surrender. Thus, Islam means the peace that results from surrendering one’s life to God (Smith 1991). The historical figure upon which Islam rests is Muhammad.1 Adherents of Islam are known as Muslims, and are the third ‘people of the book’, sharing a common Abrahamic ancestry with Judaism and Christianity. There are 1.3 billion Muslims (20 per cent of the global population) worldwide. Nearly 70 per cent of all Muslims live in Asia (including the Middle East), while just over a quarter live in Africa. Indonesia’s nearly 200 million Muslims makes it the country with the highest number of adherents to this religion. Only a small percentage of Europe’s population are Muslim (around 2.5 per cent), and there are even fewer in North America (0.5 per cent of the population), Latin America (0.15 per cent) and Oceania (0.05 per cent) (O’Brien and Palmer 2007). Islam is the state religion of 25 countries. As Islam originates within the Abrahamic tradition, it is a monotheist religion. Indeed, the term for God within Islam is Allah, which literally means ‘the God’. The shared history of Islam and Judaism (and Christianity) is common up to the time of Abraham. According to the Islamic and Jewish (and Christian) faith, God created man and woman – Adam and Eve. Their descendants led to Noah. Noah had a son named Shem (from where the term Semite comes), who in turn had a line of descendants culminating in Abraham. It is at this point that the Jewish and Islamic traditions divide. Abraham was married to Sarah, who was unable to conceive a child with him. Desiring to continue the familial line, Sarah offered her own maidservant (a woman named Hagar) as a surrogate, with the intent the child would belong to Sarah and Abraham. Abraham had a child by Hagar, and this boy was named Ishmael. At this time, though, Sarah did conceive her own child and subsequently gave birth to a boy who was named Isaac. This story is found in both the Islamic tradition and the Jewish tradition – though significant differences exist. In the Jewish tradition 144

Islam: equality and action

145

(see Genesis 16), Abraham did not marry Hagar and she refused to hand over the child. Sarah responded by banishing Hagar and Ishmael from their land. Ishmael was therefore not recognised as Abraham’s son and so, when Sarah gave birth to her own son soon after, this child, Isaac, assumed the mantle of heir instead of the elder (and illegitimate) son Ishmael. In the Muslim tradition, the very act of bearing Abraham’s son lifted Hagar from slavery and gave her the rights of a wife (indeed, some Muslims claim this constituted a lawful marriage, but this claim does not seem universal). Thus Ishmael was the legitimate heir of Abraham as the eldest child. Following their banishment, Hagar and Ishmael moved away to Arabia and in time this tribe gave rise to Muhammad and Islam, while Isaac’s descendants remained in Palestine and became known as the Hebrews. In the ensuing millennia, the descendants of Ishmael moved away from their previously monotheist beliefs.2 Over time, a pantheon of animalistic gods or spirits was introduced; belief in the God of Abraham continued, the sole worship of this God declined and other ‘lesser gods’ gained prominence and increased their following, with many people worshipping numerous gods.3 Many of these gods came to personify the terrors of the desert itself, which was probably a direct result of the harsh desert conditions that they lived in at that time. However, these spirits did not imbue Ishmael’s descendants with high moral standards. Society was characterised by chaos and often resembled little more than anarchy; rolling tribal battles were ongoing, living standards were low and it was common to assault neighbours to access food and other material comforts. It was into this irreligious and combative community that the great prophet Muhammad was born in 570 CE. As in Judaism, God used earthly prophets to spread his message and communicate with his people. Their influence had clearly waned by Muhammad’s birth, but there had been earlier prophets in Ishmael’s lineage. However, Muhammad became known as the supreme prophet after whom no other prophets would follow. Thus he became known as the ‘Seal of the Prophets’. This acclaim did not come until later in his life. Following the death of his own father just days before his birth and his mother’s death when he was just six, Muhammad grew up in his uncle’s service. The family was relatively comfortably off for the times, but he still was required to work hard. From a young age he tended his uncle’s sheep, but he was happy to undertake this difficult and onerous task. Indeed, his gentle and caring nature to all he encountered became widely known and he was given various honorifics, such as ‘the True’, ‘the Upright’ and ‘the Trustworthy One’. Given the turbulent times in which Muhammad lived, such a character was clearly outside the norm. Tradition also tells us that, while Muhammad was widely regarded for his kindness and compassion, he was also aloof from his peers and family and unable to countenance the lawlessness of his contemporaries.

146

Development and religion

This uneasiness continued to develop as he grew older. As he entered adulthood, Muhammad left his uncle’s employ and began work on commercial trading caravans. Given the lawlessness of the time and the high rate of physical violence, such work was extremely dangerous. Yet, despite this, Muhammad achieved some commercial success. When he was 25 he began working for a wealthy widow 15 years his senior, who in time became his wife. At this time, Muhammad also began to search for a meaning that was not evident in the prevailing religious practices and beliefs; not knowing his precise destination, Muhammad began a 15-year odyssey for spiritual truth. He undertook periods of contemplation and solitude in a mountain cave on the outskirts of the city of Mecca and began to understand that the God of Abraham was the one true God. In the year 610 CE, Allah sent an angel to Muhammad to tell him to proclaim his greatness to the world: Proclaim in the name of your Lord who created! Created man from a clot of blood. Proclaim: Your Lord is the Most Generous, Who teaches by the pen Teaches man what he knew not. (Qur’an 96:1–3)

Muhammad initially feared the role Allah had set for him, but it was soon apparent that he had no choice but to become the prophet of Allah. ‘Mohammed’s life was no longer his own. From that time forth it was given to God and to humanity, preaching with unswerving purpose in the face of relentless persecution, insult, and outrage, the words that God was to transmit for twenty-three years’ (Smith 1991, p. 226). Just as the prevailing anarchic conditions of the time gave rise to Muhammad’s dissatisfaction, so too did they give rise to the conditions that made Allah’s mission resisted. The descendants of Ishmael were not ready to redeem themselves and so Muhammad’s role as a prophet of Allah was not easy. Early Days: Politics and Religion The journey from camel driver to the political and spiritual leader of the Arab world was therefore not without difficulty. For the first few years following his revelations, Muhammad was initially ridiculed and then physically beaten for his preaching. He gathered only a few followers; the rest of society remained hostile to his teaching. The reasons for the hostility can be reduced to three: 1) its uncompromising monotheism threatened polytheistic beliefs and the considerable revenue that was

Islam: equality and action

147

coming to Mecca from pilgrimages to its 360 shrines (one for every day of the lunar year); 2) its moral teachings demanded an end to the licentiousness that citizens clung to; and 3) its social content challenged an unjust order. (Smith 1991, p. 227)

Indeed, Muhammad spoke very strongly against class distinctions and in support of the equality of all before the law. It is this message of equality that flavours quite strongly the contemporary Islamic understanding of and approach to development. As for other prophets, Muhammad’s lack of recognition by his own people is perhaps not surprising. While he was being persecuted by the citizens of Mecca, he was feted by the citizens of the nearby city of Yathrib (later to be known as the ‘City of the Prophet’ or Medina), to Mecca’s north. Acknowledging their own internal disputes, these people were seeking a strong leader to help them overcome their divisions. When they agreed to forgo all other gods and worship Allah alone, Muhammad consented to become their political and spiritual leader. Somewhat strangely and despite their rejection of his teaching, the political leaders of Mecca were not pleased to see Muhammad leave and did all they could to prevent him from migrating. However, according to tradition, Muhammad and his faithful apostle Abu Bakr eluded capture and made their way safely to Yathrib4 under Allah’s protection. This migration is heralded by Muslims as the turning point in their history and the date from which their calendar starts. At Yathrib, Muhammad succeeded in both the political and spiritual realms, bringing peace and prosperity to the citizens. Though perhaps risking drawing too long a bow, it is interesting to compare the political inclinations of the main protagonists of Christianity, Buddhism and Islam. Jesus was mocked at his crucifixion as ‘King of Jews’. The Jews were waiting for a Messiah that would free them from the political yoke of the Romans, but Jesus did not seek a political victory, rather proclaiming that ‘my kingdom is from another place’ (John 18: 36). Similarly, Siddhartha had two potential destinies, one to act as a saviour to the world, the other to become a mighty political leader who would unite the world. As with Jesus, he chose the option that focused on liberation not of this world. However, Muhammad was able to be both a prophet of Allah and a great political leader and unifier of his people. So, unlike Jesus and Buddha, who purposely separated the political from the spiritual, Muhammad did not see the need for such a duality. While Muhammad was alive, Islam was both church and state (Peters 2001) and Muhammad was simultaneously prayer leader and chief bureaucrat, preacher and general.5 Indeed, Muhammad fought in various battles, even suffering physical injuries (Shepherd 2009). The impact of this conflation of divine and state on the contemporary approach to the development of Islam will be discussed later in this chapter.

148

Development and religion

Over a 20-year period, God revealed to the illiterate Muhammad his infallible revelation.6 These revelations were retold by Muhammad and transcribed and collated. These collated words are known as the Qur’an.7 Just as Jesus was God made incarnate, so too do Muslims hold that God is in the words the Qur’an is. This is an important distinction between Christian belief and Muslim belief. Muslims do not claim any divinity for Muhammad; he was the supreme prophet, but not divine himself. Rather, it is the Qur’an that is divine – it is God’s direct word, not spoken through prophets but spoken directly to the ultimate prophet.8 ‘In the Koran, God speaks in the first person. Allah describes himself and makes known his laws’ (Smith 1991, p. 235). He does not need an intermediary. Therefore, for Muslims the Qur’an has an authenticity that is not found in the sacred texts of Judaism or Christianity.9 The Qur’an has 114 chapters (of diminishing length) that were revealed to Muhammad over a 22-year period. In addition to God’s word in the Qur’an, Muhammad’s own words, deeds, and silence on issues, are recorded in the Hadith, which is also revered as a sacred teaching (though having slightly less authority than the Qur’an). As Muhammad was the ultimate prophet there are no others to whom God divinely communicates. Nor is there a concept similar to that which exists in the Catholic Church of apostolic succession. In a very real sense the final word is that revealed to Muhammad. Thus there is no potential for Islam to develop a Living Magisterium of the kind that exists in the Catholic Church. That said, local clergy (khatib) do assume responsibility for teaching and delivering moral education. This generally occurs at the conclusion of the Friday noon prayer and addresses issues such as ‘justice, equality, obligations towards the family, respect for parents, asking forgiveness, observing modesty, the reconciliation of estranged friends’ (Peters 2001, p. 101). However, given the total authority of the Qur’an and Hadith, there is great consistency of teaching in these sermons the world over. This may also be explained by the proclamation of the Qur’an primarily in Arabic, the language in which it was first revealed. In order to protect God’s word from corruption, the Qur’an is generally not translated into other languages.10 Of course, Muslims – in a manner reminiscent of the Buddha’s reluctance to use a limited language to describe nirvana – also recognise that God’s direct revelation is also limited through the use of human language.11 As has occurred in the other world religions, a division within Islam developed soon after the death of Muhammad. There are two main traditions in Islam, although the adherents of one greatly outnumber the other.12 Sunni Muslims number around 1.1 billion and form the majority of believers in most Muslim countries. They believe that Muslim leadership should be held by democratically elected caliphs (spiritual leaders) in accordance with the sayings and customs of Muhammad as contained within the Haddith. Shi’a Muslims believe that Muhammad’s authority was passed to his son-in-law

Islam: equality and action

149

(Ali) and that Muslim leadership should be hereditary. There are fewer than 200 million Shi’a Muslims worldwide, though they are the majority in Iraq, Bahrain, Azerbaijan and Yemen (Palmer and O’Brien 2007). Given the very significant dominance of the Sunni and that the split between Shi’a and Sunni is more closely linked to organisational authority than to doctrinal difference, this division will be discussed less than other religious divisions in this book. Core Islamic Tenets There are four basic theological premises of Islam. At its base, there is one God, Allah. The second premise is that God created the earth; the importance of this is that the act of creation means that all that is created is good. The third belief is that each one of us has a soul that is again fashioned by God. One consequence of this is humanity’s ‘fundamental nature is unalterably good, so they are entitled to self-respect and a healthy self-image’ (Smith 1991, p. 239). As we are created by God, we must first give thanks to God for this existence, but also surrender ourselves to him. Giving oneself to Allah actually frees oneself from other desires, which Buddhists might describe as tanha. Finally, there is a judgment day, at which time we are held to account for our decisions. Our earthly existence provides one opportunity only to live a virtuous life in order to gain God’s favour. Heaven is reserved for those who have lived as God intended and hell will be a place for those who have not. It is God who gives you life and later causes you to die. It is He who will gather you all on the Day of Resurrection. Of this there is no doubt … As for those who have faith and do good works, their lord will admit them to His mercy. Theirs shall be a glorious triumph. To the unbelievers … the evil of their deeds will manifest itself to them and the scourge at which they scoffed will encompass them. (Qur’an 45:24–33)

Of course, this is not to say that Allah is not a loving God. Indeed, the compassion and mercy of Allah are cited nearly 200 times in the Qur’an, while the wrath and anger of Allah is spoken of fewer than twenty times. Allah’s love for His people is overwhelming; Allah is: The Holy, the Peaceful, the Faithful, the Guardian over His servants, the Shelterer of the orphan, The Guide of the erring, the Deliverer from every affliction, the Friend of the bereaved, the Consoler of the afflicted; in His hands is good, and He is the generous Lord, the gracious, the Hearer, the Near-at-Hand, the Compassionate, the Merciful, the Very-forgiving, whose love for man is more tender than that of the mother-bird for her young. (Ali 1902, p. 150)

These four tenets provide the basis for a very practical religion. If Islam is to be characterised in anyway, it is its practical nature that most differentiates

150

Development and religion

it from the other world religions. As already discussed, in contrast with the origins of Buddhism and Christianity in which earthly political involvement was eschewed, Muhammad was a political leader as well as prophet. Thus from Islam’s genesis it has been grounded in the day-to-day circumstances of its adherents. It is this practical and political focus that Islam has much to engage with in terms of modern development concepts. While the basic teachings of Jesus and Muhammad are similar – love one another as God loves you – the period of preaching of Jesus was limited to around three years, but Muhammad, as did the Buddha, had a career that extended beyond two decades. Like the Buddha therefore, Muhammad was able to provide very specific and systemised teaching that moves beyond that solely concerned with living a righteous life. This teaching is contained in the Qur’an but is also based on Muhammad’s own decision-making as political leader.13 In addition to being a spiritual guide, [the Qur’an] is a legal compendium. When its innumerable prescriptions are supplemented by the only slightly less authoritative haddith – traditions based on what Mohammed did or said on his own initiative – we are not surprised to find Islam the most socially explicit of the Semitic traditions. Westerners who define religion in terms of personal experience would never be understood by Muslims, whose religion calls them to establish a specific kind of social order. Islam joins faith to politics, religion to society, inseparably. (Smith 1991, p. 249)

It is therefore this practical call to action in the Muslim faith that makes it possible for it to have a specific view of what Islamic development might look like and might entail. Islamic Engagement with the Modern If development is effectively a modernist construct based on Western secular principles (see Chapter 1 for a defence of this position), then the engagement of Islam with the modern will be a very important aspect of how development is perceived and practised in Islam and by Muslims. This of course requires an identification of development and progress with the West – an acceptance many Muslims reject (Shepherd 2009). Contact between Christians and Muslims increased as the Ottoman Empire spread into Europe in the 15th century, which ‘spurred Europe to greatly increase its knowledge about Islam and Muslim societies for military, political and economic reasons. As in earlier times, this learning was to a large extent also designed to further the Christian missionary effort’ (Saeed 2008, p. 103). As European colonisation pushed back the Ottoman Empire and various parts of the Muslim world, this interest in Islam also became an academic interest. The University of Leiden, for example, established Oriental Studies in 1575 and appointed its first professor

Islam: equality and action

151

of Arabic in 1593. During the mid 19th century, the long-standing divide between Islam and the West broke down as Western colonisation expanded and the Ottoman Empire declined (see Owen 2003). More recently, much has been written on the clash of cultures between Islam and the West (read Christianity) and the apparent irreconcilable differences between them (see Huntington 1993),14 but this perceived screen of insurmountable difference has a longer history (see Said 2003). The extent to which Islam and the West cannot accommodate one another still remains contested. The events of 11 September 2001 appear to have become a marker in the current debate on the lack of a common reference point between Islam and the West. However, nationalism appears to be a more dangerous doctrine than Islam in understanding this perceived ‘clash’. In the dominant Western understanding Islam cannot operate in a secular modern world and therefore cannot accommodate modern concepts such as human rights, gender equality and political freedom. Such reading, though, fails to consider Islam’s own period of renaissance in the mid 18th century when great amounts of energy were expended on reconciling Islam and the Western world (Henderick 2008; Hourani 1982; Kurzman 2002 – also see Shepherd 2009 for discussion of various major thinkers and practitioners at this time). This period, known as Nahda, was a very important time in Islamic history and allowed an engagement with the West that had previously been absent. Leading Islamic thinkers of the Nahda movement sought simultaneously to accept the positive aspects of modernity while maintaining their own rejection of secular materialism. However, it was not simply an accommodation of modern thinking in Islam that was desired. Rather, Nadha intellectuals also sought to offer Islam as a paradigm by which the West could see its own shortcomings. It was also the moral corruption and focus on materialism in Western countries at this time that these Muslims wished to challenge and saw Islam as offering an alternative. Cutting through this, though, was a third strand of the Nadha – the compatibility between science and Islam. Scientific inquiry is well-regarded in the Qur’an; indeed, there are 750 distinct Qur’anic verses that have a bearing on science.15 There are two ways in which this view might be developed. Clearly, society is not structured in the way it was in the time of Muhammad, and new issues arise and new situations must be addressed. Two distinct schools of thought exist as to how these sacred teachings should be considered: textualist and contextualist. Much of today’s Qur’anic scholarship is based on a textualist methodology … Textualist scholars rely on a referential theory of meaning to interpret the Qur’an, drawing mainly on linguistic rather than social or historical analysis. Scholars who adopt this approach believe that the language of the Qur’an has concrete, unchanging references, and therefore the meaning that a Qur’anic verse had upon its revelation

152

Development and religion

still holds for the contemporary context. For most textualists, the meaning of the Qur’an is static: Muslims must adapt to this meaning. In comparison to textualist approaches, it is arguable that the contextualists have a more nuanced approach to finding ‘meaning’ in the Qur’anic texts. A common characteristic of contextualist scholars is that they argue that a meaning of a particular Qur’anic verse (or hadith) is, to a large degree, indeterminate. Meaning, in this sense, is said to evolve over time, and is dependent upon the socio-historical, cultural and linguistic contexts of the text. (Saeed 2008, p. 221)

An outcome of this approach might be to see ‘liberation’ as a key theme of the Qur’an (Esack 1997). The same division is also evident between Christian groups and scholars: those who want to interpret everything in the Bible as literally true (creation versus evolution, for example) and/or everything to be directly implemented (for example, women not being in the ministry or not having authority over men in church/family at least), in contrast to those who want to interpret the Bible in its original context, derive principles, then reinterpret it into today’s context. The tension that may exist between the modern world and that taught in a sacred text will be largely determined by whether the textual or contextual approach is taken. The contextual analysis to understanding the Qur’an is becoming increasingly used by certain scholars, particularly in understanding the connection between Islam and the modern world.16 The implementation of the Qur’an cannot be carried out literally in the context of today because this may result in thwarting the very purposes of the Qur’an, and that, although the findings of the fuqaha [jurists] or the ulama [scholars] of Islam during the past thirteen centuries or so should be seriously studied and given their due weight, it may well be found that in many cases their findings were either mistaken or sufficed for the needs of that society but not for today. (Rahman 1966, p. 127)

Such approaches seek to move away from legalistic interpretations of the Qur’an, and rather seek the larger message. For these scholars, the Qur’an describes a just society that empowers the poor, weak and vulnerable. In this sense, Muhammad should be viewed as social reformer, challenging social injustices. Islam and Development As already said, Islam is a very practical religion. Just as the Buddha gave many very clear instructions of how to respond in very specific circumstances, so too is such clear guidance found in both the Qur’an and Hadith. Muslim teaching is not just concerned with religious or spiritual practice (belief in one God, prayer, charity, fasting and pilgrimage), but also with

Islam: equality and action

153

social etiquette. ‘For example, the Qur’an advises Muslims not to visit people when they are resting and provides guidelines on how to greet one another, dress appropriately and how to interact with the Prophet’ (Saeed 2008, p. 73). It also sets out very detailed legal directives addressing marriage, divorce and child custody. In contrast, Christ did not deviate from the larger message of God’s love to describe, for example, how warfare might be conducted, how to distribute the bounties of battle, or how to organise a cessation of hostilities – all of which Muhammad provided principles for. In Islam, faith is closely linked to action. The Arabic term for righteousness is birr, which also translates as social justice and love. Therefore a righteous Muslim is also a Muslim who loves others and seeks social justice for the poor and disempowered. Very early in the Qur’an help for the poor is made a central tenet of Muslim faith. Righteousness is not to turn your faces towards the East and the West; the righteousness is her who believes in Allah, the Last Day, the angels, the Book and the Prophets; who gives of this money, in spite of loving it, to the near of kin, the orphans, the needy, the wayfarers and the beggars, and for the freeing of slaves; who performs the prayers and pays the alms-tax. Such are those who keep their pledges once they have made them, and endure patiently privation, adversity and times of fighting. (Qur’an 2:177)

In this sense, Islam requires more than faith; it requires action based upon that faith. Well-being or happiness occurs both on earth and in heaven. Indeed, the two are linked, with happiness on earth aiding the achievement of happiness after life. As a practical religion, Islam does not see seek to deny earthly pleasure, so long as it is sought in moderation. Indeed, it is well recognised that material comforts can aid happiness and should be enjoyed. This is encouraged in Islam, in contrast to Buddhism, where seeking pleasure in material goods directly leads to a disjointedness and unhappiness. Happiness in Islam is a function of a number of variables, the most important being that of a relationship with God. We earn this supreme happiness by the purification of the soul. Wealth, health and friends help towards this purification, and so we should strive towards these as well, but we should be aware that none of this bounty, physical or spiritual, is possible without the grace of God. Hence we should perpetually pray to God to Grant us the good of this world and the hereafter. (Mohamed 2006a, p. 245)

So, in Islam, happiness is attainable through the grace of Allah, and Muslims must therefore keep Allah at the centre of all their thoughts and actions.

154

Development and religion

Equality, wealth and charity in Islam The underlying principle of Islamic social teaching that is most relevant to development is that of equality (Shepherd 2009). This sense of equality is clearly evident in its approach to the allocation of scarce resources, and it is argued that Islam is ‘directed towards the creation of a meaningful and positive equality among human beings. As such the Islamic purpose cannot be realised until genuine freedom to human beings is restored and freedom from all forms of exploitation – social, spiritual, political and economic – assured’ (Rahman 1967, p. 103). Just before his death, Muhammad made it clear that all Muslims are equal and deserving of respect: ‘You know that every Muslim is the brother of another Muslim. You are all equal.’ The very marked shift in social relations during Muhammad’s rule is a clear indication of how powerful this sense of equality was. Moreover, the Qur’an specifically relates the neglect of the poor with the neglect of religion. ‘Have you observed him who denies religion? That is he who repels the orphan, and urges not the feeding of the needy’ (Qur’an 107:1–3). Fighting for the poor is considered as fighting for Allah’s cause and is equivalent to fasting or prayer (Leaman 2006a). The importance of meeting basic needs was very evident to the desert dwelling Arabs of this time. Water, food and shelter are necessary for subsistence and so access to these goods was vital. It was also evident that people had to work hard to be able to gain these goods. Life was hard and living conditions difficult; hard work was required to survive. Certainly, the personal experiences of the Prophet, working as a shepherd and then a merchant, reflected the importance of a work ethic. The Qur’an makes it clear that hard work is required: ‘Man will get nothing but what he strives for’ (Qur’an 53:39). As Yasien Mohamed suggested, ‘Islam is a world-affirming religion’ (2006c, p. 416). It is grounded in the day-to-day minutiae that make up human existence. In this way, economic-life is recognised as a central component to existence. Moreover, economic participation is considered not a necessary-evil, but simply necessary. No moral judgements are made regarding participating in economic activities. If anything, the implicit assumption is that one cannot exclude oneself from the economy and economic participation.17 Likening the economy to a body’s circulatory system, Islam teaches the importance of freely flowing wealth. Just as blood ensures the health of a body, so too does the circulation of wealth ensure the health of a society. Both the Qur’an and Hadith are very clear in how this free flow of wealth must be supported. Thus, Islamic social teaching supports entrepreneurial activity, the profit motive and economic competition. Those who work harder should be rewarded for this hard work and be free to enjoy the material goods this brings. However, the Qur’an also calls for frugality, that is, to avoid extravagance. ‘Give the kinsman his due, and the needy, and the wayfarer, and squander not [your wealth] wantonly. Lo! the squanderers were ever brothers of the devils, and the devil

Islam: equality and action

155

was ever ungrateful to his Lord’ (Qur’an 17:26–7). There must be a balance struck so that one enjoys the fruits of one’s toil without conspicuous consumption. Moreover, money is simply a tool to faciliate this simple enjoyment; it should not be an overriding driver of action. Wealth may be defined as an abundance of money or material possessions. A man who makes ends meet is not regarded as wealthy, but a wealthy man is one who has a surplus of wealth and possessions, over and above his salary or means for his basic needs. So wealth does not refer to money only, but also material possessions. God’s bounties are not only material possessions, however; they also include health, status, good friends and relatives. There are about sixty-nine verses in the Qur’an that refer to God’s bounties; the following examples remind us that God is the source of all bounties: For Allah is He who gives us all sustenance (51: 58) There is no moving creature on earth but its sustenance depends on Allah (11:6) We have honoured the sons of Adam; provided them with transport on land and sea; given them for sustenance things good and pure (17:70) If you are grateful, I will add [more favours] unto you (14:7) These verses also affirm that God did not intend man to live merely from hand to mouth, but that he should enjoy the fruits of the world. Furthermore, those who show gratitude to God for their bounties, God will grant them even more of his sustenance. (Mohamed 2006b, pp. 693–4)

However, Islamic economics makes it clear that underscoring this economic activity there must be both rules and practices that do not corrupt competition. Fair business dealings are considered worthy of receiving God’s blessing, for ‘the Prophet said: “May Allah show mercy to a man who is kind when he sells, when he buys, and when he makes a claim”’ (Leaman 2006b, p. 414). Indeed bribery is explicitly warned against in the Qur’an: ‘And eat not up your property among yourselves in vanity, not seek by it to gain the hearing of the judges that you may knowingly devour a portion of the property of others wrongfully’ (2:188). It is also unlawful to charge interest on loans – indeed doing so is considered 36 times worse than committing fornication (Leaman 2006b). This does not, however, hinder the flow of capital. Rather than charging interest, those who provide loans become joint partners until they are eventually bought out (initial loan plus capital gain) by the person who took out the loan. Moreover, in Islam there is also a need for compassion towards those less well off. The Qur’an improved the status of women and other disadvantaged groups in society, including slaves and the poor (Saeed 2006). This compassion is actually formalised as an annual donation. Islam accepts that distribution of wealth will not be equal. ‘We have apportioned among them their livelihood in the life of the world, and raised some of them above others in rank so that some of them take labour from others’ (Qur’an 43:32). It does not set out to achieve the goal of complete equity, but it does require its adherents

156

Development and religion

to respond to this inequality. ‘Those who have much should help lift the burden of those who are less fortunate. It is a principle that twentieth-century democracies have embraced in secular mode in their concept of the welfare state. The Koran introduced its basic principle in the seventh century by prescribing a graduated tax on the haves to relieve the circumstances of the have-nots’ (Smith 1991, p. 246). This tax is 2.5 per cent (or one-fortieth) of total wealth. While this amount may not appear overly large, it is set against one’s entire wealth, not simply income. Moreover, payment of this tax must not simply be a financial transaction made without thought. If the reasons for fulfilling this obligation are not the right reasons it cannot be considered to have satisfied the obligation of prayer as set out in the Qur’an (53:34). However, having said that, it is clear in Islam that acts of charity should also remain at reasonable levels and themselves should not be grandiose displays. Moderation is therefore all important for both charity and enjoying the fruits of one’s hard work. Thus, the Qur’an approves those ‘who, when they spend, are neither prodigal nor grudging; and there is always a clear line between the two’ (25:67). Rather than being used to support religious institutions, as is often found with Judaism, Christianity and Buddhist charities, this zakat (poor-due) is directly used for improving material standards of living of the poor. Those eligible to receive this charity include: the needy whether they be Muslim or not, the extremely poor whether they be Muslim or not, those employed to collect and distribute the zakat itself, those who may be converted to Islam, those who are captive, those in debt, those travelling whether they be Muslim or not. Along with accepting Allah as the one true God, saying prayers five times a day, observing Ramadan (the month of fasting) and undertaking a pilgrimage to Mecca, the giving of zakat is one of the five obligatory aspects of Islam. In appreciating the nexus between development and Islam, it is necessary to consider both approaches to understanding the Qur’an. The Qur’an is clear as to the protection of the poor and for acts of charity. However, it is also somewhat vague as to the role of women in society. Gender in Islam Equality within Islam can also be considered in terms of gender – though this can be contentious. The fourth chapter of the Qur’an and therefore one of the longest is entitled ‘Women’ (nisa18). This chapter sets out the rights of women, marriage, care of orphans and divorce. Respectful and functioning relationships between men and women are fundamental to successful development outcomes. Assessing the empowerment of women and men in these relationships is difficult to gauge, and is often complicated by the use of religious rhetoric to justify cultural practices. It is also important to acknowledge current international events that also have raised the spectre of Muslims being the ‘other’ in the Western world. Thus, discussing gender in Islam is fraught.

Islam: equality and action

157

For non-Muslims two overt expressions of Islam can dominate perceptions: multiple wives and women covering themselves. Setting aside these two issues initially, it is of value to discuss briefly the reforms brought about by the Qur’an and Muhammad to improve the lives and status of women. ‘It is evident from many authentic traditions that the Prophet himself intensely detested the idea of beating one’s wife, and said on more than one occasion, Could any of you beat his wife as he would beat a slave, and then lie with her in the evening? (Asad 1980, quoted in Saeed 2008, p. 131). At this time, women had few rights, were treated as belongings, and female children were sometimes buried at birth as they were seen as a drain on family resources. The Qur’an forbade such practices (17:31). Certainly, the Qur’an forbade infanticide and ensured that daughters also received inheritance.19 ‘In the circumstances in which the verses in question were revealed, females were economically and socially marginalised. Including them in inheritance shares would have been a significant step in correcting those circumstances’ (Sonn 2006, p. 640). Women were also given fuller rights as citizens, including rights to education, voting and work. An important aspect of this Islamic teaching was on marriage, and it was perhaps through the teaching on marriage women gained the greatest improvement in their circumsatnces. By making sexual intercourse only lawful within marriage, the institution of marriage itself became significantly more important socially. While it is not the purpose of this discussion to make a convincing case for the gender equality in Islamic marriage, it must be noted that the Qur’an is very clear as to the consent required from a woman to her marriage and sexual congress. The issue of multiple marriages is also explicitly discussed in the Qur’an and the rights of women are given prominence in these arrangements: ‘if you cannot deal equitably and justly with [more than one wife], you shall marry only one’ (4:3). As with other world religions, sacred texts and social teachings are often viewed through a cultural and historical lens, which can lead to a gender bias in favour of men. Islam is no different in this sense: Overall, if individual verses are read in isolation, it may appear that the Qur’an’s position on women is rather ambiguous. In most cases it appears to treat both sexes equally, but at other times the status of women seems to be lower than that of men. It is clear, however, that the overall effect of the Qur’an and the Prophet’s mission was to give women in the Islamic era greater rights than they had received in the pre-Islamic Arabia. (Saeed 2008, p. 14)

While core teachings of Islam emphasise equality, cultural teachings have influenced the expression of Islamic faith, resulting in it being incorrectly interpreted as being patriarchal to bolster existing social orders that benefit men (Barlas 2002).

158

Development and religion

Contemporary feminist readings of the Qur’an take offense at the androcentric quality of Muslim society and condemn the segregation of women throughout Islamic history. Pro-feminist readings of the Qur’an attribute patriarchy and androcentrism not to the sacred text and the essence of Islam, but to the later hierarchization of the message of the Qur’an. They often differentiate between the Qur’an’s early Meccan message – which was tolerant and egalitarian – and its Medinan message – which revealed adaptation to the social and political status of the new Islamic community. It was the institutionalisation of Medinan authoritarianism, they claim, that led to the segregation of women. (Davary 2006b, p. 697)

As previously discussed, the conflation of religion and culture can make determinations of gender equality and empowerment very difficult to make. Certainly it is impossible to make a universal declaration for all Muslims as to this issue. Davary provides a balanced approach: Based on the Qur’an, there has been a variety of interpretations of women’s rights and responsibilities that ranges from traditional to modernist and from conservative and fundamentalist to Islamist and progressive. Most interpretations insist that the rights given to women in the Qur’an are far greater than those that they had at the time of Jahiliyya, the pre-Islamic period. Many also argue that these rights were greater than those of their European contemporaries until the eighteenth century. The assumption is that, before the rise of Islam, women were considered chattels and part of men’s property. They received no inheritance, but were inherited themselves. They did not have the right to choose their spouses and were subjected to polygamy and infanticide. While the Qur’an gives evidence of this and the patriarchal context in which it was revealed, it refutes many of its precepts … [w]hile the Qur’an denounces the then-common practice of female infanticide, gives women right to property, and commands men to treat women kindly and to give them their rights, some of its principles can and have been interpreted in a way that has placed limitations on women’s liberties. Restrictions on women’s rights to divorce, child custody, and mandatory forms of veiling and seclusion are a few of those cases. There are not too many interpretations, however, that argue from Qur’anic precepts for the spirituality inferiority of women. Women and men are often addressed together concerning how their duties pertain to matters of belief and religious practice. According to the Qur’an, it is the gender-undifferentiated human that is destined to seek deliverance and has the potential to attain it. (2006a, p. 461)

The issues of gender and rights of women are the clearest examples of the difficulty of unravelling cultural and social traditions. While the Qur’an speaks of equality, issues of veiling, polygamy and female circumcision confuse judgements on these issues. Indeed, it is unlikely that a definitive assessment can be made as disentangling culture and religious beliefs is probably not possible in most instances. Environment and Islam Sharing the creation story of Genesis with Judaism and Christianity, Muslims hold that God created the earth. This basic premise therefore elevates the care

Islam: equality and action

159

of the environment to an act of faith. However, it is clear that the earth was created for humans and therefore it is also right and proper that humans utilise the resources and environment to their own benefits. ‘It is He who has made the earth manageable for you, so travel through its tracts and enjoy what he has provided’ (Qur’an 67.15). Having said that, there are very clear responsibilities that flow from being stewards of God’s creation that require humans to manage the environment in a manner that we might today describe as sustainable. While humans can certainly enjoy the natural world and have a priority over its use, there comes with this a responsibility to protect and maintain a functioning ecology (Leaman 2006c). This sense of stewardship has implications for development. While not clearly explicit, it is clear that environmental degradation, particularly in pursuit of economic growth, is in tension with Islamic teaching: ‘And seek by means of what God has given you the future abode, and do not neglect your portion of this world, and do good as God has done good to you, and do not seek to make mischief in the land, surely God does not love the mischiefmakers’ (Qur’an 28:77). In this sense, protection of the natural environment is an important act that correlates with religious duties. This sense of stewardship is reminiscent of that found in other world religions and therefore not peculiar to Islam. Conclusion During the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century Islam has assumed the role of external threat for many in the non-Muslim world. Such tension between the Christian West and Muslim world is not new, with historical roots dating to the various Crusades to the Holy Land. Islam is a religion around which many myths and misconceptions have grown and are now held by those who are not adherents. Such misunderstandings can result in false barriers being constructed between those of this faith and non-Muslims (be they secular or followers of other beliefs). In terms of developmental issues, these misunderstandings are often a result of the conflation between religion and culture. It is difficult for non-Muslims to identify truly which social practices are reflecting religious beliefs or traditional social mores. The very practical nature of Islam and its roots in the nearly quarter-century political rule of Muhammad set it apart from other religions such as Christianity and Buddhism. Islam does not endure the temporal sphere simply as a stepping stone to a greater existence following death. While Christ’s Sermon on the Mount extolled the rewards of the poor upon death (‘Rejoice and be glad, for your reward in heaven is great’ (Matthew 5:12)), Muhammad focused on addressing inequities as they existed on earth, including specified levels of charity. Given the length of Muhammad’s earthly rule, the teachings of Islam (in both the Qur’an and the Hadith) are numerous and very grounded

160

Development and religion

in practical realities. Islam has at its core two key principles that therefore relate to development. The first is the principle of equality; the second is that faith must be lived through action. In this sense, Islam is a very grounded and practical religion that emphasises good works that assist the achievement of equality.

AN ISLAMIC FBO: MUSLIM AID Introduction Established in 1985 in the United Kingdom, Muslim Aid now has 14 field offices and programmes in over 70 countries. Islamic FBOs are increasing both in their number and in the size of funds received and disseminated. It is estimated that there are approximately 400 international Muslim NGOs, with the majority based in the United States, Turkey and various Gulf states (Petersen 2010). In the United Kingdom there are now more than ten large Muslim FBOs with total income of more than £100 million per annum.20 The apparent increase in Islamic FBOs in developed countries is a reflection of the growing Muslim population in these countries (O’Brien and Palmer 2007), but also is linked to the religious focus on charity that is quite strong within Islam. It appears that Islamic NGOs are becoming focal points for this religiouscharitable giving and clearly identifying themselves as being Muslim organisations. As James notes, ‘Muslim FBOs tend to be clearer about their faith identity. Being younger, more homogenously staffed and less dependent on public funds (traditionally funded by Muslim community zakat giving), Muslim FBOs have been less influenced by the secular environment’ (2009, p. 3). This suggests therefore a strong religious link underpinning financial support to Muslim FBOs that may be less evident in the donor base of non-Muslim FBOs. The developmental programmes implemented by Muslim Aid are aligned with current development principles, with a strong emphasis on ensuring that individuals can have access to basic necessities and the skills necessary to generate an income so that they are not permanently dependent on aid agencies for food and shelter. In this regard, Muslim Aid support programs in the following sectors: education, skills training, provision of clean water, healthcare, and income generation projects. Muslim aid also raise funds in response to complex humanitarian emergencies.21

Islam: equality and action

161

History of Muslim Aid Muslim Aid was established by 23 different British-based organisations in response to the Ethiopian famine in 1985. This makes it recognisable as the fourth type of FBO described in Chapter 1: FBOs that identify themselves as falling within a broad religious tradition from which they draw their motivation. While it soon provided assistance to those affected by other humanitarian emergencies in Bangladesh and conflict in Palestine and Afghanistan, Muslim Aid’s inaugural programme of fundraising and assistance was for a non-Muslim country. The number of Afghan refugees entering Pakistan at this time became a focal programme for this new entity and Muslim Aid quite quickly determined that it would need a physical presence outside Britain to facilitate to the distribution of the relief aid it was providing. It therefore established its first country office in Pakistan (in Peshawar) to ensure the aid was being properly distributed, and also establish education and health programmes in the refugee camps. However, Muslim Aid continued to raise funds and provide relief aid to other countries during these first few years of their existence, including responding to disasters in Sudan Jamaica, Somalia, Mozambique and Chad. The provision of relief aid is clearly not peculiar to Muslim FBOs; nearly all aid agencies – secular or sectarian – have this as a central plank in their formation. However, there are very strong religious reasons in Islam for engaging in this work. As a result, for Muslim FBOs, ‘providing aid to refugees is a widely recognised priority, especially since the issue of forced migration has a particular resonance in Islam as the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was himself a refugee who fled Mecca within his followers in order to escape persecution’ (Khan et al. 2009, p. 6). The scriptural reference is also very clear: ‘And if any one of the disbelievers seeks your protection so that he may hear the world of Allah, and then escort him to where he will be secure’ (Qur’an 9:6). Muslim Aid quickly moved beyond raising and distributing relief funds to implement longer-term development projects among communities in need. Within five years of its establishment, Muslim Aid had also established a small child sponsorship programme supporting children across six different countries and was setting up permanent health facilities in Iran and schools and orphanages in Palestine. At this time non-relief programmes were also established, including

162

Development and religion

programmes that focused on agricultural development in Bangladesh, education in Afghanistan, water supply projects in Uganda and the provision of primary health care in India. During the 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century, Muslim Aid continued to increase its fundraising activities, allowing it to continue responding to humanitarian emergencies and to establish more developmental interventions in over 60 countries. To be effective in this, Muslim Aid now has country offices in a range of countries, including Bosnia, Iraq, Sudan, Somalia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Kenya, Gambia, Lebanon, India, Jordan. Total funds raised each year to support this work are around £25 million, of which approximately half is in response to humanitarian emergencies and the remaining half to support for developmentally focused programmes. Muslim Aid is a growing agency with staff numbers in the UK increasing (from around 50 in 2007 to nearly 100 presently) and staff in its 14 country offices also growing and presently numbering over 1,000. This growth is driven largely by a dramatic increase in fundraising, from £5.5 million in 2004 to £25 million in 2008. Programming and Principles Khan et al. argue that Muslim FBOs are generally quite ‘paternalistic and centred in particular on providing relief and basic service … [and] there has been only limited involvement in longer-term development projects that focus on empowering the poor’ (2009, p. 6). A number of reasons are offered for this, including: 1) a perception that private Muslim donors will not financially support development work in controversial areas such as HIV and AIDS or reproductive health; 2) that Muslim staff do not have the technical expertise to run developmental programmes; and 3) the scriptural references to development activities are less clear than the scriptural references to the provision of charity. Other studies of Islamic FBOs also support this bias towards relief (Benthall and Bellion-Jourdan 2003, Sparre and Petersen 2007). Muslim Aid appears, though, to be stepping outside these boundaries. Muslim Aid sees itself as becoming a leading NGO on the global stage on a par with non-Muslim NGOs. Although ‘initially aimed to provide emergency relief, Muslim Aid advanced its approach in the early 90s and has since been working to provide sustainable development programmes’ (Muslim Aid, 2009, p. 2). This is reflected in the formal mission of Muslim Aid, which is ‘to

Islam: equality and action

163

tackle poverty and its causes by developing innovative and sustainable solutions enabling people and their communities to live in dignity and independence. This mission is based upon what Muslim Aid view as being a uniquely Muslim approach to poverty and development’ (Muslim Aid 2007). There is also a commitment based on Islamic scriptural values that seeks the alleviation of world poverty: ‘If anyone saved a life, it would be as if he saved the life of all mankind’ (Qur’an 5:32). As all humans are created equal and Allah has supplied sufficient resources for all humans to live fulfilled lives, the inequity that exists across societies is therefore a human-made problem that must be addressed by human interventions. In Islam, there is strong teaching surrounding the concepts of social justice and social interdependence. This requires all to participate actively in society and take responsibility for those who have been marginalised. Therefore, while charity to those in need is a central religious duty in Islam, the manner in which this charity is conceived is not as a hand-out that is degrading for the recipient. Rather, it aims to aid those recipients in such a way that they no longer require assistance. The Muslim Aid approach to development has at its core four key aspects. The first is a universal right to development. ‘Muslim Aid believes that all humans have the right to development. Our mission is to “serve humanity” through providing our services to those in need, irrespective of religion, ethnicity, nationality, gender and age. The rights and needs of our beneficiaries have primacy over all other considerations’ (Muslim Aid 2007, p. 17). The second aspect is that development must be sustainable. While responding to humanitarian emergencies is fundamental (and accounts for around half of Muslim Aid’s annual fundraising and expenditure), it is important to address the causes of poverty and implement projects that will have a sustained impact. The third aspect is that people must be involved in their own development. This requires improving existing local capacity and contextualising development. In line with sector-wide best practice (see Chambers 2005), Muslim Aid works with communities to own project interventions so that they can continue these activities once external financial assistance and expertise ceases. This involvement of local communities at the start of development planning will also result in these interventions and activities being sensitive to local cultural norms and values. The final aspect of Muslim Aid’s approach to poverty and development is the recognition that eliminating poverty requires an integrated approach.

164

Development and religion

Poverty is multifaceted; focusing on single aspects of it will not result in sustained or durable impact. More important, this approach involves a belief that human well-being is not simply a function of increased income or material gain. Muslim Aid therefore seeks to ‘promote developing social conscience through values such as trust, solidarity and respect. These values are not particular to Islam or religion in general, but they are common values which underpin a healthy society. Their opposites – greed, isolation, intolerance and individualism – contribute to the continuation of poverty’ (Muslim Aid 2007, p. 17). An integrated approach to poverty alleviation also requires advocacy that not only raises public awareness of poverty but also challenges current policies, structures and institutions. It is interesting that Muslim Aid has adopted this role of advocate because Khan et al. (2009) argue that Muslim FBOs prefer to focus on programming over advocacy (also see Leurs and Tomalin 2010). Though this is arguably a wider characteristic of FBOs in general, which ‘do not often attempt to change the often unjust and unequal underlying structures in society’ (Clarke 2007 p.79, see also Sparre and Petersen 2007, who argue this is certainly a recognisable trait of Muslim FBOs). Partnerships also support an integrated approach for development as they facilitate local community ownership and maximise local capacity. Muslim Aid has over 500 local partners in the 60 countries in which it operates. It also partners with donors (such as USAID, DiFD and ECHO), other Muslim FBOs (Muslim Aid Australia, Interpal and Muslim Helping Hand), nonMuslim FBOs (UMCOR) and secular NGOs (such as Oxfam and GlobalMedic). In a pragmatic way, this approach to development espoused by Muslim Aid means that: • Projects and programmes should ideally be strategic in nature, i.e. tackling the root cause of problems, and should be aiming to facilitate appropriate sustainable development. • Active involvement of the local communities in development projects by them providing labour, materials, advice and general support in order to strengthen co-operation, collaboration and capacity building. • Reaching out to all regardless of race, gender, religion, nationality or political opinion in order to provide humanitarian aid to the most needy communities. • Facilitating capacity building for the Muslim Ummah by strengthening community organisations and enhancing their ability to tackle local problems. (Muslim Aid undated, pp. 1–2)

Islam: equality and action

165

The sectors that Muslim Aid concentrates its programming on include water and sanitation,22 health, shelter, education and sustainable livelihoods. Sustained impact within these sectors requires a longer-term presence and the involvement of communities in both the needs assessment, implementation and monitoring of program activities (Chambers 2005; Dale 2004; Uphoff et al. 1998). Water and sanitation program were implemented in Indonesia (Aceh), where 20 wells were dug; in Bangladesh, where 2,300 families benefitted from the Dig a Well project; and in Sudan, where wells benefited 5,000 people.23 Health programs in Somalia included malaria control, child immunisation, treatment of malnutrition, maternity and child health clinics, tuberculosis clinics and nutritional training for families. In addition to five maternity and child health clinics established in Bangladesh, Muslim Aid also opened a hospital there in 2008 that has the capacity to provide care to 20,000 people each year. The provision of shelter in the reconstruction phase following humanitarian emergencies is an important development activity. Muslim Aid continues to work with communities to build shelters and other dwellings (including mosques) in Aceh and Bangladesh following disasters in these locations. Schools, libraries and community centres have also been built in Somalia. Muslim Aid’s work in education includes financial support of poor students in India, as well as work with disaffected Muslim youth in Britain. The provision of microfinance is a key aspect of Muslim Aid’s sustainable livelihood programmes. Approximately 30,000 people have been assisted through microfinance projects in around 1,000 villages across Bangladesh, while pilot microfinance programmes have been implemented in Cambodia and Somalia. Challenges and Advantages of Being a Muslim FBO In its Strategic Plan 2007–2010, Muslim Aid has explicitly recognised that its identity as a Muslim FBO provides it specific advantages as well as challenges. This is important because it is an acknowledgement that not only do FBOs have a particular role in the aid sector, but that each faith also brings with it specific strengths and weaknesses. Understanding one’s place in the larger development sector must enhance the effectiveness that can be achieved.

166

Development and religion

The specific advantages that being an Islamic FBO brings have been identified as having a distinctive approach to development. This approach – discussed above – is based on an Islamic understanding of poverty and development. In a pragmatic sense, Muslim Aid is well positioned in the UK (and presumably beyond these national borders24) to mobilise significant funds and popular support to achieve a world without poverty. There is a major Muslim constituency in the UK upon which to develop a strong and committed donor base and as Muslim Aid receives well below 10 per cent of its income from the United Kingdom’s official development assistance programme there is significant freedom to lobby against government policies without fear or losing revenue. In terms of programming, as many poorer countries have large Muslim populations, the Islamic identity of Muslim Aid enables them to: ‘1) find easier acceptance where non-Muslim NGOs may inspire mistrust and suspicion, 2) maintain an active presence where non-Muslim NGOs may face security threats, 3) play a role in conflict resolution and peace building, 4) contextualise projects by understanding cultural nuances’ (Muslim Aid 2007, p. 15). Of course, these advantages might be contested and may not be applicable in the many communities with which Muslim Aid works that do not share Islamic faith. It is less the realities of working with non-Muslim communities but rather the stereotype of being a ‘Muslim organisation’ that Muslim Aid have identified as being the most challenging to its success. These stereotypes include: • Providing conditional development: It is a common misconception that Muslim Aid only provides services to Muslims and that we are involved in proselytising. However Islam is clear that ‘there is no compulsion in religion’ (Qur’an 2: 256) and that charity is for those in need. We have a Muslim identity simply because we are inspired by Islamic values in our mission to fight against poverty and injustice. • Funding extremism: Since 2001, Muslim organisations have been suspected of having links to extremism and funding terrorist activities. Muslim Aid strongly opposes terrorism and is committed to ensuring that our funds are not misused. We are currently carrying out a full review of all partners we have funded and developing risk assessment criteria for future partners. • Islam is anti human rights: This accusation is often made with regards to gender equality. However Islam teaches the equality of all humanity and actively promotes individual rights such as the right to life and freedom, the right to justice, the right to freedom of thought and religion and the right to education. Specifically, Muslim

Islam: equality and action

167

Aid will promote women’s rights in its organisational policies and in its developmental practice. (Muslim Aid 2007, p. 15)

Muslim Aid has in fact been accused of supporting terrorist activities (Gillian 2010), an allegation which it denies (Muslim Aid 2010a). Addressing these stereotypes largely requires Muslim Aid to engage with non-Muslims as these negative stereotypes are not primarily held in Islamic communities. However, as with most other FBOs (though perhaps particularly non-Christian FBOs), the main market is precisely the Muslim community in the UK. Therefore the ability to communicate to a wider audience may be limited, given the fundraising activities being undertaken by Muslim Aid. Fundraising Approximately half of Muslim Aid’s fundraising is in response to humanitarian emergencies. Fundraising campaigns target both immediate disasters, such as the earthquake in Haiti and floods in India, but also longer-lasting emergencies centred on political conflict, such as that experienced in Pakistan, Gaza, Darfur and Sri Lanka. Muslim Aid also raises substantial funds for its development work. Various fundraising activities have been devised to garner public support. However, a number of these are very specifically targeted to the Muslim community. Perhaps the most evident of these is a zakat calculator available on the Muslim Aid website. In line with the religious duty of setting aside a portion (one-fortieth or 2.5 per cent) of one’s wealth to be used to assist the poor, Muslim Aid provide a simple calculator to assist Muslims determine how much they must pay. Muslim Aid would be a suitable candidate to receive this ‘religious tax’ and as such has established a dependable donor base. A similar donation that Muslims can make is the sadaqah, which is charity given for the pleasure of Allah. Whilst sadaqah can be given at any time of year, it is particularly rewarding when given during Ramadan. Again, Muslim Aid is an appropriate organisation to which Muslims can donate sadaqah. Ramadan and qurbani There are various religious festivals and events throughout the Muslim year. Ramadan is a period of fasting that occurs during daylight hours of the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar. This fasting is also often accompanied by increased focus on reading the Qur’an. Ramadan ends with the Eid ul-Fitr or Breaking of the

168

Development and religion

Fast. This is a time of celebration and feasting. Muslim Aid provides an opportunity for its supporters to donate to provide food to fasting Muslims in poorer parts of the world. Muslim Aid’s Ramadan programme Feed the Fasting distributes food to Muslims in 54 countries, enabling some of the poorest Muslims in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and Europe to enjoy the blessings of the holy month of Ramadan by having a hearty suhoor or a nourishing iftar. Approximately 70 days following the end of Ramadan, Muslims celebrate the Eid-ul Adha to commemorate Abraham’s obedience to God and his willingness to sacrifice his son. There are two aspects of this that provides opportunities for Muslims in the UK to financially support Muslim Aid. The first is to purchase an Eid gift, which is a livelihood gift to people, ‘giving families a helping hand out of poverty. Through purchasing an Eid gift, you can make a difference in regions where resources are scarce and where the basic necessities are difficult to come by. From a sewing machine to a mosquito net, any gift we send will be used, valued and will help contribute to a brighter future’ (Muslim Aid 2010b). Eid Gifts can be selected from the education, health, food and income generation sectors. The second is to donate funds to allow the slaughter of an animal in line with religious duties – known as the qurbani: Muslim Aid carries out sacrifices in over 47 of the poorest countries in the world, allowing you not only to fulfill your obligation but contribute to our wider goal of fighting poverty. For many, it is the first opportunity they get all year to taste meat, providing respite from the months of hunger they’re forced to endure … To make the Eid gift of Qurbani last longer for families in certain countries, Muslim Aid cans the meat immediately after the animal is slaughtered. These are then distributed at times of need, allowing the meat to benefit the poor long after Eid. (Muslim Aid 2010c)

These fundraising activities produce approximately 10 per cent of all funds raised annually by Muslim Aid. They are therefore an effective marketing activity but also assist Muslim Aid by linking their development agenda to the religious duties of Muslims in an authentic manner. Conclusion Established over 25 years ago in response to the Ethiopian famine, Muslim Aid has grown to become one of the UK’s largest

Islam: equality and action

169

Muslim FBOs, with field offices in 14 countries and operations in around 60 countries. While its initial focus was on responding to humanitarian emergencies, Muslim Aid quickly adopted an approach to development that emphasised sustained impact and community participation. Muslim Aid’s approach to development is grounded in scriptural references and the social teaching of Islam, but these principles do not differ significantly from those which would be found in secular NGOs. It has also links with a range of donors and other aid agencies beyond the Islamic community in order to achieve its strategic goals. In this sense it may not be entirely representative of the usual Muslim FBO that may hesitate to so closely resemble a secular agency. However, Muslim Aid has maintained a strong identification with the Muslim community – beyond its name – by linking its work with the religious obligations of charitable giving. It appears that Muslim Aid will grow into a large international partnership with independent Muslim Aid organisations now well established in Australia and Malaysia.

NOTES 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10.

It is common for practising Muslims to add the phrase ‘peace be upon him’ upon hearing, saying or writing Muhammad’s name, which is often contracted to PBUH if written in English. This sign of respect will not be used in this book as it may unnecessarily distract the reader unfamiliar with this practice. The following description of the establishment of Islam draws heavily on Smith (1991). This is not to say that everyone adopted this new array of gods. A small minority known as hanifs maintained exclusive worship of the God of Abraham. This is known as the Hijrah or the ‘Night of Migration’ and Muslims consider this the beginning of the Muslim era. One might suggest that similar religious/political leaders in Judaism whose feats most resembled Muhammad’s are Moses and David, both of whom largely unified state and church under their own personal leadership. In other faiths other prophets have also received sacred texts from God – such as Moses receiving the Torah and David receiving the Psalms (Shepherd 2009). The word Qur’an means to collect or tie together. Muslims recognise and revere Jesus as a prophet, accepting his virgin birth, but not his divinity. This authenticity is based on the almost direct dictation of the Koran, rather than the Bible being written through a human intermediary and written to a specific context and group. That said, evangelical and Pentecostal Christians see the bible as the ‘infallible, inerrant Word of God’ with quite a similar direct-from-God authority and assume a direct literal application. It is this high regard for the direct revelation of their scriptures that tension between more conservative Christians and Muslim hinge. Having said that, there have been translations of the Qur’an for some time. For example, a Castilian-language (Spanish) translation of the Qur’an was made by John of Segovia in 1456, and George Sale published for commercial sale an English translation (direct from

170

11.

12. 13.

14. 15. 16.

17. 18. 19.

20.

21.

22.

23. 24.

Development and religion Arabic) in the early 18th century (Saeed 2008). Again, though, this is in contrast to the very wide translation of the Bible (often saving minority languages from extinction through this process). Another similarity that is shared between Islam and Buddhism is the preference not to anthropomorphise God (Leaman 2006c). Just as Buddhism did not seek to describe a god, but rather used the concept of nirvana as a godhead, so too is it rare for Muslims to refer to God as a father, as is the common allegory in the Judaic and Christian faiths. There is a third tradition in Islam – Sufi – however, the number of these adherents is quite small. Those in the Sufi tradition are more interested in mystical enlightenment, compared to the overwhelming majority of Muslims, who are connected firmly to the world. Muhammad made it clear in his last sermon that there would be no further prophets or additions to God’s teaching: ‘O People, no prophet or apostle will come after me and no new faith will be born. Reason well, therefore, O People, and understand my words which I convey to you. I leave behind me two things, the Qur’an and my example, the Sunnah [Hadith] and if you follow these you will never go astray’ (from http://www.fordham.edu/ halsall/source/muhm-sermon.html). For an opposing view that challenges this analysis see Samman and Mahzar (2008) and Sen (2006). Bucaille (1979) argues that all Qur’anic verses can be considered from a scientific perspective. As already noted, there is no overarching spiritual authority in Islam. While attempts have been made – see the International Association of Muslim Scholars (IAMS), established in 2004 – to develop global networks, the authority of these collectives has not been widely established or accepted. It is also clear in Islam that, while acts of charity are considered a religious duty, begging is likened to grabbing onto fire and should be avoided (Leaman 2006b). Davary (2006a) makes the observation that the term women (nisa) and its other variations are mentioned 57 times in the Qur’an, which is exactly the same number of times that the word for men (rijal) is used. The system of inheritance by the firstborn, specifically the eldest son, was also outlawed by the Qur’an to ensure more equitable distribution of estates. This was tied to the importance of equality in society, but has clear positive effects for women to whom inheritances must flow (albeit at a lesser proportion than that received by sons). Such rights were not obtained in parts of the West until the 19th century. In addition to Muslim Aid, these include Islamic Aid, Islamic Relief, Islamic Help, Aga Khan Foundation, Muslim Hands, Ummah Welfare Trust, Doctors Worldwide, Interpal, Human Appeal International and Human Relief Foundation. There are any number of small Muslim FBOs in the UK as well that raise less than £1 million per year, such as Muslim Charity Helping the Needy, Feed the Poor, Muslim Global Relief and Muslim Care. Muslim Aid is not a member of the UK Disaster Emergency Committee (DEC), although it has indicated its desire to join. DEC coordinates the fundraising campaigns for humanitarian emergencies of 13 leading UK aid agencies. While there are a number of Christian FBOs included in the DEC (World Vision, Tear Fund, Christian Aid, CAFOD) there is only one Islamic FBO included – Islamic Relief. ‘There are numerous references to water and cleanliness in Islamic teachings. Water is also a necessary element of regular Muslim purification rituals, most commonly those performed before prayer. It is unsurprising, therefore, that programmes that provide safe and clean water to poor communities have a particular resonance among Muslims. The digging of a well is regarded as an act of particular merit and promoted by many Muslim charities’ (Khan et al. 2009, p. 6). Data in this paragraph come from Muslim Aid (2009). In addition to the Muslim Aid field offices there are also independent Muslim Aid agencies in Australia and Malaysia, which are the basis for a significant global partnership.

7. Conclusion INTRODUCTION At the start of this book, the expression ‘dance’ was used to describe how religious teaching and development concepts interact and relate to another. When a couple dance, it is not always necessary that their movements always exactly coincide and mirror one another. While this does of course occur in some instances, there is also a place for partners to take different steps, to move away from one another at certain times before coming back together, as well as appear to make the same movement but in reality having one partner moving forward and another moving backwards. In a dance, these diverse actions actually complement each other to create a synergy that takes both dancers beyond their own energies to create something that is greater than their individual movements. Without wishing to pursue this analogy too far, there is some benefit in considering how religion and development might be dance partners. At times they use similar language (charity, compassion), have similar goals (improve relationships, increased well-being) and involve the same key stakeholders (communities as congregations, religious leaders and community leaders). However, these similarities do not always translate into exact agreement and so at times they might seem to exist within tension. This tension exists because, while religion and development as concepts are quite distinct, they do complement each other and potentially bring out strengths in one another that enhance their impact. The purpose of this book has been to provide an introductory analysis to the insights that can be gained into different development issues through different religious beliefs. Religious literacy can always be enhanced. Knowledge of religion and religious tradition are normally limited to one’s own faith, with understanding of ‘other’ faiths being limited and generally based only on prejudices, mistruths or confusion often caused by the conflation of culture and religion. For those of no religious conviction, knowledge of religion is often based on the popular depiction of different faiths in mainstream media or through the expression of these faiths in cultural events (such as religious feast days or holidays). Given this reality, this book has first sought to provide an introduction to the religious history, beliefs and sacred texts of each of the world’s major 171

172

Development and religion

faiths before considering how these intersect with development. It is of course acknowledged that this book is simply an introduction to the potentially vast study of how religion and development intersect or ‘dance’ with each other. Each major religion deserves a single volume (at least) on its ‘theology of development’, let alone the enormous opportunities to consider more empirical analyses of how this dance plays out daily across the globe.

BELIEFS AND PRACTICES: A LEAGUE TABLE? While it would be tempting to conclude this book with a league table of religions ranked by ‘development alignment’, this would be a wasteful exercise. There is no useful purpose to be gained in attempting to score or rank the depth of connection between different religious beliefs and development. This book therefore has not set out to make a final determination of the ‘better’ development religion. Rather, it has undertaken an appreciative inquiry into each of the world’s major religions to investigate how they view development in their sacred texts and social teaching. In doing so, it is apparent that each of these religions provides unique and useful insights that may contribute to a more effective approach to development. As the world’s most ancient world religion, Hinduism is very much associated with India – a country of great poverty, but more recently also great wealth. Despite the tedious hard work that a life of grinding poverty brings, Hindu teaching celebrates life and the earthly pleasures it affords. In this regard, a Hindu view of development is of great interest. Hinduism provides a very positive picture of the importance of self-sacrificing service to the community. Through the process of reincarnation and the laws of karma, Hindus have the ability to determine their own destinies through their actions. Working for the betterment of their communities is an integral part of the path of liberation for Hindus. For non-Hindus, the practices and beliefs of this faith can be quite confusing, especially in relation to issues of poverty and gender. The caste system appears to consign people to miserable lives as a direct result of their social standing, while patriarchal practices result in there being a strong gender bias in favour of men. However, as with most religions, the conflation of religious traditions and cultural practices results in blame for these inequities being apportioned unfairly to religious teachings. Hinduism’s greatest contribution to development is its exhortation to its adherents to be active citizens in development. Buddhism is perhaps most unlike the other major religions included in this book in its approach to development. Buddhism largely rejects the premise upon which orthodox development stands. While improved material living standards underscore much of what occurs under the guise of development

Conclusion

173

interventions, Buddhism holds that material progress will never satisfy human desire as human life is defined by suffering. Adherents of this faith therefore are encouraged not to seek solace in material goods, but rather to focus on the search for enlightenment – one core aspect being the recognition that attachment to material goods will always lead to greater suffering. This is clearly a major disjuncture between Buddhism and development. At best, material development should only be sought to remove the harshest realities of poverty in order to provide sufficient (but no more) resources to support spiritual development. Buddhist-development is therefore about a spiritual journey to enlightenment and rejects a worldview in which material advancement is prioritised. While Judaism has a small number of adherents, it was included in this book because Jewish history provides very direct parallels to the experiences of many of the world’s poor – primarily of injustice. Judaism is perhaps the religion that most emphasises practice over belief. As God’s chosen people, the oppression of the Jewish people over time provides an object lesson for all humanity: hope in God’s desire for justice. There is also a responsibility for living in accordance with God’s will, and part of this is a responsibility to one’s neighbours. As a religion focused on practice, acts of charity are an important aspect of religious adherence in Judaism. As with best practice in humanitarian assistance and development aid, Jewish charitable acts focus on moving people out of a dependent relationship on someone else (though there is a recognition that there may always be need for ongoing charitable giving). The second ‘people of the book’ are Christians. While contemporary religious authority is less evident in the other religions of this book (with responsibility for social teaching and interpretation often held at the local level or in denomination governing bodies), apostolic succession in the Catholic Church centralises authority in the pontiff. This has allowed the Catholic Church’s traditions and social teaching to respond to changing social, political and economic situations. It has also allowed the Catholic Church’s understanding and teaching around development to evolve over time. The Church uses the term ‘integral human development’ to encompass both material and spiritual development – arguing that both must be achieved. The focus on the Church’s interest in achieving integral human development has been the poor – to the point that the Church has a preferential option for the poor (in both developing and developed countries). This option for the poor is evident both in papal encyclicals over the past 100 years and in the liberation theology that originated in Latin America in the 1960s. The most recent of all the world’s major religions included in this book is Islam. As the third Abrahamic religion, Muslims believe that Muhammad was the supreme prophet. In addition to being a religious leader, Muhammad was also a political leader who took part in not only governing a city, but also in

174

Development and religion

armed conflict. A direct result of this is the very practical nature of Islam, within which action is a central element. Many of the core teachings of Islam relate to economic activities and honest commercial interactions, but they also focus on social justice. A righteous Muslim is therefore a Muslim who seeks social justice for the poor and disempowered. As with Judaism, charity is a very important religious duty, indeed, charitable giving is formalised in Islam, with adherents expected to give 2.5 per cent of their total wealth to the poor annually. In summary, each of these religions provides new insights to development. Hinduism highlights social service, Judaism calls for justice, Christianity (Catholicism) preferences the poor, Islam demands action and charity, while Buddhism questions the very tenets of the concept of development. Brief vignettes of various faith-based development agencies were also included in this book by way of illustrating how the beliefs and teachings of these religious traditions may affect their practical involvement in development interventions. Again, though, these vignettes do not purport to be definitive studies of FBOs or even necessarily fully representative of FBOs associated with these major religions. Rather, the purpose was – through appreciative inquiry – to present case studies of faith in action. Instead of attempting to draw lessons from these case studies and seeking to make faithwide generalisations, it is interesting to note that, while the distinctiveness of FBOs in development remains contested (Rakodi 2010), many of the FBOs presented in this book do fundraise in ways that reflect their religious affiliation – especially in fundraising. Caritas Internationalis (Australia) links one of its major fundraising appeals to the Lenten season – a period in which Catholics traditionally forgo something in preparation for Easter. Muslim Aid provides a zakat calculator on its website to help Muslims to estimate how much of their total wealth they must donate to charity each year. Buddhism for Development reverses the common child-sponsorship model so the sponsor determines how ‘significant’ they will be to the child through the size of their donation. This reflects certain cultural aspects of Buddhism. World Jewish Aid encourages its Jewish supporters to provide funds to allow disadvantaged youth to celebrate their bar and bat mitzvahs. BAPS Charities, finally, relies very heavily on volunteers, who are largely fulfilling religious duties associated with community service. In this respect, each of the FBOs presented in this book is distinctive from secular NGOs (at least in regards to certain fundraising activities). It is, of course, not a case of distilling which religious belief system holds the most ‘truth’ in these development understandings or which results in interventions most aligned to current development best practice. Rather, it is important to understand these interpretations both to enhance secular-based thinking around development and to enhance relationships with the communi-

Conclusion

175

ties of faith with whom we work. Neither ignoring nor ignorance of these faith-based worldviews will result in optimal outcomes. This book aims to aid the realisation that religion and religious organisations are appropriate and necessary partners for those interested in achieving strong development outcomes.

CONCLUSION It is clear that large portions of the world’s population currently live lives characterised by ill-health, shortened life expectancy, illiteracy, economic insecurity, powerlessness and hunger. Despite religious teaching (for millennia) calling for more compassion, sharing of resources and practical action to assist those more needy, the world remains imperfect, and human suffering, oppression and inequity remain entrenched in all societies. If all those who profess religious faith (and indeed humanist values) worked single-mindedly towards the achievement of these teachings, then there is little doubt the world would be a different place. There is therefore a disjuncture between religious tenets and social outcomes. This, though, is not a sufficiently convincing argument to dismiss religion and religious organisations as irrelevant to development. It is simply another challenge to improve understanding of the points of tension that exist between faith-inspired lives and private and social behaviours. To date and with just a few exceptions, there has been a long-held silence on the importance of religious belief to the majority of the world’s population. Almost 5 billion people are adherents of the world’s major religions. Their faith affects their private worldview on key issues such as social justice and poverty. Moreover, this collective adherence has shaped historical and contemporary social, economic and political spheres. It is necessary therefore that religious faith and religious organisations be more explicitly recognised as playing a central role in the development process. This book has challenged mainstream views that religion is a marginal interest. By analysing the dance between religion and development of the world’s major faiths, it is hoped that the value of religion in development will be accepted.

References Abe, M. (2000), ‘The Meaning of Life in Buddhism’, in J. Runzo and N. Martin (eds), The Meaning of Life on the World Religions, Oxford: Oneworld. Aghion, P. and Bolton, P. (1997), ‘A Theory of Trickle-Down Growth and Development’, Review of Economic Studies, 64, pp. 151–72. Ajzen I. and Fishbein, M. (1980), Understanding Attitudes and Predicting Social Behavior, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Ali, A. (1902), The Spirit of Islam, London: Christophers. Ariyaratne, A.T. (1999, first published 1995), ‘Buddhism in the 21st century’, in N. Ratnapala (ed.), Collected Works, vol. 7, Ratmalana, Sri Lanka: Sarvodaya Shramadana. Ariyesako, Bhikkhu (1999), The Bhikkhus’ Rules, Melbourne: Sanghaloka Forest Hermitage. Asad, M. (1980), The Message of the Quran, Chicago: Kazi Publications. Aung-Thwin, M. (1985), Pagan: The Origins of Modern Burma, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Austrey, J. (1971), L’Islam Face au Developpement Economique, Paris: Économie et Humanisme. Ball, C. and Dunn, L. (1996), ‘NGOs Defined’, in Commonwealth Foundation (ed.), Non-government Organisations: Guidelines for Good Policy and Practice, London: Commonwealth Foundation. Bandura, A. (1986), Social Foundations of Thought and Action, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Banfield, C. (1985), The Moral Basis of a Backward Society, New York: The Free Press. BAPS Charities (2005), ‘Tsunami Relief Report’, Gujarat: BAPS Charities, http://www.bapscharities.org/mediacenter/announcements/2004/Tsunami %20Relief%20Work%20%20Report%20Feb%2004%202005.pdf. BAPS Charities (2010a), ‘About Us’, http://www.bapscharities.org/aboutus/ index.htm#History. BAPS Charities (2010b), ‘Services’, http://www.bapscharities.org/services/ medical/index.htm. BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha (2010), ‘Aims and Objectives’, http://www.swaminarayan.org/introduction/aims/index.htm. 176

References

177

Barlas, M. (2002), ‘Believing Women’ in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur’an, Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Barr, M. (2010), ‘Religious Nationalism and Nation-building in Asia: An Introduction’, Australian Journal of International Relations, 64 (3), pp. 255–61. Barrett, B. (ed.), (2000), The World Will Never be the Same Again, London: Jubilee 2000 Coalition. Barrett, D., Kurian, G. and Johnson, T. (2001), World Christian Encyclopedia, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Beck, J. (2008), Meritocracy, Citizenship and Education: New Labour’s Legacy, New York: Continuum. Becker M., Maiman, L.A. (1975), ‘Sociobehavioral Determinants of Compliance with Health and Medical Care Recommendations’, Medical Care, 13 (1), pp. 10–24. Bender, H. (1922), The Home of the Indo-Europeans, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Benthall, J. and Bellion-Jourdan, J. (2003), The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the Muslim World, London: I.B. Tauris. Berovits, E. (1973), Faith After the Holocaust, New York: KTAV Publishing House. Bettendorf, L. and Dijkgraaf, E. (2010), ‘Religion and Income: Heterogeneity between Countries’, Journal of Economic Behaviour and Organization, 74 (2), pp. 12–29. Bhaskarananda, S. (2002), The Essentials of Hinduism: A Comprehensive Overview of the World’s Oldest Religion, Seattle: Viveka Press. Billis, D. and MacKeith, J. (2004), ‘Growth and Change in NGOs: Concepts and Comparative Experience’, in M. Edwards and D. Hulme (eds), Making a Difference, London: Earthscan. Boff, L. and Boff, C. (2990), Introducing Liberation Theology, New York: Orbis Books. Bond, G. (1996), ‘A. T. Ariyaratne and the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement in Sri Lanka’, in C. Queen and S. King (eds), Engaged Buddhism, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Bongard-Levin, G. (1980), The Indo-Aryan Languages, New York: Cambridge University Press. Borland, R., Chapman, S., Owen, N. and Hill, D. (1990), ‘Effects of Workplace Smoking Bans on Cigarette Consumption‘, American Journal of Public Health, 80, pp. 178–80. Brown, R. (1978), Theology in a New Key, Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Bucaille, M. (1979), The Bible, the Qur’an and Science, translated by A. Pannell, Indianapolis: American Trust Publications. Buddhism for Development (2010a), ‘BFD History’, http://www.bfdkhmer.

178

Development and religion

org/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=33 &Itemid=34. Buddhism for Development (2010b), ‘Welcome from BFD’, http://www. bfdkhmer.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=32:welco me&catid=38:bfd-news-flashes&Itemid=37. Buddhism for Development (2010c), ‘BFD Mission’, http://www. bfdkhmer.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=bl og&id=1&Itemid=32. Buddhism for Development (2010d), ‘BFD Program Overview’, http://www.bfdkhmer.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&i d=2:program-overview&catid=35:bfd-programs&Itemid=33. Buddhism for Development (2010e), ‘How Can You Help?’, http://www.bfdkhmer.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=22&Itemid=48. Burnell, P. (ed.) (2007), Evaluating Democracy Support: Methods and Experiences, Stockholm: IDEA/SIDA. Candland, C. (2000), ‘Faith as Social Capital: Religion and Community Development in Southern Asia’, Policy Sciences, 33, pp. 355–74. Caritas in Veritate (CV) (2005), ‘Encyclical Letter Caritas In Veritate of the Supreme Pontiff Benedict XVI to the Bishops Priests and Deacons Men and Women Religious the Lay Faithful and all People of Good Will on Integral Human Development in Charity and Truth’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xvi/encyclicals/documents/hf _ben-xvi_enc_20090629_caritas-in-veritate_en.html. Caritas India, (2005), Commitment to Compassion and Care: HIV/AIDS Policy of the Catholic Church in India, Delhi: Commission for Health Care/Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India. Caritas Internationalis, (2003), Caritas Partnership: A Caritas Internationalis Handbook for Reflection and Action, Rome: Caritas Internationalis. Caritas Internationalis (2007a), 2007 Annual Report, Rome: Caritas Internationalis. Caritas Internationalis (2007b), Caritas Special Bulletin: 218th General Assembly, Rome: Caritas Internationalis. Caritas Internationalis (2008), Imagine: One World Based on Solidarity and Justice, Rome: Caritas Internationalis. Centesimus Annus (CA) (1991), ‘To his Venerable Brothers in the Episcopate the Priests and Deacons Families of Men and Women Religious all the Christian Faithful and to all Men and Women of Good Will on the Hundredth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum’, http://www.vatican.va/edocs/ ENG0214/_INDEX.HTM. Central British Fund for World Jewish Relief (CBFWJF) (2009), ‘Council of Management’s Report and Accounts for the Year Ended 30 June 2009’,

References

179

http://www.charity-commission.gov.uk/ScannedAccounts/Ends67/ 0000290767_ac_20090630_e_c.pdf. Chambers, R. (1983), Rural Development: Putting the Last First, Harlow: Longman. Chambers, R. (2005), Ideas for Development, London: Earthscan. Chamlong, S. (1998), Major-General (retired), former Governor of Bangkok, and Santi Asok member, interview, 7 December, Ratchathani, Thailand. Charity Commission (2009), ‘Summary Information Return 2009 (Online) – Central British Fund For World Jewish Relief, Charity Number: 290767’, http://www.charity-commission.gov.uk/SIR/ENDS67/0000290767_ SIR_09_E.PDF, 8 December. Clarke, G. (2006), ‘Faith Matters: Faith-Based Organisations, Civil Society and International Development’, Journal of International Development, 18, pp. 835–48. Clarke, G. (2007), ‘Agents of Transformation? Donors, Faith-Based Organisations and International Development’, Third World Quarterly, 28 (1), pp. 77–96. Clarke, G. (2008), ‘Faith Based Organisations and International Development’, in G. Clarke and M. Jennings (eds), Development, Civil Society and Faith-Based Organizations, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Clarke, G. and Jennings, M. (2008), Development, Civil Society and FaithBased Organizations, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Clarke, M. (2002), ‘Achieving Behaviour Change: Three Generations of HIV/AIDS Programming and Jargon in Thailand’, Development in Practice, 12 (5), pp. 625–36. Clarke, M. (2008), ‘Raising the Funds – Spending the Funds: A Case Study of the Effectiveness of BOTH roles of NGOs’, in A. Renzaho (ed.), Measuring Development Effectiveness, New York: Nova. Clarke, M. (2009), ‘Over the Border and Under the Radar: Should Illegal Migrants be Active Citizens?’, Development in Practice (special edition), 19 (8), pp. 1064–78. Clarke, M. and Donnelly, J. (2009), ‘Learning from Missionaries: Lessons for Secular Development Practitioners’, paper presented at Edinburgh 2010 Commission VII Forum, Edinburgh, 11–12 June. Clarke, M. and Missingham, B. (2009), ‘Guest Editors’ Introduction: Active Citizenship and Social Accountability’, Development in Practice (special edition), 19 (8), pp. 955–63. Clarke, M., Charnley, S. and Lumbers, J. (2011), ‘Churches, Mosques and Condoms: Understanding Successful Faith-based Organisations’ HIV and AIDS Interventions’, Development in Practice, 21 (1), pp. 3–17. Clarke, M., Kenny, S. and Fanany, I. (2010), Understanding the Reconstruction of Aceh: Different Perspectives, Different Voices, London: Earthscan.

180

Development and religion

Collier, P. (2007), The Bottom Billion, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Conze, E. (1975), Buddhism: Its Essence and Development, London: Harper & Row. Coomaraswamy, A. (1985, first published 1957), The Dance of the Shiva, New York: Dover Publications. Cornwall, A. (2007), ‘Buzzwords and Fuzzwords: Deconstructing Development Discourse’, Development in Practice, 17 (4–5), pp. 471–84. Craig, D. and Porter, D. (1997), ‘Framing Participation: Development Projects, Professionals, and Organizations’, Development in Practice, 7 (3), pp. 229–36. Dale, R. (2004), Development Planning, London: Zed Books. Daly, H. (1996), Beyond Growth, Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Davary, B. (2006a), ‘Nisa’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopaedia, London: Routledge. Davary, B. (2006b), ‘Women’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopaedia, London: Routledge. Dawkins, R. (2006), The God Delusion, London: Transworld. Deneulin, S. with Bano, M. (2009), Religion in Development: Rewriting the Secular Script, London: Zed Books. Dennett, D. (2006), Breaking the Spell, London: Viking. Dorr, D. (1991), Option for the Poor: Catholic Social Teaching, Melbourne: Collins Dove. Duggan, S. (1983), ‘In the Shadow of Somoro – The Franciscan Experience in the Sepik Region, 1946–75’, PhD thesis, La Trobe University. Durkhein, E. (1976, first published in 1915), The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, translated by J. Swain, London: Allen and Unwin. Easterly, W. (2002), The Elusive Quest for Growth, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Easterly, W. (2007), ‘Was Development Assistance a Mistake?’, American Economic Review, 97 (2), pp. 328–32. Ebaugh, H. (2002), ‘Presidential Address 2001, Return of the Sacred, Reintegrating Religion in the Social Sciences’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 43 (3), pp. 385–95. Edwards, M. and Fowler, A. (2002) ‘Introduction: Changing Challenges for NGDO Management’ in M. Edwards and A. Fowler (eds), NGO Management, London: Earthscan. Edwards, M. and Sen, G. (2002), ‘NGOs, Social Change and the Transformation of Human Relationships’, in M. Edwards and A. Fowler (eds), NGO Management, London: Earthscan. Ellis, S. and Ter Haar, G. (2004), Worlds of Power: Religious Thought and Political Practice in Africa, London: Hurst and Co. English Language Liturgical Consultation (1988), Praying Together, Prague:

References

181

English Language Liturgical Consultation, http://www.englishtexts.org/ praying.pdf. Esack, F. (1997), Qur’an, Liberation and Pluralism, Oxford: Oneworld. Evangelii Nuntiandi (EN) (1975), ‘Apostolic Exhortation of His Holiness Pope Paul VI to the Episcopate, to the Clergy and to all the Faithful of the Entire World’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/paul_vi/apost_exhortations/documents/hf_p-vi_exh_19751208_evangelii-nuntiandi_en.html. Falk, R. (1978), ‘Satisfying Human Needs in a World of Sovereign States: Rhetoric, Reality and Vision’, in J. Gremmillion and W. Ryan (eds), World Faiths and the New World Order, Washington, DC: Interreligious Peace Colloquium. Fanany, I. (2010), ‘Reconstructing the Invisible Landscape’, in M. Clarke, S. Kenny and I. Fanany (eds), Understanding the Reconstruction of Aceh: Different Perspectives, Different Voices, London: Earthscan. Feeny, S. and Clarke, M. (2009), The Millennium Development Goals and Beyond: International Assistance to the Asia-Pacific, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Ferm, D. (1988), Third World Liberation Theologies, New York: Orbis Books. Fidei Donum (1957), ‘On the Present Condition of the Catholic Missions, Especially in Africa’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xii/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xii_enc_21041957_fidei-donum_en.html. Firmissimam Constantiam (F) (1937) ‘Encyclical of Pope Pius XI on the Religious Situation in Mexico to the Venerable Brethren the Archbishops, Bishops, and Other Ordinaries of Mexico in Peace and Communion with the Apostolic See’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/encyclicals/ documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19370328_firmissimam-constantiam_en.html. Fisher, I. (1965, first published 1906), The Nature of Capital and Income, New York: Augustus M. Kelly. Flood, G. (1999), Beyond Phenomenology: Rethinking the Study of Religion, London: Cassell. Fonrobert, C. (2000), ‘To Increase Torah is to Increase Life’, in J. Runzo and N. McMartin (eds), The Meaning of Life in the World Religions, Oxford: Oneworld. Fowler, A. (2002), Striking a Balance, London: Earthscan, http://www. oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/conflict_disasters/downloads/bn_tsunam i_twoyears.pdf, 7 December 2006 Fox, J. and Sandler, S. (eds) (2006), Religion in World Conflict, London: Routledge. Freire, P. (1982), Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Middlesex: Penguin Books. Gafurov, B. (1973), From Ancient History to Contemporary Times, Delhi: Navayug Publishers.

182

Development and religion

Gardner, H. (2006), Gathering for God: George Brown in Oceania, Dunedin: University of Otago Press. Gardner, H. (2008), ‘The “Faculty of Faith”: Evangelical Missionaries, Social Anthropologists and the Claim for Human Unity in the Nineteenth Century’, in B. Douglas and C. Ballard (eds), Foreign Bodies: Oceania and Racial Science 1750–1940, Canberra: ANU Press. Gaudium et Spes (GS) (1966), ‘Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World Gaudium et Spes Promulgated by His Holiness, Pope Paul VI on December 7, 1965’, http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_cons_19651207_gaudium-et-spes_ en.html. Geertz, C. (1968), Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Geertz, C. (1973), ‘Thick Descriptions: Towards and Interpretive Theory of Culture’, in C. Geertz (ed.), The Interpretation of Cultures, New York: Basic Books. George, S. and F. Sabelli (1994), Faith and Credit: The World Bank’s Secular Empire, Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Gibillini, R. (1987), The Liberation Theology Debates, London: SCM Press. Gillian, A. (2010), ‘Muslim Aid Charity Under Investigation’, Daily Telegraph, 3 April, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/7550007/ Muslim-Aid-charity-under-investigation.html. Gonzalez, J. (1985), The Story of Christianity: The Reformation to the Present Day, vol. 2, New York: Harper Collins. Gosling, L. and Edwards, M. (1995) ‘Recognise and Deal with Differences and Discrimination’, in Toolkits: A Practical Guide to Assessment, Monitoring, Review and Evaluation, London: Save the Children. Goulet, D. (1979), ‘Strategies for Meeting Human Needs’, in C. Wilber (ed.), Growth with Equity, New York: Paulist Press. Goulet, D. (1980), ‘Development Experts: The One-Eyed Giants’, World Development, 8 (6–7), pp. 481–9. Government of the Union of Burma (1954), The New Burma, Rangoon: Economic and Social Board. Gunder Frank, A. (1967), Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America, New York: Monthly Review Press. Gutierrez, G. (1973), A Theology of Liberation, Maryknoll: Orbis Books. Gutierrez, G. (1990), ‘Towards a Theology of Liberation’, in A. Hennelly (ed.), Liberation Theology, New York: Orbis Books. Hammond, P. (1994), ‘Is There Anything New in the Concept of Sustainable Development?’, in L. Campiglio, L. Pineschi, D. Siniscalco and T. Treves (eds), The Environment after Rio, London: Graham and Trotman. Harb, M. (2008), ‘Faith-Based Organizations as Effective Development

References

183

Partners? Hezbollah and Post-War Reconstruction in Lebanon’, in G. Clarke and M. Jennings (eds), Development, Civil Society and Faith-based Organizations, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Harnetty, P. (2001), ‘The Famine that Never Was: Christian Missionaries in India, 1918–1919’, The Historian, 63, pp. 555–75. Hassall, G. (1989), Religion and Nation-State Forming in Melanesia: 1945 to Independence, Canberra: Australian National University. Haynes, J. (2007), An Introduction to International Relations and Religion, Harlow: Pearson and Longman. Hegel, G. (1977), Faith and Knowledge, translated by W. Cerf and H. Harris, New York: State University of New York Press. Henderick, J. (2008), ‘Islamic Activism and the “Secular” Modern WorldSystem’, in K. Samman and A. Mazhar (eds), Islam and the Orientalist World System, Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers. Hennelly, A. (ed.) (1990), Liberation Theology, New York: Orbis Books. Herder, J. (1997), On World History: An Anthology, New York: M.E. Sharpe. Hicks, J. (1946), Value and Capital, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hourani, A. (1982), Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Huntington, S. (1993), ‘The Clash of Civilizations?’, Foreign Affairs, 72 (3), pp. 22–49. Huntington, S. (1998), The Clash of Civilization and Remaking of the World Order, New York: Simon & Schuster. Ife, J. (1995), ‘Principles of Community Development’, in J. Ife, Creating Community Alternatives – Vision, Analysis and Practice, South Melbourne: Longman. Instruction on Certain Aspects of the ‘Theology of Liberation’ (1983), http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_ con_cfaith_doc_19840806_theology-liberation_en.html. Instruction on Christian Faith and Liberation (1986), http://www.vatican.va/ roman_curia/congregations/cfaith/documents/rc_con_cfaith_doc_1986032 2_freedom-liberation_en.html. International Crisis Group (ICG) (2008), Burma/Myanmar after Nargis: Time to Normalise Aid Relations, Asia Report 161, Brussels: International Crisis Group. Islam, S., Munasignhe, M. and Clarke, M. (2003), ‘Making Long-Term Economic Growth More Sustainable: Evaluating the Costs and Benefits’, Ecological Economics, 47, pp. 149–66. James, R. (2009), What is Distinctive About FBOs? How European FBOs Define and Operationalise their Faith, Praxis Paper 22, Oxford: INTRAC. James, W. (1902, reprinted 1997), The Varieties of Religious Experience, New York: Simon & Schuster.

184

Development and religion

Juergensmeyer, M. (2008), Global Rebellion: Religious Challenges to the Secular State, from Christian Militias to Al Qaeda, Berkeley: University of California Press. Juergensmeyer, M. (2010), ‘The Global Rise of Religious Nationalism’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 64 (3), pp. 262–73. Justice in the World (JW) (1971), Synod of Bishops, Justice in the World, http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_1971 1130_giustizia_po.html. Khan, A., Tahmazov, I. and Aburaqub, M. (2009), Translating Faith into Development, Birmingham: Islamic Relief. Kingsbury, D., McKay, J., Hunt, J., McGillivray, M. and Clarke, M. (2008), International Development, London: Palgrave Macmillan. Kirby, P. (1981), Lesson in Liberation, Dublin: Dominican Publications. Kirk, A. (2000), What is Mission?: Theological Explorations, London: Fortress Press. Klausner, J. (1955), The Messianic Idea in Israel, New York: Macmillan. Klostermaier, K. (1994), A Survey of Hinduism, New York: State University of New York Press. Koenig, W.J. (1990), The Burmese Polity, 1752–1819: Politics, Administration, and Social Organization in the Early Kon-Baung Period, Ann Arbor: Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan. Korten, D. (1990), Getting to the 21st Century: Voluntary Action and the Global Agenda, Connecticut: Kumarian Press. Kurzman, C. (2002), Modernist Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Laborem Exercens (LE) (1981), ‘To His Venerable Brothers in the Episcopate to the Priests to the Religious Families to the sons and daughters of the Church and to all Men and Women of Good Will on Human Work on the Ninetieth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum, http://www.vatican.va/edocs/ ENG0217/_INDEX.HTM. Lawn, P. (2007), Frontier Issues in Ecological Economics, Cheltenham, UK, and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar. Lawn, P. and Clarke, M. (2008), Sustainable Welfare in the Asia-Pacific: Studies Using the Genuine Progress Indicator, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar. Leaman, O. (2006a), Jewish Thought, New York: Routledge. Leaman, O. (2006b), ‘Money’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopaedia, London: Routledge. Leaman, O. (2006c), ‘Ta’Til’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopaedia, London: Routledge. Lerner, D. (1958), The Passing of Traditional Society, New York: Macmillan. Leurs, P. and Tomalin, E. (2010), ‘Mapping the Work of Faith Based Organisations in India, Pakistan, Tanzania and Nigeria’, paper presented at

References

185

the Religion Shaping Development: Inspirational, Inhibiting, Institutionalized? conference, University of Birmingham, 21–23 July. Levinas, E. (1990), Difficult Freedom: Essays on Judaism, translated by S. Hand, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Lipner, J. (1994), Hindus: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices, London: Routledge. Lipner, J. (2000), ‘A Hindu View of Life’, in J. Runzo and N. Martin (eds), The Meaning of Life in the World’s Religions, Oxford: Oneworld. Lovett, B. (1984), ‘Liberation Theology’, Compass Theology Review, 18, pp. 16–23. Loy, D. (2003), The Great Awakening: A Buddhist Social Theory, Boston, MA: Wisdom Publications. Lunn, J. (2009), ‘The Role of Religion, Spirituality and Faith in Development: A Critical Theory Approach’, Third World Quarterly, 30 (5), pp. 937–51. Maimonides, M. (1982), Mishneth Torah, Yale Judaic Series, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Make Poverty History and Micah Challenge (2009), Millennium Development Goal 8 Review Australia 2009, Canberra: Make Poverty History and Micah Challenge, http://www.makepovertyhistory.com.au/getdoc/1c1876069904-4b7a-8354-92e48ee19c4e/Goal8_report_web.aspx. Maler, K. (1990), ‘Economic Theory and Environmental Degradation: A Survey of Some Problems’, Revista de Analisis Economico, 5, pp. 7–17. Manji, F. and O’Coill, C. (2002), ‘The Missionary Position: NGOs and Development in Africa’, International Affairs, 78, pp. 567–83. Marshall, K. and Keogh, L. (2004), Mind, Heart and Soul in the Fight Against Poverty, Washington, DC: World Bank. Marshall, K. and Van Saanen, M. (2007), Development and Faith, Washington, DC: World Bank. Masica, C. (1991), The Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mater et Magistra (MM) (1961), ‘Encyclical of Pope John XXIII on Christianity and Social Progress’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/ john_xxiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_j-xxiii_enc_15051961_mater_en. html. McCormack, A. (ed.) (1963), Christian Responsibility and World Poverty, Westminster: Newman Press. McGillivray, M. and Clarke, M. (2006), Understanding Human Well-Being, Tokyo: United Nations University Press. Millikan, M. (1962), ‘The Planning Process and Planning Objectives in Developing Countries’, in Organization, Planning and Programming for Economic Development, Washington, DC: USG Printing Office. Mohamed, Y. (2006a), ‘Happiness’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopaedia, London: Routledge.

186

Development and religion

Mohamed, Y. (2006b), ‘Wealth’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopaedia, London: Routledge. Mohamed, Y. (2006c), ‘Morality’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopaedia, London: Routledge. Monychenda, H. (2009), ‘Discussion with Heng Monychenda, Director of Buddhism for Development’, http://www.bfdkhmer.org/index.php?option= com_content&view=article&id=70&Itemid=106. Morris, C. and Adelman, I. (1980), ‘The Religious factor in economic development’, World Development, 8 (7–8), pp. 491–501. Muslim Aid (2007), Strategic Plan 2007–2010, London: Muslim Aid. Muslim Aid (2009), Trustees’ Report and Financial Statements for the Year Ended 31 December 2008, London: Muslim Aid. Muslim Aid (2010a), ‘Muslim Aid Rejects False Allegations Printed in the Sunday Telegraph’, press release, 29 March, http://www.muslimaid.org/ index.php/media-centre/press-releases/395-sunday-telegraph-. Muslim Aid (2010b), ‘Eid Gifts’, http://www.muslimaid.org/ramadan/eidgifts. Muslim Aid (2010c), ‘Muslim Aid’s Qurbani Programme, http://www.muslimaid.org/index.php/what-we-do/qurbani/qurbaniprograme. Muslim Aid (undated), Principal Guidelines for the Operation of Muslim Aid Field Offices, London: Muslim Aid. Narayan, D., Patel, R., Schafft, K., Rademacher, A. and Koch-Schulte, S. (2000), Voices of the Poor: Can Anyone Hear Us?, Washington, DC: World Bank and Oxford University Press. Naudé, W. (2009), The Financial Crisis of 2008 and the Developing Countries, Discussion Paper No. 2009/01, Helsinki: World Institute for Development Economics Research, UNU. Nolan, A. (1989), ‘Meaning of Option for the Poor’, Compass Theology Review, 23, pp. 3–5. Novo Millennio Inuente (2001), ‘Apostolic Letter Novo Millennio Ineunte of His Holiness Pope John Paul II to the Bishops, Clergy And Lay Faithful at the Close of the Great Jubilee of the Year 2000’, http://www.vatican.va/ holy_father/john_paul_ii/apost_letters/documents/hf_jp-ii_apl_20010106_ novo-millennio-ineunte_en.html. O’Brien, J. and Palmer, M. (2007), The Atlas of Religion, London: Earthscan. Octogesima Adveniens (OA) (1971), Apostolic Letter of Pope Paul VI, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/paul_vi/apost_letters/documents/hf_pvi_apl_19710514_octogesima-adveniens_en.html. accessed 29 July, 2010. Owen, R. (2003), State, Power and Politics in the Making of the Modern Middle East, London: Routledge. Pacem in Terris (PT) (1963), ‘Encyclical of Pope John XXIII on Establishing Universal Peace in Truth, Justice, Charity, and Liberty’, http://www.vati-

References

187

can.va/holy_father/john_xxiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_j-xxiii_enc_ 11041963_pacem_en.html. Parnell, B. and Benton, K. (1999) Facilitating Sustainable Behaviour Change, Melbourne: Macfarlane Burnet Centre for Medical Research. Peters, F. (2001), ‘Broadcasting the World: Prophet, Preacher and Saint in Islam’, in J. Runzo and N. Martin (eds), The Meaning of Life in the World Religions, Oxford@ Oneworld. Petersen, M. (2010), ‘Islamizing Aid: Islamic NGOs After 9.11 and the “War on Terror”’, paper presented at the Religion Shaping Development: Inspirational, Inhibiting, Institutionalized? conference, University of Birmingham, 21–23 July. Pfanner, D.E. and J. Ingersoll (1962), ‘Theravada Buddhism and Village Economic Behaviour: A Burmese and Thai Comparison’, Journal of Asian Studies, 21, pp.341–61. Planas, R. (1986), Liberation Theology: The Political Expression of Religion, Kansas City: Shead and Ward. Pope John Paul II (2004), ‘Letter from Pope John Paul II to Grant Public Canonical Legal Status to Caritas Internationalis’, Castel Gandolfo, 16 September. Populorum Progressio (PP) (1967), ‘Encyclical of Pope Paul VI on the Development of Peoples’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/paul_vi/ encyclicals/documents/hf_p-vi_enc_26031967_populorum_en.html. Premasiri, P. (1999), ‘Religious Values and the Measurement of Poverty: A Buddhist Perspective’, in World Faiths Development Dialogue, Occasional Paper Number 2, papers presented at the Consultation of the World Bank’s World Development Report 2000/1 on the themes of Values, Norms and Poverty, Johannesburg, 12–14 January. Prochaska, J. and DiClemente, C. (1983), ‘Stages and Processes of SelfChange in Smoking: Toward an Integrative Model of Change’, Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 51, pp. 390–95. Pryor, D. (1990), ‘A Buddhist Economics System – In Principle’, American Journal of Economcis and Sociology, 59 (3), pp. 339–49. Quadragesimo Anno (QA) (1931), ‘Encyclical of Pope Pius XI on Reconstruction of the Social Order to Our Venerable Brethren, the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries in Peace and Communion with the Apostolic See, and Likewise to all the Faithful of the Catholic World’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19310515_quadragesimo-anno_en.html. Rahman, F. (1966), ‘The Impact of Modernity on Islam’, Journal of Islamic Studies, 5 (2), pp. 112–28. Rahman, F. (1967), ‘Some Reflections on the Reconstruction of the Muslim Society in Pakistan’, Islamic Studies, 6 (9), pp. 103–20.

188

Development and religion

Rakodi, C. (2007), Understanding the Role of Religions in Development, Working Paper 9-2007, Birmingham: Religions and Development Research Programme, University of Birmingham. Rakodi, C. (2010), ‘Religions and Development Research Programme: Emerging Findings’, paper presented at the Religion Shaping Development: Inspirational, Inhibiting, Institutionalized? conference, University of Birmingham, 21–23 July. Rance, S., Chowdhury, N., Laurie, P. and Panyacheewin, S. (1989), ‘Letter to a God’, New Internationalist, 194, April. Regenvanu, S. (2004), Laef Blong Mi: From Village to Nation, Suva: USP. Religions and Development Programme (2010), ‘Key Terms’, http://www.rad.bham.ac.uk/index.php?section=24. Rerum Novarum (RN) (1891), ‘Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on Capital and Labor’, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum_en.html. Robertson, H. (1959), Aspects of the Rise of Economic Individualism: A Critique of Max Weber and his School, New York: Kelly and Millman. Rodrigues, H. (2006), Introducing Hinduism, London: Routledge. Rostow, W. (1960), The Stages of Economic Growth, London: Cambridge University Press. Sachs, J. (2005), The End of Poverty, London: Penguin. Saeed, A. (2006), Interpreting the Qur’an: Towards a Contemporary Approach, London: Routledge. Saeed, A. (2008), The Qur’an: An Introduction, London: Routledge. Said, E. (2003), Oreintalism, New York: Vintage Books. Samman, K. and Mazhar A. (eds) (2008), Islam and the Orientalist World System, Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers. Schaltegger, C. and Torgler, B. (2010), ‘Work Ethic, Protestantism, and Human Capital’, Economic Letters, 107 (2), pp. 99–101. Schmidhalter, M. (2007), The History of Caritas Internationalis, Rome: Caritas Internationalis. Schumacher, E. (1993), Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if People Mattered, London: Vintage Books. Segal, E. (2009), Introducing Judaism, Routledge: London. Seiple, R. and Hoover, D. (eds) (2004), Religion and Security: The New Nexus in International Relations, Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Selinger, L. (2004), ‘The Forgotten Factor: The Uneasy Relationship Between Religion and Development’, Social Compass, 51 (4), pp. 523–43. Sen, K. (1961), Hinduism, London: Penguin. Sen, A. (1985), Commodities and Capabilities, Amsterdam: North Holland. Sen, A. (2006), Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny, New York: W.W. Norton.

References

189

Shattuck, C. (1999), Hinduism, London: Routledge. Shepherd, W. (2009), Introducing Islam, London: Routledge. Sihlongonyane, M.F, (2003), ‘The Rhetoric of the Community in Project Management: The Case of Mohlakeng Township’, Development in Practice, 11 (1), pp. 34–44. Silvert, K. (ed.) (1967), Churches and States: The Religious Institution and Modernization, Texas: American Universities Field Staff. Smith, D. (ed.) (1970), Religion and Political Development, Boston, MA: Little, Brown. Smith, D. (ed.) (1974), Religion and Political Modernization, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Smith, H. (1991), The World’s Religions, San Francisco: Harper. Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (SRS) (1986), ‘To the Bishops, Priests Religious Families, Sons and Daughters of the Church and All People of Good Will for the Twentieth Anniversary of Populorum Progressio’, http://www.vatican.va/edocs/ENG0223/_INDEX.HTM. Solow, R. (1986), ‘On the Intergenerational Allocation of Natural Resources’, Scandinavian Journal of Economics, 88 (1), pp. 141–9. Sonn, T. (2006), ‘Taqlid’, in O. Leaman (ed.), The Qur’an: An Encyclopedia, London: Routledge. Sparre, S. and Petersen, M. (2007), Islam and Civil Society: Case Studies from Jordon and Egypt, Report 13, Copenhagen: Danish Institute for International Studies. Spiro, M. (1982), Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and its Burmese Vicissitudes, 2nd edn, Berkeley: University of California Press. Steinberg, M. (1975, first published 1947), Basic Judaism, Orlando, Harcourt Brace. Stewart, F. (2010), ‘Religion, Inequality and Conflict’, paper presented at the Religion Shaping Development: Inspirational, Inhibiting, Institutionalized? conference, University of Birmingham, 21–3 July. Stiglitz, J. (2007), Making Globalization Work, New York: Norton. Stiglitz, J.E. (1999), ‘The Role of Participation in Development’, Development Outreach, Summer, pp. 1–4. Strayer, J. (1971), Medieval Statecraft and the Perspectives of History, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Sutcliffe, S. (2004), Religion: Empirical Studies, Aldershot: Ashgate. Swami Bhaskarananda (2002), The Essentials of Hinduism, Seattle: Viveka Press. Swami Vivekananda (undated), The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda, vol. 3, Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama. Taylor, J. (1993), ‘Social Activism and Resistance on the Thai Frontier: The Case of Phra Prajak Khuttajitto’, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 25 (2), pp. 3–16.

190

Development and religion

Telford, J. and Cosgrave, J. (2006), Joint Evaluation of the International Response to the Indian Ocean Tsunami: Synthesis Report, London: Tsunami Evaluation Coalition. Thanissaro Bhikkhu (undated), Buddhist Monastic Code (BMC): Introduction to the Patimokkha Rules, California: Metta Forest Monastery. Tilak, L. (1956), The Arctic Home in the Vedas, Puna City: Tilak Bros. Tomalin, E. (2006), ‘Religion and Rights-Based Approach to Development’, Progress in Development Studies, 6 (2), pp. 93–108. Tomalin, E. (2007), Religious Studies and Development: A Literature Review, Working Paper 6-2007, Birmingham: Religions and Development Research Program, University of Birmingham. Toner, P. (1910), ‘Infallibility’, The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07790a.htm. Toprak, B. (1981), Islam and Political Development in Turkey, Leiden: E.J. Brill. UK Jewish Aid and International Development (UKJAID) (2003), ‘Directors’ and Trustees’ Report and Accounts for the Period Ended 30th September 2003’, http://www.charity-commission.gov.uk/ScannedAccounts/Ends88/ 0000328488_AC_20030930_E_C.pdf. UNAIDS (2009), UNAIDS Outlook 2010, Geneva: UNAIDS. Uphoff, N., Esman, M. and Krishna, A. (1998), Reasons for Success: Learning from Instructive Experiences in Rural Development, West Hartford: Kumarian Press. USAID (2005), ‘Success Story: Cambodia. Buddhist Monks Provide HIV/AIDS Care’, http://www.usaid.gov/kh/Success_Stories/cambodiastory6.pdf. Van Ufford, P. and Schoffeloeers, M. (eds) (1988), Religion and Development, Amsterdam: Free University Press. Vanier, J. (1989), Community and Growth, Sydney: St Paul Publications. Ven, Nyanamoli Therea (undated), The Entrance to the Vinya, Vinayamukha (EV), 3 vols, Bangkok: Mahamakut Rajavidyalaya Press. Ver Beek, K. (2002), ‘Spirituality: A Development Taboo’, in D. Eades (ed.), Development and Culture, Oxford: Oxfam. Vidal, A. (2001), Faith-Based Organisations in Community Development, Washington, DC: The Urban Institute. Vidler, A. (1964), A Century of Social Catholicism, London: SPCK. Weber, M. (1904/1930), The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, London: Butler and Atnenr. Wetherell, D. (2005), ‘The Anglicans in New Guinea and the Torres Strait Islands’, in P. Herda, M. Reilly and D. Hilliard (eds), Vision and Reality in Pacific Religion, Canberra: Pandanus Books. Wilber, C. and Jameson, K. (1980), ‘Religious Values and Social Limits to Development’, World Development, 8, pp. 467–79.

References

191

Williams, R. (1972), The United Church in Papua, New Guinea and the Solomon Islands, Rabaul: Trinity Press. Wodon, O. (2010), ‘Faith and Development at the World Bank: Building the Empirical Evidence’, paper presented at the Religion Shaping Development: Inspirational, Inhibiting, Institutionalized? conference, University of Birmingham, 21–23 July. World Bank (1999), Confronting AIDS: Public Priorities in a Global Epidemic, Oxford: Oxford University Press. World Bank (2010), World Development Indicators, Washington, DC: World Bank. World Council of Churches (WCC) (2007), Alternative Globalisation Addressing People and Earth (AGAPE) Consultation on Linking Poverty, Wealth and Ecology: African Ecumenical Perspectives, Dar es Salaam: WCC. World Jewish Relief (WJR) (2010), ‘Sponsor a Grandparent’, http://www.wjr.org.uk/events/644-sponsor-a-grandparent. World Vision (2006), Contemporary Approaches to Child Sponsorship: A Discussion Reflecting Contemporary Approaches to Child Sponsorship within the World Vision Partnership, Monrovia: World Vision. Wostyn, L. (1986), Exodus Towards the Kingdom, Quezon City: Claretian Publications. Yeylanswami, S.B. (2007), ‘Karma Management’, in S.B. Yeylanswami, What is Hinduism?, Hawaii: Himalayan Academy. Young, M. (1958), The Rise of Meritocracy, London: Thames and Hudson. Yunnis, M. (with A. Jolis) (2003), Banker to the Poor, London: Arum Press. Zimmer, H. (1951), Philosophies of India, New York: Pantheon Books. Zivets, L. (2003), Project Identification, Design and Appraisal: A Manual for NGOs, Canberra: Australian Council for Overseas AID (now ACFID).

Index Abrahamic ancestry Christian, Muslim, Judaism 57, 144 Abrahamic Covenant, Book of Genesis 85 Acts of the Apostles, early Christian communities 121 Adam and Eve, Book of Genesis 84–5 afterlife in Judaism 89 agnosticism or atheism, open mind 20–21 Allah, central to Islamic life 149, 153 almsgiving in Buddhism 66–7 Aryas, ancient, Sanatana Dharma (eternal religion) 25 BAPS Charities, Hindu FBO 40–51 Bhagavad Gita, Hinduism 28 Bhagwan Swaminarayan, Hindu guru 49 Brahman (God) 27, 30 Buddhism 1, 3, 52–82 enlightenment and development 70, 173 food, clothing, medicine, lodging 62–3 interpretation by teachers 60 merit-making tasks 66 nirvana, after enlightenment 56, 57 poverty alleviation 57 search for enlightenment 53 state religion, Cambodia, Thailand, Bhutan 67 teaching 54–60 Buddhism for Development (BFD), Cambodia five goals of 74–5 Buddhist economics 67–9 Buddhist social movement Sarvodaya Movement, Sri Lanka 64 Buddhist suffering pursuit of happiness through sensual fulfilment 62

capitalism and religious belief 7, 8 capitalist system, critiques 118–19 Caritas Internationalis (international love) world-wide Roman Catholic FBO 132–42 caste system, India 31 Catholic Church as church of poor Latin America 120 Pope John Paul II 129 spiritual and material growth 131 Catholicism, focus on ‘Catholic’ position on development 131–2 Central British Fund for World Jewish Relief (CBF) World Jewish Relief (WJR) an FBO 98–9 charity 5 Islam 154, 156, 160 Buddhism 65–7 Judaism 94–6, 173 Christian beliefs 109 Christian Bible literal truth, creation versus evolution 152 New Testament, Gospels on ministry of Jesus 110–11 Christianity 109–43 genesis of, in Judaism 109 option for the poor 173 Orthodox (Eastern Rite) 109 Protestantism 109 colonial rulers, exploitative practices, Latin America 120 Columbus, Christopher Catholic Church in New World 120 community participation 10–11, 37, 95 compassion to poor in Islam zakat (poor-due), a charity 155–6 cultural norms and values, Muslim Aid approach 163 193

194

Development and religion

Darshanas, Hindu philosophies 28 debts of Hinduism, moral duties, dharma 31 dependency theory poor and rich nations 118–19 development attaining necessities of life 126–7 and Buddhism 60, 61, 70 and Catholicism 113 and Islam 147, 150, 152–3 development studies discipline 3–6 exclusion of religion 7–9 dharma and active citizenship 25–51 divinity of Jesus, and of Qur’an 148 economics in Islam interest on loans, unlawful 155 wealth circulation 154 Eid-ul Adha, Muslim commemoration of Abraham and Isaac purchase of Eid gift to donate 168 Eid-ul-Fitr (Breaking of the Fast) 167–8 Eightfold Path of Buddhism purposeful approach to life 55–6 Elijah, Jewish prophet’s cry for justice 91–2 enlightenment, Hindu path Paths of Desire and of Renunciation 29 enlightenment in Buddhism 54 development, simplicity and nonviolence 53 enlightenment of Siddhartha, Four Noble Truths 54 environmental degradation in pursuit of economic growth Islamic teaching against 158–9 environmentalism and Hinduism 37–8 environment, Christian Church to defend 131 environment damage 38 equality in Islam 147, 154 equitable distribution of resources 118 ethnic conflicts peacebuilding and reconciliation programmes 134 existence in Buddhism life and death, continuing cycle 57

Exodus from Egypt, of Jews 90 God’s charity 94 political liberation narrative 121 faith-based organisations (FBOs) 10 fundraising reflecting religious affiliations 174 increased involvement in development institutions 19 services to public 14–15 faith expressions, commonality of 6–7 FBOs see faith-based organisations Four Noble Truths, Buddhism 70 first, dislocation in life (dukkha) 55 second, personal fulfilment search (tanha) 55 third, ceasing to seek tanha 55 fourth, escape from desires (magga) 55 Gaudium et Spes (GS) Second Vatican Council process of development 117–18 gender 5, 7 and Buddhism, women’s status 69–70 and Hinduism, Devi-bhagavata Purana 38 and Judaism 96–7 in Islam 156–8 equality, perceived foreign concept to Islam 151 gender issues and charity neglect of girl children, gender discrimination 46–7 Genesis, Book of, Jewish people as God’s chosen race 84–5 Genesis creation story Muslims, Jews and Christians, sharing 158–9 God’s love for poor 111 Gospels, Jesus’ relationship with poor 121 Gutierrez, Gustavo, The Theology of Liberation 119, 125, 126 Hadith, Muhammad’s words 148 happiness in Islam relationship with God 153 health and medical services 77

Index BAPS Charities, Hindu FBO 43–4 heaven and hell in Islam 149 Hindu acceptance of Christ and Buddha 27 Hindu caste system 172 discrimination against lower castes 33 determination from birth 32, 33 Hindu concept of God (Brahman) 26, 27 Hinduism 25–51 active citizenship 31–2 ancient religion, diverse practices 25 artha (temporal success) 29 atman 30 development in India riches and poverty in India 31 self-sacrificing service to community 172 divinity of all living things 27 Goddess Sati 38 in India and other countries 26 moksha (liberation) 30 respect for all living creatures 38 schools of 28 Hindu Path of Desire 29, 30 Hindu Path of Renunciation community greater than individual (dharma) 30 Hindu scripture, Vedas (knowledge), four books 27–8 Hindu women in India, role of 38–9 HIV/AIDS, Home-based Care, Cambodia 75, 77–8, 80 HIV/AIDS, policy for Catholic Church Caritas Internationalis (international love) 140 Holocaust, defining event for Jews 93 humanitarian emergencies Jewish aid for 99, 101–2 Muslim aid 160, 162, 163 human rights community-based and gender equality, Islam 167 perceived foreign concept to Islam 151 human trafficking Caritas Internationalis (international love) 141–2

195

independence and interdependence, Buddhism meditation and compassion 58 Index to Religiosity 4 Indian Ocean tsunami, 2004, local perspective of 12–14 injustice of material inequality 115 integral development 118 international development, exclusion of religion 9–10 international trade and relations, inequity in 128 Isaac and Ishmael, sons of Abraham Jewish and Islamic tradition 144, 145 Islam, faith linked to action 153 faith-based organisations (FBOs) 160 marriage 157 monotheistic religion, God is Allah 144 peace and surrender 144–70 practical religion, concern with social etiquette 152–3 religious identity 18 social justice for poor, action and charity 174 tenets 149 Islamic role, threat for non-Muslim world 159 Islamic values in Indian Ocean tsunami 14 Israelite subjugation 92–3 Israel, Jewish rulers over 86 Jesus as God incarnate God in words of Qur’an 148 Jesus of Nazareth concern for poor 122 death and resurrection 110 death, for remission of sins 112 divinity of 110 Muslims respect for, as prophet 169 promised Jewish Messiah 109–10 respect for women 112 Second Coming on Judgment Day 110 teaching and healing 111–12 Jewish charity 95 Jewish Committee for Relief Abroad help after Holocaust 98

196

Development and religion

Jewish Reformed tradition, women’s roles 97 Jews and Gentiles, conflict on Jewish law 112 Jubilee 2000 campaign, debt relief for poor countries 96 Jubilee year, Judaism 95–6 Judaeo-Christian tradition, Western secular humanism 83 Judaism 83–108 and development 89 base of orthopraxis 86 ethnic group and geographical location 83, 89 influence on Christianity and Islam 83 religion of practice 87 two notions intervention of God in world 90 Jews as God’s chosen people 90 justice and Judaism 89–94 Kali and Shakti, feminisation of god in Hinduism 40 karma, Hinduism 29, 31 community participation 36 human responsibility 33–5 karma, Hinduism, principles of good 35 kindertransports programme, World Jewish Relief 98 labour and leisure in Buddhism 67 Latin America, oppressed people 121 League of Nations, 1934, universal primary education 2 ‘liberation’ key theme of Qur’an 152 theological meanings of 126 liberation theology action and reflection 125 commitment to poor 122, 125 and development 125–7 kingdom of God on earth 127 Latin America 1960s 114, 119–21, 132 theology of 121–5 six characteristics 121–5 local communities, value system 12 local governance in Cambodia 74

Mahabharata, Hinduism 28 Mahayana and Theravada Buddhism differences 58 ordination of nuns 70 social engagement 58–9, 70 Maimonides, medieval Jewish scholar on levels of charity 94–5 principles of faith 87 Make Poverty History 4 marriage as social convention, Judaism prenuptial agreement (ketubbah) 96–7 marriage in Hinduism, social contract 39 Marshall Plan 2, 9 Marxism and theology 124 material fulfilment, desire lessening, santutthi (contentment) 63 Medellin, Latin American Bishops’ Conference 119, 127 Medina, ‘City of the Prophet’ 147 Messiah in Judaism 84, 89, 93 monotheism as threat polytheistic high revenue to Mecca 146–7 monotheism, Jewish belief 26, 86, 97 moral corruption and materialism, Western Muslim challenge to 151 motherhood in Hinduism 39–40 Muhammad, prophet of Allah 144–70 early hostility to his teaching 146 migration to Yathrib (Medina) ‘Night of Migration’ 147 political leader and prophet 150 ‘Seal of the Prophets’, last prophet 145 Muslim Aid (FBO) 160 British-based organisations, 1985 161–2 link with religious body 168 non-relief programmes Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Uganda, India 162 Ramadan programme Feed the Fasting, food distribution 168 zakat calculator on website, for fundraising 167

Index Muslim charities 170 controversial areas 162 Muslim social practices, religious belief, or social mores 159 Nahda movement, Islam, engagement with West 151 natural environment, protection of, as religious duty 159 Nazi Germany, pre-war and Holocaust World Jewish Relief (WJR) an FBO 102 neglect of poor in Islam as neglect of religion 154 NGOs see non-governmental organisations Nicene Creed, Christian belief 112–13 nirvana as godhead 56–7 Noah’s flood, Book of Genesis 85 non-governmental organisations (NGOs) comparison with faith-based organisations (FBOs) 15–17 non-profit NGOs, differing strengths 20 non-violence of Hinduism (ahimsa) 26, 38 oral law of Judaism 87 ‘orthodoxy’ (correct thinking) 124 orthopraxis (practice of the religion), Judaism 93, 124 Ottoman Empire Christian and Muslim contact 150–51 decline, 19th century 151 papal encyclical, Firmissimum Constantiam on political action against oppression and injustice 115–16 papal encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (QA), 1930s moral outrage at suffering of working poor 115 papal encyclical Rerum Novarum 1891 on harsh condition for industrial workers, injustice 115 patriarchy in Islam, pro-feminist readings 157 persecution of Jews enslavement by Egyptians, rescued by Moses 89

197

expulsions from England and Spain 90 massacre by Crusaders, 1096 90 Muslim conquest 90 pogroms, Holocaust 90 political and spiritual separation, Christianity, Buddhism 147 political and spiritual unification, under Mohammad 147 political freedom perceived foreign concept to Islam 151 polygamy of men in Hinduism 39 polytheism, Hindu forms of one god 26 pantheism 25 poor, empowerment of, Muslim FBOs 162 concern of the Church for, Latin America 123 well-being and religious observance 21 Pope Benedict XVI Caritas in Veritate (CV) defence of environment 131 importance of Christian charity 130 strong civil society for social justice 131 Pope John Paul II Centesimus Annus (CA), 1991 poor, responsibility and freedom for 130 Laborem Exercens (LE) ‘Church of the poor’ 129 Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (SRS) on development in all countries 129 solidarity with other people or nations 137 Pope John XXIII (Mater et Magistra) (MM) 1961 recognition of poverty in countries 116–17 (Pacem in Terris) (PT) eradication of poverty, means of 117 Pope Leo XIII need for a social conscience 115 papal encyclical Rerum Novarum, 1891 115

198

Development and religion

Pope Paul VI Evangeli Nuntiandi (EN) 128–9 Octogesima Adveniens (OA), liberation theology 127 Popularum Progressio (PP) development of whole person (integral development) 118 Pope Pius XI papal encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (QA) 115 papal letter on political action against oppression and injustice 115–16 Pope Pius XII national charitable associations 133 right to economic development of all states 116 poverty 1, 2, 5 and development, Muslim Aid 163–6 liberation theology theories on 124 spiritual, lack of wealth in ariya dhana 64 and wealth in Buddhism 60–65 power imbalance between nations colonialism cause 116, 118 praxis, importance of, in liberation theology 124 profit motive in Islam, with frugality 154–5 property redistribution after economic growth 117 prophetic guilds in Judaism mass ecstasy from music and dancing 91 Prophetic Principle in Judaism political stability and social justice 92 prophets in Judaism, role of 91 prosperity, assessment by equity 117 Protestantism and capitalism 8 Psalms, Book of, laws for Jews 88 public funding, acceptance of 19 Puritanism secularisation of economy (capitalism) 8 Qur’an contextual analysis 152 meaning of word 169

multiple marriage and rights of women 157 revelation to Muhammad 148 spiritual guide and legal compendium specific social order 150 women’s rights 158 words of Muhammad 148 Qur’anic scholarship static meaning of text 151–2 Ramadan, fasting and reading Qur’an 167 Ramayana, Hinduism 28 redistribution of goods and riches 117 reincarnation, Hinduism 31, 33, 35–6, 38 religion definition of, explanation of existence 6 and development nexus 11 and extremism in international politics 4 and international politics 5 marginalisation of 8, 10 and security issues 4 religiosity of FBOs 18 religious ‘identities’ 4 importance to poor 21 religious literacy 5 religious roles, growth in social movements 4 resources, non-renewable, and Buddhism 69 respectability in Hinduism 36 Right Conduct in Buddhism, commands 56 righteousness in Islam social justice and love for poor 153 Roman Catholic Church liberation theology 22, 114 Living Magisterium 113–14 preferential option for the poor 114 rural economies development, Cambodia 74 sacred texts of Hinduism 28 of Judaism, Tanakh and Torah 84 of major religions 1, 5 salvation 8 of Christ, liberation from oppression and sin 128

Index through development 126 of human existence 57 for liberation of humankind 127 in this world, practical action 126 Sarvodaya Movement, Buddhism enlightenment through material wellbeing 64 scriptural references for charity, Islam 162 secular development 7–9 secularisation of economic sphere 9 self-realisation of truth, Hinduism 27, 35–6 self-sacrifice in Hinduism 31 fundamental aspect of dharma 37 Sermon on the Mount (The Beatitudes) 111 service of others, Hinduism 36 sex workers, commercial 11 shari’a law, Islam 4 Siddhartha Gautama of the Sakyas, Buddhism birth like Jesus Christ 52–3 Four Passing Sights 53–4 Middle Way 54 social conscience development, for poverty alleviation 164 socialism and capitalism, criticism of 129 Socially Engaged Buddhism 72–3 social mission of Catholic Church 136 social position, wealth and karma 65 social responsibilities in Judaism 94 social strata in India 26 social teaching of Catholic Church 136 spiritual enlightenment, goal of Buddhism 53 spiritual health and material well-being, Buddhism 68 spiritual teachers of Sunni Muslims, caliphs 148 stewardship of earth 159 suffering, acceptance of, in Buddhism 70 Sufi tradition in Islam, mystical enlightenment 170 supernatural deity, worship of 1 Tanakh descriptions of violence and war 90 Judaism 86

199

laws of 87 peace as God’s desire 90 Tantras, Hinduism Shiva and Parvati (male and female) 28 Ten Commandments (Aseret ha-Dibrot), Judaism 87–8 terrorism 167 Theravada Buddhism, monastic life 58–9 individual journey 70 Torah, five books of Moses in the Promised Land 85 transmigration, Hindu belief in 38 Upanishads, philosophical works of Hinduism 28 water, importance of in Islam 170 water supplies, India 45 ‘Way of the Elders’ (Theravada Buddhism) 58 wealth accumulation by righteous means, Buddhism 61–2, 64–5 for merit making 65 and poverty 130–31 wealth in Buddhism, seven noble types morality, ariya dhana 63–4 wealth in Islam 154 material possessions, health, status 155 women in India, moksha obtaining 39 women’s passive role in Orthodox Judaism 96 women’s rights in Islam, religious rhetoric, confusing 156 to equality, BAPS Charities, Hindu FBO 47 workers’ rights to share 118 work ethic in Islam 154 World Conference of Religions for Peace 2001 civil institutions, best organised 3 World Council of Churches (WCC) 113 World Jewish Relief (WJR) an FBO community initiatives support 100–102 kindertransports programme 98

200

Development and religion

response to humanitarian emergencies 97–8 sponsorship for fundraising 104–5 support for Jewish refugees 98 urgent welfare assistance, including non-Jews 100–101 vulnerable Jewish societies in eastern Europe 106

World War II Germany, injustice to Jews 98 yoga, asceticism and meditation 30–31 yoga traditions Siddhartha Gautama of the Sakyas, Buddhism 54