Delinquents and Debutantes: Twentieth-Century American Girls' Cultures 9780814737781

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delinquents and

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delinquents

and Debutantes

Twentieth-Century America n Girls' Culture s

edited by Sherrie A . Innes s

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New York and Londo n

NEW YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S New York and Londo n © 199 8 by New York Universit y All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Delinquents an d debutante s : twentieth-century American girls' cultures / edite d by Sherrie A. Inness. p. cm . Includes index. ISBN 0-8147-3764-1 (clothboun d : acid-free paper ) ISBN 0-8147-3765-X (pbk . : acid-free paper ) 1. Girls—Unite d States—History—20t h century . 2 . Girls—Unite d States—Social conditions. 3 . Girl s in popular culture—Unite d States — History—20th century . I . Inness , Sherrie A. HQ777. D39 199 8 305.23—ddc21 98-904 7 CIP New York University Press books are printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r binding materials are chosen for strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the United State s of America 10

9 8 7 6 5 4 3

2

for Cathy Ebelk e

Contents

Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 Parti

law, Descipline, and Socialization

1 Makin g a Gir l int o a Scout : Americanizin g Scoutin g for Girl s 1 Laureen Tedesco

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2 Rat e You r Date : Young Wome n an d th e Commodification o f Depressio n Er a Courtshi p 4 Mary C. McComb

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3 Truculen t an d Tractable : Th e Genderin g o f Babysitting i n Postwa r Americ a 6 Miriam Formanek-Brunell

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4 Femal e Juvenil e Delinquenc y an d th e Proble m o f Sexual Authority i n America , 1945-196 5 8 Rachel Devlin

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Part11 £7he/ yif*l (jofi&iimer 5 Littl e Girl s Bound : Costum e an d Comin g o f Age i n the Sears Catalog 1906-1927 10 Rhona Justice-Malloy

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6 "Teen a Mean s Business" : Teenag e Girls ' Cultur e and Seventeen Magazine, 1944-195 0 13 Kelly Schrum

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vii

viii (jontent&

Part

7 "Anti-Barbies" : Th e America n Girl s Collectio n an d Political Ideologie s 16 Sherrie A. Inness

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8 Boys-R-Us : Boar d Game s an d th e Socializatio n o f Young Adolescen t Girl s 18 Jennifer Scanlon

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III £R^imatyinin^ ffcri/uxxl 9 Th e Flappe r an d th e Chaperone : Cultura l Constructions o f Identit y an d Heterosexua l Politic s among Adolescen t Mexica n America n Women , 1920-1950 19

Vicki L. Ruiz

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10 Fiction s o f Assimilation : Nanc y Drew , Cultura l Imperialism, an d th e Filipina/America n Experienc e 22 Melinda L. de Jesus

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11 "N o Plac e fo r a Gir l Dick" : Mabe l Mane y an d th e Queering o f Girls ' Detectiv e Fictio n 24 Julia D. Gardner

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12 Ca n Ann e Shirle y Hel p "Reviv e Ophelia" ? Listenin g to Gir l Reader s 26 Angela E. Hubler

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13 Producin g Girls : Rethinking th e Stud y o f Femal e Youth Cultur e 28 Mary Celeste Kearney

5

Contributors 311 Index 315

Acknowledgments

First o n m y lis t o f peopl e t o than k woul d hav e t o b e al l thos e wh o contributed t o thi s collection . Thei r unstintin g effort s hav e mad e thi s anthology possible . I coul d no t hav e aske d fo r a mor e thoughtfu l grou p of scholar s with who m t o work . The y have mad e editin g this collectio n a pleasure. I would als o lik e t o than k thos e wh o hav e rea d draft s o f essay s included i n thi s collection , includin g Kathry n M . Burton , Rut h Ebelke , Faye Parke r Flavin , Julie Inness , Michel e Lloyd, an d Dian a Royer . Thei r criticism helpe d t o tighte n u p th e entir e collection . I woul d lik e t o than k m y friends , amon g the m Alic e Adams, Martin a Barash, Caroly n Butle r Palmer , Kat e Johnson , Eri c Palmer , Cind y Reu ther, Judit h Russo , Kathry n Shevelow , an d Wend y W . Walters . The y provided suppor t throughou t thi s anthology' s production . I woul d als o like to thank my colleagues at Miami University for thei r friendship. The y help t o mak e th e schoo l a ric h intellectua l environmen t tha t further s al l my scholarship. Finally, Jennifer Hamme r an d her colleagues at New York University Pres s wer e a pleasure t o wor k with . Thei r expertis e di d muc h to hel p improv e thi s collection . My researc h ha s benefite d fro m a numbe r o f scholar s i n children' s literature an d girls ' culture , includin g Kathlee n Chamberlain , Miria m Formanek-Brunell, Jerr y Griswold , Pete r Hunt , Deidr e Johnson , Sall y Mitchell, Claudi a Nelson , an d Lynn e Vallone . Thes e ar e a fe w o f th e many wh o mak e th e stud y o f girls ' literatur e an d cultur e a particularl y vibrant are a today . Thanks mus t b e reserve d fo r m y mother , father , an d sister , wh o pro vided a muc h neede d suppor t networ k throughou t th e proces s o f th e editing o f thi s collection . Thei r encouragemen t sustaine d m e a s I deal t with a broken kneeca p an d a ca r acciden t whil e workin g o n thi s anthol -

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ogy. Cath y Ebelk e deserve s specia l appreciatio n a s th e greates t cousi n anyone i s likel y t o eve r have . I dedicat e thi s boo k t o he r i n gratitut e fo r her bein g a friend an d rol e mode l t o me . For permissio n t o includ e revise d version s o f previousl y publishe d work, I wis h t o acknowledg e th e followin g journa l an d books : Rache l Devlin, "Female Juvenile Delinquency and th e Problem o f Sexual Authority i n America. " Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 9. 1 (1997): 14782; Jennife r Scanlon , "Boys-R-Us : Boar d Game s an d th e Socializatio n o f Young Adolescen t Girls. " Images of the Child. Ed . Harr y Eiss . Bowlin g Green: Bowlin g Gree n Stat e Universit y Popula r Press , 1994 . 103-14; Vicki L. Ruiz, "Th e Flappe r an d th e Chaperone. " Out of the Shadows: A History of Mexican American Women in the United States, 1900-1990. New York : Oxford Universit y Press, 1997.

Introduction

In man y ways , girl s ar e inconsequential . Du e t o thei r yout h an d gender , girls ar e grante d les s socia l statu s tha n me n an d boys . They ar e relegate d to a n inferio r plac e i n America n societ y becaus e o f th e strengt h o f th e cultural stereotyp e that girls and their culture are insipid and insignificant , unworthy o f clos e attention . Eve n i n Toyland , wh o get s t o dea l wit h serious issues , G.I . Jo e o r Barbie ? G.I . Jo e confront s hi s enemie s wit h a hand grenade ; Barbie , presumably , whip s ou t he r blo w dryer . G.I. Jo e i s concerned wit h lif e an d deat h an d war , whil e Barbie' s mai n interes t i s what colo r bikin i to wear t o th e beach . American society' s disparagin g attitud e towar d girls ' cultur e i s als o apparent i n highe r education . Althoug h girls ' cultur e i s receivin g in creased attention , a n Englis h majo r ca n graduat e withou t eve r havin g read a book written fo r a n audienc e o f girls. A history major ca n graduat e without knowin g anythin g abou t th e cultur e o f girl s i n th e Unite d State s over th e pas t centuries . A sociolog y o r anthropolog y majo r ca n get a degree withou t considerin g th e plac e o f girl s i n a culture . I n graduat e school, the situatio n i s little different. Th e new Ph.D. in American Studie s probably too k n o classe s tha t considere d girls ' culture . Th e holde r o f a doctorate i n Englis h probabl y di d no t writ e a dissertation o n th e plac e of girls' reading i n girls ' culture. The belief that girls ' culture is no cultur e a t all prove s t o b e remarkabl y tenacious , a s doe s th e belie f tha t studyin g girls' cultur e lack s the importanc e an d significanc e o f studying a "weight ier" issue , suc h a s th e developmen t o f th e America n politica l syste m o r the reason s wome n continu e t o b e economicall y disadvantage d i n ou r society. An antholog y suc h a s thi s on e i s especiall y neede d becaus e scholarl y work o n girls ' culture ha s been insufficient . Fo r much o f this century an d

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earlier ones , children' s an d girls ' cultur e hav e bee n regarde d b y th e gen eral societ y a s undeservin g o f seriou s criticism . Th e component s o f chil dren's cultur e (includin g books , televisio n shows , an d attire ) hav e ap peared intrinsicall y less important t o adult s than thei r adul t counterparts . In th e pas t thre e decades , children' s literatur e classe s hav e becom e a standard par t o f th e curriculu m o f man y college s an d universities , an d the stud y o f children' s cultur e mor e generall y ha s gaine d a significan t toehold i n academe . A number o f recent scholarl y works have focused o n children's an d yout h culture , bu t non e o f thes e focuse s exclusivel y o n girls.1 This situatio n i s beginnin g t o change . I n th e lat e 1980 s an d 1990s , a number o f scholars , man y influence d b y feminis m an d it s tenets , hav e introduced gende r int o thei r wor k an d acknowledge d th e importanc e o f studying th e previousl y trivialize d cultur e o f girls . Ove r th e las t decade , interest i n girls ' cultur e ha s grown , resultin g i n a numbe r o f ne w work s that addres s girls ' cultur e i n insightfu l ways. 2 These book s ar e reconcep tualizing girls ' cultur e an d acknowledgin g it s tru e importanc e i n helpin g to constitut e no t onl y children' s gende r role s bu t als o thos e o f adults. 3 What thes e work s d o i s brin g th e sam e carefu l an d rigorou s scholarshi p to girls ' culture tha t earlie r scholar s interested i n gender issue s brought t o women's culture . Th e essay s i n thi s antholog y wil l broade n th e dialogu e about girls ' cultur e further , makin g a new grou p o f reader s recogniz e th e importance o f considerin g girl s a s well a s women whe n tryin g t o under stand th e constructio n o f U.S . culture . The ai m o f th e essay s i n thi s collectio n i s to demonstrat e ho w Ameri can girls ' cultur e i n it s man y form s ha s playe d an d continue s t o pla y a vital rol e i n shapin g ou r culture' s girl s int o women ; fa r fro m bein g a marginal topic , studyin g girls ' cultur e i s essentia l t o understandin g ho w gender work s i n ou r society . I n particular , thi s i s a collectio n o f essay s about th e differen t way s tha t cultura l discours e shape s bot h th e youn g girl an d th e teenager . Thes e essay s ar e concerne d wit h th e myria d way s that discours e i n a wid e variet y o f formats , includin g juvenil e novels , popular girls ' magazines , an d advertisement s help s t o for m a girl's expe rience o f what i t mean s t o be a girl and , later , a woman. I hope tha t afte r reading th e essays , reader s wil l b e persuade d tha t girls ' culture , fa r fro m being worth y o f onl y fleetin g attention , demand s carefu l critica l analysi s because i t plays a central rol e i n shapin g ou r society . This collectio n stem s fro m m y long-standin g interes t i n girls ' culture . My earlier scholarshi p explore s how popular literatur e play s a central role

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teens, parent s wer e no w i n a bette r positio n t o hir e thos e upo n who m they felt the y coul d depend . But girl s wer e no t onl y competin g agains t eac h other , the y wer e als o "getting poten t competition.. . fro m approximatel y 25 0 bab y sittin g agencies i n th e U.S . which, fo r a fee o f 50 cents o r a s much a s 15 percent of wages , furnis h man y thousand s o f [mature ] wome n wit h ful l tim e careers." Th e Lo s Angele s Caro l Agenc y alon e ha d 80 0 registere d sitter s ("Profession" 79 , 85). To a lesser extent girl s competed wit h teenage boys, nearly on e quarte r o f whom als o worke d a s baby sitter s i n 1957 . But thi s just migh t hav e bee n th e high-wate r mark , a s thei r number s probabl y began t o declin e i n th e sixties . Als o gon e fro m th e popula r magazine s were article s abou t th e reserv e arm y of reliable boy sitters. Boys undoubt edly continue d t o bab y sit , bu t probabl y no t nearl y wit h th e sam e regu larity nor a t th e sam e rate s see n earlie r i n th e period . The experts who had been providing specific instructions in babysitting at mor e tha n hal f o f th e nation' s junio r hig h school s ha d als o ha d a probable impact . Sitte r "employees " ha d receive d a steady indoctrinatio n about professiona l responsibilit y b y child-car e expert s who ha d provide d training. Educators , socia l workers , an d guidanc e counselor s ha d urge d adolescent girl s t o conceiv e o f themselve s a s "caree r girls " (no t worker s or mothers ) an d o f babysittin g a s a "profession " (no t a jo b o r thei r destiny). While the y had no t applie d a revitalized maternalis t ideolog y t o justify girl s babysitting, th e expert s seeme d t o hav e ironicall y contribute d to a more deferentia l adolescen t girl . Another likel y contributin g facto r t o babysitters ' docilit y wa s th e im pact o f th e popula r cultur e i n whic h Mar y Poppin s wa s celebrate d a s a new, mor e responsibl e bree d o f child-car e provide r wh o wa s neithe r frumpy (lik e th e mannis h sitter ) no r frightfu l (lik e th e rebelliou s adoles cent girl) . Babysitter s als o wer e lure d int o silenc e b y a consume r cultur e directed a t adolescen t girls . Increasingly fo r them , earnin g money became the mean s b y which the y could satisf y desire s stimulate d b y advertisers of fads an d fashion s i n popular magazine s like Seventeen. Teenagers who di d not confor m t o prevailin g standard s wer e unlikel y t o ear n eve n enoug h money t o purchas e a 45 rpm . Finally, withi n th e materia l cultur e o f America n girlhood , babysittin g Barbie becam e a n ico n t o th e objectification , idealization , an d genderin g of babysitters. Fo r a new generation , he r child-car e accessorie s an d baby sitting outfi t cloake d th e histor y o f th e cultura l struggl e initiate d b y

78 Miria m Formanek-Brunel l

adolescent girl s wit h conceptions , expectations , an d definition s o f baby sitting tha t differe d fro m thos e o f th e employer s an d expert s the y ha d challenged. Whil e thos e wh o followe d thes e pioneer s wer e les s likel y t o organize union s an d disorganiz e homes , bab y sittin g a s w e kno w i t toda y bears th e imprin t o f thos e wh o dre w u p o n thei r youthfu l subcultur e t o delineate it s purposes , practices , an d procedure s i n postwa r America .

NOTES

1. Fo r further informatio n o n th e revisionist interpretation o f gender discours e in postwa r America , se e Meyerowitz, ed. , Not June Cleaver. 2. Researc h suppor t was provide d b y the Princeto n Universit y Committe e o n the Humanitie s an d Socia l Sciences , th e Cente r fo r Researc h o n Wome n a t Wellesley College , and th e Universit y o f Missouri, Kansas City. My special thanks to Researc h Assistant s Meliss a Hardi n an d Jan e Dusselie r an d t o th e pane l an d participants a t th e 199 6 Berkshire Conferenc e o n th e Histor y o f Women an d th e National Women's Studie s Association 17t h Annual Conference . 3. Fo r examples , refer t o "Trainin g Hig h Schoo l Student s for Wartim e Servic e to Children, " Washington , DC : Governmen t Printin g Office , 1943 ; Mary Tinle y Daly, "Sittin g Pretty " 156 ; Mary Bet h Norto n e t al. , A People and a Nation 818 ; and Kare n Anderson , Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations and the Status of Women during World War II. 4. Fo r mor e information , se e "Code" 38. 5. Se e "Scout s t o Ai d Votin g Mothers " 18 ; "Baby Sitter s t o Spu r Voting " 18; "Baby Sitter s t o Ai d Voters " 31 ; "N.Y . Youn g Women' s Republica n Clu b t o Provide Sitter s for Wome n Registerin g t o Vote" 37. 6. See , for example , "Bab y Sitters ' Clini c Aid s Church " 11 ; "Baby Sitter s No w Help Parent s Atten d Church " 12 ; "Veterans t o Tes t Exchang e 'Sitting ' " 25 ; and "Sunday Baby-Sittin g a t Church " 115. 7. Se e also Clark , Jr. , "Ranc h Hous e Suburbia " 182. 8. Se e also L. Ellison, "Bab y Sitter's Job " 32. 9. Fo r additiona l examples , se e "Will Teac h Bab y Sitting: Three Hig h School s in Rochester , N.Y. ; Will Star t Nex t Month " 17 ; "12 Girls ar e Graduate d a s 'Bab y Sitters'; Test Skill s o n Life-Size d Infan t Doll" ; "Firs t c Baby Sitting' Cours e Grad uates 1 9 Who ar e Suppose d t o Kno w Al l the Answers " 26 ; "Bab y Sitters ' Schoo l Awards 5 0 Diplomas" 24; and "Bab y Sitter Drill s o n Safet y Growing " 12. 10. J . Ellison, "Bab y Sitting' s Bi g Business Now" 39 . In 1951 , movie attendanc e declined b y 2 0 to 4 0 percent i n man y part s o f the country , whic h theate r owner s attributed t o th e hig h cos t o f a nigh t out . Se e "T V Transformin g U.S . Socia l Scene" 36. 11. Fo r more information , se e "Code" 38.

Sfracu/mb andS^?actaA/& 79 12. Fo r additiona l information , se e "Baby Sitte r by the Ton " 25. 13. Th e lyric s an d musi c t o "Bab y Sittin ' Boogie " wer e writte n b y Johnn y Parker. I t was recorde d b y Buz z Cliffor d (Columbi a Records ) an d was o n th e charts fo r te n consecutiv e weeks. 14. "Afte r watchin g hi s enormousl y energeti c one-year-ol d granddaughte r fo r five hours, a worn ou t grandfathe r declare d tha t athlete s 'Mad ' Mulla h an d Jess e Owen coul d tak e lessons fro m tha t girl! " (Detze r 5-6) . 15. Also , see "Attention " 61. 16. Fo r furthe r information , se e "Guidance" 26. 17. Fo r examples , se e "Bab y Sittin g Guid e Maile d i n Jersey " 38 ; "Folder an d Film Stri p Aid Mothe r i n Instructin g Sitte r fo r Junior " 32 ; "Safety Counci l Urge s Talks o n Bab y Sitters" 30; and "Bab y Sitte r Manua l Issue d b y Y.W.C.A." 64 . 18. Also , see "New" 35.

WORKS CITE

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Anderson, Karen . Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations and the Status of Women during World War II. Westport: Greenwoo d P , 1981. "Attention Bab y Sitters : Who Pay s the Damages? " Good Housekeeping Sept . 1957: 61.

"Baby Sitte r Drill s o n Safet y Growing. " New York Times 1 1 Nov. 1950:12. "Baby Sitter Manua l Issue d by Y.W.C.A." New York Times 3 Feb. 1957: 64. "Baby Sitter s b y th e Ton : Dodger s Footbal l Squa d t o Guar d 4-Year-Ol d o n Flight." New York Times 1 Sept. 1948: 25 . "Baby Sitters ' Clini c Aids Church. " New York Times 13 Sept. 1948:11. "Baby Sitters Code." Journal of the National Education Association 39.7 (Oct. 1950): 539. "Baby Sitters' Code Proposed. " New York Times 1 3 Dec. 1953: 78 . "Baby Sitter s No w Hel p Parent s Atten d Church. " New York Times 1 8 Nov. 1950: 12.

"Baby Sitters' School Awards 50 Diplomas." New York Times 1 4 May 1948: 24. "Baby Sitter s Set Up Workin g Condition s Code " New York Times 4 Oct. 1957 : 15 . "Baby Sitter s to Ai d Voters. " New York Times 2 4 Aug. 1949: 31. "Baby Sitters to Spu r Voting. " New York Times 1 9 Apr. 1947:18. "Baby Sitters Win Pact. " New York Times 2 0 Jan. 1947: 28. "Baby Sittin g Guid e Maile d i n Jersey. " New York Times 1 4 Oct. 1952 : 38 . Bailey, Beth . From Front Porch to Back Seat: Courtship in Twentieth-Century America. John s Hopkin s UP , 1988. Barclay, Dorothy . "Th e Boy-Sitte r Take s Over. " New York Times Magazine 26 May 1957: 48 . . "La w Widely Ignored. " New York Times 1 7 Apr. 1958 : 34 .

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. "Proposin g B.S . for Bab y Sitters." New York Times Magazine 6 Apr. 1958: 49-

. "Tw o Problems : Teen-Ager s an d Baby-Sitters. " New York Times Magazine 8 Feb. 1953: 40 . Bell, Louise Price. "Sitter s Are Caree r Girls. " Hygeia Oct . 1947 : 761+. Berg, Joel . "Doe s You r Insuranc e Cove r You r Bab y Sitter? " Parents' Magazine and Family Home Guide Aug. 1957: 52+. Bernard, Will. "You r Bab y Sitter Ca n Su e You." Coronet Apr. 1958 : 96-98. Block, Jea n Libman . "Cod e fo r Sitters , Sittees , an d Parents. " New York Times Magazine 2 2 May i960: 38. "Boy, 4 , Liabl e i n Suit : Chil d Wh o 'Threw ' Bab y Sitte r t o Floo r Subjec t t o Action." New York Times 2 8 Feb. 1953: 8. Breines, Wini . Young, White, and Miserable: Growing Up Female in the Fifties. Boston: Beaco n P , 1992. Brown, Standford . "Boo m i n Baby-Sitting , Ou r Billion-Dolla r Nigh t Out. " Newsweek 3 Dec. 1956: 87-88. Caesar, Sid . "S o I' m a Baby Sitter?" Coronet June 1955 : 52 . "Champ's Mothe r Found. " New York Times 2 8 Dec. 1950: 27. Church, Phyllis . "If I Were a Parent." American Magazine Jun e 1951 : 36+. Clark, Clifford , Jr . "Ranc h Hous e Suburbia. " Recasting America: Culture and Politics in the Age of Cold War. Ed . Lar y May. Chicago : U o f Chicag o P , 1989. 171-91.

"Code fo r Sitters , Sittees—an d Parent. " New York Times Magazine 2 2 May i960: 38+. Daly, Mar y Tinley . "Sittin g Pretty. " Parents' Magazine and Family Home Guide Sept. 1949:156 . Detzer, Karl . "My Da y with Susan. " Reader's Digest Apr. 1953 : 5-6. DeVries, Peter. "The y Also Sit. " New Yorker 20 Mar. 1948 : 98. Ellison, Jerome. "Babysitting' s Bi g Business Now." Saturday Evening Post 20 Nov. 1948:36+. Ellison, Lawrenc e Frank . "Bab y Sitter' s Job. " New York Times Magazine 2 3 Jan. 1949: 32.

Emery, Anne. "Bab y Sitter's Boy Friend." National Parent-Teacher Oct . 1959: 23+. "Entertaining a Baby-Sitter ; Leav e Somethin g fo r Nibbling. " Good Housekeeping May 1949:172-73"The Fin e Art o f Baby Sitting." Today's Health Mar . 1952 : 28-30. "First 'Bab y Sitting ' Cours e Graduate s 1 9 Who Ar e Suppose d t o Kno w Al l th e Answers." New York Times 2 3 Dec. 1947: 26. "Folder an d Fil m Stri p Ai d Mothe r i n Instructin g Sitte r fo r Junior. " New York Times 4 Oct. 1955 : 32 . Frey, Richard . "You r Bab y Sitte r an d th e Law. " Good Housekeeping Apr . 1953 : 51+.

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"Graduate Cours e i n Baby-Sitting. " Life 12 Apr. 1954:107-8. Grear, Isabe l Wiley. "A n America n Custo m We'r e No t Reall y Proud Of! " American Home Jun e 1941:102. Greer, Carlott a C , an d Elle n P . Gibbs . Your Home and You. Boston : Ally n an d Bacon, 1965. Gross, Edwi n A . "Bab y Sitter s I Hav e Known. " Christian Science Monitor 1 0 Apr. 1948: 5 . "Guidance fo r Mother s Asked." New York Times 3 Mar. 1953 : 26 . "Ideal Baby-Sittin g Service—Columbia. " New Yorker 29 Oct. 1949 : 20-21. " 'Infan t Care ' I s Out i n Revise d Edition. " New York Times 1 4 Oct. 1951 : 46. Jackson, Kenneth T . Crab-Grass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States. New York: Oxfor d UP , 1985. Kelder, Rober t J . "Kno w Wher e Yo u Stan d wit h You r Sitter. " Better Homes and Gardens Apr. 1951 : 259 . "Legal Guid e Urge d fo r Tee n "Sitters'. " New York Times 2 5 Feb. 1953: 21 . Lowndes, Marion. A Manual for Baby Sitters. 1949. Boston: Little , Brown, 1961. May, Elain e Tyler . Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era. New York: Basi c Books, 1988. "Measure t o Licens e Bab y Sitter s I s Kille d o n Stat e Hous e Floor. " New York Times 7 Mar. 1958 : 25 . Meyerowitz, Joanne , ed . Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar Americay 1945-1960. Philadelphia : Templ e UP , 1994. Mintz, Steven , and Susa n Kellogg . Domestic Revolutions: A Social History of American Family Life. New York: Fre e P, 1988. Moore, Mar y (Purlong) . The Baby Sitter's Guide. New York: Thoma s Y . Crowell, 1953. "More Rivalr y Due fo r Baby-Sitters. " New York Times 9 Nov. 1953 : 25 . "New Baby-Sitter Bil l Goes to Governor; Would Fre e Parents from Lega l Claims." New York Times 2 5 Mar. 1958 : 35 . "N.Y. Young Women' s Republica n Clu b t o Provid e Sitter s fo r Wome n Register ing to Vote. " New York Times 9 Oct. 1949 : 37 . "No Me n Ar e Wanted." New York Times 4 Aug. 1947:19. Norton, Mar y Beth , e t al. , A People and a Nation: A History of the United States. Vol. II. Boston: Houghto n Mifflin , 1994 . Parker, Johnny . "Bab y Sittin ' Boogie. " Berg Reiss Music, i960. Pollock, Kathryn M . "Helping the Mother-Aides." Journal of Home Economics 35.1 (June 1943): 31 . "Profession o f Baby Sitting." Life 29 July 1957: 79-86. Report, Placemen t Office , Wellesle y College. 1 Jul y 1946-30 Jun e 1947. Richards, Virginia. "Thi s Baby-Sittin g Business. " Coronet Apr. 1949:101-5. Rodgers, Mar y Augusta . "W e Lov e Ou r Babysitters.. . Bu t Please , N o Bong o Drums." Good Housekeeping Aug. i960: 40+ .

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"Rules fo r Bab y Sitters." New York Times 4 Oct. 1947:15. "Safety Counci l Urge s Talk s o n Bab y Sitters." New York Times 2 2 Mar. 1956 : 30. "Santa Clau s Sitter s for Hire. " New York Times 16 Nov. 1947 : 50. Saturday Evening Post 8 Nov. 1947 : cover. "Scouts t o Ai d Voting Mothers. " New York Times 1 8 Oct. 1947:18. "Sitter's Rights. " Woman's Home Companion Feb . 1948:150-53. Stanton, Barbara . "Bab y Sitter s United. " Woman s Home Companion Mar . 1947: 150-51.

"State Exempt s Sitter s from Chil d Labo r Laws. " New York Times 1 7 Apr. 1958: 34. "Student Agenc y fo r Bab y Sitter s Set s u p Cod e an d Minimu m Fees. " New York Times 1 9 Feb. 1951: 25. "Sunday Baby-Sittin g a t Church. " Good Housekeeping Jan. 1958:115. Thompson, Margaret . "Boy s a s Mother-Helpers. " Parents' Magazine Aug . 1939: 24+.

Thompson, Nelli e Zetta . "Baby-Sittin g I s Growin g Up. " Journal of the National Education Association 4 0 (Nov . 1951): 565 . "Training Hig h Schoo l Student s fo r Wartim e Servic e t o Children. " Washington , DC: Government Printin g Office , 1943 . Tuttle, William M. , Jr . Daddy's Gone to War: The Second World War in the Lives of America's Children. New York: Oxfor d UP , 1993. "TV Transformin g U.S . Social Scene ; Challenges Films. " New York Times 24 June 1951: i> 36. "12 Girl s Ar e Graduate d a s 'Bab y Sitters' ; Tes t Skill s o n Life-Size d Infan t Doll. " New York Times 2 3 Dec. 1948:17. "Veteran o f 20 0 Bout s I s Flattene d i n Firs t Baby-Sittin g Engagement. " New York Times 2 6 Dec. 1950:1. "Veterans to Tes t Exchang e 'Sitting'. " New York Times 2 Jan. 1947: 25. "Will Teac h Bab y Sitting: Three Hig h School s i n Rochester , N.Y. , Will Start Nex t Month." New York Times 2 Oct. 1948:17. Wright, Gwendolyn . Building the Dream: A Social History of Housing in America. New York: Pantheon, 1981.

4 Female Juvenil e Delinquenc y and the Proble m o f Sexua l Authority i n America ,

1945-1965

Rachel Devli n

Something about schoo l always makes me want to say no. It's the authorit y there . I know, it represents Fathe r to me . (Qtd. in Coolidge 630) —Anne, age fifteen,to her psychoanalyst

On Octobe r 29 , 1951 , the picture s o f thre e white , middle-clas s teenag e girls fro m a subur b outsid e o f Bosto n appeare d i n Time an d Newsweek. Both magazine s showe d th e girl s smilin g broadly while holdin g u p linge rie, clothing , an d pearl s fo r th e cameras , a cigarett e danglin g fro m eac h of thei r glove d hands . Th e plac e wa s a New Yor k Cit y police station ; th e pictures wer e take n whil e th e girls , ag e fifteen , sixteen , an d seventeen , were bein g arraigne d fo r theft , runnin g away , and "immorality. " Accord ing to th e magazines , the girl s had stole n $18,00 0 from a safe in the hous e of a family wher e the y were babysitting, jumped o n a bus an d heade d fo r New York . "Ravenou s fo r excitement, " on e reporte r tell s us , the y first "engaged i n a surrealisti c shoppin g spree " an d afterwar d wen t t o severa l night clubs , pickin g u p me n an d droppin g outrageou s tip s t o doorme n and taxica b driver s alon g th e wa y ("Littl e Women " 24) . Thei r pla n ha d

83

84 Rache l Devli n

been t o bu y a ca r an d driv e t o Mexico , bu t the y wer e spotte d outsid e their hote l th e nex t da y by a detective carryin g their description . The girls "seemed unconcerne d abou t thei r plight " an d tol d th e photographer s t o take some "rea l cheesecake pictures" ("Three " 38). Both magazines ende d their storie s wit h wha t wa s calle d th e "curtai n lin e o f th e week" : A s th e flashbulbs wen t off , on e o f the girl s admonished reporters , "don' t tel l my father I'v e been smoking . He' d kil l me i f he knew" ("Three " 38) . One o f th e grea t contradiction s o f th e postwa r perio d wa s tha t th e relationship betwee n father s an d daughter s appeare d increasingl y strained as th e er a o f "famil y togetherness " progressed . Jame s Gilber t ha s show n how concer n abou t juvenil e delinquenc y durin g th e 1950 s reflecte d th e widespread apprehensio n tha t ne w form s o f yout h culture—includin g aggressive music , the dominanc e o f working-class fashion s an d interes t i n "souped-up" cars—threatene d traditional , middle-clas s socia l values (15). The femal e juvenil e delinquent , however , pose d a specifi c kin d o f chal lenge t o America' s postwa r cultur e tha t ha s no t bee n investigate d b y historians: Sh e became a sit e fo r th e expressio n o f cultura l anxiet y abou t the authorit y o f th e famil y generall y an d o f father s specifically . Femal e juvenile crim e bega n t o b e interprete d a s a crisi s stemmin g fro m th e dynamics o f a girl' s relationshi p wit h he r father , bot h a s a paren t an d authority figure. I shall argue tha t thi s crisi s reflected an d helpe d produc e postwar tension s concernin g th e appropriat e natur e o f th e father daughter relationshi p i n a society where girlhood was increasingly marked by social and sexua l precocity and where femal e juvenile crime was visibly and dramaticall y o n th e rise. 1 Searching fo r th e cause s o f youthfu l behavio r tha t seeme d delinquen t and destructive , man y socia l commentator s turne d t o psychoanalyti c theories o f adolescen t development . Afte r Worl d Wa r II , psychoanalysi s enjoyed a n unprecedente d leve l o f popularit y i n America , bringin g idea s about Oedipa l disturbance an d th e psychodynamics o f adolescent hostilit y to bea r o n th e stud y o f juvenil e crim e (Hal e 276-99) . However , whil e psychoanalysis influence d idea s o f youthfu l misbehavior , it s theorie s proved t o b e particularl y usefu l fo r describin g an d comin g t o term s wit h female delinquency . Indeed , whil e sociologist s an d criminologist s contin ued t o d o muc h o f th e researc h o n mal e juvenil e delinquency , femal e delinquency becam e almos t th e exclusiv e preserv e o f the psychoanalysts. 2 The psychoanalyti c paradig m fo r understandin g femal e misbehavio r wa s especially attractive durin g this period because it managed simultaneousl y to expres s anxietie s abou t th e socia l meanin g o f femal e delinquenc y ye t

£P~ema/&^aihenl/o Q)e/inauesiaf 8 5

contain th e meanin g o f tha t behavio r safel y withi n th e matri x o f th e family—a fea t accomplishe d a t th e ver y momen t whe n teenag e girl s threatened t o brea k fre e fro m th e famil y i n ne w ways . Explainin g th e cause o f delinquenc y i n term s o f a psychologicall y inescapabl e familia l event—most importantl y th e Oedipu s complex—rearrange d bu t essen tially left intac t th e critica l importance o f fathers t o girls' social and sexua l prospects: I t simpl y reste d o n a language o f "psychosexual " developmen t rather tha n custom . Thi s discursiv e constructio n o f adolescen t behavio r implied tha t femal e rebellio n wa s les s a n ac t tha n a n "acting-out " o f anger directe d a t he r father , les s an autonomou s for m o f expressio n tha n a reactio n t o he r familia l circumstances . Despite th e fac t tha t femal e delinquenc y receive d a great dea l of atten tion fro m psychoanalysts , th e femal e juvenil e delinquen t i s a largely for gotten artifac t o f th e postwa r period . Takin g thei r cu e fro m Pau l Good man, who polemically declared, "ou r 'yout h troubles' are 'boys' troubles," (13) mos t chronicler s o f th e perio d describ e femal e rebellio n a s onl y incipient i n natur e an d largel y hidde n fro m view . Genera l historie s o f juvenile delinquenc y hav e no t considere d femal e delinquenc y separately , and hav e enhance d th e sens e that juvenile crim e was almost entirel y male by limitin g discussio n o f postwa r juvenil e delinquenc y theor y t o th e sociological perspective . Similarly , Win i Breines' s accoun t o f whit e mid dle-class girlhoo d i n th e fiftie s look s exclusivel y a t sociologica l an d auto biographical accounts , an d henc e conclude s that , whe n "defianc e wa s . . . portrayed" youn g white women wer e "invisible " (130) . The contradictor y responses o f th e medi a t o femal e delinquenc y durin g th e period , whic h alternately sensationalize d an d ignore d th e problem , ha s contribute d t o confusion abou t th e exten t o f adolescen t femal e misbehavio r an d th e cultural rol e tha t i t played . A t th e ver y momen t whe n Popular Science Monthly wa s attemptin g t o us e ratio s o f mal e t o femal e delinquenc y t o begin a n empirica l investigatio n o f "why girls are so good," other nationa l magazines were agonizin g ove r climbin g femal e arres t rate s and reportin g ever mor e viciou s crime s perpetrate d b y girls (Robbin s an d Robbin s 158). Although girl s o f al l ethnicitie s an d fro m virtuall y ever y backgroun d were perceive d t o b e "juvenil e delinquents " whe n the y brok e th e law , most o f th e girl s wh o cam e unde r th e purvie w o f th e juvenil e cour t an d eventually foun d thei r wa y int o state-funde d clinic s were fro m working class families . Becaus e femal e juvenil e delinquenc y wa s mos t ofte n de scribed i n term s o f the dynamic s o f familial relationships , however, it was generally represente d a s a problem tha t erupte d regardles s o f othe r socia l

86 Rache l Devli n

conditions. Nevertheless , th e type s o f familia l dynamic s though t t o giv e rise to delinquenc y differe d acros s clas s and racia l lines. This essay argues that th e mas s media playe d a significant rol e in associatin g psychoanalyti c explanations o f juvenil e delinquenc y exclusivel y wit h th e white , middle class family, thu s renderin g th e notio n o f "Oedipa l conflict " itsel f consti tutive o f class and racia l identity . The beginnin g an d endin g date s fo r thi s investigatio n encompas s th e years o f th e col d war , th e perio d tha t historia n Elain e Tyle r Ma y ha s called th e er a o f "domesti c containment " (14) . Th e year s betwee n 194 5 and 196 5 wer e characterize d b y unprecedente d level s o f consumption , anxieties abou t th e potentia l fo r nuclea r destruction , an d threat s of Com munist subversion . Th e purpose s o f domesticit y wer e harnesse d t o th e political end s o f th e col d war , an d a stable , emotionall y fulfillin g famil y was depicte d a s a bulwark agains t th e danger s o f th e outsid e world . Thi s era ha s bee n describe d a s a time o f apparen t calm , when girls 5 disconten t percolated jus t belo w th e surface , onl y t o explod e wit h th e politica l an d social movement s o f th e 1960 s (Breine s 1) . After 196 5 "teen culture " wa s superseded b y th e "counterculture " a s bab y boomer s bega n t o questio n the ideologica l perspective s o f thei r parents . Reflectin g thes e changes , theorists o f juvenil e delinquenc y i n th e lat e 1960 s bega n t o shif t thei r attention fro m yout h cultur e an d th e famil y t o issue s o f poverty , drugs , and race ; an d i n th e mid-1960 s Ne w Yor k Cit y dismantle d th e juvenil e court syste m an d replace d i t with th e family cour t system . Yet the bound aries tha t separat e thes e tw o period s ar e no t quit e a s rigi d a s the y migh t appear. Th e stai d familia l containmen t o f th e 1950 s wa s constantl y i n danger o f collapsin g unde r th e weigh t o f it s contradictor y imperative s and th e ongoin g rebellion s thes e imperative s engendered : Th e emergenc e of the femal e juvenil e delinquen t wa s testimony t o th e profoun d difficul ties tha t th e idea l o f cultura l containmen t face d eve n a t th e heigh t o f it s influence.

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tA& JValloncil\A£ec/la/

According to the Children's Bureau , which collected and analyzed juvenile court statistic s annually , overal l juvenil e delinquenc y rate s increase d markedly durin g Worl d Wa r II , declined somewha t i n th e years immedi ately following , an d the n fro m 194 9 onwar d steadil y increase d eac h yea r (U.S. Children' s Burea u 1940-1965) . Whether o r no t th e postwa r increas e

S^ema/&^6ia€ru/& Q)e/ifiaueficus 8 7

in juvenile delinquenc y warrante d th e sens e o f crisis that i t engendered i s unclear. Fo r example, in New York City the overall crime rate for childre n under sixtee n wa s significantl y lowe r i n 195 0 tha n i t ha d bee n i n 190 7 (Gilbert 68) . In contrast , however , th e rat e o f female juvenil e delinquenc y in Ne w Yor k City , i n relatio n t o th e rat e o f mal e delinquency , increase d each yea r ove r th e cours e o f the first hal f o f the twentiet h century . I n th e first decad e o f th e Children' s Cour t i n Ne w York , 1902-1912 , the rati o o f delinquent boy s t o girl s wa s approximatel y 60:1 ; by 193 2 it ha d droppe d to 8: 1 (Mailer 10-18). 3 Nationally, th e Children' s Burea u statistic s reveale d a les s dramati c thoug h simila r pattern . Throughou t th e 1930 s an d earl y 1940s, the rati o o f male t o femal e delinquent s remaine d approximatel y 6 : 1; after Worl d Wa r II , the ratio began t o narrow. By 1949 girls represente d one ou t o f ever y fou r juvenil e cour t cases , wit h th e rati o continuin g t o move unevenl y downwar d throughou t th e postwa r period . The question o f female arres t and detentio n rate s was distinctly colored by shift s i n th e definitio n o f crime , th e exten t o f surveillance , an d th e means o f enforcement , al l o f whic h differe d accordin g t o th e lega l an d social practice s o f ever y state . Thus , a nationa l averag e rati o o f mal e t o female delinquent s o f 4: 1 included Oklahoma , wher e girl s mad e u p hal f of al l juvenil e arrest s an d Puert o Rico , wher e boys ' case s outnumbere d girls' b y 1 9 to 1 . In general , th e rati o wa s lowe r i n th e midwester n state s and a bit highe r i n citie s o n th e Eas t an d Wes t Coas t (Children' s Burea u 4). Th e overal l shif t i n figures, however , wa s nationa l i n scope , th e bar e numbers revealin g a t thei r simples t tha t mor e girl s wer e gettin g int o trouble wit h th e la w in th e postwa r perio d tha n eve r before. Eve n thoug h the natur e o f femal e delinquenc y change d ove r th e twenty-yea r perio d between 194 5 and 1965 , the bul k o f femal e crime s wer e an d continue d t o be statu s crime s o f som e sor t rathe r tha n violation s o f th e pena l code ; that is , the y wer e act s considere d t o b e crimina l becaus e o f th e ag e a t which the y wer e committe d rathe r tha n th e natur e o f th e ac t itself . Th e number o f girl s arreste d fo r larcen y staye d betwee n 1 3 and 1 5 percent o f all crime s committe d afte r th e war , whil e "ungovernability, " runnin g away, se x offenses , an d truanc y comprise d th e dominan t act s fo r whic h girls found themselve s unde r th e purvie w o f the court. 4 Some sociologist s an d criminologist s sounde d a not e o f alar m abou t the shif t i n th e natur e o f femal e crim e an d th e shrinkin g male-to-femal e ratio, callin g i t "striking " tha t th e numbe r o f girls ' case s continue d t o climb i n relatio n t o boys ' (Barro n 55) . Bu t mos t sociologist s simpl y ig nored thes e shifts , employin g th e logi c tha t becaus e girl s only mad e u p

88 Rache l Devli n

one ou t o f ever y fou r juvenil e cour t cases , juvenil e delinquenc y wa s i n effect mal e (Children' s Burea u 1955) . Th e iron y o f thi s interpretation , however, wa s tha t an y sociologis t o r criminologis t wort h hi s credential s knew tha t mos t girl s who cam e t o th e attentio n o f socia l agencies , yout h bureaus, an d eve n the polic e were neve r referre d t o th e juvenile court , n o matter th e infraction . Loca l polic e an d socia l agencie s ha d a variet y o f ways o f "sheltering " girl s fro m th e judicia l syste m i n orde r t o kee p thei r misdeeds, a s th e saying went , "off th e blotter " (Murph y 184) . Fo r in stance, a forme r chie f policewoma n fro m Philadelphi a tol d th e Subcom mittee o n Juvenil e Delinquenc y that girls ' cases were routinely "adjusted " rather tha n treate d a s arrests: Out o f 3,077 girls that cam e to the attentio n of the local police, only 151 were actuall y arrested. Mos t case s were simpl y handled b y policewome n wh o mad e "hom e visits " an d worke d wit h th e girls' parent s directly , rathe r tha n goin g throug h th e justic e system (United States . Cong . Senat e 35) . "Adjustment, " t o th e police , mean t handling a cas e informall y o r discreetl y eithe r t o spar e th e gir l th e expe rience o f goin g t o cour t o r t o safeguar d he r reputation ; i n effec t girls ' behavior wa s literally "adjusted " o r change d i n orde r t o fi t th e normativ e fiction o f what tha t behavio r wa s suppose d t o loo k lik e an d (statistically ) reflect. I n one police department th e resistance was so great that a juvenile court judg e ha d a gir l com e befor e hi m wh o ha d eleve n separat e polic e contacts befor e sh e wa s eve r referre d t o th e court : "I n eac h instanc e sh e had bee n give n a 'sermon ' an d released " (Murph y 185) . Othe r polic e departments handle d th e proble m o f femal e delinquenc y b y classifyin g cases unde r differen t names . A s on e polic e office r testifie d befor e th e subcommittee, whe n a girl go t int o troubl e i n Louisiana , th e polic e ofte n recorded th e cas e unde r th e categor y o f "dependenc y an d neglect, " s o that th e behavio r woul d "reflec t o n th e parents " rathe r tha n th e gir l herself (Unite d States . Cong. Senat e 31).5 The disparit y betwee n th e actua l numbe r o f girl s wh o cam e t o th e attention o f local agencie s an d th e officia l nationa l delinquenc y statistics , as well as the confuse d wa y in which informatio n abou t female misbehav ior was received an d interpreted , speak s not onl y to the way in which tha t behavior wa s occluded b y juvenile justice authorities , but als o to the ways in whic h th e meanin g o f tha t behavio r wa s problematic , uncertain , an d dangerous withi n th e cultura l contex t o f postwa r America . O n th e on e hand, th e partia l natur e o f th e informatio n tha t wa s mad e available , especially by the police , suggest s tha t a great dea l o f all kinds o f behavio r remained hidde n fro m view . On th e other , th e ris e in femal e delinquenc y

Sfiema/&(^uo€/u/& Q)e/iaauena/s 8 9

rates clearly reflected a n enhance d for m o f attention, a n attempt to rigidl y control juvenil e socia l an d sexua l behavior . Whateve r th e realit y o f th e situation, i t i s clea r tha t girl s wer e engagin g i n behavio r tha t the y knew would b e considere d eithe r delinquen t o r threatening—behavio r tha t th e community-at-large brande d unacceptabl e o r eve n devian t (Gilber t 70 71).6 Hence, th e motle y arra y o f use s an d repression s o f officia l informa tion abou t femal e juvenil e delinquenc y reste d upo n bot h timewor n as sumptions abou t femal e passivit y and family-centere d dependenc y as well as "shocking" example s o f blatant revolt , alienation , an d disregar d for th e law. The result was a constant sens e of public incredulity about the femal e delinquent, a perception tha t effectivel y distance d he r behavior a s strange, while simultaneousl y employin g i t a s a n occasio n t o reflec t upo n th e particular problem s o f the postwa r America n culture . During th e war , muc h attentio n wa s focused o n th e girl s who flocked to soldiers ' camps , variously calle d "Victor y Girls, " "Khak i Wakies," an d "Amateur Girls " (D'Emilio an d Freedma n 261) . The accompanying rise in sexual delinquency set off a wave of alarm, encouraged i n large part by the single-minded crusad e fo r publicit y initiated by the chief of the FBI, J. Edgar Hoover . Ye t whe n Hoove r dre w a genera l portrai t o f juvenile delin quency, h e wa s equall y emphati c abou t th e concomitan t ris e i n femal e crime (a s oppose d t o promiscuity) , an d especiall y liked t o emplo y storie s about girls ' misdeeds , jolting hi s reader s int o th e realizatio n o f children' s capacity fo r lawlessness . "I f th e violenc e o f boys i s alarming, th e increas ing wartime waywardness o f teen-age girls is tragic," he began in an article for American Magazine entitle d "Wil d Children " (104) . A gir l name d Jenny, he claimed , wa s the "apparen t chie f o f a gang o f kids that stol e a car and "se t ou t o n a wild trip to the Southwest" durin g which they "stole other cars , stole gasoline, slept in abandoned farms , [and ] hel d up a liquor store" (103) . Mary , anothe r "ringleader " o f a grou p o f youngster s in volved i n te n burglaries , wa s remarkabl e fo r he r ingeniou s method s o f breaking int o apartments : "[S]h e w o u l d . . . sli p he r ligh t sweate r unde r the door, push th e inside key out s o that i t would fall on the sweater, dra w the sweate r (wit h key ) ou t fro m unde r th e door , an d unloc k th e door " (104). These, among othe r stories , served to illustrate the alarming dimen sions of the delinquenc y problem—the exten t of societal disruption mad e palpable b y th e fac t tha t girl s i n particula r ha d someho w slippe d beyon d the bound s o f control , thei r "wildness " signifyin g th e breakdow n o f th e boundaries o f gender a s much a s of civi l behavior . After th e war , report s o f teen-ag e femal e violenc e an d gan g activit y

90 Rache l Devli n

began t o punctuat e account s o f th e nationa l juvenil e crim e wave , en hancing anxietie s abou t th e potentia l fo r adolescen t femal e criminality . A favored wa y o f dramatizin g th e scop e o f th e juvenil e delinquenc y out break was simply to lis t event s an d scenarios , one afte r th e other , withou t situating th e discussio n withi n an y particula r framework . On e Newsweek report, unde r th e headin g "Th e Kid s Gro w Worse " containe d posting s of differen t event s acros s th e nation . A t on e location , "polic e note d wit h alarm tha t girl s were imitatin g thei r bo y friends, organizin g gang s of their own—uniformed i n tigh t blue jeans and leathe r jackets" while at anothe r there wer e "report s o f a girl gan g which overpowere d othe r girl s and cu t off thei r hair " ("Kid s Grow " 26) . A yea r earlier , Newsweek ha d als o re ported tha t "[i] n Utah , a 14-year-ol d gu n moll , afte r exchangin g shot s with policemen , complained : ' I hat e cops ; I wis h I ha d go t m e one ' " ("All Our " 28) . A simila r lis t publishe d i n Time magazin e include d th e announcement tha t a "student rio t brimmed ove r into the street s in front of Th e Bronx' s Walto n H i g h . . . . [A ] harrie d schoo l officia l coul d thin k only o f keepin g th e new s fro m th e press... . And thi s a t a girls ' schoo l . . . wher e th e situatio n i s described b y teachers an d student s a s a 'powde r keg' wit h girl s armin g themselve s wit h knives " ("Th e New " 68) . Th e stories, embedde d i n sequentia l headline s fro m aroun d th e country , wer e rarely elaborate d upon , an d th e lac k o f explicatio n o r contextua l sur rounding serve d t o highligh t th e violen t natur e an d irrationalit y o f th e crimes. Moreover , th e situationa l disorientatio n an d ters e description s occluded clas s an d racia l distinctions , effectivel y implicatin g girl s in gen eral withou t actuall y classifyin g wh o wa s bein g described . If the perceptio n tha t girl s were "imitatin g thei r boy friends," o r actin g more lik e boys , surprise d an d bothere d socia l commentators , i t als o re inforced th e notion tha t the juvenile delinquency crisis reflected profoun d cultural disorientation . A s th e lin e betwee n "high-jinks " an d delin quency—between adventurousnes s an d crime—becam e increasingl y thin, s o too di d th e lin e between traditionall y mal e and femal e anti-socia l behavior (Gilber t 12) . In 195 8 James Farrell , th e autho r o f Studs Lonigan (1935), a boo k tha t chronicle d th e adventure s o f Studs , a sometim e ju venile delinquen t durin g th e 1910 s and 1920s , wrote a n articl e for Coronet magazine tha t compare d "th e conditio n o f youth today " t o hi s own tim e (72). Farrel l wa s predictabl y nostalgic : I n hi s da y boy s fough t wit h thei r fists an d staye d mostly on th e right side of the law. But the most profoun d and surprisin g differenc e betwee n th e tw o historica l moments , was , t o him, th e transformatio n i n teen-ag e girls . "Mos t o f th e girl s i n m y ol d

&ema/&(^uueni/& Q)e&i^uiena^ 9 1

neighborhood wer e wha t w e calle d 'goo d girls / thoug h a fe w wer e pro miscuous. Mos t o f th e girl s di d no t d r i n k . . . bu t violenc e o n th e par t o f girls, o r th e formatio n o f suc h thing s a s gir l gang s woul d hav e create d a sensational shock " (73) / Indeed i t is the unsettlin g sigh t of what he called "confused" girls , "half-children, half-adult " (77) that h e saw as the weak est lin k i n America n society , evidenc e o f a civilizatio n failin g t o liv e u p to it s ow n values . "Th e emotion s an d buddin g mind s withi n thei r flow ering bodies, " h e wrote , "ar e to o choke d fo r on e t o kno w wit h sur e confidence whethe r o r no t the y hav e th e potentialitie s t o tak e thei r plac e as mothers, wives and citizen s in the America we want to build to a higher peak o f freedo m an d civilization " (77). Farrel l pointe d t o th e sens e o f underlying psychologica l an d socia l confusio n b y addin g th e indiscrimi nate description : "Questione d b y a judg e a s t o wh y the y di d certai n things, the y repeatedl y say : ' I don' t know 5 " (77) . Th e girls ' confusio n about thei r ow n behavior (interprete d her e by Farrell as a fact rathe r tha n a strateg y wit h whic h t o respon d t o a judge ) wa s characterize d a s em blematic o f postwa r socia l dislocatio n o r disorientation ; th e referenc e t o the mutuall y definin g trilog y o f mother , wife , an d citize n provide d a backdrop o f los t womanhoo d and , b y association , socia l stability . The impressio n tha t girl s wer e becomin g mor e "tough, " "hardened, " and "vicious " was widespread (Sulliva n 139). Moreover, there were several studies don e durin g th e perio d tha t contribute d t o th e aggregat e sens e of social disorientation an d increasin g violence by reporting tha t man y mid dle-class girl s wh o neve r cam e t o th e attentio n o f th e authoritie s exper imented wit h som e for m o f delinquenc y durin g thei r adolescen t years. In 1945 Austin Porterfiel d aske d a grou p o f colleg e student s i n For t Worth , Texas, t o repor t wha t "delinquencies " the y ha d committe d whil e the y were i n hig h schoo l (non e o f the m ha d eve r bee n officiall y charge d a s a juvenile delinquent) . Women reporte d a rather surprisin g arra y of pranks and "act s o f public annoyance," including "paintin g and flooding rooms " (18 percent), settin g of f fireworks i n publi c building s ( 9 percent), throw ing "spitwad s a t others ' displeasure " (3 0 percent) , reckles s drivin g (2 3 percent), trespassing (1 7 percent), and usin g abusive language (3 7 percent) (39-41).8 Capitalizin g o n th e unfamiliarit y o f middle-clas s femal e delin quency, articles like the one that appeare d i n the Ladies' Home Companion with th e titl e "Nic e Girl s Ca n B e Delinquent, " pointe d directl y t o th e difficulty o f the concept ; "nice " was no longe r functionin g a s the obvers e of workin g class . "Thi s shockingl y tru e story, " th e subtitl e promised , "shows ho w young girl s from goo d home s went terribl y wrong" (Morga n

92 Rache l Devli n

48). Th e sens e tha t middle-clas s girl s were increasingl y likel y to tak e par t in behavio r tha t ha d bee n no t onl y mal e bu t mor e ofte n working-clas s contributed t o th e perceptio n tha t delinquenc y resulte d fro m psycholog ical rathe r tha n socia l problems . A s Martha Eliot , chie f o f the Children' s Bureau pu t it : "Graduall y w e hav e see n tha t i t i s no t th e neighborhoo d alone that cause s juvenile delinquency.... [S]om e of the most serious acts of delinquen t behavio r hav e bee n committe d b y childre n fro m so-calle d good familie s an d goo d neighborhoods " (qtd . i n Unite d States . Cong . Senate [1953 ] 14). As femal e teenag e rebellio n bega n t o b e associate d wit h psychologica l "confusion," delinquenc y wa s increasingl y attribute d t o ange r a t adult s (and b y extensio n adul t norms) . Rober t Lidner , commentin g o n a par ticularly violen t crim e committe d b y tw o teenag e girls , claimed tha t "th e brute fac t o f toda y i s tha t ou r yout h i s n o longe r i n rebellion , bu t i n a condition o f downrigh t activ e an d hostil e mutiny " (qtd . i n "Rebels " 64). Although Lidner , autho r o f Rebel without a Cause, tende d towar d th e hyperbolic, hi s interpretatio n o f th e stat e o f yout h capture d th e genera l sentiment tha t juvenil e delinquenc y wa s a produc t o f "deep-lyin g emo tional tension s an d stresses " which, i n som e way , reflected ominousl y o n the characte r o f postwa r societ y a s a whole (64) . Within thi s context , th e classic conflic t betwee n generation s too k o n th e qualit y o f a war , an d attributes tha t were especially taboo durin g the conversion t o a peacetime social econom y durin g th e 1950s , lik e restlessnes s an d aggression , la y a t the hear t o f fears abou t juvenile misbehavior , regardles s o f sex (Hale 233). As concern s abou t anger , discontent , an d aggressio n escalated , th e inter pretation an d categorizatio n o f mor e traditiona l form s o f femal e misbe havior, lik e se x offenses , bega n t o b e shape d b y thes e mor e genera l anx ieties; i n th e process , promiscuit y wa s integrate d int o a comprehensiv e framework premise d o n th e ide a o f th e fundamenta l rol e o f hostility . This vie w o f femal e delinquenc y a s a complicate d bre w o f confusio n and hostility , however , establishe d a vexed relationshi p betwee n girl s an d authority figures, particularl y fathers . Th e difficult y o f describin g an d coming t o term s wit h femal e misbehavio r stand s i n shar p contras t t o th e relative eas e wit h whic h socia l commentator s linke d mal e juvenile delin quency t o specifi c socia l an d familia l conditions . Sheldo n an d Eleano r Gluek conducte d th e mos t extensiv e an d meticulou s researc h o n juvenil e delinquency durin g th e 1950s . The y compare d characteristic s o f delin quents an d non-delinquents , includin g physical traits, home life, and per sonality type , reachin g a composit e pictur e o f eac h throug h statistica l

SP~ema/&^uaeru/es We/inaae/ia^ 9

3

difference. The y conclude d tha t boy s wh o tende d t o becom e delinquen t had "a n exceptiona l nee d fo r change , excitemen t an d risk " an d wer e less inhibited b y th e desir e t o pleas e adult s {Family 31). Parental attitude s o f the delinquen t boy s were characterize d primaril y by lack o f ambition an d secondarily b y errati c discipline . Mos t mother s o f delinquen t boys , th e Glueks found , wer e overl y lax , whil e a considerabl e proportio n o f bot h parents swun g "erraticall y fro m laxit y to ove r strictnes s without apparen t reason" (Delinquents 66). Th e perception tha t boy s needed t o be handle d more firml y an d consistentl y wa s echoe d b y judges i n adolescents ' cour t who embrace d th e "bac k t o th e woodshe d movement " an d believe d tha t middle-class father s i n particula r allowe d thei r son s to o muc h "individ ualism" ("Al l Our " 28) . Judg e Samue l S . Leibowitz , Senio r Judg e o f Brooklyn's King s Count y Court , issue d th e simpl e edic t i n Americ a i n 1958, "PU T FATHE R BAC K A T TH E HEA D O F TH E FAMILY " ("Pu t Father

"

682). A "permissive psychology, " h e complained , "wher e Johnn y is rarely if eve r discipline d [has ] resulte d i n th e confused , rebellious , unhapp y teen-agers wh o floo d ou r courts " (682) . Although no t al l authoritie s believe d th e proble m o f mal e juvenil e delinquency coul d b e solve d s o simply , th e cause s an d cure s o f femal e rebellion wer e inevitabl y portraye d a s subtle, difficult , an d elusive . Delinquents i n genera l wer e considere d t o b e "confused, " bu t th e respons e that femal e delinquenc y demanded , th e appropriat e authoritative attitud e it required , wa s neve r full y identifie d an d onl y partiall y explained . Bot h the phenomenon an d it s solution remaine d unfocuse d an d unresolved— a source o f ongoin g consternatio n rathe r tha n a cal l t o renewe d standard s of conduct . I n a serie s o n juvenil e delinquenc y calle d "Th e Sham e o f America," th e Saturday Evening Post tol d th e stor y o f a gir l name d Florence—a cas e study in the dir e results of paternal restrictiveness. Florence's fathe r demande d tha t sh e "b e circumspec t i n her behavior i n ever y way" (Clendene n 18) . She "wasn' t permitte d t o atten d dance s eve n whe n they wer e sponsore d b y th e hig h school " an d "ha d bee n forbidde n t o wear lipstick. " Hi s authoritaria n approach , th e articl e explains , backfire d when sh e eventuall y lashe d ou t a t hi m b y realizing hi s worst fears . Whe n the Saturday Evening Post caught u p wit h he r sh e wa s i n a stat e trainin g school fo r girls . "Sh e ha d bee n sen t ther e a s a n incorrigibl e afte r sh e ra n away fro m home , go t involve d wit h severa l me n an d learne d abou t bee r joints an d narcoti c peddlers " th e articl e reports , concludin g tha t "heav y use o f ro d no t onl y faile d t o kee p Florenc e o n th e straigh t an d narro w path bu t obviousl y ha d drive n he r awa y fro m it " (18) . Henc e th e ill s o f

94 Rache l Devli n

repression, represente d her e b y a n antiquate d notio n o f paterna l duty , are obviou s i n th e extremit y o f thei r results . Bu t i n describin g paterna l behavior throug h negativ e example, popular discourse s on female juvenile delinquency faile d t o pu t forwar d definit e solutions , leavin g ope n th e question o f appropriate paternal behavior. If traditional paternal authorit y was t o b e abandoned , wha t wa s to tak e it s place? Beyon d permissiveness , what wa s t o defin e th e substanc e o f paterna l involvement ? Actin g a s a sort o f hidde n referenc e point , thi s questio n haunte d th e proble m o f female delinquency .

Lsychonalysis and the Law: Girls ferm The histor y o f a juvenil e cour t create d specificall y fo r waywar d girl s i n New Yor k Cit y jus t afte r th e wa r illustrate s som e o f th e way s i n whic h definitions o f femal e delinquenc y wer e transforme d durin g thi s period . The Waywar d Mino r Cour t cam e t o b e know n a s "Girl' s Term " afte r 1945, following th e jurisdictiona l an d lega l expansio n o f the court' s activ ities, mos t importantl y th e additio n o f two amendment s t o th e Waywar d Minor Ac t o f 1925 , under whic h th e cour t operate d (Fische r 141). 9 Girl's Term wa s (an d remained ) a n "experimental " tribuna l fo r teenag e girl s (Tappan 1) . The cour t develope d ou t o f what was once a juvenile subsec tion o f th e Women' s Nigh t court , a cour t tha t deal t primaril y wit h prostitution; i n 1936 the cour t began meetin g on e day a week "to establis h a ne w techniqu e fo r handlin g waywar d minors " (Tappa n 42) . The cour t grew steadily , an d i n 1944 , partl y i n respons e t o th e proble m o f th e "bobby sock s girls, " was establishe d a s a specia l Waywar d Mino r Court . The Waywar d Mino r Statut e define d an y perso n betwee n th e age s o f sixteen an d twenty-on e t o b e legall y "wayward " wh o wa s addicte d t o drugs, associate d wit h "dissolut e persons, " was a prostitute, o r was "willfully disobedien t t o th e reasonabl e an d lawfu l command s o f parent." Th e subdivisions adde d t o th e statut e i n 194 5 designate d tha t anyon e wh o "deserts hi s o r he r home " o r s o deport s "himsel f o r hersel f a s to willfull y injure o r endange r th e moral s o r healt h o f himsel f o r hersel f o r others " was a waywar d mino r (Fische r 137) . Girl' s Ter m wa s designe d t o b e a social court , o r a socio-legal tribunal—tha t is , a court tha t use d the mos t up-to-date psychiatri c method s t o diagnos e an d the n rehabilitat e wha t were describe d i n 195 5 a s "th e sexuall y promiscuou s girls , th e runaway , the undisciplined , defian t youngster , th e neglected girl " (Fische r 21). Girls

SFema/&(^6iu€fu/& ($e/taquiesia/s 9 5

were brought i n by their parent s i n 98 percent o f the cases , and the sittin g magistrate decide d th e cas e base d o n interview s wit h th e girls , he r rela tives, an d th e attendan t socia l worker , whe n available . A s a socialize d court i t wa s mean t onl y t o serv e thi s narro w function , an d girl s wh o committed an y other crimina l ac t appeare d i n othe r court s (Fische r 21). While man y peopl e ha d advocate d th e us e o f psychiatri c clinic s i n juvenile court s prio r t o th e Secon d Worl d War , ver y fe w court s actuall y employed the m fo r anythin g excep t diagnosti c purpose s unti l th e lat e 1940. Thei r founding , i n man y instances , wa s i n direc t respons e t o th e difficulty involve d i n interpretin g an d disposin g o f femal e juvenil e delin quency case s (Kros s 6) . Henc e th e growt h o f psychoanalysi s withi n th e court syste m happene d i n a particularly gendere d way . Proponents o f the use o f psycholog y o r psychotherap y fo r th e interpretatio n an d rehabilita tion o f mal e juvenil e crim e ofte n ha d t o conten d wit h accusation s o f "coddling" an d "sof t pedaling " i n additio n t o a genera l discomfor t wit h the incomprehensibl e jargo n o f psychoanalysi s (Blanshar d 60) . Man y complained tha t th e us e o f th e socia l science s i n th e courtroom , wit h regard t o boys , compromise d th e adjudicatio n o f guil t o r innocence , thereby infringin g upo n th e right s o f parents, children , an d especiall y the community a t larg e (Connecticu t 4) . Wit h girls , however , th e mos t ap parently natural , th e mos t obviou s for m o f interventio n consiste d o f psychological cas e histories an d treatment . Th e publi c dimension s o f th e punishment o f crim e wer e almos t entirel y absen t i n relatio n t o femal e delinquency. Girl s committe d wha t wer e considere d "private " crime s o f a persona l nature , an d thu s th e public' s abilit y t o full y comprehen d th e nature o f their rehabilitatio n di d no t see m necessary . With th e introductio n o f the cour t clini c an d th e influenc e o f psychoanalysis, the cas e histories o f girls brought t o th e attentio n o f Girl's Ter m changed markedly . Th e typica l delinquen t wh o wa s describe d i n 193 9 as "fresh, impudent , disrespectful , laz y o r otherwis e beyon d control " (Ne w York City . Magistrates ' Court s 21 ) had , b y 1955 , metamorphosed int o a girl whos e emotiona l makeu p wa s "defensive , hostile , provocativ e an d challenging," ofte n wit h a few "violent tempe r tantrums " (Ne w York City Youth Boar d 55 ) throw n int o th e mix . Thi s i s no t t o sa y tha t th e same behavior merite d wholl y differen t observation s durin g th e tw o historica l periods, bu t rathe r tha t th e socia l meanin g o f delinquenc y underwen t a transformation. "Freshness " an d "impudence " represente d a n affron t t o a syste m o f manners , wit h connotation s o f shamelessness , immodesty , rudeness, o r audacity . Th e description s o f defensiveness , tempe r tan -

96 Rache l Devli n

trums, an d hostilit y i n th e cas e historie s o f th e 1950s , on th e othe r hand , were perceive d a s demonstration s o f blatan t il l will , belligerence , eve n rage—all o f whic h wer e informe d b y aggressiv e drive s and , t o a lesse r extent, th e potentia l fo r violence . Thi s distinctio n i s important insofa r a s it speak s t o th e particula r way s i n whic h demonstration s o f anti-socia l behavior wer e perceived a s threatening afte r Worl d Wa r I I and th e exten t to whic h femal e discontent, especiall y withi n th e contex t o f th e family , became particularl y noticeable , i f no t central , t o th e definitio n o f delin quency itself . Fro m thi s psychoanalyti c poin t o f view , al l femal e misbe havior became symptomati c o f aggression an d revol t that took as its point of reference no t th e disdai n fo r authorit y that i t once did , but th e feeling s of fear an d antagonis m tha t were supposedly born ou t of a state of psychic confusion abou t sel f in relatio n t o authorit y figures . Aggression, revolt , an d "reactivity " wer e perceive d i n severa l differen t ways, bu t almos t alway s i n relationshi p t o a n underlyin g insecurity . A s one cour t psychiatris t pu t it , "whethe r w e thin k o f aggressio n a s a fun damental huma n driv e o r a s a reactio n t o deprivation , i t mus t b e agree d that th e aggressio n i n th e for m o f antisocia l behavio r i s reactive " (Kauf man 169) . A typica l cas e reviewe d i n th e 1950 s b y Girl' s Ter m involve d Jerry, wh o ha d bee n brough t i n b y he r fathe r fo r stayin g ou t lat e an d drinking. Jerry' s fathe r wa s muc h preoccupie d wit h hi s ne w girlfriend , and thus , according t o the psychiatric interviews, "Jerry expressed consid erable feelin g aroun d wha t sh e sa w a s her father' s rejectio n o f his rol e a s father" (Ne w Yor k Cit y Yout h Boar d 36) . I n respons e t o thi s situation , according to the diagnosis , Jerry was "threatened seriousl y by adolescence and he r repressio n o f sexua l conten t wa s prominent.. . [with ] eviden t confusion i n he r psychosexua l identification " (36) . Th e mos t strikin g aspect o f this diagnosis was that i t was based on the repression of sexuality, as oppose d t o illici t indulgence , whic h originall y constitute d th e lega l grounds (especiall y i n th e Waywar d Mino r Act ) fo r th e interventio n o f the cour t i n th e firs t place . Th e fea r her e wa s no t tha t Jerr y wa s o n th e path t o immorality , bu t tha t he r disturbe d relationshi p wit h he r fathe r was blocking the roa d t o sexua l maturity .

^k^IM O HI W t U H « .

I!

6.4- Bea u Catche r Ad vertisement i n Seventeen, 1945. The Schlesinge r Li brary, Radcliff e College .

"&eaia/ Mean& ^66sme&s>" 14 9

sumer-oriented. Th e editorial message was less uniformly an d more subtl y so. As Seventeen negotiate d wit h advertisers , i t als o negotiate d wit h read ers, respondin g t o the m bu t ultimatel y controllin g th e final product . I n such a young publicatio n wit h a newl y define d market , boundarie s wer e unclear an d th e editoria l an d advertisin g page s sometime s worke d to gether an d a t othe r time s offere d multipl e message s fo r broade r appeal . Valentine an d th e editoria l staf f worke d a s hard t o creat e a n imag e of th e teenage gir l fo r reader s an d fo r societ y a t larg e a s th e promotiona l staf f did t o attrac t advertisers . Thi s editoria l tas k wa s complicate d b y a desir e to hel p girl s forg e thei r ow n wa y throug h thei r problem s an d th e world , and, a t th e sam e time , a wis h t o communicat e directl y wit h girl s a s responsible young women . Seventeen s relationship wit h it s reader s i s difficul t t o assess . The mag azine welcomed , eve n solicited , readers ' comment s an d reaction s t o th e magazine. I n respons e t o reade r requests , th e magazin e adde d a fiction component an d a sectio n entitle d "It' s Al l Yours, " wit h stories , poems , and picture s create d b y teenagers . Reader s themselve s ofte n articulate d both side s o f th e conflictin g message s withi n th e magazin e an d demon strated th e diversit y o f it s audience . Thei r response s serv e a s a gaug e o f teenage girls ' responses , a glimps e a t ho w the y consume d an d reacte d t o Seventeen an d ho w th e magazin e utilize d o r ignore d thei r requests. 18 Th e magazine listene d t o thei r compliment s an d complaint s i n shapin g an d reshaping th e imag e o f th e teenag e gir l i t displaye d fo r reade r consump tion, eve n a s it maintained contro l o f that image . Valentine envisione d a magazine that would spea k to all female teenag e readers, to th e studiou s futur e docto r a s well as the futur e homemaker — a magazin e tha t combine d "boy s an d books , clothe s an d curren t events , people an d politics , cookin g an d careers " (Seventeen Sept . 1944 : 33). In herent i n suc h a vision wa s some degre e of conflict—cooking an d career s were no t alway s compatible. 19 O n on e level , Seventeen wa s primaril y a fashion an d beaut y magazin e tha t cultivate d insecurit y an d th e constan t need fo r persona l improvement , simila r t o it s advertisin g content . Bu t true t o th e editor' s promise , Seventeen also recommended book s on infla tion an d atomi c energy , offere d article s o n politic s an d worl d affairs , an d encouraged it s reader s t o tak e responsibilit y fo r themselve s an d becom e active, questionin g citizens . Th e resul t wa s a kind o f civi c consumerism , combining one' s democrati c rol e a s activ e citize n wit h one' s dut y a s a responsible an d activ e consumer . Thi s discussio n occurre d withi n a shel-

150 Kell y Schru m

tered, limite d world , bu t eve n withi n it , no t al l wa s uniform . A clos e examination o f Seventeen s majo r themes—fashio n an d beauty , boys , education, an d politics—reveal s tha t th e magazin e di d no t attemp t t o portray teenage girls as solely one-dimensional o r homogenous. To appeal to th e interest s o f al l it s readers , th e magazin e offere d a variet y o f mes sages that remaine d ope n t o multipl e interpretations . In controllin g tha t image , Seventeen wa s n o exceptio n t o th e genera l emphasis o f women's magazine s o n fashion , beauty , health , an d th e con tinual nee d t o improv e oneself ; it s innovatio n wa s i n th e grou p o f con sumers i t targeted. Cosmetic s an d th e pursui t o f beauty were commercia l industries b y th e lat e nineteent h centur y an d b y 192 1 were firml y roote d in American cultur e wit h th e first Miss America beauty pageant. Also well established lon g before Seventeen was the notio n tha t beauty was available for th e pric e o f hai r products , deodorant , o r cosmetics . Th e fashio n industry depende d o n feeling s o f inadequac y an d th e potentia l fo r re demption throug h consumption . I n Seventeen s first issue , 7 0 percen t o f the tota l pai d an d editoria l advertisin g page s wer e fo r bras , girdles , hai r and nai l products, make-up , o r shoes . Within five years, that tota l soare d to 8 8 percent. 20 O n th e editoria l side , Seventeen contained article s suc h a s "Year-Round Beauty " tha t encourage d concer n wit h persona l beauty : "You wan t t o b e mor e attractive—yo u an d ever y woma n betwee n th e ages o f fou r an d eighty-eight ! Yo u wan t To m t o b e please d wit h th e wa y you look , an d Jo e an d Eri c an d Ted . An d yo u wan t t o b e please d wit h yourself! This isn' t vanity . It' s perfectl y natura l an d we'r e al l for it " (Jul y 1944: 41) . The professe d ultimat e goa l o f thi s obsession—t o fre e onesel f from thes e pett y worrie s an d focu s attentio n o n others—wa s rathe r flimsy, give n tha t onc e insecurit y wa s cultivated , fe w coul d escap e it s lingering doubts. Sometimes Seventeen informed reader s that al l problems could b e correcte d o r camouflage d throug h fashio n trick s o r commercia l products, an d othe r time s i t emphasize d genera l health , cleanliness , an d exercise. Th e overarchin g theme , however , wa s stil l concer n wit h one' s physical appearance, a message woven deepl y into the magazine's editoria l and advertisin g pages. 21 Teenagers responde d i n a variet y o f ways—som e applauded , som e criticized, bu t mos t accepte d th e critica l importanc e o f beauty . Man y teenagers wrot e tha t Seventeen s advice ha d change d thei r habit s forever : "Believe me— I decide d mayb e I' d bette r mak e som e repair s o n mysel f and I mus t admi t they'v e helped " (Nov . 1944 : 4) . Bu t no t al l teen s accepted th e fashio n an d beaut y advic e unquestioningl y an d on e re -

"STeenw Jdlecw& dBu&iae&ss" 15 1

sponded t o a n articl e o n Christia n Dio r an d th e "Ne w Look, " "Nauseat ing! That's the only way to describe the replicas of the clothes our mother s wore twenty years ago" (Nov . 1947: 4). She was not questionin g the desir e for beauty , however , bu t th e pat h towar d attainin g it , an d th e magazin e continued th e ques t fo r beaut y within it s pages. Seventeen di d no t alway s agre e wit h it s readers . A tellin g exampl e o f teenagers' resistanc e t o Seventeen 's advertisin g an d editoria l messag e tha t did no t elici t chang e involve d girdles . Seventeen 's earl y marke t researc h showed that the majority o f readers did not wear girdles; in fact 74 percent did no t eve n ow n a girdl e an d anothe r 1 9 percen t owne d onl y on e (Benson an d Benson , Life with Teena 53) . Seventeen, however , strongl y encouraged wearin g a girdl e throug h article s an d advertising . " A Fin e Figger—Or Else " (Jan . 1946) an d "Wea r a Girdle" (Oct . 1946) reinforce d the messag e tha t "Girdle s hel p th e adolescen t silhouett e tak e s h a p e . . . . Seventeen feels strongl y about this. " Girdle advertising copy similarly tried to convinc e teenag e girl s tha t thei r figures, thoug h young , require d im provement: "Som e o f yo u ma y no t hav e ha d t o figure o n you r figure much a s y e t . . . . [But ] eve n th e younges t o f u s need s a kin d bu t firm control t o moul d [sic] u s an d hol d u s i n th e wa y we shoul d go " (Flexni t Foundations 13). Seventeen reader s responde d i n a variet y o f ways . On e mothe r wrot e thanking Seventeen fo r he r daughter' s conversion , bu t mor e teenager s wrote i n disagreement : " I definitel y d o no t agre e with you r article , 'Wea r a Girdle'... . I fee l tha t ther e ar e man y girls , includin g myself , wh o d o not nee d o n e . . . . Henc e I say : girdles.. . fooey!" (Jan . 1947 : 4) . Thus , fashion an d beaut y advice , prevalen t throughou t eac h issu e an d ofte n fueling feeling s o f insecurity, was complex and questione d by readers. The number o f manufacturer s producin g girdle s fo r teenager s continue d t o rise in th e lat e 1940s. Combined wit h th e "Ne w Look" that dictate d a tiny waist an d exaggerate d femal e figure, girdl e use probably increased amon g teenagers. Bu t teenag e girl s were no t passivel y acceptin g al l fashion man dates, an d eve n a magazin e tha t continue d t o promot e girdle s ha d t o register it s readers' dissent . Articles, advertisements , an d letter s o n dating , kissing , an d marriag e continued th e tren d toward s offerin g multipl e message s o n a topic . According t o studie s conducte d i n th e lat e 1930 s an d earl y 1940s , teenag e girls wer e deepl y concerne d abou t male-femal e relationships . Seventeen both fuele d an d countere d thi s interest by encouraging dating but empha sizing tam e sexuality . "Good " girl s i n th e 1940 s were advise d t o snar e o r

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catch a boyfriend o r date , bu t alway s passively . Seventeen counsele d girl s to combin e physica l attractivenes s wit h stron g mora l virtues . Startin g i n April 1945 , th e magazin e devote d a n annua l issu e t o th e them e "Bo y meets Girl, " i n additio n t o article s o n ho w t o convers e wit h an d attrac t boys an d th e ubiquitou s teenag e romanc e fiction. Seventeen encourage d teenage girl s t o concentrat e thei r energ y o n boy s an d t o attrac t mal e attention, but strongl y discouraged necking , petting, going steady, or early marriage (Ma y 119; McCracken 144-46). 22 Teenagers di d not alway s agree. Again Seventeen s editors allowed them an outle t t o voic e thei r dissent , bu t di d no t alte r th e magazine' s message . A 194 2 Fortune surve y o f teenagers ' attitude s showe d tha t althoug h girl s condemned neckin g o n a mora l basi s mor e frequentl y tha n boys , the y participated i n roughl y equa l numbers, 71 percent fo r boy s and 6 3 percent for girl s ("Fortune " 14) P Teenager s expresse d thes e feeling s i n letter s t o Seventeen'. "In th e gan g I g o with , th e boy s ar e reall y swell . A t leas t I thought s o unti l I rea d you r article . W e ar e actuall y wicke d enoug h t o believe i n necking . And , hol d you r hat , I reall y enjo y it! " (Oct . 1945 : 6). Seventeen^ however, continue d t o discourag e kissin g i n article s suc h a s "No fo r a n Answer " (Aug . 1945 ) an d "Ho w t o Sa y N o Nicely " (Aug . 1947). The continua l focu s o n boy s advise d girl s no t t o tal k to o much , bu t rather t o as k the boy about himsel f an d to alway s sound interested . "Ho w to Win Me n an d Influenc e Statistics, " in April 1949, gave opposing advice. Ignore th e statistic s tha t college-educate d wome n neve r marry , Seventeen warned, an d neve r chang e just t o attrac t a boy. A girl cannot pleas e every man sh e meets , "S o wh y no t decid e t o sui t yoursel f an d b e sur e o f pleasing on e perso n a t least? " (171) . I n respons e t o thes e an d simila r conflicting messages , on e reade r wrote , " A girl' s lif e i s no t centere d around boy s al l th e time , jus t pleasin g the m an d livin g fo r them " (Sept . 1945: 6). Beyond datin g an d kissing , marriag e dawne d a s an increasingl y immi nent prospec t fo r teenagers . Th e media n ag e at first marriag e fo r female s fell fro m 22. 0 in 189 0 to 21. 5 in 194 0 and 20. 3 in 1950 . The media n ag e fo r males a t first marriag e als o decline d fro m 26. 1 in 189 0 to 24. 3 in 194 0 an d 22.8 i n 195 0 (Unite d State s 19). 24 Seventeen^ editoria l messag e no t t o marry young was increasingly in conflict wit h its proliferation o f weddingrelated advertisement s fo r engagemen t rings , hop e chests , silver , linen , china, an d carpets . Suc h advertisement s alway s emphasize d th e wisdo m

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of planning young , startin g a hope ches t an d silve r collectio n i n prepara tion fo r th e inevitable , much anticipated , heterosexua l marriage . Seventeen furthe r complicate d it s message s i n 194 8 with a ne w "Foo d and Hom e Doings " sectio n an d article s o n choosin g silve r pattern s an d filling hop e chests , bu t i t continue d t o encourag e educatio n ove r earl y marriage. No t onl y was seventee n to o youn g t o marry , Seventeen opined , but th e magazin e als o urged reader s to plan educatio n an d careers . As the debate regarding the validity of academic education versus domestic training fo r wome n raged, 25 th e magazin e validate d al l options . Seventeen encouraged thos e wit h aptitud e fo r colleg e t o continu e thei r educatio n and printe d article s on choosin g a college and financing highe r education . Although caree r article s ofte n highlighte d traditiona l femal e job s suc h a s teaching, nursing, and secretaria l work, som e discussed new opportunitie s for wome n i n publishin g an d banking . "S o You Wan t t o b e a Scientist? " informed reader s that , "Wome n ar e discoverin g a 'new ' industr y fo r themselves." Th e articl e continued , "[W]ome n hav e been showin g them selves t o b e jus t a s brightly intelligen t abou t aerodynamic s an d isotopes , equations an d Bunse n burners , a s the nex t man " (Sept . 1951:144-45,190). College boun d o r not , th e messag e tha t wor k migh t b e a necessit y wa s also clearly stated: "A girl who plan s to mark tim e in a job unti l marriage , or think s a bridal vei l cancel s jobs forever , i s flouting th e statistics . Ove r a thir d o f th e wome n i n Americ a wh o ar e o f workin g ag e wor k fo r a living" (Elli s Collection) . Thes e message s reflecte d option s ope n t o som e women an d encourage d well-informe d decisions , bu t th e emphasi s o n college an d professiona l career s reflecte d th e experience s o f Helen Valen tine an d th e editoria l staff . The y wer e predominantl y college-educate d women wh o ofte n continue d t o wor k afte r marriag e an d children . A s a whole, however , caree r article s di d no t overshado w Seventeen 's emphasi s on cleaning , decorating , shopping , cooking , o r plannin g parties . But the y did signify—an d hel p legitimate—ne w opportunitie s fo r women . The issu e wa s furthe r cloude d b y messages tha t reinforce d goo d stud y habits an d continue d education , bu t projecte d negativ e image s o f smar t women. I n on e Singe r advertisement , " 'Th e Brain ' learn s a n angl e not in the geometr y book . Caro l i s ou r Valedictoria n an d a mat h shark , bu t a s my brothe r Bo z remarked— c too ba d sh e dresse s lik e th e squar e roo t o f pi' " (Ma y 1946 : 37). After learnin g th e secret s o f Singer' s teenag e sewin g course, Caro l receive d th e desire d mal e attention . A comical renditio n o f prom disasters , "How No t t o Ge t Another Pro m Bid, " however, rendere d

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the bookwor m wit h glasse s doome d becaus e o f he r intelligence : "Bi g books an d word s denot e a brain/ Al l beaux wil l fea r t o dat e again " (Apr . 1946: 125) . The firs t gir l ende d u p wit h date s in spite o f he r intelligenc e because sh e learne d t o dres s wel l whil e th e secon d los t ou t completely . Seventeen wa s bot h encouragin g an d discouragin g regardin g educatio n and careers . I t responde d t o request s fo r colleg e an d caree r advice , ye t continued t o projec t negativ e stereotype s o f intelligen t women . Thi s at tempt t o appea l t o a wide r rang e o f girl s an d expan d thei r idea s o f women's opportunitie s di d no t challeng e th e cultura l norm s tha t shape d women a s consumers . Beyond beauty , careers , an d relationships , Seventeen attempted t o bol ster teenag e girls ' responsibilit y a s individual s an d citizens . "W e expec t you t o ru n thi s worl d a lo t mor e sensibl y tha n w e have, " th e editor s declared i n Apri l 194 5 a s wa r i n Europ e approache d a n en d (59) . Suc h pronouncements ca n easil y be dismisse d a s hypocritical cove r fo r adver tising an d promotio n o f consumerism , bu t t o assum e tha t an y women' s magazine coul d onl y teac h fashio n denie s Seventeen s breadth an d dept h of coverag e o f worl d affair s an d politics . I t als o assume s a disintereste d reception o n the part o f readers. The New Year's editorial letter in January 1945 criticized th e intoleran t o r thos e wit h a "terrifi c preoccupatio n wit h the wa y you r hai r curls " an d declared , "Her e i s ou r world , sic k an d i n need o f healing . Her e ar e you—the generatio n whos e giganti c job i t wil l be t o brin g u s bac k int o a balanc e o f sanity... . Neve r fo r a momen t think: I' m onl y a gir l i n m y teens , wha t ca n I do ? Yo u ca n d o plenty " (49). Thi s messag e criticize d a sol e preoccupatio n wit h curl s i f i t pre cluded citizenship , bu t di d no t challeng e th e importanc e o f fashio n an d beauty. I t reflecte d th e assumptio n tha t teenag e girl s neede d encourage ment t o car e abou t thei r world , a s well a s the belie f tha t the y coul d an d should care . The them e o f personal responsibilit y resonate d throughou t th e first six years o f Seventeen amon g al l th e beaut y an d fashion , wit h th e goa l o f cultivating responsible , democratic , consumin g citizens . Thi s them e wa s prevalent i n America n societ y throughou t th e war . I t wa s ever y person' s patriotic dut y to purchas e wa r bonds an d t o pay regulated prices . Hoard ing good s o r payin g inflate d price s wa s un-America n an d undemocratic . After th e war , Seventeen continue d t o lin k th e theme s o f responsibilit y with consumptio n an d t o encourag e bot h separately . Th e proportion s were unbalance d i n favo r o f gratuitou s consumerism , bu t t o conclud e that i t wa s merel y a toke n attemp t t o appea r non-frivolou s i s to assum e

"S?eeaas Jl$ean& (JBu&ine&ss" 15 5

that th e seriou s conten t mean t nothin g fo r th e girl s who rea d th e maga zine. I n contrast , ther e i s ampl e evidenc e tha t i n additio n t o prais e fro m national servic e organizations, teachers, and parents, many teenagers supported thes e efforts . Th e enormou s growt h an d circulatio n figures attes t to th e popularit y o f the magazin e a s a whole, an d readers ' letter s printe d in th e magazin e wer e disproportionatel y i n favo r o f teachin g teenager s about th e problem s an d comple x issue s o f the worl d an d i n encouragin g them t o participat e actively . Whethe r thi s imbalanc e demonstrate s th e actual proportio n o f letters receive d o r a n editoria l bia s i n favo r o f thes e responses, i t reflect s a t a minimu m a stron g editoria l commitmen t t o personal responsibilit y i n nationa l an d worl d affair s an d suppor t amon g readers. There were, of course, dissenting voices. Occasionally Seventeen printed letters complainin g abou t th e editoria l content , "Why , o h why, must yo u print article s o n worl d affair s i n a magazine tha t a girl looks to fo r advic e on clothes , char m an d personality? " (Jun e 1945 : 150 ) o r " I thin k yo u should hav e mor e article s o n date s an d shyness... . Stories lik e thos e o n Atomic Energ y ar e very boring. " Seventeen editor s too k thi s criticis m seriously an d replied , "I f enoug h worl d citizen s ar e similarl y bore d b y atomic energy , we fear tha t teen-ager s ma y find themselve s with n o date s left t o worr y about " (Apr . 1946 : 4) . Bu t othe r teenag e girl s praise d th e effort: "Althoug h I a m thirteen , I fee l tha t I a m no t to o youn g t o thin k seriously abou t th e par t I a m t o pla y i n th e grea t postwa r world " (Dec . 1945' 6) . Anothe r reade r agreed , "Seve n ou t o f te n teen-ag e girl s don' t know hal f a s muc h a s they shoul d abou t worl d affair s ..... Seventee n ca n and must creat e a teen-age interes t i n world affairs " (Aug . 1945: 4). These and simila r letter s attes t tha t a t leas t som e teenag e girl s wer e serious , concerned individual s who wanted the magazine that claimed to represen t them t o reflec t thei r value s an d discus s worl d issues . Fe w rea d onl y th e serious articles ; the y coul d hav e rea d othe r magazine s o r newspaper s i f this was their sol e desire. But Seventeen strove to attai n a balance betwee n fun an d substantiv e materia l an d mos t reader s consume d th e magazin e for thi s combination , som e askin g for more , som e less , of each . The worl d i n whic h Seventeen appeare d wa s no t comforting , bu t th e magazine di d no t encourag e it s reader s t o ignor e disturbin g issues . Th e first issu e was published eigh t month s befor e th e en d o f World Wa r I I in Europe an d almos t a yea r befor e th e Unite d State s droppe d a n atomi c bomb o n Hiroshima . Althoug h Seventeen reader s themselve s ma y no t have bee n a s affecte d b y shortage s an d workin g mother s a s othe r teens ,

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the war' s psychologica l impac t wa s apparen t i n article s o n postwa r peace , dangers o f wartim e inflation , an d wa r refugees . Seventeen reader s re sponded wit h letters , donations, an d voluntee r work . Atomic energ y als o capture d publi c attentio n i n 1945 . Th e articl e "Atomic Energy.. . Fearfu l Miracle " (Feb . 1946 ) explaine d ho w atomi c energy wa s produce d an d discusse d it s potentia l uses , bot h destructiv e and beneficial. I n May 1946, Seventeen recommended th e book One World or None: A Report to the Public on the Full Meaning of the Atomic Bomb. Warning th e reade r t o expec t big words an d scientifi c terms , the reviewe r emphasized it s importance : "Thi s i s a boo k yo u mus t read , thin k abou t and discuss . You've absolutel y go t t o realiz e tha t th e problem s presente d in i t ar e you r own , no t thos e o f othe r people . Yo u ar e a citize n o f th e world; yo u mus t bea r th e responsibility " (Ma y 1946 : 14). 26 Seventeen s editors alway s treate d wa r issue s seriousl y an d encourage d education , individual responsibility , an d action . Stressing thi s them e o f responsibility , Seventeen strongl y encourage d political involvemen t an d knowledg e o f curren t events . I t advise d youn g women t o develo p political acume n i n preparation fo r thei r rol e as voting citizens: "You'r e no t ol d enoug h t o vote—bu t yo u certainl y ca n think)" The articl e "Stra w Vote" furthere d th e connectio n betwee n goo d citizen ship an d goo d consumeris m whe n i t compare d votin g t o dres s shoppin g (Oct. 1944 : 10) . Wit h a five-point pla n fo r choosin g a candidat e tha t advised teenager s t o researc h importan t issues , stud y pas t record s o f candidates an d part y platforms , an d analyz e campaig n speeches , a wis e shopper coul d easil y apply her skill s to becom e a wise voter . Voting an d democracy , a s wel l a s prid e i n Americ a an d th e righ t t o buy goods , wer e commo n theme s throughou t thi s period , a reflection o f both lingerin g war rhetoric and the beginning of the cold war. Discussion s of tolerance and prejudice appeared throughout Seventeen s first six years— a cal l fo r toleranc e tha t encourage d cultura l homogenizatio n an d ofte n denied ethni c differences . Bu t Seventeen did no t interpre t thi s declaratio n of equalit y a s a challenge t o it s ow n page s tha t continue d t o pictur e onl y white models . T . F . i n Chicag o responde d t o th e articl e "Wha t Kin d o f World," "I' m a Negro , an d m y peopl e ar e on e o f th e man y victim s o f prejudice. Th e articl e didn' t exactl y mak e 'lif e beautiful, ' bu t i t di d hel p me t o se e throug h a lot. " Sh e the n asked , "Coul d yo u hav e a n articl e written o n th e par t th e colore d boy s ar e takin g i n thi s war ? They'r e no t all smile s th e wa y picture s sho w them . The y wor k hard . The y swea t an d shed blood , too . The y giv e thei r lives , an d abov e all , they'r e humans "

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15 7

(Apr. 1945 : 7). 27 This girl' s poignan t lette r exemplifie d th e complexit y o f racism an d th e ideal s o f toleranc e versu s acceptance . Th e writer simulta neously accepte d th e magazine' s affirmativ e messag e an d recognize d th e shallowness o f such message s o f harmony an d unity . So who wer e thes e consumer s o f Seventeen magazine an d ho w di d th e magazine influenc e thei r lives ? Their world was changing and increasingl y reflected th e rol e o f hig h schoo l an d peers , a s well a s that o f mass medi a like Seventeen. Although thei r famil y life may not hav e changed drasticall y during th e war, the y were stil l affected b y the importan t issue s of the day. They looked t o their contemporarie s fo r what to wear and how to behave, but als o wante d advic e fro m respecte d source s othe r tha n parent s o r teachers. Teenager s wante d guidanc e i n fashio n an d datin g etiquette , bu t also in becoming teenagers . Seventeen worked har d t o address these issues and t o communicat e wit h teenager s seriousl y abou t th e problem s centra l to thei r lives . Althoug h th e advic e wa s ofte n simila r t o tha t give n b y teachers, parents, and professionals, it s delivery in a teen-oriented packag e was both mor e acceptabl e an d roote d i n consumerism . Seventeen magazin e wa s a product o f the 1940s . Manufacturers, adver tisers, an d businesse s wer e intereste d i n teenag e girl s an d wha t the y consumed. Seventeen actively recruited an d shape d tha t energ y and serve d as both creato r o f an d vehicl e fo r th e teenag e girl' s consume r identity . I t played a significan t rol e i n identifyin g an d constructin g teenag e girl s as a distinct grou p throug h negotiation s amon g th e magazine' s staf f an d wit h advertisers ove r th e teenag e girl' s identity . Thi s discussio n continue d within it s page s ove r ho w t o appea l t o a large audience' s divers e interest s and goals . Th e bul k o f th e magazin e focused o n fashio n an d beauty , bu t it wa s als o a magazin e designe d t o respec t teenag e girls ' concern s an d intelligence an d t o encourag e thei r self-awarenes s a s a group. While these intentions wer e occasionall y inconsistent , Seventeen attempte d t o displa y them all . Sometimes politica l message s merge d wit h th e dominan t fashio n an d consumer-oriented aspect s o f th e magazin e an d sometime s the y simpl y appeared side-by-side . I n on e vivid example , a n editoria l Christma s lette r (Dec. 1944 ) expresse d sorro w ove r th e wa r whil e th e editoria l advertise ment o n th e opposit e pag e displaye d a colorfu l holida y dres s wit h th e caption, "A s lon g a s n o on e seem s t o b e lookin g a t th e Christma s card s anyway, w e migh t a s wel l tel l yo u tha t th e bold-checke d basque-bodic e d r e s s . . . i s $14.95 " (Dec . 1944 ; 48-49). Wha t messag e th e reade r graspe d from thes e tw o page s i s difficul t t o assess—perhap s a messag e o f peace ,

158 Kell y Schru m

an ide a fo r a part y dres s an d ne w hai r style , o r a feelin g tha t sadnes s existed bu t wa s potentiall y alleviate d b y prett y dresses . I t i s possible tha t the focu s o n goo d citizenshi p wa s simpl y a shallo w attemp t t o fill page s and appea r respectable , a fa£ad e ove r th e desir e t o sel l products. O r tha t the magazin e wa s i n transition , tryin g alternativ e approache s t o creat e a successful, marketabl e product . Mos t likely , Seventeen offere d myria d messages intendin g t o appea l t o reader s wit h varyin g interest s wit h th e ultimate ai m o f cultivatin g consumin g citizen s wh o vote d responsibl y with thei r dollar s an d thei r ballots . These possibilitie s ar e no t mutuall y exclusive . Seventeen magazin e helped shap e a ne w marke t fro m 194 4 t o 195 0 an d therefor e playe d th e role o f advertiser , translator , an d adviso r fo r thei r versio n o f th e teenag e girl. I t experimente d wit h conten t an d styl e an d rarel y offere d a solid , unified imag e o f th e quintessentia l teenage r fo r simpl e digestion . I t wa s necessarily flui d i n thes e attempts , experimentin g wit h variou s voices i n pursuit o f a successfu l balance . I t di d no t conclusivel y answe r man y o f the question s i t raised . Whethe r th e har d wor k an d intelligenc e tha t helped on e achiev e a drea m o f colleg e an d a science caree r woul d neces sarily scar e awa y dates , o r wh y i t was importan t t o b e beautifu l an d sex y to ge t dates , bu t no t t o kis s them , remaine d fo r th e reade r t o decide . I t also di d no t radicall y alte r it s messag e i n respons e t o readers ' requests . This mixture was dominated b y fashion, beauty , style, and the redemptiv e value o f consumption , ye t clea r i n it s mora l advic e t o vote , think , an d participate a s a responsible citizen . Consumer cultur e fo r teenag e girl s wa s a primar y beneficiar y i n thi s interchange. Manufacturers , retailers , an d advertiser s wh o targete d teen age girl s reape d larg e profit s and , althoug h advertisement s wer e increas ingly age-appropriate, the y never substantivel y adjusted thei r image of the teenage gir l from a swooner t o a serious individual. Their goa l was to sell; their mean s were the creatio n an d marketin g o f products designe d specif ically for teenag e girls . It i s difficult t o kno w whethe r th e girl s themselve s benefited fro m th e attention—fro m clothe s an d product s designe d fo r their changin g bodie s o r th e magazin e tha t claime d t o represen t an d reach ove r hal f o f them . Wha t i s clea r i s tha t Seventeen s messages wer e significant fo r th e million s an d million s o f teenage girl s who continue d t o consume th e magazin e an d prais e it s efforts . Teenager s read , howeve r quickly o r thoroughly , th e medle y o f message s an d learne d somethin g beyond styl e a s the y adapte d ne w informatio n t o thei r changin g valu e systems. The y neithe r accepte d no r rejecte d all . Throug h th e process ,

"&eena/ Jldea/i& S$u&iae&&" 15 9

manufacturers, advertisers , an d Seventeen magazin e capitalize d o n a n enormous, wealthy , newl y define d marke t an d i n t u r n helpe d defin e tha t market. The y als o articulate d a complex , multifacete d se t o f identitie s o f the teenag e gir l a s consume r an d citizen .

NOTES

1. Althoug h "girl " doe s no t necessaril y describ e thirteen- t o eighteen-year-ol d females well , it s us e i s s o prevalen t i n m y source s tha t I hav e chose n t o us e i t throughout thi s essay . 2. Advertisin g an d editoria l conten t ar e mor e inseparabl e today . Se e Fox an d Lears, especiall y essay s by Lear s an d Wilson ; Fox , "Epitaph" ; Steinem ; an d Lynd , "People." 3. Fo r furthe r information , se e Peterson; Damon-Moore . 4. Se e also Uglan d 195-96 . 5. Th e numbe r o f gainfull y employe d yout h droppe d fro m a n estimate d 2. 4 million t o 1 million betwee n 192 0 and 194 0 (Uglan d 152). 6. O f Seventeen readers , 9 7 percent attende d school , an d 8 2 percent o f thos e attended publi c schoo l (Benso n an d Benson , Life with Teena 12). 7. Fo r furthe r information , se e Fass , Damned 168-221 ; Kett 234-38 ; Lynd an d Lynd 181-224 . Although Fas s discusse s colleg e yout h i n th e 1920s , a simila r cycl e was repeated with hig h schoo l student s i n th e 1940s. 8. Althoug h th e pres s glorifie d "Rosi e th e Riveter " a s a housewif e workin g only fo r th e duration , mos t wome n worker s durin g th e wa r ha d worke d previ ously (Hone y 19-20 ; Hartman n 16-18) . On wome n wh o staye d hom e durin g th e war, se e Chafe; Hartman n 22 ; Campbell 167 ; Anderson 104 . 9. Se e also Fass , Damned 119-26 ; Ugland 348. 10. Gilber t mention s th e importanc e o f teenag e girl s a s consumer s t o th e overall developmen t o f teenag e culture , bu t focuse s o n mal e teenagers . Palladin o includes teenag e girl s i n he r stud y an d similarl y argue s tha t Seventeen was a n important forc e i n developin g tee n consume r culture . Her argumen t tha t teenag e culture was adult-directed unti l th e rise of rock V rol l in the mid-1950s, however, does no t allo w space for teenagers ' agenc y in creatin g tee n culture . 11. Genera l pres s storie s suc h a s "Lif e Goe s t o a Slumbe r Party " an d "Teen Age Girls" showed girl s chatting , giggling , and shopping . 12. Seventeen printe d letter s fro m Africa n American , Jewish , Catholic , an d international readers , but thes e were not th e majorit y o f readers . 13. Elli s Interview . 14. Afte r spendin g ove r $150,00 0 t o establis h it s image , Seventeen successfull y sued a clothing manufacture r ove r th e attempte d us e o f it s name (Triangl e 8) . 15. Benso n an d Benso n aske d abou t friends ' influenc e o n shoppin g decisions .

i6o Kell y Schru m

Eighty-seven percen t helpe d friend s shop ; 76 percen t helpe d friend s purchas e clothing (Benso n an d Benson , Life with Teena 27). 16. Seventeen retain s tha t reputatio n toda y b y rejectin g advertisement s fo r liquor, cigarettes , and birt h contro l (McCracke n 143) . 17. O n juvenil e an d se x delinquency, se e Ugland 219-8 6 an d Costello . 18. Th e literatur e o n cultura l interpretation s o f popula r text s an d reade r re sponse i s complex an d contentious . I found ampl e evidenc e to suppor t th e theor y that popula r culture' s ambiguit y an d contradiction s allo w fo r oppositiona l read ing and individua l interpretation . Thoug h problematic , I have tried to understan d how teenage girls read an d responde d t o Seventeen through thei r published letter s (original letter s n o longe r exist) . My interviews with Estell e Ellis and women wh o worked a t Seventeen i n th e 1940s , however, le d m e to believe that editor s rea d th e letters seriously and tried to print a representative sample (Elli s Interview; Sladkus Interview; Eisman Interview ; Foley Interview) . 19. Accordin g t o Meyerowitz' s wor k o n postwa r America n culture , thi s was not uncommon : 1933; La Opinion, Januar y 29 , 1938. 25. Vick i L . Ruiz , " 'Sta r Struck' : Acculturation , Adolescence , an d Mexica n American Women , 1920-1940, " i n Small Worlds: Children and Adolescents in America, eds . Elliot West an d Paul a Petri k (Lawrence : University Press of Kansas, 1992): 61-80 ; Robert o R . Trevino , "Prensa Y Patria: The Spanish-Languag e Pres s and th e Biculturatio n o f th e Tejan o Middl e Class , 1920-1940," Western Historical Quarterly, Vol . 2 2 (Novembe r 1991) : 460. 26. La Opinion, Septembe r 29 , 1929. 27. Hispano-America, 2 July 1932. I thank Gabriel a Arredondo , a doctoral stu dent a t th e Universit y o f Chicago , fo r sharin g thi s advertisemen t wit h me . 28. La Opinion, Jun e 5 , 1927; La Opinion, Februar y 8 , 1938. 29. Richar d A . Garcia , Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class: San Antonio, 1929-1941 (Colleg e Station : Texa s A& M Press , 1991) , pp . 118-119 ; Trevino, li Prensa Y Patria," pp . 459-460 . 30. Fo r examples , se e La Opinion, Septembe r 23,1926 ; La Opinion, Septembe r 24, 1926 ; La Opinion, Septembe r 27 , 1926 ; La Opinion, Septembe r 30 , 1926 ; La Opinion, Jun e 4 , 1927; La Opinion, Februar y 27 , 1931; and La Opinion, Augus t 17, 1931. 31. Th e quot e i s take n fro m La Opinion, Marc h 2 , 1927. 32. Ewe n an d Ewen , Channels of Desire, pp. 95-96 . 33. Lipsitz , Time Passages, p . 16. 34. Th e struggle s youn g Mexica n America n wome n face d jus t t o tal k freel y with me n an d t o atten d th e movie s unchaperone d stan d i n star k contras t to thei r Euro-American peer s wh o ha d passe d firs t bas e an d wer e heade d towar d greate r liberties, like having a drink i n a bar withou t taintin g thei r reputations . See Mary Murphy, "Bootleggin g Mothers an d Drinkin g Daughters: Gender and Prohibitio n in Butte , Montana, " American Quarterly, 46: 2 (Jun e 1994) : 174-194. 35. Martine z Maso n interview , pp. 29-30; Ybarra interview ; Escobar interview ; Fierro interview , p . 15 ; Estrada interview , pp . 11-12 ; Interview with Ermini a Ruiz , July 30 , 1990 , conducte d b y th e author ; Rui z interview , 1993 , conducted b y th e author; intervie w wit h Alm a Araiz a Garcia , Marc h 27 , 1993 , conducte d b y th e author. 36. Intervie w wit h Adel e Hernande z Milligan , Volume 2 6 of Rosie the Riveter, p. 17 .

37. Evangelin e Hymer , " A Stud y o f th e Socia l Attitude s o f Adul t Mexica n Immigrants i n Lo s Angeles an d Vicinity : 1923" (M.A. thesis, University o f South -

&h& S^affier- and'tA& &Acfeeron& 22 3 ern California , 1924, ; rpt. Sa n Francisco : R an d E Researc h Associates , 1971) , pp. 24-25. Othe r ethnographie s whic h dea l wit h intergenerationa l tensio n includ e Helen Douglas , "Th e Conflic t o f Culture s i n Firs t Generatio n Mexican s i n Sant a Ana, California " (M.A . thesis, University o f Southern California , 1928) ; and Clar a Gertrude Smith , "Th e Developmen t o f th e Mexica n Peopl e i n th e Communit y of Watts " (M.A . thesis , Universit y o f Souther n California , 1933) . 38. Escoba r interview , 1986 ; Estrada interview , pp . 11 , 13; interview wit h Luc y Acosta, conducte d b y Mario T . Garcia , Octobe r 28 , 1982 (On Fil e at th e Institut e of Ora l History , Universit y o f Texas , E l Paso) , p . 17. 39. Estrad a interview , p . 12 ; Shelit interview , p . 9 ; Antoni o Rios-Bustamant e and Pedr o Castillo , An Illustrated History of Mexican Los Angeles, 1781-1985 (Lo s Angeles: Chican o Studie s Researc h Center , UCLA , 1986) , p. 153. 40. Pau l S . Taylor, "Wome n i n Industry, " Fiel d Note s fo r hi s book , Mexican Labor in the United States, 1927-1930) Bancrof t Library , Universit y o f California , 1 box; Richar d G . Thurston , "Urbanizatio n an d Sociocultura l Chang e i n a Mex ican-American Enclave " (Ph.D . dissertation , Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles, 1957; rpt. Sa n Francisco : R and E Research Associates , 1974), p. 118; Bogardus, The Mexican, pp . 28-29 , 57-58. 41. Martine z Maso n interview ; Ruiz interviews (1990,1993) ; Thomas Sheridan , Los Tucsonenses (Tucson: Universit y o f Arizon a Press , 1986) , pp. 131-132. 42. Sheridan , Los Tucsonenses, loc. cit . 43. Intervie w wit h Beatric e Morale s Clifton , Volum e 8 o f Rosie the Riveter, p p . 14-15 .

44. Smith , "Th e Developmen t o f th e Mexica n People, " p . 47. 45. Ybarr a interview . Ethnographie s b y Smith , Thurston , an d Dougla s refe r to elopemen t a s a manifestatio n o f generationa l tension . 46. Discussio n followin g m y presentatio n o f "Th e Flappe r an d th e Chaper one" a t th e Riversid e Municipa l Museum , Ma y 28 , 1995. 47. Sheli t interview , pp . 9 , 24 , 30; Ruiz interview s (1990,1993) ; Escobar inter view; Garcia interview ; Martinez Maso n interview ; Hernandez Milligan interview , pp. 27-28; interview with Maria Arredondo, 19 March 1986 , conducted by Carolyn Arredondo; Taylo r Notes . 48. Intervie w wit h Juli a Lun a Mount , Novembe r 17 , 1983, conducted b y th e author; Fierr o interview , p . 18 ; Luna interview , p . 29 ; Ruiz intervie w (1993) ; Gregorita Rodriguez , Singing for My Echo (Sant a Fe : Cot a Editions , 1987) , p . 52 ; Martinez Maso n interview , p . 62 . 49. "Elis a Morales, " interview by Luis Recinos, April 16,1927, Biographies an d Case Historie s I I folder , Manue l Gami o Fiel d Notes , Bancroft Library , Universit y of California ; Taylor , Mexican Labor, Vol . II , pp . vi-vii ; Gamio , Mexican Immigration, p . 89 . 50. Rut h Alexande r i n he r stud y o f waywar d girl s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y illumi nates thi s balancin g o f boundarie s amon g teenagers . Se e " 'Th e Onl y Thin g I

224 Vick i L . Rui z

Wanted Wa s Freedom' : Waywar d Girl s i n Ne w York , 1900-1930, " i n Wes t an d Petrik, Small Worlds. 51. Rui z intervie w (1993) . 52. Carme n an d Dieg o ar e pseudonym s use d t o ensur e th e privac y o f th e family. Carmen' s ora l intervie w i s i n th e author' s possession . 53. Discussio n followin g m y presentation , o f "Th e Flappe r an d th e Chaper one," Ma y 28 , 1995 . 54. Dougla s Monroy , "A n Essa y o n Understandin g th e Wor k Experience s o f Mexicans i n Souther n California , 1900-1939, " Aztldn, 1 2 (Spring 1981) : 70. Fem inist historian s hav e als o documente d thi s push fo r autonom y amon g th e daugh ters o f Europea n immigrants . Se e Peiss, Cheap Amusements; Glenn , Daughters of the Shtetl; E . Ewen , Immigrant Women; an d Alexander , "Th e Onl y Thin g I Wanted Wa s Freedom. " 55. Helle r Committe e fo r Researc h i n Socia l Economic s o f th e Universit y o f California an d Constantin e Panuzio , How Mexicans Earn and Live, University o f California Publication s i n Economics , XIII , No . 1 , Cos t o f Livin g Studie s V (Berkeley: University of California, 1933) , pp. 11,14,17; Taylor Notes; Luna Moun t interview; Rui z interview s (1990 , 1993); Shelit interview , p . 9 . 56. Thes e observation s ar e draw n fro m m y readin g o f th e seventee n ora l in terviews an d th e literatur e o n Europea n immigran t women . 57. Lun a Moun t interview . 58. Garci a interview . 59. Rev . F . X . Lasance , The Catholic GirVs Guide and Sunday Missal (Ne w York: Benzige r Brothers , 1905) , Esthe r Pere z Papers , Cassiano-Pere z Collection , Daughters o f th e Republi c o f Texa s Librar y a t th e Alamo , Sa n Antonio , Texas , pp. 279-280 . 60. Gutierrez , "Honor , Ideology, " pp . 88-93 , 95-9$ . 61. Estrad a interview , p . 12 . Focusin g o n th e daughter s o f Europea n immi grants, Elizabeth Ewe n has written tha t "th e appropriatio n o f an urban adolescen t culture" serve d a s " a wedg e agains t patriarcha l form s o f socia l control. " Thi s holds true , to som e degree , for th e women profile d here . But, for Mexica n Amer icans, th e underlyin g ideologica l assumptio n was familia l oligarch y rathe r tha n patriarchy. Se e Ewe n an d Ewen , Channels of Desire, p. 95. 62. Lasance , Catholic GirVs Guide, pp . 249-275 . (Quot e i s o n p . 270. ) 63. Ibid., p. 271. 64. Georg e J . Sanchez , Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1993)> P - 167 ; Mary Hele n Ponce , Hoyt Street (Albuquerque : Universit y o f Ne w Mexico Press , 1993) , pp . 258 , 266-27 1 (quot e i s take n fro m p . 258) . "La s vistas " is slan g fo r th e movies . 65. Ponce , Hoyt Street, p. 266 . Discussion followin g m y presentatio n o f "Th e

Sffio Sfflaffier cmdtA& GAc^em/io 22

5

Flapper an d th e Chaperone, " Ma y 28,1995 . Comment provide d b y Rose Medina . Jamaicas ar e churc h bazaar s o r festivals . 66. Intervie w wit h Eusebi a Buriel , Januar y 16 , 1995, conducted b y the author ; interview wit h Ra y Buriel , Decembe r 21 , 1994, conducted b y th e author . 67. Patrici a Preciado Martin, Songs My Mother Sang to Me (Tucson : University of Arizon a Press , 1992) , pp. 19-20 . 68. Intervie w with Ros e Escheverri a Mulligan , Volum e 2 7 of Rosie the Riveter, p. 24 . 69. Taylo r Notes ; Monroy , "A n Essa y o n Understanding, " p . 70 ; Rosalind a Gonzalez, "Chicana s an d Mexica n Immigran t Familie s 1920-1940: Women's Sub ordination an d Economi c Exploitation, " i n Decades of Discontent: The Women's Movement, 1920-1940, eds . Lois Scharf and Joa n M. Jensen (Westport : Greenwoo d Press, 1983) , p . 72 ; Vick i L . Ruiz , Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (Al buquerque: Universit y o f Ne w Mexic o Press , 1987) , pp. 10-12 , 17-18 ; Ruiz inter view (1990) ; John D'Emili o an d Estell e B . Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (Ne w York: Harpe r an d Row , 1988) , pp. 233-235 , 239-241. 70. La Opinion, Ma y 9 , 1927. 71. Tuck , Not with the Fist, p. 134. 72. Onl y tw o achieve d a solid , consisten t middle-clas s standar d o f living . Si x of th e thirtee n Californi a wome n too k thei r plac e a t th e sho p floor i n th e aero space, electronics , apparel , an d foo d processin g industries . Two became secretar ies an d on e a sale s cler k a t K-Mart . On e ha s bee n a far m an d nurser y worke r since th e ag e o f nine . Th e remainin g thre e narrator s ar e homemakers . 73. Amon g th e husband s o f the Californi a women , man y were skilled worker s in th e aerospac e industr y an d th e highes t occupatio n fo r a spouse was firefighter. 74. Margare t Clark , Health in the Mexican American Culture (Berkeley : Uni versity o f Californi a Press , 1959) . p. 20 . 75. Betwee n 193 1 and 193 4 an estimate d one-thir d o f th e Mexica n populatio n in th e Unite d State s (ove r 500,00 0 people ) wer e eithe r deporte d o r repatriate d to Mexico , eve n thoug h man y wer e nativ e U.S . citizens . 76. Alber t Camarillo , "Mexican America n Urba n Histor y in Comparative Eth nic Perspective, " Distinguishe d Speaker s Series , Universit y o f California , Davi s (January 26 , 1987); Rodolfo Acuna , Occupied America: A History of Chicanos, 2nd ed. (Ne w York: Harpe r an d Row , 1981), pp. 310, 318, 323, 330-331; Shelit interview , p. 15. 77. Pau l Taylor , Mexican Labor in the United States, Vol. I (Berkeley : Univer sity o f Californi a Press , 1930 , rpt . Arn o Press , 1970) , pp . 221-224 ; Arredond o interview; Rui z interview s (1990 , 1993). 78. Rui z intervie w (1993) . 79. Ibid.

226 Vick i L. Ruiz 80. Ibid. 81. Ibid. 82. Acost a interview ; Tuck , Not with the Fist, pp. 126-127; Thurston, "Urban ization," pp . 109, 117-119; Ruiz interview s (1990 , 1993). 83. Rui z interview s (1990 , 1993); personal experienc e o f author .

10 Fictions of Assimilatio n ^Acuia// Gfir^eur, (jultiuHil £/mfeerla/i&m/> and tn&Sft/feinosI ^ytmerican/ £xfeerienc&

Melinda L . de Jesu s

I wa s raise d a parochia l school , steel-tow n girl , th e thir d o f fou r sisters , in on e o f th e "gritt y cities " o f easter n Pennsylvani a i n th e 1970s . M y girlfriends an d I , lik e countles s other s acros s th e Unite d States , share d a love o f "Abba " an d "Th e Ba y Cit y Rollers, " "Th e Brad y Bunch " an d "The Partridg e Family, " Lei f Garret t an d And y Gibb , clog s an d "Bonn e Bell Lipsmackers." We held myriad sleepover s where we never really slept, logged endles s hour s talkin g o n th e phone ; w e hate d ou r pian o teachers , babysat, an d shoppe d a t th e mall . W e rea d Seventeen magazin e an d religiously attende d Gir l Scou t meetings . Foreve r cla d i n ou r borin g pa rochial schoo l plai d uniform s (complet e wit h Pete r Pa n colla r blouses) , we wer e besotte d wit h ou r youn g femal e la y teacher s wh o wor e stylis h platform shoe s an d le t u s tr y the m on . W e wer e int o "Godspell " an d CYO activities, and som e o f us wanted t o be nuns . Between thir d t o fifth grade s w e bega n tha t awkwar d transitio n be tween girlhoo d an d womanhood , an d ou r first inkling s o f adolescenc e were characterize d b y anxiet y ove r menstruation , bras , bod y hair , an d breasts. Moreover, wha t ha d onc e been a relentless competitio n with boy s for academi c an d athleti c superiorit y turned int o a confusing competitio n between girl s fo r boys 1 attention . I n respons e w e immerse d ourselve s i n

227

228 Melind a L . d e Jesii s

the worl d o f Nanc y Drew : unflappable , sophisticate d Nanc y alway s out smarted th e boy s an d go t thing s done . Sh e exhibite d th e suprem e confi dence tha t we lacked yet s o desired . Our lov e fo r Nanc y bordere d o n obsession : w e revele d i n th e minut e details o f he r lif e an d woul d devou r eac h o f he r mysteries , franticall y trading the m wit h eac h othe r whil e keepin g carefu l trac k o f which mys teries remaine d unread . W e wer e devou t fan s o f her televisio n sho w an d used our Nancy Drew lunch boxes with pride. Thus, Nancy Drew Mystery books provide d a communa l experienc e fo r u s pre-adolescents . Throug h the familiar, lullin g surety of these formulaic mysteries—Nancy' s predict able "adventures " wer e alway s cappe d wit h he r triumphan t successes — we vicariously explore d adulthoo d eve n a s we clung , howeve r tenuously , onto th e mor e neatl y delineate d lif e w e wer e leavin g behind—the safet y of girlhood . However, ther e i s an interestin g complicatio n t o thes e wistful reminis cences. M y fello w acolyte s i n th e cul t o f Nanc y Drew—Joni , Cind y an d Mary Jo , Tina, Patt i an d Diane , Suzanne , Pam , Carla , an d Molly—wer e all of Pennsylvania Dutch , Irish, Italian, German, o r Slova k descent. I was the onl y Filipina—indeed th e onl y girl o f colo r i n m y parochial elemen tary school , m y famil y th e onl y "non-white " famil y i n m y entir e neigh borhood. Thus , I a m force d t o ask : Ho w di d th e specificit y o f whit e consciousness impac t th e constructio n o f ou r girls ' culture ? Di d rac e make a differenc e i n term s o f m y relationshi p t o Nanc y Drew ? I believ e so. Whil e m y girlfriend s an d I gleane d importan t message s abou t femal e agency throug h readin g Nanc y Dre w books, m y clos e identificatio n wit h the gir l supe r sleut h ha d a specifi c impac t upo n m y psych e a s a Filipina , which I shall explore i n thi s essay . Feminist assessment s o f the fictional tee n detectiv e Nancy Drew depic t her a s an important rol e model fo r generation s o f American women. Like many girls , m y lov e o f Nanc y Dre w was a materna l legacy ; however, m y mother i s a Filipina raised durin g the American regim e in the Philippines . What enable d bot h m y mothe r an d m e t o identif y s o strongl y wit h thi s blond-haired, blue-eye d sleut h an d he r excitin g adventures ? Belo w I ex plore th e parameter s o f m y mother' s an d m y ow n investmen t i n Nanc y Drew. Highlightin g th e Filipin a America n experienc e an d drawin g upo n Filipino America n histor y an d feminis t criticism , I delineat e ho w "Th e Nancy Dre w Myster y Stories"— a cultura l phenomeno n steepe d i n an d intent upo n defendin g WAS P values , introduce d t o th e island s vi a th e imposed America n educationa l system—furthere d th e aim s o f "benevo -

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As my sister s ha d don e befor e me , from abou t thir d throug h fifth grad e I was obsesse d wit h readin g ever y singl e volum e o f "Th e Nanc y Dre w Mystery Stories. " Lik e man y generation s o f America n girls , I woul d vo raciously devou r on e satisfyingl y hair-raisin g myster y a day , conten t i n the knowledg e tha t m y idol , th e shrewd , fashionable , "titian-haired " Nancy, alon g wit h trust y side-kicks , Bes s an d George , woul d b e aroun d tomorrow wit h ye t anothe r myster y t o solve . Moreover , afte r gruelin g indoor socce r practices o n Tuesda y nights, I remember beggin g my fathe r to rush m e home s o I would no t mis s the new "Hardy Boys/Nancy Drew" television program . Durin g thi s period , prio r t o movin g ont o th e infa mous Jud y Blume books, I read severa l othe r detectiv e series—the Bobb sey Twins , th e Hard y Boys , Cherr y Ames , Vick i Barr , Jud y Bolton , an d the Dana Girls—ye t Nanc y reigned supreme . She held an important plac e in m y imaginatio n an d becam e a n impossibl e rol e mode l o f brains, guts , and hono r combine d wit h impeccabl e manner s an d style . S o grea t wa s her imprin t upo n m e that a s an angst-ridde n sixtee n year old , I wrote th e following poem : Fuck off, Nancy Drew Fuck off, Nanc y Drew and your famous father , Carso n Drew the prominent lawyer of River Heights and your housekeeper, Hannah Gruen who has loved and cared for you since your mother died and your perfect boyfriend, Ne d Nickerson the scholar athlete of Emerson College Were you ever suicidal? Did you ever shoplift ? Ever run off to Phillipsburg, NJ to drink Molsons in the parking lot of some dingy warehouse? What did you do when your blue roadster broke down or when there were no more mysteries to be found? You had all the answers— but the questions aren't the same anymore! You outsmarted Mrs. Tino,

230 Melind a L . d e Jesu s

saved Bess from th e abductors And never smeared your mascara. Your clothes were always impeccable though your hair changed like the weather— titian, strawberry blond, auburn. You deceived me— you and your two best friends , Bess and George, the sycophants. Life was one big party for you, Nancy But not for me. All your problems solved within two hundred pages. Did you ever lose your virginity? Did you ever get drunk and throw up? Did you ever fight with your dad and wish he were dead? Nancy, you never told us that detectives could feel so shitty. I always believed that you were real But you never lived outside "The Nancy Drew Mystery Series/' Now I'm left to solve it all by myself Me, famous gir l detective In my own shiny blue roadster Without a damn clue at all. While certainl y melodramatic , th e poe m illustrate s ho w m y stron g identification wit h Nanc y turne d t o bitte r disillusionmen t abou t he r an d her simpl e world a s I aged. Outgrowin g an d discardin g childhoo d idol s is a par t o f adolescence ; yet , i n retrospect , give n m y trainin g a s a literar y and cultura l critic , a n Asia n America n feminis t an d scholar , i t seem s improbable tha t I could have identified s o deeply with Nancy Drew. Thus, the rea l myster y allude d t o i n th e las t fou r line s o f m y poe m woul d b e the following : Ho w di d a brow n Pinay 2 lik e mysel f com e t o identif y s o much wit h thi s WAS P gir l detective ? Furthermore , ho w coul d m y valorization o f Nanc y Dre w a s rol e mode l eve r lea d m e t o a coheren t sens e o f self a s a Filipina American feminist ? Thes e ar e no t rhetorica l question s when on e begins to consider the intense cultural dominance o f the Unite d States i n th e Philippine s an d ho w "Th e Nanc y Dre w Myster y Stories, " imported a s par t o f th e American-impose d educationa l system , func tioned a s on e aspec t o f "socia l engineering " i n th e Americanizatio n o f Filipino culture. 3

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(ju/tural' rSfmfeerw/i&m/ As civilia n governmen t replace d militar y rul e i n th e island s afte r th e Philippine-American War , a n intensive program o f social engineering was enacted b y th e Unite d State s government . It s goal , th e complet e Ameri canization o f th e entir e population , wa s promulgate d b y th e arriva l o f hundreds o f America n teacher s t o th e island s (calle d "Thomasites" ) whose "missio n wa s t o impar t Wester n civilizatio n t o Filipino s unde r a policy o f 'benevolen t assimilation ' an d politica l tutelage " (Cha n 17) . The American publi c schoo l syste m introduce d throughou t th e islands revised existing Filipin o educationa l model s an d curriculu m an d mandate d En glish a s the officia l languag e o f instruction. 4 Thus, "infecte d wit h colonia l culture an d wit h gran d illusion s abou t th e Unite d States , Filipino s soo n started t o migrat e t o what the y had bee n taugh t t o thin k o f as the land o f opportunity an d fai r play " (Espirit u 3) . These Filipin o laborers , recruite d in th e 1920 s an d 1930 s fo r canner y an d field work , unlik e mos t Asia n immigrants, were thoroughly Americanized . Unfortunately, th e optimisti c manongs 5 arrive d i n th e Unite d State s during a period o f intense anti-Asia n sentiment , and , although wards an d nationals o f th e Unite d State s a t th e time , foun d themselve s subjecte d t o the sam e pattern s o f Asia n exclusio n suffere d b y Chinese , Japanese , Ko reans, and Asian Indians before them . Politically disenfranchised—denie d land ownership , citizenship , an d education—an d mire d a t the bottom o f the labo r marke t i n "stoo p labor, " manongs endure d racis t stereotypin g as "savages " an d "sex-craze d monkeys " wh o threatene d whit e femal e purity an d thu s wer e subjec t t o miscegenatio n laws. 6 The hars h discrep ancy betwee n th e Filipin o drea m o f Americ a an d th e realit y o f Filipin o reception i n Americ a i s summed u p b y author Carlo s Bulosa n i n his 1943 novel, America Is in the Heart. Fraugh t wit h image s o f deracination , homelessness, despai r an d loneliness , povert y an d disillusionment , Bulo san's boo k describe s th e migratory , violen t live s o f th e manongs throug h a mind-numbin g catalo g o f plac e names , murders , beatings , an d riots . I t fascinates m e t o thin k o f Bulosa n an d m y mothe r a s contemporarie s o f sorts, subject s o f the sam e Americanization proces s that engender s withi n them th e sam e dream . Whil e she , a well-to-do mestiza i n Bagui o dream s of becoming American , Bulosan , subjecte d t o th e bruta l migrator y lif e o f

232 Melind a L . d e Jesu s

the manong farmworker , continue s t o searc h fo r th e America he had been promised bac k i n th e islands .

Js^ana^ Q)reuh, JKcm/j and Jla& My mother , Eloisa , passe d o n he r lov e o f Nanc y Dre w t o m y sister s an d me. We al l admired Nanc y Drew's imag e as the smart , level-headed, feist y girl detective, fearless, gracious , and well dressed. For my mom, the image of America n girlhoo d freedo m wa s especiall y attractive : Nanc y drov e herself abou t unchaperone d an d live d a n exciting , adventure-fille d ye t wholesome life , fa r beyon d th e realit y o f patriarcha l Filipin o societ y (which dictate d Filipin a responsibilitie s t o hom e an d t o th e Church) , an d also beyon d th e realitie s o f th e Japanes e occupation . Underscorin g thes e qualities, however , m y mothe r insiste d tha t Nanc y ha d on e overridin g attraction: "Sh e was American, an d everyon e wanted t o be American. " However, mom' s famil y ha d no t alway s embrace d Americanization . Her materna l great-uncle , Maxim o Angeles , fough t alongsid e Emili o Aguinaldo, leade r o f th e Filipin o revolutionar y nationalisti c group , Katipunan, fo r Filipin o sovereignty , first agains t Spai n (1896 ) and later agains t the Unite d State s i n th e Philippine-America n Wa r (1898-1901) . B y th e time o f m y mother' s childhoo d i n Bagui o (c . 1932-1944) , th e family' s legacy of resistance ha d change d radically . Her father , Jos e Domingo, was a staunc h supporte r o f America n innovation , investments , an d culture . Mom attende d a private schoo l run b y the Belgian Missionary Canonesse s of St . Augustine ; ther e sh e raide d th e school' s librar y fo r th e Bobbse y Twins an d Nanc y Dre w mysterie s an d late r fo r thos e b y Zan e Grey , Louisa Ma y Alcott, France s Hodgso n Burnett , an d Si r Walter Scott . Mo m was discourage d fro m readin g vernacula r Ilocan o o r Tagalo g magazine s and fondl y remember s readin g th e Saturday Evening Post. My mother' s family' s paradigmati c shif t fro m resistin g th e impositio n of American cultur e via imperialism t o valorizing/reifying th e importatio n of America n culture , I believe , i s cemente d i n th e followin g story . Afte r the liberation fro m Japanes e occupation, U . S. soldiers came by to ask my grandfather wha t hi s childre n migh t need . Th e nex t day , serviceme n returned with American cultura l artifacts: V-discs (specia l records shipped to the troops), magazines, and books. It is telling that m y mother remem bers bein g thankfu l no t fo r th e foo d an d clothin g th e American s woul d supply, bu t fo r th e America n cultur e denie d he r durin g th e occupation .

2fiu£i 317 Farrell, James , 90-9 1 Fass, Paula , 42 , 5 8 n. 5 Fear Stree t series , 28 3 n. 7 Feinberg, Leslie , 26 4 n. 5 "Feminine En-genderin g o f Fil m Consump tion an d Fil m Technolog y i n Popula r Girls' Seria l Novels , 1914-1931 , T h e" (In ness), 1 3 n. 4 Feminism and Youth Culture: From 'Jackie' to 'Just Seventeen' (McRobbie) , 1 3 n. 3 Feminist Scholarship: Kindling in the Groves of Academe (DuBois , e t al.) , 28 3 n. 8 Findlen, Barbara , 29 6 Fitzgerald, F . Scott , 203 , 22 1 n. 1 6 "Fixing Nanc y Drew : Africa n America n Strategies fo r Reading " (Fuller) , 240 , 25 5 Fleming, Dan , 1 2 n. 1 Ford, Elizabeth , 28 2 n. 5 Formanek-Brunell, Miriam , 6 , 1 2 n. 2 , 171 Fornas, Johan , 1 2 n. 1 Foster, Shirley , 1 3 n. 3 Frazer, Elizabeth , 29 0 Frith, Simon , 285 , 306 n . 1 From Front Porch to Back Seat: Courtship in Twentieth-Century America (Bailey) , 42 , 102 n. 1 Fuller, Njeri , 240-41 , 25 5 Futcher, Jane , 26 3 n. 1 Gabaccia, Donna , 20 1 Gallup, George , 4 3 Gamio, Manuel , 21 0 Garber, Jenny , 288 , 30 6 n. 1 Garden, Jane , 26 3 n. 1 Gardner, Juli a D. , 1 0 Generations of Youth: Youth Cultures and History in Twentieth Century America (Austin an d Willard) , 1 2 n. 1 Ghost in the Closet, The (Maney) , 24 8 Gibson Girl , 112 , 115-16, 119 Gilbert, James , 84 , 138 , 159 n. 1 0 Gilligan, Carol , 266 , 269 , 27 9 Girl Guides , 19 , 20 , 22 . See also Gir l Scoutin g Girl Power: Young Women Speak Out (Car lip), 29 6 Girls: an d beauty , 150-51 , 292 ; an d careers , 293; an d clothing , 110-11 ; a s consumers , 7 , 8-9, 110-11 , 113 , 125-26, 186 , 285-89 , 292 , 294, 30 6 n . 6 ; an d corsets , 116-19 , 121-25, 132; a s cultura l producers , 10-11 , 285-86 ,

291, 295-97 , 306 , 30 7 n. 10 ; an d culture , 3-5 ; and education , 266-67 ; gende r socializa tion, 28 3 n. 9 ; magazine s for , 188 ; and play , 9; an d popula r culture , 187-88 ; an d popu lar music , 291 ; and readin g habits , 254-55 ; reading romance , 268 , 28 2 n. 2 ; toy s for , 184-94. See also Babysitters ; Babysitting ; Chaperonage; Gir l Scouting ; Girls ' reading ; riott grrrl ; Zine s "Girls an d Subcultures " (McRobbi e an d Gar ber), 28 8 Girl Scouting : an d Baden-Powell , 19, 25-26 ; badges an d ranks , 32-34 ; difference s fro m Boy Scouting , 19-20 , 28-31 ; an d domestic ity, 21 ; laws, 23 , 36 n. 5 ; literature, 19-22 ; 2 7 35, 3 7 n. 7 ; namin g of , 25-27 ; i n th e U.S. , 22-24, 25 , 34, 37 . 9 ; an d Worl d Wa r I , 2 4 25 "Girl Scouts , Cam p Fir e Girls , an d Wood craft Girls : Th e Ideolog y o f Girls ' Scoutin g Novels, 1910-1935 " (Inness) , 1 3 n. 4 Girl Sleuth, The (Mason) , 23 6 '"Girls' Mags ' an d th e Pedagogica l Formatio n of th e Girl " (Carringto n an d Bennett) , 13 n. 3 Girls Only? Gender and Popular Children's Fiction in Britain, 1880-1910 (Reynolds) , 13 n. 3 Girl's Own: Cultural Histories of the AngloAmerican Girl, 1830-1915, The (Vallon e an d Nelson), 4 , 1 2 n. 2 Girls' reading , 166 , 171-80 , 228-30 , 232-43 , 247-63, 267-82 ; a s activ e agents , 271-72 , 280-81; an d magazines , 11 ; and race , 27 6 "Girls Tel l th e Tee n Romance : Fou r Readin g Histories" (Moss) , 28 2 n. 2 Girl's Ter m court , 94-96 , 10 3 n. 9 Girl Talk : Dat e Lin e (boar d game) , 189 , 190 , 191-93 Gluek, Eleanor , 92-9 3 Gluek, Sheldon , 92-9 3 Good Girls Make Good Wives: Guidance for Girls in Victorian Fiction (Rowbotham) , 12 n. 2 Goodman, Paul , 8 5 Gordon, Jane t Hill , 7 5 Gramsci, Antonio , 28 7 Greenacre, Phyllis , 97 , 10 3 n. 1 0 Griffin, Christine , 1 2 n. 1 Griswold, Jerry , 176 , 275 , 282-8 3 n. 6

318 ^ac/em Grosz, Elizabeth, 113 Gulick, Luther , 2 4 Gutierrez, Ramon , 214 , 219 n. 2

'"It I s Pluck, Bu t I s It Sense?' : Athletic Stu dent Cultur e i n Progressiv e Er a Girls ' Col lege Fiction" (Inness) , 13 n. 4

Hagedorn, Jessica , 240 Hanmer, Le e F., 24 Happy Endings Are All Alike (Scoppettone) , 263 n. 1 Hardy Boys, 248 Haug, Frigga , 177 Heart-Throb (boar d game) , 189, 190-91, 193. See also Board game s Heilbrun, Carolyn , 233-3 4 Heinze, Andrew, 201 Heron, Ann , 26 3 n. 1 "Hidden Persuaders : Political Ideologie s i n Literature fo r Children " (Sutherland) , 170,

Jackie (McRobbie), 290 Johnson, Deidre , 249 Johnson, Lesley , 13 n. 3 Johnson, Roswel l H., 52 Justice-Malloy, Rhona , 7 Juvenile delinquency , 86 ; and boys , 93; and culture, 90 , 91, 92; and familia l relation ships, 84-86 , 93; psychology, 86 , 92, 95, 96, 103 nn. 10 , 12; rates, 86-87, 89; sociological literature, 10 2 n. 2 , 102-3 n. 7; women i n the fifties, 84-85, 87-88; and Worl d Wa r II, 89-90 . See also Delinquency

171

Hobbit, The (Tolkien), 274-75 Hodges, Deborah Robertson , 5 8 n. 2 Holding Their Own (Ware) , 58-59 n. 6 Hollander, Anne , 112-13 , i2i> 267 Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (May), 59 n. 12 "Honor, Ideology , an d Clas s Gende r Domi nation i n Ne w Mexico" (Gutierrez) , 21 9 n. 2

How Girls Can Help (Low), 27-28 How Girls Can Help Build the Empire (BadenPowell), 27 , 29 How Girls Can Help Their Country (Low), 27, 29, 3 0

How to Be Happy, Though Young (Lawton), 56 "How t o Cocoo n a Butterfly : Mothe r an d Daughter i n A Girl of the Limberlost" (Ford), 28 2 n. 5 Hoxie, W. J. , 22-2 3 Hoyt Street (Ponce), 215 Hubler, Angel a E. , 10 Hunt, Peter , 170 Images of the Child (Eiss), 12 n. 1 Imitation of Life (film), 10 3 n. 12 In a Different Voice (Gilligan), 279 Infant Care, 6 8 Inness, Sherrie A., 8 , 20, 21-22 Intimate Communities: Representation and Social Transformation in Women's College Fiction (Inness), 13 n. 4 Invisible Scar, The (Bird), 42, 59-60 n. 6

Kaledin, Eugenia , 267 Kearney, Mar y Celeste , 10, 1 3 Kett, Joseph , 138 Kid Culture: Children and Adults and Popular Culture (McDonnell), 1 2 n. 1 Kinder, Marsha , 1 2 n. 1 Kinsey report, 16 0 n. 23 Kline, Stephen , 1 2 n. 1 Laban, Rudolph , 115 Language and Ideology in Children's Fiction (Stephens), 170 Lanham Act , 63 Lauer, James , 113 Lawton, George , 56-57 Leadbeater, Bonni e J . Ross, 12 n. 2 Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs (Willis), 288 Lesbian: desire, 258; history, 254 ; and isola tion an d teens , 253; reading strategies , 25253 Liberatory reading, 270 Linder, Robert , 92 Lipsitz, George, 201, 207, 220 n. 6 , 298 Listen Up: Voices from the Next Feminist Generation (Findlen) , 296 Little Women (Alcott) , 267, 272, 275 Looking toward Marriage (Johnson, Ran dolph, Pixley) , 52 Love at the Threshold: A Book on Dating, Romance, and Marriage (Strain), 41 , 45, 49 Low, Juliette, 19, 22-24, 25, 27, 28 Luke, Carmen, 1 2 n. 1 Luna, Mary , 202

Sac/ea> 31 MacCann, Donnarae , 237 , 241, 245 n. 10 MacDonald, Rober t H. , 28 MacLeod, Anne Scott , 35, 268, 269, Macleod, David , 24 Made to Play House: Dolls and the Commercialization of American Girlhood, 1830-193 0 (Formanek-Brunell), 1 2 n. 2 Major, Brenda , 281 Maney, Mabel , 10, 248, 250, 251-63 Manongs, 231 Manual for Baby Sitters, A (Lowndes) , 70 Marchand, Roland , 5 8 n. 4 Marcus, Greil , 299 Marlatt, France s K. , 75 Marriage for Moderns (Bowman), 41, 59 n. 7 Mason, Bobbi e Ann, 236 , 239, 249 Mastery of Movement, The (Laban), 115 Matsumoto, Valerie J., 202 , 220 n. 10 May, Elain e Tyler, 86 , 160 n. 24 May, Glenn , 24 4 nn. 3, 4 McComb, Mar y C , 6 McDonnell, Kathleen , 1 2 n. 1 McRobbie, Angela, 13 n. 3 , 287, 288, 290, 297, 306 n. 1 Mexican Americans : and Americanization , 202, 210-11; and consumption , 205-7 , 214; discrimination, 217-18 , 225 n. 75; family structure, 200-201 , 207-8 , 211, 214, 218, 224 n. 61 ; language, 202; young women, 9 ; 203-19; young wome n an d thei r relation ships with chaperones , 199, 213-15, 218-19, 222 n. 34. See also Chaperonage Meyerowitz, Joanne , 102 n. 1, 160 n. 19 Miller, Stuart , 24 4 n. 1 Mitchell, Sally , 4, 12 n. 2 , 20, 21 , 31, 35, 166 Modern Girl, The: Girlhood and Growing Up (Johnson), 13 n. 3 Modern Marriage: A Handbook for Men (Po penoe), 5 8 n. 1 ; 59 n. 7 Modesty in Dress (Lauer) , 113 Montgomery, L . M., 179 Moss, Gemma , 28 2 n. 2 Multiculturalism: an d girls ' culture, 9-1 0 Mystery at Lilac Inn, The (Keene), 236-37 Nancy Clu e series: African America n images , 255-58; and camp , 258-60 ; critiquing th e nuclear family , 259-60 ; and hidde n lesbi anism, 253-55 ; a nd history , 259 ; and socia l class, 260-62. See also Nanc y Dre w Nancy Drew , 9-10, 247 , 248-49, 260, 263,

9

267, 272; and America n cultura l imperial ism, 234 ; books, 5, 167, 248, 252; and Fili pino culture , 230 ; modernizing th e books , 245 n. 12 ; and racism , 227-43 , 233, 234, 245 n. 10 , 250, 255; reading a s communa l experience, 228 ; revisions, 249-50 ; as role model, 228 , 230, 232; and sexuality , 247. See also Nanc y Clu e serie s "Nancy Drew : A Moment i n Feminis t His tory" (Heilbrun) , 233 Nancy Drew and Company: Culture, Gender, and Girls' Series (Inness) , 13 n. 4 "Nancy Dre w an d th e Myt h o f White Su premacy" (MacCann) , 237 Nelson, Claudia , 4 , 12 n. 2 Nestle, Joan, 254 New Girl: Girls' Culture in England, 18801915, The (Mitchell), 12 n. 2 New York Children' s Society , 63 Norwood, Brandy , 291 Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America, 1945-1965 (Meyerowitz) , 102 n. 1

O'Conor, Audi , 253 Oedipus complex , 7, 97-99, 101, and conflict , 282-83 n. 6 ; disturbance, 84-8 6 Ophir, Mary , 28 2 n. 1 Opinion, La, 205-7, 216, 222 nn. 24 , 26, 28, 30 Out of the Garden: Toys, TV, and Children's Culture in the Age of Marketing (Kline), 12 n. 1

Palladino, Grace , 112 n. 1 , 138, 159 n. 10 Paretsky, Sara , 267 Parry, Sally , 264 n. 3 Paths into American Culture; Psychology, Medicine, and Morals (Burnham), 58 n. 3 Personal space , 115 Playing the Future: How Kids' Culture Can Teach Us to Thrive in an Age of Chaos (Rushkoff), 1 2 n. 1 Playing with Power in Movies, Television, and Video Games: From Muppet Babies to Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles (Kinder), 12 n. 1

Pleasant Company , 164-66 , 169, 180 n. 2 ; advertising, 180-8 1 n. 8 ; catalog, 180; gender stereotypes, 177 ; marketing, 167-68 ; presenting an d promotin g history , 172 , 173 , 176. See also American Girl s collectio n

320 S?hc/ea> Philippines: an d America n cultura l imperial ism, 231-33 , 235; benevolent assimilation , 244 n. 1 ; nationalism, 24 4 n. 7 'Philippines, The, A Singular and Plural Place (Steinberg), 244 n. 7 Pickford, Mary , 111 Pictures of a Generation on Hold: Selected Papers (Pomerance an d Sakeris) , 12 n. 1 Pogrebin, Lett y Cottin, 184 , 188, 19 3 Pomerance, Murray, 1 2 n. 1 Ponce, Mar y Helen, 215 , 224 n. 64 , 224-25 n. 65 Popenoe, Paul , 54-56 , 38 n. 1 , 39 n. 7 Porterfield, Austin , 91 Postwar period , an d father/daughte r relation ships, 84 , 85, 92-93, 98; female discontent , 96; and juvenil e delinquency , 86-87 , 103 n. 10

Powerplay: Toys as Popular Culture (Fleming), 1 2 n. 1 Prager, Emily , 168 Pratt, Jane , 295 "Predicament o f Filipino s i n th e Unite d States, The: 'Wher e Ar e You From ? Whe n Are You Goin g Back?' " (Sa n Juan) , 244 n. 7 Primer for Daily Life, A (Willis) , 13 n. 3 Private Practices (Cherland) , 254 Psychoanalytic Study of the Child (Bios), 97 Queer readin g strategie s an d Nanc y Drew , 248-55. See also Nanc y Clu e series ; Nancy Drew Radway, Janice , 268 Reader-response theory , 16 0 n. 18 , 271 Reading the Romance (Radway), 268 Rebel without a Cause, 92 , 100, 101 Rediscovering Nancy Drew (Dyer an d Roma lov), 24 5 n. 9 Representations of Youth: The Study of Youth and Adolescence in Britain and America (Griffin), 1 2 n. 1 Reviving Ophelia: Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls (Ophir), 28 2 n. 1 Reynolds, Kimberley, 1 3 n. 3, 36 n. 4 riott grrrl , 294, 298, 301, 304, 306 n. 8 , 307 n. 12. See also Girl s Rodriguez, Gregorita , 210 Romalov, Nanc y Tillman , 24 5 n. 9 Rosenthal, Michael, 36-37 n. 6 , 37 n. 9

Ross, Catherine, 267 Rothman, Elle n K. , 51 Rowbotham, Judith , 1 2 n. 2 . Rowland, Pleasant , 166 , 169 Ruiz, Vicki L. , 9 Rulison, Lawrenc e R. , 75 Rushkoff, Douglas , 12 n. 1 Sadker, David , 266 Sadker, Myra, 266 Sakeris, John, 1 2 n. 1 Salamanca, Bonifacio , 24 4 n. 4 San Juan , E . Jr., 24 4 n. 7 Sapiro, Virginia, 280 Sassy, 11 , 188, 286, 291, 294-97, 300, 302-3, 306 nn. 8 , 9 Saturday Evening Post, 9 3 Scanlon, Jennifer , 8- 9 Scarlet Letter, The (Hawthorne), 276-77 School stories , 252 Schrum, Kelly , 7- 8 Schwartz, Edward, 10 2 n. 5 Scoppettone, Sandra , 26 3 n. 1 Scouting for Boys (Baden-Powell), 22 , 27, 2829, 30, 36 n. 5 , 37 n. 7 Scouting for Girls, 27 , 32 Sears Catalog, 7 , 109-32 Secret Garden, The (Burnett), 272-73 Secret of the Old Clock, The (Keene), 237 Secret of the Stratemeyer Syndicate, The (Billman), 241 , 245 nn. 8 , 9 Seeing through Clothes (Hollander), 112 Seiter, Ellen , 12 n. 1 Series books, 277-78 Seventeen, 8 , 11 , 110, 159 n. 10 , 160 nn. 16 , 18 , 227, 247, 253, 286, 290, 291, 292-94, 295, 299, 306 nn. 8 , 9, 307 n. 13 ; and beauty , 150; building girl s a s consumers, 134-35; circulation figures, 139; and civi c consumerism , 149; controlling girls ' sexuality, 144-46 , 151 53; education leve l o f readers , 159 n. 6; promoting civi c responsibility, 154-58; readership, 149, 159 n. 12 ; views o n race , 160 n. 27 ; views o n women' s highe r educa tion, 153-54 "Shame o f America, The" (Clendenen) , 93 Shaw, Anna, 32 Sheridan, Thomas , 209 Silverstone, Alicia, 291 Simons, Judy, 1 3 n. 3 Singing for My Echo (Rodriguez), 210

^Tnafeco 32

Sirk, Douglas , 10 3 n. 1 2 Slaying the Dragon, 24 5 n. 1 1 Small Worlds: Children and Adolescents in America, 1850-1950 (Wes t an d Petrik) , 12 n. 1 Smith, Clara , 20 9 Social Engineering in the Philippines (May) , 244 n. 3 Sociology of Rock, The (Frith) , 30 6 Sold Separately: Children and Parents in Consumer Culture (Seiter) , 1 2 n. 1 Sons o f Danie l Boone , 2 0 Sound Effects: Youth, Leisure, and the Politics of Rock V Roll (Frith) , 285 , 306 n. 1 Space, Time, and Perversion: Essays on the Politics of Bodies (Grosz) , 11 3 Springhall, John , 2 1 Staub, Augus t W. , 114 ; theories o n move ment, 114-1 5 Steinberg, Davi d Joel , 24 4 n. 7 Stephens, John , 17 0 Stone Butch Blues (Feinberg) , 26 4 n. 5 Strain, France s B. , 40 , 41 , 45-46, 49 , 55-57 , 59 n. 1 1 Stratemeyer, Edward , 23 5 Stratemeyer Syndicate , 167 , 18 0 n. 6 , 23 5 Stratton, Doroth y C , 50 , 5 9 n. 1 1 Studs Lonigan (Farrell) , 9 0 Summers, Anne , 2 1 Susman, Warren , 4 2 Sutherland, Rober t D. , 8 , 170 ; an d politic s o f advocacy, 171-72 ; an d politic s o f assent , 171, 175-78; an d politic s o f attack , 171 , 173-75 Sweet Valle y Hig h (boar d game) , 189-93 . See also Boar d game s Sweet Valle y Hig h series , 10 , 167 , 178-79 , 180 n. 7 , 277-78 , 28 1 Tappan, Paul , 10 2 n. 4 Taylor, Pau l S. , 208 , 22 3 n. 40 , 22 5 n. 77 Tedesco, Laureen , 6 Teen, 188 , 291, 295, 297 , 30 6 n . 9 Teenagers: a s consumers , 201 , 205-6, 214 , 216 ; and th e mas s media , 207 ; an d thei r cul ture, 137-38 , 15 9 n. 1 0 Teenagers: An American History (Palladino) , 12 n. 1 , 138 Thomas, Gillian , 27 4 Thomasites, 23 1 Time Passages: Collective Memory and American Popular Culture (Lipsitz) , 207 , 22 0 n. 6

Tinkler, Penny , 12 , 12 n. 2 "To Liv e i n th e Borderland s . . . " (An zaldua), 24 3 Torres, Jesusita , 20 1 "Toward a Butch-Femm e Aesthetic " (Case) , 258 "Translating Nanc y Dre w fro m Prin t t o Film" (Beeso n an d Brennen) , 25 0 Trevino, Roberto , 20 5 Tuck, Ruth , 21 6 Two Teenagers in Twenty: Writings by Gay and Lesbian Youth (Heron) , 26 3 n. 1 Tyler, Elaine , 5 9 n. 1 2 Unbound Feet (Yung) , 202 , 22 0 n. 1 0 Under Dewey at Manila (Stratemeyer) , 245 n. 8 Urban Girls: Resisting Stereotypes, Creating Identities (Leadbeate r an d Way) , 1 2 n. 2 U.S. Departmen t o f Health , Educatio n an d Welfare, Children' s Bureau , 10 2 n. 1 Valentine, Helen , 139 , 140, 149 , 153 Vallone, Lynne , 4 , 1 2 n. 2 Voeltz, Richar d A. , 2 1 Vogue, 11 0 Walkerdine, Valerie , 29 0 Waller, Willard , 46-4 7 Wandersee, Winifred , 59-6 0 n . 6 Ware, Susan , 58-5 9 n . 6 Warren, Allen , 2 1 Way, Niobe , 1 2 n. 2 Wayward Mino r Ac t o f 1925 , 9 4 Wayward Mino r Court , 94 , 9 6 Weinberg, Sydne y Stahl , 20 1 West, Elliott , 1 2 n. 1 West, James , 2 5 What Katy Read: Feminist Re-Readings of "Classic" Stories for Girls (Foste r an d Si mons), 1 3 n. 3 , 26 8 Wild One, The, 10 0 Willard, Michael , 1 2 n. 1 Willis, Paul , 28 8 Willis, Susan , 1 3 n. 3 Wilson, Elle n Axson : endorsemen t o f Gir l Scouts, 2 4 Winship, Janice , 29 0 Woman's Home Companion, 67 Women in American Society (Sapiro) , 28 0

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322 STncfeay Women's Work and Family Values, 1920-1940 (Wandersee), 58-5 9 n. 6 Woodcraft Indians , 20 World of Girls, A (Auchmuty) , 252 World Wa r II , 135; and advertising , 135-36; women working , 159 n. 8 Wrinkle in Time, A (L'Engle) , 274 YM: Young and Modern, 291, 295, 306 n. 9 Young, White, and Miserable: Growing Up Female in the Fifties (Breines) , 102 n. 1

Your Best Foot Forward: Social Usage for Young Moderns (Stratton), 50 Youth Culture in Late Modernity (Forna s an d Bolin), 12 n. 1 Yung, Judy, 202 , 220 n. 10 Zane, J. Peter, 299 Zines, 10-11 , 286, 298-304, 306-7 n. 10 , 307 n. 13, 307 n. 14 , 307 n. 15 , 307 n. 16 ; electric zines, 304-5. See also Girls