Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments: Learning from Social Capital and Mountainous Areas in Japan Book 9789811590412, 9789811590429

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Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences

Kenji Tsutsumi

Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments Learning from Social Capital and Mountainous Areas in Japan

Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences Series Editor R. B. Singh, University of Delhi, Delhi, India

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Kenji Tsutsumi

Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments Learning from Social Capital and Mountainous Areas in Japan

123

Kenji Tsutsumi Graduate School of Letters Osaka University Toyonaka, Osaka, Japan

ISSN 2198-3542 ISSN 2198-3550 (electronic) Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences ISBN 978-981-15-9041-2 ISBN 978-981-15-9042-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9 Based on a translation from the Japanese language edition: Jinkogensho, Koreika to Seikatsukankyo Sankanchiiki to Social Capital no Jirei ni Manabu by Kenji Tsutsumi Copyright © Kyushu University Press 2015 All Rights Reserved © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Preface

“Every geography is a historical geography.” (David Harvey; in a private conversation with the author, October 19, 1994, in Yoshida Village, Shimane Prefecture, Japan)

This book addresses the depopulation in Japan with case studies and discussions. Based on my book published in Japanese (2011) and the revised version (2015), this English edition contains additional matters for new readers in the world. The contents include studies on population outflows and depopulated areas, which are the essence of my research over the past approximately 40 years. I also discuss changes in the living environments of many kinds of regions in the present day. The researched areas were mainly in Japan, including mountainous areas, former coal mining areas, and islands. Among them, most rural mountainous areas have especially experienced drastic depopulation, decayed local industries, and decreased facilities for daily life in the early stage of population movement on a national scale during and after the era of high economic growth in Japan. With the changed domestic population structure, Japan has been transformed from an aging to an aged society. The living environment has deteriorated more and more with the aggravated economic conditions as well as the population decline. In the 2030s or 2040s, even the Tokyo Metropolitan Area will suffer from the decline and rapid aging of its population. The findings and knowledge in our rural depopulation research, including this book, will be helpful for finding solutions for social issues in the near future. In addition to depopulation problems, this book also discusses social capital, referring here almost always to social relationships and ties as capital, which are useful to maintain daily life in depopulated communities. Specifically, I mainly examine examples of the mountainous areas where industries and local living facilities have declined with the population outflow and aging. Additionally, I refer to some Swedish cases and an urban example of Senri New Town in Osaka. Unfortunately, in the empirical regional studies, especially on mountainous areas, some leading researchers have retired, while few young scholars have been interested in the field. Thus, publishing this book is significant; the minor fields v

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addressed are critically important subjects. The contents of this book connect to considering post-urbanity, which relates to the sustainability of depopulated areas in the era of Society 5.0 and Post-urban as I refer to in the latter chapter in this book, where I offer some new concepts; Trinovation and Dual Diversities. I would like to thank the many people who enabled these studies with their kind and warm support: my teachers, informants, and others. I want to thank Mr. Shunji Nagayama, an editor at the Kyushu University Press, who made it possible to publish the original book in Japanese; Mr. Yosuke Nishida and Ms. Taeko Sato, editors at Springer Japan in charge of publication, who made it possible to present this book in English; and Mr. Jun Matsumoto, Ms. Mie Yoshinaga, Mr. Michael Narron, and Ms. Miyuki Narron at d-lights Translation Services (www.dlightstranslation.com) who made it possible to have excellent English drafts. Also, I would like to thank Editage (www.editage.com) for English language editing of Chap. 10. In addition, I also thank Ms. Mika Suzuki, Ms. Mariko Sakoda, and Mr. Taishi Morita who worked very hard on final editing, and especially I thank Prof. Hidenori Okahashi (Hiroshima University and Nara University), Prof. Katsuhisa Ito (Shimane University), and Prof. Toshiaki Nishino (Takasaki City University of Economics) for their recommendation of the publication of this book. I would also like to thank all of my family. While my parents, Isao and Midori, and my parents-in-law, Iwao and Mashi, are no longer with us, their guidance in my life has made much possible for me and I wish they were here today for me to thank them in person. I would like to thank my elder brother Shinsuke who kindly assisted me with important points concerning local life from the architectural perspective. For the period until this book was completed, I would like to thank my wife Kitsu and our children, Kyoko, Kazuyuki, Chikako, and Aiko, for their allowing me to live an irregular life as a researcher for a long time. I hope that the publication of this book becomes one step to provide recompense for the kindness of many people toward me. Lastly, I hope it will connect to further research on these issues for myself and others. And may the present terrible pandemic situation by Corona Virus settle soon, wishing pacific days come to every people in the world before long. We shall overcome. Toyonaka, Japan March 2020

Kenji Tsutsumi

Contents

1

Introduction—The Trajectory of the Mountainous Area Research and the Book’s Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 The Overview of Depopulation and the Problems in the Depopulation Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 The Trajectory of the Mountainous Area Research and the Mountain Village Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 The Book’s Perspective and Content . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Part I 2

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The Overview of the Depopulation Problem and the Reality of Population Outflow

Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Social Change, Modernization, and Depopulation Problem . . 2.2 Changes in the Rural Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Population Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Characteristics by Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.4 Agricultural Work Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Definition of Depopulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Regional Deprivation: The Decline and Loss of Regional Functions in Depopulated Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Requirements for Depopulation Under the Depopulation Act and Areas Designated as Depopulated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6 Regional Characteristics and Types of Depopulation . . . . . . . 2.7 Population Migration, and Depopulation and Overpopulation Problems in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Reality of Depopulation Based on the Preliminary Results of the 2000 Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.8.1 Overview of Depopulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.8.2 Depopulated Regions Based on the Preliminary Figures from the Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.9 Conclusion: Population Changes and Depopulation . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated Mountain Village—A Case of Kamitsue Village in Oita Prefecture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 The Perspective of the Population Migration Research and the Challenges in This Chapter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue Village and Migration Spatial Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 Overview of the Research Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 Number of Migrants and the Shift in the Number of Migrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3 Migrant Characteristics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.4 Migration Spatial Pattern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move . . . 3.4.1 Overview of the Migration Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.2 Reason for Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.3 Migrant’s Occupation Before and After Relocation . 3.4.4 Migration Pattern of Multiple-Time Migrants . . . . . 3.4.5 Decision-Making Process Relating to Migration . . . 3.5 Transformation of a Depopulated Settlement: Settlement K in Kamitsue Village . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.1 Social Ties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2 Location, History, and Transition of Industrial Infrastructure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.3 Population, Households, and Family Members . . . . 3.5.4 Groups, Tsukonken (Geographical Area in Which Families Are Related by Marriage), Livelihood, and Living Functions Within the Settlement . . . . . . 3.5.5 Transformation of Settlement K and Directionality of Depopulation: Discussion of Social Capital Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contents

Part II

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The Reality of the Living Environment in Depopulated Mountainous Areas and IT Support for Regional Living Functions

Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Analytical Perspective Relating to Living Functions in Depopulated Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Depopulated Region in Shimane Prefecture . . . . . . . . 4.3 Research Purpose and Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Attributes and Occupation of the Survey Responders . 4.4.1 Responder’s Attributes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.2 Occupation of the Survey Responder and the Rest of the Household . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5 Living Sphere and the Evaluation of Living Functions and Living Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.1 Evaluation of Living Functions and Living Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.2 Living Functions and Living Sphere . . . . . . . 4.6 Challenges in the Living Function Research in the Depopulated Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Regional Living Functions and IT Support . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 IT and Regional Lifestyle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.1 Depopulated Regions and Socioeconomic Changes Brought About by IT . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.2 Organizing Regional Living Functions . . . . . . 5.2.3 Specific Cases and Possibilities of IT Support for Regional Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2.4 For Investigation and Research on Regional Living Support with IT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Application of IT Network Technology to Regions (Large-Scale Cases) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 Examples of Information Systems . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 Large-Scale Information System Issues . . . . . 5.4 Regional Survey Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.1 Regional Survey Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.2 Regional Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contents

Part III 6

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Social Capital, Living Environment, and Regional Living Functions of Communities

Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages . . . . . 6.1 What Is Social Capital? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Issues in Social Capital Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Social Capital and Studies on Rural Society . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3.1 Theory of Natural Village by Eitaro Suzuki . . . . . . 6.3.2 Theory of Same Clan by Tadashi Fukutake . . . . . . 6.3.3 Theory of Basic Region by Ichiro Suizu . . . . . . . . 6.3.4 Theory of Community Morale by Hiroshi Suzuki . . 6.4 Micro–Macro Issues in Social Capital Studies . . . . . . . . . . 6.5 Activities for Livelihood and Social Capital in Settlements in Regions Encountering Population Decline . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.1 Overview of Analysis on Activities for Livelihood in Settlements in Regions Encountering Population Decline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.2 Data Collection Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.3 Data Collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.4 Survey Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.5 Future Issues and Social Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Reformation of a Settlement Forced to Move for the Construction of a Dam—The Case of Tsukinoya, a Settlement in Kisuki Town, Un’nan City, Shimane Prefecture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Agents and Social Ties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Overview of Obara Dam and Regional Movements . . . . . . . 7.4 Overview of Approaches in Tsukinoya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.5 Meaning of Approaches in Tsukinoya, Their Social Ties and Social Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Formation of a Community by Hometown Organizations that Promote Interactions among Residents in Urban and Rural Areas —Activities by Furusato Chikara, a NPO Created by Residents in the Kinki Region and the Case of the Miyoshi Region in Tokushima Prefecture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 8.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 8.2 A NPO Furusato Chikara: Background of the Foundation and Construction of Residential Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224

Contents

Meaning of Activities and Functions of Furusato Chikara and Miyoshi Town Yururi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.1 Impact of Housing Construction Using a Wooden Block Construction Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.2 Environmental Conditions and New Residents of the New Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Social Movements and Social Capital in Senri New Town . . . . 9.1 Introduction: Purpose of This Chapter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 History and Overview of Senri New Town . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 Population Aging and Deterioration of the Housing and Construction Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4 Deterioration of Other Functions and Amenities . . . . . . . . . 9.5 Conflicts among Senri New Town Residents . . . . . . . . . . . 9.6 Social Capital and Power of Residents in Senri New Town . 9.7 Remodeling of the Town and Social Sprawl in the City . . . 9.8 Conclusion: Senri New Town as a Re-Experiment City . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

10 Peripheral Regions in the Era of Regional Crisis, Society 5.0, the Postpandemic and the Posturban—A Concluding and Additional Chapter for the English Edition . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1 Summary of the Chapters of This Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2 The Grand New Situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.1 Regional Crisis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.2 Society 5.0 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.3 Postpandemic Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.4 Posturban World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.5 Innovation and the Future of Peripheral Depopulated Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.6 An Experimental Research Field: Okinoshima Town . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.3 Further Problems and Possibilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Postface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 Subject Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275

About the Author

Kenji Tsutsumi is a socio-economic geographer (Dr. Lit.) and a professor of Osaka University in Japan. He was born in 1960 at Omuta city, Fukuoka Prefecture. In Omuta city, there was the biggest coal mine in the country, Miike Coal Mine, which has attracted his academic interests. He specialized in human geography at Kyushu University. In his student days, he had studied hard on German Social Geography (Sozialgeographie), quantitative regional analysis, rural sociology, critical social theory, quantitative archaeology, and modern Japanese history. Now his major fields of case study are mountainous rural regions, ex-coal mining regions, islands, and shrinking cities, being interested in traditional local environmental use, depopulation, regional living functions, regional transformation, spatial peripheralization, and socio-economic theory of space. He worked at Sasebo National College of Technology at first, and then at Shimane University. Since 1999, he has been researched at Osaka University where now he is in charge of two major courses; Human Geography and Cultural Coexistence. He has been an Executive Assistant to the President of Osaka University since 2019. And also since the same year, he has been the representative of the Marginal Areas Research Group (MARG) which is the international association for researchers of peripheral regions. He has practiced Japanese martial arts Giwakempowith the black belt of sixth grade, being a chief instructor for local children and adults at Toyonaka City, Osaka Prefecture. He has won several awards both of academic and social contribution. And he has a plan to publish two more books; on the industrial modernization with regional transformation, and on the capitalism and horizons in socio-economic spatial research/analysis.

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Chapter 1

Introduction—The Trajectory of the Mountainous Area Research and the Book’s Perspective

Abstract This chapter is an introduction of the book. At first it overviews a situation of depopulation and its problems. Secondly it refers to several researches of mountainous areas in Japan. At last it shows the perspective and some of the contents of this book. Keywords Depopulation · Deprivation · Living environment · Mountainous area · Regional change

1.1 The Overview of Depopulation and the Problems in the Depopulation Research The rapid economic growth in Japan after World War II pushed Japan’s GDP to the top of the world in a short period. However, the tradeoff was an emergence of marked regional disparity, which was evident in a significantly uneven distribution of population as well as other related factors including capitals, goods, information, and services. The economic regional disparity between the three major metropolitan areas and other areas especially in rural villages and abandoned coal mining areas, combined with an imbalance of population inflow and outflow, has created overpopulated areas and depopulated areas. Most of the overpopulated areas are found in large metropolitan areas, where various investigations, researches, and measures are carried out in the fields of urban studies and other disciplines. Even though there is an accumulation of researches covering a broad range of depopulated area studies, it is hard to claim that it has reached a level of scholarship built on an integrated viewpoint. While the urban researches focusing on the overpopulation problem make up the nodes of interdisciplinary research, these researches on rural villages struggled to pinpoint the single focal point of the depopulation problem, because the rural villages each had diverse cultural, social, political, and economic characteristics. In particular, the human geographical research had been individualized and vertically structured, and the farming villages, the mountain villages, and the fishing villages were studied separately. Also, there was less attention given to these area studies when the population outflow from the depopulated areas slowed quantitatively. Furthermore, the © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_1

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researcher population was small with a decreasing number of young researchers who studied mountain villages and abandoned coal-mining areas, which epitomized the depopulated areas. Looking back at the depopulation phenomenon after the war, the term, “depopulation” along with its problems became an issue in the second half of the 1960s1 . The population outflow from rural villages and the population inflow into cities have created an imbalance between the population and the regional functions in the form of depopulation and overpopulation. Thus, the labor migration, regional organization, and distribution of labor developed in conjunction with the decline and development of industries in the 1970s. The so-called “the Era of Local Region” arrived (Tadao Kiyonari 1986) when the Third Comprehensive National Development Plan was established between 1977 and the 1980s, bringing with it a trending of industrial development, attraction of enterprises, and product development in the depopulated areas. However, it did not have any prominent effect in stemming population outflow or causing significant return migration. Population started to decrease naturally, not just socially, in some areas around the 1990s. A quick look at the population decrease in the depopulated areas showed that the decrease slowed after a period of high decrease between the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s. However, a slowing of population decrease certainly did not mean that the problems in the depopulated areas were resolving. About half of the Japan’s national land area was designated as the depopulated area even after the fourth generation Depopulation Act was enforced in 2000. The village functions had become paralyzed from aging, and deserted settlements and “marginal settlements” that became untenable in a short period (Ono 2005) started to emerge in some municipalities. The depopulated areas are facing a very grave stage from the “quality of life” perspective. After World War II, many areas of Japan experienced a significant decrease in population after a long period of rapid economic growth. These so-called “depopulated areas” included many rural villages and abandoned coal-mining areas. These areas, especially in western Japan, share several things in common besides severe population outflow, including the presence of many industries and livelihood format that predominantly utilize the natural environment and resources, and a formation of regional society rules and mores through such utilization of nature. I have become strongly aware of these commonalities through my researches, which started in the beginning of the 1980s, on the traditional environmental use in rural villages and population outflow specifically from the mountainous areas and the abandoned coalmining areas in western Japan. In the course of the research, I also started understanding that there were areas of research that are important to the depopulation research that has not yet been researched. As I recognized the need to fill in the blanks in the research on mountainous areas, mountain villages, and abandoned coal-mining areas, I thought that I should organize the trends from the previous researches and present a new research framework. In this book, I first focused on the reality and impact of population outflow as I set my eyes on the mountainous areas and mountain villages that had experienced decades of population decrease from the depopulation phenomenon. I found that “peripheral region” and “marginalized” space generally characterized the areas with

1.1 The Overview of Depopulation and the Problems …

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a rapidly decreasing population. In the areas with a population outflow, the population shrunk and decreased not only the economic capital in the area but also decreased the social capital, and weakened the region’s various functions. These areas were pushed off to the edge and marginalized within a regional hierarchical framework. This process is called “marginalization” and the marginalized areas are called the “peripheral regions” in this book. The mountainous areas and mountain villages are typical examples of marginalized areas because they experienced a radical decrease in the population and a rapid decline in the regional society functions. I came to this understanding by accumulating and reviewing the existing researches. In the next section, I will first organize and provide an overview of the traditional researches on the mountainous areas and mountain villages that had impacted my interest in this problem.

1.2 The Trajectory of the Mountainous Area Research and the Mountain Village Research In this section, I laid out the previous researches on mountainous areas and mountain villages as they relate to almost 50 years of historical circumstances since the 1960s when depopulation started to surface. The mountain village research encompasses a large accumulation of past researches on various disciplines (Kamiya 1967; Watanabe 1969; Handa 1981; Fujita 1981; Okahashi 1986, 1997; Tsutsumi 1986; Nishino, 1999, 2003, 2008). Here, I reviewed the previous researches relating to the population outflow and the depopulation problem according to the trends of the depopulation phenomenon and its research. The population outflow from the mountain villages was particularly notable from the 1960s to the 1970s. This population outflow was the start and the trigger for various rural area problems, including depopulation, which is known as the mountain village problem. With such historical backdrop, one of the first major accomplishments in human geography under the area of mountain village research was the study of rural exodus and deserted settlements (Sakaguchi 1968). This type of study, represented by the excellent case study analyses by Sakaguchi (1966) and Shinohara (1969), was mainly performed in the second half of the 1960s. They dealt with the beginning to the middle stages of the population outflow from the mountain villages at the settlement scale. These studies discussed the problems with a focus on the location of settlements and restoring the progressive rural exodus situation by households. Also, there was a research comparing a deserted settlement region with a depopulated area that has yet to produce the deserted settlement phenomenon (Shinohara 1969, 1991; Takahashi 1970). It is becoming apparent that some of these rural exoduses and deserted settlement phenomena are connected to a governmental policy. Yamaguchi (1970) followed the entire gradual process of rural exodus at a mountain village, which became deserted

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due to a municipal merger. Nishino (1981, 1999, 2003, 2008) studied a settlement that had to be relocated because of a dam construction. Furthermore, Sakaguchi (1981) gave an example of how a settlement relocation associated with a junior high school consolidation, not just the stagnation of the fuelwood industry, affected the process of a hill village in Suzuka Mountains becoming deserted. The rapid changes in the regional industrial structure associated with a population outflow from mountain villages have become more apparent in the second half of the 1960s to the 1970s. With this trend came many studies, which analyzed the outflowing population and the village’s remaining population from the labor formation perspective. There were numerous researches in the fields of economics and economic geography that dealt with the population outflow as a labor outflow (Yoshizawa 1967; Imamura 1971; Saito 1973; Ito 1974a, b; Miyaguchi 1978. Okahashi 1978, 1980, 1981, 1982). This migration of labor occurred as it continually transformed the mountain village society and economy. In addition to the labor outflow, occupational changes, including farmers taking on side jobs or giving up farming, are also subject to discussion. Speaking from the perspective of labor characteristics, most of the outflowing labor force from the mountain villages often engaged in low-wage labor, which did not require any particular skill, especially in the period of rapid economic growth. The type of work tended to be in the secondary sector of industry. Many of the people who stayed in the village and gave up farming or started a new side job were forced to find unstable employment as a migrant worker or a day laborer. In general, the age and background (including education, skill, and work experience) were reflected in the employment conditions of the migrants from the mountain villages, and the lack of employment and stagnation in agroforestry were reflected in the employment conditions of the people who stayed behind. The lack of employment and the poor employment conditions in the mountain villages had spurred further population outflow, but there were many people with low wages who had difficulty sending money to their family back in the village or inviting their family to live with them after they had migrated from the village. On one hand, this had become one of the factors, which caused elderly retention in the mountain villages and a phenomenon called “granny dumping” coined by Norimoto (1981). On the other hand, there was a high rate of elderly people moving out of the depopulated areas, creating a polarization of retention and migration of elderly people. For the households who stayed in the mountain village, the population outflow of the farming households was “linked with the rising agricultural employment wages, making actual employment difficult. As it also affected the existence of temagae (exchange of labor power among regions) and yui (mutual help in a community)2 , it could only continue on a much smaller scale” (Saito 1973, p. 98). It meant that the remaining farmers were much more likely to have to take on another job or give up farming. This situation would also be relevant to the decline of collaborative work in the forests and fields. The decreasing trend in the agroforestry population was widely characterized by “the recent increase in the number of people over 35 years old in the labor force as they transitioned from the agroforestry sector to the nonagroforestry sectors. Within this demographic, there was an increasing number of people and their successors from family-operated forestry businesses” (Imamura 1971, p. 20).

1.2 The Trajectory of the Mountainous Area Research …

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Therefore, it can be said that the population outflow from the mountain villages was starting to signify the decline in the agroforestry production in the mountain villages. In forestry, the core industry of the mountain villages, strong social ties often remained in the relationship between forest owners and forestry laborers, while the forestry labor conditions continued to be poor. In this prolonged stagnation of the forestry industry, there were some upper tier forest owners whose forestry business continued to be in the red. The impact of the foreign timber import, in particular, had shaken the entire Japanese forestry industry and made it difficult to use the forests that were planted postwar as they faced the logging season. This case seems to have some things in common with the coal industry whose domestic coal mines were forced to close one after another from the import of cheap foreign coals. There are reports on Kuma Village in Kumamoto Prefecture and other mountain villages that had devised original ideas for forestry development plans or revitalized forests through tourism and production of edible wild plants, shiitake mushrooms, and logs from forest thinning (Miida 1979), but successful examples of business endeavors were rare (Shinohara 2000). Even if a mountain village succeeded in forestry development, they were very behind on successor training. They urgently needed measures to improve such forestry structure. Furthermore, many of the mountain villages were facing the problem of aging and decreased the number of forestry laborers from the labor outflow. Regional development, such as the attraction of corporations and development of local specialty products from areas with population outflow, came into the spotlight from the end of the 1970s to the 1980s. A mountain village may not necessarily be successful with a large tourism development due to its location. As previously mentioned, Miida (1979) reported that some villages successfully produced and processed forest products or operated small-scale tourist accommodations (i.e., guesthouse for skiers), showing that forestry and tourism that utilize the natural environment and production of local specialty products are the pillars of regional development in the mountain villages. Nishino (1997, 1999, 2003, 2008) and the Institute for Research of Regional Economy, Takasaki City University of Economics (1997) both reported the outcome of an ongoing study on a mountain village development focusing on forestry. They also advocated focusing on public functions, such as preventing landslides and replenishing water resources in the forest. Shinohara (2000) analyzed and provided the following six important factors in the development of resort facilities in mountain villages: 1. Tourism development entity, 2. Use of external capitals, 3. Cooperation between the local government and the residents, 4. Strong leadership, 5. Harmony between nature and human activities, and 6. Development of unique tourism. A development of green tourism in recent years has presented a new potential for tourism, which promoted interaction between cities and mountain villages, such as offering an experience-based accommodation where a city dweller can experience agroforestry in a mountain village (Sekido 2000). Hobo (1996) suggested the “use of regional resources” in a policy to overcome depopulation and attempted to systemize rural village policies from an endogenous growth theory perspective. While it is important to advocate a self-reliant regional development in the coming era of large mergers, opinions will likely be split on how to

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regard regional leaders who will lead the endogenous development. Tsutsui (1999) provides a relevant, valuable research on this topic. After the 1990s, there was an increase in the researches focusing on the socioeconomic organizations and the problems of aging population and weakening regional living functions in the mountain villages. There were also some attempts to capture various aspects of the mountain village’s social economy. Okahashi (1990, 1997) positioned these areas as the surrounding regions. Long ago, Watanabe et al. (1968) presented a framework for the depopulation theories based on the population theory and the regional theory, but there is now a trend to discuss the scale and level of mountain villages and their positions within a national land policy (Okahashi 1997; Nishino 1999, 2003, 2008). There is also an emerging research that discusses the connection between the mountain village’s rural society and social organizations and the mountain region’s livelihood and living functions (Sekido 2000; Kim 2003). There are other interesting research papers on farming villages with a focus on the locality of regional society residents by Hoggart and Buller (1987) and Makoto Takahashi (1997). Norimoto (1981, 1996) highlighted the social issues of depopulation based on his fieldwork in the San’in Region with severe depopulation. He analyzed the various aspects of social issues, including the agglomeration of the elderly, suicide problem, transportation, agriculture, and permanent settlement. Tsutomu Yamamoto (1996) also conducted a multifaceted research on depopulated mountain villages on the issue of suicide, as well as aging, family composition, lifestyle awareness, regional awareness, and the reality of permanent settlement. Yamamoto et al. (1998) read the trend and determined that the composition of the problem in a modern depopulated area had changed from “depopulation from a social population decrease” to “depopulation from a natural population decrease.” They developed an analysis of rural villages focusing on regional changes and life structure, while promoting a “depopulation research based on the principle of living population,” which set its sight on the outflowing population as well as the living population such as the residential population and the inflowing population. Ono (2005) conducted an intensive fieldwork in a mountain village in the Shikoku mountains and developed a discussion on “marginal settlement” where the maintenance of a settlement becomes difficult from aging and population decrease. The village revitalization campaign in rural villages started to receive serious attention around the mid-1980s. It was initially meant to research and introduce new crops by the core farmers with the aim to produce highly profitable crops and revitalize the rural economy. Since then, the village revitalization campaign had diversified with the relaxation of regulations, increase in farm cooperative corporations, and corporate participation in agriculture in the second half of the 1990s. Through this process, there were regions that experienced a change in agroforestry landscape in a short time, making them a great subject for geographical research. The traditional farming landscape in Japan had been changing from the mechanization, the residential development, and the policy of trimming rice production in rice fields before the village revitalization campaign started gaining momentum after the mid-1980s. This trend became nationwide after the period of rapid economic growth. For example,

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Nomura (1966) discovered the areal differentiation and its change in agroforestry production, which developed as an immediate response to the landscape and other natural conditions. Soma (1971) pointed out the existence of the regional structure by focusing on the process of change in the agroforestry business when Mitsumata (Edgeworthia papyrifera) farms in Shikoku became a forest. The economic changes in a mountain village region, specifically changes to the agroforestry businesses and crops, will present itself as a change in the land use. However, there have not been too many researches that analyzed the process of change in the land use in the mountain villages and its background since the village revitalization campaign. Therefore, there is a need to analyze the process of change in landscape observed in the recent land use and its regional characteristics. A research project on the subject of “modernization and environment change,” which is a priority area study funded by the scientific research grant by the Ministry of Education, played a role in this analysis (Tsutsumi et al.1991; Nishino et al. 1992; Tsutsumi 1992; Nishikawa 1995; Tsutsumi 1995). The case study by Kobayashi and Tsutsumi (2001) followed the change in the land use, specifically the modern forest use, and included a discussion with an ecological perspective, which may have been necessary, but was weak in analysis in the past human geographical research on forest use. I gave an overview of the mainstream trend in the mountainous area and mountain village research in this section. This kind of research has a multifaceted approach, but it also has areas that require more analysis. Traditionally, the discussions followed the development of the depopulation problem with an awareness of development and revitalization of the depopulated areas. However, the long-term changes surrounding the depopulated areas had not always been fully captured from a structural perspective. Furthermore, although depopulation could be considered a part of the change to a nationwide regional structure, the problem focused only on the depopulated areas and it cannot be said that their relationship with other regions had been considered carefully.

1.3 The Book’s Perspective and Content The book starts with the analysis of depopulation and population outflow, covers the living environment problems in areas with population decrease, and then discusses the living functions of a community based on the discussion of social capital theory, in order to narrow the gaps in the mountainous area and depopulated area study, which were presented in the previous discussion. The book is made up of three major parts where the issues are presented chronologically. Part I focuses on the depopulation situation related to the entire country and the population outflow from a particular mountain village. Part II raises the problems in a mountainous region’s living environment after the population outflow had progressed and verifies the effectiveness of information technologies (IT) as a strategy for maintaining a quality of life. Part III discusses the concept of social capital that has come under the spotlight in these two

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decades through investigations of case studies on a regional community that works to maintain a living environment and living functions. Empirical analysis had revealed that the regional gaps in employment and income were behind the migration from a nonmetropolitan area to a metropolitan area (Ishikawa 1978, specifically p. 439). Based on this point of view, it can be said that the population outflow from the mountainous region was part of the population redistribution process that accompanied the changes to the industrial foundation. However, even though the mountain village and mountain region researches can have multifaceted angles, there are very few examples of population outflow researches with an analysis of migrant attributes at a city, town, and village mesoscale. This type of research did not have easily usable or obtainable data, and its analysis would have required a lot of time and effort. Yet, it should be possible to conversely discuss the characteristics of population outflow regions in the mountainous areas by analyzing the migrants’ attributes and the migration pattern, and then extracting their characteristics. Part I in this book analyzes the Japanese depopulation problem and the population outflow from rural areas and analyzes the intensive case study of population outflow from Kamitsue Village in Oita Prefecture. I also touch on the perspective of understanding the regions experiencing regional deprivation with a poor access to various opportunities because of their physical remoteness as well as remoteness from economic and social capitals. Also, the consequence of a drastic population outflow included a harder guarantee of rights to life and subsistence in the mountainous areas and the mountain villages, forcing a migrant to adapt to a new living environment. It is important to see how the living environment in the mountainous areas changed from the population outflow, what kind of problems were created, and what steps and strategies can sustain the living environment in these regions. These points are covered in part II of this book. Specifically, I present the results from the research and analysis of some of the most depopulated settlements in Shimane Prefecture, where it is notorious for being severely depopulated. The book also includes a discussion on how to best maintain a regional environment and regional living functions through IT. In part III, I organize the concept of social capital and discuss social capital through an analysis of community activities in areas with a population decrease. Notes 1. The term “depopulation” was used in a discussion at the Economic Council in 1967 and has been used widely since then. 2. “Temagae” refers to a labor exchange observed within and between rural societies. “Yui” refers to cooperative work within a community.

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Sekido A (2000) Spatial structure and regional transformation in village community (Sonraku shakai no kukan kosei to chiiki hen’yo). Taimeido (in Japanese) Shinohara S (1969) A process of village transformation in the depopulation area: a case study of the middle and south-western districts in Shikoku Mountains (Jinko zogen chiiki ni okeru shuraku no henbokatei). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 21–5:1–28 (in Japanese) Shinohara S (1991) Transformation of depopulated regions and trends of mountainous villages (Kaso Chiiki no Hembo to Sanson no Doko). Taimeido (in Japanese) Shinohara S (2000) Issues of tourism development and mountain villages development (Kanko Kaihatsu to Sanson Shinko no Kadai). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese) Soma M (1971) The evolution of land utilization in the villages of the Shikoku Mountains (Shikoku sangaku chiho ni okeru tochi riyo to sanson no hembo). Geograph Rev Jpn (Chirigaku Hyoron) 44–4:301–318 (in Japanese) Takahashi M (1997) Community change of suburban farming villages (Kinko Noson no Chiiki Shakai Hendo). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese) Takahashi T (1970) Leaving a village with whole family and textile industry in Tango Peninsula (Tango-hanto ni okeru kyokarison to kigyo). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 22–4:82–103 (in Japanese) Tsutsui K (1999) The analysis of regional revitalization in a depopulated mountain village from the viewpoint of the theory of endogenous development (Chugoku chiho no kaso sanson ni okeru ichi chiiki shinko no jittai bunseki: naihatsuteki hattenron ni okeru chiekku pointo wo mochiite). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 51–1:87–103 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1986) Research topics of mountain village study after slowing down of the tendency of population outflow (Jinko ryushutsu keiko no donka iko ni okeru sanson kenkyu no kadai ni tsuite). Research Report of Sasebo National College of Technology (Sasebo Kogyo Koto Semmon Gakko Kenkyu Hokoku) 23:119–127 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1991) Migration after closing of a coal mine in Takashima. In: Takashima Town Regional Health Study Group (ed.) (1991) Lessons from the Island with closed coal mine: attempt to interdisciplinary regional research in Takashima, Nagasaki Prefecture (Tanko Heizan no Shima kara Mananda Koto: Nagasaki-ken Takashima ni okeru Gakusaiteki Chiiki Kenkyu no Kokoromi), pp 227–246 (chapter 8), Showado (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1992) Change in forest use in a provincial suburban village: A case study of Mizuki District in Dazaifu City, Fukuoka Prefecture (Chiho daitoshi kinko noson no satoyama riyo no henka: Fukuoka-ken Dazaifu-shi Mizuki chiku wo jirei toshite). In: Report of the grant-in-aid for scientific research on priority area GIS of Environmental Change Caused by Modernization (Kindaika ni yoru kankyo henka no chirijyoho shisutemu). Japan’s Modernization and Change of Land Use (Nihon no Kindaika to Tochi Riyo Henka), (1991 FY final report), pp 55–56 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1995) Change in forest use in a provincial suburban village: A case study of Dazaifu City, Fukuoka Prefecture (Chiho daitoshi kinko noson no satoyama riyo no henka: Fukuoka-ken Dazaifu-shi no jirei). In: Nishikawa O (ed) (1995) Atlas: environmental change in modern Japan (Atorasu: Nihonretto no Kankyo Henka). Asakura Shoten, pp 92–93 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2006) An analysis of out-migration resulted from shutdown of Takashima coal mine (Takashima Tanko Heizan ni Tomonau Jinko Ryushutsu no Bunseki). Bull School Lett Osaka University (monograph edition) 46–2:v+113P (whole volume) (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2008) Drastic depopulation, town renovation and social capital in a coal mining island: a case of Takashima in Nagasaki prefecture. In: Kobayashi K, Westin L, Westlund L (eds) Social capital and development trends in rural areas vol 3. CERUMBOK (Social Science Unit, Umeå University, Sweden), pp 47–59 (chapter 4) Tsutsumi K, Fujita Y, Nakashima K (1991) Change in forest use in village forest, deep forest and pastureland (Satoyama/okuyama/bokuya ni okeru rin’ya riyo no henka). In: Report of the grant-in-aid for scientific research on priority area “GIS of environmental change caused by modernization (Annual Report 1990 FY edition). (Kindaika ni yoru kankyo henka no chirijy oho shisutemu), pp 215–222 (in Japanese)

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Watanabe H et al (eds) (1968) Problems of population fluidity in mountain villages: statistical analysis and field survey (Sanson Chiiki no Jinko Ryudo no Shomondai: Tokei Bunseki to Jittai Chosa). Investigation Committee for Mountain Village Development (Sanson Shinko Chosakai) (in Japanese) Watanabe H (ed) (1969) Mountain village problems in Japan II (Nihon no Sanson Mondai II). University of Tokyo Press (in Japanese) Yamaguchi G (1970) Process of completely deserted settlement in Nishitani Village in Okuetsu Mountains (Okuetsu Sanchi ni okeru Nishitani-mura no kanzen haison he no katei). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 22–4:66–81 (in Japanese) Yamamoto T (1996) Study of contemporary issues of depopulation (Gendai Kaso Mondai no Kenkyu). Koseisha Koseikaku (in Japanese) Yamamoto T, Tokuno S, Kaku K, Takano K (1998) Social analysis of contemporary rural and mountain areas (Gendai Nosanson no Shakai Bunseki). Gakubunsha (in Japanese) Yoshizawa S (1967) Mountain villages development and forestry labor association: Case study of Kawakami village in Yoshino County, Nara Prefecture (Sanson shakai no tenkai to sanrin rodo kumiai: Nara-ken Yoshino-gun Kawakami-mura no jirei). Rural Stud (Sonraku Shakai Kenkyu) 3:205–252 (in Japanese)

Part I

The Overview of the Depopulation Problem and the Reality of Population Outflow

Photo I-1 Matsubara Dam (September 26, 2010)

Matsubara Dam and Shimouke Dam were planned after a severe flood of 1953 in western Japan, and they are the duplex dams in the Chikugo River water system completed in 1973. There occurred a famous and severe opposition movement against the dam construction “Hive Castle Dispute” led by Tomoyuki Murohara, a local big forest landowner. The photograph shows the Matsubara Dam, and the opposite bank

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Part I: The Overview of the Depopulation Problem and the Reality …

side of the Shimouke Dam in the upper reaches belongs to Oguni district, Kumamoto prefecture. By the construction of these dams, some parts of Oyama Town, Nakatsue Village, and Kamitsue Village belonged to the former Hita County were buried in water on the side of Oita Prefecture, and some part of Oguni District was also submerged on the side of Kumamoto Prefecture. Some settlements in the areas had no choice but to move to new sites, which became one of the factors of depopulation in these municipalities. In Part I, I will organize the issues to give attention to the depopulation problem and conduct an intensive analysis of the population outflow from one mountain village over a 25-year period. Specifically, Chap. 2 “Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation” positions depopulation and population outflow as one of the expressions of regional change to focus on depopulation and population change. Several aspects of change make up regional change and relate to population. Because it is deeply involved with depopulation, the discussion cannot ignore the relationship between population, specifically population migration, and depopulation as a regional problem. Here, I discuss the population change in rural areas, which includes depopulated areas (also includes areas like the non-metropolitan areas that are more often than not positioned as a farming village in a broad sense of the word) and summarizes the reality of population in the depopulated areas. The subsequent Chap. 3 “Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated Mountain Village, Kamitsue Village in Oita Prefecture” followed the population migration from a depopulated mountain village (Kamitsue Village, Hita District, Oita Prefecture) for about 25 years and, conversely, shed some light on the regional situation at the depopulated mountain village by conducting an attribute analysis of approximately more than 4,000 migrants. The chapter also supplements this research with the result from a study on the reality and changes to life infrastructure and social relationship at a specific settlement inside the village. Chapter 3 used data, such as residency deregistration, but it is now difficult to use this type of materials due to the privacy act. These were also public documents that should be destroyed after 5 years. The public offices of Kamitsue Village at the time provided this type of data used in the researches in this book for the purpose of foundational research on depopulation and population outflow. A great care was taken to protect individual privacy during the analysis and to present results after the data has been statistically processed. Under such circumstance, I had to mainly analyze the data from up to about the mid-1980s. Chapter 3 presents the result from the analysis of a migrant database created from the residency deregistration data, as well as the result from the analysis of a follow-up research conducted on the migrants. This type of research with this much analyses is very rare these days in my humble opinion, with the exception of the population outflow analysis of Takashima Coal Mine, which I conducted later (Tsutsumi, 1991, 2006). I also wanted to leave some detailed accounts of the drastic population decrease in the mountain villages seen on a meso-scale for the future generation. Please note that Kamitsue Village has become Kamitsue Town, Hita

Part I: The Overview of the Depopulation Problem and the Reality …

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City through a municipal merger in 2005, but after Part II in Chap. 3, the book will utilize the name of administrative districts at the time of the research.

References Tsutsumi K (1991) Migration after closing of a coal mine in Takashima. In: Takashima Town Regional Health Study Group (ed.) (1991) Lessons from the Island with Closed Coal Mine: Attempt to Interdisciplinary Regional Research in Takashima, Nagasaki Prefecture, (Tanko Heizan no Shima kara Mananda Koto: Nagasaki-ken Takashima ni okeru Gakusaiteki Chiiki Kenkyu no Kokoromi), pp 227–246 (chapter 8), Showado (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2006) An Analysis of Out-migration Resulted from Shutdown of Takashima Coal Mine, (Takashima Tanko Heizan ni Tomonau Jinko Ryushutsu no Bunseki), Bulletin of School of Letters, Osaka University (monograph edition) 46-2, v+113P. (whole volume) (in Japanese)

Chapter 2

Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

Abstract This chapter is a tutorial text of the several problems and definition of depopulation. Here depopulation is considered as one of the social changes. To show the real condition of depopulation in Japan, the chapter outlines a history of depopulation and its problems in the country. It makes mention of types of depopulation in the domestic relations and regional differentiation. Keywords Depopulation · Regional change · Regional differentiation · Social change · Types of depopulation In this chapter, I present the results from a statistical analysis relating to the reality of depopulation in Japan, after discussing depopulation as one of the regional social changes and regional problems. First, I organize the perspectives on social and regional changes and place population migration and population outflow within the perspective. Next, I summarize the population changes in rural areas that are considered to be a nonurban area. Furthermore, I narrow the issues down to the depopulation problem as I provide the definition and problems of depopulation and its legal requirements, and touch on the regional characteristics of population decrease to summarize depopulation. In the last part, I remark on the reality of depopulated regions based on the preliminary figures from the 2000 census to understand the depopulation trend and organize its problems. The 2000 census data are used because they are from the time immediately before the municipal mergers in the Heisei Era (1989–2019) when it became extremely difficult to obtain subregional statistics.

2.1 Social Change, Modernization, and Depopulation Problem When geographically speaking of socioeconomic changes in a region with depopulation, it should include a discussion of regional changes, but in reality, there is a much longer history and accumulation of sociology research on the theory of social change rather than a research on the theory of regional change. Also, regional changes and © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_2

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social changes have a relationship that is neither too close nor too far. This section will first address the social changes. Various social changes are included in the large framework of social changes. Modernization is established as a subcategory of chronological social changes (Tominaga 1990), and industrialization and urbanization are considered the subcategories of modernization. If these social changes are believed to have been created in an actual region, they could be regarded as regional changes. Depopulation and overpopulation phenomena arising in certain regions can be understood when the emergence of social changes is observed in a regional space. In particular, it can be said that the analysis on the background of the changes to land use is weak and the basic analysis has been undervalued in the field of human geography, even though there is an accumulation of researches on the changes to land use. This includes the debate on modernization, industrialization, and urbanization and the discussions on their definition and their relationships with regional changes. An example of a pioneering study includes research by Minoru Tachi. The research is in the field of human geography, or specifically in demography, and referenced the leveling of regional income gaps caused by population migration (Tachi 1961). Another example is the conceptual rules on urbanization by Fumio Takano, an urban geographer (Takano 1959). However, these were not passed down to the theoretical clarification of dynamic regional changes. The researches by Yasuma Takata and Ken’ichi Tominaga dealt with such social changes, specifically on urbanization, which should be of interest to the study of geography (Takata 1971; Tominaga 1965, 1990, 1996). According to Talcott, our society is captured as a social system made up of four functions: adaptation, goal attainment, integration, and latency (AGIL). The AGIL paradigm provides a further explanation (Refer to Parsons 1951 for the preliminary stage of the basic philosophy). Parson’s pupil, Neil Smelser used the paradigm to analyze the social changes in Lancashire cotton industrial area (Smelser 1959, 1968). The geographer, Derek Gregory, provided a critical review of the analysis and used Anthony Giddens’ Structuration Theory (Giddens 1976, 1979) to analyze the transformation of the Yorkshire woolen industrial zone during the Industrial Revolution (Gregory 1982; Tsutsumi 1995). Moreover, Tominaga (1990) verified modernization by replacing Parson’s four functional requirements with economy, politics, society, and culture (the four subsystems of the social system) as the framework for modernization. Tominaga split the broadly defined social system into four subsystems: economy, politics, narrowly defined society, and narrowly defined culture. He then came up with the following four lower types of modernization for each subsystem. He positioned economic modernization, political modernization, social modernization, and cultural modernization in the A sector, G sector, I sector, and L sector in Parson’s paradigm. The four types of modernization can be described as follows: 1. The economic activities are carried out by a highly effective autonomous organization and a mechanism that can attain modern economic growth is in place (modernization in the economic subsystem), 2. The political decisions are made on a democratic basis at a public

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level, and these decisions are carried out by a highly skilled, specialized bureaucratic organization (modernization in the political subsystem), 3. The social groups are shaped by functionally specialized, goal-oriented groups that have dissociated from the inclusive and nonspecialized kinship group comprised of blood relative ties while principles such as specialization of functions, universalism, performance-based principle, and instrumental rationalism are placed into the social system when the regional society transitions from a closed Gemeinschaft community to an open and highly urbanized Gesellschaft society (modernization in the narrowly defined social subsystem), 4. The institutionalization of science and technology and the mechanism that allows them to advance autonomously is built into the social system inside the cultural elements expressed objectively by the symbols created by people’s intentions. It also means that with the spread of education, there is less room for superstition, enchantment, conventions, and other irrational cultural elements (modernization in the narrowly defined cultural subsystem) (Tominaga 1990, pp. 30–32). Furthermore, Tominaga divided modernization into industrialization and narrowly defined modernization. The former is further divided into technology advancement and modernization in the economic sphere, and the latter is divided into four types of modernization in the legal sphere, political sphere, narrowly defined social sphere, and narrowly defined cultural sphere. To summarize, economic modernization is industrialization, political modernization is democratization, social modernization is the expression of freedom and equality, and cultural modernization is the realization of rationalism. In the analysis, the widely defined modernization is divided into economic modernization, political modernization, and social–cultural modernization. The narrowly defined social modernization is analyzed as modernization with five levels: 1. family, 2. village and city, 3. organization, 4. social stratification, and 5. nation and national society (Tominaga 1990, pp. 42–49). He constantly regards modernization as a typical example of social change. Zapf (1969) and (1975) listed economy, politics, social structure, culture, individual, and international as the six lower systems of actions and stated that a development in each system, when compounded, makes up modernization. In their discussion, they believe that social change is developed at various levels and scales. Tominaga references a part of Takata’s “Laws of Fixed Connectivity” (Takata 1971) regarding modernization and social change. The laws of fixed connectivity presume that the amount of connections in human relationship is fixed. Takata stated that the laws of fixed connectivity operated on 1. its correlation with the strength of the connection and 2. its relationship with the strength and number of connections (Specifically on pp. 183–198, ch. 2, vol. 3) and organized its directionality observed in modernization. The following is the list of detailed content and references: • The law of an elementary society scaling (The expansion of a society as a whole into a national society and the scaling of a family down to a nuclear family): pp. 232–237, ch. 5-2, vol. 3. • The law of an intermediate society disappearing (The destruction of tribes, clans, and village communities): pp. 237–240, ch. 5-3, vol. 3.

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• The law of a primary society declining (The dissolution of a primary society (kinship groups and village communities)); pp. 240–251, ch. 5-4, vol. 3. • The law of social dispersion (The increase in derived societies (functional societies)): pp. 253–257, ch. 6-2, vol. 3. • The law of confluence (The complex intersection of social spheres): pp. 257–261, ch. 6-3, vol. 3. • The law of Gesellschaft (Gesellschaft of an elementary society): pp. 261–266, ch. 6-4, vol. 3. • The Intellectualization of a society (The progress of a society as a whole toward rational goal orientation): pp. 272–276, ch. 7-3, vol. 3. • World socialization (The attainment of world state as the final result of an expanding primary society): pp. 276–280, ch. 7-4, vol. 3. • Social standardization (The leveling of class gaps): pp. 331–335, ch. 3-1, vol. 4. • Increased freedom (The release from social ties and enjoyment of freedom): pp. 335–341, ch. 3-2, vol. 4. • The formation of individualism (Release from social ties and individualization): pp. 344–359, ch. 4, vol. 4. Takata’s Laws of Fixed Connectivity were comprised of the laws above. Its attempt to also mathematically make sense of the modernization process as a change in the form of connectivity in human relationships, at the time when there were a decline and weakening of Gemeinschaft and a rise and development of Gesellschaft, was revolutionary. It is believed that it is critical to reference how social changes, including modernization, develop under sociology’s modernization theory, and review its development and relationships with the geographical space, area, or landscape with a new perspective in the depopulated region research and regional change research. For example, instead of just following and recovering land-use changes, which is typical in an orthodox geographical research, it is necessary to be more aggressive when geographically analyzing the modernization and industrialization process (including the social process), which was behind the land-use changes. The social changes and regional changes possess the characteristics of a complex mapping of the dialectical relationship between society and region/space. Industrialization, democratization, expression of freedom and equality, and realization of rationalism, all of which are the aspects of modernization presented by Tominaga, can be thought to couple with the changes in geographical space caused by modernization. There is an example of people becoming urban residents when outflowing population from a postwar Japanese rural village became a huge driving force in the industrialization in the city (Tachi 1961, 1962) or when the outflowing population was incorporated into industrial organizations and labor unions through organization of labor. To borrow the concept of Mabogunje (1975), sublimation to urbanites through urban subsystem had been achieved. This process also created the depopulation and overpopulation phenomena. Furthermore, the national infiltration of postwar democracy and urban lifestyle, coupled with the decrease in rural population and in conjunction with the

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alteration of social ties in farming families and rural area societies, dismantled rural Gemeinschaft and weakened the social ties. So far, this book organized the hierarchy of categories and levels related to the modernization concept with the following schematic structure: (1) social change, (2) modernization, (3) industrialization and urbanization, and (4) depopulation and overpopulation. It makes it possible to analytically interpret regional changes by applying a scale frame of region as space. Moreover, it is probably necessary to define the mechanism that creates depopulation by looking at the global economy movement (for example, one can easily recall the decline in domestic product purchases caused by moving manufacturing sites oversea; the relationship between the cheap imported timber and the slump in the Japanese forestry, or the relationship between the cheap foreign coal import and the coal mine closures), and the reproduction structure in the regional gaps that channel regional hierarchical structure on a national scale (for example, hierarchical structure found in political organizations and financial capitals or weak local governments) (Yada 1982). Regional changes appear in the changes to capitals, goods, services, information, and population, or they become the cause for further regional changes (Zelinsky 1971; Miyamoto et al. 1990; Ishii 1992, 1995; Kitajma (1998; Okada et al. 2002; Yamada 2002). This way of thinking can lead to understanding the subsystemic mechanism of regional changes by focusing on the mechanism and system related to the onset and changes of capitals, goods, services, information, and population migration and flow.

2.2 Changes in the Rural Population As the overpopulation problem became more serious in the metropolitan areas in the period surrounding the rapid economic growth, the depopulation problem advanced rapidly in the nonurban areas. Before targeting the discussion on the depopulation problem later in the section, the rural areas that extensively contain depopulated regions should be considered as a case study on nonurban area, and the population change patterns in such areas should be analyzed to discuss the population changes after the rapid economic growth period in Japan. Rural village and rural area traditionally refer to settlements and areas with an agricultural focus and a distinctive land use in agroforestry. According to a relevant material by the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries of Japan, “there is no clear definition of a rural village, but it is often defined by comparing with a city” and rural region is defined as “generally, an area with a low population density, whose land use is mostly in agroforestry, and possesses an abundant, secondary natural environment through agroforestry and public resources, like land and water” (Materials from the Society for the Basic Research on Problems Related to Food, Agriculture, and Farming Village, 1997). However, a farming village in a broad sense of the word sometimes refers to a wider, nonurban area that includes rural villages.

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This presents one side of the dichotomy of attempts to define a region through a rural–urban relationship. There were large diversification and changes in the farming village after World War II in Japan, and some areas experienced an increase in population when suburbanization advanced and farmers quit farming. Other areas suffered the deserted settlement phenomenon from the rapid development of depopulation and aging. These diverse changes made it difficult to discuss a region with a simple perception of rural–urban dichotomy and to understand the farming village with a specific stereotype. How did people statistically define farming village? After World War II, there was an era when a county was considered farming villages in Japan, but when densely inhabited district (DID: a district made up of residential groups of more than 5,000 total people within an area with population density of 4,000 people/km2 and more) was established by the census after 1960, some case studies started treating the nonDID region with a relatively big rural population and farming population as a farming village. In any case, a rural area is representative of a region that had experienced large changes in the course of rapid economic growth and modernization in Japan. Here, I will provide an overview and describe the changes in the rural population while focusing on the changes in these farming villages.

2.2.1 Population Structure First, I will take a look at the census for population changes by city and county for the sake of convenience in this section (Fig. 2.1). According to the national census, more than 80% of the Japanese population in 1920 belonged to county population. However, the urban population surpassed the county population by the latter half of the 1950s, and the urban population increased to comprise about three-quarters of the total population nearly 20 years later in the latter half of the 1970s. The migration of the rural population to the city and the urbanization of the outlying farming villages was behind this process. The rural population decreased from the population outflow, while the increase in population and the satellite urbanization of the outlying farming villages turned towns and villages into cities, which led to the conversion of rural population into urban population. By 1995, close to 80% of Japan’s entire population was made up of urban population. According to the United Nation’s World Population Prospects (1996), the country’s urban population ratio had skyrocketed from 50.3% in 1950 to 78.1% in 1995. It is projected to reach 85.3% by 2030. Figure 2.1 shows that the Heisei municipal mergers(especially 1995–2014 ca) significantly increased the urban population and decreased the county population after 2000. When a non-DID area is read as a rural region, the population of such regions was about 44,320,000 (35.2% of the national population) according to the 1995 census, but the area was about 360,000 km2 or about 97% of the national land area. By contrast, the total population of the three major metropolitan areas (Tokyo,

2.2 Changes in the Rural Population

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Composed from data of the Census, except for the number of 1945, which is derived from the survey on November 1st.

Fig. 2.1 Changes by city Population and county

Osaka, and Nagoya) within a 50 km sphere was 54,000,000 people (43.7% of the total Japanese population), showing that there was a pronounced localized, uneven distribution of population in Japan. There is a high percentage of elderly people in rural areas. The percentages of the elderly people in total population, non-DID population, and farming population are shown in Fig. 2.2. According to this figure, it is obvious that the aging of the non-DID population and farming population had surpassed the national average as the percentage of the elderly people rose throughout the country. The rural areas that were not an urbanized area were divided into three areas in the Agriculture and Forestry Statistics’ regional model: flat agricultural area, intermediate agricultural area, and mountainous agricultural area. In general, population decrease and aging are developing in these areas in this order. The latter two areas combined are called hilly and mountainous area, and there the percentage of the elderly people was 17.8%, which was much higher than the national average of 12.0% (based on the 1995 census). Looking closely at the percentage of the elderly people in the farming population from the 1995 data in the agricultural census, the highest percentages were from the hilly and mountainous area (26.4%), the urbanized area (24.2%), and the flat agricultural area (23.2%). The aging of population was particularly prominent in the hilly and mountainous areas that have adverse agroforestry conditions. In these hilly and mountainous areas, the core industry of agroforestry and the functions of the regional society and regional living had declined from aging and population outflow. These areas included areas that were suffering from serious depopulation from a mix of various problems, such as lack of successors, and lack of

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Data from the National Census and the Agricultural Census

Fig. 2.2 Elderly population changes from 1975 to 2005(expected)

marriage partners. These areas have received aid from the Act on Special Measures Promoting Independence in Depopulated Regions (commonly known as the “Act on Depopulation”) and other types of promotion laws, but these laws are under review, and these areas are under pressure to become independent in the era of structural reform. On the other hand, the population in the outlying farming villages near the cities rapidly increased, creating a mix of new and existing residents. There was further regionalization, which led to the transformation and reorganization of regional society, complication of employment structure, and diversification of resident behavior (Takahashi 1997).

2.2.2 Migration It is not easy to discuss population migration when the term rural population is only loosely defined and its data are not necessarily consolidated. As it will be stated later in this chapter, I organized the general trend of the domestic population migration from a rural migration perspective, which showed that there was a significant population migration from farming villages to metropolitan areas until around the first half of the 1960s, but the migration shifted to the metropolitan suburbs after the second half of the 1960s. Out of the two population migration patterns, the former advanced depopulation and marginalization in the farming villages with population outflow, and the latter advanced urbanization and residentialization in the suburban farming villages. As a result, it can be said that bipolar changes were observed in rural villages all over the country, with depopulation in the farming villages with

2.2 Changes in the Rural Population

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adverse conditions or rapid population increase in the suburban farming villages. The extreme consequences of this process included the emergence of peripheral villages and deserted rural settlements. Also, some of the farming villages became merged into a city and were no longer considered a farming village. The types of depopulated regions will be further explained later in this chapter, but most of the depopulation in southwestern Japan is explicit depopulation with a significant population decrease from people leaving the village with their entire family. The depopulation in northeastern Japan is implicit depopulation with a slower population decrease from people leaving to become a migrant worker and returning home when possible. The explicit depopulation area had many places with precipitous terrain, represented by the outer zone of southwestern Japan (the zone on the western side of Itoigawa-Shizuoka tectonic line (western edge of Fossa Magna) and the southern side of the median tectonic line, which extensively includes the mountainous areas of southern Kii Peninsula, southern Shikoku, and southeastern Kyushu) (Fig. 2.3). The farming business there is generally very small compared with that of northeastern Japan. Therefore, the population outflow from the farming villages in southwestern Japan was associated with a rapid decrease in the number of households from people leaving with their entire family. By contrast, the farming villages in northeastern Japan that did not experience such extensive and radical decrease in population and also did not experience a significant decrease in the number of households by relying on migrant work.

2.2.3 Characteristics by Region Next, I examined the farming population trend by prefecture to review the rural population characteristics by region. Figure 2.4 shows the percentage of farming population (percentage obtained by dividing the total population by the farming population) in 1960. According to these data, the national average for the farming population rate in 1960 was 37.0% (excludes Okinawa Prefecture). The farming population rate in Kagoshima Prefecture was the highest at 65.9%, followed by Shimane Prefecture, Ibaraki Prefecture, and Nagano Prefecture with high percentages of more than 60%. Tokyo, on the other hand, had already fallen to 3.3%, and Osaka had dropped to 8.4%. The prefectures other than Tokyo, Osaka, and Kanagawa Prefecture all exhibited a value greater than 20%. Excluding the four prefectures with the highest percentages, the Tohoku Region, the Chugoku Region, the eastern Shikoku Region, and southern Kyushu showed relatively high percentages. These are the regions that include many of the so-called “depopulated prefectures” today. Also, the farming population rate in Hokkaido was already below average at 28.5% at this point. Next, Fig. 2.5 shows the farming population rate in 2000. By this stage, the national average (includes Okinawa Prefecture) had dropped to 10.6%, and the highest percentage was only 30.2% in Akita Prefecture. This was followed by six prefectures, Iwate Prefecture, Tottori Prefecture, Shimane Prefecture, Yamagata Prefecture, Nagano Prefecture, and Fukushima Prefecture with more than 25%. There

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Data from Depopulated Areas Development Office, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications

Fig. 2.3 Distribution of depopulated areas (2000)

2.2 Changes in the Rural Population

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Created from data in the World Census of Forestry and National Census (1960), except for Okinawa.

Fig. 2.4 Percentage of population in the farming households (1960)

were only 13 prefectures with more than 20%. It can be said that the farming population rate generally declined and became relatively leveled in 40 years between 1960 and 2000. By 2000, the farming population rate in Hokkaido had also fallen to 4.9%, which was less than half of the average value. Next, Fig. 2.6 shows the rate of decrease in the farming population in the 40year period. The national average for the decrease rate in the farming population in prefectures excluding Okinawa was high at 61.3%. Hokkaido recorded the highest rate of decrease of 80.4%, which could be due to farmers leaving agriculture in the prominent agricultural area like Tokachi and the expansion of large-scale operation of farms from decade to decade. Hokkaido is followed by the 79.3% decrease in Tokyo, and then in the 70% range in Kagoshima, Nagasaki, and Osaka. The high percentage areas include a mixed of metropolitan areas and nonmetropolitan rural

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

Created from data in the World Census of Forestry and National Census (2000),

Fig. 2.5 Percentage of population in the farming households (2000)

areas, leading me to presume that the farming population decreased from both aspects of farmers leaving agriculture associated with a rural exodus and urbanization. The rate of decrease in farming population in Okinawa was 54.8% from 1980 to 2000, but it was recorded as 37.7% from 1990 to 2000, which greatly exceeded the national average of 22.2% in the 10-year period.

2.2.4 Agricultural Work Structure The percentage of Japanese agricultural workers rapidly declined in the second half of the twentieth century (Fig. 2.7). It plummeted from 45.4% in 1950 to 5.3% in 1995. I explored how the nation-wide phenomenon of farmers leaving agriculture

2.2 Changes in the Rural Population

29

Created from data in the World Census of Agriculture and Forestry and (1960 and 2000), except for Okinawa with population change from 1980 to 2000.

Fig. 2.6 Decreasing rate of population in the farming households (1960–2000)

affected the farming villages, combined with the bipolar aspects of changes observed in the farming villages in the next paragraph. In the semidepopulated farming villages, the population outflow caused a shortage of farm successors, which led to the aging of farmworkers and the shortage of spouses for the farm successors. Furthermore, farmers with a side business or farmers leaving agriculture had been facilitated by the reliance on the secondary sector of industry from the infiltration of public engineering works and by the rice acreage reduction policy to adjust national food production. In the suburban farming villages, the farmlands were converted into residential areas from the demand for more residences. The agricultural workers transitioned to the secondary and tertiary sectors of the industry and the characteristics of a farming village, in industrial structure and scenery, began to fade. According to Nakayasu (1995), there were less full-time farmers and more

30

2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

Created from National Census.

Fig. 2.7 Change of percentage of farming population (1950–1995)

farmers with a side job by 1970. The people who were in charge of farm work were farmworkers who only worked part-time, women, and the elderly. Yet, the number of farmers with a side job started to decrease and the retirement rate of elderly farm workers started to increase after 1970. According to the 1989 Agricultural Survey, the number of core farming households was only 16.7% (about 700,000 households) of the total farming households, which was a substantial decrease from the 22.2% (about 1,030,000 households) from the 1980 world census of agriculture and forestry. It showed that there were more farmers who left agriculture or found a side job, aging of farming population, and shortage of farm successors. In recent years, the rice acreage reduction policy and the shortage of farm successors had brought about a nationwide contractual cultivation from the agricultural unions, and there are cases of businesses collecting and operating farms especially in Hokkaido and the Tohoku region. In other words, there was a new trend of business and corporate groups and organizations engaging in agriculture rather than individual farming households. There were approximately 5,400 agricultural production corporations in 1999. Also, some of the core farmers indicated that they intended to amass private farmlands and more than 110,000 hectors of farmland were transferred in 1997 (according to the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries of Japan). Until the second half of the 1970s, majority of the transfer of ownership was through a sale and purchase, but by the second half of the 1990s, more than 70% of the transfer was through a lease. The borrowing of farmlands is contributing to the areal expansion of private farmlands. The amassing and large-scale operations of farmlands from the liquidity of farmland are thought to be a measure to increase price competitiveness in Japanese agriculture that traditionally consisted of small businesses. As it stands, there is also an attempt to strengthen the agricultural business constitution by training and sustaining the core farming households or recommending that entities other than the farming households also engage in regional agriculture.

2.2 Changes in the Rural Population

31

With the end of the rapid economic growth period, the “Era of Local Regions” is said to have arrived in the 1980s (Kiyonari 1986). The boost from the fundamental concept of the Third Comprehensive National Development Plan in 1977 emphasized social overhead capital improvement and permanent settlement policies in the nonmetropolitan areas. The development of “Fighting Mountain Village” in Oyama Village in Oita Prefecture (Okahashi 1984) affected and initiated “One Village, One Product Movement” in 1979. It was the result of a strong recognition that the production and sale of high-value farm products could contribute to a farming village’s survival and independence. In other words, some farming villages were able to hold on to their farm work population to some degree with the development of the agricultural processing industry (also called the “1.5th sector of industry”) under a strong leadership and organizational principle. However, many of the farming villages with population outflow had to focus on the policies for attracting businesses or developing a resort. It is a well-known fact that an upsurge of corporations in the tertiary sector faced a miserable outcome from the collapse of the bubble economy in the early 1990s. On the other hand, there is a movement to promote independence in the farming villages since the second half of the 1980s and the business operations and the employment structure of the side businesses in the farming villages have diversified from the rise of NPO-aiding farming villages in various ways. In addition to the previously mentioned literature by Nakayasu (1995), Hayashi (1970) published an important research paper relating to rural population.

2.3 Definition of Depopulation The subsequent sections will narrow down and discuss the problems and reality of depopulation based on the situations behind the population change. First, this section will discuss how depopulation was defined by the leading researchers and the next section will comment on the decline and loss of regional functions, or regional deprivation in the root of depopulation. Then, in Sect. 2.5, the designated requirements for depopulation are defined from a legal perspective in the Depopulation Act, so that it can lead to the discussion relating to the reality of depopulation in Sect. 2.6 and beyond. The term depopulation became popular in the public realm since the second half of the 1960s as the opposite concept of overpopulation. Also, the term depopulation problem did not just mean extensive population outflow, but also encompassed the various problems caused by it. For example, the famous professor Ikutsune Adachi defined depopulation as “the reduction of regional production and the collapse of the entire village society when the production and social living functions of the people remaining in that region become paralyzed as a result of a massive and rapid outflow of the rural population and farming households. Also, from the point of the resident’s awareness, their sense of “alienation from a normal farming village” is added to the farmer’s general sense of “alienation from capitals” created “double alienation,” which mutually intertwined with the paralysis of production and living

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

functions in a vicious cycle of reduced production and a collapse of village society” (Adachi 1970, p. 22). In other words, the characteristics of depopulation include the collapse of a regional society’s functions from population outflow and its process progressing in a vicious cycle. It should be noted that Adachi’s definition is based on the accumulation of research and field surveys in the depopulated mountain villages in the San’in Region. When the depopulation act was initially established in 1970, it was Adachi and a group of researchers from Shimane University who supported the activities of Takeyoshi Otani, the mayor of Hikimi Town in Shimane Prefecture at the time, who conveyed the reality of depopulated regions at the National Diet (Otani 1970). The ethnologist Tsuneichi Miyamoto’s involvement in the establishment of Remote Islands Development Act was one of the cases in which researchers were involved in the establishment of laws relating to regional development (Sano 2000).1 Shinji Kamino is a forestry and forestry economics researcher who described the vicious cycle of the depopulation progression as “depopulation begets depopulation” (Kamino 1970, p. 15). This saying became famous for succinctly expressing the current state of depopulation. The problem of depopulation is not simply limited to population outflow, but it is found in the decline of regional functions that caused it. In the core of the problem is the decline of core industry, the accumulation of the elderly, and the difficulty in accessing social overhead capitals (proximity and ease of access) in the depopulated regions (Tsutsumi 1987, 1989. Chap. 3 and subsequent chapters in this book). Also, the mechanism of depopulation incidence and progress possesses a complex, mutually connected structure that emerges after a while when the decline in the core industry, the decline in the regional society functions, and the increase in the percentage of elderly people are combined (Tsutsumi 1994. Chap. 4 in this book). The discussion on the definition and attributes of depopulated regions remind us that the depopulated region problem is not just a problem of that region, that it is not unrelated to the socioeconomic trends on a nationwide and worldwide scale, and that it is a major problem related to the people’s lives and the fundamental human rights. Particularly in a depopulated region, there is a problem of accessibility to various opportunities, facilities, and services in the daily life, causing regional deprivation within the vicious cycle of depopulation propelled by population outflow, and creating constraints on the human rights, including the rights to life and subsistence.

2.4 Regional Deprivation: The Decline and Loss of Regional Functions in Depopulated Regions I will touch on the problem of regional deprivation as it specifically relates to social overhead capital in this section. They say that the so-called “Era of Local Regions” arrived in the mid1970s. Since this time, the cultivation of local industries and the “Village Revitalization Movement” started to develop. The economic activities like

2.4 Regional Deprivation: The Decline and Loss of Regional Functions …

33

the “One Village One Product” from Oita Prefecture supplied high-value products to city markets (Kiyonari 1986). From the perspective of the Japanese history of regional development, this period in the late 1970s included the sociopolitical turning point when the fundamental principle of development transitioned from the economic development to the social development. This philosophy focusing on social development is one of the important items in the Third Comprehensive National Development Plan from 1977 (also known as “Sanzenso”) and is manifested in the maintenance of living environment in the regional cities and the surrounding rural villages. The concepts of permanent settlement and garden city that followed the Sanzenso principle can be considered an extension of the urban lifestyle realm into rural areas, but it also implies that the social development has infiltrated the surrounding rural villages. Having entered the period with an emphasis on social development, the problem of investment in life infrastructure for residents started surfacing in the mountain village research dealing with many depopulated regions. For example, Okahashi (1982) stated that “A full-scale effort is needed to tackle individual problems, such as education, medicine, recreation, and transportation, all of which were traditionally handled superficially in a form of deteriorating living conditions with weak analysis. The effort to incorporate the policy and organization theories into the research framework is also necessary.” (p. 212). Specific examples of social overhead capital, which becomes a problem in each individual region, include roads, water system, and sewer system in the social and general means of labor, and medical, educational, cultural, sports, and recreational facilities in the social collective consumption services. However, the depopulated regions, particularly the mountain villages, were generally behind on the investment in the maintenance of living infrastructure, because the capitals had been invested in the production infrastructure. The actual problems included the consolidation of elementary schools and junior high schools in the mountain villages, scaling or closing of medical facilities, and difficulty accessing various educational and cultural facilities. The setback in maintaining the social living environment is known as the decline and loss of socioeconomic regional functions or rural deprivation in rural areas (Okahashi 1982). This type of deprivation is not limited to rural areas. Herbert (1975) says that deprivation “implies a standard of living or a quality of life below that of the majority in a particular society, to the extent that it involves hardship, inadequate access to resources, and underprivilege” (p. 362). Therefore, deprivation includes not only just social problems but also economic problems, such as poor labor conditions and income gaps. However, until the mid-1980s, there tended to be many researches specifically focusing on the social aspects. Many of them were urban deprivation researches, which analyzed the living measures especially in the inner cities, such as the public hygiene facilities and public housing. Meanwhile, the rural deprivation researches focused on the deteriorating medical and educational environments, the inadequacy in measures to maintain labor force, and the deficiencies in the recreational, cultural, and other shared facilities. The aging problem in the depopulated Japanese mountain villages in particular is thought to be heavily involved with the deprivation problem related to the elderly people’s living functions.

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

When the depopulated regions are considered with the concept of deprivation, the alienation of residents is portrayed with “multiple remoteness and appearance of alienation” as they possess physical remoteness from access to transportation and information in big cities and remoteness from economic and social overhead capitals (economic and social remoteness), which is to be discussed after Chap. 3 in this book. Furthermore, there are additional researches on deprivation by Davidson (1975), Clout (1979), Cloke and Park (1980), and Moseley (1980). Show (1979) provides a great text on the topic of deprivation in a farming village in England. Shin Kajita’s review organized a part of the deprivation research trend in the UK and attempted to discuss the concept as a social welfare problem in the context of policy (Kajita 2000).

2.5 Requirements for Depopulation Under the Depopulation Act and Areas Designated as Depopulated In the last section, I define depopulation based on reality and discuss regional deprivation, which made up the reality of depopulation. Here, I refer to the legal requirements and definition of depopulated region based on the basic laws of depopulation act to provide an overview of the depopulated regions. In 2008, there were four versions of the so-called “depopulation act” including the current version. These were “Act on Emergency Measures concerning the Development of Depopulated Regions” (April 24, 1970 to March 31, 1980), “Act on Special Measures concerning the Promotion of Depopulated Regions” (April 1, 1980 to March 31, 1990), “Act on Special Measures concerning the Revitalization of Depopulated Regions” (April 1, 1990 to March 31, 2000), and the current “Act on Special Measures Promoting the Independence of Depopulated Regions” (April 1, 2000 to March 31, 2010, and later extended by 11 years), also known as the “New Depopulation Act.” These acts were each effective for 10 years. Each “depopulation act” designated the cities, towns, and villages fulfilling the two requirements of having a significant population decrease and a low financial capability index as a depopulated region and guaranteed to take special measures. The financial capability index refers to a value that represents the financial capability of a municipality, which is calculated as follows: (Amount of standard financial income) ÷ (Amount of standard financial expenses) The financial capability of an organization is considered strong if the value is closer to 1.0, and the organization with a value higher than 1.0 would not be eligible to receive a local tax grant.

2.5 Requirements for Depopulation Under the Depopulation Act …

35

The requirements for the depopulated region designation under the Act on Special Measures Promoting the Independence of Depopulated Regions (“The New Depopulation Act,” effective in 2000), effective until the end of March, 2010, stipulated that a region must fulfill both requirements 1 and 2 below: 1. Requirements related to population (one of the items below must apply) (a) There is more than a 30% decrease in population between the 1960 census and the 1995 census. (b) There is more than a 25% decrease in population during the period above, and more than 24% of the population from the 1995 census is the elderly population (the percentage of population over 65 years old). (c) There is more than a 25% decrease in population during the period above, and less than 15% of the population from the 1995 census is the youth population (the percentage of population between 15 and 30 years old). (d) There is more than a 19% decrease in population between the 1970 census and the 1995 census. However, in the case of (a), (b), and (c), exclude organizations (municipalities) with more than a 10% increase in population in the 25 years between 1970 and 1995. 2. Requirement related to financial capability The financial capability index from 1996 to 1998 is less than 0.42, and the profit from publicly managed gambling is less than 1.3 billion yen. The depopulation act has been revised since then and extended for another eleven years from 2010 to 2015 (and later up to 2021). The following requirements were added to the requirements above: 1. Requirements related to population (one of the items below must apply) (a) There is more than a 33% decrease in population between the 1960 census and the 2005 census. (b) There is more than a 28% decrease in population during the period above, and more than 29% of the population from the 2005 census is the elderly population (the percentage of population over 65 years old). (c) There is more than a 28% decrease in population during the period above, and less than 14% of the population from the 2005 census is the youth population (the percentage of population between 15 and 30 years old). (d) There is more than a 17% decrease in population between the 1980 census and the 2005 census. However, in the case of (a), (b), and (c), exclude organizations (municipalities) with more than a 10% increase in population in the 25 years between 1980 and 2005. 2. Requirement related to financial capability The financial capability index from 2006 to 2008 is less than 0.56, and the profit from publicly managed gambling is less than 2 billion yen.

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

As written above, the depopulation act designates a depopulated region based on population decrease and weak financial basis. However, the existing problem in this equation is that the aid may not be given to depopulated settlements within a nondepopulated city, town, and village, because the equation uses city, town, and village as a unit for designation. The changes to the administrative districts from the great Heisei municipal mergers adversely affected the supportive measures to depopulated regions. There is still an element of concern even though it is possible to designate using the former city, town, and village, and the measures are secured by the enforcement order and detailed enforcement regulations without causing negative effects. The Heisei municipal mergers occluded and suppressed depopulation phenomenon at an old depopulated city, town, and village scale, and the researchers may need to be careful when using the statistics if they are to accurately understand the situation. It is important to keep in mind that the problem of subregion statistics arising. Also, the slowing population decrease does not necessarily mean it would slow down the rapid progress of aging, which has become an urgent issue in handling this specific topic. Next, I provide a broad overview of the recent situation in the depopulated regions. According to the material published in 2000 by the Office of Depopulation Measures in the Local Administration Bureau at the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 1,171 cities, towns, and villages were designated as a depopulated region, which was 36.3% of the nation’s cities, towns, and villages. When combined with the preliminary figures from the 2000 census published in the same year, 7,127,288 people made up the depopulated region population, which was 5.6% of Japan’s total population. The area of depopulated regions was 180,339 km2 , which was a staggering 48.5% of the country’s total area. When calculating off of these numbers, the population density in the depopulated region was 39.5 people/km2 , which was substantially below the national population density of 340 people/km2 . Figure 2.3 shows the distribution of the depopulated regions and Table 2.1 shows the proportion of the depopulated regions. According to these tables, more than one-third of the number of cities, towns, and villages were designated as a depopulated region, with an immense area of more than 48% of the country’s land area. However, the population of the depopulated regions was only about 7,130,000 people, which was 5.6% of the total population, and the population density was 39.5 people/km2 , which was not much more than 12% of the country’s population density. It is clear that there was a misdistribution of population in Japan. Table 2.2 shows the data for the depopulated regions designated by the extended depopulation act. According to these data, the percentages of the depopulated region Table 2.1 Proportion of the depopulated regions (2000) Depopulated region Number of cities/towns-villages

1,171

Percentage in domestic total (%) 36.3

Population

7.127,288

5.6

Area (km2 )

180,339

48.5

2.5 Requirements for Depopulation Under the Depopulation Act … Table 2.2 Depopulated regions designated by the extended depopulation act

37

Depopulated region Number of cities towns villages Population (10 thousand) Area (km2 )

Percentage in domestic total (%)

776

44.9

1,124

8.8

216,477

57.3

Population are based on the National Census, 2005. Number of cities/towns/villages are counted on the data from the local administration bureau at the ministry of internal affairs and Communications. Some of them are estimated

in population, area, and the number of cities, towns, and villages were all higher due to the impact of the Heisei municipal mergers. However, because the calculation includes the number of cities, towns, and villages from the partially designated areas, the researchers must be careful when discussing this type of data and consider the problem of subregion statistics created by the mergers as stated above. The depopulated regions’ demographics showed that there was a temporary slowing trend in the population decrease after it peaked in 1965, but the decreasing trend strengthened once again from 1985 to 1990. Since then, there have been small changes in the population increase and decrease rate (refer to Fig. 2.12). Depopulated regions’ demographics can be understood by looking at the natural increase and decrease and the social increase and decrease. A relative decrease in birth rate and a rise in death rate had led to natural decrease, which continued after 1987. The social decrease of the depopulated regions was relatively fixed each year with a shift of 0.81% to 1.02% from 1980 to 1991. Also, it has been reported that the ratio of unmarried women to unmarried men in depopulated region is lower than the ratio in the nondepopulated region. The problem of the shortage of spouse (commonly known as the “bride shortage” or the “groom shortage”) has been notable and will continue to have an undeniable decline in the function of population reproduction in the future. The fact that there was a rerise in the population decrease in the depopulated regions, and that this trend was mainly regulated as a natural decrease, is thought to signify a new phase for the progress of aging in the depopulated regions. The aging progressed further and caused a rapid loss of population reproduction function since the rapid economic growth period, when there was a remarkable social decrease in population from population outflow. The quality of population decrease in the depopulated regions is presumed to have changed, highlighting the areas with settlements that are in danger of becoming deserted or extinct. It means that there is a heightened need to pay attention to not just the quantitative aspect, but rather the qualitative aspect of population. For example, the percentage of the solitary elderly households in depopulated regions was 9.6% (1995), which was much higher than the national average of 5.0%.

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

By the 1990s, there had been serious discussions on the preservation of agroforestry as well as the measures for intermediate mountainous area with the idea of conserving environmental resources like the forest and water resources as a public function. Farmers’ income and compensation is starting to become the focal point of these discussions. Furthermore, many of the depopulated regions are confronted with situations requiring independent and proactive measures, such as extensive municipal mergers, widespread government, and maintenance of living functions in the settlements, in the midst of decentralization and relaxation of regulations. Based on the recent depopulation trend that had been reviewed here, it is not an exaggeration to emphasize that the policies for the elderly or village preservation need more planning and implementation than ever before, not counting the aggressive policies that simply entail corporate attraction or industry development. It must be recognized that today’s challenges in the depopulation research and policies are bigger than the period when the population outflow was severe.

2.6 Regional Characteristics and Types of Depopulation The overview of the depopulated regions in Japan includes rural villages, remote islands and peninsulas, declining mining industry regions, such as old coal-mining regions (often a company town), heavy snowfall areas, and areas vulnerable to natural disasters. Specifically, the old fuelwood regions (mountains of Chugoku Region), the forestry regions (mountains of Chubu Region), and the abandoned coal-mining regions (Hokkaido and northern Kyushu) have experienced a drastic population outflow since 1960. Some of these areas have been designated as depopulated or received aid from various acts on regional development besides the depopulation act. Here, I will briefly introduce the types of depopulated regions and several theories related to the progress of depopulation. These are mainly for rural villages, specifically mountain villages, but they are useful in discussing the depopulated regions. As mentioned previously, the depopulation in southwestern Japan is generally considered explicit depopulation with a significant population decrease from the people leaving the village with their entire family, and the depopulation in northeast Japan is considered implicit depopulation with a slower population decrease from migrant workers looking for a job in the city. According to Tsugio Handa’s typology theory, the depopulation in western Japan showed a remarkable decrease in both population and number of households, but the decrease was much slower in Tohoku and Kanto Regions. The depopulation in Kinki, Tokai, and Hokuriku Regions is described as an intermediate type found between the two above-mentioned types (Handa 1967) . According to Adachi’s typology theory, which is based on the situations in 1960– 1965, the western Japan-type depopulation showed a remarkable decrease in both population and number of households. However, the population decrease was not

2.6 Regional Characteristics and Types of Depopulation

39

as severe in the Tohoku-type depopulation, and the household decrease rate was much lower compared with that of western Japan. Hokuriku and Tokai Regions are found between the two types. However, stage theory claims that the Tohoku type will eventually transition into the western Japan type in the future (Adachi 1973). Hidenori Okahashi’s typology theory backs Tsugio Handa’s claims from 1955 to 1965, but he believed that the western Japan type should be divided into three types from 1965 to 1975 (northern Kinki Region, Kanto Region, Tohoku Region, Tosan and Hokuriku Region: Slow decrease. Southern Kinki Region, Shikoku, Kyushu, Hokkaido: Severe decrease. Chugoku Region: Intermediate decrease; Okahashi 1981). Yoshihisa Fujita’s typology theory also considers the regional disparity and characteristics of depopulation and emphasizes three types (southwestern Japan: People leaving the village with their entire village due to collapse of fuelwood forestry business. Northeastern Japan: Some of the family members leaving the village for migrant work due to rice acreage reduction policy after 1965. Kinki and Tokai Regions: Outflow of young population due to damage from foreign import in the forest cultivation zones) (Fujita 1981). Fujita (1981) also mentioned the difference in the internal zone and the external zone in southwestern Japan. As described earlier, Japan can be divided into several regions by the two large fault lines. The Itoigawa-Shizuoka tectonic line (western edge of the Fossa Magna) separates northeastern Japan and southwestern Japan, and the median tectonic line separates the internal zone (the Japan Sea side) and the external zone (the Pacific Ocean side). While a peaceful rural plateau landscape spreads in the internal zone in southwestern Japan, the external zone is made up of harsh and steep terrains with a pluvial climate. In the external zone, there were slashand-burn fields, stories of fleeing Heike warriors, and sufficient population bearing capacity. However, the harsh natural conditions, specifically the geographical conditions, kept agroforestry from developing into a modern, core industry. Under these circumstances, severe population outflow and depopulation advanced in the external zone in southwestern Japan, specifically in the mountain village areas in southern Kii Peninsula, southern Shikoku, and southeastern Kyushu. These regions have become the regions with the gravest depopulation and mountain village problems. This is what Fujita describes as a “socially blank region” (Fujita 1986). Okahashi (1986) specifically studied mountain villages and classified the country’s 683 cities, towns, and villages into the following six types: I. Average mountain village: Further divided into Tohoku type and Kyushu type. II. Slightly high level of aging elderly society, good employment and finances, slightly poor employment opportunity and income level: Chugoku mountain type. III. Low level of aging elderly society, unstable employment and finances, below average employment opportunity and income level: Northern Tohoku type. IV. Areas with the gravest mountain problem, most advanced aging elderly society, very unstable employment and finances: Southwestern Japan Outer Zone type.

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

V.

Relatively wealthy, below average advancement of aging elderly society, good employment opportunity and income level: Further divided into the suburban type and Hokkaido type. VI. Seven mountain villages with nondepopulation characteristics, increased population and number of households, good employment opportunity, and income level: Metropolitan area inclusion type. Out of these, type IV or the Southwestern Japan Outer Zone type is provided as having the gravest problems, and these situations are said to be observed frequently in the external zone in southwestern Japan. Hidenori Okahashi reconfirmed the situations that Fujita (1981) pointed out in which the mountain villages in the Outer Zone of Southwestern Japan were facing. Norimoto (1981) divided the progress of depopulation into three stages based on the researches in rural villages in San’in Region (1. Large population outflow, 2. Disappearance of elderly farming households, and 3. Disappearance of the main branch of family and core farming households: final stage of depopulation). The series of researches focusing on depopulation regional types and zone construction are recognized for identifying the differences in how depopulation developed in each region. However, it cannot be denied that the characteristics are presented in a time and period, which are limited by a researcher’s static viewpoint. For example, it never led to the discussions of whether or not the differences in the current state of depopulation between eastern and western Japan have leveled, or after having considered this, led to a projection of the depopulated regions in 20 or 30 years. Though a simple graph, Fig. 2.8 presents the population increase and decrease in the depopulated regions by region. According to this figure, it is easy to see that the population decrease was quite remarkable in western Japan, including Kyushu and Okinawa Districts, Shikoku

Created from National Census and Current Policy on Depopulation depopulated regions in 2006.

Fig. 2.8 Change of population in depopulated area by region (1960–2000)

2.6 Regional Characteristics and Types of Depopulation

41

Districts, and Chugoku Region, with the exception of Kinki Region in the 1960s. In other words, the previous point confirmed that the western Japan-type depopulation was much more severe than the eastern Japan type depopulation. However, it also became apparent that the severe population decrease, which is the characteristic of the western Japan-type depopulation, did not necessarily perpetuate in all of western Japan. There was a gradual break down of the clear regional distinctions between eastern and western Japan. Specifically, there were changes in the regional ranks in the population increase and decrease rate from the first half of the 1970s to the second half of the 1980s, and none of the regions showed a decreased value of more than −6% after the 1990s. In recent years, it has become difficult to clearly differentiate between the western Japan type and the eastern Japan type. Most of the discussions up to this point had taken the entirety of depopulated regions and rural villages into consideration. Here, the book will also touch on the population outflow from the coal-mining region, which is typical of an area with a severe population decrease. Figure 2.9 shows the location of main coal fields and coal mines, some of which have already shut down, in Japan. Unfortunately, the population changes in the coal-mining region are rarely analyzed in the recent years. I examined 62 cities, towns, and villages designated as a coal mine region in the final year of the Act on Temporary Measures for Development of Coal Mining Region, which expired at the end of 2000. I created a database to study the situation in the coal mining region based on the population changes after 1950 (Fig. 2.10). The breakdown of the 62 cities, towns, and villages in the

Fig. 2.9 Main coal fields and coal mines in Japan

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

Created from National

Fig. 2.10 Change of population of 62 municipalities in coal mining region (1950–2000)

coal mining region are 35 in Fukuoka Prefecture, 20 in Hokkaido, 6 in Nagasaki Prefecture, and 1 in Kumamoto Prefecture. The municipalities with a population of about 50,000 people after the 1980s are labeled in the figure. According to this figure, the population in majority of the coal mining cities, towns, and villages, with the exception of Kushiro City in Hokkaido, had peaked in 1960 or earlier. Particularly after 1960, there were many areas that experienced a rapid decline in population, but the decline generally slowed down after the 1990s. Some places even experienced a period with a small increase in population in the recent years. 33 cities, towns, and villages, which make up more than half of this region, are not designated as a depopulated region. Miike Coal Mine, the largest coal mine in Japan located in Omuta City, Fukuoka has seen a steady decrease in population since the 1960 Miike Dispute, a big strike. Taiheiyo coal mine in Kushiro City shrunk its operation after the coal mine closed in 2002 and Kushiro coal mine took over the business. Their population peaked in 1985 and they are approximately 25 years behind Omuta City. There were satellite cities and towns near Fukuoka City and Kita Kyushu City with a population increase in Fukuoka Prefecture, but there were also areas with an extreme population decrease like Yubari City in Hokkaido. The researchers confirmed a difference in the population decrease patterns between the regions located along a work or school commute in a suburban city and the regions that were not located along a commute. While there are several population change patterns in a coal-mining region, a typical regional case with a drastic population decrease in a short period specifically included regions that have experienced a coal mine closure. I have described the regional situations of depopulation and population decrease up to this point. As a key challenge in the future depopulated region study, it is important and necessary to continue to chronologically analyze the regional characteristics and regional structure of depopulation, and at the same time, understand the changes to the depopulated regions and associate them with the depopulation policies. Even

2.6 Regional Characteristics and Types of Depopulation

43

in areas where population decrease has slowed, there are grave examples of situation like natural population decrease and disappearance of settlements. The perspective of deprivation previously mentioned must not be forgotten in order to capture the essence of the depopulation problem in a discussion. The depopulated regions are under very harsh situations. As mentioned previously, the depopulated regions have a vicious cycle of reduced reproduction (Adachi 1970) described as “depopulation begets depopulation” (Kamino 1970, p. 15) or a loss of rural area functions, which continues to worsen the welfare environment of the resident population in the depopulated region today. As the Third Comprehensive National Development Plan transitioned into the Fourth Comprehensive National Development Plan (planned in 1987), the period since the people demanded multipolar distributions plan was very critical for the survival of the depopulated regions. At the turn of the century, with the beginning of the Fifth Comprehensive National Development Plan (1998, the official name is “Grand Design for the 21st Century”), there were many active discussions on a policy to prevent depopulation from progressing at a village level by establishing a definitive threshold and keeping the villages from exceeding it. Also, there once was a discussion to create a miniaturized central region inside a depopulated region to enforce concentrated miniaturized policies in cities, towns, and villages. Currently, it is at the stage when a discussion is needed to consider the resident welfare in depopulated regions that have many elderly people and need young residents during the slow growth period.

2.7 Population Migration, and Depopulation and Overpopulation Problems in Japan Depopulation and overpopulation are often handled as a pair of regional problems. Depopulation and overpopulation are considered a “pathology of regional problem” in the field of social pathology (Takahashi 1993, p. 220). Also, “the pathological phenomenon, which typically manifests itself as overpopulation in cities and depopulation in rural villages, can be understood as a bipolar form of regional impoverishment that accompanies capital reserve” (Ibid, p. 222). Depopulation and overpopulation problems share the fact that both entail rural deprivation and a vicious cycle of worsening residential environment. In depopulation, the population outflow may trigger a collapse of regional society and may eventually lead to a disappearance of a village or a deserted settlement. This process advances in a vicious cycle, causing regional society functions and population productivity to fit perfectly inside a reduced reproduction structure. In contrast, if the residential environment worsens considerably, the population outflow into suburbs and localized “space packing” of population in inner cities which is an invented concept by David Harvey (Harvey 1993, p. 172) create a much higher daytime population compared with the nighttime population in the cities. According to the 1995 census data, the nighttime to daytime population ratio was high with a ratio of 124.2 in

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

Tokyo, 106.1 in Osaka, and 101.7 in Aichi Prefecture, but the three large metropolitan areas were all experiencing a population decrease inside the 10 km sphere. They had also entered an era where employers provided reimbursement for bullet train commute or compensation for unaccompanied job transfers without their family. Companies have started to establish a support system for long-distance commute and job transfer. Under these circumstances, the decentralization of population from suburbanization and the spatial containment of specific socially tiered groups resulted in a bipolar manner, and at the same time, there was a contrasting distribution of daytime and nighttime population. Here, I organize the relationship between population migration and the depopulation and overpopulation problems. Japan was segmented into almost 300 territories in the Edo Period (1603–1867; Edo or Yedo is a former name of Tokyo). However, since the Meiji Restoration when Japan became a modern nation, the Meiji government, who promoted policies for industrial modernization, wealth, and military strength, aggressively implemented centralization of power to concentrate spatial power, uneven distribution or centralization of the imperial capital city of Tokyo, and provincialization of other regions. This was the moment when a strong regional hierarchy, a pyramid structure based on regional strength, was created between then and now. Such regional hierarchy was further manifested from the concentration of industrial infrastructure upgrade and urban infrastructure formation in the three major metropolitan areas in the 1960s during the rapid economic growth period after World War II. On one hand, there was a major population migration from rural villages to cities, and this population outflow from the rural villages, particularly from western Japan, created severe depopulation. On the other hand, it created overpopulated regions in large metropolitan areas. The population outflow from rural areas resulted in a decrease in population of young people as well as people working in the core industries of agriculture, forestry, and fisheries. As a result, it caused a decline in the core industries. It also made collaborative labor of planting and harvesting of rice difficult in farming villages. The increased reliance on expensive machines has caused a shakeout of farmers’ agricultural operations, and the weakening of various conveniences promoted the population outflow. The concentration of population in cities worsened the residential environment and created a phenomenon called sprawling in which communities are built quickly and irregularly. It also increased residential land values as it promoted population migration to suburbs, and created localized, decreased urban population and depopulation in the middle of the overpopulated space (donut phenomenon). By the late 1970s, the economic rationalism up to this point created the pollution and environmental problems, and the social movement to focus on ease of living and amenities while questioning affluence was started. The Third Comprehensive National Development Plan, which changed the principle of economic capitalism to social capitalism at a national level, was established by the Takeo Fukuda cabinet in 1977. The plan hammered out the concept of settlement and garden cities in order to create a local dispersion of population and a place of comfort. There was a hollowing out of the city center population and a dispersion of population to the suburbs (donut

2.7 Population Migration, and Depopulation and Overpopulation Problems in Japan

45

phenomenon) during this time, creating a localized depopulated region inside the city center. Also, there was reverse migration from the city to rural villages or return migration of those who had migrated from a rural village to the city. Yoshitaka Ishikawa (1994) did a great job of summarizing the postwar population migration in Japan as follows (specifically Chap. 4 “The Transition of Migration Pattern of Postwar Domestic Population”, p. 52–64): 1. Population migration was mainly to large cities like Tokyo and Osaka until the 1950s. 2. Population outflow from the three large metropolitan areas to nonmetropolitan areas, migration within a city or between large cities, and migration between rural cities/towns/villages increased in the 1960s. 3. Population migration slowed down and the number of migrants decreased in the 1970s. 4. However, the surplus of migration to large metropolitan areas once again increased slowly in the 1980s. According to Ito’s (Ito 1984) analysis, “the main population migration between 1955 and 1965 was from a non-metropolitan area to a metropolitan area, or from a rural village to a city, but after 1966, the main population migration was from a large metropolitan area to a residential suburb,” and “the population migration from a large metropolitan area to a non-metropolitan area was increasing after the 1950’s, but it started to decrease along with the other regional migration patterns after 1974. The population migration between large metropolitan areas and non-metropolitan areas started to balance out” (pp. 25–26). Furthermore, he states that “because both of the annual changes in the migration rate between prefectures and the population migration within a non-metropolitan area were small, it is easy to see that the changes to the country’s population migration after the war were mainly determined by the population migration from non-metropolitan areas to metropolitan areas, or from a rural village to a city, and by the population migration from a large metropolitan area to the suburbs for the purpose of changing residences” (p. 26). Also, according to Tani (2000), there were two circuitous characteristics of population migration between a large metropolitan area and a rural area after the 1970s: (1) Migration from a rural area to a metropolitan area for employment or education, and their subsequent return to the rural area (return migration) and (2) Migration between a metropolitan area and a non-metropolitan area for a job transfer (p. 15). The population decentralization policy was expected to be effective after the Third Comprehensive National Development Plan until the result of the 1990 census came out. Yet, in reality, the various functions and interests still remain concentrated in the three major metropolitan cities to this day. Also, the bubble economy until the beginning of the 1990s had raised the land value in the three major metropolitan cities, and the increase in inheritance tax caused the residents to move away from the city center, spurring the donut phenomenon and creating a notable gap between the daytime population and the nighttime population in the city districts. It has rapidly weakened the city’s regional functions (i.e., closing of elementary schools due to population outflow), which came to be known as the “collapse of a city center” (Nishinippon Shimbun, Regional News Editorial Department, 1995). Furthermore, both the slowing of the population increase rate in the three major cities, including the capital city, and the small increase in the population increase rate in several rural

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areas have also characterized the 1990s. The population outflow from the depopulated regions in the 1990s slowed in the first half of the decade and became active again in the second half of the decade. There were more than a few depopulated settlements that were facing a qualitative collapse of regional functions or settlements that could become deserted in the near future in the depopulated prefectures. When examining the population outflow in the depopulated regions, it showed that the period of large population outflow is becoming a period of natural population decrease from the rapid, qualitative aging of population and the exponential loss of population reproductivity. Based on such understanding, it can be said that the Japanese economic development was partly supported at the cost of uneven distribution of population and the unbalanced development of regional functions. It is very important to think about the depopulation and overpopulation problems as the main regional population problem in Japan when inspecting the economic growth and the regional policies in Japan until now and reviewing the regional “amenities” to plan future countermeasures. The population distribution problem has escalated the inconveniences of daily life of people living in these regions in both cases of depopulation and overpopulation. These problem regions share the circumstances that could threaten people’s right of subsistence and human rights, at times creating regional deprivation (previously mentioned in Sect. 2.4 of this chapter) and a decline in living functions. The sections up to this point have provided an overview of depopulation. I will analyze the national trend of depopulation based on the recent data and consider the reality of depopulation in detail in the next section.

2.8 Reality of Depopulation Based on the Preliminary Results of the 2000 Census The summary of the result of the census conducted in October, 2000 came out as a preliminary report in December of the same year. This was also the year when the new depopulation act was implemented. Here, I will discuss the definition of depopulation, households and population of depopulated regions, the problems faced by depopulated regions, and the directionality of depopulation measures, based on the materials related to depopulated regions and the preliminary report of the 2000 census, on the basis of my field research and experience in the depopulated regions.

2.8.1 Overview of Depopulation The depopulation acts, including the new fourth-generation depopulation act, have historically captured the depopulated regions with the viewpoint of population decrease, degree of aging, and weak financial basis. However, the problem in this

2.8 Reality of Depopulation Based on the Preliminary Results of the 2000 Census

47

designation system is that it does not give aid to depopulated settlements inside a nondepopulated city, town, and village, because it uses administrative cities, towns, and villages as the designation unit.2 Also, the qualitative measures against depopulation and aging are becoming increasingly important since the rapid progress of aging may not necessarily slow down even if the population decrease slows down in the future. The definition of depopulated regions in the depopulation act has already been provided in this book. As described previously, the depopulation phenomenon possesses a structure of vicious cycle, which structurally paralyzes regional functions, coupled with a decline in the core regional industries and a decrease in population and number of households. Therefore, the depopulation problem is triggered by the outflow of population and households and is created in a structure where the problems of regional function decline are mutually related. This is why the various depopulation measures need to have a comprehensive perspective, not just a symptomatic one. To this point, the national measures after government reorganization should explore the possibility of an integrated reorganization of development plans that can handle a new approach.

2.8.2 Depopulated Regions Based on the Preliminary Figures from the Census The key items in the preliminary figures of 2000 census include population, household, and population by gender. I created a database by entering the data from 1,171 cities, towns, and villages that were designated as a depopulated region, along with the area of the cities, towns, and villages and the 1995 census data. I built separate databases for prefectures and regions based on this database. In this section, I will analyze the situations in the depopulated regions based on these data. (1) Population Distribution First, I studied the population distribution in the depopulated regions by region (Fig. 2.11). This figure shows the breakdown of it in Japan by region showing that Hokkaido/Tohoku and Kyushu are the two regions with significant depopulated region population. When the two districts were combined, it was about 60% of the total depopulated area population. On the flip side, Kanto and Kinki Regions, which include the two major metropolitan areas of greater Tokyo and Osaka areas, each had a low percentage of less than 5%. Kanagawa Prefecture and Osaka Prefecture were the 2 out of 47 prefectures that did not have any depopulated cities, towns, or villages in 2000. The Tokai/Hokuriku Region, which includes the greater Nagoya area, showed a relatively large percentage of almost 13%, because the region contains islands and peninsulas in the Japan Sea as well as the Chubu mountain range. The percentage for Chugoku Region also exceeded 12%. Next, I studied the population of the depopulated regions by prefecture (Fig. 2.12). This figure shows the percentage of the population of the depopulated region in

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

Fig. 2.11 Population in depopulated areas by region (percentages, 2000)

Data from National Census (preliminary report for 2000).

each prefecture. According to the figure, the prefectures from Hokkaido to northern Tohoku Region, the prefectures along the Japan Sea, prefectures in Chugoku, Shikoku, and Kyushu Regions had a high percentage. Table 2.3 shows the six prefectures with more than 20%. In a manner of speaking, the result here is high for the west, low for the east. When comparing the early depopulation phenomenon in western Japan and eastern Japan, the former exhibited more population and household outflow (Fujita 1981; Okahashi 1997, etc.). Table 2.3 shows specific high ratio for western Japan, but there were undeniable trends from Akita, Hokkaido, and Yamagata from eastern Japan as well. (2) Population Increase–Decrease Rate The population increase–decrease rate in all of Japan, including both depopulated regions and nondepopulated regions, was 1.1% from 1995 to 2000. However, the population increase–decrease rate in the depopulated regions during this time was −5.4% nationwide. I discuss the increase–decrease rate of population in the depopulated regions in the past 40-year period below (Fig. 2.13). When population is studied from the census in 5-year increments, it showed that the nationwide population increase–decrease rate peaked at −12.9% from 1965 to 1970, and the decrease subsequently started slowing down with the decrease rate of −8.4% from 1970 to 1975, −4.1% from 1975 to 1980, and −3.7% from 1980 to 1985. However, the population decrease became high once again when it rose to − 5.8% from 1985 to 1990. The rate slowed somewhat to −4.7% from 1990 to 1995, but increased again to −5.4% from 1995 to 2000. To summarize, the depopulated regions experienced more than 10% population decrease around the 1960s. This was the peak of population outflow from the depopulated regions, followed by a slowdown of the decrease rate. However, when the value from 1995 to 2000 is compared with the previous 5-year period, the difference was only 0.7 points, but the degree of population decrease in the depopulated region had somewhat strengthened. Even though the decrease was not as significant as it was in the 1960s, there was

2.8 Reality of Depopulation Based on the Preliminary Results of the 2000 Census

49

Data from National Census (preliminary report for 2000).

Fig. 2.12 Population in depopulated areas compared with the total population by prefecture (percentages 2000) Table 2.3 Prefectures with more than 20% of the total depopulated area population

Prefecture

Percentage (%)

Highest

Kagoshima

31.1

2nd highest

Shimane

27.0

3rd highest

Akita

25.4

4th highest

Oita

23.5

5th highest

Kochi

23.2

6th highest

Nagasaki

21.8

National average Data from national census (preliminary report for 2000)

5.6

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

Created from data of designated region in Act on Special Measures concerning the Promotion of Depopulated Regions with recent data from Current Policy on Depopulation (1998) and National Census (preliminary report for 2000).

Fig. 2.13 Population change in depopulated regions (1960–2000)

a slight decreasing trend. Furthermore, “Current Status of Depopulation Measures” (1998) states that the natural increase and decrease in population in the depopulated region has been negative since 1987, which was then followed by a period of natural decrease. Next, I examined the population increase–decrease rate in depopulated regions by region. Figure 2.14 shows the total population in each region (total population in depopulated and nondepopulated regions) and the increase–decrease rate of population in depopulated regions. In the depopulated regions, the degree of decrease was high with Kyushu/Okinawa showing the smallest rate of −4.7% and Kanto Region with the largest rate of −6.4%.

Data from National Census (preliminary report for 2000).

Fig. 2.14 Population change in depopulated areas compared with the total population by region (1995–2000)

2.8 Reality of Depopulation Based on the Preliminary Results of the 2000 Census

51

On the other hand, there were some regions where the total population had increased, exposing the gaps between the depopulated regions. Tokai/Hokuriku Region had a high population decrease rate of −5.7%, which was higher than Kyushu/Okinawa, showing that this region may no longer fit the characteristics of the previous depopulated region’s zone structure. It is suggested that these regional types and zone structures of depopulation need to be reviewed in the future. As stated before, although the planning and presenting of regional types and zone structures that are backed by data are important, the researchers must always be mindful that they are static and can change mid to long term. It should be noted that while the data from the depopulated regions in Kanto Region show a high value, the actual number of people from the decreased population was only 16,131 people. Next, I studied the increase–decrease rate of population in the depopulated regions by prefecture (Table 2.4). According to this table, the egregious population increase– decrease rate in the depopulated regions when studied by prefecture was not always found in western Japan. Rather, it shows that the population decrease was trending in eastern Japan as well. Notably, the decrease was greatly specialized in Tokyo, but like the Kanto region described above and excluding the decreased population size, the situation from Izu and Ogasawara Islands, and Okutama District seems to be reflected in this population decrease rate. When Miyake Village suffered volcano and earthquake damages, the island evacuation dropped the population from 3,831 people in the 1995 census to 0 in the 2000 census, making it impossible to calculate the increase–decrease rate. I next examined the cities, towns, and villages in a depopulated region with a tremendous decrease in population. Unlike Tables 2.3 and 2.5 shows the severity of the population decrease in the cities, towns, and villages in western Japan. In other words, a different aspect of population increase–decrease rate surfaces when it is viewed at a different regional scale. The population decrease was significant in eastern Japan when studied at a prefectural scale, but the population decrease in the cities, towns, and villages of western Japan stood out when studied at a city, town, and village scale. It could also be that a regional gap may be appearing within western Japan. There were only 62 cities, towns, and villages in the depopulated regions (5.3% of 1,171 cities, towns, and villages from all depopulated regions) with Table 2.4 Increase-decrease rate of population in the depopulated regions by prefecture 5 highest prefectures

5 lowest prefectures

Prefecture Decreasing rate (%) Highest

Tokvo

−25.6 Lowest

Prefecture Okinawa

Decreasing rate (%) −1.8

2nd highest Tovama

−8.6 2nd lowest Shiga

−2.5

3rd highest

Nara

−8.6 3rd lowest

Kagoshima

−3.6

4th highest

Fukui

−7.4 4th lowest

Hvogo

−3.6

5th highest

Ishiawa

−7.1 5th lowest

Ibaraki

−3.8

(Five higher prefectures and five lower prefectures in 1995–2000)

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Table 2.5 Cities/towns/villages in a depopulated region with a tremendous decrease in population

10 highest citiies towns villages in 1995–2000 Cities towns villages

Prefecture

Decreasing rate (%)

Highest

Shimokamagari Town

Hiroshima

−30.8

2nd highest

Rishirifuji Town Hokkaido

−19.6

3rd highest

Hongawa Village

Kochi

−18.4

4th highest

Rishiri Town

Hokkaido

−16.7

5 th highest

Omogo Village

Ehime

−16.4

6th highest

Okawa Village

Kochi

−16.3

7th highest

Kova Town

Wakavama

−16.1

8th highest

Tonaki Village

Okinawa

−15.7

9th highest

Misato Village

Tokushima

−14.5

10th highest

Kake Town

Hiroshima

−14.4

Data from National Census (preliminary report for 2000)

a population increase between 1995 and 2000 (Ueno Village in Gunma Prefecture had the highest increase rate of 44%). (3) Household According to the preliminary report of the 2000 census, the number of depopulated households was 2,452,547, which corresponded to 5.2% of the Japan’s total households. The increase–decrease rate of the number of households in depopulated regions from 1995 to 2000 was −0.6%, which was a contrast to the 6.6% increase in the number of total households in Japan. Next, I will present the increase–decrease rate of the number of households in the depopulated regions by prefecture (Fig. 2.15). According to this figure, there was no clear difference between western and eastern Japan. The highest decrease rate of households was found in Tokyo (−26.8%) followed by Miyagi Prefecture (−10.7%). No other prefecture had more than a −10% decrease. Also, 17 prefectures experienced an increase, and Okinawa had the highest increase of 4.1%. (4) Male–Female Ratio Next, I examined the ratio of men to women (the ratio of male population when the female population is 100) in depopulated regions by prefecture. Here, he only enumerated the prefectures with a low male–female ratio (Table 2.6). The prefectures listed in the column in Table 2.6 are all located in western Japan. This means that the male–female ratio in the depopulated regions in western Japan was lower than that of eastern Japan, indicating that there may have been a longterm outflow of male population from western Japan or accumulation of elderly women in western Japan. The male–female ratio in the entire country combining both depopulated regions and nondepopulated regions was 95.8, while the ratio in

2.8 Reality of Depopulation Based on the Preliminary Results of the 2000 Census

53

Data from National Census (preliminary report for 2000).

Fig. 2.15 Change of number of household in depopulated areas by prefecture (1995–2000) Table 2.6 Ratio of female population compared to male population as 100 in depopulated regions by prefecture

Prefecture

Female percentage to male population (%)

Lowest

Yamaguchi

84.4

2nd lowest

Fukuoka

84.9

3rd lowest

Ehime

87.5

4th lowest

Kagoshima

87.6

5th lowest

Mie

87.8

Data from National Census (preliminary report for 2000)

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2 Depopulation as a Regional Problem and Reality of Depopulation

the entire depopulated regions was more than five points lower at 90.3. On the other hand, there were depopulated regions (by prefecture) in six prefectures that had a ratio of more than 95.8, The highest ratio was from a depopulated region in Okinawa (103.5), followed by Saitama, Toyama, Gunma, Tokyo, and Tochigi. These areas are all in eastern Japan, except for Okinawa. Overall, the male–female ratio once again showed the characteristic distribution, different between the west and the east in Japan.

2.9 Conclusion: Population Changes and Depopulation So far, I discussed how the depopulation and overpopulation problems became pronounced from the nationwide population migration in the second half of the 1950s to the 1970s, as the population redistributed from the changes to the industrial infrastructure at a macroscopic scale. As a result, about half of the country’s area was designated as a depopulated region by the depopulation act, creating a national structure with a pronounced maldistribution of population. When studied by region, the trend of the depopulated regions could not always be simply divided into western Japan type and eastern Japan type. For example, the population increase and decrease in depopulated regions studied by region showed some trends that could not fit into this dichotomy. In Hokkaido, the decrease rate of the farming population was more than 80%. The low male–female ratios in the depopulated regions tended to be concentrated in western Japan. It is clear that the distribution of Japan’s depopulated regions is largely characterized by the fact that the rural regions, particularly the mountain regions involved in forestry, are widely designated as a depopulated region. Furthermore, most people would agree that aside from these regions, the abandoned coal-mining regions are typical of the region with a severe population decrease. The coal-mining regions are widely spread in parts of Hokkaido and northern Kyushu and overlap with the depopulated regions distributed in these areas. This chapter discussed depopulation as a regional problem and summarized the relationship between social change and regional change, the changes in rural population, the concept and definition of depopulation, the regional differences and regionality of population decrease, and the reality and problems of depopulation. The future challenges include a detailed, long-term analysis of changes in depopulated regions by region.3 Given the analysis in this chapter, I will conduct a detailed case study analysis on the actual population outflow from a mountain village, which is typical of depopulated region and present the results in the next chapter. Notes 1. Remote Islands Development Act, established in 1953, was originally cowritten by Shimane Prefecture and Nagasaki Prefecture and became enacted into law

2.9 Conclusion: Population Changes and Depopulation

55

after the formation of National Committee for Development of Remote Islands. The ethnographer, Tsuneichi Miyamoto served as the first director of this committee for about 4 years without pay. This committee was superseded by the Society for Island Research set up inside the Geography Department at Tokyo University, which was advised by the geographer, Yoshimasa Yamashina. This society was deeply linked to the remote island investigations by the Federation of Eight Humanities and the Federation of Nine Humanities. Miyamoto was also involved in exposing and reinstating traditional arts of the remote islands, such as the establishment of Ondekoza in Sado and restoration of performing monkeys ¯ in Su¯o-Oshima (Sano 2000, pp. 149–160). 2. Aside from the enforcement order and detailed regulations from the depopulation acts, there were effects from various other development acts, such as the mountain village development act that designated regions by former villages. Regions with severe depopulation have a history of being designated multiple times by development acts and given a policy budget. 3. I created and analyzed multiple databases related to the developing mountain village regions, including the depopulated regions and the coal mining regions, as a 3-year plan starting in 2008. At the same time, he researched the problem of how the subregional data became difficult to obtain after the municipality mergers and its repercussion. This chapter employed some of the data already gathered in the course of the research.

References Adachi I (1970) The actual state of depopulation: what is the depopulation and what is happening in it?, (Kaso no jittai: Kaso toha nanika, sokode nani ga okite iruka). Jurist 455 (featuring “depopulation”) (Tokushu “kaso”), pp 21–25 (in Japanese) Adachi I (1973) Collapse of ‘Village’ and Human, (‘Mura’ to Ningen no Hokai), San’ichi Publishing (in Japanese) Cloke PJ, Park CC (1980) Deprivation, resources and planning: some implications for applied rural geography. Geoforum 11:57–61 Clout HD (1979) Rural settlements. Prog Hum Geogr 3:417–424 Davidson RN (1975) Social deprivation: an analysis of intercensal change. Trans. Inst Brit Geogr 1:108–117 Fujita Y (1981) Japanese mountainous villages, (Nihon no Sanson), Chijin Shobo (in Japanese) Fujita Y (1986) ‘The new era of depopulation’ and social gap areas, (‘Shin kaso jidai’ to shakaiteki kuhaku chiiki). In: Economic White Paper Committee of the Peaceful Economic Planning Meeting (ed) Economic White Paper of the Nation, 1986 FY version, (Kokumin no Keizai Hakusho, 1986 Nendoban), Nippon Hyoronsha, pp 140–154. (in Japanese) Giddens A (1976) New rules of sociological method: a positive critique of interpretive sociologies. Hutchinson Giddens A (1979) Central problems in social theory: action, structure, and contradiction in social analysis. Macmillan Gregory D (1982) Regional transformation and industrial revolution: a geography of the Yorkshire Woollen Industry. Macmillan

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Handa T (1967) Promotion of remote areas, (Henchi no shinko). In: Okita S (ed) City development lecture, (Toshi Kaihatsu Koza)1 (Regional Societies and Cities), Kajima Institute Publishing, pp 222–263 (in Japanese) Harvey D (1993) Social justice and the city. Basil Blackwell Hayashi S (1970) Rural Population Change Theory, (Noson Jinko Hendoron), (Study library for agriculture basic principle), (Nogaku Genron Kenkyu Sosho) No. 3, Miraisha (in Japanese) Herbert DT (1975) Urban deprivation: definition, measurement and spatial qualities, Geogr J 141:362–372 Ishii (1995) Japanese economy and regional change, (Nihon Keizai to Chiiki Hendo), (series Analysis of the modern economy 4), Hihyosha (in Japanese) Ishii H (1992) Regional change and the structure: rural areas in the period of high economic growth, (Chiiki Henka to sono Kozo: Kodokeizaiseichoki no Nosangyoson), Ninomiya Shoten (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (1994) Quantitative geography for migration (Jinko Ido no Keiryo Chirigaku). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese) Ito T (1984) Transition of the postwar migration from the viewpoint of changes in age structure and family system (Nenrei kozo no henka to kazoku seido kara mita sengo no jinko ido no suii). J Popul Prob (Jinko Mondai Kenkyu) 172:24–38 (in Japanese) Kajita S (2000) Notes on the concept of rural deprivation: a policy concept for rural social welfare problems in UK, (Rural deprivation gainen ni kansuru noto: Igirisu ni okeru noson no shakai fukushi mondai ni taisuru ichi seisaku gainen). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 52(6):64–77 (in Japanese) Kamino S (1970) Mountainous problem as depopulation problem, (Kaso mondai to shiteno sanson mondai). For Econ (Ringyo Keizai) 264:7–20 (especially p.15.) (in Japanese) Kitajima S (1998) Development and regional change; conflict between development and endogenous development, (Kaihatsu to chiiki hendo: kaihatsu to naihatsuteki hatten no sokoku) (Modern sociology series), Toshindo (in Japanese) Kiyonari T (1986) Economics in the age of local autonomy, (Chiho no Jidai no Keizaigaku), (textbook of NHK citizen college) (NHK shimin daigaku tekisuto). Japan Broadcast Publishing (in Japanese) Mabogunje AL (1975) Systems approach to a theory of rural-urban migration. In: Jones E (ed) Readings in social geography, pp. 210–223. Oxford, (Geogr Anal 2(1970):1–18) Miyamoto K, Yokota S, Nakamura K (eds) (1990) Regional economics, (Chiiki Keizaigaku), (Yuhikaku books). Yuhikaku (in Japanese) Moseley MJ (1980) Rural geography: from the liberal to the radical. Prog Hum Geogr 4:460–463 Nakayasu S (1995) Outflow of labor and agricultural Structure, (Rodoryoku Ryushutsu to Nogyo Kozo), (especially chapter 3 “Agricultural employment structure”, (Nogyo no shugyo kozo and others), Association of agriculture and forestry statistics, pp 160–223 (in Japanese) Nishinippon Shimbun, Regional News Editorial Department (1995) Collapse of a city center; a challenge for human city, (Toshin Hokai: Ningen Toshi eno Chosen). Nippon Keizai Hyoronsha (in Japanese) Norimoto K (1981) ‘Village’, ‘home’ and agriculture, (Mura to Ie to No), San’ichi Shobo (in Japanese) Okada T, Kawase M, Suzuki M, Togashi K (2002) Regional economics in the global era (revised edition), (Kokusaika Jidai no Chiiki Keizaigaku), (Yuhikaku Arma). Yuhikaku (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1981) The regional patterns of occupational structure in mountainous areas of Japan, 1965–1975, (Wagakuni sanson ni okeru shugyo kozo no doko bunseki: 1965–1975 nen wo taisho to shite), Annals of the Japan association of economic geographers (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo) 27–1, pp 16–30 (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1982) Methods and issues of mountainous village problem research, (Sanson mondai kenkyu no hoho to kadai). J Hist (Shi’en) 119:191–224 (in Japanese)

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Okahashi H (1984) Reorganization of agricultural production and rural development in a mountain village: a case study of Oyama-machi in Northern Kyushu, Japan, (Kaso sanson/Oita-ken Oyamamachi ni okeru nogyo seisan no saihensei to sono igi: noson/toshikan jinko ido no seigyo sabu sisutemu toshite no nokyo/jichitai no jirei toshite). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 36(5):29–48 (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1986) Rural deprivation in mountainous areas of Japan: a preliminary assessment, (Wagakuni ni okeru sanson mondai no genjyo to sono chiiki teki seikaku: keiryo teki shuho ni yoru kosatsu). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 38(5):75–93 (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1997) Framework of Peripheral Region: Formation and Development of Modern Mountainous Villages, (Shuhen Chiiki no Sonritsu Kozo: Gendai Sanson no Keisei to Tenkai). Taimeido (in Japanese) Otani T (1970) Struggle of the Town Mayor of a Depopulated Area, (Kaso Chocho Funsenki) (series of Sanin-culture 34, Imai books). Imai Shoten (in Japanese) Parsons T (1951) The social system. The Free Press Sano S (2000) Japan for Miyamoto Tsuneichi, NHK textbook “Human lecture” (Miyamoto Tsuneichi ga mita nihon). Japan Broadcasting Corporation (in Japanese) Show JM (ed) (1979) Rural deprivation and planning. Geo abstracts (Geo books) Smelser NJ (1959) Social change in the industrial revolution: an application of theory to the Lancashire cotton industry, pp 1770–1840. University of Chicago Press Smelser NJ (1968) Essays in sociological explanation. Prentice Hall Tachi M (ed) (1961) Migration in Japan, (Nihon no Jinko Ido), (Keisei Sensho). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese) Tachi M (ed) (1962) Several issues of metropolitan population: migration in Japan 2, (Daitoshi Jinko no Shomondai: Nihon no Jinko Ido 2), (Keisei Sensho). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese) Takahashi M (1997) Community change of suburban farming villages, (Kinko Noson no Chiiki Shakai Hendo). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese) Takahashi M (1993) Depopulation/overpopulation, (Kaso/Kamitsu). In: Ohashi K, Takahashi H, Hosoi Y (eds) (1993) Introduction to social pathology, (Shakai Byorigaku Nyumon), (Yuhikaku Sosho), Yuhikaku, pp 220–233 (in Japanese) Takano F (1959) The types and definition of ‘urbanization’, (Toshika no ruikei to gainen kitei). Geogr Rev Japan (Chirigaku Hyoron) 32(12):1–14 (in Japanese) Takata Y (1971) The outline of sociology (revised edition), (Shakaigaku Gairon), Iwanami Shoten (first published in 1922) (in Japanese) Tani K (2000) Internal migration trends in Japan: migration of new graduates from high schools and the other migration, (Shushoku/shingaku ido to kokunai jinko ido no henka ni kansuru bunseki). Saitama University department of geography occasional paper (Chirigaku Kenkyu Hokoku), vol 20, pp 1–18 (in Japanese) Tominaga K (1965) Theory of social change, (Shakai Hendo no Riron). Iwanami Shoten (in Japanese) Tominaga K (1990) Japan’s modernization and social change: Tübingen Lectures, (Nihon no Kindaika to Shakai Hendo: Teyubingen Kogi), (Kodansha Book Club). Kodansha (in Japanese) Tominaga K (1996) Theory of modernization: the west and the east in the era of modernization, (Kindaika no Riron: Kindaika ni okeru Seiyo to Toyo), (Kodansha Book Club). Kodansha (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1987) Analysis of out-migration from a mountain village: a case study of Kamitsuemura in Oita prefecture, Japan, (Kaso sanson/Oita-ken Kamituse-mura karano jinko ido no bunseki). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 39(3):1–23 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1989) On problems and viewpoints of migration study, (Jinko ido kenkyu no kadai to shiten). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 41(6):41–62 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1994) Phenomenon of depopulation and depopulated areas in Shimane Prefecture, (Kaso gensho to Shimane-ken no kaso chiiki), (chapter 1, part 1); Purpose of research, (chosa no mokuteki), (chapter 1, part 2); Attributes and occupations of respondents, (Kaitosha no zokusei to shokugyo), (chapter 2, part 2); Evaluation of living environments and living areas, (Seikatsu

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kankyo no hyoka to seikatsuken), (chapter 6, part 2). In: Depopulated regions development council, of Shimane prefecture, environment research report: study for depopulation problems, (Seikatsu Kankyo Chosa Hokokusho: Kasomondai Chosa Jigyo), pp 1–13, pp 33–35, pp 36–39, pp 55–64. Depopulated regions development council of Shimane Prefecture (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1995) Industrial modernization and agents: a case of tea industry in Yame Region, Fukuoka Prefecture, at modern age, (Sangyo kindaika to ejento: kindai no Yame chiho ni okeru chagyo wo jirei to shite), Annal Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo) 41(3):17–37 (in Japanese) Yada T (1982) Industrial distribution and regional structure, (Sangyo Haichi to Chiiki Kozo). Taimeido (in Japanese) Yamada H (ed) (2002) Introduction to regional economics, (Chiiki Keizaigaku Nyumon), (Yuhikaku Compact). Yuhikaku (in Japanese) Zapf W (ed) (1969) Theorien des sozialen Wandels. Kiepenheuer Zapf W (1975) Die soziologische Theorie der Modernisierung. Soziale Welt 26:212–226 Zelinsky W (1971) The hypothesis of the mobility transition. Geogr Rev 61(2):219–249

Chapter 3

Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated Mountain Village—A Case of Kamitsue Village in Oita Prefecture

Abstract This chapter evaluates an important example of out-migration and depopulation, in the case of a mountain village, Kamitsue Village in Japan. The village locates in mountainous environment and has suffered from severe depopulation since the 1960s. Here the author analyzed individual attributes of out-migrants, the flows, and their surroundings. He has discovered influences of life cycle and family cycle to the migration patterns there, and has recognized a differentiation of mobility patterns among family members. In addition, he has found a tight structure of remoteness consisted of physical, economic and social remoteness from capitals and central places. Keywords Depopulation · Family cycle · Life cycle · Mountain village · Out-migration · Structure of remoteness

3.1 Introduction Farming villages and mountain villages, the latter in particular, are regions that have incurred major changes from the population migration after the rapid economic growth period. Mountain villages have been a subject of research and media since the depopulation problem surfaced as one of the mountain village problems from the population migration (Adachi 1970, 1973; Norimoto 1981, 1996; Kamino 1970). However, while the population decrease related to population migration from mountain villages tended to be understood quantitatively, there is virtually no approach that studies the details of population migration. Therefore, the population migration phenomenon that caused big changes in mountain villages is one of the most important items in mountain village research that still requires more research and analysis, but it has become a blind spot that is rarely addressed. The following researches on population outflow from depopulated areas, specifically depopulated mountain villages, are the main human geographical researches that have already been mentioned in Chap. 1 of this book: • Economic geography research on mountain village as a place to supply labor to the labor market (Ito 1974a, b; Okahashi 1978, 1980, 1981). © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_3

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• Research related to the changes in land use and forest ownership in mountain villages as a result of population outflow (Soma 1971; Nomura 1966). • Research on deserted settlement and people leaving the village with their entire family mainly at the village scale (Sakaguchi 1966, 1968, 1981; Shinohara 1969, 1991; Takahashi 1970; Yamaguchi 1970; Kunitoshi 1978). The population migration at the municipality scale has only been mentioned in passing in the mountain village research (Tsutsumi 1986; Sect. 1.2 of this book). Migration of labor, land use and ownership, and transformation of settlements were some of the important subjects in the traditional human geographical research of human geography on depopulated mountain villages, but the population outflow from mountain villages was rarely covered in a research as a population migration problem. On the one hand, the western population migration research trend in human geography after the quantitative revolution showed that there was a continued attempt to interpret population migration using the quantitative model.1 On the other hand, there was an increase in those focusing on the individual characteristics of migrants, such as age and gender, or migrant’s preferences, behavior, and decision to move.2 In other words, the migrants were traditionally only handled as a component of the migration flow, but their individual attributes are now seen as important. The population migration flow was understood as a balancing exercise to correct the regional income gaps in the economic research up to this point,3 but the researchers started paying attention to the social geographical aspect of population migration, aside from the research methodology up to this point, which discussed the relationship between population migration and economic factors. The focus of these researches is found specifically in the analysis of the migrant’s life cycle (Lewis 1982, specifically p. 90; Robson 1973; Wolpert 1972; Hägerstrand 1975; Clout 1972; McHugh 1984; Watanabe 1978; Omi et al. 1980; Shimizu 1974). For example, a migrant’s life cycle and their attributes as associated with the family cycle or the household’s growth stages, both of which are viewed as a problem in the mobility analysis in German Social Geography (Sozialgeographie). Hence, the space is divided by the migrant’s mobility.4 In this chapter, I employ such social geographical perspective to discuss the population migration from depopulated mountain villages, which had weak analysis. I will talk about the analytic perspective in Sect. 3.2, provide an analysis based on residency deregistration in Sect. 3.3, show the result of the follow-up research in Sect. 3.4, use a case study of a settlement to remark on the reality of depopulation and changes under the depopulation phenomenon in Sect. 3.5, and summarize and organize the problems in Sect. 3.6.

3.2 The Perspective of the Population Migration …

61

3.2 The Perspective of the Population Migration Research and the Challenges in This Chapter Lewis had written one of the few texts on population migration by a geographer (Lewis 1982). He claimed that the issues in population migration research can be summarized by clarifying the following seven points (p. 32): 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

What is the spatial pattern of population migration? How does time affect population migration? Who are the migrants? Why do people migrate? How do people decide to migrate? How do organizations affect population migration? What are the results of population migration?

The points above are never considered a problem on its own because they are mutually and complexly intertwined. These mutual relationships must be clarified when considering the framework of population migration research (White and Woods 1980). Hägerstrand (1975) says that the population migration research is divided into two categories: those that list the records of the comprehensive population balance in different regions, and those that capture migration as an individual human behavior (p. 201). When this is combined with Lewis’s seven points, the population migration is thought to have three factors that mutually associate and influence one another 1. Migrant’s attributes and decision to migrate 2. Regional attributes and organization of the departing region and the target region 3. Characteristics of the population migration flow, such as direction, quantity, etc. Each factor can also be said to change over time. The following events occur when the onset of population migration follows this framework. First, people who are potential migrants possess various characteristics specific to each individual. When this person considers whether or not to move, their own life cycle, preferences, and various external stimulations affect their decision-making. Furthermore, the regional characteristics of the departing and target locations impact the migrant’s characteristics and transform as the population migration flow occurs. Therefore, some kind of feedback of influence is created to the migrants and the region as a result of the occurrence of the population migration flow. I analyzed the population migration from mountain villages from such perspective with the following two challenges. The first challenge was to analyze population outflow from mountain villages to define population outflow as one of the genesis of the mountain village problem from a social geographical perspective. The analysis from a social geographical perspective in this chapter meant that the migration pattern is analyzed by focusing on the migrant’s age, gender, and other individual attributes. The analysis specifically focused on the migrant’s life cycle and investigated its corresponding migration pattern. I discussed the types of population migration that correspond to life cycles, and the differences and similarities between general population

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migration and population migration from mountain village based on the previously mentioned methodology of German Social Geography. The second challenge was to analyze the population migration from mountain villages from the perspective of population migration research in areas other than population geography. Here, the analysis of migration flow and location and distance to the destination region are central to the study. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss population migration from mountain villages through the analysis of the two challenges in social geography and population geography. Specifically, the analysis first clarified the migration spatial pattern, the individual characteristics by migrant’s age and gender, and the basic relocation and migration trends from analyzing the residency deregistration data from Kamitsue Village in Hita District in Oita Prefecture. Next, I dug deeper to analyze the characteristics from the results of the migrant’s surveys and interviews and inferred the factors that impacted the decision to migrate. Therefore, I will limit the analysis of the regional characteristics of departing and target locations and their changes and present them only as a supplementary description. I will present the discussion and the results from a depopulation survey at a settlement in Kamitsue Village in the second half of this chapter.

3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue Village and Migration Spatial Patterns 3.3.1 Overview of the Research Area The research area in this chapter is Kamitsue Village in Hita District in Oita Prefecture. This village is located in the southwestern part of Oita Prefecture, and shares the border with Kikuchi and Aso Districts in Kumamoto Prefecture. It is also near the Yame District in Fukuoka Prefecture (Fig. 3.1). This entire region makes up a section of the Tsue Mountains at the core of the Hita forestry region. It is located at the uppermost stream of the Chikugo River tributary. The village is more than 30 km from the region’s central city, Hita City. According to the 1980 world census of agriculture and forestry, this village was literally a mountain village with forests making up 95% of the village. However, the 1970 data showed that only 12 out of 236 total forestry households (5.1%) owned more than 30 hectors of forest, which was said to be needed to be self-sustainable. 92 out of 328 total farming households (28%) did not own any forest. Later, the 2000 world census of agriculture and forestry also exhibited a high forestry rate of 91%. The 1980 census of agriculture and forestry showed that almost 40% of forest ownership was made up of small-scale forest owners with less than 1 hector. Over 56% of the total workers in the village worked in the primary sector of industry, but the income from production of agriculture was low and 80% of all farmers were parttime farmers whose main jobs are out of the farming/agriculture. In Kamitsue Village,

3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue …

63

Fig. 3.1 Location of Kamitsue Village in Hita District in Oita Prefecture

only 20.9% of the farmers with a side job have a full-time work, and the figure was the lowest percentage in Oita Prefecture (the average in Oita Prefecture was 66.6%). Majority of the side jobs were unstable employment, such as day labor in forestry or civil engineering. According to the world census of agriculture and forestry, the changes in the number of farming households showed a 38.7% decrease in a 30year period from 328 homes in 1970 to 201 homes in 2000. This indicated that the industrial infrastructure of forestry as a core industry was significantly weakening. The village had been experiencing significant population outflow since 1960, losing half of its residents in 20 years from 1960 to 1980 (Fig. 3.2). The population size as a municipality was the smallest in the prefecture. The rate of decrease has slowed since the beginning of the 1980s, but the residents are aging. For example, there is a rapid increase in the number of settlements with many aging elderly people or “senile settlements,” a term coined by the village office to describe a settlement without residents under 14 years old. There has been return migration of young people, but because it is difficult to find jobs in the village, many of them leave again. The professions of young people who have made return migration and stayed in the village are limited to the relatively stable employment in the village office, the educational committee, the agricultural cooperative, the forestry union, and the nearby construction companies. Many of the young people who cannot work within these fields tended to move again. With this trend, there is an added problem in the village, in which there is an increasing number of single men and women over 30 years old who cannot get married. The marriage problem makes it difficult to secure and cultivate forestry successors in the village, impacting the core agroforestry households. From the perspective of the so-called “village functions” mentioned by Adachi’s two literatures (Adachi 1970, 1973), some of the collaborative work started scaling down and disappearing at the settlements in Kamitsue Village. For example, multiple

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Fig. 3.2 Population and household changes in Kamitsue Village (1955–1980)

Data from National Census.

settlements integrated and combined funeral teams because of the population decrease. There are no significant difficulties to municipality activities at a village scale, such as firefighter activities, but there are unstable factors, such as the decrease in the number of youth organization members and rapid aging of firefighters and forestry labor force. Kamitsue Village can be considered a typical depopulated mountain village that has received a series of influence from depopulation in various aspects, which started with the population outflow.

3.3.2 Number of Migrants and the Shift in the Number of Migrants According to the residency deregistration data,5 there was a cumulative total of 4,007 migrants (actual number was 3,250 people) from Kamitsue Village in 25 years from 1960 to 1984,6 the number peaked between 1965 and 1975, especially in 1968. After 1975, there was a decreasing trend in the number of migrants (Fig. 3.3). The shifts in the number of migrants in Kamitsue Village and Oita Prefectures were compared to look briefly at the migration trends and found that both trends were quite similar.7

3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue …

65

Fig. 3.3 Number of migrants from Kamitsue Village in two kinds of record

The previous studies once indicated that there was a mutual relationship with a time lag between migration of farming population and economic changes.8 To study if the same applies for Kamitsue Village, I reviewed the relationship between the shift in the number of migrants from Kamitsue Village and Oita Prefecture and Japan’s national income over the previous year9 as a variable with a 1–3 year time lag. I calculated a total of four correlation coefficients for when there was a time lag of 1 year, 2 years, 3 years, and no time lag. As a result, Kamitsue Village and Oita Prefecture both had the highest correlation between the shift in the number of migrants and economic changes when there was no time lag. The correlation coefficient was 0.63 in Kamitsue Village and 0.73 in Oita Prefecture. Therefore, the shift in the number of migrants from Kamitsue is correlated with economic changes, but its strength is slightly milder than the strength at a prefectural level.

3.3.3 Migrant Characteristics Figure 3.4 is an index summarized by migrant’s age and gender. According to this figure, the ratios of migrant men and women were almost equal, and most migrants were young from 15 to 25 years old, particularly between 15 and 18 years old when delimited by a year. In this young group, there is a particularly high percentage of unaccompanied migrants.10 The 15- to 25-year old age group also had a relatively high average number of relocation.11 In other words, the migrants between 15 and 25 years old were remarkably mobile. When looking closely at the number of times

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From Kamitsue Village residency deregistration data.

Fig. 3.4 Number, property, and frequency of migrants by age and gender (1960–1984)

people had migrated, majority of the migrants who relocated multiple times had done so before they were 25 years old. The percentage of 0- to 14-years-old unaccompanied migrants is low, because this group is made up of migrants who are infants or still in school and they migrated with their household. The percentage of unaccompanied male migrants above 36 years old was still high around 40%. However, the percentage of unaccompanied female migrants was lower especially for those between the ages of 36 and 64. The percentage of unaccompanied migrants for both men and women over 65 years old was slightly elevated. From the study here, it is apparent to some extent that there are characteristic migration patterns by migrant’s age and gender. These patterns correspond with the family cycle or the household history, which is the formation, growth, decline, and disappearance of a household. An infant to a 14-year-old child rarely migrated alone, because they are highly dependent on the household. The young single people who have yet to form their own household often become independent and migrated alone. Majority of such people were quite mobile and moved multiple times to form a

3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue …

67

single-person household. The unaccompanied male migration was prominent among the middle to late middle-aged males, especially those between 36 and 64 years old, but the ratio of unaccompanied female migration in this age group was much lower. This was because the women’s marrying age was generally lower than men, and like the 14 and under group, women tended to move with their household after they were married. In contrast, middle to late middle age men migrated alone relatively often, which may be reflected by the role of man as the provider of the family. The households of elderly people over 65 years old had declined or shrunk and there were many widows and widowers who live alone. It is safe to say that the unaccompanied migration by both male and female in this age group is increasing. The family cycle as described above appears when looking at the migration patterns by migrant’s age and gender, but there may be another migration pattern corresponding to the age and gender at an individual scale. I believe that the population migration has an aspect that corresponds to the life cycle of individual migrants. I will briefly mention the other characteristics below. First, Table 3.1 shows that about 80% of the migrants in this study registered their domicile in Kamitsue Village, just under 70% were unaccompanied migrants. Out of the 20% of the total migrants who registered their domicile outside Kamitsue Village, 52% of them were nonunaccompanied migrants. The migrants who were domiciled outside of Kamitsue Village only migrated an average of 1.17 times while those who were domiciled in Kamitsue Village moved an average of 1.55 times. According to the interviews conducted, the majority of the migrants who registered their domicile in Kamitsue Village were teachers and their families. Therefore, they did not migrate often and even their job transfers were almost always limited within the prefecture. Next, I explored the attributes in the household, such as the migrant’s relationship with the head of the house (Fig. 3.5). First, the rate of unaccompanied migration of the head of house and the spouse is obviously low. The spouse’s migration trend appears to align with that of the head of the house. The migration of the head of house also peaked when the population outflow was at its peak from 1965 to 1969. I believe that many people made leaving the village with their whole family during this period. The head of the house and the spouse mainly migrated to an area less than 99 km away from the village, and the people who moved with their entire family also appeared to have moved close by. Overall, the people in both attributes only migrated a few times. There was a rank in mobility for the first-born, second-born, and third-born sons and daughters. The first-born children had a lower percentage of unaccompanied Table 3.1 Migration type and frequency by domicile (1960–1984)

Type\Domicile Unaccompanied Accompanied Total Average frequency

Kamitsue

Other municipalities

2,158 (61.9%)

421 (47.6%)

965 (30.9%)

463 (52.4%)

3,123 (100.0%)

884 (199.0%)

1.55

1.17

Data from residency deregistration data of Kamitsue Village

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3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

Fig. 3.5 Migrant’s attribute in the household and migration properties (1960–1984)

migration and a fewer average number of migration. This can be explained by the high percentage of households with a first-born and that first-born children tended to get married to form a nonsingle household in the village. Similar rank was confirmed in the migration distance as well. In other words, many first borns moved less than 99 km away, while a high percentage of second-born and then third-born migrants moved more than 200 km away, which included the three major metropolitan areas.

3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue …

69

The mobility apparently becomes more prominent as it moves down to the thirdborn children. Like the head of the house and their spouse, the average number of migration by a first-born child is somewhat lower, and they were most likely to move only once12 out of the four household attributes. I could recognize such a differentiation of mobility patterns among family members.

3.3.4 Migration Spatial Pattern Here, I discuss the migration flow, or the migration distance and destination. First, I scrutinized the relationship between the number of migrants from the village and the migration distance. Both values were converted logarithmically to calculate the correlation coefficient, but the correlation was only very moderate.13 This was probably due to the overwhelming number of migrants who migrated a short distance away. Table 3.2 shows that more than 70% of the total migrants migrated a distance of less than 99 km14 and that less than 20% of the total migrants moved Table 3.2 Number of migrants from the village and the migration distance

Distance\Type 4–9 km 10–19 km 20–49 km 50–99 km 100–199 km 200–499 km 500–999 km

Unaccompanied

Accompanied

Total

69

76

145

(2.7%)

(5.3%)

(3.6%)

225

105

330

(8.7%)

(7.4%)

(8.2%)

725

633

1,358

(28.1%)

(44.3%)

(33.9%)

880

428

1,308

(34.1%)

(30.0%)

(32.6%)

54

23

77

(2.1%)

(1.6%)

(1.9%)

261

63

324

(10.1%)

(4.4%)

(8.1%)

360

98

458

(14.0%)

(6.9%)

(11.4%)

5

2

7

(0.2%)

(0.1%)

(0.2%)

2,579

1,428

4,007

(100.0%)

(100.0%)

(100.0%)

Under 99 km

73.6%

37.0%

78.3%

100–999 km

24.1%

11.3%

19.5%

1,000– km Total

Average migration distance was 154.0 km Data from residency deregistration data of Kamitsue Village

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3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

200–999 km away, which included the eastern coast of Seto Inland Sea and the greater Tokyo area. The percentage of migrants who moved to other areas that were 100–199 km or 1,000 km away were insignificant with just over 2% of the total when combined. The relationship between the migration distance and the migration format shows that the nonunaccompanied migrant’s distance generally tended to be shorter than the distance of the unaccompanied migrants.15 Less than 90% of the nonunaccompanied migrants had migrated less than 99 km from the village. From this information, it is possible to surmise that most of the people who left Kamitsue Village with their entire family migrated to a relatively close location. I logarithmically converted the number of migrants and the migration distance by age and gender to calculate the correlation coefficient between the two values in order to examine the migration distance more closely (Fig. 3.6). According to this, about one-third of the 15- to 18-year-old migrants migrated 200–999 km. This age group appears to have traveled farther than the other age groups, which means that they have the least restriction on migration distance. However, once the migrants were between 19 and 25 years old, there was a slight variation between men and women, where men tended to be less restricted by the migration distance. By contrast, women in the 19- to 25-year-old age group to the 51- to 64-year-old age group were relatively consistent in choosing to migrate short distances. This may be due to the fact that

Fig. 3.6 Correlation of migration distance and number of migrants by age and gender

3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue …

71

women were more likely to perform nonunaccompanied migration, because they generally marry younger than men, so their marriage period is comparatively longer than that of the men. The migration pattern of the 0- to 14-year-old age group for both male and female appears to be similar to that of the 26- to 50-year-old age group according to the statistics until now. This is thought to be backed by the case of people migrating with their entire family. Finally, I reviewed the relationship between the migration distance and the attributes in the household. As stated earlier, there was a high percentage of heads of the house and their spouses migrating to a relatively close area of 4–99 km away from the village. About 90% of the people in both groups moved less than 99 km from the village. Combined with the fact that the nonunaccompanied migration also tended to be short distance, it made it more likely that the people migrating with their entire family moved a short distance away. Also, the following theory becomes plausible considering that the heads of the house and their spouses were also likely to only migrate once. The head of the house and their spouse did not migrate far, and this close distance made it fairly possible for the multiple time migrants to eventually return to the village in the future. It otherwise made a secondary migration more likely in the future. The close physical distance also meant that the people not from the village who work there as a teacher and their families were mostly limited to moving within Oita Prefecture. This section thus far had summarized the relationship between the migrant characteristics and migration distance,16 and the next paragraph will analyze the migrants’ specific destinations. The destinations for the cumulative 4,007 migrants from Kamitsue Village in 25 years (1960–1984) included 35 prefectures and 365 cities, districts, towns, and villages.17 Out of the cumulative 4,007 migrants, Oita Prefecture, Fukuoka Prefecture, and Kumamoto Prefecture had each absorbed 1,660 people (41%), 841 people (21%), and 600 people (15%), respectively (Fig. 3.7). In other words, 77% of the total or 3,101 migrants moved to one of these three prefectures. Then, 192 migrants, 136 migrants, and 102 migrants moved to Aichi Prefecture,18 Osaka, and Tokyo, respectively. The total of these three destinations only amounted to 430 migrants, which was less than 11% of the total migrants. It is generally believed that in Japan, the population migration from farming villages during the rapid economic growth often moved to one of the three large metropolitan areas,19 but when the population migration is studied on a microscopic scale like they did in this chapter, it showed that majority of the migrants from Kamitsue Village moved to other parts of Oita Prefecture, Fukuoka Prefecture, or Kumamoto Prefecture, while only about 1 in 10 people moved to one of the three main prefectures or cities in the three major metropolitan areas. Data over time showed that the migration to the three major metropolitan areas and other faraway regions had slowed notably after the 1970s, which bears the same aspect of change in the direction of the nationwide population migration.20 However, the fact that the migrants from Kamitsue Village continued to relocate to a nearby area did not always mean that these people did not eventually move to a large city. The mobility of the people from the village suggested that there was a

72

3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

From Kamitsue Village residency deregistration data.

Fig. 3.7 Migration destination (number of migrants by prefecture: 1960–1984)

high possibility that they performed a gradual, stepwise migration.21 This was made apparent later in a follow-up research. Hita City absorbed the highest number of migrants in 25 years when the migrants’ destination was studied by city, town, and village. 841 people or 20% of the total migrants migrated there. Next, Fukuoka City absorbed 406 people or about 10% of the total migrants. Out of the14 cities, towns, and villages that had attracted more than 50 people in 25 years, Nagoya was the only city outside Oita Prefecture, Fukuoka Prefecture, and Kumamoto Prefecture. There was a significant decreasing trend in the number of migrants to the cities, towns, and villages including Kita Kyushu City, Nakatsue Village, Oguni Town, Kikuchi City, and Kumamoto City majority of which have an active primary sector or a secondary sector of industry. In contrast, there was no comparative change in the prominent absorption of migrants in Hita City, Fukuoka City, and Oita City. This section will briefly touch on the characteristics of the migrant’s destination regions. The cities, districts, and counties were loosely divided based on the ratio of workers by industry.22 Just over 40% of the migrants moved to an area characterized by the tertiary sector of industry, and over 25% of the migrants moved to an area characterized by the primary sector of industry. The outstanding migration to the latter type area is one of the characteristics of Kamitsue Village as an agroforestry village. Regionally, the destination was often a city, district, and county characterized by the tertiary sector of industry when moving to one of the three major metropolitan areas. On the other hand, many of these destination cities, districts, and counties characterized by the primary sector were agroforestry regions in Oita Prefecture and Kumamoto Prefecture. The destinations in Tokai Region, Okayama Prefecture,

3.3 The Characteristics of Migrants from Kamitsue …

73

and Hiroshima Prefecture included areas characterized by the secondary sector of industry. It was quite evident that the regional characteristics could vary depending on the location of the destination region. The industrialization in the tertiary sector was obviously progressing in various areas throughout the country during the analysis period in this chapter. The characteristics of the destination regions changed with time, and the population migration flow also changed with it. However, the exorbitant number of migrants from Kamitsue Village to an agroforestry area, especially until around the late 1960s to early 1970s, was undoubtedly a characteristic never before seen in a population migration from an average region. It is possible to guess that a migrant’s status, such as occupation and education, as well as their age, gender, and attributes like the family composition are reflected in the spatial pattern of migration in the migration flow from this village.

3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move The use of residency deregistration data only identified certain parts of migrant’s attributes and migration flow. It is very difficult to interpret the details of migration, specifically the migrant’s reason for moving and their decision-making process. To supplement this point, I conducted a follow-up research for the migrants listed in the previously mentioned data.23 With the result of this research, I inferred the factors that affected the migration decision-making process based on the migration situation as seen from the migrants’ side.

3.4.1 Overview of the Migration Status Table 3.3 summarized the index related to the surveys and interviews from a cumulative total of 101 subjects (actual number of subjects was 85 people). According to the table, the 15- to 18-year-old age group for both men and women each had the greatest number of migrants. The combined men and women between 15 and 25 years old made up about 60% of the total migrants. There were 73 unaccompanied migrants and 28 nonunaccompanied migrants, and the latter was all made up of people who left the village with their entire family. The female nonunaccompanied migrants were mainly 19–25 years old, but the male nonunaccompanied migrants were 26–35 years old. As mentioned already, it can be said that a family cycle is reflected in the migration format. 15 people out of the actual 85 people (17.6% of total subjects) were multiple time migrants. Therefore, this reconfirmed the high frequency of migration by people from Kamitsue Village and how they often moved again after return migration. 76 people out of the cumulative 101 people moved to Oita Prefecture, Fukuoka Prefecture, or Kumamoto Prefecture when the migrants were studied by destination.

74 Table 3.3 Demographic data of the migrants

3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated … Male

Age

Female

1(1)

65–

0(–)

1(1)

51–64

5(2)

11(7)

36–50

5(4)

14(7)

26–35

4(3)

9(0)

19–25

9(3)

20(0)

15–18

22(0)

–

0–14

–

56(16)

Total

45(12)

Based on a survey with questionnaires and interviews The numbers written in parentheses are the number of people who migrated with their entire family. All accompanied migrants were migrated with their entire family

When studied by city, town, or village, many people moved to Hita City and Fukuoka City as previously mentioned. A total of 13 people moved to Tokyo, Osaka, or Aichi Prefecture, which was only a little over 10% of the total. Here, it is apparent that significantly more people moved to a nearby area rather than to one of the three major metropolitan areas.

3.4.2 Reason for Migration Next, I combined the two data relating to the migrants’ reason for the move by age ranking (Table 3.4) and prefecture (Table 3.5). Based on these tables, there was a cumulative total of 26 people, 18 people, and 17 people (total of 61 people) who moved for education, first job, and job transfer, respectively. It should be noted that 16 people moved because of a career change or reemployment.24 When this was studied more carefully in order, I learned that most migrants moved to continue their education, and they were all under 20 years old. Most of the 12 migrants who moved to another part of Oita Prefecture were high school students. Most of the six migrants who moved to Fukuoka Prefecture, on the other hand, went to a 2-year or a 4-year college. People have been advancing to higher education in Kamitsue Village, but as the number of college graduates increased, there would and will probably be less employment opportunities for them in the village. In other words, the popularization of higher education has become an indirect factor in limiting employment in the village’s agroforestry industry for the young return migrants from Kamitsue Village. There were multiple migrants in the 20 and under age group who moved for employment. It should be noted that 7 out of 18 people here moved to Fukuoka Prefecture while only one person from this group moved to another city, town, or

3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move

75

Table 3.4 Migrants’ reason for the move by gender and age Gender

Age

Male

Entering school Employed after graduation

15–18

19–25

36–50

51–64

1

10

1 4

5

1

1

1

5

4

Job transfer Re-employment

26–35

9

Migrant work

1

Driver’s license

1

Marriage

1

65–

1 2

Retirement Others Female

2

1

4

Total

20

9

14

11

Entering school

15

1

6

1

Employed after graduation Job transfer

1

3

2

Re-employment

3

1

1

1 1

1

Migrant work Driver’s license

1

Marriage

3

Retirement Others Total

1 1

1 22

9

4

1

2

5

5

0

Based on a survey with questionnaires and interviews The reasons may not respondent’s own if they migrated with family

village in Oita Prefecture. However, it is believed that many people engaged in stepwise migration within Oita Prefecture. In other words, there were many migrants who moved to attend high school in Oita Prefecture, graduated, looked for employment, stayed in the prefecture to work, and did not return to the village. This type of migration cannot be identified from the residency deregistration. Majority of the migrants with a job transfer were in their 20s and 30s, and more than half were teachers and their families. 13 out of 17 people here moved to another part of Oita Prefecture. Most of the people who moved for a job transfer were either teachers or police officers, and the rest was made up of a few people who worked in a nearby construction company. The migrants with a career change or reemployment were mainly 16–30 years old. The 12 out of the cumulative total of 16 people who performed this type of migration (actual number was 6 people) moved multiple times and half of them (8 people) moved to Fukuoka Prefecture. There are various jobs in the two major cities of Fukuoka City and Kita Kyushu City in Fukuoka Prefecture, making it more

Based on a survey with questionnaires and interviews The reasons may not respondent’s own if they migrated with family

17

16

2

18

Total

3

2 1

26

1 13

8

1

Miyazaki

1

2

1

12

Kumamoto

Oita

1

Nagasaki

1 7

2

6

Fukuoka

1

2

Ehime

Yamaguchi

1

5

4

1

1

Hyoao

4

1

1

2

Osaka

Hiroshima

1

Shiga 1

1

Mie 3

1 1

2

Aichi

1

1

Tokyo

1

1

12

5

3

3

1

101

1

35

13

1

28

1

3

1

3

6

1

1

6

1

Entering school Employed after Job transfer Re-employment Migrant work Driver’s license Marriage Retirement Others Total graduation

Table 3.5 Migrants’ reason for the move by destination (prefecture)

76 3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move

77

accommodating for people looking for a career change or reemployment than Oita Prefecture. Only two people moved for migrant work. They were both men who performed forestry labor. The destinations were forestry areas in Mine District in Yamaguchi Prefecture and Nishi Usuki District in Miyazaki Prefecture. Both were living in Kamitsue Village in 1985. It is also inconvenient to commute to the driving school in the village. This is why it was not unusual for people to stay at their relative’s house to commute to the driving school outside of the village until around the mid 1970s. It is easier to get to Kikuchi City in Kumamoto Prefecture than it is to get to Hita City from the southwestern part of the village. Therefore, many people from several of the settlements in this part of the village moved to Kumamoto Prefecture on paper to be able to obtain a driver’s license. Four out of five people who moved to obtain a driver’s license went to Kikuchi City. All five of them were back living in the village by 1985. The people who moved for migrant work or a driver’s license were only temporary migrants on paper, and it is safe to say that they were very likely to return and permanently settle in the village. There were three women between the age of 19 and 25 and one man between the age of 26 and 35 who moved for marriage. Here, the women’s marrying age appears to be low. The destinations for these people varied. One person moved for retirement. This agricultural cooperative retiree took the opportunity to return to his hometown in Fukuoka Prefecture (return migration). As mentioned previously, there are clearly defined forms of migration that correspond with life cycle and other types of migration from what I have observed so far. Specifically, education, employment, marriage, and retirement appear to be the reasons for population migration corresponding to a life cycle. This is because these four migration opportunities generally and systematically present themselves to most people during their lifetime. The previously mentioned family cycle exists in parallel with this life cycle. The life cycle appears as a migration opportunity at an individual level in detail in statistics and data, while the family cycle is presented as a form of migration at a household level. Therefore, it became apparent that there are migration patterns associated with age and gender when specifically focusing on the attributes of the migrants. On one hand, there are migration opportunities and reasons that do not correspond with the life cycle or the family cycle. In this chapter, they specifically correspond to the migration for job transfer, change of jobs, reemployment, migrant work, driver’s license, etc. These migration opportunities do not clearly correspond to the migrant’s age. Figure 3.8 summarizes the confirmed migration patterns up to this point. Here, I will add some discussions on how the characteristics of Kamitsue Village are reflected in the population migration from the village. I examined the migration opportunities that corresponded with the life cycle, and found that one of the most predominant characteristics of this village was that many people migrated to attend high school. This was because the high schools are only situated in remote locations.

78

3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

Fig. 3.8 Migration patterns from Kamitsue Village (schematic diagram)

It showed the village as a mountain village characterized by its isolated environment from external facilities and opportunities. The migration opportunities that did not correspond with the life cycle included comparatively many migrants with job change or reemployment. It became apparent that this was because many people changed jobs from agroforestry or had irregular occupation in the village. Also, the fact that there were migrants who moved to obtain licenses meant that skill-development facilities like a driving school could only be found remotely. This is yet another example of the isolation Kamitsue Village faces.

3.4.3 Migrant’s Occupation Before and After Relocation Table 3.6 shows the result of the research on the migrant’s occupation (profession) before and after the move. First, about half of the 47 people or 23 people worked in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries before the move. This was followed by 13 people who worked in schools or public services. The occupation of migrants after the move was more varied. Out of the 65 people who were employed after the move, 15 were in public services, 11 were in construction, 11 were in the service industry, and only 12 were in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries (almost half the number of people before the move). All 7 people who listed migrant work and driver’s license as the reason for migration were included in the 10 people who worked in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries before and after the move. It showed that most of these 10 people were only temporary

Agriculture, forestry, and fishery

Primary industry

2

23

Total

1

2

5

Others aid unidentified

Housework

Student

Public services

Service

Transportation and communication

Finance and insurance

Retail sales

Manufacturing

3

10

0

4

4

1

1

0

1

1

2

2

3

1

2

13

12

1

43

1

26

1

5

2

3

3

1

1

4

3

1

2

1

1

3

101

4

26

15

11

4

1

2

8

11

1

12

Agriculture, Mining Construction Manufacturing Retail Finance Transportation Services Public Student Housework Outers and Total forestry, sales and and services unidentified and fishery insurance communication

Survey with questionnaires and interviews The reasons may not conform to the reasons of Table 3.4 and 3.5 because respondent’s own reason is listed here

Tertiary industry

Secondary Mining industry Construction

Before\After

“

Table 3.6 Migrant’s occupation (profession) before and after the move

3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move 79

80

3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

migrants. Also, the 12 people in the public services were mostly teachers from out of town. Excluding these 22 people above, there were 43 people with employment after the move. As for the occupation of the 43 people after the move, 2 people worked in the primary sector, 20 people worked in the secondary sector, and 21 people worked in the tertiary sector. It is clear that people oriented themselves in the secondary and tertiary sectors of industry. In particular, there was a very strong tendency toward the secondary sector of industry compared with other regions.25 Out of the 43 people who were students before the move, 26 were still students after the move, which meant that they relocated to continue their education. In other words, about a quarter of the research subjects migrated to continue their education. This meant that the majority of the remaining 17 people started a new job after graduating. 1 person found a job in the primary sector, 7 people found a job in the secondary sector, and 8 people found a job in the tertiary sector of industry. Here again is another clear orientation toward the secondary and tertiary sectors and a high percentage of people aspiring to work in the secondary sector of industry. The educational background of the migrants from Kamitsue Village may be behind the high number of people looking for a job in the secondary sector. Their finishing degrees were studied according to their gender and domicile (Table 3.7), and 9 out of 15 higher education graduates had registered their domicile outside Kamitsue Village. They were all either a teacher or a police officer. Only 6 people with a higher education degree domiciled in the village. Only 17 out of 35 migrants domiciled in Kamitsue Village completed their compulsory education (elementary school and junior high school). The age of the people who completed their secondary education up to senior high school was relatively young and mainly between 20 and 50 years old. Therefore, while there is a recent trend in the elevated rate of people pursuing higher education in the village, most finished with a primary or secondary education. It is presumed that this may be related to the occupation composition of each individual migrant.26 Table 3.7 Educational background of the migrants by gender

Final education\Gender Primary education

Male

Female

Total

11(0)

6(0)

17(0)

Secondary education

6(1)

8(1)

14(2)

Higher education

7(4)

8(5)

15(9)

24(5)

22(6)

46(11)

Total

Survey with questionnaires The numbers written in parentheses are the number of people who has their domicile outside Kamitsue Village

3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move

81

3.4.4 Migration Pattern of Multiple-Time Migrants As stated already, the population migration from Kamitsue Village is characterized by the high number of migrants who move multiple times. The surveys and interviews also show the same results. A total of 15 people (7 men and 8 women) out of 85 research subjects moved more than twice, and one of the women moved three times. I found that their migration patterns can be classified into eight types when examined by migration reason (Table 3.8). According to this table, a total of six people answered “education” as their reason for their first move and were classified as types A through C. Four of them went to high school in Hita City, one attended high school in Fukuoka City, and one attended preparatory school in Shimonoseki City. As stated previously, Kamitsue Village is not blessed with a great accessibility to high schools and other educational facilities. This is why there were many migrants from Kamitsue Village who needed to relocate to attend high school, and why it has produced so many multiple-time migrants. One of the characteristics relating to the migrants from this village is that there were many people who moved for job change and reemployment. There was a cumulative total of 16 people for the research in this chapter (actual total was 10). There was a cumulative total of 12 multiple time migrants who were classified as types D and E (actual number was 6), and when looking at the cumulative number of people, more than half of the people who moved for job change or a reemployment had moved multiple times. Out of these people, there were four people classified as type D who moved twice, both times for a job change. A study of their occupations before and after the move showed that three of them worked in agriculture and forestry and the fourth person was a homemaker in a farming household before the move. As for their occupations after the move, five out of eight cumulative total cases belonged Table 3.8 Migration patterns found when examined by migration reason of multiple-time migrants Type

Migration reason First migration

Second migration

A

Entering school

Entering school

–

3

B

Entering school

Employed after graduation

–

2

C

Entering school

Job transfer

–

1

D

Job change

Job change

–

4

E

Employed after graduation

Re-employment

–

2

F

Marriage

Other

–

1

G

Driver’s license

Driver’s license

–

1

H

Other

Entering school

Total Survey with questionnaires and interviews

Third migration

Marriage

Number of people

1 15

82

3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

in the secondary sector of industry. All four people were in their early 30s when they moved for the first time and in their late 30s to their 40s when they moved for the second time. The decline in the agriculture and forestry industry is thought to be related to the job changes, which is one of the reasons for migration, but the migrants’ repeated relocation for job change in their 30s may be reflected by not only the instability of the agriculture and forestry industry in the village but also the instability of the occupation in the new location. In a sense, this type of multiple time migration for job change may possess an aspect that can be characterized as a long-term migrant work with people leaving with their entire family. It is believed that this type of migrant is likely to return to the village. Another notable multiple time migration pattern includes migration for licenses (type G). As previously mentioned, this is an indication that the village does not have educational institutions for obtaining various licenses. The following two points are thought to be behind these multiple time migration patterns: (1) The village is not equipped with high schools and other educational institutions. (2) The declining agriculture and forestry industry in the village and the unstable employment conditions for the migrants changing jobs and moving out of the village.

3.4.5 Decision-Making Process Relating to Migration It is difficult to recreate the decision-making process in population migration. However, by analyzing several items that appear to have influenced this process, it is possible to infer the migrants’ decision-making process (Bell 1980; Tenma (ed.) 1980; King 1981; Clout 1972). Here, such direction of approach has been attempted based on the result of a survey study. First, I looked at the information related to the destination city, district, town, and village provided by the migrants. 22 people, about 42% of the 52 survey subjects, had previously visited or lived in the destination area and were familiar with the location. On the other hand, 19 people or about 37% of the survey subjects were not familiar with the destination area. When I looked at these people by reason, I found that majority of the people who moved for education and job transfer were familiar with the destination area. This was because this type of migrants mostly stayed inside Oita Prefecture. There was a higher percentage of migrants who moved without having any information about their destination when the migration was for employment instead of education, perhaps because their migration covered a wider range and multiple regions. Also, the migrants who moved for retirement obviously possessed some information relating to their destination prior to the move. There were four migrants who answered “not familiar with the destination” out of the six who migrated for job change or reemployment. Generally speaking, the people who perform this type of migration, unlike the people with a new job, are not blessed with an organization or institution that can offer stable employment.

3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move

83

Therefore, this type of migrant is forced to move without having any information about the destination area. Three out of four people who relocated for marriage moved to an unknown place. This was probably due to the fact that they did not require their new home with the spouse to be in a known location or the marriage was arranged by the migrant’s parents or family. Table 3.9 is used to discuss the channel (of information and migration) or chain (of contacts)27 that were thought to have specifically impacted the migrant’s decisionmaking process. These were discussed for each reason. Based on this table, the reason for migration itself possessed the characteristics to be able to secure the channel of migration when migrants moved for the reason of education or job transfer. People whose move was related to start their first job secured a channel that offered a steady employment in schools or public offices. In other words, the migration to attend school, to start their first job, or to be transferred had a migration channel that was procured and secured through some form of organization or institution. Therefore, the risk of migration was mitigated and the person with this type of migration could move without hesitation even if they did not have any information regarding their destination. On the other hand, however, three out of six migrants who moved for job change or reemployment moved with a help of their relatives or friends. As stated earlier, people who did not have any information about where they were headed stood out from the people with this type of migration. Furthermore, it was noticeable that their chain of contacts in migration was not procured from a public organization, but from personal contacts, such as relatives and friends. Therefore, it can be said that the migration for job change or reemployment possesses the problem of migration risks and costs. In other words, this type of migration has an element of instability. The fact that there are relatively many migrants with this type of migration from the village is namely a result of the village’s regional characteristics manifesting itself in the cross-section of population migration. That is to say, the aspects of the core industry in the village, such as the employment conditions of agroforestry, the employment conditions and status of agroforestry workers after the move for a job change, are reflected in the population migration phenomenon. According to the results from a survey with a single answer and multiple answer format asking about the conditions in Kamitsue Village that the migrants considered when moving out, 33 people selected “access to transportation” and 32 people selected “medical institutions” under the multiple answer section. More than 20 people selected “ease of shopping,” “ease of commute to work or school,” and “employment opportunity.” There were four other items selected by more than 10 people who pointed out the lack of facilities and opportunities related to culture, recreation, education, and sports. These conditions selected by many of the subjects in the multiple answer section can be broadly divided into the following three categories: (1) Conditions relating to the ease of transportation, shopping, and commute to work or school: the complaints of those who are isolated from the regional center and from the opportunities and facilities for daily activities are reflected in this category.

1

1

Employment after graduation

Job transfer

1

2

8

Retirement

Other

Total

Survey with questionnaires

2

Marriage

Job change Re-employment

1

Entering school

Family member

4

2

2

Relatives

3

2

1

Acquaintance

4

1

3

Moved with a family member who had a primary reason

3

1

2

5

5

Municipality, Referral agricultural of school coop, forestry coop, job center

7

7

Entering school

Table 3.9 Channel or chain (of contacts) that most impacted the migrant’s decision making process

8

8

Job transfer

3

3

Place of the company, school or dormitory

2

2

Child education (place of school)

5

2

2

1

Other

52

8

1

4

6

12

8

13

Total

84 3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

3.4 Characteristics of Migrants and Their Decision to Move

85

(2) Conditions relating to the opportunities and facilities for healthcare, education, recreation, education, and sports: the complaints against the lack of healthcare, welfare, and social facilities and opportunities are reflected in this category. (3) Conditions relating to employment: the complaints against their economic lifestyle, such as bad employment conditions and lack of employment opportunities are reflected in this category. Having considered the three categories of conditions above, it can be said that the physical isolation presented in the first category affects the conditions in the second category. The conditions in category 2 prominently express the complaints relating to services of social functions. The residents of Kamitsue Village are not without medical care, but there is a notably strong demand for improved medical institutions from the residents. Category 3 is associated with the industry structure of agroforestry as a core industry that is unique to an isolated mountain village, and from the viewpoint of capital isolation, its relationship with the inefficient and inconvenient conditions in category 1 cannot be denied. Next, each research subject was asked to provide one response for the “most important condition.” In this case, “employment opportunity” surpassed “access to transportation” to top the list. The occupations that should become the economic foundation of life were extremely limited to agroforestry related jobs in Kamitsue Village. However, many people from farming or forestry households complained of the low profitability of the agroforestry industry, and some of the heads of house insisted that they did not want their children to succeed them in the agroforestry industry. The single answer questions, compared with the multiple answer questions, appear to provide a more realistic result. The difficulty in accessing facilities and opportunities can be considered a form of rural deprivation (loss of social and economic regional functions in a rural village. Section 2.4, Chap. 2 of this book). In Kamitsue Village, the physical isolation from conveniences is related to the village’s regional characteristics as a mountain village, creating social isolation from opportunities and facilities in their social life and economic isolation from economic capitals. It is possible to believe that migrants considered such isolation in their overall decision. The effects from the various types of isolation mentioned here are strongly reflected in the aspect of population outflow from Kamitsue Village. This is a phenomenon observed characteristically in population outflow from mountain villages like Kamitsue Village. As the various types of isolation in the village increased and people began to feel the corresponding effects of the isolation since the rapid economic growth period, the focus of land development in Japan transitioned from economic development to social development. It can be said that the Kamitsue residents’ value criteria for regional conditions also changed in this process, but the degree of the impact that the village’s physical, economic, and social isolation had on the migrants’ decision to move must not be underestimated.

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3.5 Transformation of a Depopulated Settlement: Settlement K in Kamitsue Village 3.5.1 Social Ties The result from a research on a settlement inside Kamitsue Village is presented here to supplement the discussion on the background of population outflow from the entire village. Shinohara (1969) previously conducted a research on a severely depopulated settlement in the Shikoku Mountains and presented a case study in which the population outflow did not cease and caused a crisis in the collapse of the regional society. He also presented a case study in which a settlement attempted to sustain their living and production even as the remaining farming households rebuilt farms and expanded cultivation, and social organizations like the funeral teams were reorganized and scaled down. Following Shinohara’s case studies, which presented the relationship between the collapse and changes in social organization and the degree of depopulation, I hypothesized that “the degree of population outflow might lessen in a tight-knit community with strong social ties.” I was then introduced to historical Settlement K in Kamitsue Village with strong family-based organizational ties and studied the changes in population, household structure, social organizations, and livelihood, and the situation in living functions. The research was conducted in July, 1981, close to the time when data from the previous section in this chapter were collected. Therefore, please note that most of the data came from this period. The researchers are attempting to reconsider the social ties as a new social capital in recent years, but the details will not be discussed here, because it will be covered in part III of this book.

3.5.2 Location, History, and Transition of Industrial Infrastructure Settlement K is located in the northern part of Kamitsue Village, relatively close to the main national highway linking Hita City and Kikuchi City. It is about 4 km from public offices. The settlement inside the village has a lot of history and it is believed to have been established by Kawamura, a samurai military artist from the age of provincial wars. At the time of the research in 1981, all 10 households making up this settlement carried the Kawamura name, and there were 5 households who were directly descended from the original Kawamura family and 5 households who were descended from a branch of the Kawamura family, though there are two different expressions of “Kawamura” in kanji (Chinese character). This settlement was known to have had strong kinship characteristics since its conception and had strong social ties within the settlement at the time of the research.

3.5 Transformation of a Depopulated Settlement …

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The main industrial infrastructure in Settlement K is agroforestry, specifically farming. Here, I briefly outline how the farming industry weakened. First, Fig. 3.9 shows the changes to the farming households in Settlement K. There were 10 households in Settlement K at the time of my research, but there were 11–12 households registered as farming households according to the 1995 farming settlement cards. All the households in the research were farmers. In any case, there were few homes in the settlement, and the increase–decrease rate of the farming homes in 5-year increments was −17.6% from 1970 to 1975 and −14.3% from 1975 to 1980. It showed that the number of farming homes decreased mainly in the 1970s. The increase–decrease rate was −41.2% in 25 years from 1970 to 1995. Next, Fig. 3.10 shows the changes to the farming population in Settlement K. The population continued to decrease after 1970, but the increase–decrease rate was −58.3% in 25 years from 1970 to 1995. When this increase–decrease rate is studied in 5-year increments, 1970–1975 had the biggest decrease of −43.3% followed

Data from 1995 farming settlement cards.

Fig. 3.9 Household changes in settlement K

Data from 1995 farming settlement cards.

Fig. 3.10 Population change of farming households in settlement K

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3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

Data from 1995 farming settlement cards.

Fig. 3.11 Change in the area of private farms in settlement K

by 1975–1980 with −16.4%. These again show that the farming population had drastically decreased mainly in the 1970s, specifically in the first half of the decade. Figure 3.11 shows the changes in the area of private farms in Settlement K. The increase–decrease rate was −58.3% in 25 years from 1970 to 1995, with the largest decrease of −33.6% between 1970 and 1975, followed by −25.3% from 1985 to 1990. There was an increase of 75 acres (7,500 m2 ) in the first half of the 1990s, but this was thought to be due to a business expansion by a certain farmer. In any case, there was a decrease in the farming households and farming population in the 1970s. This was clearly a situation with an impending, rapid collapse of the industrial infrastructure.

3.5.3 Population, Households, and Family Members According to the report of the Basic Research Committee for Kamitsue Village Development Project (1977), there were 24 men, 22 women; a total of 46 people living in Settlement K (data researched in the same year). The population outflow data combining Settlement K and the adjacent Settlement N showed that the population decrease rate was 57.6% in 15 years between 1960 and 1975. Aging had advanced in Settlement K at the time of the research, and there was only one child under the age of 13. There were 8 households and a population of 19 people in January 2005 with a social organization with the neighboring Settlement N (2 households, 7 people).

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3.5.4 Groups, Tsukonken (Geographical Area in Which Families Are Related by Marriage), Livelihood, and Living Functions Within the Settlement The homes in Settlement K are set up in a cluster. The cadastral map shows that fields surround the residences. This is similar to the general conditions in other settlements that are located in Kamitsue Village on a limited alluvial terrain. While its placement is similar to other settlements, Settlement K is said to be characterized by its history and strength of social ties. Hence, I will present the results from the fact-finding survey on the various groups, tsukonken, livelihood, and living functions within Settlement K below. (1) Ritual Groups The villagers in Settlement K normally attended Hachimangu Shrine located inside the settlement, with all the households forming a unified shrine parishioner group. While other shrines in Kamitsue Village worshipped bunrei (divided spirit) from Ohara Shrine in Hita City, only Hachinmangu Shrine in Settlement K transferred bunrei from Usa Hachimangu Shrine whose divinity is believed to be superior in the Kyoho Era (1716–1736) in the early eighteenth century. It is told that they were gifted the sword of Masamune as a votive sword at the time of bunrei. This difference in the shrine ritual from other settlements is thought to be a factor that strongly urged the reproduction of internal social ties when the group identity of the residents in Settlement K was considered. Hachimangu Shrine hosts the wish-fulfillment festival in December. The settlement is divided into two and a host is selected to organize a gathering with food and drinks. The expenses for this gathering used to be provided by crops that were cultivated collaboratively in the 800 m2 shrine field called oiseda, but because cedar trees were planted in the field, the villagers brought their own rice to the gathering during the research period. Moreover, as a result of conducting the interviews and research at the Kamitsue branch of Hita Forestry Cooperative, I found out that the shared land (called “sashiwake” by the locals) in Settlement K is dispersed in small sections around the settlement and that cedar trees were planted in most of these lands. There are other shrine parishioner groups. Kamitsue Village is made up of former Kawabaru Village and former Kaminoda Village, which are the two large sections today. The residents of Settlement K belong to the former village and attend Kawabaru Shrine (also known as Wakamiya Shrine, located in Settlement M), which is the shrine for the entire Kawabaru region, as well as Tsue Shrine, which supplies parishioners for the entire Kamitsue Village. The shrine rituals can be said to have a triple structure, and the ties of the parishioner group from Hachimangu Shrine in Settlement K are particularly strong. The shrines used for rituals are also used as a place of communication by the regional residents, and the temples and shrines in Kamitsue Village, including Hachimangu Shrine, sometimes serve as a community center.

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Like the other settlements in the village, each house in Settlement K worships the mountain god. They offer sardines to the mountain god on the 16th of January, May, and September. The villagers abhor going to the mountains or cutting trees on these days. In the past, they had a drinking bout with the family or with multiple neighbors, but they say that this practice is gradually becoming obsolete. According to the interviews, the stories of mountain ogres and mountain spirits had not been passed down. There is a widely known mountain god called yaman’gami in Oita Prefecture. A form of mountain god called hige boubou no ogami (the mustache shaggy male god) was known in the neighboring Nakatsue Village (Someya 1979), but this trend could not be confirmed in Kamitsue Village. There is a small jizo shrine in Settlement K, which serves as another place of worship. There are some avid followers among the elderly. They gather in front of the shrine two to three times per year to enjoy some recreation time. Like the shrines mentioned before, here is another example of the place of worship equating to a place of meeting and communication, especially for the elderly. All the houses in Settlement K own a burial plot in Shosen-ji Temple (True Pure Land Sect of Buddhism) located in Settlement H (located along the highway in the village). Settlement K and neighboring Settlement N with a similar characteristic perform funerals as a unit with a “funeral team”. Settlement N is a branch of Settlement K, but they do not appear to be associated with the rituals and processions of Hachimangu Shrine and jizo shrine. Settlement M is located southeast of Settlement K and it is divided into two groups on the upper side and lower side of Kawabaru Shrine that is built there. These two areas are precisely next to each other, but they have completely separate funeral teams. The funeral teams in Settlements K and N are different from the funeral teams in Settlement M, but I was not able to deny or confirm if there was reorganization of funeral teams in Settlements K and N. Shinohara (1969) reported a research case study in which there was a reorganization of funeral teams in a settlement with strong social ties. The population outflow was limited in settlements with reorganization of social organizations like the funeral teams, but settlements without reorganization were said to have taken the steps toward becoming deserted. It is presumed that Settlement K had undergone reorganization in the past, and they ended up being run jointly with Settlement N as a result. It is possible that this resulted from having formed a kinship group with Settlement N, but that is a little harder to believe since they have not combined the ritualistic activities at Hachimangu Shrine and jizo shrine. In any case, it can be said that the ritualistic organization in Settlement K is multitiered and strong within the settlement. (2) Neighborhood Association, Worker’s Cooperative, Social, Economic, and Religious Organizations, and Youth Group The neighborhood association is also unified in Settlement K. There are no specific board positions, and the settlement holds a meeting for events, but these are held as needed and not on a regular schedule. There are some pioneering homes within the

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settlement that are called “the village head.” However, it does not necessarily mean that they have special authority over other households. In the workers’ cooperative, they say that people used to plant rice together as a community activity until World War II and worked together on the roofs to thatch with straw or kaya also as such an activity until about ten years before my research in 1981. However, such cooperative labor has disappeared with the implementation of farming machineries, population outflow, and modernization of architecture. They also used to collaboratively work in the mountains, but such organization no longer existed by the time of the research. Ko association, which is a social, economic, and religious group did not exist in Kamitsue Village at the time of the research. The local elderly people from Settlement K also have not heard of such groups. The elderly people gathered in jizo shrine, yet they stated that this started recently and that elderly people, children, daughters, and heads of houses did not have meet ups in the past. It seems unconceivable that women who were busy with farm work and housework would have meet ups, but they grew older and eventually started gathering at jizo shrine. This type of gathering in Settlement K was limited to the elderly people. A youth group exists at the village level, but there were less than 100 members. Young people did not have any meetings in the past, but the village was planning to build a facility called “The Youth Room” for developing leadership in young people at the time of research. However, they say that it is a gloomy situation with the reduced reproduction of youth group activities and the aging of firefighters as the young population decreased. (3) Tsukonken (Geographical Area in Which Families Are Related by Marriage) To understand how Settlement K is positioned externally, I conducted interviews on the married women in their 60s and 70s in 1981 at the time of research about where they came from before marriage. I was able to obtain data from 9 out of 10 houses in Settlement K (Table 3.10). As a result, five women came from Kamitsue Village, two from Murobaru in Kumamoto Prefecture, which is adjacent to Kamitsue village, one from Itsuma in Hita District, and one from Waifu in Kikuchi City that has a deep involvement with Kamitsue Village. Ancient Hita District, which includes Hita City and Kamitsue Village, was under the magistrate’s office control in the Edo Period (Period of shogunate control). It is adjacent to Oguni, Kumamoto Prefecture and Minami Oguni Region across the river. They have had a distribution relationship with Kikuchi Region for a long time from their affiliation with the Kikuchi clan since the Namboku-ch¯o (the Northern and Southern Dynasties) period (1336–1392). The research conducted in 1984 also showed that the three locations, Hita District, Oguni and Minami Oguni Region, and Kikuchi Region overall had strong ties with Kamitsue Village.

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3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

Table 3.10 Tsukonken, or where the bride came from, in the settlement K

Origin of the bride

Number of the case

Settlement T in Kamitsue Village

1

Settlement HD in Kamitsue Village

1

Settlement HS in Kamitsue Village

1

Settlement KY in Kamitsue Village

1

Settlement YN in Kamitsue Village

1

Waifu (Kikuchi City, Kumamoto Prefecture)

1

Murobaru (Oguni Town, Kumamoto Prefecture)

2

Itsuma (Ovama Town, Oita Prefecture)

1

Total: 8 regions

9

Based on interviews

(4) Livelihood and Living Functions in Settlement K All 10 homes in Settlement K were involved in agriculture. 8 of them worked in forestry and 7 of them cultivated shiitake mushrooms. Table 3.11 shows the composition ratio of the number of days worked by industry in Settlement K. According to this table, while it can be said that there is a tendency for multiple livelihood formats, the main employment types are roughly classified as agroforestry, irregular employment, and regular employment. A total of 35% of the men had irregular or unstable employment in forestry as a day hire or a migrant worker. It is clear that women’s participation in agriculture and forestry is important. It is also characteristic that only men are involved in the cultivation of shiitake mushrooms, which requires technical production management. Furthermore, Settlement K was excluded from the data in the 2000 farming settlement card due to their subsequent decrease in the number of farming households. Next, I will discuss the various living functions in the daily life in Settlement K. The residents say that they have no problem obtaining food, because outside merchants come in a van to sell vegetables, fish, and other fresh food. However, it is inconvenient to buy nonfood items and owning a vehicle is essential. They need their own cars to be able to make purchases. Table 3.11 Composition ratio of the number of days worked by industry in Settlement K (1977) Gender\Job

Agriculture

Shiitake cultivation

Forestry

Employed worker in forestry

Migrant work

Permanent job

Total

Male

18

26

–

26

9

21

100

Female

41

–

22

18

–

19

100

From Survey Report for Kamitsue Village Promotion Plan

3.5 Transformation of a Depopulated Settlement …

93

The residents relied on their cars or public buses to get to the medical clinic in the village or the hospitals around Hita City. In Kamitsue Village, the elementary schools were consolidated (there were four schools in the village at the time of the research), generally making the children’s commute to school longer. Junior high schools eventually consolidated into one school for the entire village where everyone was required to stay in a dormitory (it eventually became a unionized public school operated with Nakatsue Village). Except for the rare case of students commuting across the border to Kumamoto Prefecture, commuting to high school was impossible, because there was not one nearby. It was common for the students to stay in Hita City or for the entire family to move to Hita City if they wanted to attend high school in Hita City. As indicated earlier in this chapter, the migration to attend high school was one of the factors lowering the average age of migrants. Furthermore, the strain of sending payments to children in high school impacted the family budget and their ability to pay for college in some cases. (5) Relocated Migrant’s House There was one deserted building (formerly a residence) in Settlement K at the time of the research in 1981. It was then used as a storage by a certain household, but traditionally, the house of a migrant household would be sold, and the household who bought the house would tear it down, use the scraps for firewood, and turn the lot into a farm. The rice paddies in a good location would often be sold as is. However, they say that majority of the migrating households kept their forest and left town, so there are many out-of-village forest owners. The migrated households will not reside on their land again, because they had sold their home, but they sometimes returned to take care of the forest. Table 3.12 shows the current residence of the out-of-village forest owners. Not all the forest owners listed here were necessarily former Kamitsue residents, but the table includes the forest owners who were once a resident and left without selling the forest. I had to use the 1967 data, because the Kamitsue Forestry Union had been integrated with and became a branch office of the Hita Forestry Union at the time of the research. There were 211 applicable out-of-village forest owners in the 1967 data against 236 total forest owners in the 1970 census of forestry. Even though the two data are several years apart, the large number of out-of-town forest owners stands out. 87 out of 211 out-of-village forest owners (41.2%) were from Hita City in Hita District, and 60 (28.4%) were from Kumamoto Prefecture. There could be an overlap with tsukonken as well. It is unclear as to why there were so many forest owners relatively concentrated in Nakatsu City. According to the 1980 census of forestry, the area ratio of absentee-owned forest in Kamitsue Village was almost 40%, which was the second highest in Oita Prefecture after about 70% in Maetsue Village. Based on the interviews conducted in January 2005, the number of out-of-village forest owners was about half of the total forest owners in Kamitsue Village. They say that these out-of-village forest owners performed varying degree of maintenance on their forest. If there was a possibility of profit, they sometimes relegated work to

94 Table 3.12 Number of the out-of-town forest owners by current residence (1967)

3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated … Resident Hita City

Number of the forest owner (household) 75

Oyama Town, Hita District

8

Amagase Town, Hita District

4

Kusu Town, Kusu District

2

Oita City

1

Beppu City Nakatsu City Shimoge District

3 41 1

Fukuoka Prefecture

16

Kumamoto Prefecture

60

Total

211

Calculated from the Ledger of Owners of Forest in Former Kamitsue Village Forestry Cooperative

a forestry union or a caretaker (relatives or friends in the village) to weed and thin vegetation. However, they say that most of these were forest owners with relatively large areas of forest and there were some abandoned and unmaintained forests. Nationally, there was a rapid increase in the number of absentee forest owners in some depopulated mountain villages as forest owners moved away. It should be recognized that this problem, coupled with the forestry labor problem, has become a factor in raising problems like loose forestry operations, and modern reorganization of forest estates. However, this type of research is rarely done in the field of geography. The increase of absentee forest owners led to the careless use of forests and lack of management, which became a factor in the delayed restoration efforts at the time of natural disasters. The researchers have the challenge of researching not only just the use of forest but also forest management and management of functions for public interests. It has also led to the problems related to forestry accounting and “Furusato (home land) tax,” which is currently being debated on whether or not the urban residents should have to pay. (6) Forest Ownership In this section, I discuss the land ownership, including the forests owned by the households from Settlement K. The research was conducted on Settlement K and the surrounding 16 small sections of the village, since the applicable land ownership will be limited to areas inside Settlement K and the surrounding areas (Table 3.13). As a result, the ownership situation of Settlement K forest owners corresponded to small to average size in the village. The total area of “sashiwake” or shared forests in Settlement K was 8,528 m2 and cedar trees were planted in many of the forests. In any case, it is not considered a large area.

3.5 Transformation of a Depopulated Settlement …

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Table 3.13 Land ownership by household in Settlement K (1981) Household\ Class

A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

J

Total

Forest

Rice paddy

Field

Residential land

Burial place and other land

Waste land

Rough land

3412.47

108

1,509

548.28

489.19

–

300

297

27,624

27,195

–

429

–

–

–

–

31036.47

27,303

1,509

977.28

489.19

–

300

297

1627.21

653

241

39

694.21

–

–

–

19,355

13,002

2,435

2,475

–

23

–

1,420

20982.21

13,655

2,676

2,514

694.21

23

–

1,420

49

49

–

–

–

–

–

–

19,122

7,040

2,014

2,809

403

–

–

6,856

19,171

7,089

2,014

2,809

403

–

–

6,856

849.14

–

–

426

439.66

–

–

–

3,852

595

2,015

1,242

–

–

_

_

4701.14

595

2,015

1,668

439.66

–

–

–

917.66

49

–

429

439.66

–

–

–

11,567

5,792

3,604

2,171

–

–

–

–

12484.66

5,841

3,604

2,600

439.66

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

593

593

–

–

–

–

–

–

593

593

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

5,949

5,949

–

–

–

–

–

–

5,949

5,949

–

–

–

–

–

–

2,023

2,023

–

–

–

–

–

–

2,230

1,239

–

–

–

–

–

991

4,253

3,262

–

–

–

–

_

991

983.93

–

–

217

966.93

–

–

–

13,764

8,432

2,398

1,966

–

211

_

757

14747.93

8,432

2,398

2,183

966.93

211

–

757

1,080

–

1,080

–

–

–

–

–

0

–

–

–

–

–

_

–

1,080

–

1,080

–

–

–

–

–

Upper row: owned land in Settlement K (m2 ) Middle row: owned land in 16 Settlement around Settlement K Lower row: total of upper and middle row Calculated from the Kamitsue Village Land Ledger

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3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

3.5.5 Transformation of Settlement K and Directionality of Depopulation: Discussion of Social Capital Theory At the beginning of this section, I hypothesized that “the degree of population outflow may weaken in settlements with a strong social organizational bond and social ties.” Settlement K indeed had strong social ties, and this was particularly true for the elderly community. Yet, even with its strong social ties, their population decrease rate had reached almost 60% as previously mentioned. Therefore, this hypothesis does not stand in the case of Settlement K and it can be said that depopulation and marginalization progressed in the face of social ties. Because it was a settlement with a relatively easy access to transportation, it can be seen as a phenomenon similar to the straw effect of population outflow from depopulated areas after the mid 1980s when highways were created in rural areas. The presence of strong social ties did not always connect with the sustenance of social organizations and living functions in the settlements. In 1981, the regional life in Settlement K was already largely supported by the existence of private cars. However, the aging of residents increasingly limited their mobility. Since then, some people in Kamitsue Village started living in the villageoperated residences as they aged and the household size shrunk. The need to find measures against deprivation (loss of regional functions) as one of the settlement reorganization policies has become all too real in the depopulated areas in the mountains. I will comment on the “new” social capitals while taking into account the results from the Settlement K research at the end of this chapter. I question whether or not the concept of social capital is really new. It is apparent that the concept of social ties (or society ties) was already used before World War II from Eitaro Suzuki’s publication (Suzuki 1940). I wondered if the concept, regardless of what it was called, had been discussed in the fields of rural sociology and life structure theory since then. Certainly, it may be possible to say that so-called social capital existed along with an agent for maintaining and activating living functions (Tsutsumi 1995, 2004) in an infrastructure where initiatives for living function maintenance were enabled in depopulated area communities. It is not a bad thing for social ties to receive attention under a new name, but what possibilities could there be? In reality, economists, political scientists, and social engineers appear to have focused on this concept for practical implementation in community vitalization and governance of regional society. There is a value and need to discuss the possibilities and limitations of this social capital from the aspect of regional society research. Such discussion will be mentioned in part III of this book. The future challenge of this research is to figure out how to understand the embodiment of social capital or the various social ties between not just families, but coworkers, cohabitants, and neighbors. There should be a framework in place to balance social capitals, agents, regional policies, and effective use of capitals in the settlements and regional societies. The current social capital theory, which tends to have a macroscopic viewpoint or at times biased toward

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97

a quantitative analytic viewpoint, needs to be discussed critically in conjunction with the microscopic perspective of previously accumulated community research.

3.6 Conclusion In this chapter, I first raised two issues relating to the social geography research and the population migration research, provided analysis using the residency deregistration data, and elucidated the reality of population migration from a depopulated mountain village in a follow-up study. The social geography perspective confirmed a type of migration that corresponded with a life cycle or a family cycle, and a type of migration that did not. The characteristics of Kamitsue Village as a mountain village emerged when it was reviewed from this perspective and the perspective from the population migration research. In these researches, the age of the migrants was lower than the national average from the lack of access to educational opportunities. There was a rank in the mobility depending on the household attributes of first-born, second-born, and third-born children as well as a trend of high mobility among the elderly. There was more migration to the central cities in Oita Prefecture and northern Kyushu rather than the three major metropolitan areas. There were a remarkable number of multiple time migrants and a strong tendency to rely on personal contacts. A series of analysis results highlighted these attributes of Kamitsue Village as a depopulated mountain village. Various economic, social, and physical isolation existed at the root of the characteristics of population outflow from Kamitsue Village and the overlapping isolation seemed to be at the root of the psychological seclusion of the depopulated area residents (Adachi 1970, 1973). Moreover, as mentioned in the section in the second half of this chapter, the results from the fact-finding research of one settlement indicated that depopulation and marginalization progressed in the face of social ties.28 Hence, the social ties in the settlement could not explicitly be said to effectively prevent the progress of population outflow. Whether or not the social ties could fight the reduction of regional population will be discussed in another paper. Notes 1.

2.

There have been numerous versions of the famous gravity model before arriving at the most recent spatial interaction model. Other representative models include intervening opportunity model and entropy model. The literatures by Moots (1976) and Matsuda (1978) focused on the statuses, such as the age, gender, class, occupation, and education of the migrants. Svart (1976), Bell (1980), and King (1981) are examples of research on the migrant’s preference and decision to move. Gould (1966) and Hägerstrand (1975) are examples of research on migrant behavior. In particular, this behavioral analysis

98

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

3 Analysis of Population Migration from the Depopulated …

is often conducted in relation to the migrant’s decision to move, which is linked to their preferences. This is also understood as a move corresponding with the migrant’s life cycle. The migrant’s behavior is also related to their personal history. See Wolpert (1972) for reference. The economic idea that overpopulation will scale optimally through population migration is rooted in the population migration philosophy that is representative of Japan before World War II. The fact that the superstitious Malthusian Theory of Population was the theoretical pillar related to overseas migration in Japan before World War II is an example of this. This is detailed in the paper by Obuchi and Morioka (1980), which summarizes the new system in the study of economic demographics. Population migration is also understood as the balancing exercise for regional gaps in the studies of demographics and regional economics. See Tachi (ed.) (1961, 1962), and Holland (1976) for reference. Schaffer (1972), Ruppert and Schaffer (1973), and Weber (1982), specifically S.21-24. The first two literatures analyze how the regionally divided society and population structures change inside a space. They claim that the onset of population migration is intimately linked to the migrant’s life cycle. In other words, the migrant’s migration pattern reflects their life cycle. It is said that the stages of life cycle correspond with the relationship between the types of migrant’s residence and the characteristics of the residential area. Out of the data listed in the residency deregistration in Kamitsue Village, gender, relationship to head of house, registered domicile, migration destination, and migration year were simplified and coded. Then the migrant’s age at the time of migration and the rectilinear distance from Kamitsue Village to the destination city, district, town, or village was measured and coded. The name and birth dates were used to identify multiple time migrants to find out the number of times the person had migrated. These data were entered into a mainframe computer, but the two variables of age and distance were ranked to make statistical processing easier. The number of rank was 7 for the former and 8 for the latter. SPSS was used to calculate at the mainframe computer center in Kyushu University. At the time, the calculation was run by creating a program using JOB control character on the English version of the mainframe computer. The research by Ishiguro (1976) utilized residency deregistration from Naka District in Nagoya City. The analysis in this chapter was performed on data obtained after 1960. There were not much data before this time. The materials by the public offices claim that there were more than 400 migrants in 1964 (refer to Fig. 3.3), but this value was proven to be a mistake after comparing it with the residency deregistration and other migration data. The correlation coefficient between the two was 0.74 between 1960 and 1984. The correlation coefficient was 0.86 between 1965 and 1984, which may be a more detailed data. These were very high values. Furthermore, the correlation coefficient shown later in this chapter was all significant as a result of testing at a significance level of 5%.

3.6 Conclusion

8.

9. 10.

11.

12.

13.

14. 15. 16.

17. 18.

19.

99

Minami and Ono (1962) and Minami (1964) discussed this point. The latter specifically concluded that the correlation between migration of postwar Japanese farming population and the changes in economic growth rate is high when presuming a 1-year time lag. Here, the year-on-year national income has been corrected in light of inflation rate. The residency deregistration did not list migration format, so two types of migration formats, unaccompanied and nonunaccompanied, were set and identified based on migrant data. The nonunaccompanied migrants were defined as family members within in the same household who moved to the same destination and the same address within three years of each other. According to the residency deregistration data, 20% of the actual number of total migrants or a third of the cumulative total of migrants had migrated multiple times from the village. There are many multiple time migrants, and many migrants who are originally from Kamitsue Village. In other words, it refers to the possibility of one-time migration. There are two patters: the one-time migrants who migrate then return to Kamitsue Village to settle down and the one-time migrants who migrate and never return. The correlation coefficient is calculated for when the logarithmic conversion is applied to both variables of the number of migrants and migration distance (kilometer) and when the logarithmic conversion is only applied to the latter. The resulting values were −0.38 and −0.28, respectively. The distance from Kamitsue Village to Kita Kyushu City is approximately 99 kilometers. Ishiguro (1976) also alludes to the same phenomenon. I conducted an analysis with the quantification method III with six of the variables used in the analyses so far, such as gender, attributes in the household, registered domicile, age, migration format, and migration distance to summarize the trend of migration pattern. The result was similar to the analysis of the key statistics, but I was also able to confirm the trend of migrant’s migration patterns becoming similar, such as a shortened migration distance overall, in recent years. The “district” here only refers to the special districts of Tokyo. The population migration from Oita Prefecture is known for the number of migrants going to the greater Nagoya area, and Kamitsue Village is no exception. In particular, many of the migrants from the village moving to Aichi Prefecture were employees in a spinning plant or an automobile plant. These types of factories owned by large corporations sometimes offered high school education, which was one of the major elements to entice young laborers from rural villages. The mainstream population migration in Japan during the rapid economic growth period was the population inflow to the three major metropolitan areas (Obuchi and Morioka 1980, p. 204). However, this was the situation at a macroscale and the population migration areas at a microscale during this period are unknown.

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20. Obuchi and Morioka (1980) found that the population inflow to the major metropolitan areas slowed after peaking in 1971. In 1976, the migrating population from a major metropolitan area to a nonmetropolitan area had exceeded the population flowing into large metropolitan areas. Particularly in the low growth period after the oil crisis, the return migration became notable (pp. 206– 208). These are known as the period when population migration went from “rural–urban” to “urban–urban” (Kishimoto 1981, pp. 82–83). 21. There have been many debates on the direction of return migration, which has not been defined very clearly. The data limitation is strongly related to this and the same situation applies to stepwise migration. This type of migration research is extremely difficult, because the move of specific migrants needs to be followed. See Ishikawa (1979) for reference. 22. Originally, most researches attempted to elucidate the migration factors and there were very few researches that partitioned the origin and the destination of population migration. One of the few examples included the publication by Ishikawa (1978). In this chapter, I attempted to partition destination areas by multivariable analysis, such as factor analysis, but I was not able to obtain axis that could show the urban–rural relationship. The cause was believed to be due to limited variables from the lack of unified regional statistics over time. The six types of classification criteria created here are as follows. A, B, C are the ratio of employees (%) in the primary, secondary, and tertiary sectors of industry, respectively. 1. Primary specific type: A ≥ 40, 2. Secondary specific type: B ≥ 50, 3. Tertiary specific type: C ≥ 50, 4. Secondary and tertiary prominent type: 40 ≤ B < 60 and 40 ≤ C < 50, 5. Rural small-middle city type: A < 30 and B < 40 and C < 50, 6. Other types: those that do not apply to the types above. These criteria were established based on the average value of the destination cities, districts, and counties. The affiliation to each type is exclusive. The migration trend to a recent tertiary specific type was generally seen across the country and not limited to migrants from the village. Furthermore, it should be noted that the types of destination area shown here do not directly reflect the occupation of the migrants from Kamitsue Village. 23. I conducted surveys on people listed on the residency deregistration data who were more than 15 years old at the time of migration. He randomly sampled 150 people and mailed them a survey to those with a known current address. 123 surveys were sent out, 46 were returned (response rate of 37.4%), and the cumulative total migration was 54 times. I performed a follow-up research by conducting interviews on the nonresponders mainly at Kamitsue Village in order to supplement the survey research. There were 39 subjects in this follow-up research with a cumulative total migration of 47 times. Thus, the combined cumulative total of migration from these two researches was 101 times. The Planning and Coordination Bureau of National Land Agency (1982) was referenced to create the surveys.

3.6 Conclusion

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24. According to the results of the Planning and Coordination Bureau of National Land Agency (1982) presented by age, 25–29 age group had the greatest number of migrants. 37.6% of the 5,206 research subjects selected employment as their reason for moving, and a closer look showed that 60% of them selected job transfer and 70% of them selected new employment or new business. Only 16% selected job or career change. The age group of migrants from Kamitsue Village was even younger and more people selected job change as the reason for moving when compared with the result from the National Land Agency. 25. This is apparent even when compared against the results of the Planning and Coordination Bureau of National Land Agency (1982). Tenma (ed.) (1980) reported that almost 30% of the farmers who left farming at Tokachi plains started working in civil engineering and construction. However, the difference between the migrants in Tokachi Plains and migrants in Kamitsue Village is that the latter has a higher possibility for return migration. 26. For example, in addition to Moots (1976) and Matsuda (1978), there are two literatures by Ito (1974a, b, 1975) that mention the relationship between class or education and migrant’s occupation. 27. There is a problem of risk and cost when a migrant of low status migrates from a developing area to a developed area. In this case, information about the destination and degree of reliance become very important to the migrant. The contact with their friends and family who may already be living there becomes a very valuable source of information. There are many examples of overseas researches on population chain migration that relies on friends and family. See Gober-Meyers (1978) for reference. 28. Although the population outflow from Kamitsue Village had slowed since my research, the village continued to show a high population decrease rate. According to the census, the village population was 1,407 people in 1995, and decreased by 7.0% with 1,308 people in 2000.

References Adachi I (1970) The actual state of depopulation: what is the depopulation and what is happening in it? (Kaso no jittai: Kaso toha nanika, sokode nani ga okite iruka). Jurist 455 (featuring “depopulation”) (Tokushu “kaso”), pp 21–25 (in Japanese) Adachi I (1973) Collapse of ‘Village’ and Human (‘Mura’ to Ningen no Hokai). San’ichi Publishing (in Japanese) The Basic Research Committee for Kamitsue Village Development Project (1977) Report on the basic research of development project of Kamitsue Village, Oita Prefecture (Oita-ken Kamitsuemura Shinko Keikaku Kiso Chosa Hokokusho), Kamitsue Village (in Japanese) Bell M (1980) Past mobility and spatial preference for migration in East Africa. In: White PE, Woods RI (eds) The geographical impact of migration. Longman, pp 84–107 Clout HD (1972) Rural geography: an introductory survey. Pergamon Press Gober-Meyers P (1978) Employment-motivated migration and economic growth in post-industrial market economies. Prog Hum Geogr 2:207–229

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Gould PR (1966) “On mental maps”, Michigan inter-university community of mathematical geographers. Discussion Papers 9:1–53 Hägerstrand T (1975) On the definition of migration. In: Jones E (ed) Readings in social geography. Oxford, pp 200–209 (Scand Popul Stud 1:63–72, 1969) Holland S (1976) Capital versus the regions. Palgrave Ishiguro M (1976) An analysis of out-migrants from the center of the metropolis: a case study of Naka-Ku, Nagoya City (Daitoshi chushinbu kara no tenshutsu jinko ni kansuru ichi kosatsu: Nagoya-shi Naka-ku no baai). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 28(3):27–54 (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (1978) Internal migration in postwar Japan (Sengo ni okeru kokunai jinko ido). Geogr Rev Jpn (Chirigaku Hyoron) 51(6):433–450 (in Japanese) Ishikawa Y (1979) The research trend of the inter-city migration (Toshikan jinko ido no kenkyu doko). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 31(5):34–52 (in Japanese) Ito T (1974a) Economic and social characteristic of migration (Ido jinko no keizaiteki shakaiteki tokusei). J Popul Problems (Jinko Mondai Kenkyu) 129:33–47 (in Japanese) Ito Y (1974b) The location of industries in the sparsely populated mountain villages: considerations on the recent decentralization of industries into the Tokai-Hokuriku mountain areas and on their possible future development (Kaso sanson to kogyo ritchi: Tokai/Hokuriku sankan chiiki ni okeru jirei). Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo) 20(1):3–33 (in Japanese) Ito T (1975) Differential migration: the cases of the local urban areas in Japan (Chiho toshi de no ido jinko no keizaiteki shakaiteki tokusei: Miyazaki-ken jinko ryudo chosa hokoku). J Popul Problems (Jinko Mondai Kenkyu) 134:30–40 (in Japanese) Kamino S (1970) Mountainous problem as depopulation problem (Kaso mondai to shiteno sanson mondai). For Econ (Ringyo Keizai) 264:7–20 (especially p 15) (in Japanese) King RL (1981) Book review essay. In: White E, Woods RI (eds) The geographical impact of migration. Longman (1980). Prog Hum Geogr 5:287–292 Kishimoto M (1981) Demographic characteristics of Japan (Nihon no Jinko Tokusei). Ninomiya Shoten (especially pp 82–83) (in Japanese) Kunitoshi M (1978) Leaving a village with whole family and population outflow in a mountainous village in Tottori prefecture (Tottori-ken sanson ni okeru kyokarison to jinko ryushutsu ni tsuite). Bull Lib Arts Tottori Univ (Tottori Daigaku Kyoyobu Kiyo) 12:65–85 (in Japanese) Lewis GJ (1982) Human migration: a geographical perspectives. Croom Helm (especially p 32) Matsuda M (1978) Transition concerning the original base of seasonal labor migrants of ‘traditionaltype’ and ‘industrial reserve-army-type’: a case of San’nai Mura, Akita Prefecture (‘Dento gata’ Nomin dekasegi/‘Sangyo yobigun gata’ Nomin dekasegi no shusshin kiban no henka ni tsuite: Akita-ken sannaison no baai). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 30(3):71–83 (in Japanese) McHugh KE (1984) Explaining migration intentions and destination selection. Prof Geogr 36(3):315–325 Minami R (1964) Measurement and analysis of population movement from agriculture (Noka jinko ido no suikei to bunseki). Hitotsubashi Rev (Ikkyo Ronso) 52(5):85–114 (in Japanese) Minami R, Ono A (1962) The estimates of farm household population movement 1925–1960 (Noka jinko no suikei: 1925–1960). Hitotsubashi Rev (Ikkyo Ronso) 47(6):730–744 (in Japanese) Moots BL (1976) Migration, community of origin and status attainment: a comparison of two metropolitan communities in developing societies. Soc Forces 54(4):816–832 Nomura K (1966) Changes and causes of regional structure in a mountain village: In the case of Yoshino Village in Nara Prefecture (Sanson ni okeru chiiki kozo no henka to yoin: Nara-ken Nishiyoshino-mura no baai). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 18(1):80–92 (in Japanese) Norimoto K (1981) ‘Village’, ‘home’ and agriculture (Mura to Ie to No). San’ichi Shobo (in Japanese) Norimoto K (1996) Actual state and logic of depopulation issues (Kaso mondai no Jittai to Ronri). Fumin Association (in Japanese) Obuchi H, Morioka H (1980) Economic demography (Keizai Jinkogaku). Shinhyoron (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1978) The change of agriculture in mountain villages around industrialized areas: a case study of Mikawa mountainous area (Aichi Prefecture) (Kogyoka chiiki shuhen sanson ni

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okeru nogyo no hembo to nominso no doko: Aichi-ken Mikawa sankan chiiki no baai). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 30(2):1–20 (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1980) Process of agricultural change and rural employment Kamitakara-mura, northern Gifu Prefecture, Central Japan (Okuhida sanson/Kamitakara-mura ni okeru hi’tsunen gata no koyo no tenkai to nogyo/nomin so no doko). Geogr Rev Jpn (Chirigaku Hyoron) 53(8):511–530 (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1981) The regional patterns of occupational structure in mountainous areas of Japan, 1965–1975 (Wagakuni sanson ni okeru shugyo kozo no doko bunseki: 1965–1975 nen wo taisho to shite). Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo) 27(1):16–30 (in Japanese) Omi T, Shida M, Abe K (1980) Types and their factors of changes of residence: action-systemtheoretic analysis in changes of residence 1 (Tenkyo hassei no taiyo to sono yoin bunseki: tenkyo no koi shisutemuron teki bunseki). J Jpn Arch Build Eng 290:119–130 (in Japanese) The Planning and Coordination Bureau of the National Land Agency (1982) The actual situation of migration in our country: a commentary of ‘investigation into factors of migration’ (Waga Kuni no Jinko Ido no Jittai: ‘Jinko Ido Yoin Chosa’ no Kaisetsu). The Printing Bureau of the Ministry of Finance (in Japanese) Robson B (1973) A view on the urban scene. In: Chisholm M, Rodgers B (eds) Studies in human geography. Heinemann Educational Books, pp 203–241 Ruppert K, Schaffer F (1973) Sozialgeographische Aspekte urbanisierter Lebensformen. Veröffentlichungen der Akademie für Raumforschung und Landesplannung Abhandlungen 68. Gebrüder Jänecke Verlag Sakaguchi K (1966) On deserted villages in upland areas of Tango Peninsula (Tango hanto ni okeru haison gensho no chirigakuteki kosatsu). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 18(6):39–78 (in Japanese) Sakaguchi K (1968) Study on deserted settlement (Wüstung) (Haisan no kenkyu). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 20(6):51–67 (in Japanese) Sakaguchi K (1981) Process of becoming deserted of Pass settlement (Goso Settlement) and migration zone in northern Suzuka Mountain (Suzuka Sanchi hokubu ni okeru ichi toge shuraku “Goso” no haisonka katei to ijuiki). Bull Hist Geogr 23 (Historical geography in mountain and highland), pp 191–223 (in Japanese) Schaffer F (1972) Faktoren und Prozeßtypen der räumlichen Mobilität. Müunchner Studien zur Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeographie 8:39–48 Shimizu H (1974) Family composition of the ‘Aged household’ and geographical mobility: the example of an agricultural village in Kagoshima prefecture (‘Koreisha setai’ no kazokukosei to jinko ido: Kagoshima-ken S-buraku chosa hokoku). J Popul Problems (Jinko Mondai Kenkyu) 131:11–22 (in Japanese) Shinohara S (1969) A process of village transformation in the depopulation area: A case study of the middle and south-western districts in Shikoku Mountains (Jinko zogen chiiki ni okeru shuraku no henbokatei). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 21(5):1–28 (in Japanese) Shinohara S (1991) Transformation of depopulated regions and trends of mountainous villages (Kaso Chiiki no Hembo to Sanson no Doko). Taimeido (in Japanese) Someya T (1979) Annual events in twelve months in Oita Prefecture (Oita Saiji Jyunitsuki), Nishinippon Shimbun (in Japanese) Soma M (1971) The evolution of land utilization in the villages of the Shikoku Mountains (Shikoku sangaku chiho ni okeru tochi riyo to sanson no hembo). Geogr Rev Jpn (Chirigaku Hyoron) 44(4):301–318 (in Japanese) Suzuki E (1940) Principles of Japanese rural sociology (Nippon Noson Shakaigaku Genri). Jichosha (in Japanese) Svart LM (1976) Environmental preference migration: a review. Geogr Rev 66(3):314–330 Tachi M (ed) (1961) Migration in Japan (Nihon no Jinko Ido), (Keisei Sensho). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese) Tachi M (ed) (1962) Several issues of metropolitan population: migration in Japan 2 (Daitoshi Jinko no Shomondai: Nihon no Jinko Ido 2), (Keisei Sensho). Kokon Shoin (in Japanese)

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Takahashi T (1970) Leaving a village with whole family and textile industry in Tango Peninsula (Tango-hanto ni okeru kyokarison to kigyo). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 22(4):82–103 (in Japanese) Tenma T (ed) (1980) Giving-up farming: what happened to them afterwards (Rino: Sonogo Karera wa Do Nattaka), (NHK books). Japan Broadcasting Publishing (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1986) Research topics of mountain village study after slowing down of the tendency of population outflow (Jinko ryushutsu keiko no donka iko ni okeru sanson kenkyu no kadai ni tsuite). Research Report of Sasebo National College of Technology (Sasebo Kogyo Koto Semmon Gakko Kenkyu Hokoku) 23:119–127 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1995) Industrial modernization and agents: a case of tea industry in Yame Region, Fukuoka Prefecture, at modern age (Sangyo kindaika to ejento: kindai no Yame chiho ni okeru chagyo wo jirei to shite). Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo) 41(3):17–37 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2004) Tourism industry (Dazaifu no kanko sangyo). In: Dazaifu City History Editorial Committee (ed) Development of ‘Ancient City Dazaifu’ (Another Volume of Complete History Edition), (Koto Dazaifu no Tenkai), Dazaifu City, pp 327–379 (in Japanese) Watanabe Y (1978) Living in metropolis and intra-urban migration (Daitoshinai kyojyu to toshinaibu jinko ido). Compr Urban Stud (Sogo Toshi Kenkyu) 4:11–35 (in Japanese) Weber P (1982) Geographische Mobilitätsforschung. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft (especially pp 21–24) White PE, Woods RI (eds) (1980) The geographical impact of migration. Longman Wolpert J (1972) Behavioral aspects of the decision to migrate. In: English PW, Mayfield RC (eds) Man, space, and environment. Oxford, pp 401–410 (Papers of the Regional Science Association 15:159–172, 1965) Yamaguchi G (1970) Process of completely deserted settlement in Nishitani Village in Okuetsu Mountains (Okuetsu Sanchi ni okeru Nishitani-mura no kanzen haison he no katei). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 22(4):66–81 (in Japanese)

Part II

The Reality of the Living Environment in Depopulated Mountainous Areas and IT Support for Regional Living Functions

Photo II-1 Umeå University (August 17, 2006)

This photograph shows a shop which is specialized in apparatuses for the welfare in the site of Umeå University, Sweden. Those products are the works of the development by the university. Part II is composed of the discussion surrounding the analysis of the situation in settlements with population outflow (Chap. 4) and the discussion on the possibility

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Part II: The Reality of the Living Environment in Depopulated …

of information technology (IT) support for the regional living functions (Chap. 5). The pillar of part II is the living environment or the regional living functions. I specifically discuss the reality of residents’ lives in the depopulated regions where living environment has worsened and living functions have weakened from the population outflow, as well as the possibility of IT support. In Chap. 4, “Regional Living Functions in a Depopulated Settlement in Shimane Prefecture,” I discuss the framework relating to the research on the living functions and the life structure, and studies the settlement with one of the severest depopulation and aging in Shimane Prefecture to present the various weakening functions related to the daily life. Specifically, I selected 42 settlements in Shimane Prefecture with very severe depopulation and based the research on the results of the research conducted with the previously mentioned sociologist, Tsutomu Yamamoto, et al. In this study, the living functions were analyzed because the living functions related to shopping (purchases), medical care, and transportation become especially important in the depopulated mountain settlements that are aging progressively. Chapter 5 “Regional living functions and IT support” discusses the effort to maintain regional living functions in depopulated regions using information technology (IT) to discuss the viability and problems of IT.

Chapter 4

Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

Abstract This chapter shifts attention to life structure, living environment and living functions in depopulated areas. At first it marks critical concepts of Grunddaseinsfunktionen (fundamental functions for living) and of social geographical spatial system invented by the Munich School of German Social Geography. Based on such concepts, the author has researched at one of the most depopulated prefectures in Japan, Shimane Prefecture. The result of the research shows that there were few successors in agriculture and private practice, and that people experienced more serious condition in accessibility to shops, schools and hospitals, which become very essential and radical issues in their daily life. Keywords Depopulation · German social geography · Grunddaseinsfunktionen · Life structure · Living environment · Living functions

4.1 Analytical Perspective Relating to Living Functions in Depopulated Regions There is a demand to capture the depopulated regions’ living environment and living functions as depopulated region research issues following the population outflow issue in recent years. In sociology, there is an accumulation of researches, such as the rural village researches from the standpoint of living structure theory by Yamamoto et al. (1994, 1996, 1998), or the research on life structure in rural society by Hasegawa (1997), but there are not too many examples of researches relating to the living environment and the living functions in depopulated regions in the field of human geography. However, there are some researches after the 1980s, including the research on transportation mode and public transportation in depopulated regions by Kitajima (1982, 1997), or the collaborative research by Yamamoto and me on the life activities and life consciousness by the elderly in a severely depopulated settlement (Tsutsumi 1994; Yamamoto 1994). Mitani’s research also provided some insights into her analysis of factors relating to the expansion and reduction of elderly people’s life activities and their living sphere (Mitani 1997). Yet, there are few researches that discuss the framework of research related to the living functions in these regions. Therefore, I

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_4

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4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

will discuss this framework in this section and then analyze the important living functions in the depopulated settlements. First, I will mention and consider the previous researches that will be helpful to this discussion. Karl Ruppert and Franz Schaffer of the Munich School of German Social Geography are famous for their geographical research framework that functionally captured regional living.1 Ruppert and Schaffer were the main figures in the Munich school of German Social Geography in the generation following their advisor, Wolfgang Hartke. The overview of their social geographical framework is introduced and summarized in the two literatures by Ruppertand Schaffer (1969) and Maier et al. (1977). The framework is briefly described in this section. A part of the social geographical framework is shown in Fig. 4.1 in Ruppert’s “How to capture social geographical spatial system” (Maier et al. 1977, p. 26). This figure itself is not explained in detail in the literature. Rather, the literature introduces a reference that supports the figure. Hence, I will describe the social geographical framework using this figure with the understanding of their research outcomes. First, the various information surrounding people’s environments is captured as GesamtheitdesInformationssperktrums or the aggregate information spectrum. People developed VorstellungvonderUmwelt or the concept or awareness about the environment using the aggregate information spectrum as the material. People and group of people come to possess a set of values based on this process, but it is mainly evaluated as a guideline image of Leitbild or a leading image, which expresses a set of values or value criteria. This is how people and group of people set values to information (Bewertung). Living a life means activating several essential functions necessary for living. These are called Grunddaseinsfunktionen or fundamental functions for living, which contain seven basic functions: 1. To reside (Wohnen), 2. To labor (Arbeiten), 3. To be supplied (Sich-Versorgen), 4. To be educated (Sich-Bilden), 5. To recreate (Sich-Erholen), 6. To take part in traffic (Verkehrsteilnahme), and 7. To

Fig. 4.1 Social geographical spatial system. Arranged by the author, composed from Ruppert and Schaffer (1969) and Maier et al. (1977)

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live in a community (InGermeinschaftenLeben). These functions were influenced by the Athens Charter by the architect, Le Corbusier (Tsutsumi 1990, 1992a, b, 2004), and created from the viewpoint emphasizing the connection between living and space. Furthermore, the fundamental living function of taking part in traffic is considered to be special in its characteristic because it connects all the other functions. A place of function is needed to exert these functions, and to do so, these functions need a certain amount of surface and space. In other words, these functions cannot actually operate without Flächenanspruch or demand on space. The functions will be able to exist in a three-dimensional space through activation when the demand is met. Then, Raumwirksamkeit or spatial relevance is considered to have been achieved. Behind the exertion of functions and spatial demands, it must not be forgotten that social groups or groups of people with social cohesion exist as SozialgeographischeGruppe, a social geographical group, within which people share certain types of distinctive mark (merkmal). The extent of the place of function where such functions are exerted is affected by Reichweite or the range of the group’s power of influence. It is called Verortung when a function is grounded and becomes spatially positioned through this process. It leads to stability over time and provides sustainability or a process of change. Specifically, the positioning of functions will emerge as a building and positioning of various institutions and facilities. Thus, the pattern of various intertwining functions will be projected in space. This projection will be sustained or change with time, but in this figure, the situation is expressed as if it was a conveyor belt, which is continually moving and exiting. The changing process is captured as a series of various structures. Finally, it will result in the emergence of geprägteLandschaft or landscape as recordkeeping of human activities. One can witness the feedback to value-setting, perception and information in such framework of social geographical spatial system. I will organize the characteristics of the framework here. This framework simply draws an analogy between the social geographical spatial system and a diagram of light and projection. The information is captured as light with various wavelengths shone through a spectroscope, which passes through a perception of environment or a mental map. It then passes through a value-setting lens to focus and project an image of fundamental living functions on a spatial screen. This screen also shifts and moves with time. There, the fundamental living functions are a medium, which reflects people’s intent and actions in space, converts the phenomenon related to information into some kind of shape before values are set. In fact, it is also a mathematical function (Funktion = function) projected onto space. This is how Ruppert and Schaffer used the fundamental living functions to tie together and bear fruit to the idea emphasizing the relationship between Bobek’s lifestyle group and landscape into this diagram. In other words, “the lifestyle groups that are socially recorded as a landscape make up the Gesellschaft society” (Bobek 1948, p. 122). It can be said that this diagram potentially presents a very different approach from sociology in that it emphasizes landscape.2 The model presented by Ruppert and Schaffer is noted as having drawbacks, such as an excessively rigid functionalistic framework that makes vivid analysis difficult,

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or at times criticized for being too much like a “general catalog,” but the fundamental living functions have extracted the important living functions for groups of people who must live in a space. It is assessed that it is impossible to achieve a sense of fulfilling life without sufficient activation of these functions and that this notion is involved in securing the right to life and the concept of deprivation mentioned in this book (Tsutsumi 1992a, b, 2004). The framework that introduced the fundamental living functions is practical and pragmatic, yet it provides a clear guideline as a catalog of analytical methodology for empirical researches on subregions. This functionalistic concept is considered very useful and important when thinking about the directionality of the region from a planning aspect. As a result, the fundamental living functions were introduced into the regional planning perspective of the geography curriculum in some parts of the regions in former West Germany (Tsutsumi 1992a, b). However, it is more realistic to first focus on the reality and changes of fundamental living functions, in other words, basic living functions for residence, labor, supplies, education, recreation, transportation, and regional society life listed here, rather than for the entire framework when envisioning the research study on actual population outflowing areas like those in this book. From this perspective, I already mentioned the follow-up research on the migrants from a mountain village and a coal mine region with the municipalities as a mesoscale unit in the previous two chapters. Yet, when researching the living conditions in severely depopulated regions, a research at a more microlevel, at a settlement level, for example, is important in that the researchers can study the reality and changes to the fundamental living functions, the situation of deprivation, and measures by the groups of residents that can respond to these problems. The following three activities are considered vital, the minimum requirements to live in the population outflowing areas where the elderly tend to gather: 1. Daily shopping (purchase), 2. Hospital visits, and 3. Transportation to support these actions. These are important part of survival, which is the foundation of life. Therefore, I will present a discussion based on these viewpoints in this chapter. Next, I considered the analysis of severely depopulated regions from the viewpoint of life structure theory that has been advocated in the fields of sociology and rural sociology. First, I referenced the research on life structure in a rural society by Akihiko Hasegawa who presented the framework for life structure theory (Hasegawa 1997, specifically “Chapter 1 Concepts Relating to Life and the Old System of Life” pp. 21– 46). Hasegawa defined life structure as “the combination of elements that make up life. While the system of life is a system that includes life conditions, the life structure is a system made up of the association of life actions. The concept of life structure includes the term structure, because it signifies combined components.” The components of life structure are divided into “fundamental life structure” and “associated life structure” (Hasegawa 1997, p. 23). Fundamental life structure means “labor” which is “the most basic life actions and domains as the essential elements in life structure” as well as “rest” and “leisure”(Hasegawa 1997, p. 24). In contrast, associated life structure means activities in which the life condition becomes either one of the two opposites: “idle,” in which the life condition becomes apathetic and

4.1 Analytical Perspective Relating to Living Functions in Depopulated Regions

111

Fig. 4.2 Elements in the fundamental life structure (Created by the author after Hasegawa 1997)

insignificant or “active,” in which the life condition becomes energetic and full of vitality. It either kills or provides life to the “fundamental life structure” (Hasegawa 1997, pp. 24–25) (Fig. 4.2). According to Hasegawa’s theory, the three elements included in the fundamental life structure are important and basic. The associated life structure exists outside of the fundamental life structure and is of a dimension that can influence the “life or death” of the fundamental life structure. In Hasegawa’s framework, the problems lie in first naming labor and then rest and leisure as the elements of fundamental life structure (or actions), which is probably not sufficient. For example, the position of labor will be different when considering the life structure of the elderly. The importance of labor as a way to obtain life resources can be understood, but various functions, such as those from the previously mentioned fundamental living functions, should be considered assuming a wide range of people. It should also be considered that the importance and association of elements inside fundamental life structure will vary depending on the life structure analysis. However, the points Hasegawa raises as the “associated living functions”—in other words, admitting to the existence of substructure’s adjustment function—are important. This part specifically relates to the activities of the independent settlement residents and will be discussed in part III of this book. Hasegawa further presents the entire life situation surrounding life structure as a “life system” and provides a framework that shows that life structure is run by individuals, families, regional societies, or entire society, while at times creating conflicts, and is surrounded by various structures like industry, politics, society, and culture.3 In this way, the life structure can be assessed for being positioned inside an entire society and for being organized as a subsystem that is related to life, which functions inside a social system. Furthermore, Akihiko Hasegawa is a sociologist who focuses on the rural landscape and

112

4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

changes to the land use system in rural villages, which are of geographical interest. Hence, his research is very intriguing to the field of geography as well(Hasegawa et al. 1996; Hasegawa 1997). Tsutomu Yamamoto is another sociologist who has conducted empirical regional studies related to depopulated rural villages from the standpoint of life structure theory. He has so far analyzed family relationships, social participation, regional awareness, and suicide issues in depopulated rural villages (Yamamoto 1994, 1996). This chapter is linked to Yamamoto’s research, because it is based on the outcome of the collaboration research divided between Yamamoto et al. and me. I was in charge of researching the living sphere and the living environment in a depopulated settlement. He researched the most important elements in life structure, specifically the natural environment, the medical institutions, the workplace, and the educational environment. Below, I provide an overview of the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture, and analyzes the living environment and problems in life in depopulated regions, particularly those that limit activities, such as daily shopping (purchases), hospital visits, and transportation (mode of transportation), which supports the previous two activities. It is based on the collaboration research on living functions and living sphere conducted in November, 1993 at severely depopulated settlements.

4.2 Depopulated Region in Shimane Prefecture 38 towns and villages out of 59 cities, towns, and villages (64.4%) in Shimane Prefecture had been designated as a depopulated region by 1992 (Fig. 4.3). Based on the 1990 census, the population of the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture was 192,985 people, the area was 4,383.58 km2 , and the population density was 44.0 people per km2 . This meant that 24.7% of the population in Shimane Prefecture belonged to the population of the depopulated regions, which account for 66.1% of the area of the entire prefecture, and the population density in the depopulated regions was extremely sparse compared to the population density of 117.9 people per km2 in the entire Shimane Prefecture. These regions are also areas designated as depopulated by various, multiple development acts other than the Depopulation Act (Table 4.1). These are areas with a harsh natural environment, such as mountain villages, remote islands, peninsulas, and heavy snowfall areas. The core industries in these areas are agriculture, forestry, and fisheries. The characteristics of depopulation in Shimane Prefecture are outlined here based on the theory about depopulated region models and stages are laid out in Chap. 2 of this book. I integrated the previous theories and reviewed the characteristics of depopulation in Shimane Prefecture based on population mobility and composition. The population outflow from Shimane Prefecture had progressed as people left the village with their entire family, leading to a notable population decrease with a decrease in the number of households.

4.2 Depopulated Region in Shimane Prefecture

113

Fig. 4.3 Distribution of depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture (1992)

There are about three historical and socioeconomic characteristics unique to Shimane Prefecture. These characteristics cannot be ignored as the background to population outflow when questioning the population outflow from Shimane Prefecture. (1) Stock tenant farming, in which the landlord controlled the tenant with very strong, unprecedented authority in all areas of society, politics, and economy, existed until after World War II (Takahashi 1951). (2) Whereas tatara iron manufacturing, which was a traditional and primitive iron making way using charcoal and iron sand, created landlords of large mountain forests, the foundation of shared forests that can strengthen social ties of settlements and villages and sustain their livelihood was traditionally weak (Fujita 1981). Therefore, the social ties in rural villages tended to be weak. (3) The fuelwood industry with expansive broadleaf forests was associated with tatara iron manufacturing and was one of the important industries. With such regional characteristics shaped by history as a backdrop, it can be said that the collapse of the fuelwood industry (charcoal making) and the fuelwood forestry business, as well as natural disasters like the Sampachi Snow Stormin 1963 (Sampachi means 38. The year of 1963 in Christian era corresponds to Showa 38 in Japanese era name), directly and indirectly caused a radical population outflow from Shimane Prefecture. The population decrease trend had slowed slightly since the rapid economic growth period, but the future decline in regional vitality is of concern, because the remaining population is rapidly aging and young people are not settling in the rural villages. Based on the conversation between me and Kichiro Norimoto, who introduced the three-step theory of depopulation earlier (Norimoto 1981), there appear

114

4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

Table 4.1 Description of 38 towns/villages designated as depopulated areas in Shimane Prefecture Classification of designation

Applicable law

Remote region

Act on Special Financial Measures for Comprehensive Development of Public Facilities for Distant Areas

Land with specific soil

Act on Temporary Measures concerning Disaster Management and Development of Particular Soil Zones

38 (all area)

Rural area

Act on Promotion of Introduction of Industry into Agricultural Regions

38 (all area)

Mountain village to be promoted

Mountain Villages Development Act

Areas applied with remote island promotion measures

Remote Islands Development Act

Areas applied with peninsula Peninsular Areas Development promotion measures Act

Number and area of designated towns/villages in Shimane Prefecture 38 (part of the total area)

30 (including partial designatio) 7 (all area) 1 (all area)

Areas applied with agriculture promotion measures

Act on Establishment of Agricultural Promotion Regions

37 (all area)

Underdeveloped region in industrial development

Act on Promotion of Industrial Development in Underdeveloped Regions

8 (all area)

Heavy snowfall area

Act on Special Measures concerning Counter measures for Heavy Snowfall Areas

15 (all area)

Data from the municipal promotion office in Shimane Prefecture

to be depopulated mountain villages that had entered the third and final stage of the depopulation process. Figure 4.4 illustrates the depopulation process in Shimane Prefecture. Next, the following points are suggested when closely reviewing the characteristics of depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture from the population decrease and aging perspectives based on the government report on the depopulation, “The Current State of Depopulation Measures”: (1) The population decrease tended to be particularly intense until about 1970, but it had slowed since then. However, there were signs that the population decrease intensified once again. The population decrease rates in Shimane Prefecture from 1960 to 1965 and 1965 to 1970 were higher than the national average in the depopulated regions, but they were consistently lower since then. However, as previously mentioned, the population decrease trend nationwide was starting to become pronounced once again in recent years, and the same can be seen in the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture. The population decrease rate had risen in the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture

4.2 Depopulated Region in Shimane Prefecture

115

Fig. 4.4 Depopulation process in Shimane Prefecture from 1.9% in 1980 to 1985 (the national average was 3.6%) to 5.1% in 1985 to 1990 (the national average was 5.7%). (2) The elderly ratio was high and young people (15- to 29-year-old population) ratio was quite low in 1990. When the depopulated regions were examined by each of the 47 prefectures, the ratio of the elderly in the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture was the fourth highest in the nation, and the ratio of young people was the lowest in the nation. (3) There were regional differences in the advancement of depopulation within Shimane Prefecture. For instance, the problem of population outflow and aging in Iwami and Oki Islands was far graver compared with Izumo. The numbers from 1990 showed that Chibu Village from Oki Islands had a high percentage of elderly population (35.4%) and ranked 6th place out of 1,199 depopulated cities, towns, and villages in Japan (from 1992 data). Hasumi Village from Iwami District was ranked 12th place (33%). Chibu Village also came in first place for settlement with the lowest percentage of young people, Hikimi Town came in 4th place (5.4%). Hasumi Village was ranked 6th place (5.9%), Yamato Village was ranked 17th place (7.2%), and Nishinoshima Town in Oki District was ranked 20th place (7.4%). From these statistics, it can be said that the aging progression and the remarkable decrease in young population in Iwami and Oki Districts are further advancing and that they are in a severely depopulated state. In reality, there are still many towns and villages showing a high population decrease rate exceeding the national average, particularly in Iwami and Oki Districts. For example, there were 18 towns and villages in Shimane Prefecture that had a decrease rate higher than the national average of 5.7% from 1985 to 1990. In fact, 17 out of 18 towns and villages were from Iwami and Oki Districts. Furthermore, 11 of these towns and villages had a decrease rate of more than 8.0%. Therefore, while the population decrease trend appeared to be slowing in Shimane Prefecture overall, there were towns and villages that continued to experience radical population decrease when examined at the town and village level. This point must not be overlooked, because the collapse of regional society occurs exactly at the village or settlement level. It means that while the researchers were distracted by the slowing of population outflow from Shimane Prefecture, there was a considerably high rate of population decrease happening at the same time in multiple towns and villages right under their noses, even if the absolute number may not have been substantial. The researchers must strongly recognize the fact that depopulation has reached the ultimate stage where it is paralyzing a significant degree of regional social functions.

116

4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

Thus, I have described the depopulated regions and depopulation phenomenon in Shimane Prefecture. As it is apparent from the discussions up to now, the situation faced by the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture is extremely dire. In Shimane Prefecture, the vicious cycle of reduced reproduction and decline of regional function (Adachi 1970) is worsening, and expressed as “depopulation begets depopulation” (Kamino 1970, p. 17) and continues to worsen the welfare environment for the remaining population in the depopulated regions. The period between the Third Comprehensive National Development Plan (also known as “Sanzenso”. Planned in 1977) and the Fourth Comprehensive National Development Plan (also known as “Yonzenso”. Planned in 1987), and the period following the call for the “Promotion of Multi-Polar DistributionDevelopment of National Land” were important times to think about the scale in which the depopulated regions should be considered. This was when the momentum to focus on the independence of depopulated settlements from the residents’ side was fostered as they reconsidered whether or not it would actually contribute to the residents’ welfare in depopulated regions where there are many elderly population and where more young residents are desired that the idea to create a miniaturized depopulated region within a depopulated region by implementing a concentrated, miniaturized policy in cities, towns, and villages. This chapter is the outcome of the research conducted in 1993 commissioned by the Municipal Promotion Office in Shimane Prefectural Government and the Council on Measures Against Depopulated Regions of the Shimane Prefectural Association of Towns and Villages to inspect the history of the policies of depopulated regions and to envision the future with these perspectives. Here, I presented the results from the analysis of the survey conducted on the residents of the depopulated regions and discussed the living functions and the living environment as the point of focus.

4.3 Research Purpose and Method The survey was conducted to understand the current state of resident’s life in a depopulated region and to clarify the facts and awareness of the region’s living environment, living sphere, and living functions. The research was called the Research for Building a Comfortable Community. With the advancing depopulation already shown in Fig. 4.4, the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture experienced a worsened living environment and limited living functions from the decrease in stores, consolidation of hospitals and schools, reduction and closure of transportation due to population outflow, as the industrial infrastructure weakened especially in agroforestry. In depopulated settlements where elderly people were concentrated, 1. Daily shopping (purchase), 2. Hospital visits, and 3. Transportation to support these activities were important. Especially in regard to transportation, it is necessary to pay attention to the situation where the mobility of the elderly will become even more limited as the public transportation rapidly weakens in depopulated regions, forcing people to rely heavily on private cars (Tsutsumi 2003).

4.3 Research Purpose and Method

117

Taking into account the viewpoint above and referring to previous surveys from each region, I created a survey questionnaire with questions related to living functions, living environment, and living sphere, which were considered important but were not often researched. This survey was revised eight times because it was created to reflect the intent of the researcher, while making it easy for the subjects to respond. The survey was made up of 28 major questions along with several smaller questions. The content roughly included the subject’s attributes and family overview (analyzed by me), family situation, social relationships and social consciousness, regional awareness and life awareness (analyzed by Tsutomu Yamamoto), and living environment and living sphere (analyzed by me). The collection and response rates might be lower if there were too many questions, so we had to drop some questions when we created the questionnaire. The important questions were phrased in a simple question format to elicit a simple response. This was how the questions were selected and used. The survey was designed to be able to extract the limitations of living behaviors from the perspective focusing on living functions and living environment. This research selected the settlements with the severest depopulation out of the 38 towns and villages in Shimane Prefecture that were designated as a depopulated region. The selection criteria were settlements that were quickly losing village functions from decreasing households or population and the rapid aging of the residents. Specifically, the settlements were selected from the criteria from Depopulation Problem Research Project’s ‘Report on Settlement Survey Research’ conducted by the Shimane Prefecture Council for Measures for Depopulated Region in 1991: (1) Settlements with more than a 50% decrease in the number of households between 1960 and 1990 (2) Settlements with more than a 50% decrease in population between 1960 and 1990 (3) Settlements with more than 50% ratio of elderly population (over 65 years old) on April 1, 1991. The settlements that fulfilled at least one of the requirements above and those that the village office determined needed a better understanding of the overall depopulation situation were selected for this research. As a result, 711 households from 42 settlements in 24 towns and villages were researched (total population of 1,699 people). Table 4.2 shows the data of the settlements.4 Figure 4.5 shows the location of the settlements (the numbers in the figure correspond to the settlement numbers from Table 4.2). All the households in the settlements received a survey and were asked to respond. The subjects had to be over 18 years of age. All the settlements were experiencing significant aging and decrease in the number of households and population. More than quarter or 11 out of 42 settlements are located more than 10 km from the government offices, and 19 settlements are located more than 300 m above sea level (estimated) where accessibility in people’s lives was imagined to be challenging.

Name of the settlement

13 Koyabara

14 Kidani

15 Takayama

Nima Town

Kawamoto Town

Kawamoto Town

Ochi Town

20 Shimofusedani

12 Tomo

Nima Town

19 Kamigawa

11 Kojidani

Taki Town

Mizulio Town

10 Nishiakashi

Taki Town

Mizulio Town

9 Kamizuna

Sada Town

18 Aoishi

8 Nabai/Jiryo

Akagi Town

Hasumi Village

7 Hodohara

Kakeya Town

16 Okuyama

6 Satani

Kakeya Town

17 Odokoro

5 Fukuda

Yoshida Village

Hasumi Village

4 Sogi

Yoshida Village

Ochi Town

2 Shimokamokura

3 Ashidani

Nita Town

1 Majishimo

Reference number

Nita Town

Town/Village

Table 4.2 Demographic data on the subject settlements

28.6 50.0* 18.0

49* 16* 33*

11* 7 9* 382

33.3

18* 14* 13* 30*

6* 5* 7* 13*

10 16

34

3.1 7.3

11*

5*

10.2

4.2

10.4

52.9*

72.7*

11*

5

32

24

60.9*

64*

6.7

85.7*

5*

5*

6.5 5.2

54.2*

45.7

20

6.5

5.3

3.5

4.9

8.6

9.0

12.0

17.9

6.1

6.2

5.8

12.1

Distance from the municipality office (km)

36.4

62.5*

46*

8

16*

84.6*

35.7

33.3

38.9

55*

18

9

21*

21.2

27.2

33*

25 12*

17

26.1

Gerontological population ratio (%)

81*

Population

46*

Households

(continued)

330

330

240

200

180

330

160

160

140

150

120

220

340

510

360

500

340

400

360

480

Average height (111)

118 4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

Name of the settlement

36 Kumi

37 Ozuku

38 Minamigata

39 Tai

40 Suga

Tsuma Village

Ama Town

Ama Town

35 Nagaoda

Goka Village

Tsuma Village

34 Futamata

Nichihara Town

Goka Village

33 Ichinotani

Mito Town

Nichihara Town

29 Kubarashimo

Yasaka Village

32 Shirakidani

28 Tanohara

Yasaka Village

Hikimi Town

27 Hodohara

Asahi Town

30 Ogori/Nagahashi

26 Tsukawa 4

Asahi Town

31 Tochihara

25 Tsukawa 5

Kanagi Town

Hikimi Town

24 Noboridani

Sakurae Town

Mito Town

22 Kamigo

23 Nagadoro

Iwanii Town

21 Nonbaradani

Reference number

Iwami Town

Town/Village

Table 4.2 (continued)

27.1

35* 47* 5*

19* 19* 2* 4*

7.0

50.0* 41.7 24.0 40.0 47.0 29.0 58.8*

52* 24* 29* 159* 17* 31*

18 11* 69 11*

51 32*

26 11*

11

9

40.6

12.7

42.0

17*

8

7.5

4.7

5.0

6.7

5.3

9.0

10.0

18.0

19.1

44.0 80.0*

6

10*

3.5

12.0

5.2

9.0

9.0

9*

60.0*

40.4

54.2*

27.0

34 127*

14.3

56.0*

48

39

4.6

7.4

37.0 79.3*

29*

7.1

25.0

Distance from the municipality office (km)

51*

Gerontological population ratio (%)

20*

Population

112*

18

18

20

5*

Households

(continued)

40

80

40

40

40

40

180

300

680

480

180

240

340

400

240

240

510

180

300

300

Average height (111)

4.3 Research Purpose and Method 119

711

37

76

Households

1.699

65

104

Population

8.1

3.8

42.5

9.5

55.4*

Distance from the municipality office (km)

69.0*

Gerontological population ratio (%)

–

50

80

Average height (111)

Asterisk on the right side of the household number shows that the decreasing rate is more than 50% (17 settlements in total) Asterisk on the right side of the population shows that the decreasing rate is more than 50% (35 settlements in total) Asterisk on the right side of the Gerontological population ratio shows that is more than 50% (17 settlements in total) Distance from the municipality office is measured four times with manual and digital curvimeter and averaged. Average height is derived from contour maps

–

42 Tanohara

Total (Average)

Chibu Village

Name of the settlement

41 Kuranodani

Reference number

Nishinosima Town

Town/Village

Table 4.2 (continued)

120 4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

4.3 Research Purpose and Method

121

Fig. 4.5 Location of the settlements

In November, 1993, the survey questionnaires were distributed to 24 municipalities in towns and villages designated as a depopulated region through the Shimane Prefecture’s Council on Measures for Depopulated Regions. The municipal governments to which each settlement belongs distributed the questionnaires to each household. Then, they collected the questionnaires and handed them to the researchers at the Shimane Prefecture’s Council on Measures for Depopulated Regions on December 28 of the same year. The data were coded, inputted into a computer, and checked, and a large-scale computer was used to calculate the basic statistics and cross-tabulation. Afterward, the researchers selected several depopulated towns and villages and conducted interviews. They also conducted a separate research on every household in Yasaka Village, Naka District in Shimane Prefecture, but this chapter will be limited to the analysis of the research on the 42 settlements mentioned above. Table 4.3 illustrates the surveys collected in this research. The number of researched households (644 households) does not match the total number of households in Table 4.2 (711 households), because there was a decrease in the number of households between the time when the research settlements were selected and when the research was conducted. The following sections in this chapter will touch on the results of the basic analysis in this research. It will specifically include basic statistics like the frequency distribution and results from the cross-tabulation. The number of valid responders from the frequency distribution may not match the number of valid responders from the cross-tabulation depending on the combination of items (variables) used to calculate cross-tabulation. Table 4.3 Numbers of surveys collected in this research

Surveyed households

Collected survey questionary 644

Rate of collection 536

83.2%

122

4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

4.4 Attributes and Occupation of the Survey Responders 4.4.1 Responder’s Attributes (1) Residence (Residing Settlement) As stated earlier, there were 536 total survey responders. When the number is broken down by a residential area, there were 106 people from Izumo District (19.8%), 256 people from Iwami District (47.8%), and 174 people from Oki District (32.5%). Residents from Iwami District made up about half of the total and residents from Oki District made up about a third of the total (Fig. 4.6). (2) Age When the age composition of the responders is classified in three ranks (529 valid responders), there were 127 people between the age of 18 and 54 (24.0%), 129 people between the age of 55 and 64 (24.4%), and 271 people over 65 years old (51.6%) (Table 4.4). Figure 4.7 shows a more detailed breakdown of their age composition. 273 people, about half of the responders (51.6%), were over 65 years old, and the average age was 62.2 years old. The responders were relatively old as the median

Fig. 4.6 Residential area of the respondents (settlement location, %)

Table 4.4 Number of respondents by three age group and gender

Age

Gender

Total

Male

Female

65-

159

112

271

55–64

87

42

129

18–54

90

37

127

Total

336

191

527

4.4 Attributes and Occupation of the Survey Responders

123

Fig. 4.7 Age group of the respondents (%)

age was 65.0 years old and 25 percentile of the group was 55.0 years old. The 10- to 40-year-old responders combined only made up 7.4% of the total. (3) Gender Out of the 532 valid responders, 341 people were men (64.1%) and 191 people were women (35.9%). Just under 2/3 of the group were men (Fig. 4.8). When the responders were examined by age and gender, under 50% of the men and almost 60% of the women were elderly people over 65 years old (Ibid, Table 4.4). Fig. 4.8 Gender of the respondents (%)

124

4 Regional Living Functions in Depopulated Settlements in Shimane Prefecture

Fig. 4.9 Residential history of the respondents (%)

(4) Residential History at the Current Town or Village The subjects were asked about their residential history at the town and village where they were living during the research (Fig. 4.9). As a result, the responses obtained showed that 267 people lived in the town or village since birth (53.6%), 29 people were born elsewhere, but grew up in the town or village (5.8%), 18 people moved to the town or village because of a job transfer (3.6%), 92 people moved to the town or village because of marriage (18.5%), and 70 people performed return migration, leaving town or village for school or work and then returning to the town or village (14.1%). 45 of the people who performed return migration were 18 to 54 years old (36.9%), and 19 of them were over 65 years old (7.7%). Therefore, about 60% of the subjects had been living in the town or village for a long time. Also, very few people moved because of job transfer. These phenomena are not often seen in large metropolitan areas (except for lower parts of the city). Almost 20% of the people, predominantly women, moved for marriage. This is broken down into 29 men (31.5%) and 63 women (68.5%). The number of women who lived in their town or village since birth (64 people) and the number of women who moved to the town or village because of marriage (63 people) were almost the same. When this group was studied by age, 79 people out of 92 people were over 55 years old (85.9%), showing that there was a relatively large number of older people relocating from out of town due to marriage. Conversely stated, there was not much inflow of young people due to marriage. 25 people out of 70 return migrants were over 55 years old (35.7%), confirming that the number of relatively old return migrants was not insignificant. More analysis is required to find out how old and at what point the return migration occurred.

4.4 Attributes and Occupation of the Survey Responders

125

Fig. 4.10 Region where the respondents had lived the longest time (%)

(5) Residential History The subjects were asked about the region where they had lived the longest time. 426 people out of 499 valid responders (85.4%) named the settlement in which they were currently residing. When combined with the other settlements in the same town and village, a total of 448 people (about 90%) said that they had the longest residence in the current town or village (Fig. 4.10). 464 people (93%) also responded that they have the longest residential history in Shimane Prefecture. This shows the low mobility of the residents in the current depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture. As a result of the analysis by age, I learned that there was a higher percentage of older people who reported having lived in the current settlement the longest. This was probably due to the lengthened residence in the current location associated with aging. When analyzed by gender, more than 90% of both men and women responded that they have lived in Shimane Prefecture the longest.

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4.4.2 Occupation of the Survey Responder and the Rest of the Household (1) Survey Responder’s Main Occupation and Secondary Occupation 211 people out of 486 valid responders were employed in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries (43.4%), followed by 100 people who were unemployed (20.6%), and 39 people in labor services (8.0%) (Fig. 4.11). Out of the people who worked in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries, only 22 people were between 18 and 54 years old (10.6%), highlighting the aging situation in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries. 85 of the unemployed people (85.9%) were over 65 years old, and majority of them appeared to live off of their pension. When broken down by gender, 164 men (51.3%) worked in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries, 59 women (35.8%) were unemployed, and 26 women (15.7%) were homemakers. 97 people said they had a secondary occupation, and 54 of them worked in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries (55.7%) and 16 of them worked in labor services (16.5%) (Fig. 4.12). When these secondary occupations are examined by age, unlike the trends seen in the main occupation, the agriculture, forestry, and fisheries had the highest responses in each age group. 60% of men and 44.4% of women have listed agriculture, forestry, and fisheries as their secondary occupation.

Fig. 4.11 Main occupation of the respondents (%)

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Fig. 4.12 Side occupation of the respondents (%)

(2) Occupation of the Provider for the Family There were 415 valid responders for the questions regarding the provider for the family. 167 people said they worked in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries (40.2%) and 52 people said they worked in labor services (12.5%) (Fig. 4.13). Agriculture, forestry, and fisheries were the number one occupation for both men and women (46.2% for men and 26.6% for women). In the second place, men listed labor services (14.1%), and women listed unemployed (16.9%). The latter appears to represent the high percentage of elderly households that were made up of elderly women. Agriculture, forestry, and fisheries and labor services carried the most weight across the three forms of occupations described above—the primary occupation and the secondary occupation of the responders and the occupation of the main provider for the family. These points reflect the fact that the core industry of the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture is agriculture, forestry, and fisheries that Shimane Prefecture spent the most money on public works per person in Japan at the time, and they also reflect the natural environment and socioeconomic environment of the regions containing mostly mountain villages and remote islands. Also, it can be said that the high percentage of unemployed people in the primary occupation section was a result of advanced aging.

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Fig. 4.13 Occupation of the provider for the family (%)

(3) Agriculture and the Extent of Operation Out of the 508 valid responders who answered the question, “do you perform agriculture at home?”, 399 people answered “yes” (78.5%), and 109 people responded “no” (21.5%) (Fig. 4.14). This meant almost 80% of the responders farmed at home.

Fig. 4.14 Farming practice of the respondent’s households (%)

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Fig. 4.15 Extent of the respondent’s farming operation (%)

The percentage shown in this research result is quite high since the farming household rate was 25.3% in 1990 according to the “Shimane Prefecture Statistics Report 1989” (published in 1991). Next, they were asked about the extent of their farming operation. The result showed that 71 people out of 375 valid responders were full-time farmers (18.9%), 65 people farmed full time and had a side job (17.3%), 100 people farmed as a side job (26.7%), and 139 people farmed recreationally (37.1%). It can be said that there is a strong trend of full-time farming or farming as a secondary side job compared with the entire prefecture (Fig. 4.15). There were 59,674 farming households in Shimane Prefecture in 1990, but 12.7% of them were full-time farmers (7,597 homes), 8.4% farmed full time and also had a side job (5,003 homes), and 78.9% farmed as a side job (47,074 homes) (ibid, from “Shimane Prefecture Statistics Report 1989”). It is clear that the percentage of people with full-time farming and farming as a primary side job from my research is high. (4) Successor Next, the survey subjects were asked about the existence of succsessors in their businesses in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries, trade and manufacture, and service industries (Fig. 4.16). There were 325 valid responders, and 123 people responded “yes” (37.8%), 102 people responded “no” (31.4%), and a total of 100 people responded “I don’t know” or “it is too early to think about it” (30.7%). Combined with the low rate of young population in Shimane Prefecture’s depopulated regions, one can imagine the severity of the successor problem in these areas in the future. In particular, about 60% of the people without a successor were elderly people over 65 years old. It can

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Fig. 4.16 Existence of successor (agriculture and private practice) (%)

be said that the situation is quite dire considering that even the young or middle-aged responders’ successors can potentially migrate and be gone by the time the business owners age. These were the analyses of the attributive parts of the responders. The results illustrated the typical picture of a depopulated region: 1. The responders are aging, 2. Lack of relocation and migration history, 3. Distinguished by agriculture, forestry, and fisheries, and public works, and 4. Lack of successors. This is the typical picture of a depopulated region.

4.5 Living Sphere and the Evaluation of Living Functions and Living Environment 4.5.1 Evaluation of Living Functions and Living Environment (1) The Current State and the Evaluation of Living Functions and Living Environment One of the main focuses of this survey research was to clarify the current state of living functions and living environment of the residents in the depopulated regions and have them evaluate the living functions and living environment. Specifically, I asked them about 11 items: 1. Abundance of natural environment (Fig. 4.17), 2. Environmental safety (Fig. 4.18), 3. Conditions of medical institutions (Fig. 4.19), 4. Ease of shopping (Fig. 4.20), 5. Comfort at home (Fig. 4.21), 6. Comfort at workplace (Fig. 4.22), 7. Educational environment (Fig. 4.23), 8. Conditions of recreational and

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Fig. 4.17 Respondent’s view about natural environment (%)

Fig. 4.18 Respondent’s view about environmental safety (%)

Fig. 4.19 Respondent’s view about conditions of medical institutions (%)

sports facilities (Fig. 4.24), 9. Overall regional unity (Fig. 4.25), 10. Condition of mutual aid (Fig. 4.26), and 11. Access to transportation (Fig. 4.27). First, the result of the analysis is presented in a series of figures.

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Fig. 4.20 Respondent’s view about ease of shopping (%)

Fig. 4.21 Respondent’s view about comfort at home (%)

Fig. 4.22 Respondent’s view about comfort at workplace (%)

4.5 Living Sphere and the Evaluation of Living Functions and Living Environment Fig. 4.23 Respondent’s view about educational environment (%)

Fig. 4.24 Respondent’s view about conditions of recreational and sports facilities (%)

Fig. 4.25 Respondent’s view about overall regional unity (%)

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Fig. 4.26 Respondent’s view about mutual aid (%)

Fig. 4.27 Respondent’s view about access to transportation (%)

As a result of the research relating to these 11 items, I found that the living functions and living environment evaluation tended to be divided into two polar extremes of good and bad. Age did not factor into 1. “Natural environment” and about 90% of the total subjects responded “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied”. About 80% responded “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” to 10. “Mutual aid” and 2. “Environmental safety,” more than 75% responded “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” to 9. “Overall regional unity,” and about 65% responded “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” to 5. “Comfort at home.” It is easy to see that people lived in a good natural environment with safe political and traffic situations and strong social ties. I conducted a separate research on types of residences (Fig. 4.28), which showed that 96.0% of the people lived in their own house, and more than 90% of the people from each age and gender group lived in their own house.

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Fig. 4.28 Types of residences of respondents (%)

From studying these points, it can be said that the items that are representative of good living functions and living environment in depopulated regions are almost impossible to achieve in the city. The amenities in the rural residential environment specifically include nature and homeownership while the amenities in the urban residential environment include urban conveniences. These are different and exclusive of one another. The percentage of people who were “dissatisfied” or “somewhat dissatisfied” with the regional unity tended to go down as they aged. This aligns with Tsutomu Yamamoto’s (1994) research result (refer to Sect. 4.6 of this chapter), which indicated that a person’s attachment to a region increased as they aged. More than 80% of the people were “dissatisfied” or “somewhat dissatisfied” with 11. “Access to transportation,” 7. “Educational environment,” and 4. “Ease of shopping,” and more than 70% of the people were dissatisfied” or “somewhat dissatisfied” with 8. “Conditions of recreational and sports facilities,” 3. “Conditions of medical institutions,” and 6. “Comfort at workplace.” The percentage of people who were “dissatisfied” or “somewhat dissatisfied” with 3. “Conditions of medical institutions” was 69.4% for people over 65 years old, and 81.8% for both the 18- to 54-year-old age group and the 55- to 64-year-old age group. It is clear that the poor regional medical conditions were very strongly recognized by not just the elderly people but by the young and middle-aged people as well. As stated at the beginning of this chapter, the study revealed that the population outflow regions like these settlements where elderly people gather are actually suffering poor conditions in the following three functions, despite the fact they are extremely

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important part of fundamental life and survival: 1. Daily shopping (purchases), 2. Hospital visits, and 3. Transportation to support the previous two activities. Furthermore, 82.1% of people over 65 years old were “dissatisfied” or “somewhat dissatisfied” with 3. “Comfort at workplace,” which was much higher than the percentages of young people between 18 and 54 years old (66.9%) and middleaged people between 55 and 64 years old (65.8%). It is evident that the employment environment is extremely poor even for the elderly people. When people who were “dissatisfied” or “somewhat dissatisfied” were studied by gender, there were three items in which there was more than a five-point difference between men and women. Men gave a lower rating for 5. “Comfort at home” and 8. “Conditions of recreational and sports facilities,” and women gave a lower rating for 3. “Medical institutions,” 6. “Comfort at workplace,” and 9. “Overall regional unity.” This expressed the differences in statuses, lifestyle, and values between genders. Next, the subjects were asked to name the three most important items in order from the 11 above that were related to living functions and living environment. With 331 valid responders, the items most selected for first place were 3. “Medical institutions” (33.3%), 1. “Natural environment” (24.2%), and 2. “Environment safety” (11.2%) (Fig. 4.29). When studied by age, the over 65 and the 55 to 64 age groups both selected 3. “Medical institutions,” 1. “Natural environment,” and 11. “Access to transportation,” in that order. Majority of the working-age population between 18 and 54 years old gave similar responses, however, they replaced 11. “Access to transportation” with 6. “Comfort at workplace.” When studied by gender, more

Fig. 4.29 Most important items related to living functions and living environment (%)

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Fig. 4.30 Second most important items related to living functions and living environment (%)

than half of both men and women chose 3. “Medical institutions” and 1. “Natural environment” as most important. 320 valid responders selected 2. “Environmental safety” (18.8%), 3. “Medical institutions” (17.8%), 6. “Comfort at workplace” (12.8%), and 4. “Ease of shopping” (12.2%) as the next most important items to consider (Fig. 4.30). Over 40% of the men selected either 3. “Medical institutions” or 2. “Environmental safety,” and more than 30% of the women selected either 4. “Ease of shopping” or 2. “Environmental safety.” In third place, with 313 valid responders, the items selected varied across the board compared with the first and second place results (Fig. 4.31). The items selected for first, second, and third places were scored weighted (three points for first place items, two points for second place items, and one point for third place items. Each item was totaled and then multiplied by the frequency of selection). The scores are presented in Fig. 4.32. From these data, it can be said that people widely and strongly desired improvement of 3. “Medical institutions.” Surprisingly, a total of 53.2% of the people were “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” with the current overall living functions and living environment (Fig. 4.33). However, people tended to complain less with age. Furthermore, 49.7% of the men were “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” while 60% of women were “satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” with the current overall living functions and living environment. In any case, considering that many of the responders were elderly, many people may think that they are most comfortable in the land where they grew up, even if they were somewhat dissatisfied with their current situation. Combined with Tsutomu Yamamoto’s point (mentioned previously; Yamamoto 1994) about people’s

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Fig. 4.31 Third most important items related to living functions and living environment (%)

Fig. 4.32 Important items related to living functions and living environment from residents’ viewpoint

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Fig. 4.33 Overall evaluation for living functions and living environment by respondents (%)

increasing attachment to a region as they age, people may get accustomed to the region or develop a sense of resignation. Behind this may be the fact that their ability to move is lowered with age, but Tsutomu Yamamoto, who was in charge of the other parts of this research, reported that there was an excess of elderly people migrating out of Shimane Prefecture than migrating into the prefecture in 1992 (excess of 134 migrants over 65 years old. To be discussed below). (2) The Problems of Maintaining Living Functions and Living Environment in the Depopulated Regions of Shimane Prefecture The following three items can be expected when summarizing the research results above: 1. Overall, the conditions, such as the abundance of natural environment, environmental safety, and comfort of living are favorable in the living functions and living environment of the researched depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture. This is reflected by the fact that the majority of these regions are rural villages that are relatively alienated from problems like traffic accidents and pollution from cities and industrial zones. Strong village communities and social ties still remain in these areas and they are evaluated as having strong regional unity and mutual aid. 2. Social overhead capital, infrastructure, and the workplace conditions such as employment are very poor in living functions and living environment in such depopulated regions. The maintenance of basic social overhead capitals and infrastructure, such as access to transportation, educational environment, ease of shopping, and medical institutions continue to be poor. The maintenance situation of facilities for resident’s hobbies, recreation, and sports are also said to

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be lagging. The improvement in the employment conditions is also raised as an issue that needs to be addressed. 3. The items 1 and 2 above are, in a sense, conflicting. However, it should be pointed out that realistic governmental challenges must consider making full use of the comfortable environment in rural villages from item 1, and maintaining the social overhead capitals from item 2. It is believed that the unique and local wisdom and agent activities from each region will be critical.

4.5.2 Living Functions and Living Sphere I will mention the resident’s living functions and living sphere in this section. The subjects were specifically asked about shopping, medical visits, and the location and ways to get to work or school. I added two items to the shopping category: gifts, which represent specialty items and luxury good, and large electronics, which represent durable goods. I also added primary care for regular hospital visits and urgent care for major illness or injury to the medical category. (1) Shopping More than 85% of the people bought gifts and large electronics in “another settlement inside the same town or village” or in a “neighboring city, town, or village.” However, most people bought large electronics in another city, town, or village (Figs. 4.34 and 4.35).

Fig. 4.34 Place to buy gifts (%)

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Fig. 4.35 Place to buy large electronics (%)

More than 60% of the people who purchased gifts or large electronics used their own car as their mode of transportation, while more than 10% rode the transit bus, and more than 8% took a taxi. It is easy to see that it is inconvenient to live in a depopulated region without a car, and that buses and taxis are very important to the elderly (Figs. 4.36 and 4.37). A study of the age groups shows that people started shopping closer in “another settlement inside the same town or village” rather than in a “neighboring city, town, or village” as they aged, and the percentage of people traveling by car decreased as they aged. The elderly people were more dependent on buses and taxis, and it is clear that they are starting to become limited in mobility. (2) Medical Visits Fig. 4.36 Mode of transportation to buy gifts (%)

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Fig. 4.37 Mode of transportation to buy large electronics (%)

More than 90% of the people chose a primary care hospital in “another settlement inside the same town or village” or in a “neighboring city, town or village” and majority of these people (46.5%) selected a hospital in “another settlement inside the same town or village” (Fig. 4.38). However, the percentage of people selecting a hospital in a “neighboring city, town, or village” (64.6%) or “other area of the prefecture” (16.2%) increased the case of “major illness or injury.” Only 11.9% selected a hospital in “another settlement inside the same town or village,” which

Fig. 4.38 Place of primary care hospital (%)

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Fig. 4.39 Place of hospital in the case of major illness or injury (%)

probably refers the central settlement inside the village (Fig. 4.39). In the case of a life-threatening illness or injury, the residents had to go to a larger general hospital in other central regions due to concerns of facility and technology. People traveled to their primary care hospital by car (64.9%), transit bus (12.8%), or taxi (10.5%) (Fig. 4.40). They traveled to the urgent care hospital by car (51.3%), taxi (18.5%), or transit bus (9.6%). The rate of taxi usage increased when going to the urgent care hospitals (Fig. 4.41). The fact that almost 10% of the people take the transit bus when they are severely ill must be influenced by the characteristics of the depopulated region with a high rate of elderly people. People started seeking primary care in a closer location as they aged, but in the case of a severe illness, 18.3% of the people, even when they were over 65 years old, still selected hospitals in “other area of the prefecture,” which are believed to be more remote than the hospitals in a neighboring city, town, or village. Here, the older people again tended to depend heavily on buses and taxis. Less than 10% of the people shopped and received medical care in the settlement where they currently resided, resulting in very low sufficiency of shopping and medical functions at these settlements. Only 2.3% of the people could walk to their primary care hospital, which shows that these depopulated regions from the research were in a completely different situation than the situation in large cities. (3) Workplace and Transportation Mode of the Main Provider for the Family About half of the main providers for the family worked in “another settlement inside the same town or village” (46.8%), followed by “current settlement” (25.4%) and “neighboring city, town, or village” (19.0%) (Fig. 4.42). These results reflect the fact

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Fig. 4.40 Mode of transportation to go to primary care hospital (%)

Fig. 4.41 Mode of transportation to go to hospital in the case of major illness or injury (%)

that the central settlement inside the town or village or other city, town, and village are important places of employment and that most people working in agroforestry tended to work in the settlement where they currently resided.

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Fig. 4.42 Workplace of the main provider for the family (%)

More than 70% of the people used their own car as a mode of transportation perhaps reflecting the age of the commuter or the working people. 7.7% of the people walked to work, which was considered relatively high compared with other items (Fig. 4.43). However, the percentage of providers for the family who traveled by car lowered, while the percentage of walking commuters increased as they became more elderly. This illustrates how the mobility limitation increased with age.

Fig. 4.43 Transportation mode of the main provider for the family (%)

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Fig. 4.44 School commute of high school and college students (%)

(4) School Commute and Transportation Mode Finally, one family member older than a high school student from each household was asked about their commute to school. The number of people went to school in “another settlement inside the same town or village” (35.7%) was the same as the number of people who went to school in a “neighboring city, town, or village” (35.7%) (Fig. 4.44). Like other social overhead capitals, the access (proximity) to secondary school and higher education was generally not great in depopulated regions. This forced some of the high school, junior college, and college students to attend and commute to a faraway school or live in a dormitory, which made them potential future migrants (Kamitsue Village from Chap. 3 of this book is also in the same predicament). The result of this research also showed that the depopulated regions in Shimane Prefecture were in a similar situation. About half of them used either the train or the transit bus, and more than a quarter use their own car for their mode of transportation (Fig. 4.45). As there were relatively few young people in the depopulated regions, the number of households with commuters responding to the surveys is thought to be small. As a result, there were less than 30 valid responders for this question (Ibid, 28 people responded to the commuting destination question, 25 people responded to the transportation mode question). In the analysis of (1)–(4) above, I saw that men generally had a wide range of activities, while women were limited to a narrow range of activities. Also, men heavily relied on a car, while the women relied more on taxis or public transportation like the train and the transit bus. This trend was apparent especially when they had to go shopping or go to medical visits.

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Fig. 4.45 School transportation mode of high school and college students (%)

(5) Problems in Improving the Living Sphere in the Depopulated Regions of Shimane Prefecture The result from the research on the living environment, the living sphere, and the living functions above shed light on the state of the depopulated regions. It also became apparent that the accessibility problem prohibited living functions from exerting. It is a challenge to maintain “amenities” while living under these circumstances. These points are summarized below: 1. In the depopulated regions of Shimane Prefecture, people were satisfied with the natural environment and public safety, but they were dissatisfied with the conditions of facilities offering basic living functions, such as shopping, medicine, education, and labor. These living functions are of an area that has seen a decline with the population outflow. The decline in function affected not only just the commercial services but also the public works and the governmental services. 2. Relatively high percentage of people used cars when accessing places and functions that fulfilled the basic life actions above, yet elderly people, students, and women were quite dependent on public transportation like the transit bus. Generally speaking, this class of people was already strongly characterized as people with mobility limitations, but their mobility was further limited, because the public transportation service function had weakened in the depopulated regions. 3. The future challenges in the governmental services are to maintain a place where the basic life actions are guaranteed, upgrade transportation mode and transportation environment to exert these functions. However, a different mechanism than before must be considered with all the structural reform, administrative and financial reform, and municipal mergers. For example, a partial payment system for the beneficiary of traditional public services by a settlement coalition could be in sight. However, the system must not forget to include the viewpoint of ensuring the lives of the elderly, the students, and the women. The actual challenge is in figuring out how to maintain these areas offered by the public services

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as the municipal budget becomes tighter. It is believed that it is more realistic to rely on the collectives of residents, private sectors, and NPO’s with a track record to maintain the functions, and not just on the government. As will be discussed later, the roles that the social ties and the newly defined social capitals can play in the redistribution of settlement and regional society will become an important challenge in this case.

4.6 Challenges in the Living Function Research in the Depopulated Settlements In this chapter, I presented the results of the analysis on a research related to the resident attributes, the living functions, the living environment, and the living sphere in 42 depopulated settlements in Shimane Prefecture. The research elucidated one aspect of reality that the depopulated settlement residents were facing. The attributes of the survey responders from these settlements showed that people were aging and that they were predominantly employed in the primary sector of industry and public works. Also, it was plain that there was a lack of successors in agriculture and independent businesses, and difficulty in sustaining industrial infrastructure and livelihood. Furthermore, people had a long history of residence in their local settlement, and they tended to become more attached to the region as they aged.5 They were satisfied with their homeownership and their residential environment as well as the natural environment, but these were exclusive of the urban conveniences. There is a possibility of there being a settlement reorganization or even deserted settlements in the future as the depopulated settlements continue to shrink. The results from the collaborative research by Tsutomu Yamamoto and I demonstrated that the size of the households continued to become smaller and more than 40% of the households were made up of a single elderly person or the husband and wife. The traditional safeguard format of the three-generational households has been dismantled, weakening the family network that supported the elderly. The researchers outlined the three basic categories of social welfare as: 1. self-help in which welfare is performed by yourself or by family, 2. Mutual help in which welfare is performed through human relationships or helping one another in the settlement, 3. public help in which public welfare is offered by the government. They pointed out that the traditional format relating to self-help was falling apart in the researched settlements (Yamamoto 1994, pp. 40–44). Since self-help welfare presented by Tsutomu Yamamoto is breaking down amidst the structural reform, administrative and financial reform, and municipal mergers, a more efficient and streamlined public help is needed to maintain the basic living functions in the depopulated settlements, particularly those of the elderly. This may be the new era in which we should consider a measure that focuses on settlement reorganization to improve accessibility while considering the balance between the three categories of welfares and how mutual help (includes the functions of external NPO’s, and not just of regional society) should support the weakening parts of self-help and

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public help. As population decrease, aging, regional deprivation, and reduced social network worsen in these regions, we must keep in mind that the quality of depopulated region problems partially changes, and that we need to create measures and organize issues based on futuristic projections as we conduct researches that fit the trends of depopulation. Notes 1. Refer to the original publication by Maier et al. (1977) or the translated articles by Yamamoto (1981) and Tsutsumi (1990, 1992a, b, 2004) for more information about the Munich school of German Social Geography. 2. The rural sociologist, Eitaro Suzuki had already highlighted the multiplicity of family and social groups in a rural society by combining functional classification and scale(Suzuki 1940, pp. 208–242 and pp. 299–393). It is well known that he developed the concept of natural village as a unified whole comprised of accumulation of social groups and accumulation of individual social relationships. According to Suzuki, the rural households in the Japanese rural villages have seven main functions based on 1. Sexual contentment and reproduction, 2. Production and consumption groups, 3. Welfare institutes for the old, the young, the sick, and the weak, 4. Educational institutions, 5. Religious communities, 6. Recreational and skill development facilities, and 7. Stocks and other social rights and obligations. The social groups of a rural village include 1. Administrative regional associations, 2. Shrine parishioner groups, 3. Buddhist temple supporter groups, 4. ko (religious associations), 5. Neighborhood associations, 6. Economic groups, 7. Public official groups, 8. Consanguineous groups, 9. Common interest groups, and 10. Class groups. It is very interesting that many of Ruppert and Schaffer’s fundamental living functions overlap with Suzuki’s rural household functions presented here (discussed later in Chap. 6, part III of this book). 3. The four types of industrial, political, social, and cultural structures recall the similarity relationship with Parson’s AGIL paradigm and Tominaga’s (1990) modernization theory (captures Japanese modernization from four aspects of economy, politics, society, and culture). Refer to Chap. 2, part I of this book. 4. This is a rough estimate of data that calculates the distance to public offices and the average elevation. It is clear that these settlements are located in a region with declining public transportation and less than ideal accessibility. Moreover, 13 out of 42 settlements were excluded from the 1995 farming village card data, because they experienced a further decrease in the number of farming households. Some of these settlements may already be deserted today. 5. Yamamoto (1994) analyzed the regional awareness and life awareness of the residents in the depopulated settlements. He studied the following five points on regional awareness: 1. Desire to participate in the region, 2. Attachment to the region, 3. Decision to settle in the region, 4. Future vision of the region, and 5. demand for the local government. As a result, there was a strengthening trend of 1. Desire to participate in the region, 2. Attachment to the region, and 3. Decision

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to settle in the region among the young and middle-aged people, late middle-aged people, and the elderly people in that order. However, according to the research in 1992 conducted at the prefectural level in Shimane Prefecture, there were three age groups for which the number of outflow migrants exceeded the number of inflow migrants (social decrease) when population migration was studied by age groups (5-year increments until 65 years old). The 15- to 19-year-old age group had the greatest number of excess outflow migrants (3,594 people), followed by the 20- to 24-year-old age group (466 people). There was one more age group with excessive outflow of migrants, and this was the over 65-year-old age group (134 people). This highlighted the fact that the elderly people involuntarily had to move despite their attachment to the region and their wish to live there for the rest of their lives. This came as a shock to the staff who were in charge of the depopulation measures at the Municipal Promotion Office in Shimane Prefecture when the researchers presented this research at the debriefing session held by Shimane Prefecture Council for Measures for Depopulated Region in 1994 (Yamamoto 1994; Tsutsumi 1994). This was because Shimane Prefecture had been focusing on the policy to attract young residents, but it became apparent that they needed to consider the elderly residents as well. About 55–56% of the young and middle-aged people, the late middle-aged people, and the elderly people each selected “worsen” in response to 4. “future vision of the region.” 64.0% of the young and middle-aged people, 62.4% of the late middle-aged people, and 57.9% of the elderly people felt frustrated with the local government under 5. “demand for local government.” The percentage of responders who responded as such decreased slightly as the age group went up, but these are certainly not a small number. Yamamoto believes that this is due to the poor environment surrounding the elderly(Yamamoto 1994, pp. 51–52).

References Adachi I (1970) The actual state of depopulation: what is the depopulation and what is happening in it? (Kaso no jittai: Kaso toha nanika, sokode nani ga okite iruka). Jurist 455: 21–25 (featuring “depopulation”) (Tokushu “kaso”) (in Japanese) Bobek H (1948) Stellung und Bedeutung der Sozialgeographie. Erdkunde 2:118–125 Fujita Y (1981) Japanese mountainous villages (Nihon no Sanson), Chijin Shobo (in Japanese) Hasegawa A (1997) Villages in modernization: living structure and group of rural community (Kindaika no naka no Sonraku: Noson Shakai no Seikatsu Kozo to Shudan Soshiki). Nihon Keizai Hyoronsha (in Japanese) Hasegawa A, Fujisawa K, Takemoto T, Arahi Y (eds) (1996) Landscape and group of depopulated region (Kaso Chiiki no Keikan to Shudan). Nihon Keizai Hyoronsha (in Japanese) Kamino S (1970) Mountainous problem as depopulation problem (Kaso mondai to shiteno sanson mondai). For Econ (Ringyo Keizai) 264:7–20 (especially p. 15.) (in Japanese) Kitajima O (1982) The transportation problem in depopulated area: a case study of Ochi-gun, Shimane Prefecture (Kaso chiiki ni okeru kotsu kikan no kino: Shimane-ken Ochi-gun wo jirei ni site). Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo) 28-3:37–54 (in Japanese)

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Kitajima O (1997) Problem of public transportation in depopulated area and bus transportation as an alternative (Kaso chiiki no kokyo kotsu mondai to haishi daitai basu). In: Ukita N (ed) Living in local culture (Chiiki bunka wo ikiru). Taimeido, pp 65–84 (in Japanese) Maier J, Paesler R, Ruppert K, Schaffer F (1977) Sozialgeographie (Das Geographische Seminar). Westermann Mitani K (1997) Daily-life behavior of elderly people in depopulated mountain villages –a case study of two settlements in Mizuho-cho, Shimane prefecture, Japan (Kaso sanson ni okeru koreisha no seikatsu kodo: Shimane-ken Mizuho-cho no ni shuraku wo jirei to shite) Geographical Science (Chiri-Kagaku) 52(1):43–58 (in Japanese) Norimoto K (1981) ‘Village’, ‘Home’ and Agriculture (Mura to Ie to No). San’ichi Shobo (in Japanese) Ruppert K, Schaffer F (1969) Zur Konzeption der Sozialgeographie. Geographische Rundschau 21(6):205–214 Suzuki E (1940) Princ Jpn Rural Sociol (Nippon Noson Shakaigaku Genri). Jichosha (in Japanese) Takahashi K (1951) Stock tenant farming system, structure of tanabe family (Tatara Iron Manufacturer) and Agrarian reform in Shimane Prefecture (Shimane-ken ni okeru Kabukosaku Seido to Tanabeke (Tesshi) no Kosei narabini Nochi Kaikaku no Eikyo). Investigation Committee for Agricultural Administration (Nosei Chosakai) (in Japanese) Tominaga K (1990) Japan’s modernization and social change: Tübingen lectures (Nihon no Kindaika to Shakai Hendo: Teyubingen Kogi), (Kodansha Book Club). Kodansha (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1990) Note about German social geography: dispute between Ruppert, Schaffer and Leng (Doitsu shakai chirigaku ni kansuru ichi noto: Ruppert, Schaffer to Leng tono ronso). Research Report of Sasebo National College of Technology (Sasebo Kogyo Koto Semmon Gakko Kenkyu Hokoku), vol 26, pp 135–144 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1992a) Genealogy of German social geography: debates and critical evaluations on social geography (Doitsu shakai chirigaku no ichi keifu: Shakai chirigaku ronso no shuhen), Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 44(2):44–65 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1992b) European and American social geography and Munich School (Obei shakai chirigaku to myunhen gakuha). Geography (Chiri) 38(6):106–111, 38(7):109–113 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1994) Phenomenon of depopulation and depopulated areas in Shimane Prefecture (Kaso gensho to Shimane-ken no kaso chiiki) (chapter 1, part 1). Purpose of research (chosa no mokuteki), (chapter 1, part 2). Attributes and occupations of respondents (Kaitosha no zokusei to shokugyo) (chapter 2, part 2). Evaluation of living environments and living areas (Seikatsu kankyo no hyoka to seikatsuken) (chapter 6, part 2). Depopulated Regions Development Council, of Shimane Prefecture. Environment research report: study for depopulation problems (Seikatsu Kankyo Chosa Hokokusho: Kasomondai Chosa Jigyo) Depopulated Regions Development Council of Shimane Prefecture, pp 1–13, 33–35, 36–39, 55–64 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2003) Research on behavioral patterns of mobility impaired people and traffic safety policy in depopulated regions with many aged residents (Jinkogensho Koreika Chiiki ni okeru Kotsu Jyakusha no Kodo Pataan to Kotsu Anzen Taisaku ni kansuru Kenkyu). The annual report of the Sagawa Traffic Society Foundation, FY 2002 (Heisei 14 Nendo Sagawa Kotsu Shakai Zaidan Kotsu Anzen Kenkyu Jyosei Hokokusho). The Sagawa Traffic Society Foundation (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2004) Genealogy of social geographical study (Shakai chirigaku kenkyu no keifu). In: Mizuuchi T (ed) Social geography of space (Kukan no Shakai Chiri). Hum Geogr 5: 1–22. Asakura Shoten (chapter 1) (in Japanese) Yamamoto K (1981) A trace of social geographical school: in the case of W. Hartke and his disciples (Aru shakai chirigaku no kiseki: Harutoke gakuha no baai). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 33(4):46– 63 (in Japanese) Yamamoto T (1994) Family structure in depopulated regions (section 2, chapter 3) (Kaso chiiki jyumin no kazoku jyokyo). Social relationship and social involvement in depopulated regions (section 2, chapter 4) (Kaso chiiki jyumin no shakaikankei to shakaisanka). Regional and life consciousness in depopulated area (section 2, chapter 5) (Kaso chiiki jyumin no chiiki to

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seikatsu ishiki). Depopulated Regions Development Council, of Shimane Prefecture. Environment research report: study for depopulation problems (Seikatsu Kankyo Chosa Hokokusho: Kaso Mondai Chosa Jigyo). Depopulated Regions Development Council of Shimane Prefecture, pp 40–64 (in Japanese) Yamamoto T (1996) Study of contemporary issues of depopulation (Gendai Kaso Mondai no Kenkyu). Koseisha Koseikaku (in Japanese) Yamamoto T, Tokuno S, Kaku K, Takano K (1998) Social analysis of contemporary rural and mountain areas (Gendai Nosanson no Shakai Bunseki). Gakubunsha (in Japanese)

Chapter 5

Regional Living Functions and IT Support

Abstract This chapter suggests some significant relations between living functions and IT (Information Technology) in depopulated areas. In some cases, IT can be used to support living conditions in depopulated areas. It can cover a loss or decay of living functions and social ties in several point of indoors, purchase, education, tourism, healthcare, emergency, telecommunication, transportation, working and so on. Regional development and diffusion of IT would make digital divide among areas smaller, and IT systems should supplement human behaviors. Keywords Depopulation · Digital divide · IT · Living functions · Social ties

5.1 Introduction The term Information Technology (IT) has flooded our everyday lives. While the media have generally focused on stories about IT millionaires and the internet bubble, articles about the risk of a widening global digital divide have also been published. The digital divide is even said to be spreading between Tokyo and Osaka. The term divide originally referred to a large mountain range separating two areas. The advancement of IT creates the potential for bimodal approaches in a wide range of areas, not only globally but also nationally, regionally and locally like a set of matryoshka dolls. IT also offers the potential to reduce the cost of information and remove spatial obstacles. Japan is an ideal experimental location for the application of IT to actual areas because half of the country comprises of depopulated areas with aging populations. Such areas are moving increasingly toward decentralization and large-scale regional mergers due to the reorganization of local government administrations based on changes in national subsidies and other funding. Under these circumstances, IT may be an important key to maintaining the quality of life in such areas. Residents in depopulated regions also suffer from psychological alienation due to the lack of convenience brought on by limited accessibility to economic and social infrastructure. In other words, they encounter problems caused by spatial obstacles and economic friction caused by physical distance. In addition to the insufficiency of residents, capital, information, services, and assets are also inaccessible This © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_5

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chapter focuses on the potential for IT to provide support for people living in such areas. Employing IT to support regional functions is meaningful because it enables residents in depopulated regions to enjoy a more satisfying and comfortable life. Ensuring that IT secures actual rather than merely virtual services and benefits for residents requires that society prioritize the creation of an effective, efficient, and sustainable IT infrastructure. In a country such as Japan, which is moving toward decentralization in a period of slow economic growth, it is an especially urgent issue to be discussed among researchers, engineers, and local governments. Research regarding these issues must be effective not only for depopulated regions but also for urban problems in advanced countries whose populations have been aging rapidly. This chapter; therefore, organizes basic living functions in depopulated regions into categories and discusses IT support for regional lifestyles. I will describe issues related to regional functions and the state of depopulated regions and give specific case examples of relatively large-scale IT technologies and systems that have been adopted. I conducted on-site surveys in some areas while I simply collected information on others. In the conclusion of this chapter, I will summarize my research and suggest future issues to be addressed.

5.2 IT and Regional Lifestyle 5.2.1 Depopulated Regions and Socioeconomic Changes Brought About by IT On April 1, 2000, the fourth Act on Special Measures for Promotion for Independence for Depopulated regions (“Depopulated Regions Act”) came into effect. Originally, 1,171 municipalities, which accounted for a little over one-third of the total number of municipalities in Japan, were designated as depopulated regions. These areas accounted for more than 48% of the country’s land area. However, the population in depopulated regions was only 7.13 million, which accounted for only 5.6% of the entire population of the country. The population density of depopulated regions was 39.5 people per km2 , which only accounted for 12% of the density for the entire country. This clearly showed the uneven distribution of the population in Japan. Extended for 6 years in 2010, the Depopulated Regions Act designated approximately 45% of municipalities and 57% of national lands as depopulated regions even after municipal mergers that took place during the Heisei Period (1989–2019). This is the current state of Japan, which is classified as a developed nation (see Sect. 2.5, Part I). The distribution of depopulated regions shows that the majority are mountain villages, remote islands, peninsulas, regions with heavy snow, and former coalmining regions. Specifically, most of Hokkaido, the northern Tohoku Region, regions along the Japan Sea coast, the Chugoku Mountain Range, mountainous regions with steep slopes in the outer zone of Southwestern Japan, which is located west of the Fossa Magna and south of the Median Tectonic Line, especially regions with serious

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depopulation such as the southern part of the Kii Peninsula, the southern part of the Shikoku Region, the southeastern part of the Kyushu Region (Fujita 1981), and many remote islands. As expressed by the statement, “depopulation begets depopulation (Kamino 1970, p. 15),” depopulation creates a vicious cycle that starts with the deterioration of fundamental regional industries and the decrease of population and households, prompts psychological alienation and leads to functional paralyses in the region(Adachi 1970). Therefore, depopulation means the deterioration of a wide range of regional functions caused by the outflow of population and households. In other words, depopulation is a phenomenon in which regions are gradually deprived of functions in mutually related structures required to support quality of life (regional deprivation) (see Chap. 2, Part I). Countermeasures for depopulation should be considered from a comprehensive rather than palliative point of view. In this sense, after central government reform, the national government should seek comprehensive measures to response to new directions. From the viewpoint of regional attributions, depopulated regions are not only areas with excessively low population but also have the characteristics of peripheral regions that are remote from a wide range of convenience, capital, and assets. From this viewpoint, I have attempted to categorize the characteristics of peripheral regions from the abstract to specific and complex levels (Tsutsumi 1987, 1995, 1997). (1) Regions relatively (sometimes absolutely) remote from a wide range of conveniences (2) Regions remote from both economic and social capital through separation by temporal and actual distance from metropolitan districts, which causes psychological alienation among residents (3) Regions that are economically, socially, and physically remote (4) Regions with extremely limited capital, assets, services, information, and population (5) Regions with industrial and livelihood structures that make direct use of the natural environment and resources (6) Agricultural, mountainous, fishing villages, former coal-mining regions, remote islands, peninsulas, regions with heavy snow, regions suffering from frequent disasters, and regions with declining industries, most of which are designated as depopulated regions in Japan (7) Regions with strong locality in terms of culture and society, but a standard economic level, which gradually spreads to the level of culture and society (8) Regions with increasing population outflow along with the national and global expansion of capitalism, accumulating nonproductive-age population, advancement of aging, deprivation of regional living functions caused by external power and capital becoming passive and subordinate economically and politically (9) Regions with conditions that are not sufficient to support and guarantee dignified life and basic human rights due to regional gaps caused by sparse population, capital, assets, services, and information.

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Examination of the above-mentioned attributions revealed that depopulation is not the only issue in the relevant regions. There are also national- and even global-level issues seriously impacting human lifestyles and basic rights. Let’s take a look at IT to consider the changes in depopulated regions. IT facilitates all aspects of globalization. IT helps us to move beyond spatial and distant obstacles. It is especially apparent from the economic perspective with information distribution and capital movements (one example is a hedge fund), Considering the political aspect, information sharing and disclosure by the national and local governments makes it possible to provide more effective and expanding administrative services. One-stop and non-stop services are good examples. This can also apply to the improvement of infrastructure in the time of municipal mergers over broader areas. Looking at social and cultural aspects, IT has the potential to support the development of new social ties. It will be important to consider not only ways to increase the efficiency of information distribution for spatial integration but also the role of IT in human interactions that supplement face-to-face interactions. I will now move from collaboration between the regions and IT in depopulated regions to more specific examinations.

5.2.2 Organizing Regional Living Functions As mentioned above, Karl Ruppert and Franz Schaffer, proponents of the Munich School of German Social Geography (Sozialgeographie), advocated seven fundamental living functions (Tsutsumi 1990, 1992a, b). The seven fundamental living functions were influenced by the Athens Charter’s reference to the functions of living space. The Munich School of German Social Geography saw the appearance of these functions as marked by the assembly of people. Based on this viewpoint, local governments in Munich and other cities in Bavaria established regional plans. However, they were criticized for having vague concepts and mutual relationships between functions. Referring to these facts, I considered specific living functions that might be supported by IT and classified these into the following four categories based on the spatial scale. (1) Functions for the surrounding living space: Functions for life inside the house (2) Functions regarding relationships with others/outside the house: Purchases and services, healthcare and welfare, risk management, disaster control, and traffic (3) Functions in regional society: Life in regional society, recreation, and convalescence and purpose of life (4) Broader/external functions: Labor, education, and industries. Based on these classifications, I will show the specific potential of IT utilization in the next section of use it as the basis for discussions.

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5.2.3 Specific Cases and Possibilities of IT Support for Regional Life I will use the classifications of living functions described in the previous section and introduce some items capable of supporting life through individual functions; however, the potential for technical support may vary greatly, and there may be other items not included here. I also provide notes for some items too. (1) Functions for the surrounding living space: Functions regarding life inside the house /Life with IT home appliances: Automation and effective use of time for housekeeping, including cooking, laundry, and cleaning /Simplification of IT home appliance operations: Control panel display and number of buttons /Reduction of IT home appliance cost: Reducing prices to ensure that individuals living on pensions are able to afford them /Social need to achieve the above-mentioned goals and ensure balance between development and realization costs: Need to consider expansion from pilot programs /Need for learning/ education regarding usability and user awareness: e.g. confirm that the emergency pendants are not used improperly, prevent wasted functions due to inability to operate and inconsistencies with regional lifestyles (2) Functions regarding relationships with others/outside the house (2.1) Purchase and services /Establishment of information networks as infrastructure: Necessary as public services /Administrative services, banking services (effective utilization of post offices): e.g., Realization of 24 h services for such documents as certified copies of resident registers, nonstop and one-stop services /Establishment of a network to directly connect the elderly with shops: e.g., Fax net in Fukuoka (By using the system the elderly people can easily order goods for shops with facsimile network; promoting convenience for the elderly through connection with local stores and vitalization of shopping districts) /Systems for creating and delivering news for the elderly: Considering content, sound, and the font size /Equipment corresponding to the elderly: Reduction in the number of keys, larger letters, etc.

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(2.2) Healthcare and welfare /Detection of emergencies and establishment of a bidirectional liaison network: e.g., emergency pendants, a system capable of effectively detecting the frequency of individuals’ using electric pots, floor mats, and bathroom doors and notifying family members or other individuals that can render assistance when needed. It is also necessary to consider regional lifestyles and resolve issues regarding user awareness in behaviors such placing a kettle on heaters to heat water rather than using electric hot water pots in cold regions. /Effective scheduling of home visit care: Appropriate planning of home visit routes /Remote medical consultations: Establishment of a system that enables the transfer of digital images and video medical consultation /Effective allocation of ambulances: Routes, times, etc. /Information on nursing care providers and service content: Understanding and sharing of the client information in real time; creating plans and increasing the efficiency of insurance claim work. (2.3) Risk management and disaster control /Detection of emergencies and establishment of a bidirectional liaison network: Securing multichannels with external means such as cable broadcasting and wireless disaster warning systems /Emergency detection and reporting system for families: e.g., Considering cases in which the elderly living alone fall at home and so forth /Detection of intruders: Disaster prevention /Direct use of weather information: Publicizing the important information in an easy-to-understand manner /Direct detection of degree of disaster risk, evacuation advisories, and warnings: Landslide, tide level, precipitation /Simulation of practicable routes and early reporting: e.g., The system developed by Tohoku Regional Development Bureau. (2.4) Traffic /Establishment of a joint transportation system: Appropriate allocation of shared private transportation systems, Effective allocation of buses, etc.: e.g., Allocation of taxis with the Linux system (Okayama Prefecture). (3) Functions in regional society (3.1) Life in regional society /Support for community events, and activities by PTA’s, youth and elderly associations: BBS, contact networks, and fee collection: e.g.,

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Just Systems started providing services for circles from September 2000 /Services using networks: Support for residents using networks for the delivery of mail, newspapers, milk, and welfare and nursing care services, and support provided by local governments. (3.2) Recreation, convalescence, purpose of life /Participation in circle activities, trips, and regional events, spreading information on interactions with others, provision of BBS /Providing classes using computers and the internet, spreading information, interactions, and support. (4) Broader/external functions (4.1) Labor /Work sharing and the elderly labor force utilization system: Human resource database and assignment /Promoting paperless and real-time environments: Realizing electronic offices /Promotion of SOHO for residents in rural areas: Promoting return migration and new comers’ in migration. (4.2) Education /Computer education, internet education /Interactions with other schools in Japan and with overseas organizations /Library search, mutual borrowing, and lending of books. (4.3) Industries /Enticement of SOHO and information-related industrial offices (pollution-free type).

5.2.4 For Investigation and Research on Regional Living Support with IT In order to take a step forward to realize the establishment of a support system, it is essential to examine and discuss the specific potential of the functions described in the previous section and create a model project in a specific region under unified cooperation among local governments, system development companies, researchers, engineers and residents with support from the national government. Although this project targets residents in depopulated regions, it also leads to living support for the regions with more elderly residents in urban areas; and it can also serve as measures for the issues to be addressed at the nationwide level in the

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near future in Japan where the population aging has been rapidly advancing. These are the reasons that it is urgently necessary to discuss the relevant issues and start establishing a model. I will show some large-scale IT systems that have been adopted by regions in the following section and describe specific regional surveys afterward.

5.3 Application of IT Network Technology to Regions (Large-Scale Cases) I will describe relatively large-scale systems adopted by regions and established by companies to discuss the technical potential of IT to support regional living functions.

5.3.1 Examples of Information Systems We have broad-area systems developed by public services and systems targeting borderless clients as relatively large-scale information systems. Here I will describe the former, which has a deeper relationship with regional living, including the systems related to traffic, healthcare, and disaster (disaster control) information. Web sales management systems represent the latter; however, he will skip the explanation about these here. (1) Traffic Information Systems Intelligent transportation systems (ITS) are “a collective term referring to new traffic systems established to provide innovative and unified road and vehicle services aiming to improve traffic safety as well as transportation efficiency and comfort utilizing the most advanced information telecommunication technologies” (source: Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, Road Bureau). The Road Bureau has planned the stepwise development, application, and spread of ITS for nine specific development fields: Navigation system improvement, automatic fee collection systems, safe driving support, optimization of traffic management, improvement of road management efficiency, public transportation support, improvement of commercial vehicle, pedestrian support, and emergency vehicle operation support. Companies have been promoting the establishment of specific systems such as those for road management information. Specifically, the efficient Road Station System that provides broad-area information regarding road stations, the Parking Lot Vacancy Monitoring System that provides vacancy information, the Emergency Accident and Disaster Detection System that provides accident information to prevent the secondary disaster and accidents, and the Advanced Cruise-assist Highway System (AHS) that provides warnings and controls driving operation depending on the situation.

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Along with information on emergencies and disasters, snow information is very important for drivers on main roads and highways running through depopulated regions surrounded by mountains. The internet allows us to easily obtain road and snow information before driving to such regions. For example, the official highway traffic information website (http://www.jartic.or.jp/) provided by the Japan Road Traffic Information Center (JARTEC) is useful. The information page (http://www. yukicenter.or.jp/) provided by the Snow Research Center has snowfall and coverage information. (2) Healthcare Information System The establishment and operation of healthcare information systems including remote medical care have become possible for smaller local governments in depopulated regions. For home-visit care in particular, using digital cameras, personal digital assistants (PDAs), and mobile phones, medical care data, including images, are exchanged between patient homes and medical centers. While near real-time diagnosis is possible, there are many issues to be addressed. These include the lack of mobile phone service in mountainous regions and low image resolution. In addition, the unit cost increases if a single local government establishes a system by itself. For this reason, the need for joint use and management of data by other local governments has been increasing. Under such circumstances, the establishment of a network centering on a core hospital in the region has attracted attention. Coordination between information at the regional core hospital and medical colleges or local governments in the neighboring areas promotes the establishment of mesoscale information systems, which may promote coordination with systems in broader areas. One leading example of such advanced information systems is the integrated intelligent management system (IIMS), a medical care information database system established by the Shimane Prefectural Central Hospital (Izumo City in Shimane). This hospital was built in 1999 to serve not only as the core hospital in Shimane providing highly advanced emergency and special medical care, but also to provide regional support centering on care for remote areas and training for healthcare professionals. To achieve the initial goal, the hospital implemented electronic medical records ahead of other hospitals while establishing a unified medical care database and operating system. Electronic medical records facilitate “the real-time transmission of information initially entered by related departments without any overlap in accordance with POS. This not only ensures prompt and accurate consultation, but also ensures complete records that can be shared with patients. This in turn promotes informed consent and self-determination, which contributes to improved medical care quality” (Toshikatsu Ishino, Director, Department of Surgery, Shimane Prefectural Central Hospital, Report at the 23rd Japan POS Medical Care Conference, New Medical World Weekly, Vol.2434 April 23, 2001: http://www.igaku-shoin.co.jp/nwsppr/pdf/ 3300.pdf). In reference to this, he also predicted a time in which every patient would have a single medical record throughout life instead of different records maintained by different doctors. This system includes a nursing care based on four major pillars:

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nursing care support, nursing care management, nursing care staff management, and education and training support (Ago et al. 1997). Efficient medical consultations prioritizing scheduled medical care based on this system have also started. Here is the URL for the electronic medical records page on Shimane Prefectural Central Hospital official website (http://www.spch.izumo.shimane.jp/e_karute/index.html; Currently the service is discontinued). Shimane Medical College, the institution that performed Japan’s first liver transplant from a live donor, is in Izumo City, where Shimane Prefectural Central Hospital is located. In the Ot’tachi area of Izumo City, JA (Japan Agricultural Cooperatives) Izumo started offering nursing care services commissioned by the city in 1993. It attracted attention as a pioneering system at that time. It is necessary to keep in mind that this medical and nursing care environment in Izumo City and depopulation in Shimane Prefecture existed before Shimane Prefectural Central Hospital was established. Besides, in Chugoku Region, Hiroshima University Hospital has established a system to order medicines based on a mandated separation of pharmacies and clinics. After receiving medical consultations at this hospital, patients can select and order medicines from a pharmacy before leaving the hospital via this system using a special card. (3) Disaster (Disaster Control) Information System Located in the circum-pan-Pacific orogenic belt, mountainous regions account for 70% of Japan’s landmass with many slopes, making earthquake a common threat. In addition, heavy rain and snowfall increase the potential for disaster. Many regions encountering population outflow and aging are in mountainous areas; therefore, such regions have a higher potential for risk. In such regions, disaster and disaster control information systems are an effective means of reducing risk to residents. One such system is the wireless telemeter system, which collects information on precipitation, water level, ground movement, water quality, climate, and sand control, calculates data on site, accumulates results, controls facilities and equipment, gives warning, and spreads information on evacuation and alternative routes. Specifically, the wireless telemeter system is available for dam control, ground slide monitoring, information on rivers, tide embankments and sluiceways, and agricultural water and drainage management.

5.3.2 Large-Scale Information System Issues Cases introduced in the previous section are relatively large scale. These systems are used to collect and transmit data to initiate action for broader areas. I will explain issues related to these systems. According to specialists, IT systems have reached a highly advanced technical level. From the system developers’ viewpoint, any system can be produced as long

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as the budget is enough. However, due to the current stagnation of the Japanese economy, worsening financial conditions, and the shift of regional policies due to structural reforms, it is difficult to secure the budget required for large-scale systems. At present, popularizing large-scale systems would be impossible without significant economic recovery and a significant reduction in the costs related to the establishment of such systems. It is then necessary to increase the usability of large-scale systems for residents and other users to ensure that they can obtain the information they require. The key to the popularization of large-scale systems is to develop systems that are beneficial for the elderly and residents in depopulated regions. To increase the effectiveness of such systems, it is important to achieve a good balance between people and IT systems. With support for residents by the community and NPOs, large-scale systems can fully realize their capabilities. For example, it takes NPOs and communities to ensure that accurate disaster control information is transmitted to and used by residents for safe evacuation guidance. With support for people by people, IT systems can be used to fully and effectively safeguard residents. Accomplishing this requires that we remember the importance of establishing effective structures and providing the support necessary for such structures to operate as intended.

5.4 Regional Survey Results 5.4.1 Regional Survey Overview In this study, I collected materials from visits to central ministries and agencies, Kyushu University, and Shimane University. Regional surveys were carried out mainly in mountainous villages, on remote islands, and in former coal-mining areas in western Japan. I had a chance to give a presentation entitled Regional Functions and Information Technology in Depopulated Areas—Some Cases in Japan at the International Symposium on Communication and Regional Development held at Karlstad University, Sweden in September 2001. I took advantage of this opportunity to collect more information and visit facilities to conduct surveys. The target areas of this survey and areas referred to in this chapter are shown in the map (Figs. 5.1 and 5.2).

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Fig. 5.1 Target areas of the survey (domestic)

5.4.2 Regional Survey (1) Tokyo and the Surrounding Areas: Information Collection at Central Ministries and Agencies and Visits to the Boso Peninsula In addition to on-site surveys, I collected data from administrative organizations (FY2001). I visited the Depopulated Areas Development Office of the Local Administration Bureau at the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, and the Remote Islands Development Division of the National and Regional Policy Bureau, Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism. As White Papers are not customarily published until the second year following adoption of the Act, Current State of Depopulation Measures was not available at the time of the survey. For this survey, therefore, I collected data from the Depopulated Areas Development Office and other organizations to create a depopulated region distribution diagram for Japan (Fig. 2.1, Chap. 2, Part I) and a database of depopulated regions using the preliminary results of the national census released in December 2000 for analysis (Chap. 2, Part I). I provided the original depopulated region distribution diagram for Japan to the Depopulated Areas Development Office. I collected information on remote islands

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Fig. 5.2 Target areas of the study (Sweden)

after the Remote Islands Development Act was adopted (Set to expire in 2002, the Act was extended to the end of FY2012, and then to the end of FY2020.). When I visited the above-mentioned offices, I also traveled to the Boso Peninsula for my survey which, despite its proximity to Tokyo, has many depopulated areas. There were accommodations offering fresh seafood that were operated by the so-called third sector corporations, and roadside stores featuring rape blossoms (Photo 5.1) that had websites for promotions and reservations. However, considering their fundamental industries, agriculture, and forestry, the slopes in the mountainous areas in Boso Peninsula are very steep and the valleys with alluvial areas are confined, which makes rational agricultural and forestry management a challenge. It is clear from examining the database mentioned above that areas with geographical limitations have encountered a serious increase depopulation. This finding was quite interesting because a similar situation was observed in villages in the outer zone of

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Photo 5.1 Rape flower fields in the Boso Peninsula (Miyoshi Village, Awa County, Chiba Prefecture, currently Minami-Boso City)

Southwestern Japan and in a part of the Boso Peninsula, which is located near the Tokyo Metropolitan District. (2) Coal-Mining Region in the Northern Kyushu Region When this research was started, there were only two coal mines operating in Japan: Ikeshima Coal mine, managed by Matsushima Coal Mining Co., Ltd. (Sotome Town, Nishisonogi County, Nagasaki Prefecture, currently Nagasaki City), and a mine managed by Taiheiyo Coal Mining Co., Ltd. (Kushiro City, Hokkaido). However, Ikeshima Coal mine closed on November 29, 2001, and Taiheiyo Coal mine closed on January 30, 2002. Large coal mines operated by Japanese financial group (zaibatsu) have disappeared from the industry. Currently, Kushiro Coal mine is operating in Kushiro, Hokkaido. One factor that supported the modernization of Japan and economic recovery after World War II was the coal industry. However, the national government and the Ministry of International Trade and Industry had promoted “scrap and build” policies since the 1960s in response to revolutionary change in energy use away from coal. The policies were intended to prevent the successive closure of coal mines throughout the nation and ensure a soft landing for the closure as the coal-mining industry declined. Many coal-mining regions were monocultural and operated under large companies. Therefore, the closure of such coal mines tended to have an extremely significant and

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rapid impact on the regional economy. These regions experienced population outflow and regional decline within a shorter period than depopulated mountain villages did. In this research, I collected material and data on coal-mining regions in northern Kyushu (Fukuoka and Nagasaki Prefectures) to examine the employment of IT for living support in regions encountering aging and population outflow. Specifically, material and data on the Chikuho Region and Omuta City in Fukuoka Prefecture, and Takashima Town in Nagasaki Prefecture archived at Kyushu University, the Fukuoka Prefectural Government, Fukuoka Prefectural Library and Nagasaki University were collected. (1) Fukuoka Gigabit Highway Project: Chikuho Region, etc. The Chikuho Region is located in north-central Fukuoka Prefecture and was once a coal-mining region. Most of the coal mines were medium and small size. Under the scrap and build policies aiming to support highly productive coal mines while closing medium- and small-size operations, mines were closing one after another by 1970. The decline in the regional economy caused by its dependence on coal mining in and after the modern times was significant. The regions encountered difficulty enticing new companies, which ultimately resulted in an increase in the rate of households on welfare (Doi 1962a, b, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1978. Included by the Publication Committee for Professor Senkichi Doi Retirement Commemorative Papers Publication 1985). The Act on Temporary Measures for Development for Coal Mining Regions (November 13, 2961–November 12, 2001), one of six Acts regarding coal mining, targeted former coal-mining regions in Fukuoka Prefecture. Regions that encountered severe impoverishment in particular received further support through the provisions of Article 6 of the Act. These regions are called “Article 6 Regions” and include many local municipalities in the Chikuho Region, Omuta City, and other local municipalities around Miike Coal Mine (“State of Mine Pollution Control” by the Department of Mine Pollution, General Affairs Division, Fukuoka Prefectural Government, March 2000). However, the act expired during this research, and five other Acts also lapsed at the end of March 2002. To accelerate the enticement of information start-ups in the region where alternative industry was not taking root after the collapse of the coal-mining industry, School of Computer Science and Systems Engineering of the Kyushu Institute of Technology in Iizuka City, a core city of the Chikuho Region, was established in 1985 with support by the Fukuoka Prefectural Government. The institute established a Graduate School of Computer Science and Systems Engineering (master’s program) in 1991, followed by the establishment of a doctoral program two years later. In autumn 2001, Fukuoka Prefecture started operation of the Fukuoka Gigabit Highway (FGH) System. This connects seven cities in Fukuoka Prefecture via a highspeed optical fiber network. With a 2.4 Gbps high-speed IP backbone (mainline), access points were established in seven cities in the prefecture (Fukuoka, Kitakyushu, Nogata, Iizuka, Tagawa, Kurume, and Omuta Cities), which enabled connection to

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Fig. 5.3 Goal of the Fukuoka Gigabit highway plan (conceptual diagram)

the closest access point via exclusive lines. At a later date, access points are established in Yukuhashi City and Munakata City, which enabled free use of the mainline, including the initial seven cities, four of which were Article 6 Regions (Nogata, Iizuka, Tagawa, and Omuta Cities). These four cities were considered “core cities in coal-mining regions requiring the urgent economic vitalization” (Source: “Fukuoka Gigabit Highway Basic Vision—Gigabit Highway Strategies”, http://www.pref.fuk ukoka.jp/gigabit/report.htm, currently closed). These cities attracted attention as model cases in which access points were provided in the IT mainline system in core cities encountering population decrease (Fig. 5.3). According to the Kyushu Regional Bureau of Telecommunications of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2006, p. 106), releasing the mainline to private providers by FY 2005 promoted the expansion of broadband services inside Fukuoka Prefecture, which enabled connection with Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya and other major cities in Japan via virtual private lines as well as the Internet. The FGH was used by 7,270 offices (direct-use providers totaled 69 as of August 2005), which increased application service providers (ASP) (673 in 2004, 3,772 in 2005). In addition, the Fukuoka Prefectural Government Information Telecommunication network connected the Fukuoka Prefectural Government with all 308 branch offices (2003), and a comprehensive administrative network (LGWAN) was established by all 84 municipalities in Fukuoka Prefecture using the FGH. Furthermore, the FGH was also used for other administrative network systems such as the traffic control system at traffic monitoring centers and network systems at administrative offices and their external organizations. Implementation of the FGH enabled (1) promotion of the information industry, (2) expansion of employment (69 providers directly using the FGH employed approximately 340 individuals at the time of publication), (3)

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improvement of the lives of residents (realization of remote medical care, education network improvement, etc.) and so forth. According to the Regional Information Planning Group of the Information Policy Department of the Fukuoka Prefecture Planning and Promotion Division, which is responsible for the implementation of the FGH project, although this project ended in FY2010 after 10 years of implementation, improvements in the telecommunication environment included the establishment of basic lines, which promoted the development of access lines, and accelerated the improvement of private telecommunication services and broadband development. In addition, releasing the FGH to private providers led to the provision of software via the internet and the development of a wide range of IT services such as electronic commerce and remote image diagnosis, which contributed to the vitalization of companies and improvement of the lives of residents. In fact, approximately 9,500 offices started using the FGH. However, the telecommunication environment in Fukuoka Prefecture improved faster than expected, and the purposes of the FGH were accomplished. From now, it will be necessary to transition to measures responding to rapidly developing wireless technologies. Low-cost services have been provided evenly throughout the prefecture, and other services provided by private telecommunication providers have been fulfilled. Telecommunication environment improved rapidly for companies in Fukuoka Prefecture, enabling them to establish networks with other companies. Along with the rapid development of wireless technologies, wireless and wired data telecommunication spread, and broadband systems advanced in the prefecture. In the near future, super high-speed data communication as fast as optical cable is scheduled for commercial use using mobile phones. The Information Policy Department of Fukuoka Prefecture says, “It will be necessary to work on measures for the promotion of wireless systems. Measures include improvement of broadband in regions where wired system coverage is difficult, and regional vitalization utilizing wireless systems including tourism promotion.” The official FGH website as of June 2010 is http://www.pref.fukuoka.lg.jp/d08/ it-project-fgh.html (Currently closed). (2) Emergency Report System: Omuta City in Fukuoka Prefecture Omuta City makes easy-to-operate wearable devices capable of automatically report emergencies to reception centers available to elderly residents aged 65 or older. (Users are charged for the device according to individual income, with the highest charge being the full cost of the unit). When the device is activated, the report is sent to a nearby reception center at a fire station or other public organization, from where it is then relayed to registered companions who check on individuals in their neighborhood before taking appropriate measures such as calling for an ambulance to prevent inevitable false alert. The system has also been adopted by other local governments, including Fukuoka City. Due to troubles such as frequent mistaken reporting tying up ambulances and registered companions often not being available when needed, however, Omuta City decided to outsource part of the system to taxi companies, assigning them the role of registered companions to bring individuals

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Fig. 5.4 Emergency report system (Omuta City in Fukuoka Prefecture)

reporting an emergency to the hospital if necessary. Taxi Companies faced a decline in business due to the scaling down of operations at Miike Coal Mine and final closure on March 30, 1997. This mutually beneficial tie-up between the city and taxi companies increased the effectiveness of the Emergency Report System (Fig. 5.4). (3) Mountain Villages and Remote Islands in the San’in Region I conducted research on the San’in Region, where depopulation and population aging have advanced. Materials and data were collected at Shimane University, one of the major organizations conducting studies on depopulated regions. Surveys of mountain villages and remote islands were also conducted. These clarified that each region had developed its own unique approaches. Among the cases of regions described below, Tsukinoya Settlement, Kisuki Town, Shimane Prefecture (currently Kisuki Town in Un’nan City) will be described in Chap. 7, Part III. (1) Prefectural Border Summit Secretariat: Nichi’nan Town, Hino County, Tottori Prefecture Nichi’nan Town in Tottori Prefecture is near the border of Hiroshima, Shimane, and Okayama prefectures along the backbone of the Chugoku Mountains. The total

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area of Nichi’nan Town is 340.87 km2 , which makes it the largest among the towns and villages in the Chugoku and Shikoku Regions, and the third largest in western Japan after Totsukawa Village in Nara Prefecture and Shiiba Village in Miyazaki Prefecture. Nichi’nan Town plays a central role in the Liaison Council of Municipalities on Prefectures Bordering the Chugoku Mountains (also called “Prefectural Border Summit” and “Emerald Cities,” established in 1993). The council is composed of 16 municipalities on the borders of Tottori, Shimane, Okayama, and Hiroshima Prefectures. This region once flourished with three common industries, tatara iron manufacture, wagyu (Japanese beef), and charcoal. However, as they declined, the region experienced serious depopulation and aging. The Prefectural Border Summit was established to initiate joint measures to address issues such as depopulation and population aging, and to create a Forest Culture Region and encourage interactions in the region. They engaged in joint projects, one of which was a rental project for official welfare vehicles. In 2007, they started a new joint project. Details were published on Tottori Prefectural Office’s website (http://www.pref.tottori.lg.jp/dd.aspx?Mod uleID=79322) (Currently closed.). (2) Regional Collaborative Education: Saijo Town, Shobara City in Hiroshima Prefecture Saijo Town (formerly belonged to Hiba County) in Hiroshima Prefecture is located in a depopulated area of the Chugoku Mountains. A small prefectural senior high school in the town (Saijo Shisui Senior High School) opens classrooms to residents for free classes in computers, English, and so forth. Providing free computer classes to residents at the local senior high school has become a core project designed to encourage interactions among people in the region. IT and IT education increase the ability to form new social ties; however, it would be ideal if they were to have both virtual and face-to-face activities with a proper scale of human interactions. I think that such virtual social relationships also have limitations. (3) Restoration of a settlement after relocation due to the construction of a dam: Tsukinoya Settlement and On’sen Region in Kisuki Town in Un’nan City (formerly belonged to Ohara County) in Shimane Prefecture The Hii River is well known in Shimane Prefecture. It had frequent flooding. It also supplied water for agriculture on the Hikawa Plain (Izumo Plain) and drinking water to residents around Matsue City, a primate city in the prefecture. It is believed that river improvement or tatara iron manufacture was the origin of the story of Yamatano Orochi, or the eight-headed big snake from Izumo ancient myths which account for about a one-third of the Japanese ancient mythology. Tsukinoya Settlement was going to be submerged due to the construction of Ohara Dam, a national project. Some of the households moved out of town and other households in the area relocated as a group and resident activities were established to maintain regional living functions and reestablish regional industries. Cable TV

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became available in the area, which also allowed residents to use the internet. Tsukinoya has also set up a website (http://www.tsukinoya.org/index.html). This website plays a significant role in delivering information from the new settlement developed after the relocation. It is a unique case in the nation. Details about Tsukinoya Settlement are provided in Chap. 7, Part III. (4) e-Island Project: Four Former Municipalities in Oki, Shimane Prefecture Similar to Fukuoka, which was mentioned above, Shimane Prefecture had an information highway vision aiming to establish a high-speed internet environment for the entire prefecture by FY 2003. The transmission speed of analog telecommunication systems is generally 28 kbs, while ISDN is 64 kbs. However, dialup communication is only available within 8.5 km from the switchboard. It is possible to expand the service area using amplifiers; however, it requires a certain number of customers to support the service, and there is the problem of deterioration in communication accuracy. Shimane Prefecture was planning to resolve such limitations for its depopulated regions by establishing an ADSL telecommunication network capable of delivering a transmission speed of 1.5 Mbs. Such attempts to solve problems related to the insufficiency and distance of information by the establishment of broadband information networks are important models for other communities (Such attempts have been made in many other prefectures, including Okayama.). In Shimane Prefecture, remote islands were in greater need of an information network than mountainous regions were. The specific targets included as remote island locations were four former towns and villages in Oki County. Geographically, Oki Region consists of volcanic islands and it qualifies as a depopulated region, a hilly and mountainous area, and a remote region. Its major industry is fishery and tourism (Photo 5.2). In fact, there is concern about delays in the introduction of IT in Oki. The Remote Islands Development Division of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism has conducted surveys to promote the implementation of IT systems in remote islands since the time of the former National Land Agency. One approach based on survey results is the e-Island Project. This project was established to provide IT seminars in Oki, as well as in Tsushima (Nagasaki Prefecture), and Tanegashima (Kagoshima Prefecture), to enhance the potential for SOHO foundation by females in these islands. This project is expected to achieve good results. In order to realize its goals, however, it is essential to provide effective regional living support and promote industry using the IT system while seamlessly coordinating with national, prefectural, and municipal projects. The Shimane Prefecture Oki Office should play the role of coordinator (Photo 5.3). (4) Other Domestic Regions I Visited to Collect Information (1) Fighting Mountain Village: Oyama Town, Hita City (former Hita County), Oita Prefecture

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Photo 5.2 A landform of Oki

Oyama Town, Hita City, Oita, the birthplace of the “One Village, One Product” movement, has engaged in the pioneering development and sale of high addedvalue agricultural products under the slogans, “Fighting Mountain Village—Oyama Town” and “Plant plums and chestnuts for Hawaii.” At the beginning of activities, the implementation of a cable broadcasting system for all households played a significant role(Okahashi 1984). As an early successful case of the use of information infrastructure, the approach made by Oyama Town should receive greater recognition. (2) Cyber Village: Yamada, Toyama City, Toyama Prefecture (former Yamada Village, Nei County) Known as a cyber village with heavy snowfall, former Yamada Village reports that the internet provided an effective solution to information insufficiency (Kurata 1997, etc.). Email interactions with people outside the village were especially effective for village residents, including the elderly. This achievement was supported by improvement of the information infrastructure throughout the village. With sufficient technology and funding, IT can accomplish a great deal; and the example of this village shows the great benefit of email and other Internet interactions that were basic and easy to use for a broader range of people in creating the purpose of life. At the above-mentioned symposium in Sweden, which will also be described later, a report on the household survey conducted in Yamada Village was presented

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Photo 5.3 Shimane prefecture Oki Branch Office (Saigo, Okinoshima Town, Oki Country)

(Hiroo Kamiya et al., Development of Information Technology and Process of Rural Informatization in Japan: A Case Study in Yamada Municipality in Japan). Results revealed that frequency and time of computer use differed not only by age but by gender. In addition, compared with urban areas, the frequency of internet use by the elderly in the village was lower. This may reflect a gap in experience of computer use at work and home between the elderly in urban areas and the elderly in the village. Greater use of the internet by males than by females may be attributed to female involvement in child rearing, females used the internet less than males did. The majority of the residents in the village expressed satisfaction with computer classes taught by volunteer university students and local residents familiar with computers. Furthermore, at this symposium, Professor Woo-Kung Huh of Seoul National University reported on an e-village in South Korea (Computers, the Internet, and Rural Changes in Korea: The Case of Hwangdun e-village). In South Korea, where depopulation in mountainous regions is more serious than in Japan, the popularization of the internet has advanced to a greater degree than it has in Japan. According to Professor Huh, important factors in the popularization of the internet in agricultural regions are generation and age group of the residents. In such regions, it is necessary to have information systems available at low cost such as those found in the USA. In fact, such measures require projects supported by sufficient funding. As seen in the case of Yamada Village, it is helpful to examine and compare cases in Korea for

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discussions on the scale of service networks to be established in regions encountering depopulation and aging populations. (5) Sweden I participated in the International Symposium on Communication and Regional Development held at Karlstad University, Sweden from September 17–19, 2001. At the paper Session 4, I gave a presentation entitled “Regional Functions and Information Technology in Depopulated Areas—Some Cases in Japan—” on September 18. In addition, at Paper Session 3 on September 17, four Japanese case studies were presented. I was in charge of reports and summarized the research themes at the panel discussion on the last day (September 18) as a panelist. Following this, I visited a region near the border of Finland on September 18 and 19. As the report at the symposium is included in this study, I will forego discussion of the content here. However, I would like to describe some interesting items among the information that he collected during my visit to Sweden. (1) State of Northern Europe A webpage entitled “Special Feature—State of Mobile Equipment in Northern Europe—Real-time Report from the Frontline” on the Nikkei Inc. website (http://it. nikkei.co.jp/it/sp7, currently closed) was referred to before the visit. According to this webpage, in Northern Europe, where population density is much lower than Japan, national governments and private organizations have worked together to promote the development and use of IT systems. In Finland especially, there are councils composed not only of major companies, universities, and research institutions, but also IT of startup companies. The most distinctive IT device in Northern Europe is mobile phones. Business persons use separate mobile phones for domestic and international communications. At elderly facilities in Finland, the elderly become volunteer lecturers and provide free IT classes. Popular services for the elderly are email and virtual travel. In addition, home appliance manufacturers in Sweden have been developing an internet–refrigerator with commercialization expected soon. The refrigerator searches recipes and links with other home appliances and phones. However, a system that automatically reorders items from the refrigerator as they are used was unpopular. This is the information accessed from the Nikkei website. As I walked around cities in Sweden, I rarely saw things that evidenced the advancement of IT systems there. However, I learned something interesting through the symposium and visits that I would like to share. (2) Remote Education At the symposium, there was a presentation on remote education targeting university students using personal digital assistants (PDAs) (Takako Sone, “Experiments in Using PDAs to Bridge Social and Geographical Distances in Distance Education”). Providing educational services to students in remote areas through mobile phone systems is technically possible; however, there is high potential for dropout due to

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lack of facility with the system. In such cases, a key to success is familiarity and cooperation among students taking the same classes. Providing remote education after ensuring a structure that promotes familiarity and cooperation among students in addition to social context increases effectiveness. Email, chat, messaging, and BBS services play important roles. Successful remote education requires instructors to provide attractive content in a format that draws student interest audiovisually through social networks utilizing PDA functions other than email. In other words, it is important to establish and operate systems that effectively combine content, format, social networks and technique (functions). This also suggests essential factors for the use of IT systems not only for remote education but also for living functions. (3) Immigrants Many people moved to the USA from Sweden as immigrants. One million people moved to the USA from Värmland, whose central city is Karlstad, in the past one century. The “Emigration och Historia” Record Research Center in Tosby, located approximately 90 km northeast of Karlstad, established a database using information supplied by churches and schools, and follow-up surveys. They also collected photos of families and images from newspapers and magazines. In addition, they had lists of passengers sailing from six ports in Sweden between 1859 and 1930. This database helps immigrants in the USA find ancestors in Sweden and find relatives living in both countries. The operation is funded by subsidies from the central and local government, and the center is housed in a building of an elementary school that was closed (Photo 5.4). At the end of this part, I need to refer to the studies on families and population in Sweden. Torsten Hägerstrand, a Swedish geographer, is known to have advocated time geography, which considers family history in time-space paths based on information collected from churches. He believes that human migration is characterized by pendulum swings in a time-space framework. This pattern reflects social regulation on human behaviors by time. We should remember that some parish materials have made it possible to trace family histories in Sweden. This in turn has made advocacy for time geography and empirical studies on it possible. Using such materials, family anthropology and historical sociology were examined by the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, founded by Peter Laslett in Britain, and modern family structure was studied by Akira Hayami in Japan (Ninomiya et al. (eds.) 1983. Saito (ed.) 1988. Hayami 1988). (4) Settlements and Cottages in Mattila During visits after the international symposium on IT, I stayed in Mattila, which is located near the border of Norway. Around this area are some settlements founded by immigrants from Finland, and we can find the area name Finnskogen there. Mattila is located approximately 130 km northwest of Karlstad, and only 4 km away from the boundary of Norway. The settlement with spreading conifer forests against the backdrop of pasture (Photo 5.5) does not always have high agricultural productivity.

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Photo 5.4 Emigrant Record Research Center (Tosby, Sweden)

Photo 5.5 Settlement Mattila

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Photo 5.6 Cottage in Mattila

Recently, the settlement also functions as a resort area with 16 private-home style cottages. Photo 5.6 is a cottage I stayed in. The exterior is wooden, but the structure is insulated with double-layered windows, and it included both a toilet and shower. These cottages are open not only for summer vacation but also for winter. Mattila’s official website (Swedish only) provides information on the area, including accommodations. The website is http://mattila.se/.

5.5 Conclusion Since I started this study, the Japanese economy has worsened. The national IT policies have not met expectations in regions with decreasing and aging populations. In other words, the adoption of IT has not advanced in depopulated regions to the degree hoped. However, this neither decreases the importance of support for regional living with IT nor does it close off the potential of IT support in the future. The current level of IT is capable of achieving most of what we envision. With sufficient funding, we can establish large-scale systems and ensure proper maintenance. Through this study, I realized the importance of considering usability in the development of IT systems. We must ensure easy-to-use equipment for the elderly, and provide IT education that accommodates individual lifestyles. What is most important for an aging society like Japan is support for regional living activities that take social ties into account and seek consensus within the community.

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Human activities take place on the local as well as the global level. However, spatial limitations are always a factor when a person takes action. A typical example is the physical limitation experienced by individuals with impaired mobility. The collaboration with taxi companies for emergency medical care in Omuta City, Fukuoka Prefecture described above successfully addressed such spatial limitations through linkage with another system of similar scale. Another successful example of collaboration is the Sunflower System developed by Chizu Town, Yazu County, Tottori Prefecture. It was founded in 1995 to provide support to elderly residents living alone through collaboration between the town and the post office in cooperation with the Agricultural Cooperative (JA), hospitals and the police department. The Sunflower System delivers daily commodities and medicines to the elderly. After adding a wide variety of functions and improvements to the information infrastructure, the project has developed into a more effective support system. Considering this example, it would be practical to link existing services that are consistent with the scale of the area for living support. Of course, in most cases, it is essential to have extensive community support to realize such systems. Many places have attempted regional living support using IT. What I observed through my fieldwork was the effect of face-to-face interactions through the use of IT. Not only do IT systems support residents’ lifestyles, but resident use of this technology supports IT systems. In other words, IT supports people, and people support IT. As mentioned above, there are important factors for the use of IT in regional living support: IT level, finances and budgets, usability of functions, degree of popularization, ease of maintenance, presence of agents handling the functions in the region, technical innovation, revision and measures, IT education, maturity of the community, social ties and so forth. During the period of the survey, the Japanese economy rapidly slowed, and support for depopulated regions was delayed. The government seems to have stepped back from its plan to provide support for depopulated regions with IT systems. Meanwhile, voluntary activities by residents in local communities have continued. In this chapter, I introduced cases of intra- and interregional cooperation that have surged among regions. Regardless of the status of IT system implementation, resident awareness of support for regional functions is significantly reflected in regional vitality, and resident awareness is essential to the success of IT systems. This research has convinced me of the importance of cultivating awareness in individuals who handle the IT systems in each region. In addition, soon after initiating this survey, the sale of internet hot water pots started. Once this appliance is put into use, email is automatically sent to a registered address twice daily to indicate that the user is active based on the frequency of operation. It is a convenient function for children who are far away from a parent living alone. But we must also consider the risk of alienation if we simply depend on such systems to monitor the elderly. IT systems should operate under human control, and IT systems should supplement human behaviors. If we keep this in mind, IT systems can facilitate daily life, and they will find more widespread use.

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5 Regional Living Functions and IT Support

IT has the potential of either worsening the digital divide or providing effective living support in depopulated regions. It is of great social significance to identify the proper direction, and the goal is to be achieved not only by researchers, engineers, and administrative personnel but also by society.

References Adachi I (1970) The actual state of depopulation: what is the depopulation and what is happening in it? (Kaso no jittai: Kaso toha nanika, sokode nani ga okite iruka). Jurist 455:21–25 (featuring “depopulation”) (Tokushu “kaso”) (in Japanese) Ago M, Kawai M, Kurihara Y, Abe T, Mihara K, Sumita Y (1997) The creation of the system supporting nursing process in electronic medical chart (Denshi karute ni okeru kangokatei sien sisutemu no kochiku). In: The report of the 36th joint conference on medical informatics (Iryo jyohogaku rengo taikai hokoku) 1-A-7-3 (in Japanese). http://www.shimane-med.ac.jp/jcmi97/ paper/033-318.htm Doi S (1962a) Recent coal fields in Kyushu (Saikin no Kyushu Tanden chitai). Geography (Chiri) 7-8:20–26 (featuring “coal in Japan”) (Tokushu “Nippon no sekitan”) (in Japanese) Doi S (1962b) Chikuho Coal Field under the decay of coal industry (Sekitan shayoka no Chikuho tanden chiiki). Bull Fukuoka Gakugei Univ 2–11:35–55 (in Japanese) Doi S (1969c) Decadence of Chikuho Coal Field and development of coal mining regions (Chikuho tanden no suitai to santan chiiki shinko). Geography (Chiri) 14-2:24–30 (featuring “coal producing region”) (Tokushu “santan chiiki”) (in Japanese) Doi S (1970) Depopulation in Chikuho (Chikuho no kaso). Geography (Chiri) 15-6:26–30 (featuring “depopulation issue”) (Tokushu “kaso mondai”) (in Japanese) Doi S (1971) Coal mine area in Kitakyushu (Kitakyushu no tanko chitai). In: Okuda Y, Nishikawa D, Noguchi Y (eds) Japanese islands: their reality 2: local cities (Nihon Retto: Sono Genjitsu 2: Chiho Toshi). Keiso Shobo, pp 84–101 (in Japanese) Doi S (1978) Collapse of Chikuho coal mining and change of the region”, (Chikuho tankogyo no hokai to chiiki no hen’yo). Bull Univ Teacher Educ Fukuoka 28–2:1–16 (in Japanese) Fujita Y (1981) Japanese mountainous villages (Nihon no Sanson). Chijin Shobo (in Japanese) Hayami A (1988) Peasant life history in the edo period: a village in Nobi as seen in religious census registers (Edo no Nomin Seikatsushi: Shumon Aratamecho ni Miru Nobi no Ichi Noson) (NHK books). NHK Publishing (in Japanese) Kamino S (1970) Mountainous problem as depopulation problem (Kaso mondai to shiteno sanson mondai). For Econ (Ringyo Keizai) 264:7–20 (especially p 15) (in Japanese) Kurata I (1997) Yamada Village marches with internet (Yamada-mura no koshinkyoku wa intanetto). Kumazasasha (in Japanese) The Kyushu Regional Bureau of Telecommunications of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2006) Investigation report on the ideal way to prepare and utilize broadband networks (Broudo bando Nettowaaku no Seibi/Katsuyo no Arikata ni Kansuru kento Chosa Hokokusho). The Kyushu Regional Bureau of Telecommunications of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (in Japanese) Ninomiya H et al (eds) (1983) Historical sociology of home (Ie no Rekishi Shakaigaku) (Library to open-up history, selected annales Articles 2). Shinhyoron Publishing (in Japanese) Okahashi H (1984) Reorganization of agricultural production and rural development in a mountain village: a case study of Oyama-machi in Northern Kyushu, Japan (Kaso sanson/Oita-ken Oyamamachi ni okeru nogyo seisan no saihensei to sono igi: noson/toshikan jinko ido no seigyo sabu sisutemu toshite no nokyo/jichitai no jirei toshite). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 36(5):29–48 (in Japanese)

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The Publication Committee for Professor Senkichi Doi Retirement Commemorative Papers Publication (1985) Location and change of fishing port: Senkichi Doi’s collection of geographical papers (Gyoko no ritchi to hendo: Doi Senkichi chirigaku ronbunshu). The Publication Committee for Professor Senkichi Doi Retirement Commemorative Papers Publication (in Japanese) Saito O (ed) (1988) Historical sociology of the family and population: results of the Cambridge group (Kazoku to Jinko no Rekishi Shakaigaku: Kenburijji Gurupu no Seika) (Sociology Expedition 8) (Shakaikagaku no boken), Libroport (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1987) Analysis of out-migration from a mountain village: a case study of Kamitsuemura in Oita prefecture, Japan (Kaso sanson/Oita-ken Kamituse-mura karano jinko ido no bunseki). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 39–3:1–23 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1990) Note about german social geography: Dispute between Ruppert, Schaffer and Leng (Doitsu shakai chirigaku ni kansuru ichi noto: Ruppert, Schaffer to Leng tono ronso). Research report of Sasebo National College of Technology (Sasebo Kogyo Koto Semmon Gakko Kenkyu Hokoku), vol 26, pp 135–144 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1992a) Change in forest use in a provincial suburban village: a case study of Mizuki District in Dazaifu City, Fukuoka Prefecture (Chiho daitoshi kinko noson no satoyama riyo no henka: Fukuoka-ken Dazaifu-shi Mizuki chiku wo jirei toshite). In: Report of the grant-in-aid for scientific research on priority area GIS of environmental change caused by modernization (Kindaika ni yoru kankyo henka no chirijyoho shisutemu), Japan’s modernization and change of land use (Nihon no Kindaika to Tochi Riyo Henka) (1991 FY final report), pp 55–56 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1992b) Genealogy of German social geography: debates and critical evaluations on social geography (Doitsu shakai chirigaku no ichi keifu: Shakai chirigaku ronso no shuhen). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 44–2:44–65 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1995) Regional identity in Japanese centralism. In: Flüchter W (ed) Japan and Central Europe restructuring: geographical aspects of socio-economic, urban and regional development. Verlag Harrassowitz, pp 240–250 Tsutsumi K (1997) A consideration of peripheral area: basic characteristics of peripheral area and regional change (Empen chiiki ni kansuru ichi kosatsu: Empen chiiki no kihon seikaku to chiiki hendo). Essays Reg Soc (Chiiki Shakai Ronshu; Faculty of Law and Literature, Shimane University) 6: 81–98 (in Japanese)

Part III

Social Capital, Living Environment, and Regional Living Functions of Communities

Photo III-1 The Frame Raising Ceremony of Nichi’nan Town Office Building (November 18, 2001)

Town Office buildings in Nichi’nan Town, Hino Country, Tottori Prefecture suffered significant damage in an earthquake that struck the western part of Tottori Prefecture on October 6, 2000. The town office was relocated and rebuilt. This photograph shows the frame-raising ceremony of the new buildings. The entire frame of the main building was made with the wood cut and sawed up mainly in the town. Some was cut from a few giant old trees which were 100 years old and more. Part

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of the lumber was donated by the owners of the land from which the lumber was obtained. Part III is a discussion of social capital. I have analyzed population outflow (see Part I) as well as community living functions and environments (see Part II) since 1980s. Since 2000, I have conducted surveys based on the concept of social capital. In Part III, I explain the concept of social capital and critically examines existing social capital theories in reference to specific community survey results. In Chap. 6, I give an overview of social capital and examines its meaning. In a study on Japanese farming villages, many researchers focused on social ties before World War II. I refer to representative research on social ties, and summarizes recent studies for discussion in reference to a socio-geographical framework. At the end of the Chap. 6, I give an overview of surveys on activities by each settlement. In Chap. 7, I discuss the reorganization of living environments using the case of Tsukinoya, a settlement in the Oku-Izumo Region of Shimane Prefecture. The settlement had to be vacated in preparation for the planned construction of a dam. Facing no alternative to relocating, and concerned about the aging of a dwindling population, the settlement established two corporations to maintain living functions and reproduce or reestablish the living environment for the settlement’s 40 households. In Chap. 8, I provide examples of activities that combined two projects. One was designed to create communities based on the urban-rural interaction project by NPO Furusato Chikara, which was founded by individuals from Tokushima Prefecture living in urban areas in the Kinki Region and working at organizations that are associated with Tokushima Prefecture. The other one was designed to vitalize forestry in mountainous areas in Tokushima Prefecture. In Chap. 9, I describe changes of living environments, social movements, and social capital using the case of Senri New Town in Osaka. Senri New Town was built in 1962, during Japan’s high economic growth period, and many nuclear families moved in; however, as the residents aged, the town became known as Senri “Old” Town. Osaka Prefectural Government had overseen the development and management of Senri New Town; however, implementation of barrier-free structures was delayed because of the government’s outdated built environment. In addition, the prefecture’s finances exacerbated the situation and forced it to call in outside help from the private sector to undertake redevelopment projects to bring the Senri New Town up to standard for its aging residents. Even so a project to reduce barriers to mobility in and around homes has encountered extreme delays. Stepping in to address the situation, volunteer organizations and NPOs were established one after another. These played a role in improving the regional living environment and maintaining regional functions. I describe these conditions in Chap. 7. From Chaps. 9 to 9, discussions are based on on-site surveys focusing on hearings rather than data analyses. Chapter 10 is the conclusion, and is an additional chapter for this English edition. I reexamine existing social capital theories using the results of empirical regional surveys and analyses that I performed by myself, and I present important items and issues regarding social capital. From the discussions in Parts I and II, the following three points are summarized:

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185

(1) Depopulation has progressed in a self-perpetuating manner that becomes a vicious circle of reduced reproduction. (2) Depopulated regions face the multiple disadvantages of being remote economically, socially, and physically, which isolates the residents and degrades living functions. (3) Depopulated regions can be seen as peripheral regions or spaces that are becoming marginal. Depopulation has also developed on a local scale in large cities. Observing the deterioration of living functions and the living environment in depopulated and aging regions from these viewpoints, we realize the importance of considering measures to maintain the quality of regional life and of seeing these issues not only as the issues for depopulated regions but also as issues for the entire nation. Part III focuses on means of applying existing theories of social capital to such circumstances and observing regional living functions and environments through a concept of social capital.

Chapter 6

Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages

Abstract In this chapter the author examines definitions of “social capital” and traces a history of researches on social capital. There is a long history of rural sociology in Japan, and through it “social ties” have been in the meaningful position. In the age of depopulation, regional social capital and social ties are indispensable to maintain living functions in a settlement and in an area. Modernization has brought partly urbanization, but partly depopulation, so social capital in depopulated areas becomes more and more significant year by year. In the chapter the author analyzes 133 cases of movements for settlement maintenance against depopulation. Keywords Depopulation · Living functions · Maintenance of settlement · Modernization · Social capital · Social ties

6.1 What Is Social Capital? According to economist Hirofumi Uzawa, social overhead capital is classified into three categories: natural resources (environment), social infrastructure, and institutional capital. Social infrastructure is commonly taken to mean social overhead capital (Uzawa 1994, p. 17). However, between the end of twentieth century and the beginning of the twentyfirst century, the term social capital came to have a specific meaning through the spread of a new concept that included social understandings, norms, ties, and networks as capital. In this book when the term social capital is used in such meaning, social capital or social relation capital is used to differentiate from the existing meaning of social overhead capita.1 Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu categorized capital into economic capital, social capital, cultural capital, and symbolic capital. He argued that social groups in communities produce, consume, and reproduce cultural capital with a tendency toward habitus (Bourdieu 1977, pp. 171–183; Jenkins 1992, p. 84). Bourdieu recognized diversity of capital. Sociologist Coleman(1988, p. 98) argued that social capital is defined according to function, and is not a single entity, but a composition of a wide variety of entities consisting of a viewpoint of social structures and the promotion of specific behaviors. © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_6

187

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6 Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages

Political scientist Putnam (2000) contributed to the spread of the concept of social capital as social relation capital. He was influenced by the social capital framework developed by Coleman (1988) (Putnam 1995, pp. 66–67), and carried out research on the theme of damage to social capital in communities causing the collapse of democracy. According to Putnam, “social capital refers to connections among individuals— social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them” (Putnam 2000, p. 19). He also stated that “the central premise of social capital is that social networks have value” (Putnam 2000, p. 19); and he emphasized the importance of social capital consisting of a wide variety of quite specific benefits that flow from the trust, reciprocity, information, and cooperation (Putnam 2000, pp. 19–22). Putnam stated that the most important aspect of all dimensions where social capital forms change are distinguishing bridging (inclusive) and bonding (exclusive) (Putnam 2000, p. 22). Bridging capital refers to outward and inclusive networks and organizations that play the role of bridging to external organizations for cooperation and communicating information, while bonding capital refers to strongly united networks and organizations that form inward, exclusive and homogenous groups. The former is more like Gesellschaft while the latter is more like Gemeinschaft. After Japan entered its period of structural reforms and low economic growth, during which public services shrank, such new social capital functions attracted attention. For example, an NHK TV program, “Solving Difficult Issues with Neighborhood Power!” that had been broadcast since 2003, aimed at solving a wide range of issues in communities by utilizing social capital.

6.2 Issues in Social Capital Studies Social capital attracted attention in Japan as well, and it has been surveyed and analyzed in the twenty-first century. The Social Capital Research and Study Committee (2003) conducted surveys commissioned by the Cabinet Office, and the results revealed a strong relationship between social capital and social movements, and the importance of the role of NPOs in cultivating social capital. Yamauchi and Ibuki (2005) measured social capital in individual prefectures using a wide variety of indicators. The two above-mentioned studies were meaningful in understanding social capital in individual communities in Japan. However, issues remain when seen from the standpoint of empirical regional analysis. The following are some issues that stand out more than others. (1) Because the studies were based on relatively macroscale analyses, they tend not to provide the viewpoint of microscale and related social capital.2 Analysis on bonding-type social capital requires the analysis of microscale social

6.2 Issues in Social Capital Studies

189

capital such as communities and settlements. Combining micro and macro analyses allows a more accurate understanding of the bridging-type social capital network. (2) The macroviewpoint may be reflected in top-down type regional policies. This is particularly the case in the current state, in which surveys and analyses are mainly led by government agencies and organizations or their committee members who are financial experts and regional economists. (3) Including not only with quantitative data but also with qualitative data is essential to gaining an understanding of the actual state of social capital. However, macroviewpoint analyses tend to depend strongly on the existing statistical data, leading to dependence on quantitative data, which tend to cause bias in the data on which analyses are based.3 These problems are related to each other; however, they are not always difficult to solve. In the case of (1), we simply try to perceive the deployment of social capital with a wide variety of scales. In the case of (2), the problems may be solved by reflecting the results of the analyses from a wide range of viewpoints to policies. Commenting on this point, Putnam wrote, “In all fields related to the creation of social capital that has been discussed in a basic way here, advocates of the theory of social capital should avoid flawed arguments. Top-down versus bottom-up is a false dichotomy—the roles of national and local institutions in restoring American communities need to be complementary. We require both in order to solve problems” (Putnam 2000, p. 413). In other words, it is necessary to conduct surveys and studies considering all features of complementary subjects. In the case of (3), it is necessary to examine the methods of understanding a more diverse and detailed state of social capital through on-site surveys, hearings, and questionnaires, and avoid dependence on existing data.

6.3 Social Capital and Studies on Rural Society From the viewpoint of rural sociology and rural sociogeography, studies on social relationships focusing on farming villages in Japan have accumulated a tremendous amount of data. These include well-known studies on social relationships and social ties in rural society. In other words, studies on social relationships and social ties in rural society have dealt with social capital as a theme. On the other hand, current studies on social capital in Japan have focused on analyses targeting national and individual local governments, while studies on social capital conducted from the viewpoint of farming village communities have not become a trend. Although studies on social capital in Japan became popular through the influence of overseas studies conducted by Putnam and other researchers in and after the late 1990s, there was no close relationship or cooperation with the

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6 Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages

above-mentioned studies on rural society, which revealed obvious gaps between them. Therefore, in this section, I explain a few well-known studies on social relationships in farming villages. Specifically, I introduce major studies by Eitaro Suzuki and Tadashi Fukutake, two rural sociologists, studies by socio-geographer Ichiro Suizu and a regional sociologist, Hiroshi Suzuki.

6.3.1 Theory of Natural Village by Eitaro Suzuki The most well-known concept of rural society (community) is the “natural village (shizenson),” which was described by Eitaro Suzuki. He defined the natural village as “a unified society of people with the same organizational social awareness throughout their entire social life, an awareness that generates direct connections through other social ties based on geographical connections.” He continued to note that “if we consider the territorial bonding-based society as based on neighborhood bonding, the natural village is obviously more complex. The natural village includes bonding through many other social ties, and the particular social awareness of residents regulates all directions of social life in which each member is acquainted with all others. Such social unification is what we call the natural village” (Suzuki 1940, p. 36). The concept of the natural village is different from the concept of the administrative village. Suzuki said, “A village is a single spirit that develops and grows, and it is a behavioral principle. It is neither a simple group nor an accumulation of social relationships” (Suzuki 1940 p. 85). Around 1889, the middle of the Meiji Period (1868–1912), the Japanese government promoted the merger of local governments (known as the large-scale merger of municipalities in the Meiji Period). Rural sociologists were interested in how the social relationships in rural society changed before and after mergers. Suzuki examined the primary social zone (the smallest unit of a village), the secondary social zone (larger unit of a village), and the tertiary social zone (municipalities after mergers) to clarify which social zone maintained the strongest social ties and formed a rural society that has characteristics different from the administrative village (Suzuki 1940, p. 37, pp. 77–79). As a result, the secondary social zone developed from a village in the Edo Period (1603–1867) revealed the greatest degree of stability and accumulation of social relationships. He called these “natural villages” to contrast them with “administrative villages.” He noted that villages had been required to pay annual tax as the collective responsibility of each village for more than 200 years in the Edo Period, and that because of this the members of each village accumulated and established social relationships in an environment of mutual support and surveillance. In this way, they passed down an awareness of unified society (Suzuki 1940, pp. 79–85). Although there are some criticisms of the name, natural villages, and its definition, Suzuki’s studies are meaningful because they showed important principles of rural society and played a role in developing the scientific basis for rural society studies in modern times.

6.3 Social Capital and Studies on Rural Society Table 6.1 Families in rural areas

191

(1) Satisfying sexual needs and reproduction (2) Production and consumption association (3) Association to protect the elderly, children, and the invalid (4) Educational association (5) Religious association (6) Association to enjoy amusement and provide education (7) Social rights and obligations Source Created from the writings of Eitaro Suzuki (1940, pp. 208– 242)

In the Principles of Japanese Rural Sociology, published in 1940, Suzuki clarified the multiplicity of families and social associations in rural society using the combination of functional classifications and scales,4 and defined the natural village as a unified form of accumulated social groups and individual social relationships. According to Suzuki, there were seven functions of farming households in Japan (Table 6.1). We can understand from the results of Suzuki’s studies that the farming household functions are essential for both maintaining and reproducing families, including the reproduction of trusting relationships among families. However, during the process of modernization, some of these functions deteriorated or were externalized. Such modern rural households can also be considered the smallest unit of bonding-type social capital. Suzuki classified the social groups of rural villages into 10 types (Table 6.2). Members of the above-mentioned groups are overlapped or the same in most cases, and the multiple structures of the group members are composed of the structure of maintenance and reproduction of close social relationships in villages. In that Table 6.2 Social groups in rural villages

(1) Administrative regional group (2) Shrine parishioner group (3) Temple supporter group (4) Religious group (5) Neighborhood group (6) Economical group (7) Nationally established group (8) Kinship group (9) Group of people acting together in support of a common interest (10) Hierarchical group Source Created from the writings of Eitaro Suzuki (1940, pp. 302– 354)

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6 Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages

meaning, Georg Simmel’s concept of “simultaneity of inner unity and outer exclusion (Gleichzeitigkeit desZusammenschlußes nach innen und des Abschlußes nach außen)” is very consistent with that of natural village (Simmel 1908, p. 7).

6.3.2 Theory of Same Clan by Tadashi Fukutake After World War II, rural sociologist Tadashi Fukutake (1917–1989) was actively conducting experiments and developing theories on rural social structures (Fukutake 1959, pp. 30–35). Roughly speaking, he extracted two rural bonding types. One is based on the same clan group, a village structure centering on master–servant bonding composed with a powerful landowner clan (head clan) and relative and nonrelative tenant farmers (branch clans); in other words, the same clan group. The other is a neighborhood association (ko association) structure, a village structure centering on almost equal bonding. The former has a vertical or hierarchical social structure while the latter has relatively equal or similar social bonding. According to Fukutake, the same clan structure was common in farming villages in the Tohoku Region while the neighborhood association structure like Ko association was common in southwestern farming villages influenced by modernization and modern capitalism earlier than those in the Tohoku Region (Table 6.3). This classification of rural society structure by Fukutake was sometimes criticized because it was too stereotypical and simplistic. However, it should not be considered a simple classification into two types but valued as a means of examining how rural society has two characteristics; namely, elements and composition. The same clan group prioritizes the relationship between the head clan, branch clans, and kinship, while the neighborhood association prioritizes religious or companionate and mutual–assistant relationships and events. It is thought that this difference in the sense of values and the behaviors gradually formed, maintained, and developed different social capital and social reliability. Table 6.3 Two types of rural society structure Type

Characteristics

Social relationships

Major regions

Same clan

Same clan/relatives

Vertical/hierarchical

Tohoku Region/mountainous areas

Neighborhood association

Religious/companionate

Horizontal/equal

Southwestern Japan/Flatland

Source Created from the writings Fukutake (1959, pp. 30–35), etc

6.3 Social Capital and Studies on Rural Society

193

6.3.3 Theory of Basic Region by Ichiro Suizu Ichiro Suizu (1923–1996) developed his theory from the standpoint of sociogeography and landscape research. Strongly influenced by the concept of the natural village developed by Eitaro Suzuki, Suizu proposed a smallest-unit model called the “basic region,” the smallest unit in which basic social life can operate (Suizu 1980, pp. 14–239). The basic region is composed not only of close relationships but also an organic balance consisting of the actual state and landscape of rural society. Part of the theory was strongly influenced by German landscape geography. In one meaning, the basic region neither directly focused on the hierarchical social relationships nor did it build the position of the region into broader social networks. It was simply a static concept of a unit similar to the natural village. However, Suizu prioritized harmonic bonding among settlements, farmlands, irrigation systems, and forests and fields owned by a village, which differed significantly from the theory developed by Suzuki. Suizu prioritized the landscape of farming villages that have actual substance containing social ties and social capital.

6.3.4 Theory of Community Morale by Hiroshi Suzuki Renowned local community sociologist and urban sociologist Hiroshi Suzuki (1931– 2014) considered community morals and norms as the structure of community awareness (Suzuki 1986, pp. 162–170). Suzuki’s study on the theory of awareness followed the processes by which new communities are formed through the development of residential areas in old farming villages and was proven by studies targeting the residents in new satellite cities near large cities in local areas. His study was different from other studies introduced in this section; however, I considered it meaningful for social capital studies because it was related to urbanization in neighboring farming villages. According to Suzuki, community morale includes the amount, level, and strength of community awareness while community norms include the quality, direction, and content of community awareness. The former is strongly related to the awareness of participation and identity of community members while the latter is associated with external factors. As for the results of empirical community surveys, community morale comprises of four factors: attachment, integration, communication, and evaluation. Although the high economic growth in the 1960s caused a shift in the Japanese social structure from community oriented to fluid as social mobility increased, Suzuki intended to explain the changes in regional society from the viewpoint of industrialization and urbanization (Suzuki 1986, pp. 166–168).

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6.4 Micro–Macro Issues in Social Capital Studies As explained above, in social capital studies in Japan, there was a gap between the study of social relationships and social ties in rural society in premodern times and the study of social capital from the modern macroviewpoint. Therefore, when working on practical social capital studies, it is necessary to close this gap. The problem we encounter is that although we have accumulated results from surveys and research on social relationships and ties targeting rural society in Japan, social capital studies developed by Putman and those who came after him have followed a more macro- than community-level viewpoint in Japan. Let’s call it the micro–macro issue in social capital studies. From the standpoint of rural regional society research, it is natural to insist that there is nothing new in social capital theory because similar data have already been accumulated through studies on social relationships. While active interest in research on rural society and mountainous areas waned, and such regions have diversified, divided, and partially urbanized, the number of researchers examining such regional social relationships has decreased and the researchers have aged. In addition, while it has become more difficult to understand regions through the relationships between cities and farming villages alone and the actual state of regions has diversified, population has shrunk both nationally and regionally, and it has aged. We have entered a time in which it is predicted that both Tokyo and Shimane Prefecture, which has depopulated mountainous areas, will encounter the issue of the aging population in and after 2030 (Matsutani 2004, pp. 88–89). I also feel that the number of individuals engaged in research in such regions has also been decreasing. Under such circumstances, social capital studies seem to have the potential of providing a chance for us to review social relationships, the forms of social resources, and cooperative relationships with other elements in rural areas. For this reason, it is meaningful to examine cases of rural areas and mountainous areas that have experienced the deterioration of industries and regional living functions, the decrease of population, and population aging ahead of urban areas, especially research on settlement communities on a micro scale.5 From the next chapter in Part III, some regional cases of social capital will be referred to. In the next section of this chapter, I briefly explain the trend of national approaches in areas encountering a decreasing population, especially in farming villages, by individual settlement as a link to connect the following chapters.

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195

6.5 Activities for Livelihood and Social Capital in Settlements in Regions Encountering Population Decline 6.5.1 Overview of Analysis on Activities for Livelihood in Settlements in Regions Encountering Population Decline Surveys and research in this section are cited as a means of inspecting regional social maintenance systems employed by settlements in regions encountering population decline. I collected data, created a database of social maintenance systems for settlements, and created two databases of related laws and systems. In the end, the following three databases were created: (1) Database of social maintenance systems for settlements. (2) Database of laws, projects, and systems related to regional development: Laws, projects, and systems regarding regional development and maintenance of function by government agencies, prefectural governments, municipal governments, and other organizations. (3) Database of laws related to regional development: Major regional development related laws. These three databases can be found on the following website (Research Results by the Institute of Human Geography, Graduate School of Letters, Osaka University): http://www.let.osaka-u.ac.jp/geography/work.html.

6.5.2 Data Collection Methods The above-mentioned databases were created by collecting data regarding activities performed to maintain regional society by each settlement using websites, academic journals, and other publications as well as surveys on support for laws, ordinances, systems, projects, etc. regarding the activities by government. As the standards for data to be collected (cases of activities), the following points were used: (1) Data should be collected from regions encountering population decline. (2) Data should be related to activities by each settlement. (3) The purpose and content of activities should be to maintain regional society or activities that have become so.

196 Table 6.4 Number of cases of activities by prefecture

6 Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages Prefecture

Number of cases Prefecture

Number of cases

Hokkaido

3 Hyogo

6

Aomori

1 Tottori

10

Iwate

6 Shimane

19

Miyagi

7 Okayama

2

Akita

4 Hiroshima

5

Yamagata

*+2 Yamaguchi

2

Fukushima

2 Tokushima

1

Tocliigi

1 Kagawa

1

Niigata

12 Eliime

3

Toyama

2 Kochi

2

Isliikawa

1 Fukoka

1

Fukui

6 Nagasaki

2

Yamanashi

2 Oita

Nagano

15 Miyazaki

Shizuoka

6 Kagoshima

Mie

1 Total

Shiga

1

1 2 4 133

6.5.3 Data Collection Data were collected between November 8, 2006 and February 28, 2007. Thereafter, we added or adjusted data when necessary. The majority of data were collected via the internet. I also referred to some academic journals such as the Journal of Rural Planning Association (https://ci.nii. ac.jp/ncid/AN00386889) and other magazines such as DePOLA; however, all data were confirmed via websites. Databases were created after obtaining data on 133 activities in settlements, and 119 policies and projects regarding regional vitalization (45 were also related to activities). In addition, major laws regarding regional development were also organized (Table 6.4).

6.5.4 Survey Results In regard to activities in settlements, I collected and organized data on nine items: activity name (slogan), related projects and systems, supporting organizations, year started, major theme, purpose, content, results, and issues. The results are described below:

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197

(1) Purpose (Reason for the activities) As the reasons for activities, many settlements mentioned that activities addressed “the need to respond to depopulation, aging, and the lack of successors” and “anxiety about the settlement not being attractive as a place to live” (Fig. 6.1). This is possibly due to all subject settlements being depopulated areas. Other settlements mentioned

Fig. 6.1 Initial reason for the activities (N = 133)

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that activities were aimed at specific measures, and this allowed us to understand the issues each settlement has. The second most common reason, “preservation of farming land,” included the resolution of abandoned farmland, and terraced paddy field measures using an owner system. “Development of specialty products” included agricultural products and their processed food, and traditional art crafts. “Vitalization through the interactions with people outside the settlements” included tourist farms and farm stays. Owner systems are also included; however, they were classified separately depending on which they prioritize, preservation of farmland or interactions with residents in cities. “Promotion of agriculture” includes active agricultural businesses through community farming and growing new products to promote the vitalization of settlements. (2) Content of Activities Figures 6.2 and 6.3 are the summarization of activities in each settlement. Figure 6.2 shows a major activity for each group. However, many groups perform activities in several different fields. Therefore, Fig. 6.3 shows all activities performed by each group. This reveals that each settlement is engaged in activities in more than one field. Activities by settlements tend to be compound. Table 6.5 shows the key terminologies used in the two figures above and classifications of activities. Data were collected from farming settlements; therefore, both Figs. 6.2 and 6.3 reveal “Agriculture” was the top of the activities. Activities performed by using a direct payment system for hilly and mountainous areas and community farming were seen the most. “Event,” which was the second highest, is 2.6 times more in Fig. 6.3 than Fig. 6.2, partly because Fig. 6.3 is the accumulation of multiple answers. This shows that “Event” is often held along with a main activity (e.g., PR events for processed food, tourist farms, and owner systems). Targets, scale, and contents of “Event” are diversified. Some are targeting residents in the settlements such as summer festivals and events of group activities, and others are targeting everyone nationwide such as photo contests. (3) Year when Activities Started Activities by each group became active from late 1990s (Fig. 6.4). Many groups started activities in 2000 accounted for approximately 17% of the entire groups. It is considered that taking nationwide measures for hilly and mountainous areas including the enforcement of the Article 35 of the Food, Agriculture and Rural Areas Basic Act in 1999, which clearly specified the “development of hilly and mountainous areas, etc.” and the implementation of a direct payment system for hilly and mountainous in 2000 gave a significant influence on these activities. However, the popularization of the internet and the increase of information provision along with the increase of award systems may also gave a significant influence too. Therefore, Fig. 6.4 does not show the exact relationship between the year when activities started and the number of cases.

6.5 Activities for Livelihood and Social Capital …

199

Fig. 6.2 Major activity (N = 133)

(4) Range of Subjects of Activities The range of the activities was remaining inside or around the settlement, or responding to the need of the individual areas (Fig. 6.5), for example, improvement or preservation of farmland, cleaning the settlement, welfare. On the contrary, most of the tourism farms and owner systems target residents in cities both inside and

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6 Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages

Fig. 6.3 Content of activities (multiple selections allowed) (NM = 283)

6.5 Activities for Livelihood and Social Capital …

201

Table 6.5 Description of the keywords and classification of the activities 1

Agriculture

Agriculture: Approaches to promote farming activities/Paddy field improvement, management of conduits and farm roads, settlement farming, sharing machinery, growing new crops, etc.

2

Sale of agricultural products: Local specialty agricultural products

3

Sale of processed food: Processing local agricultural products and selling them as specialty products

4

Preservation of farmland: Preservation activities for farmland excluding owner systems/Including the activities for abandoned farmland and damage by birds and animals

5

Fisheiy

6 7

Fishery: Approaches to promote fishing industry Sale of processed food (Fishery products): Processing and selling local fishery products

Green tourism

Owner system: Mainly terraced paddy fields/ There is a case of Yuzu and daffodils separately.

8

Faming village restaurant: Opening restaurants in each settlement to promote interactions among people both inside and outside the settlement

9

Farm stay: Providing stays at private houses and facilities in settlements for people from outside the settlement to have interactions with residents

10

Tourist farm: Promoting interactions among people inside and outside the settlement through agricultural experience and viewing

11 Tourism

Event: Promoting interactions among people inside and outside the settlement through festivals, competitions, etc.

12

Tourism: Improving beauty and sightseeing spots to bring in tourists

13 Sale

Sale of specialty products: Local specialty products excluding agricultural and fishing products/Traditional art crafts, etc.

14

Store management in the settlement: Stores for residents in the settlement

15

Enticement of vender trucks: For residents in the settlement

16 Settlement Landscape improvement: Improving landscape in the settlement/Growing Environment greens for landscape/Installing water wheel, etc. 17

Improvement of settlement environment: Improving living environment/Installing garbage areas/Cleaning the settlement/CATV installation, etc.

18 Living

Promotion of settlement: Promoting I- and U-turn to the settlement

19

Welfare: Taking measures for motivation in the elderly

20

Disaster control: Approaches to prevent disasters

21

Environment: Approaches to preserve the environment

22

Education: Nature schools, etc.

202 Fig. 6.4 Year when activities started (N = 90, 43 uncertain cases not listed)

6 Social Capital and Living Environment of Rural Villages

6.5 Activities for Livelihood and Social Capital …

203

Fig. 6.5 Range of subjects of activities

outside the prefecture. Recently, various measures regarding coexistence and interactions among cities and rural areas have been implemented nationwide, which has improved green tourism and I- and U-turn support projects and activities. Because subjects of these activities are broad, many of them use the internet for PR. (5) Supporting Organizations for Activities Organizations that support activities in settlements are dominated by administrative agencies (Fig. 6.6). National government is involved in many policies while there

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Fig. 6.6 Supporting organizations of activities

are only a few supporting measures provided by prefectures themselves, and those provided by municipalities themselves are fewer. Administrative agencies and corporations (foundations, etc.) support locally enacted projects by offering subsidiaries. NPOs among corporations provide support by participating activities. There are many activities performed by residents without any support from administrating agencies and so forth. Most of these activities were started to support the parts that administrative services have not been delivered sufficiently, and their contents are diversified and unique depending on the area.

6.5.5 Future Issues and Social Capital Issues found in this survey are the following four points: 1. Dependence on the internet: Depending on the internet to collect data, the data obtained were limited to those of areas and groups that disclosed information. In addition, the content of the disclosed information was also varied and biased. 2. Difficulties in tracing activities: There are only a few groups that created its own website and updated information as necessary. Most of them were introduced by administrative agencies and foundations that support regional promotion, which made it difficult to follow their time-series activities. Therefore, it was unable to investigate whether these activities continued or not and to examine the influence by municipal mergers.

6.5 Activities for Livelihood and Social Capital …

205

3. Deviation to farming and mountain villages: There were too many cases of farming settlement cases, which made it difficult to collect data of fishery and forestry. 4. Regional promotion activities have been performed as many as the number of areas, which made it difficult to understand the entire state. The entire state of the activities performed based on policies would be understood by checking the systems, however, there are a number of policies, which made it difficult to organize the systems. In addition, activities by NPOs or residents without using support by administrations (subsidized projects) were diversified and hard to be summarized. However, because these were community-oriented activities performed by residents when necessary, they were extremely interesting as a regional society maintenance system at low cost, effectively, and cyclically. Results of a wide variety of analyses here showed that because of having social capital in the background, activities by settlements tend to be performed compositely, and that the settlement activities are supported by bridging activities such as support from external organizations as well as bonding activities inside the settlements. In and after the next chapter, the relationship between the social capital and the environment and functions of regional lifestyles will be discussed based on some cases of mountainous areas and regions encountering population decline. Notes 1. A report by Hans Westlund, an economist at the Royal Institute of Technology (KTH), Sweden (Westlund 2004) and other reports published in Japan by Miyagawa and Omori (2004) and Inaba (2007) are considered as good textbooks about social capital. Some overseas studies were more detailed and pointed out the importance of knowledge society such as Westlund (2004). A study carried out by Kobayashi et al. (1999) focused on the wisdom of local communities. 2. Page 4 of the “Overview” of a report edited by the Social Capital Investigation Committee (2003) stated that areas with substantial social capital showed low unemployment rates and high birthrates. Settlements in mountainous rural villages often have more sufficient social capital than large cities; however, their birthrates and employment rates are not necessarily high. The descriptions are correct in macroscale, but are not always correct in microscale, which requires different ways of examinations. 3. However, it is also meaningful to consider policies to provide financial support for developing countries after measuring social capital. In such cases, principles and methodologies for the measurement will be important. Meanwhile, measurement of social capital from the macroviewpoint has a possibility of disregarding the issues of quality of life when the measurement is performed from a neoliberalism viewpoint. Please refer to the following literatures about these issues: Grootaert and van Bastelaer (2002), Grootaert et al. (2004), Lin et al. (2001), and McLean et al. (2002). 4. Suzuki 1940, p. 695, pp. 208–242, pp. 299–393. It was 1991 when the Japan Sociological Society started planning the publications of journals in Western

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languages. Therefore, studies by Suzuki and other sociologists had not been introduced broadly to overseas yet. The framework proposed by Suzuki was also specified for the application to rural society in Japan, and not universal as social system theory by Talcott Parsons (1951). However, Suzuki should be highly regarded because he already reached the idea more than a half century ago. Functional classifications of rural households by Suzuki were influenced by formal sociology by Georg Simmel (Germany) and rural sociology by Ezra Dwight Sanderson (U.S.). Please see the report (Suzuki 1933, pp. 96–126) for more details about this. The theory of functionalism was also elaborated in the field of functional anthropology by Bronislaw Malinowski and other researchers, and Malinowski published his theoretical textbook in 1944. At this point, Suzuki had focused on functional analysis earlier than that (Malinowski 1944). It is very interesting that the farming village household functions shown by Suzuki were significantly overlapped with the basic living functions developed by Ruppert and Schaffer described in Chap. 4, Part II of this book. 5. Although this is the item that was not referred to by this book, close human relationship was built in former coal-mining regions among the workers at the mines and their families (Takashima Town Regional Health Study Group 1991; Tsutsumi 1991, 1997, 2006, 2008; Yamamoto 1991; Nishihara 1998; Nishihara and Saito 2002; Tsutsumi 2006). Kodama (2001) carried out a follow-up study and an interesting analysis on the individuals who left Mitsui-Miike Coal Mine which was closed on March 31, 1997. According to the results, 1,585 individuals including outsourced company workers lost jobs when the closure of the coal mine. Among these 1,585 workers, 1,317 workers wanted to find another job. About 80.9% of them (1,065 individuals) could find a job. Those who lost the job at the coal mine had a strong wish to work in the region. In addition, younger people who started finding a job or receiving vocational training as early as possible could find a job under better conditions while the desire to be reemployed tended to decrease in older people. Coal miners usually start receiving welfare pension from the age of 55 and that may have given influence on the results. The reason that these coal miners could be reemployed at a high rate was that former workers at Miike coal mine were actively supported them as counselors for those who left the coal mine in addition that Mitsui Group companies, local governments, employment promotion foundations, employment security offices, and vocational schools took a wide range of measures. While providing counseling for the workers and their families about the reemployment and improvement of their life, the counselors also tried to match the companies and the former coal miners for their reemployment. This report by Toshihiro Kodama was highly regarded as “a precious parting gift from a diminishing industry” that allowed us to consider the issues of reemployment in the times of restructuring and structural reforms (Column “Mado: From the Editorial Office, Asahi Evening Newspaper, January 23, 2002 issue). This parting gift was a social capital for the coal mining society (Kodama 2001).

References

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References Bourdieu P (1977) Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge University Press Coleman JS (1988) Social capital in the creation of human capital. Am J Sociol 94 (Supplement):95– 120 Fukutake T (1959) Social Structure of Japanese Villages (Nippon Sonraku no Shakai Kozo). University of Tokyo Press (in Japanese) Grootaert C, van Bastelaer T (eds) (2002) Understanding and measuring social capital: a multidisciplinary tool for practitioners (Directions in Development). The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank Grootaert C, Narayan D, Jones VN, Woolcock M (eds) (2004) Measuring social capital: an integrated questionnaire (World Bank Working Paper No. 18). The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank Inaba Y (2007) Social capital: contemporary economic and social issues solving with ‘bond of trust’ (Sosharu Kyapitaru: “Shinrai no Kizuna” de Toku Gendai Keizai/Shakai no Shokadai). Seisansei Publishing (in Japanese) Jenkins R (1992) Pierre Bourdieu. Routledge Kobayashi K, Matsuo Y, Tsutsumi K (eds) (1999) Local knowledge and innovation: enhancing the substance of non-metropolitan regions. MARG Kodama T (2001) Job change possibility of workers in the re-employment status of ex-coal miner after closure of Mitsui Miike Coal Mine (Mitsui-Miike tanko heizan go no tanko rishokusha no saishushoku jyokyo ni miru rodosha no tenshoku kanosei). The Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry Discussion Paper Series, 01-J-004, pp. 1–21 (in Japanese) Lin N, Cook K, Burt RS (eds) (2001) Social capital: theory and research. Transaction Publishers Malinowski B (1944) The scientific theory of culture. The University of North Carolina Press Matsutani A (2004) New formula for depopulated economy: concept and system of ‘Shrinking World’ (‘Jinko gensho Keizai’ no Atarashii Koshiki: ‘Chijimu Sekai’ no Hasso to Shisutemu). Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha (in Japanese) McLean SL, Schultz DA, Steger MB (eds) (2002) Social capital: critical perspectives on community and ‘Bowling Alone’. New York University Press Miyagawa T, Omori T (2004) Social capital: base of governance of modern economic society (Sosharu Kyapitaru: Gendai Keizai Shakai no Gabanansu no Kiso). Toyo Keizai Shimposha (in Japanese) Nishihara J (1998) The closure of coal mines in the peripheral regions of Japan and the collapse of single enterprise communities: The case of the Mitsubishi Coal Mine on Takashima Island, Nagasaki Prefecture (Wagakuni no empen chiiki ni okeru tanko no heizan to tan’itsu kigyo chiiki no hokai: Nagasaki-ken Mitsubishi-Takashima-Tanko no jirei). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 50(2):1– 23 (in Japanese) Nishihara J, Saito H (2002) Coal mine closures in the late 1980 s and the reaction of redundant mining workers: the case of the Takashima Coal Mine, Nagasaki Prefecture, Japan (Sangyo no risutorakucharinguki ni okeru tanko heizan to sankaiso tanko rodosha no kisu: Nagasaki-ken Mitsubishi Takashima Tanko no jirei). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 54(2):1–22 (in Japanese) Parsons T (1951) The social system. The Free Press Putnam RD (1995) Bowling alone. J Democracy 6(1):65–78 Putnam RD (2000) Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of american community. Simon & Schuster Simmel G (1908) Soziologie: Untersuchungen über die Formen der Vergesellschaftung. Duncker & Humblot Social Capital Research and Study Committee (ed) (2003) Social Capital: For Better Personal Relationships and Virtuous Cycle of Civic Life (Sosharu Kyapitaru: Yutakana Ningen Kankei to Shimin Seikatsu no Kojunkan wo Motomete). The Cabinet Office of Japan (in Japanese) Suizu I (1980) Basic issues of social geography (new edition) (Shakai Chirigaku no Kihon Mondai, Shinteiban). Taimeido (in Japanese)

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Suzuki E (1933) History of rural sociology (Noson Shakaigakushi). Toko Shoin (in Japanese) Suzuki E (1940) Principles of Japanese rural sociology (Nippon Noson Shakaigaku Genri). Jichosha (in Japanese) Suzuki H (1986) Study of urbanization: social mobility and community (Toshika no Kenkyu: Shakai Ido to Komyunitei), Koseisha Koseikaku (in Japanese) Takashima Town Regional Health Study Group (ed) (1991) Lessons from the Island with closed coal mine: attempt to interdisciplinary regional research in Takashima, Nagasaki Prefecture (Tanko Heizan no Shima kara Mananda Koto: Nagasaki-ken Takashima ni okeru Gakusaiteki Chiiki Kenkyu no Kokoromi). Showado (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1991) Migration after closing of a coal mine in Takashima. In: Takashima Town Regional Health Study Group (ed) (1991) Lessons from the Island with closed coal mine: attempt to interdisciplinary regional research in Takashima, Nagasaki Prefecture (Tanko Heizan no Shima kara Mananda Koto: Nagasaki-ken Takashima ni okeru Gakusaiteki Chiiki Kenkyu no Kokoromi), (chapter 8). Showado, pp. 227–246 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1997) Change from coal mine city into civic city: Omuta City (Tanko toshi kara shimin toshi he: Omuta-shi). In: Hiraoka A (ed) Kyushu: a century reading on maps (Kyushu: Chizu de Yomu Hyakunen). Kokon Shoin, pp. 25–30 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2006) An analysis of out-migration resulted from shutdown of Takashima coal mine (Takashima Tanko Heizan ni Tomonau Jinko Ryushutsu no Bunseki). Bull School Lett Osaka University (monograph edition) 46(2):v+113P (whole volume) (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2008) Drastic depopulation, town renovation and social capital in a coal mining island: a case of Takashima in Nagasaki prefecture. In: Kobayashi K, Westin L, Westlund L (eds) Social capital and development trends in rural areas, vol 3. CERUMBOK (Social Science Unit, Umeå University, Sweden), pp. 47–59 (chapter 4) Uzawa H (1994) Concept of social common capital (Shakaiteki kyotsu shihon no gainen). In: Uzawa H, Mogi A (eds) Social common capital: commons and city (Shakaiteki Kyotsu Shihon: komonzu to Toshi), (Development Bank of Japan Research Institute of Capital Formation Economic Affairs 4). University of Tokyo Press, pp. 15–45 (in Japanese) Westlund H (2004) Social capital, innovation policy and the emergence of the knowledge society: a comparison between Sweden, Japan and USA. Swedish Institute for Growth Policy Studies Yamamoto Y (1991) Culture of coal mine society and alcoholism in Takashima coal mine community (Takashima tanko shakai ni miru tanko bunka to inshu izonsei). In: Takashima Town Regional Health Study Group (ed) Lessons from the Island with closed coal mine: attempt to interdisciplinary regional research in Takashima, Nagasaki Prefecture (Tanko Heizan no Shima kara Mananda Koto: Nagasaki-ken Takashima ni okeru Gakusaiteki Chiiki Kenkyu no Kokoromi), Showado, pp. 17–72 (chapter 2) (in Japanese) Yamauchi N, Ibuki E (eds) (2005) Japan’s social capital (Nippon no Sosharu Kyapitaru). NPO Research Information Center of Osaka School of International Public Policy (Osaka University) (in Japanese)

Chapter 7

Reformation of a Settlement Forced to Move for the Construction of a Dam—The Case of Tsukinoya, a Settlement in Kisuki Town, Un’nan City, Shimane Prefecture Abstract In many cases of submerged and relocated settlement by dam construction, revitalization of the community used to fail and further depopulation used to develop. This chapter shows a rare case of regional revitalization of a mountainous settlement which was forced to relocate because of construction of a dam. That is, after the relocation caused by dam construction, the settlement Tsukinoya was renewed and revitalized by some key figure persons (agents) in their local community. They established two vital organizations; a NPO for sustain daily living functions and an agricultural cooperative corporation for production of rice, vegetables and processed products. It is very small settlement with about 40 households, but owing to the two organizations their local life and agriculture have been sustained and it led to very smaller depopulation after the relocation. Their regional social ties and social capital are very strong, and they are strengthened by daily face-to-face activities including traditional event of kagura. Keywords Agent · Construction of a dam · Depopulation · Regional revitalization · Social capital · Socialties

7.1 Introduction Many dams have been built in mountainous areas in Japan, and this has forced the residents of settlements to relocate as property, farmlands, forests, and roads behind the dams are covered in water. The residents of such settlements experience a significant change in lifestyle (Nishino 1981, 1999, 2003, 2008). There is a wide range of cases in which the entire village was forced to move for the construction of a dam,1 the central part of a village was forced to move,2 or a village became famous for its opposition to dam construction.3 The Act on Special Measures Concerning Water Resource Areas was established for areas encountering significant changes. Coming into effect on October 17, 1973, it was established to provide support for areas undergoing significant change and included the promotion of measures aimed at rebuilding living conditions. However, the living environment for settlements that were forced to move to make way for dam construction was not always favorable. Separate from issue of whether or not a © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_7

209

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7 Reformation of a Settlement Forced to Move for the Construction …

Fig. 7.1 Location of Tsukinoya settlement

given dam was needed, it cannot be denied that planning for construction accelerated depopulation in such areas. This chapter discusses settlements that experienced population outflow and the relocation of houses and other facilities from Water Resource Areas in preparation for the construction of a dam. Specifically, I examine independent reform undertaken by Tsukinoya, a settlement in Kisuki Town, Un’nan City,4 Shimane Prefecture (see Fig. 7.1 for the location), aimed at the maintenance and vitalization of independent living functions following relocation due to the construction of the National Dam at Obara. Defining individuals actively working to maintain living functions and change lifestyle habits for the residents of settlements that relocated as “agents”, I focus on social ties in the settlement. The next section includes a description of my analytical viewpoint, which focuses on agents and social ties, to provide background for discussion of area surveys.

7.2 Agents and Social Ties In areas where population has sharply decreased, which are the subjects of this study, living functions tend to deteriorate due to population outflow, which causes deprivation. Quite a few residents are unwilling to allow their living standards to worsen when such changes occur in regional society, and they independently take necessary measures, or at least attempt to do so. Since the 1990s, a natural decrease in

7.2 Agents and Social Ties

211

population has become obvious in some depopulated regions, and residents’ awareness about maintaining regional society has increased. Such awareness has led to resident activities. In the midst of structural reforms that have resulted in decreased support by administrative organs, people began placing effort into ensuring the independent maintenance of their lives in settlements. However, it is not always true that settlements have such people. In fact, it is not always possible for individuals who undertake responsibility for the maintenance and vitalization of settlements to take the initiative in activities as is expected by those who advocate the theory of endogenous development (Hobo 1996; Tsutsui 1999). I once focused on key persons that promoted industrial modernization in Meiji (1868–1912) and Taisho (1912–1926) and examined the relationship between industrial modernization and the behaviors and activities of key persons with reference to the tea industry in the Yame Area in Fukuoka (Tsutsumi 1995). During the day-today activities under the process of industrial modernization, they often experienced failures, attempted technical innovation, and engaged in traditional operations that cannot be successful if they are dependent on the rationalization of production alone (e.g., a case of high-end green tea production through manual operations for small-lot production). These differed from those that prioritize rationalization of production and economic benefits focusing on technical innovation. I defined these “agents” as subjective performers in reference to the concept of “agency” as human action in the structuration theory developed by Giddens(1976, 1979). In the modernization of the tea industry in Yame, a wide range of agents at different levels such as bureaucrats, the district head, and tea manufacturers were involved. Dazaifu Temmangu Shrine in Fukuoka was only a mid-size shrine in a local area. However, Nobusada Nishitakatsuji, a priest of the shrine, developed the shrine into one of the major shrines in western Japan and contributed to the building of the Kyushu National Museum. Tsutsumi (2004) considered Nobusada Nishitakatsuji an agent and followed his activities. Entering the time of structural reforms, such agents also appeared in regions and settlements encountering population outflow and aging, but tried to maintain autonomous and independent lives. The words and action of people who proposed unique measures to maintain life in settlements, and who sometimes broke through the conventionalities of the regions have been highlighted. While examining cases of settlements in mountainous areas that experienced relocation due to dam construction, I also describe activities by agents and social ties that support such activities in regional society.

7.3 Overview of Obara Dam and Regional Movements Construction of the National Dam at Obara, which is located on the Hii River in a mountainous area of Shimane Prefecture, started in 1991. Although scheduled for completion by 2010, in November 2009, construction was extended to 2011, when the project was finally completed. Construction of the dam would put the areas in

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Kisuki Town in Ohara County and Nita Town, Nita County, Shimane Prefecture under water. The dam is 90 m high and the total capacity is 60.8 million m3 . Subjects of the indemnity for area loss were 111 houses (67 in Kisuki Town, 44 in Nita Town), 288.3 ha of forest lands, 89.0 ha of farmland, 11.9 ha land for housing, 1.5 ha of uncultivated fields and so forth, and a total of 20.5 km of roads (0.3 km of National Route 314 and 20.2 km of municipal roads). Obara Dam was scheduled for construction along with the National Dam at Shizumi to be built on the Kando River, which is connected to the Hii River via a water discharge channel in accordance with the Basic Hii River System Construction Plan (revised in 1976) (Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, Hii and Kando Rivers Comprehensive Development Construction Office, 2000). Although Kisuki Town was not a designated depopulated region, this chapter targets areas that experienced population outflow due to construction of a dam. The On’sen District in Kisuki Town, Un’nan City (former On’sen Village, Nita County) first established the Dam Construction Alliance for On’sen District to oppose dam construction. After the decision to proceed with construction was made, the alliance was reformed into the Support Council for Dam Construction Area in On’sen District by the residents of the settlements around the dam. The Council also formulated guidelines in 1984 for activities to respond to dam construction and take measures for vitalization of the areas. In Nita Town, the Obara Dam Construction Opposition Alliance was established in 1974 and reformed into the Support Council for Obara Dam Construction Area in 1989 to undertake measures for the rebuilding of living conditions. This organization was dissolved in December 1999, and a new organization was established by 44 households that were going to remain together to coordinate with related agencies. After the Standard Agreement on the Compensation for Loss was established in 1995, approximately 180 individuals from 44 households had moved from On’sen District over the 4 years from 1996, and approximately 200 households had remained. On’sen District included the settlements of Obara, Tsukinoya, Hirata, and Yumura. Tsukinoya was actively engaged in the maintenance of living functions and undertaking independent measures for vitalization. (The population of the settlement was 112 as of 2001 and decreased to 103 in 2009.) This settlement was located about 8 km away from the former Kisuki Town Office, and the average altitude was approximately 280 m above sea level. Tsukinoya had two areas, Kamitsuki and Shimotsuki. Figure 7.2 shows the population distribution in Tsukinoya by age group as of 2001. At this point, there were 54 elderly aged 65 or older, which accounted for 48.2% of the population. Figure 7.3 shows the changes in the total number of households and nonfarming households in Tsukinoya. This shows that nonfarming households sharply increased while the total number of households decreased, suggesting that households leaving farming have accelerated at a higher rate than households leaving the settlement. In fact, both the number of farming households and the farming population dropped sharply in the 1990s (Figs. 7.4 and 7.5). In addition, aging has proceeded since the last half of the 1980s (Fig. 7.6).

7.3 Overview of Obara Dam and Regional Movements

213

Fig. 7.2 Population by age group in Tsukinoya (2001). Source Created from Tsukinoya settlement data. N = 112 persons

Fig. 7.3 Changes in the number of total households and non-farming households in Tsukinoya. Source Created from 2000 Agricultural Settlement Cards

Fig. 7.4 Changes in the number of farming households in Tsukinoya. Source Created from 2000 Agricultural Settlement Cards

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Fig. 7.5 Changes in the population of farming households in Tsukinoya. Source Created from 2000 Agricultural Settlement Cards

Fig. 7.6 Changes in the ratio of elderly to the farming population in Tsukinoya. Source Created from 2000 Agricultural Settlement Cards

Conclusion of “The Standard Agreement on the Compensation for Loss” in 1999 seemed to have caused the sharp drop in population and the number of households in and after the 1990s, as shown in the figures. In addition, because the relocation of residents in On’sen District was completed in March 1999, the population outflow due to the construction of the dam was thought to have leveled off in and after the official statistics of 2000. Table 7.1 shows the changes in the ratio of total number of households, number of farming households, and farming population in Tsukinoya between 1970 and 2000. Table 7.1 Changes in the ratio of the total number of households, farming households, and farming population in Tsukinoya

Changes in ratios between 1970 and 2000 (Unit: %) Total number of households −12.5

Number of farming households −48.9

Farming population −50.5

7.3 Overview of Obara Dam and Regional Movements

215

This also shows that settlements were scaled down and that households leaving farming increased significantly. According to Agricultural Settlement Cards (The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries) from 2000, the total number of farming households was 24, 17 of which were farming households engaged in the sale of agricultural products. Among these 17 farming households were 5 full-time farmers, 1 type 1 part-time farmer (who has a side job except farming but his main job is farming), and 11 type 2 part-time farmers (who have side jobs (except farming) which are main for them), showing that part-time farmers accounted for greater than 70% of the farming households engaged in the sale of agricultural products.

7.4 Overview of Approaches in Tsukinoya The Tsukinoya Development Association was established in Tsukinoya and conducted a wide range of activities to support living functions in the settlement. These activities included environmental preservation (including cleaning and enlightenment activities), bioassessments along the Tsukinoya River, modification of funeral customs (using chairs instead of mats held at denshukan, a public facility for undergoing training of traditional cultural events, not at individual homes as described below, from 2001), flower planting campaigns (cultivating flowers at home, public facilities, and along roads), creating and maintaining a website, information exchange with other individuals and organizations, and computer classes. This association became an NPO in 2001 with 105 members. It also places effort into the building of “gateball” fields, establishing two-lane roads, improving rice paddies, installing flush toilets, and the establishment of municipal bus service. Tsukinoya implemented the Direct Payment System for Hilly and Mountainous Areas and the Environmental Preservation Support Grant to finance the abovementioned activities on Environment Day (June 5). Infrastructure has been improved after the development of alternative land required to relocate the settlement and for the establishment of roads due to construction of the dam. Through a wide range of funding and subsidies, and promotion of activities, the maintenance of living functions and improvement of infrastructures in the settlement have advanced as the population has decreased and aged. In November 2009, the Tsukinoya Development Association received the Japan Association for Promotion of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries President Award (Village Development Section). The association has promoted the production of vegetables for farmhouse restaurants and school lunch ingredients as agricultural activities as well as modification of traditional customs and passing down its traditional kagura dance as living activities. In addition, the association has also held youth camps and other international interactions for young people, cleaned ditches for environmental improvement, removed fallen trees and snow to support residents, and made flowerbeds of daffodils for environmental beautification. All these activities were highly regarded.

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Photo 7.1 Tsukinoya Kagura (Provided by Tsukinoya)

In Tsukinoya, Tsukinoya Healing, an agricultural cooperative corporation, was established in 1998 to produce and sell agricultural products such as rice, vegetables, and processed products, and it was entrusted with farm work. The rice produced by this corporation (polished and unpolished rice) was named Okuizumo Iyashi Mai, and it is also available on the internet. The area of rice cultivated by Tsukinoya Healing is 15.0 ha, the area for outdoor vegetable cultivation is 0.2 ha, and the area for flower cultivation and seedlings is 0.1 ha. It also has a processing section for rice cakes and festive red rice. In 2007, it was certified as an Eco Farmer; and in 2008, it celebrated its 10th anniversary. The areas Tsukinoya Healing manages totaled 16.6 ha and the entrusted area was 6.5 ha. The organization has 20 members. Although Tsukinoya is a small settlement of 40 households, it operates two corporations, the Tsukinoya Development Association and Tsukinoya Healing. The former leads living activities and the latter leads livelihood activities. The autonomous and production organizations cooperate to maintain the regional environment and regional living functions. Besides these, there are small associations such as the Tsukinoya Resident Association (consisting of the Kamitsuki and Shimotsuki Resident Associations), the Gateball Club, the Senior Club, the Vegetable Production Club, and Farm Dream (FD) (for the discussion of future visions of the settlement by the residents aged 40 and younger). Tsukinoya Kagura, a type of Izumo Kagura Dance, a traditional performing art, has been passed down in Tsukinoya (Photo 7.1). This dance was designated an important intangible folk-cultural asset by Shimane Prefecture in 1962. It has retained its

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traditional styles of dance and music, and it has important characteristics that allow us to follow the original style of Izumo Kagura. Through practice and performance of this dance, Tsukinoya is passing down a traditional performing art. When discussing the strength of social ties realized by the above-mentioned organizations in Tsukinoya, we should not forget the important role of kagura in reproducing social ties in the settlement. In 2009, in order to securely pass down the tradition, Tsukinoya asked for individuals willing to learn and pass down the kagura dance from throughout Un’nan City. Denshukan, Kisuki Town local culture practice facility, was built as a venue in which to practice and perform Tsukinoya Kagura. It has two practice rooms, a room to preserve materials, and a lobby. This facility is used not only for passing down the Tsukinoya Kagura but also for cultural activities, events, funerals, and interaction programs with organizations outside the settlement and town (Photo 7.2). A new community center, “Tsukinoya Fureaikan,” was built in June 2002. It has a barrier-free structure to facilitate the access by the elderly. It was named “Fureai,” which means “friendly interaction,” in the hope that young people would also use the facility. There is a room with an open hearth (a smoke ventilation system has also been installed), which is used for a wide range of interactions by small groups. There is a gateball field and some space for radio broadcast exercise programs and kids to play outside5 (Photos 7.3 and 7.4). Key persons have voluntarily led improvement activities for Tsukinoya using administrative budgets and compensation for relocation due to the construction of the dam to facilitate the reestablishment of social ties in the community. Their efforts

Photo 7.2 Appearance of Denshukan (Provided by Tsukinoya)

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Photo 7.3 Appearance of Tsukinoya Fureaikan (Provided by Tsukinoya)

played a significant role in realizing new projects and improving living conditions in Tsukinoya after the decision to build the dam was made. Taking advantage of the situation, Mr. Fumitaka Saito and Mr. Masami Sugiyama took the initiative with other members in their 50s in leading the activities of the Resident Association, Development Association, passing down kagura, and establishment of an agricultural cooperative corporation. They discussed the future of the settlement and instituted measures. They held brain-storming meetings at the Resident Association to consider a wide range of measures designed to independently maintain the settlement and intentionally raise residents’ awareness of the independent nature of their efforts through such discussions. I called these key persons “agents”(Tsutsumi 1995). For Tsukinoya, first-generation agent activities played a significant role in promoting regional improvement. It is time to consider the cultivation of the next-generation agents. Independent and autonomous activities performed in Tsukinoya after the decision to build the dam was made can be considered a new self-organizing process in cooperation with NPOs outside the settlement. The above-mentioned Support Council for Dam Construction Area in On’sen District has held Lake Bottom Walking, sales of local specialties, and the Rape Blossom Festival to create opportunities for residents to enjoy eating spring food. These were organized in cooperation with the Hii River

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Photo 7.4 A Room with an Open Hearth at Tsukinoya Fureaikan (Provided by Tsukinoya)

Club, an NPO in Matsue City, Shimane Prefecture that focuses on environmental preservation and education. The Hii River Club also independently organized the Obara Dam Koryu-no-Sato (hometown of interchange) Project.

7.5 Meaning of Approaches in Tsukinoya, Their Social Ties and Social Capital I summarize approaches made in Tsukinoya as follows: (1) Tradition, creation, and modification In Tsukinoya, people deepened interactions among generations through opportunities to maintain and pass down traditions such as kagura. They not only maintained the traditional culture but also interacted among one other through the passing down of musical performances, dance, and handlings of tools, and clothing, which also promoted the reproduction and maintenance of social ties. To prevent the loss of convenience by clinging too tightly to traditions, they also modify their lifestyle habits and environment taking into account population aging and decline. Although some people opposed changes in funeral

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(3)

(4)

(5)

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customs at the beginning, such modifications have been followed since 2001. People started using chairs instead of the more traditional mats for funerals at Denshukan, and accounting work was also improved. They were able to maintain traditions while accommodating new styles. Agents and other organizations Agents at the center of each activity became core members establishing individual and cooperative relationships among organizations and operating projects with organic linkage. The Tsukinoya Development Association and Tsukinoya Healing are two corporations that allowed such agents to perform their activities and became a buffer between the agents and residents. The former has led the activities related to living functions while the latter has led the activities related to agriculture as livelihood. However, these agents are now in their 50s, which means that it is time to consider intergenerational reproduction. Inward bonding and outward information transmission and interactions They also achieved both inward bonding and outward information transmission and interactions at the same time, and they embodied a non-exclusive attitude and maintained social ties in the community. Their websites, created in 2001, and cable TV played a significant role (Tsutsumi 2001). Ideas, events, and budgets The above-mentioned two corporations played a central role in planning to build relationships, approaches to a wide range of events, and obtaining budgets and subsidies. They received compensation for the relocation due to the building of the dam and procured significant funding through programs such as the Direct Payment System for hilly and mountainous areas. All of their success was based on their policy of using necessary money when it’s necessary. Self-reproduction and organization The above-mentioned activities and plans put into action after the decision to relocate due to the building of the dam was made were performed as its self-reproduction and organization. However, as was mentioned in (2) above, they have encountered problems in cultivating and reproducing next-generation agents to lead important activities from the medium-term standpoint. Social ties and the settlement size for the creation of social ties Tsukinoya has a population of 100 divided into approximately 40 households. This size facilitates face-to-face communication. Because the number of residents is limited to those who insisted on remaining with the other members of the settlement, the size has contributed to the reproduction of social ties. In passing down traditions such as kagura, it is highly possible for such a settlement to build strong relationships through face-to-face giving and receiving traditions such as martial and performing arts.

This is the summary of approaches made by Tsukinoya where social ties contribute effectively to the maintenance of living functions and livelihood in the settlement. Social ties in such communities have been highlighted as the social capital I described in Chap. 6.

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The majority of water resource basin areas are in mountainous areas. With the advancement of depopulation and population aging, there is a movement toward the revision of a wide range of acts in response to issues such as municipality mergers and finances. Under such circumstances, only areas and settlements that can perform independent and autonomous activities can survive.6 This does not mean, however, that agents are everywhere and that endogenous development can be achieved. While the quality of activities in settlements can have a significant effect on their future, among the areas to which settlements are forced to move due to the construction of a dam, there are quite a few in which conditions for living are less than ideal. Cases like Tsukinoya are extremely rare; however, active reform projects have been ongoing in Tsukinoya. First, it is necessary to conduct research on the independent and autonomous maintenance of living functions in such communities and on the vitalization of their livelihood from a wide range of viewpoints. Through such research, the concept of social capital may be examined, for example, with reference to the middle-range theory developed by Merton (1949). Notes 1. See the case of Tokuyama Village in Gifu Prefecture. 2. The central area of Itsuki Village in Kumamoto Prefecture, including the town office, was scheduled to be submerged as a result of a dam constructed along the Kawabe River, and the dam’s lake was to be situated in the middle of the village. 3. Strong opposition against dam construction (Hachinosu Castle Conflict) was put up by residents led by Tomoyuki Murohara, the owner of mountains and forests in the area when a pair of dams, the Matsubara and Shimouke Dams, were to be built on the Chikugo River branch in Oita and Kumamoto Prefectures. 4. Kisuki Town, which was part of former Ohara County, and other municipalities merged to become Un’nan City in 2004. 5. A new community center, Tsukinoya Fureaikan, and surrounding facilities were designed to be barrier free to facilitate use by elderly residents. Asked by Mr. Fumitaka Saito of Tsukinoya, I submitted proposals for the new facilities as an advisor and supporter of the Shimane Prefecture Research Center for Hilly and Mountainous Areas. One of the proposals was a flexible partition to make it easy for both the elderly and the young get together, to promote interactions among generations, and to cultivate young agents. Including proposals by Saito, a wide range of ideas were included in the facility structures. 6. Under such circumstances, there are discussions focusing on the roles of agricultural and mountainous areas. In November 2001, the Science Council of Japan submitted a report in response to inquiries concerning the multiple (public) functions of agriculture and forests (Science Council of Japan 2001). The Council stated that although quantitative evaluation (conversion of multiple functions into appraised values) on multiple functions of agriculture and forests (food supply, environmental preservation, maintenance of regional society, etc.) should be conducted carefully, such evaluation based on a new sense of value would lead to an understanding of and support for the establishment of sustainable

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agriculture and forestry. The Council included important viewpoints that had a significant influence on the maintenance of agriculture in twenty-first century. It is expected that innovative evaluation of farming villages, the establishment and enforcement of rural policies, and support for the farming population will be based on such discussions. The establishment of forest and water resource taxes has been brought up; however, this has not yet prompted discussions on the multiple functions of agriculture and forests by the nation.

References Giddens A (1976) New rules of sociological method: a positive critique of interpretive sociologies. Hutchinson Giddens A (1979) Central problems in social theory: action, structure, and contradiction in social analysis. Macmillan Hobo T (1996) Spontaneous development theory and Japanese farming and mountain villages (Naihatsuteki Hattenron to Nippon no Nosanson). Iwanami Shoten (in Japanese) Merton RK (1949) Social theory and social structure. The Free Press Nishino T (1981) Pattern of removing settlement and social structure of abandoned villages by Dam building: the comparative case studies of Sei Village in the upper basin of River Totsukawa, Nara Prefecture and Hirono-Futatsuya Village in the upper basin of River Hino, Fukui Prefecture (Damu kensetsu ni tomonau suibotsu sonraku no iten keitai to sonraku kozo: Nara-ken Totsukawamura Sei-buraku to Fukui-ken Imajyo-cho Hirono-Futatsuya buraku no baai). Human Geograp (Jimbun Chiri) 33–4:1–24 (in Japanese) Nishino T (1999) Mountain village areas development theory (Sanson Chiiki Kaihatsu Ron). Taimeido (in Japanese) Nishino T (2003) Mountain village areas development theory, revised edn (Sanson Chiiki Kaihatsu Ron). Taimeido (in Japanese) Nishino T (2008) Regional development theory in modern mountain villages (Gendai Sanson Chiiki Shinko Ron). Hara Shobo (in Japanese) Science Council of Japan (2001) Review for the various functions of agriculture related to global environment and human life, and forest (Chikyu Kankyo/Ningen Seikatsu ni Kakawaru Nogyo Oyobi Shinrin no Tamenteki na Kino no Hyoka nitsuite). Science Council of Japan (in Japanese) Tsutsui K (1999) The analysis of regional revitalization in a depopulated mountain village from the viewpoint of the theory of endogenous development (Chugoku chiho no kaso sanson ni okeru ichi chiiki shinko no jittai bunseki: naihatsuteki hattenron ni okeru chiekku pointo wo mochiite). Human Geograp (Jimbun Chiri) 51–1:87–103 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1995) Industrial modernization and agents: a case of tea industry in Yame Region, Fukuoka Prefecture, at modern age (Sangyo kindaika to ejento: kindai no Yame chiho ni okeru chagyo wo jirei to shite). Annals Jpn Assoc Econ Geograph (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo), 41–3:17– 37 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2001) The actual condition of functions for living and socio-economic regional functions and supports by IT in depopulated and aging areas (Jinko Gensho/ Koreika Chiiki ni okeru Seikatsu Kino/ Shakaikeizaiteki Chiiki Kino no Jittai to IT Shien) (A Report for research aid (division of economics) by Japan Securities Scholarship Foundation, 2000 FY) (Nippon Shoken Shogaku Zaidan Kenkyu Jyosei (Keizaigaku Bun’ya) Hokokusho, 2000 Nendo) (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2004) Tourism industry (Dazaifu no kanko sangyo). In: Dazaifu City History Editorial Committee (ed) Development of ‘Ancient City Dazaifu’ (Another volume of complete history edn) (Koto Dazaifu no Tenkai). Dazaifu City, pp 327–379 (in Japanese)

Chapter 8

Formation of a Community by Hometown Organizations that Promote Interactions among Residents in Urban and Rural Areas—Activities by Furusato Chikara, a NPO Created by Residents in the Kinki Region and the Case of the Miyoshi Region in Tokushima Prefecture Abstract This chapter treats some type of rural–urban relations. A newly developed rural residential settlement Yururi locates in a rural depopulated area in Tokushima Prefecture. Residents there are from urban areas. The settlement was planned and constructed by a NPO which has a character of hometown organization whose core members are from Tokushima Prefecture but now live in Osaka Metropolitan Area. The residents, of new comers, in Yururi have established their new community within the settlement, and in addition, they gradually have established a newer relation with local native people. We can see there in this case both types of social capital, bonding and bridging. Keywords Bonding · Bridging · Depopulation · Hometown organization · Rural–urban relations · Social capital

8.1 Introduction Observing varied scale phenomena in communities may sometimes allow us to understand their multiplicity and ambiguity. When we observe the movement of population in Japan on a national scale, for example, we see a significant population shift from rural to metropolitan districts, mainly during the high economic growth period. The analysis in Chap. 3 revealed that the population outflow from the mountainous village Kamitsue was directed toward central cities in local areas such as Hita and Fukuoka Cities rather than the three major metropolitan districts of Tokyo, Kinki, and Chukyo. As was described in Note 2 in Chap. 6, areas with affluent social capital tend to have higher birthrates when viewed from a national perspective. However, this does not apply to mountainous areas suffering from depopulation and aging populations. As was noted in Chap. 6, Putnam (2000) reported two forms of social capital, bonding and bridging. It is necessary to conduct surveys and analyses on multiple © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_8

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scales for activities that utilize or create social capital. A single scale will not perceive social relationships and networks because a single scale does not yield sufficient information to enable an accurate understanding of social capital and related complex relationships. One reason for this is the bonding and bridging observed in the utilization or expansion of social capital. Their networks and social scape may apply different scales. Therefore, in Chap. 7, I analyzed the case of an NPO that played a central role in activities and networks of different scales to discuss the above-mentioned issues and the mutual relationship between bonding and bridging.

8.2 A NPO Furusato Chikara: Background of the Foundation and Construction of Residential Areas NPO Furusato Chikara (hometown power) was established by individuals from Tokushima Prefecture living in the Kinki Region. It was certified as an NPO by Tokushima Prefecture on February 6, 2007. The NPO took shape when several members of the Kinki Region Association of People from Tokushima Prefecture came together after retirement to conduct activities as a way of showing their appreciation for Tokushima. Mr Sadaji Kondo played the central role in the group. He came from Tokushima to Osaka to attend evening classes at an engineering senior high school while working as a carpenter during the day. He went on to open a company that handles construction, real estate, and elevators. After the age of 60, he retired and felt the desire to do something for his hometown. He thought about construction as a basic activity for Furusato Chikara and decided to provide people from urban areas with residences in Tokushima as a part of the urban–rural regional interaction project, with the goal of promoting the vitalization of the community. He established a head office in Miyoshi City, Tokushima (former Mino-cho) and an Osaka Office in Higashi-Shinsaibashi, Chuo-ku, Osaka. Figure 8.1 shows the locations of the concerned offices. The establishment of Furusato Chikara was the result of people from Tokushima Prefecture wanting to show their appreciation for their hometown after having worked, lived, and retired away from it. This NPO was established through bonding. While obtaining subsidies and funding through bridging-type cooperation among Tokushima Prefecture, Miyoshi City, the national government, and the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries, they built new residential areas where new social capital was established. In order to understand the policies that provided the foundation of the work done by Furusato Chikara, let’s take a look at the Prospectus for Establishment submitted to Tokushima Prefecture. To ensure that Tokushima will continue being a great hometown for us, we need to pass down our love for it to the next generation. To accomplish this, it is essential to entice more people to Tokushima to live. We invite people who live outside Tokushima (mainly those

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Fig. 8.1 Location of the places concerned

who live in urban areas) to take up agriculture or fishing while living here permanently or even temporarily surrounded by nature. We would like to establish a model that considers long-term solutions for nationwide problems such as depopulation, unfavorable relationships between people and nature, family issues and issues regarding regional promotion to contribute to the vitalization of our hometown Tokushima as a bridge between it and people who have lived away from the area. Although we must incorporate to secure funding, we would like to cooperate with people in the community and achieve the goals as a part of regional contribution projects. These are the building blocks that built this NPO.

This document emphasized the role of this NPO in connecting people from other prefectures with Tokushima and clearly showed that they attempted activities focusing on the formation of social capital based on bridging. In addition, Furusato Chikara also selected target projects, as shown in Table 8.1. Furusato Chikara has worked to develop its stay-type farmland development project since its foundation. It made plans in cooperation with Miyoshi City and obtained rural area vitalization project support funding from the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries. They covered 51.47 million yen through subsidies,

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Table 8.1 Business description of Furusato Chikara Provision of comprehensive information regarding land, housing, employment, and lifestyle in rural areas Popular ization, enlightenment activities and promotion of rural living, and the establishment of support networks Providing a wide range of lifestyle experience projects in rural areas Introducing business providers needed for engagement in agriculture or fisheries, settlement or temporary stay, and human resource support projects Sales of local agricultural, fishery and other specialty products Leasing of housing, fields, agricultural and fishery equipment necessary for living in rural areas Source Furusato Chikara pamphlet

which accounted for approximately half the amount required for the business for 2 years from 2007, and built Miyoshi Town Yururi, a housing complex with farming land. The application for subsidies gives the following purposes, goals, and measures of the project: This project is conducted to promote the settlement of people moving to Miyoshi Town and the vitalization of the community through interactions among different regions. Through this project, we respond to the needs of people moving into the community from convenient urban areas, provide opportunities to experience life in rural areas surrounded by rich nature and beautiful landscapes, and chances to be engaged in agricultural work on farmland using agricultural equipment, which we believe is effective in promoting the movement of people into the community. Therefore, we have purchased land and offer accommodations on farmland or shared farmland in Kamonomiya, Mino Town, Miyoshi City, which is near the Mima and Yoshinogawa Interchanges on Tokushima Expressway to increase easy access to the area. These facilities eliminate a wide range of anxieties for those who are thinking about moving to the countryside in the near future and provide them with a chance to experience living there. Miyoshi Town Yururi consists of 11 rental houses and 10 houses for sale, all with farmland (21 in total), management buildings, and farming facilities targeting the baby boom generation wishing for several kinds of migration including return migration. The above-mentioned subsidies were used to cover a portion of the construction expenses for rental houses with farmland and management facilities. Detailed content of the subsidies is shown in Table 8.2. The above-mentioned subsidies require users of the rental houses to meet certain conditions. They must be individuals who live outside Tokushima Prefecture, are required to stay for at least 6 days per month, must maintain favorable relationships with residents in the community, and so forth. The annual fees for all facilities including a house are 600,000 yen and the 1-year period is from April 1 to March 31. The contract can be renewed up to 5 years. Many people were applied, and all the rental houses were rented. Although the relevant subsidies do not cover, houses intended for sale were also constructed. Table 8.3 shows the outline.

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Table 8.2 Construction content of Miyoshi Town Yururi using subsidies (1) Simple accommodations (one-story wooden building): 42.12m2 × 11 units (2) Individual farmland facilities: 100 m2 × 11 units (3) Shared farmland facility (pipe house): 6 m × l5 m × 2 units (4) Management building & Agricultural equipment storage (one-story wooden building): 62.1 m2 × l unit (5) Rest Facility (pergola): 4 m × 4 m × 1 unit (6) Agricultural equipment: 3 units Source Measures and cases related to rural promotion: Stay-type farmland improvement project

Table 8.3 Outline of houses for sale at Miyoshi Town Yururi

1. Number of units: 9 2. Areas of each unit: 272.14–276.47 m2 3. Prices: 11.5–15 million yen (tax excluded): The price includes a house 4. Most frequent sales price range: 14–14.99 million yen (tax excluded) 5 units (including a house) Source Furusato Chikara pamphlet

The houses for sale were finished as of 2009. A new settlement, Miyoshi Town Yururi, started with approximately 20 houses (Photo 8.1). Residents moved in from large cities such as Chiba, Yokosuka, Kobe, and Osaka. Miyoshi Town Yururi officially opened on September 3, 2008. This residential area is small, but the Governor of Tokushima and Mayor of Miyoshi attended the opening ceremony. This shows that it is a pioneering experimental housing project that has attracted attention from government administrations with the hope for interaction between rural and urban areas, and the vitalization of forestry. A decorative paper ball for the ceremony was opened by Mr and Mrs Kondo, in front of the governor of Tokushima Prefecture, Mr Kamon Iizumi (Photo 8.2). Activities performed by NPO Furusato Chikara and an overview of Miyoshi Town Yururi were explained above. The following sections include details of their activities and functions, including their meanings and my evaluations.

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Photo 8.1 Appearance of Miyoshi Town Yururi (partial) (July 12, 2008)

8.3 Meaning of Activities and Functions of Furusato Chikara and Miyoshi Town Yururi 8.3.1 Impact of Housing Construction Using a Wooden Block Construction Method The houses in Miyoshi Town Yururi are wooden block construction, a method that combines blocks like a cubic puzzle (Photo 8.3). After building a wooden frame consisting of pillars, beams, and joists on a concrete base, they combine wooden blocks (7.5 × 38 × 7.5 cm) and make a 300 × 60 cm wall. Reinforcing rods are placed vertically in the wall every 45–60 cm for fastening with a bolt. Seismic reinforcement is also provided. This wooden wall also performed well in structural intensity testing. This wooden block (Tsumiki) construction method was developed by a lumber manufacturing company in Takachiho, Miyazaki Prefecture. The president is from Tokushima Prefecture. According to information from Furusato Chikara as of November 2009, the president will return to Tokushima and take the initiative in lumber manufacturing in cooperation with Furusato Chikara. This also shows the effective use of the networks among individuals from Tokushima Prefecture.

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Photo 8.2 Miyoshi Town Yururi Opening Ceremony (September 3, 2008)

In general, new, well-built wooden houses are warm in winter and cool in summer. These cedar block houses have outstanding insulation. According to testing, the effectiveness of cedar insulation is about 14 times greater than concrete. Therefore, Yururi houses were considered energy-saving by lowering the cost of air-conditioning, and this point was highlighted factors for PR. The material for construction was obtained from tree thinning in Tokushima Prefecture. Miyoshi City was created through a broad-area merger which included Higashi-Iyayama Village, Nishi-Iyayama Village, and Yamashiro Town, all of which suffered from the chronic deterioration of the forestry industry. Under these circumstances, the price of lumber produced overseas rose steeply, making lumber from Japan and Tokushima Prefecture more attractive. In addition, even the trees in Tokushima to be thinned have already grown large, with some being 50 years old or older. These old trees were processed into relatively high-quality lumber. According to my observation, 50-year-old cedar in Tokushima, which has warm climate and heavy rainfall, grow at a higher annual rate and are larger in volume than cedar grown in San’in Region. The Miyoshi Town Yururi project is expected to vitalize forestry and building in Miyoshi City through the use of wood from local thinning activities and the construction of houses. Photos 8.4 and 8.5 were taken by Yamashiro Mokumoku, a third-sector lumber manufacturing company located in Yamashiro Town, Miyoshi City. Wood from thinning activities used for block construction and other lumber produced in Tokushima

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Photo 8.3 Construction of the wooden houses with Tsumiki method in Miyoshi Town Yururi (July 12, 2008)

are stored. Two specialists were engaged in manufacturing wooden blocks at the plant. They were dispatched to the above-mentioned lumber manufacturing company in Takachiho, Miyazaki Prefecture to master the method. Yamashiro Mokumoku produces three-layered panels, which are its specialty, using cedar produced in Tokushima, including trees from thinning. Wood produced from tree thinning on approximately 1 ha of land produces the wooden blocks needed to build one house in Miyoshi Town Yururi. In other words, the building of one house promotes the thinning of approximately 1 ha of land, and this serves to vitalize local forestry.

8.3.2 Environmental Conditions and New Residents of the New Settlement Miyoshi City is located at the west end of Tokushima Prefecture. This city was established through the merger of six municipalities in 2006: Mino Town, Ikeda Town, Yamashiro Town, Igawa Town, Higashi-Iyayama Village, and Nishi-Iyayama Village. All six municipalities were depopulated areas. The former Miyoshi Town and Mikamo Town, which belonged to the former Miyoshi County, did not join

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Photo 8.4 Local cedar at Yamashiro Mokumoku (September 3, 2008)

the merger. Instead, the two towns merged into Higashi-Miyoshi Town. In the end, Miyoshi City has come to include former Mino Town as an enclave having HigashiMiyoshi Town in the middle. Miyoshi Town Yururi is located in the former Mino Town in Miyoshi City on a gentle slope along the alluvial land of the Yoshino River. Approximately 1.7 km directly south is the Yoshino River, which flows toward the east. It is also located approximately 7 km west from Mima Interchange on the Tokushima Expressway, and is less than 1 km from Prefectural Road 12. It has a view of the Yoshino River, the surrounding farming village landscape, and Shikoku Mountains. Miyoshi City Vitalization Center, which is equipped with community center functions, is located approximately 5–10 min by foot from Miyoshi Town Yururi as well as the public hot spring Momiji On’sen. Waterfalls and a temple associated with Nagayoshi Miyoshi, a feudal lord during the Sengoku Period (the sixteenth century), are located in a mountainous area on the north side of the hot spring. In addition, Miyoshi City Mino Office, Miyoshi City Mino Hospital, Mino Post Office, supermarkets, convenience stores, banks, and elementary and junior high schools are all located within 3 km from Miyoshi Town Yururi. Miyoshi City and Mima City, which is on the west side of Miyoshi City, also have large retail stores. Cable TV and the internet are available at the houses in the new settlement.

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Photo 8.5 Manufacturing wooden blocks (At Yamashiro Mokumoku (September 3, 2008)

Staff is stationed at the Management Office during the daytime on weekdays. The above-mentioned Mr. Kondo lives in this settlement. Car pick-up service is also available for the residents. Residents of the baby boomer generation have started a comfortable life in this settlement surrounded by nature. They have the chance to be engaged in farm work daily, and they have no significant problems related to living functions. In depopulated areas, there is a problem with employment; however, those who retired and live on their pensions are satisfied with the living conditions in the settlement. New residents were from the areas around Tokyo such as Chiba, Yokohama and Yokosuka, and the Kinki Region such as Osaka and Kobe. It takes a little less than 3 h by car from Shin-Osaka, and 3 to 3 h and 15 min by Japan Rail (using a special express to Awa-Ikeda Station, transiting to a regular train and disembarking at Eguchi Station). It takes 3 h and 50 min by highway express bus from Umeda in Osaka. It takes about 25 min from Tokushima Airport to Japan Rail Tokushima Station by bus, and 1 h and 30 min to Eguchi Station by Japan Rail. It takes about 4 h from Tokyo by air. Miyoshi City is in the far west part of Tokushima Prefecture, which makes access to other prefectures in Shikoku Region easy. Therefore, a few long-distance trips per year do not seem physically trying for those who have been engaged in farm work. More than 1 year has passed since its opening, and interactions among residents at Miyoshi Town Yururi have rapidly deepened. New residents have gotten to know

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one another through social gatherings and farm work performed jointly. In addition, through instruction by local farmers, new residents have also built relationships with local people. In 2009, residents rented two green houses and started growing vegetables such as Chinese white cabbage. They shipped the harvested vegetables to Osaka Market for sale. In addition, Miyoshi Town Yururi employs individuals from a nearby facility for the disabled as part-timers during busy periods; Miyoshi Town Yururi has come to have some new function of social welfare providing work for handicapped people. This suggests that social capital has been cultivated through bonding among new residents and bridging with other people and organizations.

8.4 Conclusion The NPO Furusato Chikara introduced in this chapter was founded by people that gathered through bonding with Tokushima as a resource. Furusato Chikara has established cooperative relationships with national, prefectural, and municipal administrative agencies through bridging and builds houses for people from urban areas using wooden blocks via forest owners and lumber manufacturers, which shows bridging effects too. In addition, among residents gathering from urban areas, social capital is formed through new bonding, and the social capital is reproduced through joint farm work and helps to establish the relationship among residents, farmers, and a facility for the disabled through bridging. Therefore, the relevant case is a model combining social capital in the form of bonding and bridging at a wide range of scales and levels. The formation of such networks and social scapes (Urry 2000) was started by an agent, Furusato Chikara, the leader, Mr Kondo, and developed by new residents. Although the new residents are retired baby boomers, they are interested in farm work and have no need to seek employment to supplement their income. This lifestyle provides a sense of purpose and pleasure producing a wide range of crops while living in the area surrounded by nature. From this perspective, the establishment of Miyoshi Town Yururi by Furusato Chikara can be evaluated as reasonably successful. Furusato Chikara is also planning to develop another housing area commissioned by the local government and other organizations. It is also planning to obtain materials from tree-thinning activities in private forests from 2010 using mobile machinery and overhead wiring,1 which is a new concept that is going to produce employment for 20 residents. A review of Furusato Chikara activities revealed that they absorbed baby boomers living in urban areas into the housing estate, providing conditions that allow them to live satisfying lives in the countryside, vitalizing forestry, creating employment in lumber manufacturing and construction, and maintaining forests, all of which are linked to the creation of structural social capital relationships.

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Notes 1. Unlike major forestry areas in Europe, Japan’s forests are mainly in mountainous areas, which results in a vicious circle of deterioration due to the decrease and aging of labor in forestry, the import of less expensive materials from overseas, landowners living outside the area, and failure or delay of tree thinning, mowing, and pruning. However, because the prices of overseas materials have risen and a certain amount of cedar planted after the war has grown, we see slightly encouraging signs in production. Under such circumstances, we found the potential to reduce costs for cutting and carrying out trees using mobile processing machinery or overhead wiring, saving a tremendous amount of money by alleviating the need to build forestry roads. In order to do so, we put lumber manufacturing equipment on a large vehicle to enable the milling of trees into lumber onsite in the forest. Miyoshi area has had roads in mountainous areas at elevations of 800–1,000 m above sea level since before the modern period, and horses could access to the sites where trees were being felled. Small automobiles equipped with lumber manufacturing machinery can use these roads as well. With the overhead wiring, it is also possible to carry out the processed materials. I visited a forestry area in southern Sweden in 2008 and visited Växjö City, which is well known for its forestry and related research as well as the declaration to become a fossil fuel-free city. I had the impressive experience of visiting the site of tree trimming using heavy machinery (Photo 8.6). The machine looked like a power shovel equipped with an attachment for tree thinning. It features double saws and chain saws forming a cylindrical drum on the edge of the cutting arm. The arm holds the tree and cuts the trunk near the base. Branches and leaves are then stripped away with the double drum saws and chain saw. Following this, the trunk is cut into small logs. It only takes 20 s to process a 20-m tall tree. According to the operator, the price of the machinery is about 140 million yen; however, used cutters are sometimes available for about 60 million yen. Large tires on the left and right can be moved vertically to enable use on slopes. They cut and process trees into small logs and carry them to the manufacturing plant by truck. At the manufacturing plant, small logs are placed onto an automatic processing line with a belt conveyor system, which produces one board per 20 s. The speed of the operation and systematic processes allows the manufacture of a large number of boards in a short period of time.

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Photo 8.6 Tree trimming usung heavy machinery (At a forest near Växjö City in Sweden, August 15, 2008)

References Putnam RD (2000) Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American community. Simon & Schuster Urry J (2000) Sociology beyond societies: mobilities for the twenty-first century. Routledge

Chapter 9

Social Movements and Social Capital in Senri New Town

Abstract This chapter offers a case of not rural but urban one; Senri New Town (SNT). SNT is the first big new town in Japan. It locates in the northern part of Osaka Prefecture and was constructed and opened in 1962. The originally planned population there was 150,000 but in vain, and the area has experienced rapid aging of population. They said that the new town has become “Senri Old Town.” Because of financial difficulties, public sectors related to SNT have sold their real estates to private sectors or developers, which has promoted redevelopment of the area. Then original urban mosaic structure there has been partly broken and sometimes there occurred social conflicts between original residents and new comers or new developers. Within this situation of aging of population, deterioration of facilities, and conflict among residents, a new private organization, the Senri Civic Forum was established to revitalize the area and to construct new organization among the residents and the stakeholders there. It forms a new type of regional social capital in an aged urban society. Keywords Aged society · Depopulation · Living functions · New town · Social capital · Social conflicts

9.1 Introduction: Purpose of This Chapter Senri New Town (SNT) was built as the first large-scale “new town” in Japan. Using this example, I explain issues arising in the area, which is now called “Senri Old Town” or “Old New Town,” which will lead to the recognition of social capital in SNT and consideration of local urban problems in an aging society.

9.2 History and Overview of Senri New Town Senri New Town was planned by Osaka Prefecture Enterprise Bureau (now abolished) and opened in 1962. It was the first large-scale New Town. It covers 1,160 ha in the northern part of Osaka Prefecture (Figs. 9.1 and 9.2). The area includes the © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_9

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Fig. 9.1 Location of Senri New Town (1)

northeastern part of Toyonaka City and the northwestern part of Suita City. The originally planned population of SNT was 150,000. It also offers great access to Osaka. It takes approximately 20 min by subway to Umeda, a central business districts (CBD), and 14 min to Shin-Osaka (described below). The residential area consists of single-family dwellings, condominiums, and publicly and privately built apartment complexes (Osaka Prefecture Senri Center 1973; Katayose 1979; Yamaji 1982, 2002). The original landscape of this area includes ponds, bamboo forests, farmland and farming settlements spread over a hilly area. SNT was designed and built here as one of the solutions for a lack of residential areas in metropolitan districts during the high economic growth period. SNT has eight zones in Suita City and four zones in Toyonaka City (Fig. 9.3). Each zone was designed for about 10,000 residents. Surrounded by these 12 zones are two others that did not join SNT. These are the two empty zones in the figure. The broader zone is the Kamishinden Area, which includes the settlement of the land owners (former farmers) who did not opt to be included in SNT in the 1960s. The narrower zone is the Kosaiin Area. Because of the city-operated hospital and welfare facility in the area, the number of visitors to the Kosaiin Area is high, but the number of full-time residents remains low.

9.2 History and Overview of Senri New Town

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Fig. 9.2 Location of Senri New Town (2)

Each zone in SNT consists of a residential area, parks, schools, and neighborhood centers. Residential areas account for 43.1% of SNT, and this is followed by parks accounting for 23.8%. Neighborhood centers have conveniences such as small stores, postal services, dental and medical clinics, and other businesses. As was mentioned above, residential areas include single-family dwellings, condominiums, and apartment complexes. In general, apartments are classified into four categories according to the organizations that handle construction and management. In other words, apartments are managed by Osaka Prefecture Housing Supply Corporation, Osaka Prefecture, Urban Development Corporation, company housing, and other apartments. (A category logo, A, B, C, or D, is placed on the side of each apartment building.) Therefore, residents in SNT are separated by some social classes. The original plan was made on the assumption of residents composed of diverse social classes. In addition, it was planned to have 18.1 m2 of park area per SNT resident, which was larger than the park space per person in London (10.5 m2 ). More than a half century has passed since the opening of SNT in 1962, trees have grown bigger

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Fig. 9.3 12 Zones in SNT

to form some greenery and small forests. Therefore, SNT has also been called a “garden city.” The central area of SNT is Senri-Chuo (Photos 9.1 and 9.2). The area plays a central role in commerce, transportation, and management. What is important is the commercial functions that have attracted groups of shoppers, especially females and families with children, from the northern part of Osaka Prefecture (Hokusetsu Area).

9.2 History and Overview of Senri New Town

Photo 9.1. Center of SNT—Senri Chuo Area (1). (December 14, 2003)

Photo 9.2. Center of SNT—Senri Chuo Area (2). (December 14, 2003)

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The Toyonaka City Branch Office, Municipal Library, other public facilities and bank branches are also located in the Senri Chuo Area. On the west side of the area, many major companies have offices. There are two railway stations in Senri Chuo, a subway station (Kita-Osaka Express, Osaka City Subway Midosuji Line in the south side of Esaka Station in Suita City) and Osaka Monorail (Osaka Monorail Co., Ltd.). The subway takes about 20 min from Senri Chuo Station to Umeda Station, and 14 min to Shin-Osaka. The monorail takes 13 min to Osaka Airport (Itami). The Chugoku Expressway and Osaka Central Circular Route runs through SNT in the east and west directions, and Shin-Midosuji Road runs through SNT in north and south directions.

9.3 Population Aging and Deterioration of the Housing and Construction Environment Many families, especially nuclear families, moved to Senri New Town after its opening, and this has resulted in accelerated aging of the population (Fig. 9.4). Most of the parents of these families have remained in this area for the past 30– 40 years, and many apartment buildings have aged. Some public apartments were built without elevators, making it extremely difficult for elderly and bedridden residents. These individuals are victims of “space packing,” which was introduced by David Harvey(Harvey 1993. Tsutsumi, 1995b). Furthermore, the high cost of land means that there are few facilities providing care for the elderly. Deterioration of houses, buildings, and facilities has also decreased their quality, and this situation has worsened due to insufficient investment in environmental improvements such as barrier-free accessibility and universal design to assist the elderly (Photo 9.3). To address this, the managerial bureau (administrative agency), private developers, and citizens have formed a tripolar structure of development. Fig. 9.4 Population ratio by age in SNT (Left) and osaka prefecture (Right) (2001)

9.3 Population Aging and Deterioration of the Housing and Construction Environment

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Photo 9.3 The elderly and SNT. Barrier-free accessibility lacks progress (January 12, 2002)

By discussing restoration of the “old” New Town, they have become agents for the restoration of SNT. In 2004, Toyonaka City Office implemented a new development plan for the Senri Chuo area. This plan emphasized the partial privatization of core fields and led to heated debates. Restoration of a part of Senri Chuo area, which is a core part of Senri New Town, was based on these discussions. Discussions promoted the use of setback structure in high-rise buildings, and the creation of public spaces in residential areas; however, progress has been effective in the core fields.

9.4 Deterioration of Other Functions and Amenities The population of Senri New Town has decreased since 1975, after failing to achieve its initial goal of 150,000 residents (Fig. 9.5). Twelve zones inside SNT include neighborhood centers, schools, and parks. The neighborhood centers have been deteriorating due to the decreasing population (Photo 9.4). The security in SNT has also worsened. Although the crime rate around SNT is lower than Osaka City, it exceeds the national average (Table 9.1).

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Fig. 9.5 Changes in SNT population

Photo 9.4. Neighborhood center (Shin-Senri-Higashimachi) (January 12, 2002) Table 9.1 Crime rates (1999)

Areas

Crime rates

Japan

1,709.3

Osaka city

3,248.0

Toyonaka city

1,734.0

Suita city

1,803.9

Note Number of crimes arising per 100,000 persons

9.5 Conflicts among Senri New Town Residents

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9.5 Conflicts among Senri New Town Residents There are some conflicts in Senri New Town caused by the reformation of the construction environment, changes in landscape, the financial crisis hitting Osaka Prefecture, and differences in thinking between residents in newly developed zones (the urban) and Kamishinden, a former agricultural settlement (the rural). Rebuilding old apartments is one of the major issues. There are a few successful cases of rebuilding. One is the rebuilding of an apartment complex into a higher building while obtaining many new residents for the increased space. The cost of rebuilding was covered by both existing and new residents. The cost of rebuilding for new residents was included in the purchase price of the individual units, and subsidies were paid by the local government. In this case, social ties among residents, agreements, consensus for the approval of budgets, planning, and support from the local government and developers were essential. The social ties, which can be considered social capital, were very firm among the residents who had known each other for decades. However, in other cases, conflicts regarding landscape and living environment among residents, or between the developers and residents surfaced. Some existing residents were against the construction of a higher building because they thought it would damage the landscape and the daily living environment. Photo9.5 shows a banner that was placed on the fence at the back of the construction site of the condominium shown in Photo 9.6.

Photo 9.5. Banner of the movement against the condominium construction in SNT (December 14, 2003)

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Photo 9.6. Condominium construction site in SNT. (October 4, 2003)

A different conflict arose in SNT due to financial limitations. Osaka Prefecture decided to close Senri Center due to a financial crisis that the prefecture was facing. The Senri Center provided management functions for SNT. According to the redevelopment plan for the Senri Chuo Area established by Toyonaka City and Osaka Prefecture, lands occupied by public facilities such as a community center, library and parking lot were going to be sold. The redevelopment of SNT has accelerated the privatization of the space. Before the development of SNT, this area consisted of hilly woodlands, bamboo forests, ponds, and farmland owned by farmers. They were against the development of land that been passed down to them by their families. However, Osaka Prefecture finally purchased most of this land as part of the development plan. The Kamishinden Area, which is surrounded by 12 zones of SNT, was an ex-farming settlement, which is still called “a village,” where former residents remained. Some of the residents in Kamishinden Area were strongly opposed to being included in Senri New Town when it was first proposed. Osaka Prefecture Senri Center had controlled the redevelopment of SNT; however, Kamishinden refused to come under its control. Therefore, in and after 2000, private companies have been building small- and medium-size apartments and condominiums there. This has led to a kind of sprawl. Furthermore, we can observe conflicts in thinking between the existing residents (landowners and former farmers) and new residents in Kamishinden. New residents live in apartments or condominiums as newcomers.

9.6 Social Capital and Power of Residents in Senri New Town

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9.6 Social Capital and Power of Residents in Senri New Town As was explained in Chap. 6, Bourdieu (1977, pp. 171–183) established four categories of capital: economic capital, social capital, cultural capital, and symbolic capital (Jenkins 1992, p. 84). Robert Putnam added a new concept in social capital under the crisis of democracy. He argued the importance of maximizing the positive effects of social capital (mutual assistance, cooperation, reliability, and effectiveness of systems) and minimizing factionalism, ethnocentrism, and corruption (Putnam 2000, p. 22). Putnam’s concept of social capital can be considered to be nearly the same as concept of social ties that has often been used in rural sociology in Japan. However, the term “social capital” used by Putnam may be considered something fresh during the period of structural reforms in Japan. This is because social capital, which has been used in Japanese, means almost “social overhead capital,” including social infrastructure. In this meaning, use of the term “social capital” by Putnam is both new and old in Japan. Positive and aggressive citizen groups have gathered to work on solving issues that SNT has encountered. These groups, consisting of elderly individuals who are very active, have some important keys for the development, reform, and sustainability of the community. Many of these groups are NPOs and other types of organizations. They established the Senri Civic Forum, which is a gathering of organizations, in 2003.1 These groups have tried to address issues in the community. For example, they worked on the establishment of barrier-free environments, childrearing in the community, creating the garden city vision for the maintenance and enjoyment of green spaces, improvement of the environment to ensure pedestrian comfort, and the provision of long-term nursing care. These new attempts at improving daily life in SNT show how social capital and ties are implemented into daily living by citizen groups for the benefit of residents.

9.7 Remodeling of the Town and Social Sprawl in the City Discussions on the remodeling of Senri New Town have advanced since 2005. Major construction companies are capable of participating in large projects. Therefore, remodeling of the town means the privatization of SNT development. In 2006, the demolition and rebuilding of core buildings in the Senri Chuo area started. Some of the buildings that had administrative offices and bank branches were removed (Photo 9.7) while a new building with reorganized public institutions such as a community center and library was built (called “Collabo”) and a 50-story building, including residential floors, was built in a section of the property in June 2009. As was mentioned in Sect. 9.5, privatization has proceeded in residential areas. In some parts of the residential areas in SNT, less expensive apartments were rebuilt, and management transferred to the private sector, through which rents increased.

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Photo 9.7. Core site of SNT redevelopment construction. (January 20, 2007)

Gradually, gentrification of the existing residential area has created sprawl. Presales of new condominiums built by the redevelopment project decreased due to the impact of financial crisis in and after 2007 and the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008. One condominium had about 60 empty units. These cases show urban social sprawl and mosaic in SNT. Urban social sprawl can be seen in a different form in Kamishinden. It may be because the landowners need to consider inheritance tax and tend to sell their land, which has led to the construction of small apartments and single-dwelling houses (Photo 9.8). The roads surrounding their lands are usually too narrow for vehicles, which limits the entry of emergency vehicles. In this area, some new residents have formed a residents’ association separate from the existing residents’ association. This can be considered a kind of social segregation. We need to continue observing the situation to determine whether the urban social sprawl in and around SNT is leading to meaningful and fruitful remodeling or is merely the beginning of continuing problems. Even under such circumstances, residential power in SNT has created a new social scape for sustainable community life. According to Urry (2000), scape is extremely important for a mobility society. Scape is a network consisting of machinery, technology, organizations, text, and actors that reestablish the dimensions of time and space. Peter Haggett, a quantitative geographer, extracted (1) interaction, (2) network, (3) node, (4) hierarchy, (5) surface, and (6) diffusion as the phases to perceive geographical phenomena (Haggett et al. 1977). The network that is associated with self-organization that promotes the realization of social practices in multiple phases

9.7 Remodeling of the Town and Social Sprawl in the City

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Photo 9.8. Sprawl in Kamishinden area. (January 20, 2007)

is the scape; and, through involvement in the independent and contingent individual scape, citizens may play an important role as a buffer.

9.8 Conclusion: Senri New Town as a Re-Experiment City The construction of the Japan’s first “new town,” “Senri New Town”, was a superb experiment; and there is a need to restore it. This means that SNT will once again be the site of an experiment. Regional living functions such as the Grunddaseinsfunktionen (fundamental functions for living) advocated by the Munich School of German Social Geography described in Chap. 4, Sect. 1 have deteriorated in SNT, as described above (Maier et al. 1977). Some of the living functions have become difficult to support sufficiently by Senri Center, Osaka Prefecture, Toyonaka City or Suita City alone. Meanwhile, the reestablishment of a new SNT as a comfortable living environment should not depend on developers from private companies only. Under such circumstances, utilization of social capital has become a valuable tool in changing the SNT community through activities by the above-mentioned organizations and Senri Civic Forum. Social capital in communities is becoming an important concept to consider in regional restoration. Therefore, we need to conduct a more detailed examination; and we must understand the importance of the central persons described in studies as “leaders,” “actors,” and “triggers” as well as “agents” who have strength of action and

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rationality, but who are also passionate and sometimes stubborn (Tsutsumi 1995a). Most of these in SNT are individuals aged 60 and older including those who have recently retired. Some of the activities in SNT referred to in this chapter have been led by these individuals. Three important points regarding the restoration of SNT are (1) regional living functions in daily life, (2) social capital or social ties, and (3) residents or citizens as agents. We should pay attention to these three points in studying the independent, autonomous, and self-reliant sustainability of communities in an aging society. Furthermore, studies on passive space (Passiv Raum), which means inactive space (Maier et al. 1977), and peripheral space from these three important viewpoints as well as studies on the special organization of such spaces will bridge the gap between studies on communities in mountainous and rural areas and studies on urban areas. This may yield a new common viewpoint for incorporative and contrasting studies on rural and urban communities in societies encountering aging and depopulation. Note 1. Senri Civic Forum was established on February 16, 2003 after the establishment of a preparation committee on December 21, 2002. The Forum has performed activities as a loose organization of residents engaged in a wide range of town development. Official website (as of July 1, 2015): https://senri-forum.com/.

References Bourdieu P (1977) Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge University Press Haggett P, Cliff AD, Frey A (1977) Locational analysis in human geography (2nd edn), vol 1: Locational Models. Wiley, vol 2: Locational Methods. Arnold Harvey D (1993) Social justice and the city. Basil Blackwell Jenkins R (1992) Pierre Bourdieu. Routledge Katayose T (1979) Study of Senri New Town: Trajectory of Planned Urban Construction: its Technique and Thought, (Senri Nyu Taun no Kenkyu: Keikakuteki Toshi Kensetsu no Kiseki/Sono Gijyutsu to Shiso). (Nagasaki institute of Applied Science), Sampo Publications (in Japanese), Living Space Theory Study Maier J, Paesler R, Ruppert K, Schaffer F (1977) Sozialgeographie. (Das Geographische Seminar), Westermann Osaka Prefecture Senri Center (1973) Senri New Town: People and life. (Senri Nyu Taun: Hito to Seikatsu), Osaka Prefecture Senri Center Foundation (in Japanese) Putnam RD (2000) Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. Simon & Schuster Tsutsumi K (1995a) “Industrial modernization and agents: a case of tea industry in Yame Region, Fukuoka Prefecture, at modern age”, (Sangyo kindaika to ejento: kindai no Yame chiho ni okeru chagyo wo jirei to shite). Ann Jpn Assoc Econ Geogr (Keizai Chirigaku Nempo) 41–3:17–37 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1995b) “Human geography after World War II and David Harvey”, (Sengo no jimbun chirigaku to Deibitto Habei). Bull Shimane Assoc Geogr (Shimane Chiri Gakkaishi) 31:11–30 (in Japanese) Urry J (2000) Sociology beyond societies: mobilities for the twenty-first century. Routledge

References

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Yamaji H (1982) New Hometown: Two decades of Senri New Town. (Atarashiki Furusato: Senri Nyu Taun no Nijyu-nen). Gakugei Shuppansha (in Japanese) Yamaji H (2002) New hometown: four decades of Senri New Town. (Atarashiki Furusato: Senri Nyu Taun no Yonjyu-nen), NGS (in Japanese)

Chapter 10

Peripheral Regions in the Era of Regional Crisis, Society 5.0, the Postpandemic and the Posturban—A Concluding and Additional Chapter for the English Edition Abstract This last chapter is a concluding and additional one for the English edition of this book. It treats depopulated areas as peripheralized spaces. On the stage of strong development of capitalism, some depopulated areas would be left alone and may decay further. It means that some or many of the depopulated areas would face to their regional crisis. In the era of knowledge economy, Society 5.0, and posturban, depopulated areas should strongly try to survive, and would maintain their residents’ lives and local industries. Here the author offers some unique ideas; balanced combination, dual diversity and trinovation. The ideas with regional social capital would be reliable tools for the survival of depopulated areas with regional social capital. Keywords Balanced combination · Dual diversity · Regional crisis · Society 5.0 · Postpandemic · Posturban · Social capital · Trinovation

10.1 Summary of the Chapters of This Book In the introduction of this book, I reviewed the history of depopulated mountainous regions in Japan. I pointed out that the population outflow from mountainous areas, which have accounted for most depopulated regions, has hitherto been analyzed on exclusively micro or macro scales. In Part I, Chap. 2, I examined several problems around depopulation and population outflow in a nationwide scale. Chapter 3 presented a mesoscale analysis of a case of out-migration from the mountainous village Kamitsue. I identified many cases of migration that were contingent on people’s respective lifecycles or lifestages. Moreover, it was evident that certain migration patterns depended upon in-home attributes and relations. Finally, the analysis of the patterns of population outflow highlighted that the origin area of out-migration had the economic, social, and physical remoteness of the mountainous area. In addition, several cases of chain migration and stepwise migration were observed. In Part II, two chapters were devoted to examining the living environments and regional living functions. Chapter 4 highlighted the harsh conditions in the depopulated prefecture of Shimane. It demonstrated the vital importance of three activities © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9_10

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within an aged society: going shopping, attending hospital appointments, and transportation. However, grave issues are experienced by “a man of mobility limitation” (Tsutsumi 2003). Chapter 5 offered certain ideas and cases of IT(Information Technology) functions that can support the daily lives of people in depopulated regions; further, it presented certain limitations and restrictions concerning IT use. In these two chapters, I argued that the solution to depopulation issues is the same as that of regional deprivation—a focus on ensuring the security of human rights in a region. In this regard, I draw on Yamamoto’s (1994, 1996) suggestion that regional mutual aids have become more important, particularly in depopulated regions. The primary topic of Part III was the question of social capital in depopulated regions. I began Chap. 6 with an introduction to the main concepts, definitions, and issues around social capital. In Japan, sociologists have been studying community social ties for more than a century. Meanwhile, since 2000, the importance of social capital has been highlighted by many economists. However, no meaningful connections or relations between these two academic disciplines have been formally pursued. In Chap. 7, I examined the case of a settlement of Tsukinoya Settlement that was submerged under water by dam construction, which was relocated and experienced a revitalization even as its population decreased. My analysis showed that, in such cases, the presence of “agents” is critical to the survival of a settlement or community. This research reveals an important factor for the survival of depopulated societies—the necessity of fully exploiting their social capital (Tsutsumi 2017). Chapter 8 concerned a newly established community on a rural residential estate to which migrants from urban areas had relocated. I examined the new system of social capital that has developed within the community, which has had both bonding and bridging functions. Subsequently, Chap. 9 discussed the case of a new urban town, Senri New Town, where regional marginalization was apparent, along with certain phenomena previously recognized in rural depopulated regions in Japan. To account for these similarities, I developed the concepts of “spatial peripheralization” and the “peripheralization of space.”

10.2 The Grand New Situation This book is based on two Japanese versions published in 2011 and 2015. Since their publication, social change has developed rapidly beyond what we had imagined. Moreover, several new topics and issues have emerged that require consideration: regional crisis, Society 5.0, postpandemic, and the posturban. Therefore, we must reflect on the rise of depopulated peripheralized regions in the present and the near future.

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10.2.1 Regional Crisis The 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games and the 2025 World EXPO in Osaka would open a new era for these two major metropolitan cities, although the former has postponed by the pandemic issue of coronavirus in 2020. Moreover, there is an immense national plan to construct the Super Mega Region (SMR) by linking Tokyo and Osaka via the Chuo Shinkansen (bullet train of linear motor car) in only 67 min. The plan involves using this transportation system to combine the three large metropolitan regions of Tokyo, Nagoya, and Osaka into one SMR, which will subsequently become the biggest metropolitan region in the world. However, the establishment of the SMR has the adverse potential to generate significant inequalities in the national landscape. In particular, peripheral regions in western Japan would be isolated from the advantages of this scheme. Prof. Kiyoshi Kobayashi (Kyoto University), one of the members of the National Land Committee, has suggested that the benefits of the Chuo Shinkansen will reach up to the eastern half of Hiroshima prefecture. This means that a large part of western Japan, including Shikoku, Kyushu, and neighboring islands, will not profit from the SMR. Therefore, we should carefully examine the issue of this regional crisis, which I have named “The Western Japan Crisis.”

10.2.2 Society 5.0 Recently, the national government of Japan put forward its ideal plan for the next society: Society 5.0. The plan is premised on the division of society’s history of evolution and development into stages, from the hunter-gatherer stage (Society 1.0) to the agricultural (Society 2.0), industrial (Society 3.0), and informational stages (Society 4.0). In this schema, the next stage is Society 5.0, which will be shaped by artificial intelligence (AI), the Internet of Things (IoT), and Big Data, through high-quality networks and equipment. Society 5.0 is based on the knowledge society. In Germany, they use the terms from “Industry 1.0”to “Industry 4.0,” which almost exactly correspond to “Society 2.0” to “Society 5.0,” respectively.

10.2.3 Postpandemic Society Particularly since 2020, the pandemic situation caused by coronavirus has confused and transformed our societies and the world. Because the case fatality rate of the infected person is high, and the coronavirus has taken the life of many people in the world. Some failures of the prevention of epidemics policy in countries have promoted a rise in case fatality rate. Face-to-face communication, going out from the home, long-distance trip, and being in a closed, sealed and crowded space have been restricted. Many divisions of

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retailing, entertainment, restaurant business tourism, manufacturing and transportation were forced to restrict or stop their business. Many workers were discharged, and the many prospective employees were not able to get a job against their wills. A plenty of shops and restaurants were shut down. The degree of the poverty of the poor household has been strengthened, and the ratios of the poor household have increased. It is said that the critical situation of the economy due to this infectious disease has already exceeded the case of the big economic crisis. In some parts of business and school education, telework has been promoted within a very short term. Meetings of real face to face have extremely decreased, and meetings with the online have replaced them. The increase of telework labor leads to decrease of daily commuting, which has been generated social waste of time and cost, so the situation would be mean a shift of usage of time and cost budget. Also the telework may promote dual residence and dual workplace in urban and rural areas.

10.2.4 Posturban World The Swedish economist Hans Westlund has described and elucidated the posturban condition (Haas and Westlund 2018; Westlund 2018), in which the relationship between urban regions and their hinterlands is weakened, and urban networks connect cities, overcoming the friction of distance. In this schema, rural–urban relationships inevitably change; the direct and primary connection of peripheral regions to neighboring cities leads to a multifaceted system of networked regions. Thus, the attractiveness of peripheral regions acquires wider markets. According to Westlund, in the posturban era, tourism subsequently becomes one of the most important industries in such regions. The posturban situation relates to development of knowledge society (Andersson 1985) in which C-regions, where competence, culture, communication and creativity are remarkable, could form new networks (Andersson 1986, p. 11). It suggests that even peripheral regions may have some possibility to develop their new basic economic activities based on their social capital, cultural capital or splendid natural environment. But fundamental examination of the basic economic activities is not enough, because the development of them would generate several issues around them, and in that point, for an example, the concept of “Leisure Landscapes” is very interesting (Macnaghten 2019). Surely in the posturban world, we would see new rural–urban relations and about urban and rural images Edward Glaeser, who is one of the authors of the book edited by Haas and Westlund (Glaeser 2018), had insisted to “dispatch harmful myths” about urbanity, saying “We must discard the view that environmentalism means living around trees and that urbanities should always fight to preserve a city’s physical past. We must stop idolizing home ownership, which favors suburban tract homes over high-rise apartments, and stop romantizing rural villages” (Glaeser 2011, p. 15).

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10.2.5 Innovation and the Future of Peripheral Depopulated Regions As the forerunning chapters have shown, there are several peripheral regions in western Japan. In the era of the posturban, Society 5.0, and the SMR, only the fittest of these peripheral regions will be able to survive. Consequently, the utilization of local resources, including regional social capital and its maintenance, will be critical. In the posturban and Society 5.0 world, services and cultural contexts will become more important than ever. Since Society 3.0 (the industrial era), first economic, then social, and finally cultural capital have successively played key roles in society. Kiyoshi Kobayashi has often referred to this situation in our face-to-face discussions as “a shift from contents to contexts.” The importance of context depends on one’s cultural position, which may yield some utility or benefit through the attribution to one of cultural capital, which is sometimes situated in “the hidden dimension” (Hall 1966). Cultural capital would be a useful resource for tourism, which plays a particularly important role in peripheral regions. Rare cultural capital is very appealing to tourists, and sometimes the key to unlock such capital may be found in the past. Here, I mean that not only innovation but also renovation and even denovation (Doblin 1978) are crucial for the kind of tourism that might be a primary industry in peripheral regions. Elsewhere, I have termed this “a Trinovation pattern,” with trinovation denoting a combination of innovation, renovation, and denovation (Tsutsumi 2019). This can be seen in Fig. 10.1. It is well known that innovation is critically dependent on diversity. However, such diversity is often based on a synchronic situation. Through the lens of trinovation, we easily recognize that diachronic as well as synchronic diversity is the source of denovation and the other two, as trinovation is based on old and new knowledge, experiences, and information (Fig. 10.2).

Fig. 10.1 A pattern of trinovation (drawn by the author)

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Fig. 10.2 Dual diversities (drawn by the author)

As for tourism, which is vitally important for Japan as a knowledge society with wide peripheral regions, it is sustainable within a “balanced combination” scheme. Tourism can be sustained by the following: the transportation industry, which carries tourists; agriculture, and forestry, which provide foods; and wholesaling and retailing, which supply goods and souvenirs. It is therefore possible to maintain the regional tourism industry by pursuing a balanced combination of relationships among industries. Further, the concept of a balanced combination is an important concept for the sustainability of daily life. For example, mutual assistance among residents in a community is difficult to maintain because of the aging population—older people cannot help their contemporaries because of limited physical ability. In addition, municipal support structures are weakened because of financial incapacity. The integration of a balanced combination of multiple forms of assistance by the public sector, family, and community members is indispensable in a society that is both peripheral and aged.

10.2.6 An Experimental Research Field: Okinoshima Town For about 30 years, I have been researched several issues of peripheral region at Okinoshima Town. The town mainly consists of Okinoshima Island among Oki Islands, Shimane Prefecture (Fig. 10.3). In ancient Japan, Oki Islands had formed one of the states “Oki no kuni” (the state of Oki) and the location had been very important for sea traffic. Since the 1960s, out-flow of population has drastically proceeded, and this area has been registered for depopulated region by a law. The key industries are forestry, fishery, agriculture, and tourism. The island district locates 40–80 km away from the mainland Japan, so historically it has been inconvenient to approach to the area. In spite of the situation, some traffic fee has been subsidized by the National Government, because the area is a manned border region, which has an important meaning for national security.

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Fig. 10.3 Location of Okinoshima Town

The area of Oki Islands has registered for the Global Geopark by UNESCO, because the area has a splendid volcanic physical feature, long and traditional history and unique culture. So the elements of the Global Geopark can be resources for tourism (Photos 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 10.8 and 10.9; all offered by the Okinoshima Town Office). In addition, the locality has been considered to be good condition for education and natural life.

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Photo 10.1 Dan’gyo fall

Photo 10.1 shows “Dan’gyo Fall,” where Dan’gyo Jinj’ya (Dan’gyo Shrine) locates. We can enter the backyard of the fall, and the water there is registered as one of “the 100 famous waters in Japan.” Distinctive volcanic activities have shaped unique and interesting physical landscape everywhere in the area. Photo 10.2 shows a lizard-shaped rock in the mountain. Along the sea coast line, we see topography of erosion, rocks with fantastic shape. The seascape of Photo 10.3 makes us imagine “Jodo,” the Buddhist Elysian Fields, and Photo 10.4 an elephant, Photo 10.5 a candle respectively. The Oki area is also famous because there we can see both of the highland and the lowland species of plants and animals. The area is full of not only physically but also ecologically meaningful features. On such basic environment people established their living situation. Formerly Okinoshima Town was so-called a town of forestry that treated mainly cedar, cypress, and pine tree. In the last two decade of the twentieth century, domestic forestry had drastically decayed because of imported cheaper timber, decrease and aging of forestry laborers, and shifting the taste of architectural residential style to the

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Photo 10.2 Lizard rock

Western way. Local agriculture in Oki area is almost for self-supporting, but even in mountainous part we can see paddy lands in alluvial valleys (Photo 10.6). Historically, the Oki area was a nodal place of sea traffic and was a place of exile for the Imperial family who were defeated in political strife. These things led to remains of noble and diverse cultural phenomena. Photo 10.7 shows Renge’emai, performed at the Oki Kokubunji Temple, having an ancient style of sacred dancing. The performance has been designated as a National Important Intangible Cultural Property. It is performed every year in April. Originally, it is a Buddhist event but now it becomes an important activity for tourism. There are another two important events in Okinoshima Town; Hassaku Bullfighting (Photo 10.8) and Classic Sumo Ceremony (Photo 10.9). Hassaku means the day of 1 September, and every year on that day the bullfighting ceremony is held as a sacred event of Dan’gyo Jinjya (shrine). In Japan, primitively Sumo is also a sacred event dedicated to God of Shintoism. The Classic Sumo Ceremony in Okinoshima Town is to be held irregularly in the occasion of some kind of felicitous event. The same two men fight with Sumo twice, and the victory or defeat of the match is made it

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Photo 10.3 Jyodogaura coast

Photo 10.4 Elephant rock

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Photo 10.5 Candle rock

Photo 10.6 Paddy lands in the mountain

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Photo 10.7 Renge’emai at Oki Kokubunji temple

Photo 10.8 Hassaku bullfighting

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Photo 10.9 Classic Sumo ceremony

a practice of to become one win and one defeat by all means, so there is an expression “Sumo of warm humanity.” It is based on a traditional local wisdom not to leave a grudge in a small society, which is a sort of regional social capital. The two events have a common feature: there forms an association that supports a Sumo wrestler or a Bull. For some months, the association has made activities for the events, and through the process regional social capital is reproduced and strengthened repeatedly. The members of an association are active sharing the same place and time for a term, forming more tight regional social capital. Perhaps, it is in the same condition with “stock association” which once Gulliver (1955) has referred to in the case of breeding cattle or so. In order to think about regional sustainability of peripheral regions, I have researched the issues in the field of Okinoshima Town to establish some systems or models as a trial about for 30 years. As for industries and mutual assistance, I found the importance of balanced combination as I have already mentioned above. In each case, regional social capital will activate the efficiency of works relating to balanced combination. There would be another possibility for Okinoshima Town in the point of education; Education for urban-born pupils in peripheral region based on splendid natural environment and regional social capital in a small school. It accompanies with population movement from urban to rural area. In the case of Okinoshima Town, they have concluded an inclusive cooperation agreement with a company of the products for outdoor activities. It intends to promote local activity in the town and to improve

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inhabitants’ quality of life. The town expects the construction of factory that manufactures outdoor goods, which means creation of new employment. The company has a client club in which plenty of members from various part of the world take part. So now a new hope is coming there. It is a very nice chance to think of a new development of tourism there in the posturban and postpandemic era.

10.3 Further Problems and Possibilities In my academic field—human geography in Japan—researchers tend to specialize narrowly, focusing solely on one type of region in their work. In other words, it is very rare among Japanese geographers for a single researcher to study the range of regions that my work covers, from mountainous villages and ex-coal-mining regions to new urban town areas. However, as I suggested in Chap. 1, this siloed approach makes phenomena such as spatial peripheralization impossible to recognize, let alone study. Furthermore, the approach of Japanese geographers to European and American social theories since the 1980s was similarly disconnected, usually consisting of a vague awareness of being estranged from them; all the while, positivistic regional analyses accumulated, with little being done to remedy the theoretical exiguity in Japanese geography. In addition, they, most of Japanese geographers, treated migration on a wider and depopulation on a smaller scale. My work here intends to fill these gaps. At the end of this conclusion, I turn to future problems and possibilities for the field and the implications of this book. Each depopulated region has its own unique geographical (physical) features and patterns of population structure and change. Researchers are now expected and encouraged to take up the work of tracing regional transformation over the medium and long term, analyzing and categorizing population change and aging trends, and devising various methods and policies to maintain these regions (Matsubara 2004). This is the next stage of the major research theme of this book. Regarding the spatial scale of research, I have advocated in this book for the importance of interscale studies. Even if the work to conduct meso- or microscale analyses individually entails considerable labor and difficulty, steady work must by necessity continue at these scales. As for the level at which research focuses, the present moment demands further research that takes a middle-range approach. In particular, with respect to social capital,which is increasingly fashionable as a grand theory in the field, we must continue a critical conversation with research on communities and social ties that is taking place in fields such as sociology. Above all, discussions based on the concept of social capital are more likely to address the more general level of life and human rights than the actual lives of local inhabitants; care must be exercised to ground these discussions in the implementation of regional policies. As debates around social capital become popular, we must guard carefully against being caught in the

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common tautological trap of discussing the progress and decline of local socioeconomic functions only in terms of strong or weak social capital. In the meantime, this work must go on, while consciously balancing theory with substantial local analysis. One of the original purposes of this book’s publication was to create a bridge between the study of depopulated areas and migration studies. This way of thinking was cultivated by my research across a range of regions: mountainous villages, ex-coal-mining regions, islands, and depopulating areas in urban districts. Now, however, we see depopulation and population aging throughout Japan (Matsutani 2004). Further, the approach taken in this book has become relevant to issues around urban depopulation and shrinking cities (Tsutsumi 2005, 2008), which are affecting not only Japan but also other advanced (and decaying) societies globally. Therefore, we must embark further on more practical investigations, deepening the essential relationship between theory and practice and the critical conversation across disciplines. Several considerable regional problems remain, which contain of thinking of regional socioeconomic robustness (strength) and socioeconomic resilience (flexibility). In the present, 2020, we are experiencing very terrible and horrible situation by coronavirus issues, and even under such conditions I must think of sustainability of peripheral regions and societies of the world. It is my task, and that of my successors and followers, to tackle these issues.

References Andersson Å (1985) Kreativitet: Stor Stadens Framtid. Prisma Andersson Å (1986) Presidential address: the four logistical revolutions. Papers Region Sci Assoc 59:1–12 Doblin J (1978) Innovation: a cook book approach, white paper. Doblin Group Glaeser E (2011) Triumph of the city: how urban spaces make us human. Pan Books Glaeser E (2018) Urban transformations and the future of cities. In: Haas T, Westlund H (eds) In the post-urban world: emergent transformation of cities and regions in the innovative global economy. Routledge, pp 15–29 (chapter 1) Gulliver PH (1955) The family herds: a study of two pastoral tribes in East Africa, the Jie and Turkana. K. Paul, Routledge Haas T, Westlund H (eds) (2018) In the post-urban world: emergent transformation of cities and regions in the innovative global economy. Routledge Hall ET (1966) The hidden dimension. Doubleday Macnaghten P (2019) Some personal reflections on the social production of multiple natures. In: Jensen OB, Kesselring S, Sheller M (eds) Mobilities and complexities. Routledge Matsubara S (2004) Policy science in the era of depopulation (Jinko gensho jidai no seisaku kagaku) (series: agenda of modern economy (Gendai keizai no kadai)). Iwanami Shoten (in Japanese) Matsutani A (2004) New formula for depopulated economy: concept and system of ‘shrinking world’ (‘Jinko gensho Keizai’ no Atarashii Koshiki: ‘Chijimu Sekai’ no Hasso to Shisutemu). Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2003) Research on behavioral patterns of mobility impaired people and traffic safety policy in depopulated regions with many aged residents (Jinkogensho Koreika Chiiki ni okeru Kotsu Jyakusha no Kodo Pataan to Kotsu Anzen Taisaku ni kansuru Kenkyu) (The annual report of the Sagawa Traffic Society Foundation, FY 2002 (Heisei 14 Nendo Sagawa Kotsu Shakai Zaidan Kotsu Anzen Kenkyu Jyosei Hokokusho)). The Sagawa Traffic Society Foundation (in Japanese)

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Tsutsumi K (2005) Aging, landscape, restructuring and conflicts in an old new town: Senri New Town in Osaka Metropolitan Area. In: Feldhoff T, Flüchter W (eds) Shaping the future of metropolitan regions in Japan and Germany: governance, institutions and place in new context (The 9th Japanese-German Geographical Conference). Ruhr University Bochum 1, pp 171–177 Tsutsumi K (2008) Senri New Town. In: Oswalt P (ed) Shrinking cities: complete works 3: Japan. Project Office Philipp Oswalt, pp 32–41 (chapter 6) Tsutsumi K (2017) Social capital. In: Richardson D et al (eds) The international encyclopedia of geography: people, the earth, environment, and technology. Wiley Blackwell, pp 6190–6196 Tsutsumi K (2019) The industrial revolution, innovation and agents: a case of tea industry in Yame district, Fukuoka prefecture, Japan in the modern era. In: Proceedings paper of the 1st workshop on social capital and development trends of countryside of knowledge society. Marginal Areas Research Group, 12 pp Westlund H (2018) Urban-rural relations in the post-urban world. In: Haas T, Westlund H (eds) In the post-urban world: emergent transformation of cities and regions in the innovative global economy. Routledge, pp 70–81 (chapter 5) Yamamoto T (1994) Family structure in depopulated regions (section 2, chapter 3) (Kaso chiiki jyumin no kazoku jyokyo), Social relationship and social involvement in depopulated regions (section 2, chapter 4) (Kaso chiiki jyumin no shakaikankei to shakaisanka), Regional and life consciousness in depopulated area (section 2, chapter 5), (Kaso chiiki jyumin no chiiki to seikatsu ishiki) in Depopulated Regions Development Council, of Shimane Prefecture, Environment Research Report: Study for Depopulation Problems (Seikatsu Kankyo Chosa Hokokusho: Kaso Mondai Chosa Jigyo). Depopulated Regions Development Council of Shimane Prefecture, pp 40–44; pp 45–50; pp 51–54; pp 55–64 (in Japanese) Yamamoto T (1996) Study of contemporary issues of depopulation (Gendai Kaso Mondai no Kenkyu), Koseisha Koseikaku (in Japanese)

Postface

Some parts of this book are based on my former publication written in Japanese as below, whose revised edition has published in 2015. On my publication of the Japanese original first edition, I fortunately received a grant from the Nippon Life Inst. Foundation for publishing the academic book of mine in 2010. Tsutsumi, K. (2011) “Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments: Learning from Social Capital and Mountainous Regions in Japan,” (Jinkogensho, Koreika to Seikatsukankyo: Sosharukyapitaru to Sankanchiiki no Jirei ni Manabu), Kyushu University Press. Some chapters of this book are partly based on my former researches, although Chaps. 6 and 10 are original ones, but each chapter has newly examined and modified on this time. As for Chap. 10, it was almost newly written for this English version. I show the information of the articles of my researches related to it as below. Chapter 1: Tsutsumi (1986). Chapter 2: Tsutsumi (1986, 2001a, 2002, 2006a). Chapter 3: Tsutsumi (1982, 1987a, b). Chapter 4: Tsutsumi (1994). Chapter 5: Tsutsumi (2001b). Chapter 7: Tsutsumi (2003b). Chapter 9: Tsutsumi (2003a, 2006b) And my researches concerning to the issues of this book were supported by academic funds of Osaka University and other institutions or foundations. Here I write down the information of the academic supports. Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS): 1998–1999 FYs (Grand-inAid for Scientific Research (C), No. 10680082), 2003–2004 FYs (Grand-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C), No. 15520497), 2005–2007 FYs (Grand-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C), No. 17520534), 2008–2010 FYs (Grand-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C), No. 20520684), 2011–2013 FYs (Grand-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C), No. 23320182), 2014–2018 FYs (Grand-in-Aid for Scientific Research (A), No. 26244051) Japan Securities Scholarship Foundation: 2000 FY Sagawa Traffic Society Foundation (now abolished): 2002 FY © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9

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River Environment Management Foundation (changed to River Foundation): 2002 FY Showa Shell Sekiyu Environmental Research Aid Foundation (now abolished): 2005 FY As for the publication of this English book, I have been strongly supported by Osaka University, which offered the fund for it; The Support Project for Submission of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Results Internationally 2018, Osaka University. At last, again I thank all the people and associations for supporting my researches so far.

References Tsutsumi K (1982) Change of social structure of settlement in peripheral depopulated mountain villages in Hita city: focusing on a case of K settlement in Kamituse village, Hita County (Hita-shi shuhen kaso sanson ni okeru shurakunai shakai soshiki no henka: Hita-gun Kamitsue-mura Kshuraku no jirei wo chushin ni). Regional research report, vol 1 (‘Hita’). Department of Geography of School of Letters, Kyushu University, pp 67–77 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1986) Research topics of mountain village study after slowing down of the tendency of population outflow (Jinko ryushutsu keiko no donka iko ni okeru sanson kenkyu no kadai ni tsuite). Research report of Sasebo National College of Technology (Sasebo Kogyo Koto Semmon Gakko Kenkyu Hokoku), vol 23, pp 119–127 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1987a) Analysis of out-migration from a mountain village: a case study of Kamitsuemura in Oita prefecture, Japan (Kaso sanson/Oita-ken Kamituse-mura karano jinko ido no bunseki). Hum Geogr (Jimbun Chiri) 39(3):1–23 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1987b) Study of research topics about migration (Jinko ido ni kansuru kenkyu kadai no kento ni tsuite). In: Proceedings of the Association of Japanese Geographers (Nihon Chiri Gakkai Yokoshu) 32:160–161 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (1994) Phenomenon of depopulation and depopulated areas in Shimane Prefecture (Kaso gensho to Shimane-ken no kaso chiiki), (chapter 1, part 1). Purpose of research (chosa no mokuteki) (chapter 1, part 2). Attributes and occupations of respondents (Kaitosha no zokusei to shokugyo) (chapter 2, part 2). Evaluation of living environments and living areas (Seikatsu kankyo no hyoka to seikatsuken) (chapter 6, part 2). In: Depopulated Regions Development Council, of Shimane Prefecture. Environment research report: study for depopulation problems (Seikatsu Kankyo Chosa Hokokusho: Kasomondai Chosa Jigyo), pp 1–13, 33–35, 36–39, 55–64. Depopulated Regions Development Council of Shimane Prefecture (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2001a) Population of depopulated area and depopulation problems: based on national census flash report in 2000 (Kaso chiiki no jinko to kaso mondai: 2000 nen kokusei chosa wo motoni). Statistics (Tokei) 52(4):18–24 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2001b) The actual condition of functions for living and socio-economic regional functions and supports by IT in depopulated and aging areas (Jinko Gensho/Koreika Chiiki ni okeru Seikatsu Kino/Shakaikeizaiteki Chiiki Kino no Jittai to IT Shien). A report for research aid (division of economics) by Japan Securities Scholarship Foundation, 2000 FY) (Nippon Shoken Shogaku Zaidan Kenkyu Jyosei (Keizaigaku Bun’ya) Hokokusho, 2000 Nendo) (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2002) Migration and overpopulation/depopulation (Jinko ido to kamitsu/kaso). In: Population Association of Japan (ed) Comprehensive encyclopedia of population (Jinko Daijiten). Baifukan, pp 170–175 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2003a) Research on behavioral patterns of mobility impaired people and traffic safety policy in depopulated regions with many aged residents (Jinkogensho Koreika Chiiki ni okeru

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Kotsu Jyakusha no Kodo Pataan to Kotsu Anzen Taisaku ni kansuru Kenkyu). The annual report of the Sagawa Traffic Society Foundation, FY 2002 (Heisei 14 Nendo Sagawa Kotsu Shakai Zaidan Kotsu Anzen Kenkyu Jyosei Hokokusho)). The Sagawa Traffic Society Foundation (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2003b) Research on autonomous reorganization of submerged and moved settlement by Dam Construction (Damu Kensetsu ni tomonau Suibotsu/iten Shuraku no Jiritsuteki Saihensei ni Kansuru Kenkyu) (Co-worker: Satoshi Imazato). The annual report of the River Environment Management Foundation (General Research), FY 2002 (Heisei 14 Nendo Kasen Kankyo Seibi Zaidan Kasen Seibi Kikin (Ippanteki Kenkyu) Hokokusho)). The River Environment Management Foundation (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2006a) Change of rural population (Noson jinko no hendo) In: Yamamoto S, Okuno T, Taniuchi T, Tabayashi A (eds) Japan: general remarks II: humanity and society edition,” (Nippon: Soron II: Jimbun Shakai Hen) (“Topography of Japan” (Nippon no Chishi)), vol 2. Asakura Shoten, pp 418–423 (in Japanese) Tsutsumi K (2006b) Senri New Town (Senri nyu taun). In: Kinda A, Ishikawa Y (eds) Kinki Region (Kinkiken) (“Topography of Japan” (Nihon no chishi)), vol 8, Asakura Shoten, pp 169–175 (in Japanese)

Author Index

A Adachi, Ikutsune, 31, 32, 38, 39, 43, 59, 63, 97, 116, 155

B Bourdieu, Pierre, 187

C Coleman, James, S., 187, 188

D Doi, Senkichi, 167

F Fujita, Yoshihisa, 3, 7, 39, 40, 48, 113, 155 Fukutake, Tadashi, 190, 192

G Giddens, Anthony, 18, 211 Gregory, Derek, 18

Ito, Tatsuya, 4, 45, 59, 101

K Kamino, Shinji, 32, 43, 59, 116, 155 Kiyonari, Tadao, 2, 31, 33 Kobayashi, Kiyoshi, 7, 205, 255, 257 Kodama, Toshihiro, 206

L Lewis, Gareth, 60, 61

M Miyamoto, Tsuneichi, 21, 32, 55

N Nishihara, Jun, 206 Nishino, Toshiaki, 3–7, 209 Norimoto, Kichiro, 4, 6, 40, 59, 113

O Okahashi, Hidenori, 3, 4, 6, 31, 33, 39, 40, 48, 59, 173 Otani, Takeyoshi, 32

H Hägerstrand, Torsten, 60, 61, 97, 176 Haggett, Peter, 248 Handa, Tsugio, 3, 38, 39 Harvey, David, 43, 242 Hasegawa, Akihiko, 107, 110–112

P Parsons, Talcott, 18, 206 Putnam, Robert, 188, 189, 223, 247

I Ishikawa, Yoshitaka, 8, 45, 100

R Ruppert, Karl, 98, 108, 109, 149, 156, 206

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274 S Saito, Hiroshi, 206 Sakaguchi, Keiji, 3, 4, 60 Schaffer, Franz, 98, 108, 109, 149, 156, 206 Shinohara, Shigenori, 3, 5, 60, 86, 90, 206 Simmel, Georg, 192, 206 Suizu, Ichiro, 190, 193 Suzuki, Eitaro, 96, 149, 190, 191, 193, 205, 206 Suzuki, Hiroshi, 21, 190, 193

Author Index T Takata, Yasuma, 18–20 Tominaga, Ken’ichi, 18–20, 149

Y Yamamoto, Kenji, 149 Yamamoto, Tsutomu, 6, 107, 112, 117, 135, 137, 139, 148–150, 254 Yamamoto, Yuji, 206

Subject Index

A Absentee forestland owner(s), absentee owned forest(s), 93, 94 Act on Depopulation, 24 Act on Special Measures Concerning Water Resource, 209 Act on Temporary Measures for Development for Coal Mining Regions, 41, 167 Advanced Cruise-Assist Highway System (AHS), 160 Agent(s), 96, 140, 179, 209–211, 218, 220, 221, 233, 243, 249, 250, 254 AGIL, 18, 149 Areas, 193, 194, 197–199, 203–205, 209– 212, 215, 216, 220, 221, 223–227, 230, 232, 233, 238, 239, 243, 247, 250 Attribute(s), of migrant(s), 8, 60, 61, 67, 69, 71, 73, 77, 97, 99, 253

Coal mining area(s) (region(s)), 2, 38, 41, 42, 54, 110, 206, 266, 267 Collapse of a city center, 45 Community morale, 193 Conflict(s), 111, 140, 245, 246 Cultural capital(s), 187, 247, 256, 257

B Balanced combination, 258, 265 Barrier free, 221 Basic region, 193 Bonding, 188, 190–193, 205, 220, 223, 224, 233, 254 Bridging, 188, 189, 205, 223–225, 233, 254

D Dam construction, construction of dam, 171, 209, 211, 212, 218, 254 Densely Inhabited District (DID), 22 Depopulated area(region)(s), distribution of, 36, 47, 54, 154, 164, 197, 230, 232 Depopulated prefecture(s), 25, 46, 194, 212, 230, 253 Depopulation (depopulated region, area), definition of, 17, 31, 32, 34, 46, 47, 54, 211, 212 Depopulation, regional typology of, 38, 39 Deprivation, 8, 31–34, 43, 46, 85, 96, 110, 149, 155, 210, 254 Deserted (rural) settlement(s), 2, 3, 22, 25, 43, 60, 148 Difficulty to marry (marriage problem; lack of marriage partners), 24, 63 Digital divide, 153, 180 Distance(s), of migration, 62, 68–71, 98, 99 Donut phenomenon, 44, 45

C Chain migration, 101, 253 Clan(s), clan based group(s), 19, 192 Coal mine(s), 5, 21, 41, 42, 166, 167, 170, 206

E e-Island Project, 172 Electronic medical record(s), 161, 162 Emergency Report System, 169, 170 Era of Local Regions, 2, 31, 32

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021 K. Tsutsumi, Depopulation, Aging, and Living Environments, Advances in Geographical and Environmental Sciences, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-9042-9

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276 F Face-to-face giving and receiving, 220 Family cycle, 60, 66, 67, 73, 77, 97 Fighting Mountainous Village, 31, 173 Fourth Comprehensive National Development Plan, 43, 116 Fukuoka Gigabit Highway, 167–169 Functions for public interests, 94 Fundamental functions for living, 108, 249 Funeral team(s), 64, 86, 90 Furusato Chikara, 94, 224, 225, 227, 228, 233

G Garden city, 33, 44, 240, 247 Gemeinschaft, 19–21, 188 Gentrification, 248 German Social Geography, 60, 62, 108, 149, 156, 249 Gesellschaft, 19, 20, 109, 188 Grand Design for the 21st Century, 43

H Healthcare information system(s), 161 High economic growth, 193, 223, 238 Hilly and mountainous area(s), 23, 172, 198, 215, 220

I Industrialization, 18–21, 73, 193 Industry 4.0, 255 Information Technology (IT), 7, 8, 153, 154, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162, 163, 167–169, 171–176, 178–180, 254 Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITS), 160

Subject Index M Marginal settlement(s), 2, 6 Micro-macro issue(s), 194 Migtrate, decision to; move, decision to, 60–62, 73, 85, 97, 98 Miyoshi Town Yururi, 226–233 Mobility limitation, 145, 147, 254 Modernization, 7, 18–22, 44, 91, 149, 166, 191, 192, 211 Mountain Villages Development Act, 114, 205 Multi-polar distribution(s), 43, 116 Multiple (public) functions, 5, 221, 222 Municipal merger(s), 17, 22, 36–38, 148, 154, 156, 204

N Natural village(s), 149, 190–193 Neighborhood center(s), 239, 243

O One Village, One Product Movement, 31, 33, 173 Outer zone, of the South-western Japan, 25, 39, 40, 154, 165 Overpopulation, 1, 2, 18, 20, 21, 31, 43, 44, 46, 54, 98

P Peninsular Areas Development Act, 114 Peripheral region(s), 2, 3, 155, 255–258, 265, 267 Personal Digital Assistants (PDAs), 161, 175, 176 Post-pandemic, 253–255, 266 Post-urban, 253, 254, 256, 257, 266 Principles of Japanese Rural Sociology, 191 Problem of subregion statistics, 36, 37

K Ko association(s), 91, 192

L Laws of Fixed Connectivity, 19, 20 Leaving the village with one’s whole family, 25, 38, 60, 67 Life cycle, 60, 61, 67, 77, 78, 97, 98, 253 Life structure, 6, 96, 107, 110–112 Living environment, 7, 8, 33, 107, 112, 116, 117, 130, 134, 135, 137, 139, 147, 148, 187, 209, 245, 249, 253

R Regional change(s), 6, 17, 18, 20, 21, 54 Regional collaborative education, 171 Regional crisis, 253–255 Regional income gaps, 18, 60 Regional living functions, 6, 8, 107, 153, 155, 156, 160, 171, 194, 216, 249, 250, 253 Remote Islands Development Act, 32, 54, 114, 165 Remoteness, 8, 34, 253

Subject Index Return migration, 2, 45, 63, 73, 77, 100, 101, 124, 159, 226 Reverse migration, 45 Ritual group(s), 89 Rural exodus, 3, 28 Rural population, 20–22, 24, 25, 31, 54 Rural village, definition of (a), 21, 191 S Sampachi Snow Storm (1963), 113 Scrap and build, 166, 167 Senri Civic Forum, 247, 249 Shrinking cities, 267 Social capital(s), 7, 8, 86, 96, 148, 155, 187– 189, 191–195, 204, 205, 219–221, 223–225, 233, 237, 245, 247, 249, 250, 254, 256, 257, 265–267 Social change(s), 17–21, 54, 254 Social geographical spatial system, 108, 109 Social overhead capital(s), 31–34, 139, 146, 187, 247 Social scape, 224, 233, 248 Social segregation, 248 Social system(s), 18, 19, 206 Social ties, 5, 20, 21, 86, 89, 90, 96, 97, 113, 134, 139, 156, 171, 178, 179, 189, 190, 193, 194, 210, 211, 217, 219, 220, 245, 247, 250, 254, 266 Society 5.0, 253–255, 257 Socio-economic resilience, 267 Socio-economic robustness, 267 Space packing, 43, 242 Sprawl, 44, 246–248 Stepwise migration, 72, 75, 100, 253 Stock tenant farming, 113

277 Successor(s), 4, 5, 23, 29, 30, 63, 129, 130, 148, 197, 267 Super Mega Region (SMR), 255, 257

T Tatara, 113, 171 Temagae, 4, 8 Third Comprehensive National Development Plan, 2, 31, 33, 43–45, 116 Time geography, 176 Trinovation, 257 Tsukinoya Development Association, 215, 216, 220 Tsukinoya Healing, 216, 220 Tsukinoya Kagura, 216, 217 Tsukonken, 89, 91, 93

U Universal design, 242 Urbanization, 18, 21, 22, 24, 28, 44, 193

V Village functions, 2, 63, 117 Village revitalization, 6, 7, 32

W Wireless tele-meter system, 162

Y Yui, 4, 8