Defixiones Olbiae Ponticae 9042942959, 9789042942950, 9789042942967

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Defixiones Olbiae Ponticae

By Alexey V. Belousov

PEETERS

DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

COLLOQUIA ANTIQUA Supplements to the Journal ANCIENT WEST & EAST

SERIES EDITOR

GOCHA R. TSETSKHLADZE (UK) EDITORIAL BOARD

A. Avram (Romania/France), Sir John Boardman (UK), J. Hargrave (UK), M. Kazanski (France), A. Mehl (Germany), A. Podossinov (Russia), N. Theodossiev (Bulgaria), J. Wiesehöfer (Germany) ADVISORY BOARD

S. Atasoy (Turkey), L. Ballesteros Pastor (Spain), J. Bouzek (†) (Czech Rep.), S. Burstein (USA), J. Carter (USA), B. d’Agostino (Italy), J. de Boer (The Netherlands), A. Domínguez (Spain), O. Doonan (USA), A. Kuhrt (UK), J.-P. Morel (France), M. Pearce (UK), D. Potts (USA), A. Rathje (Denmark), R. Rollinger (Austria), A. Snodgrass (UK), M. Sommer (Germany), M. Tiverios (Greece), C. Ulf (Austria), J. Vela Tejada (Spain)

Colloquia Antiqua is a refereed publication

For proposals and editorial and other matters, please contact the Series Editor: Prof. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze The Gallery Spa Road Llandrindod Wells Powys LD1 5ER UK E-mail: [email protected]

COLLOQUIA ANTIQUA ————— 30 —————

DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE (DefOlb)

By

ALEXEY V. BELOUSOV

PEETERS LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT

2021

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-90-429-4295-0 eISBN 978-90-429-4296-7 D/2021/0602/20 © 2021, Peeters, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage or retrieval devices or systems, without prior written permission from the publisher, except the quotation of brief passages for review purposes.

Dis Manibus Sergii R.f. Tokhtasev

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Praefatio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

IX

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XIII

List of Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XV

List of Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XIX

Introduction A History of Editions of the Greek Defixiones from the Northern Black Sea Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olbian Defixiones: General Review. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Palaeography of Olbian Defixiones. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XXI

XXIV

Palaeographic Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XXVII

Principles of the Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XXXI

Notae . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XXXIII

Defixiones Olbiae Ponticae. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I. Series prima: nomina deuotorum leguntur sola . . . . . . . . II. Series altera: nomina deuotorum et membra corporisque eorum et uis leguntur. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III. Series tertia: nomina deuotorum et personarum aliorum, membra corporisque eorum leguntur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IV. Series quarta: nomina deuotorum leguntur et deuouendi uerbum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V. Series quinta: similia similibus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VI. Series sexta: dubia et spuria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 3

66 91 101

A Grammar of Olbian Defixiones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

111

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

117

Indexes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

125

XXI XXII

43 48

PRAEFATIO

Tacitus nobis rem iam satis notam narrat in Annalibus suis: 2. 69: At Germanicus Aegypto remeans cuncta quae apud legiones aut urbes iusserat abolita uel in contrarium uersa cognoscit. hinc graues in Pisonem contumeliae, nec minus acerba quae ab illo in Caesarem intentabantur. dein Piso abire Syria statuit. mox aduersa Germanici ualetudine detentus, ubi recreatum accepit uotaque pro incolumitate soluebantur, admotas hostias, sacrificalem apparatum, festam Antiochensium plebem per lictores proturbat. tum Seleuciam degreditur, opperiens aegritudinem, quae rursum Germanico acciderat. saeuam uim morbi augebat persuasio ueneni a Pisone accepti; et reperiebantur solo ac parietibus erutae humanorum corporum reliquiae, carmina et deuotiones et nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabo obliti aliaque malefica quis creditur animas numinibus infernis sacrari. simul missi a Pisone incusabantur ut ualetudinis aduersa rimantes.

Hic eloquentissimum ex omnibus uoluminibus antiquis testimonium de tabulis plumbeis habemus,1 quae ab initio XIX saeculi in omnibus regionibus pristini orbis antiqui inuenire archaeologi incipiebant. Ecce iam in fine XIX saeculi, saeculo XX insequenti in lucem duo corpora defixionum antiquarum emissa sunt. Saeculum XX cum suis instrumentis ad metallum inquirendum haec monumenta inuenta decies auxit et nostra etiam aetas hic, Romae, efossionibus archaeologicis in platea Euclidis factis, numerosa et miranda magiae antiquae documenta et uestigia in fonte Annae Perennae olim posita uidit. Nunc his Annae Perennae fontis defixiones et alia monumenta mirifica separatum angulum in Musaeo epigraphico Termarum Diocletiani non immerito habent. Cum de defixionibus uiri docti loquuntur, paruulas laminas rectangualares e plumbo effectas respicere solent, sed multa monumenta ante oculos nostros ponunt defixiones non tantum in plumbeis tabellis sed etiam in ostracis fictilibus insculptas esse. E papyris magicis dictis scimus nihil obstitisse ne incatationes huius generis in papyro fierent. Papyri illae magicae graecae commendant ut istae deuotiones aut Graece uocatae καταδεσμοί in sepulchra mortuorum praematurorum uel immaturorum (qui Graece ἄωροι et βιαθάνατοι 1

Cf. Taciti Ann. 4. 22: mox Numantina, prior uxor eius, accusata iniecisse carminibus et ueneficiis uaecordiam marito, insons iudicatur; 4. 52: At Romae commota principis domo, ut series futuri in Agrippinam exitii inciperet Claudia Pulchra sobrina eius postulatur accusante Domitio Afro. is recens praetura, modicus dignationis et quoquo facinore properus clarescere, crimen impudicitiae, adulterum Furnium, ueneficia in principem et deuotiones obiectabat.

X

PRAEFATIO

uocabantur) supponantur. Defixiones quoque in aquae fontes aut in puteos iaci poterant. Assidue archaeologi haec testimonia affirmant. Vt exemplum proponam, Athenis in coemeterio agri Ceramici, ubi in uniuersum ultimis temporibus magis quam septuaginta defixiones inuentae erant, in nonnullis singularibus sepulchris, praecipue in necropoli puerili, non minus denae defixiones repertae sunt. Aestate praeterita in pluteo quodam eiusdem coemeterii magis quam triginta defixiones effossae sunt. Satis saepe defixiones conuolutae aut complicatae et insuper clauo defictae inueniuntur, unde et nomen horum monumentorum est tabellae defixionis uel defixionum, quamquam Tacitus de deuotionibus scripsit. Quid ad scripta in eis attinet, ut paucis dicam, in summa nomina deuotorum hominum, quos defigens ueneficus ligare et immobiles facere uult. Haec nomina aduersariorum in lite, nomina amasiarum, uxorum et liberorum, inimicorum et uicinorum, etiam nomina sessorum et eorum equorum. Inscriptio maior fieri potest, exempli gratia cum uerbo deuouendi: καταδῶ, καταγράφω, ἀνατίθημι etc. aut Latine defigo, ligo, alligo, obligo, dedico, demando, adiuro etc. Hic et plura singula inuenire possis sicut enumerationem membrorum corporis defictorum hominum: linguas, manus, bracchia, crura et pudenda; porro comparationis formulas, quae “similia similibus” uocantur; denique nomina et ἐπικλήσεις deorum uariorum plerumque quorum qui ad regnum Plutonis quodammodo pertineant, et quorum nunc homines deficti sacri sunt. In recentissimis tandem defixionibus aetatis imperii Romani multitudinem uocum magicarum et praecipua signa, quae χαρακτῆρες apud uiros doctos rerum magicarum Antiquitatis peritissimos uocantur. Defixiones, quas hodie nouimis multis uariis linguis sicut Graeca et Latina, Punica et Tusca, Osca et Aramaica et ceteris nonnullis sunt conscriptae. Inter multos titulos magicos orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini, quos nunc magis quam septuaginta nouimus, defixiones in laminis plumbeis et in ostracis fictilibus in toto circa qudraginta sunt. Nonnullos iam annos his omnibus defixionibus Ponticis studeo et peto ut tandem corpus absolutissimum illorum monumentorum conficiam, eorum quidem, quae Olbiae et in uiciniis sunt reperta. Hac in re magno mihi est impedimento quominus metam cernam hac in regione singulis annis nouas defixiones e terra erui a furibus, qui nouissimis apparatis ad metalla inquirenda instructi, totum annum archaeologis legitimis absentibus hanc terram fodiunt, antiquitates inueniunt et peregre uendere conantur. Ne documenta antiquitatis noua in incerto maneant, in obscuris thesauris uirorum diuitum Europae et Americae iacentes, semper atrahi labore cum his defixionibus cogor. Nihilominus corpus omnium defixionum orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini quondam lucem uisurum esse spero. Olbia Pontica re uera urbs mira et admirabilis est, ciuitas Graeca antiqua, quae fere uno quoque anno monumenta maximi momenti et inaestimabili

PRAEFATIO

XI

pretii, testimonia uitae antiquorum Ionum in ora inhospitali Ponti Euxini, nobis profert. Praeter alia monumenta archaeologica Olbia inter omnes amatores sacrosanctae antiquitatis et uiros doctos suis inscriptionibus Graecis, decretis publicis et plebiscitis, epistulis priuatis et dedicationibus est notissima. Epigraphia magica Olbiae est aliquid, quod maxime animos peritorum cultus antiquorum excitat. Vestras animas intendere uelim ad nonnullas defixiones Olbiopolitanas, quae in ostracis fictilibus et pateris V–IV saeculorum ante Christum natum effectae in regione Olbiae uariis temporibus repertae erant. Res agitur de quattuor deuotionibus, quae formam rotundam habent.2 Hoc est mirum, ergo quaestio mihi ponenda est, utrum haec forma usu Graecorum sit recepta an non. Ut melius hoc cognoscamus, necesse est haec monumenta in connexu et artium magicarum Graecorum et praecipue illarum, quae ad defixiones perficiendas attineant, imponantur. Ipsa forma rotunda non est aliquid mirum in arte magica ueterum. Praeceptum notissimum defixionis praeparandae, quod in papyro magica Graeca inuenimus, ubi forma rotunda non minoris momenti est, nobis bonum exemplum praebere potest. Nimirum ritus magicus aetatis Romanae, quem nobis papyrus praesentat, aequandus non est nostris defixionibus Olbiopolitanis, sed nihilominus, ut uidetur, circulo ipsi uim aliquam in artibus magicis antiquorum multis annis antea tributam esse et usque ad aetatem tardam mansisse. Alicuius est momenti, uim illam circuli partem non minimam in ritu defixionis efficiendae agere. Nonnulla alia monumenta magici cuiusdam generis ex Olbia quoque hanc formam rotundam habent, eandem etiam dedicationes Achilli Pontarchae, qui maximi momenti deus Olbiae et in eius regione fuit, quae in promunturio Beicusch erutae erant, habent. Difficile dictu, scilicet, omnia haec monumenta, praecipue ea, quae titulos non habent, pro certo magica esse, quamquam tamen potius nempe magica sunt. Mea quidem sententia, haec forma defixionum in Oriente orta est et unde in orbem Greacum uenit. Utcumque res se habet, proximae nostris pateris Olbiopolitanis, praeter iam supra dictas, sunt paterae cum aramaicis incantationibus. Coniunctione et societate cum terris orientalibus Graeci inde ab antiquissimis temporibus utebantur, licet ergo arbitrari, ut supra proposui. Forma rotunda et linea tortuosa inscriptionis magicae omnino partem grauem in artibus magicis ueterum et nouorum agebant et continuo agunt. Defixiones incredibili modo nostram scientiam litteraturae Graecorum et linguae et peculiaritatum cultus ritusque augent. Difficile est atque nimis magnum pretium proponere his monumentis una cum epistulis priuatis et tota multitudine inscriptionum in instrumentis domesticis incisarum ad historiam 2

Nos. 1, 6, 18, 20 apud nos.

XII

PRAEFATIO

linguae inquirendam, nam tituli publici oppidorum Graecorum semper formas sancta uetustate inauguratas seruare conantur simulac monumenta epigraphiae paruae, quae dicitur, facilius nobis paruas mutationes uocales cernere et commutationes morphologicas persequi sinunt. Praetereo id, quam multum nomina hominum, in defixionibus inscripta, in prosopographia restituenda atque historiae humanae oppidorum Graecorum ualent. Ceterum satis est mihi loqui de ea, quae omnibus uobis est manifesta. Maioris est momenti intellegere, qua re studium artis magicae ueterum mihi ipsi, huic homini singulo, qui in initio mores probos supra alia omnia in studiis humanitatis statuerim, usui esse possit. Magia est ars quaedam, quae sine ulla dubitatione societati humanae inimica est, nam haec ars ius quodddam singulare Scientiae singularis obtinendae membro singulo huius societatis praebet. Ista Scientia et Doctrina, haec, ut ita dicamus, γνῶσις sempiterna, homini quasi ianuam in posteriore parte domus deorum aperire potest. Tale ius, quod singulum homuncionem in talem altitudinem euehit, ubi ei iam alios homines ita negligere et se supra ceteros imponere atque omnino alius obliuisci licet, ut alios ceteros pro talis habeat. Mirum est, sed magia antiqua, et potius studium eius doctum nos docet ut consulto longissime ab eis hominibus peritissimis singularium rerum nos tenere, quos et Italia et Rutenia et Germania et Francogallia et aliae multae terrae satis superque in praeterito saeculo uiderunt. Nec casu, ut opinor, accidit, ut Romani antiqui magiam etiam ueneficium appelarent. Et nunc timeo ne non historicus uerus esse uidear, si adnotabo hoc uocabulum ad magiam describendam atque definiendam rectum esse, nam magia cum ista sua Scientia singulari et peculiari uenenum mortale omni societati hominum probis et simplicibus moribus est, qui concupiscentiam Scientiae singularis primum gradum ad uiolentiam esse, quamuis hic gradus tantummodo, ut sic dicam, symbolicus sit. Nomina hominum defictorum in laminis Olbipolitanis insculpta ductu litterarum inaequali aspiciens ego semper de una quaque uictima huius insanissimi uenefici cogito et fit, ut isti amentes magi his ipsis documentis confectis me docent hominem esse, cui interdum euenit ut in simplicissima re aliquid singulare inueniam. Ecce exempli gratia in nomine. Decem fere annos corpus hoc defixionum Olbiae Ponticae praeparandum a me postulauit, nunc tamen mihi restat, ut hunc libellum collegis, quos me prudentiores pro certo habeo, non inutilem esse uideri sperem. Alexius V.f. BELOUSOV Lutetiae Parisiorum scripsi A. d. IV Id. Apr. anno MMXIX

FOREWORD

The idea that a corpus of magical inscriptions in the northern Black Sea region would be very useful to anyone who studies the classical antiquities of the Euxine Pontus, and is also interested in the Greek religion, came to my mind more than ten years ago. My initial intention was to bring together all the North Pontic epigraphic and anepigraphic monuments in general, which are considered to be ‘magical’ by my colleagues, and creating a clear classification for all of them, and also providing them with commentary and indices, to publish such a comprehensive, or at least pretending to be the corpus of all the northern Black Sea Greek magic. As was to be expected, as I dived into the topic, I gradually refused, firstly, from anepigraphic monuments, then from completely incomprehensible ones, and, finally, I decided to limit myself only to Olbian defixiones. This work began with a study of the Archaic and Early Classical epigraphic documents of Olbia thanks to a two-month scholarship at the Fondation Hardt pour l’étude de l’Antiquité classique in the autumn of 2011 and then continued in 2013 at the University of Erfurt (DAAD), where I managed to come finally to that plan of corpus, which the reader sees in front of him. The main part of the book was written in Paris during post-doctoral studies in the laboratory Archéologie et Philologie d’Orient et d’Occident (l’UMR 8546 AOROC) at the École normale supérieure in 2014/2015, and completed in April 2019 at the institute Anthropologie et Histoire des Mondes Antiques (l’UMR 8210 ANHIMA). This book would never have been completed if I had not been supported by Sergey Remirovich Tokhtasev (1957–2018) throughout the work, who carefully read its first version in 2016 and saved me from many mistakes. S.R. Tokhtasev and Alexandru Avram are two colleagues who inspired me all this time not only with constructive criticism of my work, but also with their own books and articles. Alexandru Avram, moreover, kindly agreed to very carefully read the final version of this corpus initially written in Russian, and made many helpful comments on the text. Of course, for the mistakes that still remain in the book, I am responsible personally. I am obliged to thank the incredibly many other colleagues to whom I am grateful for the help in various issues. Alexandr Vasilyevich Podosinov, like my own father, supported me throughout the work, not to mention that he lived in the neighborhood some part of the Erfurt period, tirelessly cheering up

XIV

FOREWORD

and charging with its inexhaustible optimism. My university colleagues and friends never refused to help me, be it a request to send the right book, or a request to replace me at the university for a while. To all of them I express my endless gratitude. I owe some of my European colleagues in such a way that, it seems, I can never thank them adequately. Without Anca-Cristina Dan, I would never have been in the École normale supérieure. The year I spent there I could work on my corpus almost more than five years in Moscow. Without her perseverance and enthusiasm, I would never dare to go to the École pratique des hautes études myself, and I would not attend a whole year of seminars on Greek epigraphy, dialectology and papyrology. I am obliged to indescribably pleasant moments of our cooperation to Madalina Dana, who at the same time prepared the corpus of Greek letters on lead and ceramics, and with which, therefore, I was happily ‘obliged’ to communicate and exchange information, books and articles, and I was able to finish writing this book in Paris also thanks to her. Finally, I want to thank the following people for helping me in my work: Gocha Tsetskhladze, James Hargrave, Alla Belousova, Daria Belousova, Kai Brodersen, Dan Dana, Martin Dreher, Laurent Dubois, Natasha Massar, Luigi Miraglia, Werner Rieß, Denis Rousset, Еugeniya Andreeva and Sofia Andreeva, Grugoriy Belikov, Igor Bruyako, Alla Buyskikh, Andrey Vinogradov, Nadezhda Gavrilyuk, Alexandr Egorov, Lyubov Eliseeva, Askold Ivanchik, Denis Zhuravlev, Vsevolod Zelchenko, Ekaterina Ilyushechkina, Sergey Karpov, Maria Kasyanova, Maria Klimova, Alexey Korchagin, Yuriy Kuzmin, Alexander Ivlev, Nikolay Kazanskiy, Vladimir Kurtov, Igor Makarov, Anna Malomud, Vera Mostovaya, Vladimir Nazarchuk, Natalya Pavlichenko, Mihail Povalyaev, Anna Rusyayeva, Sergey Saprykin, Maria Trofimova, Mihail Treister, Ivan Tuchkov, Nikolay Fedoseev, Elena Chepel, Leon Wirtz and, surely, to all participants, old and new, in our Epigraphical Seminar at Moscow Lomonosov State University. Of course, this book would never have been written without the warm and friendly atmosphere created by my colleagues in the Department of Ancient Languages at the Faculty of History of Moscow Lomonosov State University and the Department of Classical Studies of the Russian State University for the Humanities. I am sincerely grateful also to Anna S. Rusyaeva for permission to use her photographs and drawings, as well as the Odessa Archaeological Museum and the State Hermitage Museum for providing high quality photographs and permission to publish them. Alexey V. BELOUSOV Paris, 10 April 2019

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ACSS AG ARW Bull. CDS CIG CIRB DELG DT DTA EGBR EP

IAK IEph. IG IGBulg I2 IGDOP

Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia. Anthologia Graeca. Archiv für Religionswissenschaft (Leipzig 1898–1942). Bulletin épigraphique (in Révue des études grecques). L. Bettarini, Corpus delle defixiones di Selinunte (Alessandria 2005). A. Boeckh, J. Franz, E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff, Corpus inscriptionum graecarum (Berlin 1828–77). V.V. Struve (ed.), Korpus bosporskikh nadpisei / Corpus inscriptionum regni Bosporani (Moscow/Leningrad 1965). P. Chantraine, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, Histoire des mots (Paris 1968–80). A. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae quotquot innotuerunt tam in Graecis Orientis quam in totius Occidentis partibus praeter Atticas in Corpore insriptionum Atticarum editas (Paris 1904). R. Wuensch, Defixionum tabellae Atticae (Inscriptiones Graecae III. Appendix) (Berlin 1897). A. Chaniotis, ‘Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion’. Kernos 1991– . A.V. Belousov, ‘Grecheskaya i rimskaya epigrafika Severnogo Prichernomoriya. 2011 g.’. Aristeas 6 (2012), 206–25; ‘Grecheskaya i rimskaya epigrafika Severnogo Prichernomoriya. 2012 g.’. Aristeas 8 (2013), 153–70; ‘Grecheskaya i rimskaya epigrafika Severnogo Prichernomoriya. 2013 g.’. Aristeas 10 (2014), 163–70; ‘Grecheskaya i rimskaya epigrafika Severnogo Prichernomoriya. 2014 g.’. Aristeas 12 (2015), 192–217; ‘Grecheskaya i rimskaya epigrafika Severnogo Prichernomoriya. 2015 g.’. Aristeas 14 (2016), 246–73; A.V. Belousov and L.G. Eliseeva, ‘Grecheskaya i rimskaya epigrafika Severnogo Prichernomoriya. 2016 g.’. Aristeas 17 (2018), 93–137; ‘Grecheskaya i rimskaya epigrafika Severnogo Prichernomoriya. 2017 g.’. Aristeas 18 (2018), 195– 245. Izvestiya imperatorskoy arkheologicheskoi komissii (St Petersburg 1901–18). R. Merkelbach et al., Die Inschriften von Ephesos (Inschriften giechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 11–17) (Bonn 1979). Inscriptiones Graecae (Berlin). G. Mihailov, Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae vol. 1, 2nd ed. (Sofia 1970). L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales d’Olbia du Pont (Geneva 1996).

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

XVI

IIMK IOlb IOSPE I2 ISM I II III IV I. Perinthos

Kühner–Gerth LGPN I II IIIA IIIB IV VA VB VC LSAG NA IIMK NGCT ОАK OGS PGM SEG

Insitut istorii materialnoi kultury. T.N. Knipovich and E.I. Levi (eds.), Inscriptiones Olbiae / Nadpisi Ol‘vii, 1917–1965 (Leningrad 1968). V.V. [B.] Latyshev, Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae (Petrograd 1916). Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae: D.M. Pippidi, Histria et uicinia (Bucharest 1983). I. Stoian, Tomis et territorium (Bucharest 1987). A. Avram, Callatis et territorium (Bucharest/Paris 1999). E. Popescu, Tropaeum–Durostorum–Axiopolis (Bucharest/Paris 2015). M.H. Sayar, Perinthos-Herakleia (Marmara Ereǧlisi) und Umgebung. Geschichte, Testimonien, griechische und lateinische Inschriften (Denkschriften der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 269) (Vienna 1998). R. Kühner, Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache II (Satzlehre), ed. by B. Gerth, 2 vols. (Hanover 1898–1904; 1955). A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names (Oxford 1987– ): P.M. Fraser and E. Matthews (eds.), Aegean Islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica (1987). M.J. Osborne and S.G. Byrne (eds.), Attica (1994). P.M. Fraser and E. Matthews (eds.), Peloponnese, Western Greece, Sicily, and Magna Graecia (1997). P.M. Fraser and E. Matthews (eds.), Central Greece: From the Megarid to Thessaly (2000). P.M. Fraser and E. Matthews (eds.), Macedonia, Thrace, Northern Regions of the Black Sea (2005). T. Corsten (ed.), Coastal Asia Minor: Pontos to Ionia (2010). J.-S. Balzat, R.W.V. Catling, É. Chiricat and F. Marchand (eds.), Coastal Asia Minor: Caria to Cilicia (2014). J.-S. Balzat, R.W.V. Catling, É. Chiricat and T. Corsten (eds.), Inland Asia Minor (2018). L.H. Jeffery, Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, rev. by A.W. Johnston (Oxford 1990). Nauchnyi arkhiv Insituta istorii materialnoi kultury, Russian Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg. D.R. Jordan, ‘New Greek Curse Tablets (1985–2000)’. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 41 (2000), 5–46. Otchety imperatorskoi arkheologicheskoi komissii (St Petersburg 1862–1918). O. Masson, Onomastica Graeca selecta, vols. 1–2, ed. C. Dobias and L. Dubois (Paris 1990); vol. 3 (Hautes études du monde gréco-romain 28) (Geneva 2000). K. Preisendanz and A. Henrichs, Papyri Graecae Magicae (Stuttgart 1974). Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum (Leiden 1923–71; Amsterdam 1979– ).

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

SGD SGDI Syll3 VDI ZPE

XVII

D.R. Jordan, ‘A Survey of Greek Defixiones Not Included in the Special Corpora’. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 26 (1985), 151–97. H. Collitz, F. Bechtel et al., Sammlung der griechischen DialektInschriften (Göttingen 1884–1915). W. Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum, 3rd ed. (Leipzig 1915–24). Vestnik drevnei istorii. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1.

DefOlb 1 (photograph: © A.S. Rusyaeva).

Fig. 2.

DefOlb 2 (photograph: after Suruchan and Latyshev 1894, no. 29, tab. VI).

Fig. 3.

DefOlb 3 (photograph: after Vinogradov 1994a, 109, fig. 2).

Fig. 4.

DefOlb 3 (drawing: after Vinogradov 1994a, 109, fig. 2).

Fig. 5.

DefOlb 4 (photograph: after Tokhtasev 2002, 82).

Fig. 6.

DefOlb 4 (drawing: after Tokhtasev 2002, 82).

Fig. 7.

DefOlb 5 (photograph: after Dlozhevskii 1930, 54, fig. 1).

Fig. 8.

DefOlb 6 (photograph: © A.S. Rusyaeva).

Fig. 9.

DefOlb 6 (photograph: © A.S. Rusyaeva).

Fig. 10. DefOlb 6 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 11. DefOlb 7 (photograph: after Caloru 2011, 135–36, pl. 1). Fig. 12. DefOlb 7 (drawing: after Caloru 2011, 135–36, pl. 1). Fig. 13. DefOlb 8 (drawing: after Tokhtasev 2000, 311–15, fig. 2.2). Fig. 14. DefOlb 9 (photograph: after Tokhtasev 2009b, 3, fig. 1). Fig. 15. DefOlb 10 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev). Fig. 16. DefOlb 10 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev). Fig. 17. DefOlb 10 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 18. DefOlb 10 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 19. DefOlb 11 (photograph: after Belousov and Dana 2017, 162, fig. 1). Fig. 20. DefOlb 11 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 21. DefOlb 12 (drawing: facsimile by Shkorpil 1908, 71). Fig. 22. DefOlb 12 (drawing: facsimile by E.M. Pridik, NA IIMK, fund. 33, sch. 1, file. 57. fol. 2). Fig. 23. DefOlb 13 (drawing: after Stephani 1877, 106). Fig. 24. DefOlb 14 (photograph: © I.V. Bruyako). Fig. 25. DefOlb 14 (drawing: © V.P. Yaylenko). Fig. 26. DefOlb 15 (drawing: after Vinogradov 1994a, 105, fig. 1).

XX

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 27. DefOlb 16 (drawing: after Tokhtasev 2000, 298, fig. 1.2). Fig. 28. DefOlb 17 (photograph: after Suruchan and Latyshev 1894, no. 28, tab. V). Fig. 29. DefOlb 17 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 30. DefOlb 17 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 31. DefOlb 18 (photograph: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 32. DefOlb 18 (drawing: © E. Diehl). Fig. 33. Defixio from Euboea, IG XII.9. 1166 (facsimile: after Papabasileiou 1902, 113, no. 10). Fig. 34. Defixio from Boeotia (after Ziebarth 1934, 21–23, no. 23). Fig. 35. Defixio from Boeotia (after Ziebarth 1934, 21–23, no. 23). Fig. 36. Defixio from Boeotia (after Ziebarth 1934, 21–23, no. 23). Fig. 37. Defixio from Selinous, CDS 20. Fig. 38. DefOlb 19 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev). Fig. 39. DefOlb 19 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev). Fig. 40. DefOlb 19 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 41. DefOlb 19 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 42. DefOlb 20 (photograph: © A.S. Rusyaeva). Fig. 43. DefOlb 20 (drawing: © A.S. Rusyaeva). Fig. 44. Magic graffito from Olbia (after Rusyaeva 2010, 127–28, no. 96, pl. 44.3). Fig. 45. Magic graffito from Olbia (after Rusyaeva 2010, 128, no. 97, pl. 44.2). Fig. 46. Magic graffito from Olbia (after Rusyaeva 2010, 85, no. 185, pl. 30.11). Fig. 47. Magic graffito from Olbia (after Rusyaeva 2010, 84, no. 183, pls. 30.9, 31.4). Fig. 48. Magic graffito from Olbia (after Tolstoy 1953, no. 64). Fig. 49. Magic graffito from Olbia (after Rusyaeva 2010, 83, no. 178, pl. 30.5). Fig. 50. Magic graffito from Olbia (after Rusyaeva 2010, 125, no. 54, pl. 45.10). Fig. 51. DefOlb 21 (drawing: © N.E. Makarenko). Fig. 52. DefOlb 21 (drawing: © V.V. Shkorpil). Fig. 53. DefOlb 22 (diplomatic: after Héron de Villefosse 1905, 313). Fig. 54. DefOlb 23 (photograph: © A.V. Belousov). Fig. 55. DefOlb 24 (drawing: after Tokhtasev 2000, 298, fig. 1.1). Fig. 56. DefOlb 25 (drawing: after Nazarchuk 1996, 75).

INTRODUCTION

ON THE HISTORY OF EDITIONS OF THE GREEK DEFIXIONES FROM THE NORTHERN BLACK SEA REGION Ancient magic entered the circle of interests of Russian classical scholars quite early.1 One of the first monographs on epigraphy published in Russia, the author of which was the famous classical philologist from St Petersburg, Ivan Pomyalovskii (1845–1906), was partly devoted to this aspect of the life of ancient society, which is so extremely popular now in in modern classical scholarship.2 Nevertheless, the finds in the northern Black Sea region, published, if I am not mistaken, for the first time by E.M. Pridik (1865–1935)3 in 1899,4 and the publication of which, undoubtedly, was influenced by the publication of Attic curses as part of the IG corpus by Richard Wünsch, helped documents of this kind – lead plates with ‘binding’ spells on them – to gain legitimate status in the Russian academic environment and an attentive scholarly interest. Until the demise of Imperial Russia in 1917, they were not only diligently published5 but also became the subject of a comprehensive study.6 In the Soviet years, with the exception of one article by Nikolay Nobosadskii of 1926,7 which was provoked by an article by Erich Diehl, published three years before,8 the defixiones again fell from fashion, to be published again only from the beginning of the 1980s,9 and actively since the 1990s.10

1

See also Belousov 2012. Pomyalovskii 1873 (ch. I: ‘Ancient spells [tabulae defixionum]’), 1–70. 3 About him, see Pavlichenko 2000. 4 Pridik 1899. The archives of E.M. Pridik, who prepared the third volume of IOSPE, contain materials not only on Black Sea defixiones, but also on amulets: 27 curses on lead and ceramics from Olbia and Bosporus, and the amulets. See NA IIMK, fund. 33, sch. 1, file 57, ff. 1–3. I thank N.A. Pavlichenko for kindly sharing this information with me and for an electronic copy of the archive containing Pridik’s notes on these inscriptions. 5 See, for example, Shkorpil 1908; Diel 1915. It should be noted that some of the Black Sea spells even fell into the corps of Auguste Audollent (DT), but with an error: for example, DT No. 92 comes not from Chersonesos, but from Panticapaeum. 6 Kagarow 1929. 7 Novosadskii 1926. About his life and works, see now Belousov 2018c. 8 Diehl 1923. 9 Rusyaeva 1979; Yailenko 1980a; 1980b; Beletskii and Rusyaeva 1984. 10 Tokhtasev 1996; 2000; 2002; 2007; Saprykin and Zinko 2003; Rusyaeva and Ivchenko 2014; Yailenko 2003; etc. 2

XXII

INTRODUCTION

Unfortunately, most of these new documents come to researchers and publishers from illicit excavators, who are not at all eager to donate their finds to museums, but rather wish to sell them to private collectors abroad. The situation is aggravated by the fact that finds with inscriptions on lead and ceramics are not rare during official excavations, but, puzzlingly, they are published very seldom: as far as I know, at present some 15 unrolled lead plates with inscriptions of this kind are kept at the Institute of Archeology of the Ukraine.11 No one knows when they will be published. All sorts of circumstances – distant publications in rare journals, lack of information about current whereabouts of old finds, the delay in publishing longdiscovered ones, the departure to private collections of new finds, the constant flow of new discoveries – create tangible obstacles to compiling a comprehensive corpus of Olbian defixiones. Nevertheless, I believe that such a corpus should still be prepareded. Even though its imperfections and incompleteness will be revealed immediately upon publication, it will be useful for both current and future colleagues. OLBIAN DEFIXIONES: GENERAL REVIEW12 The corpus consists of 25 spells from Olbia and its neighborhood. Of these, six defixiones are made on ceramics13 and the others on lead plates.14 Four curses on ceramics (nos. 1, 6, 18 and 20) and one on lead (no. 24) have a round shape, which suggests a kind of popularity of this particular form in the magical practice of the North Pontic region.15 The remaining curses, including here two ceramic ostraca, are rectangular. As for the main types of formula that make up the text of the Olbian defixiones, the commonest is that with a formula that lists the names in the nominative case (most often, without patronymics): nos. 2, 6, 8–10, 12 and 22). Sometimes

11

I am obliged to Alla Buiskikh for this information. See also Belousov 2016. 13 Nos. 1, 4, 6, 13, 18, 20. 14 As far as I know, there are even more defixiones on ceramics. Only previously published documents have entered the corpus. Unfortunately, in the academic environment, tabellae defixionum are almost uniquely associated with spells on lead. Cf. ‘Defixiones, more commonly known as curse tablets, are inscribed pieces of lead, usually in the form of small, thin sheets, intended to influence, by supernatural means, the actions or welfare of persons or animals against their will’ (SGD, p. 151). Deliberately, D.R. Jordan completely ignores curses on materials other than lead in both of his reviews of defixiones not included in separate inscriptions (see also NGCT), although in another place he notes that ‘they are on pottery’ (Jordan 1978, 160). However, he did not include in his reviews ceramic curses from the Black Sea region and also from other regions of the Hellenic oikumene. See also Tokhtasev 2002, 74–75. 15 About these ‘round’ spells, see Tokhtasev 2002, 78–79; Belousov 2016a; 2018a. 12

INTRODUCTION

XXIII

in the same text some names are written with patronymic and others simply in the nominative and without patronymic (nos. 5 and 7). In a number of inscriptions to the names in the nominative is given clarification: no. 1 (Ἀριστο/τέλης: ἱέρ/εως Ἑρμέω / καὶ Ἀθ⟨η⟩ναίης / ξυνὼν Ἡρογέ/νης: Ἡροφά/νης); no. 11 (Ἔπαινος / Μυλλίων / Ε[ὔ]μο{α}λπος / Κοίρανος / ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α εἰ] / {μ} / μαρτυρέô/σιν / ἄν). Only in one inscription of this type is recorded a list of personal names in accusative case (no. 4). In a separate type of formula, I highlight the text of curse no. 13, which lists the language, things and the power of the conjured people in the accusative: Τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ / Σιττυρᾶ / τὴν γλῶσσαν / τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ / καὶ Θεμιστᾶ / καὶ Ἐπικράτευς / καὶ τὴν δύναμιν. Another type of formula is lists of some individuals with the addition of others: no. 14 (Εὄβλος Μοιραγόρεω, Δωριεὸς: Νυνφοδώρ / Ἀπολλωνίδης Τιμοθέ, Ἀπατριος Ὑπανίχ, / Ἰητρόδωρος Ἑκατοκλέος: καὶ το`̄ ς αὀτῶι συνιό/ντας πάντας); no. 15 (Ἀρτεμίδωρος Ἡροφιλ, / Θαλαιώ, δύο παῖδες, / Ἐπικράτης Ἡροσῶντος, / Διοσκρίδης Φιλογήθεος, Κιλλ(ος?), / Εὄκαρπος, Ἡρόφιλος, / καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι ἐ\μοί/· / Καφακης, Δημοκῶν, Ἀτάης, / Θατόρακο\ς/, / Ἡραγόρη(ς?), / Ἡγησαγό/ρης); no. 16 (Βατίκων, Ἀπατούριος, / Πι⟨τ⟩θάκης, Φορμίων, / Ἀντιάναξ, Σπαλω⟨ν⟩, Ἡδυ-vac. / [--------------2-3 vss.----------] / Δ (?) Ζ̄ περὶ Ἀπατούριον, / καὶ Πιτ{α}θάκην καὶ Βατι/κῶνα πάντα⟨ς⟩ vac. | vac.); no. 17 (Ἀγαcικλῆc / Ἡρα⟨κλ⟩είδηc / Ἀριcτομένιοc / Ἀπολλᾶc / Ἀντ[ι]κρατίδ⟨η⟩c / Ἡρόδωροc / καὶ οἱ (?) ⟨ Δ ( .. ΑΝ / πάντ[ω]ν (?)); and no. 23 (Μενέσ{σ}τρατος Κάλλιππος / Ἡρακλείδης Λεωδάμας / Ἡρόδοτος καὶ ὅσοι συνη\γ/οροῦσι\αὐ/ / καὶ παρατηροῦσι). A small group of texts is based on a formula with a list of names, a language and a conjuring verb (verbum devotorium): no. 18 (καταδέω γλώσσας ἀντιδίκων καὶ μαρτύρων, Τελεσικράτεος καὶ παί\δων/ Τελεσικράτεος, Ἄγρωνος, Ἱππονίκ, Ἀρτεμιδώρ, Ἀχιλλοδώρου καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς μετ’ {αοτα} αὀτοῦ πάντας); no. 19 ([ὅc]τιc πρὸc ἡμᾶc ἐχθρὸς / πάντων τὴν γλῶcαν κα[τα]/γράφω ὅcτιc ἐχθρὸς τῶν / πρὸc ἡμᾶc / παντῶν τὴ[ν γλῶc]/αν καταγρ(άφω)); and no. 20 (Φαρνάβα⟦σ⟧ζος φιλόκαλος· / πρόοιδα τέθνηκας· / ἠρέμ󰯍 ὦ θεοπρόπος Ἑρμοῦ). Finally, the last type of magic formula found in Olbian defixiones has a similarity-based formula, the so-called similia similibus formula. The only example is no. 21: [ὥ]σπερ σὲ ἡμεῖς οὐ γεινώσκομε/ν, οὕτως Εὔπο[λ]ις καὶ Διονύσιος, / Μακαρεύς, Ἀρι[σ]τοκράτης / κα⟨ὶ⟩ Δημόπολις, [Κ]ωμαῖος, / Ἡραγόρης, ἐπ’ [ὁκο]ῖον πρᾶγμα παρα/γείννται, κ[α]ὶ Λεπτίνας, / Ἐπικράτης, Ἑστιαῖος, / ἐπ’ ὅ τι πρᾶγμα [παρα]γείννται, ἐπ’ ὅ τι/να μαρτυρίην ο[ὗ]τοι ᾿νώησαν / ὥ[σπε]ρ ἡμεῖς σέ. [ἢ]ν δέ μοι αὐτοὺς / κατάσχῃς καὶ κ[ατα]λάβῃς, ἐπ’ ᾧ δέ σέ / τειμήσω καί σο[ι] ἄριστον δ[ῶ]{ρ}/ρον παρασκε[υῶ].

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

Thus, following the example of R. Wünsch, I arranged the Olbian defixiones in accordance with the formula type of text, and within each section in chronological order, as follows: 1. Nomina deuotorum leguntur sola: nos. 1–12; 2. Nomina deuotorum et membra corporisque eorum et uis leguntur: no. 13; 3. Nomina deuotorum et personarum aliarum, membra corporisque eorum leguntur: nos. 14–17; 4. Nomina deuotorum leguntur et deuouendi uerbum: nos. 18–20; 5. Similia similibus: no. 21; 6. Dubia et spuria: nos. 22–25. The last section, Dubia et spuria, presents example that arer located abroad but with their Olbian origin certain (no. 23), were previously abroad and are now lost (no. 22), whose belonging to defixiones I have doubts (no. 24), or whose study, directly or with the help of high-quality photographs, is currently difficult (no. 25). ON THE PALAEOGRAPHY OF OLBIAN DEFIXIONES The palaeography of examples of so-called ‘small epigraphy’, along with archaeological context and peculiarities of language, is the most important way of dating such inscriptions, and for the majority of Olbian defixionum tabellae, apart from peculiarities of language, it is the only one. The dating of inscriptions on ceramics and lead according to palaeographic features makes it possible at best to determine to which half century an inscription may belong. Seldom do we have any other way to tie down the piece historically. As far as I know, no one has yet tried to create a generalising picture of the development of Olbian non-lapidary writing.16 This is not surprising. Such a task in the present conditions is almost impossible. It would require taking into account all the mass material, all or at least most of the found inscriptions on ceramics, bone, lead and dipinti. Such work would be highly desirable, not only for Olbia, but for the entire Black Sea region. Without claiming a final solution to the problems of the formation and development of Greek writing in Olbia, I nevertheless found it necessary to set this corpus into the known circle of Olbian epigraphic monuments and submit an ad hoc sketch of Olbian palaeography on lead and ceramics. The fundamental point in the construction of such a palaeographic scheme is, in my opinion, to take into account in general all the inscriptions on lead that origi16

On the development of lapidary writing in Olbia, see Knipovich 1966; Vinogradov 2001.

INTRODUCTION

XXV

nated from Olbia and its surroundings, and, mainly, private letters. In addition to letters on lead, I also found it necessary to take into account private letters on ceramics. Most of the inscriptions published in the collection related to the 5th–4th centuries BC and, thus, the Archaic part of the palaeographic table is completely filled with private letters,17 the ductus of which demonstrates the wellknown features of the development of Ionian Archaic writing in Olbia.18 The Early Classical period (5th century BC), to which the first Olbian defixionum tabellae (nos. 1, 14 and 16) belong, is characterised in principle by the same features as the development of the lapidary writing. Rho tends to the correct semicircle, sigma tends to its regular form, xi gains vertical hasta, and the vertical line phi goes far beyond its circle. However, the upsilon, having acquired the lower vertical line, is often written obliquely, resembling the English letter y. Nos. 2–4, 17 and 20 belong to the first half of the 4th century BC. The writing acquires greater regularity. Upsilon tends to be similar to its lapidary form, although it is worth noting the fluctuations in no. 17. We see that the right vertical line is sometimes added in pi (nos. 3, 4 and 20), both forms are found in no. 20. The second half of the 4th century BC is characterised on the one hand by the appearance of a lunate sigma19 (oscillation in no. 15) and omega with an angular semicircle (nos. 15 and 7), and on the other hand, by a somewhat archaic form of alpha. In one example (no. 7), the xi lacks a vertical line. It is difficult to judge if this phenomenon was due to deliberate archaisation. Apparently, no. 21 belomgs to the 3rd century BC. The palaeography of this inscription is close to the private letter IGDOP 26 (IIMK No. O / 63-2235): regular alpha, with widely stretched vertical lines, even epsilon with almost equal contour lines, extreme verticals lines of mu tend to correspond to each other along the length, omicron is equal in size with the main level of the letter series, lunate sigma (with variations in no. 18). However, there are also differences: the angular omega and the classic upsilon in the private letter and the round omega and the y-shaped upsilon in defixio. 17 With few exceptions, I use Madalina Dana’s edition (see Dana 2007). All numbers in the palaeographic tables are given according to the complete corpus of Greek private letters on lead and ceramics prepared by her for printing: Dana 2020. 18 See LSAG, pp. 332–36. Especially about the Archaic scripts in the Black Sea region, see LSAG, pp. 367–33, 478–81. 19 In Olbia’s lapidary epigraphy, lunate sigma also occurs in the second half of the 4th century BC (see Knipovich 1966, 20; see also Avram et al. 2007, 391–92; Tokhtasev 2000, 297, n. 1; Belousov 2018b). The appearance of lunate sigma in Attic-vase painting goes back to the end of the 4th century BC: see Immerwahr 1990, 160 (with bibliography).

INTRODUCTION

XXVI

The inscription of no. 13 clearly demonstrates its late nature. It dates to the 2nd century BC, which is characterised by a certain invasion of cursive forms of letters even into lapidary writing.20 In our inscription, cursive omega and phi are the most representative, whose semicircle is made in the shape of a triangle. Of course, this essay on the historical development of Olbian writing on lead and ceramics is largely conditional and can be supplemented and modified with the expansion of research in Olbia’s epigraphic palaeography. But linguistic and onomastic data help to significantly clarify palaeographic indications.

20

See Knipovich 1966, 24.

/

First half of the 6th century BC Dana No. 23 Dana No. 28 Dana No. 22

DefOlb 16

Akhillodoros’ Letter

Dana No. 27

Dana No. 23

5th century BC

Second half of the 6th century BC

PALAEGRAPHIC TABLES DefOlb 14

DefOlb 1

/

DefOlb 2

First half of the 4th century BC DefOlb DefOlb DefOlb DefOlb 3 4 20 17 Dana No. 30

DefOlb 15

Second half of the 4th century BC DefOlb DefOlb DefOlb DefOlb 24 6 8 10

DefOlb 9

Dana No. 34 /

3rd century BC DefOlb 21

2nd century BC DefOlb 12

PRINCIPLES OF THE EDITION

As mentioned above, the inscriptions are presented according to the structure of the text in six series, within which they are arranged in chronological order. The structure of the edition of each individual inscription is arranged as follows: lemma (description of the monument, place of find, place of storage, date, editions and bibliography), photo and/or drawing of the document, text of the inscription in the diplomatic record and in minusculis, translation, commentary (palaeography, constitution of text, linguistics, controversial issues, personal names). I deliberately compiled the critical apparatus for inscriptions in Latin. The commentary is arranged as far as possible in order adequately to disclose all the main features of the published document and, if possible, to impartially highlight the main opinions about the relative meaning of a particular inscription. The corpus of defixiones is adjoined with: a sketch of the grammatical peculiarities of the Olbian curses (phonetics and morphology), a general bibliography and indices (the names of the gods, personal names and all other words found in published texts).

NOTAE

α(βγ) – litterae ab editore suppletae, quae in tabella uel in ostraco desunt. [αβγ] – litterae ab editore suppletae, quae in tabella uel in ostraco fuisse videntur. . . . – numerus prope certus litterarum in in tabella uel in ostraco deletarum. – – – numerus incertus litterarum in in tabella uel in ostraco deletarum. [ – ca. 4 – ] – spatium circa quattuor litterarum, quae in tabella uel in ostraco deletarum non supersunt. ⟨αβγ⟩ – litterae in tabella uel in ostraco omissae. \ αβγ/ – litterae per lapsum omissae, postea autem supra appositae. {αβγ} – litterae superfluae per lapsum incisae. αβγ – litterae partim fractae. ⟦αβγ⟧ – litterae per lapsum incisae. vs. – versus.

Defixiones Olbiae Ponticae

I.

SERIES PRIMA NOMINA DEVOTORVM LEGVNTVR SOLA

1. DESCRIPTION: A round ostrakon broken off from ‘a black-glazed vessel wall’. On the convex side there is a drawing of a person’s head turned left and a ‘circle with six segment-shaped figures dashed over by straight transversal lines’ around the head. On the right we can see two fishes: the upper one ‘seems to have pierced the head … above the nape’, and the ‘lower one goes through the neck’. On the left, outside of the circle, there is a sign ‘similar to the letter А with two oblique transverse hastas’. On the concave side a graffito of seven lines is scratched into the surface of the ostrakon. First four lines are visibly drawn under the letters and are joined on the left by a vertical line. The first editor (A.S. Rusyaeva) indicates neither the height nor width of the letters, nor the size of the object itself. (See Fig. 1). PLACE OF FIND: Eastern part of the archeological region called АГД. STORAGE PLACE: Institute of Archaeology, National Academy of Sciences of the Ukraine: О-72/252. DATE: Second/third quarter of the 5th century BC. EDITIONS: Rusyaeva 1979, 118–20, fig. 63; Beletskii and Rusyaeva 1984, 52–55, fig. 2 (SEG 34 770); Lebedev 1996 (SEG 46 953); IGDOP 97; Tokhtasev 1996; Vinogradov and Rusyaeva 1998, 155–57, Taf. X.2b–2c (photographs); Bravo 2002, 150–57 (SEG 51 978); Rusyaeva 2010, 118–20, no. 53; Belousov 2016a, 113–16; 2018a, 153–57.

Fig. 1. DefOlb 1 (photograph: © A.S. Rusyaeva).

4

DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Vinogradov and Kryžickij 1995, Taf. 108.2 (photograph); Bull. 1999, 390; Tokhtasev 1999, 190–91; 2002, 78–83; EP 2016, 11.

TEXT: ΑΡΙΣΤΟ ΤΕΛΗΣ: ΙΕΡ ΕΡΜΕΩ: ΕΩΣ ΚΑΙΑΘΝΑΙΗΣ ΞΥΝΩΝΗΡΟΓΕ ΝΗΣ: ΗΡΟΦΑ ΝΗΣ Ἀριστοτέλης: ἱέρἙρμέω: εως καὶ Ἀθ⟨η⟩ναίης ξυνὼν Ἡρογένης: Ἡροφάνης

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2–3: ἱερ(έως) Ἑρμέω ἕως Rusyaeva, ἱερ(εύς) Pleket, ἱερ(ὸς) Ἑρμέω ἔο(ι)ς Lebedev, ἱέρ-εως Ἑρμέω Tokhtasev, Dubois, ἱέρ(εως) Ἑρμέω ἕως Vinogradov, Rusyaeva; ἱερ(ὸς) Ἑρμέω ἕως Bravo; 4: καὶ Ἀθ(η)ναίης Rusyaeva, καὶ ⟦α⟧ ⟨τε⟩θναίης Lebedev, καὶ Ἀθ⟨η⟩ναίης Tokhtasev, καὶ ἀ⟨ποτε⟩θναίης· Bravo; 5: ξὺν ὤν Rusyaeva, Ξύνων uel Ξυνών Beletskii, ξυνών uel ξυνῶν(τες) Pleket, ξυνών (‹ ξυνέων ‹ ξυνήων) Tokhtasev; 6–7: Ἡρογέ/νης:Ἡροφά/νης Rusaeva, †ηρογένης ηροφάνης† Lebedev.

TRANSLATION: Aristoteles, common priest of Hermes and Athena; Herogenes, Herophanes. COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription corresponds to Olbian writing of the second half of the 5th century BC: the correct (not y-shaped) upsilon, kappa with widespread diagonal hastae, regular sigma, and phi with a vertical line that crosses the circle on the top and on the bottom. The language of the text is clearly Ionic, with the Ionic form of genitive in -εω (Ἑρμέω)1 and of nominative of the word ἱερεύς - ἱέρεως.2 Contamination 1

On the Ionic genitive in early Olbian inscriptions, see IGDOP, p. 189. This is not the only case of nominative ἱέρεως in Olbian epigraphy: see, for instance, IOSPE I2 32, 23. For examples in the epigraphy of the western Black Sea region see, ISM I 1693, 1703 (Histria), ISM II 21,25, 27, 28 (Tomis). See also Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.4; Tokhtasev 1996, 185 and n. 8. 2

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with Attic forms can be suspected in ξυνών (‹ ξυνέων ‹ ξυνήων) ‘common’.3 The spelling ΑΘΝΑΙΗΣ with a missing eta is clearly a mistake caused by its similarity of the following nu by the alphabetic name of the letter theta.4 The formula of the spell is fairly typical for this type of practice in Olbia: personal names given in the nominative with an implied (but not written) performative verbum devotorium. Nevertheless, not all scholars who have turned their attention to this item agree on its magical character. For example, even though he classifies this inscription as relating to religious life, L. Dubois remarks on Rusyaeva’s opinion about the magical purpose of this ostrakon5 that ‘ce qui ne s’impose pas’ and that ‘l’objet pourrait en définitive être une tessère mentionnant les responsables du clergé du culte d’Hermès et d’Athéna’.6 However, he does not bring forward any arguments to back this claim. He does not mention the front (convex) side either, while the drawing on it clearly has some common traits with other magical monuments of this kind from the northern Black Sea region and from other parts of the ancient oikumene: depiction of a human head, often turned left, together with some magical signs and sometimes inscriptions.7 Our document most definitely combines in itself a standard Olbian defixio and an artefact of pictoral magic. Y.G. Vinogradov and Rusyaeva, in their paper from 1998, also think that ‘schimmert in der Scherbe des Hermes-Priesters nicht einmal ein leiser Wink auf infernale oder destruktive Magie’,8 as on the front side we supposedly see a profile of Athena, which would be a replica of synchronous coins of the Olbian polis. To Athena‘s right the authors discern a dolphin. This image, in their opinion, testifies to the votive nature of this ostrakon ‘mit dem wohl mantischen Wunsch eines boni eventus Ergehens, d.h. des Erfolges in einem Geschäft oder Unternehmen, das Aristoteles, der gegenwärtige Priester von Hermes und der ehemalige von Athena, zusammen mit seinen Kameraden Herogenes und Herophanes sich vorgenommen hat’.9 As S.R. Tokhtasev has already pointed out, Vinogradov and Rusyaeva do not cite any convincing analogies to support their ‘votive ostrakon’ theory, while comparison to other, unpublished, pieces does not work in favour of their hypothesis.10 As for the 3

See Tokhtasev 1996, 185–186 and notes 9, 10 (with bibliography). See Tokhtasev 184, n. 6; 2002, 83. On this type of mistake, see Wachter 1991, 59; 1992, 25. 5 Rusyaeva 1979, 119–20. 6 IGDOP, p. 159. 7 Tokhtasev was the first to draw attention to this ‘genre’ of magic. He also tried to gather all known examples of it from the northern Black Sea region, drawing on parallels from other regions as well: Tokhtasev 2002, 78–80. 8 Vinogradov and Rusyaeva 1998, 157. 9 Vinogradov and Rusyaeva 1998, 157. 10 Tokhtasev 2002, 80–81. 4

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presence of fish in the drawing, this could pertain both to magical and obscene inscriptions from the northern Black Sea region.11 As we can see from the apparatus, the text of this inscription has drawn much scholarly attention. The author of editio princeps, Rusyaeva, initially reads the following text: Ἀριστοτέλης ἱερ(έως) Ἑρμέω ἕως καὶ Ἀθναίης ξὺν ὤν (?) Ἡρογένης Ἡροφάνης. We can see here that the editor does not know what to make of ΕΩΣ in the third line and tries to interpret it as the conjunction ἕως (= τέως) in the sense ‘earlier’, which is uncharacteristic for it outside of epic context.12 She also interprets ΙΕΡ as an abbreviation for ἱερ(έως). The interpretation of ΞΥΝΩΝ by Rusyaeva is also unsatisfying (and contradictory to Greek grammar), and she has doubts about this (ξὺν ὤν ‘with him?’) herself, as inicated by the question mark ad loc. In the second edition (co-published with A. Beletskii) these letters are taken for a previously unattested personal name Ξύνων or Ξυνών. C. Plecket (SEG 34 770) tries to solve this problem by offering ξυνών or ξυνῶν(τες), even though the latter is grammatically impossible (it would read as ξυνῶνες13). He agrees with the interpretation of ΙΕΡ as an abbreviation, and suggests ἱερ(εύς). In 1996 A. Lebedev published a paper14 that insists on the magical nature of the inscription. He, however, offers the text (Ἀριστοτέλης, ἱερ(ὸς) Ἑρμέω ἔο(ι)ς καὶ [[α]] θναίης †ηρογένης ηροφάνης†), which was not supported by any of the professional epigraphists or specialists in the region’s history.15 Lebedev was justly reproached for his attempts to adapt this inscription to his witty conception of ‘courtesies’ exchange between Olbian magicians: in ΕΩΣ, instead of a clearly visible omega, he sees an ‘oval omicron’, and instead of interpreting ΗΡΟΓΕ/ΝΗΣ: ΗΡΟΦΑ/ΝΗΣ as personal names Ἡρογένης and Ἡροφάνης, which are widely attested in the region, he suggests some chthonic and mysterious (referring to the ‘heroic’ or ‘tomb’ connotations of the ηρο / ηρι morpheme) expression †ηρογένης ηροφάνης†, which he himself surrounds by cruces, and to translation of which he puts a question mark. Therefore, his version of translation is rather obscure: ‘Aristoteles, may you be sacred to Hermes and die, being in the company with (the deceased?)’.16 As a response to Lebedev, Vinogradov and Rusyaeva published their paper in 1998. Even though they correctly pointed out all failings of Lebedev’s 11

Tokhtasev 2002, 80–81. On this topic, see Tokhtasev 1996, 184 and n. 5; 2002, 81; Lebedev 1996, 271. 13 This was noticed by Tokhtasev 1996, 184. 14 Lebedev 1996, 271–73. 15 See Bull. 1999, 390; SEG 46 953; Vinogradov and Rusyaeva 1998; Tokhtasev 1996, 187–88. Bravo (2002, 150–57) suggests ἱερ(ός) in the second line. 16 ‘In all, four emendations in a tiny text of 47 letters, the last 15 of which are in effect left without explanation’: Tokhtasev 1996, 188. 12

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text, they themselves offer a reading not free from problems: Ἀριστοτέλης: ἱέρ(εως) Ἑρμέω: ἕως καὶ Ἀθναίης ξυνὼν Ἡρογένης: Ἡροφάνης. So, they keep the ‘epic conjunction’ ἕως (= τέως) proposed in the editio princeps. It is also unclear how ξυνών could refer to Ἡρογένης: Ἡροφάνης, if we take into account how they interpret this word in the text of their article (a translation is lacking altogether) – Kompagnons or Kameraden.17 Do they think this word is in the plural? As pointed out before, they deny the magical character of this inscription, so they try to fit the text into their own theory of a ‘votive ostrakon’. Nevertheless, it should be noted that Vinogradov and Rusyaeva seem to have accepted the correct reading of the letters written in the second and third lines after the interpunction signs offered (independently of each other) by Tokhtasev and Dubois back in 1998: ΙΕΡ and ΕΩΣ and should be taken as one word, ἱέρεως. This means of writing, especially in magical texts, is quite usual – words or even whole lines can be written from right to left, in different columns, and finally, the order of letters can be so scrambled that it is extremely hard to make out the meaning of such inscriptions. Tokhtasev cites DTA 33 and DTA 6618 as examples, but there are plenty more possible analogies.19 It is Tokhtasev who gives, in my opinion, the most soundly-based text: Ἀριστοτέλης ἱέρεως Ἑρμέω: καὶ Ἀθναίης ξυνὼν Ἡρογένης: Ἡροφάνης. Taking the word ξυνών (‹ ξυνέων ‹ ξυνήων) in the meaning ‘common’, he links it with Aristoteles, and not with Herogenes and Herophanes, as Vinogradov, Rusyaeva and Dubois seem to think (ses associés20). The only thing that escaped Tokhtasev’s attention is the inerpunction sign that can be discerned in the second line after ΤΕΛΗΣ. Personal names: Ἀριστοτέλης is found only in this inscription in the entire North Pontic epigraphy (LGPN IV, 46). Ἡρογένης is attested besides this inscription (LGPN IV, 157), probably also in the inscription on the heart-shaped ostrakon: ΗΡΟΓ.21 Ἡροφάνης is recorded in Olbia only once, namely in this inscription, however, it is found on the Bosporus six times and once in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 158).

17

Vinogradov and Rusyaeva 1998, 155 and 157 respectively. Tokhtasev 1996, 184–85. 19 Such means of writing can be found not only in magial inscriptions (Tokhtasev 1996, 184–85). See also Tokhtasev 2002, 82. 20 IGDOP, p. 159. See also Tokhtasev 1999, 191. 21 See Rusyaeva 1992, 163, fig. 54.9; Tokhtasev 2002, 79. See also commentary on no. 20. 18

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2. DESCRIPTION: A quadrangular lead plate with broken off upper corners. Judging by the photographs, it was folded once and pierced with a nail. Height 3.5 cm, width 8.5 cm. A seven-line Greek inscription is carved on the main field. On the right, perpendicular to the main text, there is another line, under which there are two cross-shaped signs. Description by E.M. Pridik (NA IIMK, fund 33, sch. 1, file 57, f. 1): ‘Lamina quadrangularis complicata et clavo transfixa, 0,035 × 0,085 m, a 1894 in Olbiae parietinis rep; ex collectione Surutschaniana’ (see Fig. 2). PLACE OF FIND: ‘Ineunte mense Augusto a. 1894 in Olbiae parietinis (sic!)’ (Latyshev).22 STORAGE PLACE: Unknown.23 DATE: First half of the 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Suruchan and Latyshev 1894, no. 29, tab. VI (photograph); Pridik 1899; Wünsch 1900, 236, no. 4; DT 88; Diehl 1915, 53, no. 3, fig. 10 (facsimile); IGDOP 103. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Avram et al. 2007, 385.

Fig. 2. DefOlb 2 (photograph: after Suruchan and Latyshev 1894, no. 29, tab. VI).

TEXT: ΛΥΜΠΟ ΞΕΝΩΝ ΑΘΗΝΟΔΩΡΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΣ ΠΑΥΣΑΝ . ΑΣ ΔΗΜΗΤΡ . Ο . ΑΣΚΙΟΣ In parte dextra: ↑ ΙΠΠΟΚΛΗΣ

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22 23

Pridik 1899, 119: ‘In the ruins of ancient Olbia’. On the fate of the collection of I.K. Suruchan (1851–1897), see Vlasova 1996; 1998.

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[Ὄ]λυμπο[ς] Ξένων Ἀθηνόδωρος Ἀθήναιος Παυσαν[ί]ας Δημήτρ[ι]ο[ς] Ἄσκιος

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↑ Ἱπποκλῆς

1: ΛΥΝ…..C: Λυν… Latyshev, ΛΙΝ . Δ? Pridik, . ΛΥΜΠ . .: [Ὄ]λυμπ[ος] Wünsch, [Ὄ]λυμπο[ς] Diehl, [Ὄ]λυμπο[ς] Dubois; 2: Ξέν[ων] Pridik; 3: Ἀθη[ν]όδ[ω]ρ[ο]ς Latyshev, Ἀθη[νό]δ[ω]ρος Pridik, Ἀθη[ν]όδωρ[ο]ς Wünsch, Diehl, Ἀθη[ν]όδωρος Dubois; 4: Ἀθήναι[ο]ς Latyshev, Ἀ[θ]ηναῖος Pridik, Ἀθήναιος Wünsch, Dubois, Ἀθηναῖος Diehl; 5: Παυσαν[ί]ας Latyshev, Wünsch, Diehl, Dubois, Παυσανίας Pridik; 6: Δημήτ[ρι]ο[ς] Latyshev, Δημήτ[ρ]ιος Pridik, Δημήτρ[ι]ο[ς] Wünsch, Diehl, Dubois; 7: ΑΣΚΛ: Ἀσκλ…. Latyshev, Pridik, (Ἄ)σκιος Wünsch, Diehl, [Ἄ]σκιος Audollent, Ἄσκιος Dubois.

TRANSLATION: [O]lympo[s], Xenon, Athenodoros, Athenaios, Pausan[i]as, Demetr[i]o[s], Askios, Hippokles. COMMENTARY: The palaeography is obviously of the first half of the 4th century BC: the shapes of the letters are regular, the diagonals of kappa are spread wide, rho has a regular semicircle, upsilon has a straight, not a diagonal stem. The language has no special dialect features. The text of the inscription, as can be seen from the critical apparatus, is not restored uniformly by all researchers, since they dealt only with the photograph24 and did not see the plate with their own eyes. Basically, it is a question of how a particular scholar saw specific letters and how he considers it correct to convey this vision minuscule notation.25 The only thing worth mentioning is the reading by Pridik (E.V. Diehl agrees with him) of the fourth line, where he considers it correct to read Ἀθηναῖος, and not Ἀθήναιος, like the others. Such a reading, which assumes that one of the persons named in the list (namely, Ἀθηνόδωρος) is a citizen of Athens, nevertheless does not seem correct and it looks somewhat arbitrary. I do not see sufficient reason to accept this reading 24 Even the first publisher of the inscription, Latyshev, did not see it but dealt only with the photograph: see Pridik 1899, 119. 25 Audollent in his corpus simply follows Wünsch’s reading, but distorts it: (Ἄ)σκιος Wünsch – [Ἄ]σκιος Audollent.

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in the main text, unless one considers that the ground for this conclusion is the personal name Ἀθηνόδωρος.26 The formula of the magical text is typical for Olbia: personal names are in the nominative. Personal names: Ὄλυμπος only once in Olbia, exactly in our inscription, recorded twice in the Bosporus (LGPN IV, 262). Ξένων is witnessed in Olbia only in this inscription; this name is found once in the Bosporus and five times in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 260). Ἀθηνόδωρος is not uncommon in Olbia and occurs here four times (4th– 3rd centuries BC), in Chersonesos five times, and once in the Bosporus (LGPN IV, 9–10). Ἀθήναιος in Olbia alone, recorded eight times (starting from the 4th century BC), once in the Bosporus, and in Chersonesos thrice (LGPN IV, 9). Παυσανίας occurs twice in Olbia (5th–4th centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 276–77). Δημήτριος is a very common name in the northern Pontus: 22 instances in Olbia (from the 4th century BC), 63 in the Bosporus, two in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 91–93). Ἄσκιος is a name in the northern Black Sea region except for this inscription unknown (LGPN IV, 54), but it occurs in Asia Minor.27 R. Wünsch, at the time when this personal name had not yet been witnessed, noticed that, ‘ob dieser zu σκιὰ oder ἀσκός zu stellen ist, oder mit dem Ausdrucke der Chemie ἄσκος zusammenfällt, ist nicht klar’.28 Ἱπποκλῆς is also found in the Northern Black Sea region only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 176).

3. DESCRIPTION: Lead plate: height 4 cm, width 6 cm, thickness 1 mm. It was originally twisted and broken by a nail. There is a five-line Greek: the height of the letters is 3–5 mm, the space between the lines is 2–5 mm (see Figs. 3–4). PLACE OF FIND: Olbia. The exact location is unknown.

26 It should be noted that neither Pridik nor Diehl, who selects the first reading, comments on this reading. 27 Barth and Stauber 1996, no. 1461 (Kyzikene, Kapu Dağ). 28 Wünsch 1900. L. Dubois believes that the name comes from the root ἀσκός (IGDOP, p. 170). On the personal name Ἄσκιος, see also Bechtel 1917, 606 (personal names from vessel names).

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STORAGE PLACE: State Hermitage Museum (St Petersburg): Ол. 17308, list of bronzes 1908, no. 2924, register book 31975. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Vinogradov 1994a, 108–11 (SEG 44 670); IGDOP 102. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bull. 1996, 297; EBGR 1996, 270; NGCT 117.

Fig. 3. DefOlb 3 (photograph: after Vinogradov 1994a, 109, fig. 2).

Fig. 4. DefOlb 3 (drawing: after Vinogradov 1994a, 109, fig. 2).

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TEXT:

5

ΕΚ . . . ΟΣ ΕΡΜ – – – ΔΕΝΩΝ ΑΡΙΖΗΛΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΣ

5

Ἑκ[αταῖ]ος Ἑρμ[– – –] Δνων Ἀρίζηλος Ἀθήναιος.

TRANSLATION: He[katai]os, Herm…, Deinon, Arizelos, Athenaios. COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription correlates quite well with the graphic features of 4th-century BC Olbian script: sigma with wide-spread extreme hastae, omega with a wide angular semicircle.29 The language preserves one Ionic rudiment: a monophthong diphthong ει, transmitted via ε (= [ẹ]):30 Δνων. The formula is typical: the names are in the nominative case. Personal names: Ἑκαταῖος is witnessed for Olbia only in this inscription;31 it occurs seven times in the Bosporus (LGPN IV, 115–16). 29

Vinogradov 1994, 110. Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.5. Forther examples from the Black Sea private letters, see Dana 2007, no. 12-3 ναι (Vinogradov 1998, 155); no. 14 [ἀποσ]τέλλν (Vinogradov 1998, 155); no. 2 B5 [ἀπ]οδώσν (Vinogradov 1998, 158); no. 33 ἐ̑ναι; no. 34 ἐπ[ι]θεναι, no. 37 ἐκενοι, ἀποδώ[σεν]; Dana, no. 39 [θε]λήσς; Dana, no. 46 ἄγν; Dana, no. 84 μηδς (IGDOP, 1996, p. 48, n. 3). About graphic neutralisation -ι in monophthongic ει (>  = [ẹ]), see IGDOP, pp. 184–85 with other examples. This same Ionic feature is also observed in the recently found letter of Kledikos from Hermonassa (Μάνδρ): see Saprykin and Belousov 2012; Belousov and Saprykin 2013. About the same in Attic inscriptions, see Threatte 1980, 299–323. 31 Although there are other personal names (though not numerous) formed from the name of the goddess Hecate in Olbia: Ἑκατέων, Ἑκατοκλῆς, Ἑκατε/ώ/νυμος. See Vinogradov 1994, 110; Tokhtasev 2000, 312. 30

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There may be some another theophoric peronal name in Ἑρμ[– – –], for example Ἑρμαγόρης (LGPN IV, 124)32 or Ἑρμαγένης (LGPN IV, 125). Δείνων is a very common name in the Greek oikumene, but in the Black Sea region is found only in this text (LGPN IV, 88).33 Ἀρίζηλος is not a very common Greek name (LGPN IV, 43).34 Ἀθήναιος was recorded eight times in Olbia alone starting from the 4th century BC (see also no. 2), once in the Bosporus and thrice in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 9). 4. DESCRIPTION: Ostrakon from the wall of light-lined amphora 7.5 × 4.5 cm with a fourline Greek inscription on the outer side (see Figs. 5–6). PLACE OF FIND: At the ancient settlement Kozyrka XII (12 km from Olbia) in 1986 in the layer of the last third of the 5th–mid-4th centuries BC. STORAGE PLACE: Institute for the History of Material Culture, Russian Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg, inv. Koz. XII–86/14. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Tokhtasev 2002 (SEG 52 742).

TEXT: ΡΛΥΚ ΠΑΣΙΚΟΝ ΚΟΚΟΝΑΚΟΝ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑ [–2-3–]ρ( ), Λυκ( ), Πάσικον, Κοκονακον, Δημοκρά(τεα uel °την). 4: Δημοκρά(τεα uel °την) Tokhtasev.

TRANSLATION: (I bind or something like that) […..]r(…), Lyk(…), Pasikos, Kokonakos, Demokra(tos). 32 Vinogradov (1994, 111) cites this name already as an example of such theonyms (along with the incredible Διονύσερμος here). 33 Vinogradov 1994, 111. 34 Vinogradov 1994, 111.

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Fig. 5. DefOlb 4 (photograph: after Tokhtasev 2002, 82).

Fig. 6. DefOlb 4 (drawing: after Tokhtasev 2002, 82).

COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription also relates to the ductus of the 4th century BC: rho has a small semicircle; we see the broad forms of alpha, delta, lambda, eta, mu and y-shaped upsilon; close bow of kappa diagonals on vertical line; the right vertical line of nu is tilted to the right, and the bottom corner is raised. The archaeological context of the find (in the stratum of the last third of the 5th–mid-4th centuries BC), and also the fact that the settlement itself ends in the third quarter of the 4th century BC,35 confirm rather than contradict the palaeographic dating.36 35 36

Kryzhitskii et al. 1990, 58. Tokhtasev 2002, 72.

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The language of the inscription has no pronounced features. The formula of the magical text is also, as in the previous cases, a list of personal names given not in the nominative but the accusative, obviously, with the ellipse of the performative verbum devotorium (καταδέω, καταγράφω vel. sim.). This kind of formula does not represent something unusual and is found both in Attica (for example DTA 13, 22, 34, 72, 73, 76, 78)37 and in other places,38 not excluding the northern Black Sea coast (Panticapaeum: Ἱεροκλέα, Χαβρίαν, τοὺς συνδίκους39). The text is burdened with certain difficulties. Since, as Tokhtasev rightly notes, ‘in Greek, the combination of ΡΛ in one lexeme is almost impossible in any position’,40 we have to assume a word-boundary between these letters and consider them as belonging to more than one word. As we are dealing with a list of names, it remains for us assume that here are names, one of which begins with Λ, and the other ends with Ρ. Obviously, as in the fourth line (Δημοκρά(τεα uel °την)), the names in the first line are also abbreviated. Regarding the first name ([–2-3–]ρ( )) one can only guess: Tokhtasev believes that ‘[Εὐκ]ρ(άτης) or [Σωκ]ρ(άτης), for example, would be quite appropriate’.41 As for the second name: in Olbia, names that begin with Λυκ° are generally unknown. However, one can assume something like Λυκ(εῖον)42 or, for example, Λυκ(έα uel ῆν)43 (LGPN IV, 213). Personal names: Πάσικος first found in the northern Black Sea (LGPN IV, 274).44 Κοκονακος, obviously, it is a barbarian name, Scythian, as convincingly demonstrated by Tokhtasev45 (LGPN IV, 197). Δημοκράτης is a name recorded in Olbia, besides this text, once,46 and met with twice in the Bosporus and five times in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 93).

37

To the same formula, a well-known curse was written, published by Jordan 1980, no. II. See SGD 73, 127, 149. See also Tokhtasev 2002, 74 and n. 7. 39 Pridik 1899, 118, no. 2 (= DT 40 = Diehl 1915, 50, fig. 7). 40 Tokhtasev 2002, 83. 41 Tokhtasev 2002, 83, n. 57. 42 ISM III 66 (Callatis, 3rd century BC). 43 It occurs on a single defixio of the 5th century BC from Histria (see Avram et al. 2007, 390, no. 1). 44 For more, see Tokhtasev 2002, 83. 45 Tokhtasev 2002, 84–96. 46 Probably, the same name can be assumed as possible in the graffito on the corolla of the black-glazed kylix of the first half of the 4th century BC from the settlement of Kozyrka II [– – –] οκρα[– – –], which V.V. Ruban restored as [Ἀριστ]οκρά[της]: see Ruban 1979, 67, fig. 6.3, 70. Tokhtasev rightly notes that other names can be restored in this graffito: Ἡροκράτης, Ἰσοκράτης and Δημοκράτης (see Tokhtasev 2002, 96, n. 136). 38

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5. DESCRIPTION: A lead plate with a height of 10.5 cm and a width (maximum) of 7 cm. It is broken on all sides, but the text of the inscription in 14 lines, so it seems, was not affected. Most likely, the plate had originally this form. There are no traces of nail piercing (see Fig. 7). PLACE OF FIND: Unknown. A resident of Nikolaev Dzvino brought an unfolded plate to the Nikolaev Historical and Archaeological Museum before 1930. STORAGE PLACE: Mykolayiv Regional Museum of Local History ‘Staroflotski Barracks’(?). DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Dlozhevskii 1930; Kocevalov 1948, 263; IGDOP 104. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Yailenko 1980, 87, n. 26; SGD 174; Vinogradov 1994, 108, n. 11; Tokhtasev 2002, 85, n. 75.

Fig. 7. DefOlb 5 (photograph: after Dlozhevskii 1930, 54, fig. 1).

TEXT: ΦΟΡΜΙΩΝ ΖΗΝΟΔΟΤΟ ΜΗΤΡΟΔΩΡΟΣ

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ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟ ΕΥΣΘΕΝΗΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΓΕΝΕΥΣ ΕΥΔΩΡΟΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΓΕΝΕΥΣ ΓΟΡΓΙΑΣ ΗΡΟΚΡΑΤΕΥΣ ΑΡΤΕΜΙΔΩΡΟΣ 10 ΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΟ ΑΡΤΕΜΙΔΩΡΟΣ ΔΕΙΝΟΜΕΝΕΥΣ ΠΙΝΑΚ ΚΑΦΑΚΕΜ 5

Φορμίων Ζηνοδότο, Μητρόδωρος Δημητρίο, 5 Εὐσθένης Πρωτογένευς, Εὔδωρος Πρωτογένευς, Γοργίας Ἡροκράτευς, Ἀρτεμίδωρος 10 Διονυσίο, Ἀρτεμίδωρως Δεινομένευς, ΠΙΝΑΚ? Καφάκες 13: πίνακ(α) Yailenko πινάκ(ιον) Vinogradov; 14: καφάζειν Yailenko Καφάκες Vinogradov.

TRANSLATION: Phormion son of Zenodotos, Metrodoros son of Demetrios, Eusthenes son of Protogenes, Eudoros son of Protogenes, Gorgias son of Herokrates, Artemidoros son of Deinomenes, Pinak(os?), Kaphakes. COMMENTARY: It is difficult to judge the palaeography of the inscription because the photographs in the editio princeps are of insufficient quality – unless we believe the first publisher, who gives the inscription in the diplomatic transcription,

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in the fifth line, writing upsilon twice as , which is found in the inscriptions on lead and ceramics of the 6th century BC. However, in the remaining cases (lines 6, 7, 9, 11 and 13) the upsilon is quite regular, so we cannot draw more or less confident conclusions here. The publisher describes a number of palaeographic features in the text of the first edition. He notes that theta, pi, epsilon and nu are written quite regularly, but adds below that in the text of the inscription there is the ‘cross-cut of a circular sigma on the corner, for example, of the third and tenth line’ (line 5). In addition, omega also has irregular forms: ‘Letter Ω is written predominantly above the line i by different means, namely, the usual Ω, through Ο with two short lines to the right and left, and once this letter has a kind of reversed form “ω”, the bracket is stretched and written over the string’ (Dlozhevskii 1930) These features of ductus, according to the description of the first publisher, obviously indicate the date not earlier than the 4th century BC. This dating is confirmed by the language of the inscription,47 which demonstrates some of the Ionic features typical of just this time. A long closed [ō] is transmitted by O, and not with a digraph ΟΥ as in the Attic dialect, and this phenomenon occurs in Olbia even earlier: Ζηνοδότο, Δημητρίο, Διονυσίο.48 The presence of a genitive ending in -ευς in the names on -ης is noteworthy in this text: Πρωτογένευς, Ἡροκράτευς, Δεινομένευς. Such a genitive begins to appear in Ionian poleis and apoikiai from the 4th century BC onwards.49 Therefore, we can assume that the inscription dates at the earliest to the first half of the 4th century BC. The text of the inscription brings some problems. Even the first editor pointed out that the last two lines (ΠΙΝΑΚ / ΚΑΦΑΚΕΜ) of the inscription had a certain ‘meaninglessness’, which he explained the: ‘the meaningless of the two last lines can be an attempt of a magic formula’ (Dlozhevskii, ibid.). A. Kocevalov, in his report of 1948, does not comment on these last two lines, being limited to only the most general description. 47 S.S. Dlozhevskii (1930, 57) dated ‘the inscription in the middle of the 3rd century BC’. A. Kocevalov (1948, 263) dates it more broadly: ‘Die Tafel gehört wahrscheinlich in das IV–III. Jahrh. v. Chr.’ 48 This phenomenon is also found in other Olbian inscriptions demonstrating the features of the Ionic dialect, see IGDOP, p. 183. About this phenomenon in the Ionic dialect in general, see Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.7. Cf. Dana, no. 14 β[λομαι] (Vinogradov 1998, 155); no. 16 [ἀπο(?)]δoναι (Vinogradov 1998, 155); no. 2 B4 σι]δήρος καἰσσαίος (Vinogradov 1998, 158); no. 31 Ἀπατριος; no. 37 ἔχοσιν; no. 81 Ἀπατριος; no. 82 τς ταρίχος; no. 134 κήπορος. This same Ionic feature is also observed in the recently found private letter of Kledikos from Hermonassa (Μάνδρο): see Saprykin and Belousov 2012; Belousov and Saprykin 2013. See also Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.5. 49 See Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.2; IGDOP, p. 187.

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The first who tried to restore order in the text was V.P. Yailenko in 1980, who proposed to understand ΠΙΝΑΚ as πίναξ, which, supposedly, in the sense of ‘list’, refers to the names listed above. He explained the letters ΚΑΦΑΚΕΜ as ‘not very well read by Dlozhevskii, the word καφάζειν, mentioned only by Hesychius as synonymous with the word γελᾶν’. Thus, he reads the last two words as πίνακ(α) καφάζειν, believing that defigens ‘calls upon otherworldly forces to ridicule the people he mentioned above’.50 However, Yailenko does not give even remote analogies in support of his interpretation. It is not surprising: nothing of the kind, at least in the totality of today’s sources of ancient magic, is witnessed in ancient practice. However, Vinogradov achieved certain success after he became aware of the curse, which he published in 1994,51 that includes among others the name Καφακης. This made it reasonable to assume that there is also a personal name in our inscription in the last line, but with an inverted sigma (sigma prorsus) and with transmission of η through ε. As for the previous line, Vinogradov returned here to the point of view of Yailenko, the only difference being that he suggested a reading of πινάκ(ιον), offering to understand this word not as a ‘list’, but as a ‘tablet’.52 Note also here that Vinogradov does not provide any analogies to his πινάκ(ιον), because they do not exist. Solving the problem with this ΠΙΝΑΚ obviously should be sought in onomastics, because we cannot explain either the ‘list’ or the ‘tablet’ behind which is another personal name, unless you take this name for the personal signature of the individual who subjected the seven people listed above to the spell. Such signatures are found, but not in the genre of the defixionum tabellae, but in a number of examples named by Hendrik Versnel ‘prayers for justice’.53 Having no analogies in the use of the words πίναξ or πινάκιον in ancient magical practice, one should still recognise this as a false course. Most likely there is another barbarian name hidden, which, like the name of Kaphakes, is not accompanied by a patronymic.54 The formula of this spell is typically Olbian: the personal names are in the nominative.55 A special feature of this inscription (as well as no. 15) is 50

Yailenko 1980, 87, n. 26. Vinogradov 1994a, 103–08. See also no. 13. 52 Vinogradov 1994a, 108, n. 11. He also believed that the shape of this lead plate may resemble a human figure. I doubt it. 53 Versnel 1991. 54 See Tokhtasev 2002, 85, n. 75. ΠΙΝΑΚ – this is most likely Πίνακος, a thematic form to Πίναξ (Bechtel 1917, 603), as, for example, Δόναξ to Δόνακος (Bechtel 1917, 592). 55 Kocevalov 1948, 263: ‘Daß die Tafel nach Olbia gehört wird unter anderem durch die Fluchformel bestätigt, denn eine ebensolche Liste von Namen mit den Vaternamen finden wir auf einer Fluchtafel aus Olbia vom IV. Jahrh. (IIAK xxvii S. 62 ff.).’ [no. 14]. 51

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that the names stand with the patronymics. The indication of the father of a person who has been conjured is somewhat unusual in Greek magical practice: it is usually stated by the matronymic that some scholars explain by the wellknown principle mater certa, pater incertus,56 and others57 as a deliberate magical violation of the onomastic practice, which is similar to the violation of the order of letters, words, whole lines, etc. It is also possible that Tokhtasev is right when he draws attention to the fact that in our inscription there are quite decent Greek personal names with patronymics first, and two barbarian personal names follow at the end without any patronymics, in that the author of the spell hierarchisised list the conjured persons on the social status scale intentionally.58 Personal names: Φορμίων occurs many times in the northern Black Sea region: in Olbia thrice (4th–3rd centuries BC), the same in the Bosporus, a dozen times in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 252). The name of his father, Ζηνόδοτος, is attested in Olbia only in our inscription and once recorded in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 143). Μητρόδωρος is a very common name in the entire northern Black Sea region and is witnessed in Olbian inscriptions in the 6th–3rd centuries BC (LGPN IV, 235), and the patronymic Δημήτριος is even more common personal name in the region (LGPN IV, 91–93), see also no. 2. Εὐσθένης was witnessed only once for the northern Black Sea region, namely in this inscription (LGPN IV, 136), and the patronymic Πρωτογένης three times in the Bosporus and eight in Olbia (LGPN IV, 293). Εὔδωρος occurs in Olbia five times in the 4th–3rd centuries BC (LGPN IV, 131). On the patronymic Πρωτογένης see above. Γοργίας was witnessed many times in the Bosporus, twice in Olbia (4th– 3rd centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 82). The patronymic Ἡροκράτης is found in Olbia as a personal name thrice (5th–4th centuries BC) and once in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 158). Ἀρτεμίδωρος was recorded in Olbia alone (in the 4th–3rd centuries BC) ten times (LGPN IV, 49–50), and the name of his father, Διονύσιος, in Olbia (from the 5th century BC) 30 times (LGPN IV, 101–05). Ἀρτεμίδωρος see above. Patronymic Δεινομένης is witnessed only once in Olbia, namely in this text (LGPN IV, 88). 56 See, for example, Wünsch 1912, 9; DT, pp. LI–LII; Kagarow 1929, 48; Lewy 1931, 192; Yamauchi 1967, 13; Martinez 1991, 56; Brashear 1995, 394. 57 Graf 1994, 93, 256–62. See analysis of the main positions in Curbera 1999. 58 Tokhtasev 2002, 85.

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Obviously, the barbarian name Καφάκες (sc. Καφάκης),59 if we support the reading of Vinogradov, which seems reasonable, is found in Olbia apart from this inscription in another defixio (LGPN IV, 189).60

6. DESCRIPTION: Black-glazed cup on a low tray with a slightly curved edge. Broken into eight fragments in the ancient time, now restored. Diameter of the neck: 9.3 cm, bottom: 3.8 сm, height: 3.25 cm. The type of this vessel is ‘bowl incurving rim’61 and it dates back to the second/third quarter of the 4th century BC. On the inner side of the cup (below the neck) a Greek graffito is scratched in a circle. Letter height is 0.3–0.5 cm (see Figs. 8–10). PLACE OF FIND: Found in 2013 in the ancient Olbian necropolis, to the south of B.V. Farmakovsky’s digs (1901–1903) and to the west of the Olbian Archaeological Expedition excavations of 1980–2000 ‘in the layer of red slightly humic sand clay on the depth of 0.8 m’. STORAGE PLACE: Olbian reserve, inv. no. 156. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Rusyaeva and Ivchenko 2014; Belousov 2016a, 120–21; 2018a, 162–64. BIBLIOGRAPHY: EP 2014, 21; Bull. 2015, 520; EP 2016, 11.

TEXT: ΗΡΟΦΙΛΟΣΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΣΑΓΑΘΑΡΚΟΣΛΗΤΟΔΩΡΟΣΔΙΟΚΛΗΣΕΟΚΛΗΣΑΡΧΙΒΙΟΣ ΕΟΒΟΥΛΗΤΥΚΟΤΑΔΙΔΩΡΟΣ Ἡρόφιλος, Ἀθήναιος, Ἀγάθαρκος, Λητόδωρος, Διοκλῆς, Εὀκλῆς, Ἀρχίβιος, Εὀβούλη, Τυκοτα, Δι⟨ό⟩δωρος

59 Vinogradov 1997, 159, no. 12. Καφάκης is related to Καφαναγος, according to Tokhtasev, etymologically can be explained from Jr.-Avest. kafa ‘mucus, sputum, foam’, sanscr. kapha. See Tokhtasev 2002, 85, n. 75, with reference to Mayrhofer 1986, 303. Tokhtasev also cites as an interesting Slavic parallel the old-Russian name Slizen ‘Slug’ (14th century) (see Veselovskii 1974, 291). 60 See no. 14. 61 Sparkes and Talcott 1970, 131–32, pl. 33. Rusyaeva and Ivchenko (2014, 152 and n. 2) see a complete analogy (in shape and size) in no. 828 (375–350 BC), and close analogies in nos. 831–839 (350–325 BC).

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Fig. 9. DefOlb 6 (photograph: © A.S. Rusyaeva).

Fig. 8. DefOlb 6 (photograph: © A.S. Rusyaeva).

Fig. 10. DefOlb 6 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

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TRANSLATION: Herophilos, Athenaios, Agatharchos, Letodoros, Diokles, Eokles, Archibios, Euboule, Tukota, Diodoros. COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription corresponds to the Olbian writing of the first half of the 4th century BC: broad, regular-shaped alpha, beta, delta, eta and lambda, epsilon with a shorter middle horizontal line, theta with a horizontal line in the middle, omicron generally smaller than other letters, fourlined sigma, regular-shaped upsilon. Some traits of Ionic dialect are present in the language of the inscription: -η ending in the name Εὀβούλη, the second element of the diphthong in this name (and that of Εὀκλῆς) is expressed through -ο instead of -υ (ευ › εο62). Another noticeable trait of the inscription’s language is the weakening of the aspirated stop (loss of spirantisation) χ › κ before vowel -ο (Ἀγάθαρκος, Τυκοτα).63 The formula of this curse is typical for Olbia: the personal names are in the nominative. And first there are male names, followed by two female names (Εὀβούλη, Τυκοτα), closed by men’s (Δι⟨ό⟩δωρος) in the second line. Relatively unusual for other regions of the ancient oikumene (but it seems to be quite typical for Olbia) is the material form of the spell: an inscription around the bottom of the cup, see commentary to defixiones nos. 18 and 21. Personal names: Ἡρόφιλος is already attested in Olbia (this inscription included) six times in the 4th–3rd centuries BC (see also nos. 7 and 12), and thrice in Chersoneses (LGPN IV, 158).

62 This phenonenon occurs in some other Olbian inscriptions showing Ionic dialect traits, see IGDOP, p. 183. Cf. Diehl 1923; Thomsen 1924; SEG 3 595; IGDOP, n. 108; Belousov 2014: Εὄβολος; Δωριεός. On this phenomenon in the Ionic dialect in general, see Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.7. 63 On this phenomenon of Greek historical phonetics, see: Lejeune 1972, 59–60, §§ 47–48. In Olbia a similar occurence is registered in the so-called letter of Artikonos (IGDOP 25) exactly in the name of Ἀγάθαρκος (Dubois is inclined to explain this particular case by dissimilation of aspirants, and Tokhtasev (1999, 179, n. 45) seems to agree with him, as well as the first editors of our defixio (Rusyaeva and Ivchenko 2014, 156–57). Except for the ‘Articon’s letter’ the phenomenon is known from an Olbian brand on a red-clay oinochoe, published by V. Ruban (1982, 35, fig. 4.1), where it takes place in the same name (Ἀγαθάρχο). Another example is the name Βρότακος (cf. CIRB 232 Panticapaeum, 350–300 BC: Φορμίων Βροτάχο; IEph. 1454: Βρόταχος) in a large defixio from a private collection (city of Nikolayev): Belousov et al. 2016, 171.

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The name Ἀθηναῖος in registered nine times (beginning in the 4th century BC) in Olbia alone (see also nos. 2 and 3), once on Bosporus and thrice in Chersoneses (LGPN IV, 9). Ἀγάθαρκος in this exact form is recorded thrice in Olbia (LGPN IV, 2)64. The personal name Λητόδωρος65 has not yet been recorded in Olbia, even though it is known from Phanagoria, Myrmekion66 and Gorgippia of Roman times (CIRB 976, 1179). Nevertheless, it occurs in a 4th-century inscription from Apollonia Pontica (LGPN IV, 210), in a 5th–4th-century text from Sinope (LGPN VA, 268) and thrice in Ionian Halicarnassos from the 5th to the 3rd century BC (LGPN VB, 261), with later examples from other cities of Asia Minor. Διοκλῆς occurs twice in Olbia (5th–3rd centuries BC) (present inscription and no. 7), also once in Bosporus and Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 100). The name Εὀκλῆς has not been previously attested in Olbia, even though it is quite common in Macedonia and Scythia Minor. It occurs in the North Pontic region once in Tyras and Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 132), and it is widespread in the Greek cities of Asia Minor (LGPN VA, 177–78; LGPN VB, 262). The personal name Ἀρχίβιος is also previously unknown in Olbian epigraphy, but is attested in Thrace (in forms Ἀρχίβιος and Ἀρχέβιος: see LGPN IV, 52–53, cf. also LGPN VA, 76, 78). The female name Εὀβούλη is unknown for Olbia as well, but is also common for Macedonia and Thrace (LGPN IV, 129). Τυκοτα seems to be a female name with a hypocoristic suffix -τα. It probably derives from the word τύχη.67 The male counterpart of this name is attested in Gela (Sicily) on a black-glazed Attic kylix: Τυχοτος (500–450 BC).68 The personal name Δι⟨ό⟩δωρος69 is attested in Olbia five times (including this inscription); it also occurs rarely in Nikonion and Tanais (even though generally it is a very common Greek personal name; LGPN IV, 100).

64 V.P. Yailenko’s hypothesis that the name Ἀγάθαρκος in Artikon’s letter ‘was wrongly corrected by some of the previous researchers: in this line of “vile” names this aristocratic name is a “white crow”’, and therefore it should be ‘interpreted as a nickname “he who holds well”, i.e. “go-getter”’ (Yailenko 1997, 114) seems too fanciful. 65 On the personal name Λητόδωρος, see Avram 2009, 311 (Bull. 2010, 445); Avram 2010, 377 (Bull. 2011, 445); Bekhter and Butyagin 2017, 983–85. See also Bull. 2017, 394. 66 Bekhter and Butyagin 2017. See also EP 2016, 22; EP 2017, 37. 67 Cf. Bechtel 1917, 433. 68 Arena 2002, 40, no. 39. 69 Of course, the personal name is misspelled in our curse. It is impossible to agree with A. Rusyaeva, who suggests that here ‘we probably see for the first time an indication of the local pronunciation of the name Diodoros in Olbia’ (Rusyaeva and Ivchenko 2014, 160).

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7. DESCRIPTION: A lead plate with a four-line Greek inscription 3.5 cm high, 13.5 cm wide. In ancient times it was thrice folded (see Figs. 11–12). PLACE OF FIND: Necropolis of ancient Olbia in 1996. PLACE OF STORAGE: Unknown. Private collection. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Tokhtasev 2000, 308–11, fig. 2.1 (SEG 50 702); Caloru 2011, 135–36, pl. 1. BIBLIOGRAPHY: NGCT 120; Avram et al. 2007, 386; EP 2011, 20.

Fig. 11. DefOlb 7 (photograph: after Caloru 2011, 135–36, pl. 1).

Fig. 12. DefOlb 7 (drawing: after Caloru 2011, 135–36, pl. 1).

TEXT: ΗΡΟΔΟΤΟΣΗΕΡΟΚΡΑΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΞΙΜΕΝΗΣΗΕΡΟΦΙΛΟΥ ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΔΩΡΟΣΗΡΑΓΟΡΕΩ ΔΙΟΚΛΗΣΔΕΜΟΚΩΝ

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

Ἡρόδοτος, Ἡροκράτης, Ἀναξιμένης Ἡροφίλου, Διονυσόδωρος Ἡραγόρεω, Διοκλῆς, Δημοκῶν. 2: Ἀν⟨α⟩ξιμένης Tokhtasev.

TRANSLATION: Herodotos, Herokrates, Anaximenes son of Herophilos, Dionysodoros son of Heragores, Diokles, Demokon. COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription corresponds to the peculiarities of the Olbian epigraphic writing of the middle–second half of the 4th century BC: small omicron, small semicircle of rho, angular semicircle of omega with antennae extending just above the end of both its legs, still y-shaped upsilon, lunate sigma.70 As for the language of the inscription, it is worth noting the presence of the Ionic genitive with -εω71: Ἡραγόρεω. The formula contains the personal names in the nominative case, the first and the last two names are given without patronymics: only two central names are given with patronymics: Ἀναξιμένης Ἡροφίλου and Διονυσόδωρος Ἡραγόρεω. We have already encountered this kind of formulas before. Restoring the text of the inscription is not difficult. One has only to point out that the first editor Tokhtasev issued an inscription on the ‘pencil drawings’ of those individuals who discovered this item. There was an error in their facsimile: they missed the alpha in the name Ἀναξιμένης, so Tokhtasyev had to assume that the defigens made the error and accordingly convey the name as Ἀν⟨α⟩ξιμένης. Omar Caloru was able to correct the reading of the text. He was fortunate enough to discover a photograph of the inscription on the American auction site owned by Edgar Owen, who allowed him to publish it in ZPE in 2011. This photograph also allowed Caloru to clarify a number of other readings.72

70 71 72

Tokhtasev considers the closest palaeographic analogy to be no. 15: Tokhtasev 2000, 308. On the Ionic genitive on -εω in early Olbian inscriptions, see IGDOP, p. 189. See Caloru 2011, 135–36, pl. 1.

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Personal names: Ἡρόδοτος occurs in Olbia five times (4th–3rd centuries BC), once in Tyras and Kerkinitis, and 11 times in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 157). Ἡροκράτης is witnessed in Olbia as a personal name thrice (5th–4th centuries BC) and once in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 158). Ἀναξιμένης is a very common name in Olbia in Roman times, but is already recorded in the Hellenistic era73 (LGPN IV, 24). The personal name Ἡρόφιλος is witnessed in Olbia once (in the 4th–3rd centuries BC), thrice in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 158). Διονυσόδωρος occurs thrice in Olbia (starting from the 5th century BC), once in Tyras and five times in the Bosporus (LGPN IV, 105–06). Ἡραγόρης is not a rare personal name in Olbia (6th–3rd centuries BC), the oldest evidence: Tolstoy 1953, no. 41 (6th–5th centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 153). Διοκλῆς was recorded for Olbia (5th–3rd centuries BC) twice (this inscription and no. 6), it is also found once in the Bosporus and in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 100). Δημοκῶν is witnessed in Olbia (4th–2nd centuries BC) six times (LGPN IV, 94).

8. DESCRIPTION: Lead rectangle tablet 10 cm high, 12 cm wide, the lower left corner of which is broken before use. There is a Greek inscription in eight lines on one side, on the left of which, parallel to it, there is scratched its continuation in three lines. It was folded thrice in Antiquity; there are no traces of a nail (see Fig. 13). PLACE OF FIND: The territory of the Olbia necropolis. PLACE OF STORAGE: Unknown. Private collection. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Tokhtasev 2000, 311–15, fig. 2.2 (SEG 50 702). BIBLIOGRAPHY: NGCT 121.

TEXT: ΔΙΟΝΥϹΙΟϹ ΑΡΙϹΤΜΕΝΗΣ Ϲ ΚΡΙΤΩΝ [.?]ΟΝΟΝ

73 IOlb 30 (second half of the 3rd century BC). About this personal name, see alsp Tokhtasev 2000, 310.

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Fig. 13. DefOlb 8 (drawing: after Tokhtasev 2000, 311–15, fig. 2.2).

5

5

ΕΚΑΤΕΩΝ ΕΥΜΕΝΗϹ ΗΓΗΜΟΝ ΦΙΛΙϹΤΟϹ Διονύσιος Ἀριστ⟨ο⟩μένης {Σ} Κρίτων [.?]ΟΝΟΝ Ἑκατέων Εὐμένης Ἡγήμων? Φίλιστος

↑ ΑΡΙϹΤΟΜΕΙϹ ΕΠΙΚΡΑΤΗϹ ΗΡΟΔΟΤΟϹ

↑ Ἀριστομέ⟨ν⟩ης Ἐπικράτης Ἡρόδοτος

4: [Κ]όνων? Tokhtasev; 7: etiam Κτήμων legi potest: Tokhtasev.

TRANSLATION: Dionysios, Aristomenes, Kriton, [.?]ONON, Hekateon, Eumenes, Hegemon (?), Philistos, Aristomenes, Epikrates, Herodotos. COMMENTARY: The palaeography datesr the inscription to the middle–second half of the 4th century BC,74 also taking into account the following features of the script: 74 Tokhtasev (2000, 311) also notes that the script of the inscription is close to that of no. 7, but ‘in general, the letters look a bit archaic, they are written out wide’.

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the right line of nu is rejected sideways, a mu with widely spaced vertical lines, an omicron is generally less than the rest of the letters, an omega (line 5) with a wide rounded semicircle, a sigma is lunate.75 There are no signs of dialectisms in the language. The formula is typical for Olbian practice: personal names in nominative case and without patronymics. It should be noted that such an arrangement of the text – partly horizontally, partly vertically – is found in the other Olbian defixio no. 15. Personal names: Διονύσιος is a very common name, which only for Olbia (starting from the 5th century BC) has been witnessed 30 times (LGPN IV, 101–105). It occurs in nos. 12 (twice), 18, 19 and in the form of patronymic in no. 5. Ἀριστ⟨ο⟩μένης (line 1 and Ἀριστομέ⟨ν⟩ης (line 9) is found in Olbia (4th century BC) three more times (LGPN IV, 45: also in the shape of Ἀριστομένιος in no. 16). See also no. 19. The personal name Κρίτων was not recorded in Olbia before this inscription was published (LGPN IV, 203), although Olbia knows, for example, the personal name Κρίτος (IOSPE I2 201). It is possible that in [.?]ΟΝΟΝ we can see the name [Κ]όνων, twice witnessed by the inscriptions of Olbia in the 3rd century BC (LGPN IV, 198). Ἑκατέων occurs four times from the 5th to the 3rd century BC (LGPN IV, 116). The personal name Εὐμένης is found in Olbia in addition to this inscription in IOlb 71 II6 and in the catalogue IOSPE I2 201 II26. Ἡγήμων is also witnessed for Olbia only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 149). Another reading of this line proposed by Tokhtasev – Κτήμων – is also a personal name not recorded in the northern Black Sea region in general. The personal name Φίλιστος is recorded in Olbia only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 347).76 Ἐπικράτης is a name witnessed more than ten times (starting from the 5th century BC) in Olbia (LGPN IV, 120–21). It is also found in defixiones nos. 9, 13 and 15. Ἡρόδοτος, together with the mention in this inscription, is found in Olbia five times (LGPN IV, 157: all references are to the 4th–3rd centuries BC). See also defixiones nos. 7 and 23. 75 Unfortunately, the first publisher did not have the opportunity to study the object itself in visu, using the not very accurate drawings of illegal finders. ‘In some cases (lines 3, 4, 6, 9), the drawing hardly reproduces the lacunae or errors of the author, most likely, he is simply not quite accurate’: S.R. Tokhtasev 2000, 312. 76 Tokhtasev (2000, 313) suggests that ‘this was the name of the monetary magistrate of the last quarter of the 4th century BC’, with a reference to Anokhin 1989, 106, no. 88: ΦΙΛΙ.

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9. DESCRIPTION: Lead plate height 2.4 cm, width 7.5 cm, thickness 0.1 cm77 with a threeline Greek inscription. It was folded four times in Antiquity; there are no traces of a nail (see Fig. 14). PLACE OF FIND: Exact spot unknown. ‘On the territory of one of the ancient poleis of the northern Black Sea.’ Probably in the Olbian region. PLACE OF STORAGE: Private collection of the late S.N. Platonov, Kiev. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Tokhtasev 2007a (SEG 57 748); Tokhtasev 2009b (SEG 59 865). BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bull. 2008, 405.

Fig. 14. DefOlb 9 (photograph: after Tokhtasev 2009b, 3, fig. 1).

TEXT: ΔΙΟΓΕΝΗΣΕΠΙΚΡΑΤΗΣ ΦΙΛΗΜΩΝ ΑΓΑΘΑΡΧΟΣ Διογένης, Ἐπικράτης, Φιλήμων, Ἀγάθαρχος TRANSLATION: Diogenes, Epikrates, Philemon, Agatharchos.

77

All measurements were made by Andrey Y. Vinogradov.

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COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription dates it to the second half–end of the 4th century BC: an omicron is small relative to other letters, a nu has raised right vertical hasta; there is also a lunate sigma. In the language there are no signs of dialectal development. The formula is typical for Olbian practice: personal names in nominative case without patronymics. Personal names: Διογένης is recorded thrice in Olbia, 11 times in the Bosporus and the same in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 98–99). Ἐπικράτης is witnessed in Olbia more than ten times (starting from the 5th century BC) (LGPN IV, 120–121). See also nos. 8, 13, 15 and 21. Φιλήμων is found in Olbia, except for this inscription, only in one graffito of the 4th–3rd centuries BC (Tolstoy 1953, no. 57; LGPN IV, 342). Ἀγάθαρχος is found in the private letter of Artikon (accusative with the dissimilation of aspirata: Ἀγάθαρκον) and in one graffito of the 3rd century BC (LGPN IV, 2). See also no. 6. 10. DESCRIPTION: Three fragments of the lead plate, of which the largest does not converge with the others. Height: 35 mm. The reconstructed width is about 130 (top)–135 (bottom) mm, thickness is 1.5–2 mm. The dimensions of the three fragments, respectively, width: 90, 37, 34 mm; height: 35, 35, 10 mm (see Figs. 15–18). PLACE OF FIND: The plate was found in the autumn of 2014 in the Olbian region. PLACE OF STORAGE: Private collection. Ukraine. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Belousov et al. 2015, 179–83 (SEG 65 610); Belousov et al. 2016, 172–75. BIBLIOGRAPHY: EP 2015, 7; EP 2016, 10; Bull. 2017, 384.

TEXT: Recto ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΣ[ – – – ]ΔΩΡΟ ΗΕΡΟΔΩΡΟΣ[ – – – – ] Σ ΔΙΟΝΥΣΟΓΕ[ – – – ] Tergo ΑΠΟΛ[ . . ]Δ[ – – – ] ΛΑΠΡΟΦΑΝ[ – – – ] ΗΡΟΦΙΛΟΣ [ – – – ]

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Fig. 15. DefOlb 10 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev).

Fig. 16. DefOlb 10 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev).

Recto Διονύσ⟨ι⟩ος [ . . . . . . . ]δωρος Ἡρόδωρος Διονυσογέ[νης] Tergo Ἀπολ[λό]δ[ωρος] Λα⟨μ⟩προφάν[ης] Ἡρόφιλος TRANSLATION: Dionysios, […]doros, Herodoros, Dionysoge[nes], Apol[lo]d[oros], La(m) prophan[es], Herophilos.

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Fig. 17. DefOlb 10 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

Fig. 18. DefOlb 10 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

COMMENTARY: The three-line text of the inscription on both sides of the plate is scratched with rather wide sweeping letters (the omicron size is smaller than the others). The palaeography of the script allows a dating within the second half of the 4th century BC: the regular form of letters, alpha and delta with a slight tendency to tilt to the right. The special features should also include the sigma inverted 90 degrees to the right in line 1 on recto (see Figs. 15–18). This is another curse before us, which has a formula typical for Olbia: a list of personal names (without patronymics) in the nominative case. Of the linguistic features, we can note the abbreviated spelling of Διονύσ⟨ι⟩ος, based on the alphabetical (from the name of the letter) abbreviation,78 as well as the omission of the mu in the writing of the name Lamprophanes.79 Personal names: Διονύσ⟨ι⟩ος is a very common name, which has been attested 30 times only for Olbia (starting from the 5th century BC) (LGPN IV, 101–05). It is also found in defixiones nos. 5, 8, 12, 21 and 22. 78 About this type of abbreviations, see Wachter 1991, 66–68; 1992, 17–31. See also n. 5. above. 79 About this phenomenon, see Lejeune 1972, 146, 152.

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[– – –]δωρος is a remnant of a personal name with a very popular component in Greek onomastics – δωρος. Διονυσογέ[νης] is recorded in Olbia for the first time, although it is common among residents of Macedonia and Thrace (LGPN IV, 105). Ἀπολ[λό]δ[ωρος] is found in Olbian onomastics from the 5th century BC (LGPN IV, 35). See also no. 12. Λα⟨μ⟩προφάν[ης], if our reading is correct, in which one should assume the implosive nasal misaligned in the text, then we are talking about a new (correctly formed) name that is the result of combining two elements of one semantic register with a positive value.80 Ἡρόφιλος is a very popular personal name in Olbia, the first examples of which date to the 4th century BC (LGPN IV, 158). 11. DESCRIPTION: Lead plate. Dimensions: 3.5 × 5.5 cm; thickness 2.5 mm. The plate has a Greek inscription in five lines from top to bottom along the length of the plate and in three lines perpendicular to the main text on the right side. There is no text on the back. Letter sizes: 0.3 × 0.5 cm, omicron: 0.3 cm (see Figs. 19–20). PLACE OF FIND: It is found approximately 7–10 km from Olbia in the upper reaches of the Adzhigol gully. PLACE OF STORAGE: Private collection, Ukraine. DATE: Second half of the 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Belousov and Dana 2017. BIBLIOGRAPHY: EP 2017, 13; Bull. 2018, 316.

TEXT: → ΕΠΑΙΝΟϹ ΜΥΛΛΙΩΝ Ε.ΜΟΑΠΟϹ ΚΟΙΡΑΝΟϹ 5 ΑΡΑΚΤΑΟΙΤΑΙΠΑΝΤ… ↑Μ ↑ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΕΟ ϹΙΝ → ΑΝ → Ἔπαινος Μυλλίων Ε[ὔ]μο{α}λπος 80

Cf. Bechtel 1917, 275, for example, composite Λαμπροκλῆς.

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Fig. 19. DefOlb 11 (photograph: after Belousov and Dana 2017, 162, fig. 1).

Fig. 20. DefOlb 11 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

Κοίρανος ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α εἰ] ↑{μ} μαρτυρέôσιν → ἄν 5 ↑

5–8: ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α (scil. ἔστω) εἰ] μαρτυρέōσιν ἄν: frustra sint omnia opera (eorum) si testentur (Belousov); ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἰ τὰ{ι} πάντ᾽ ⟨ἂ⟩ ἂν μαρτυρέōσιν Minon.

TRANSLATION: Epainos, Myllion, Eumolpos, Koiranos: let all (their) cases be unsuccessful if they become witnesses (in court).

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COMMENTARY: There are errors in the text, which is not scratched on the plate very carefully. The third line has Α instead Λ in the personal name Εὔμολπος,81 and one can see traces of Α clearly in the fifth line, in the word ἄπρακτα, so that Π letter is missing.82 The article neuter plural has mistakenly excised iota in the same line: τὰ{ι}. The palaeography of the inscription, which demonstrates alpha with horizontal line beyond left hasta, rectangular epsilon, large mu, small omicron, pi with shortened right vertical line, lunate, rectangular sigma83 and y-shaped upsilon, points to the second half of the 4th century BC.84 The distribution of the text on the plate with the continuation of the text on the right side perpendicular to the main text has four analogies in Olbia,85 and they are all also to be dated by the second half of 4th century BC The presence in the text of the inscription of the uncontracted form of the present conjunctive active μαρτυρέōσιν with Ο instead of Ω also suggests that we have the phenomenon of transitional phonology, from the Ionic dialect to Koine. S. Minon’s proposed text correction in lines 5–8 (with the restoration of Ionic psilosis) is ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἰ τὰ{ι} πάντ᾽ ⟨ἂ⟩ ἂν μαρτυρέōσιν, and, accordingly, a different understanding of it, ‘que soient pour lui inefficace la totalité des actes pour lesquels ils témoignent’(?),86 based on bewilderment about the final position of the particle ἄν, is witty and logical from the point of view of the grammatical norm, but hardly correct. With such a restoration of the text, as Minon herself understands perfectly, a legitimate problem of meaning arises. In fact, a number of questions arise. Who are we talking about? About someone who is listed?87 Then who are those to whom the verb μαρτυρέōσιν belongs? Needless to say, putting ἄν in accordance with the school grammar, we create in the text not only another grammatical error (having lost possession of (owner) τὰ πάντα), but also nonsense: it turns out that in the spell, persons who are opposed to each other in court are listed, and defigens betrays 81 Mixing alpha and lambda in Greek inscriptions is not a rare phenomenon: see Reinach 1885, 328–29. An example of this error is the defixio from Hadrumetum DT 271: ΙΣΡΑΜΑ for ΙΣΡΑΗΛ. 82 From the palaeographic point of view, such a haplography can be explained by the fact that the letter rho following the pi is somewhat similar to pi. 83 In Olbia’s lapidary epigraphy, lunate sigma also occurs in the second half of the 4th century BC (see Knipovich 1966, 20). The appearance of the lunate sigma in Attic vase painting belongs to the end of the 4th century BC (see Immerwahr 1990, 160, with bibliography). 84 The closest analogies to our inscription are the Olbian defixiones no. 8: Διονύσιος / Ἀριστ⟨ο⟩μένης / {Σ} Κρίτων / [.?]ΟΝΟΝ / Ἑκατέων / Εὐμένης / Ἡγήμων?/ Φίλιστος / ↑ Ἀριστομέ⟨ν⟩ης / Ἐπικράτης / Ἡρόδοτος; and no. 24. 85 Nos. 2, 8, 13 and 17 (not a single publisher, including Latyshev, studied this monument de visu). 86 ‘May all his actions, about which they will testify in court, be unsuccessful’: Bull. 2018, 316. 87 ‘La personne que désigne οἰ figure-t-elle parmi les quatre nommées en tête?’: Bull. 2018, 316.

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them all at once to the chthonic forces, making at the same time an absurd clarification that, if anyone (who?; listed persons?; some external persons?) will testify in the court against someone (whom?) from the list, then let all his activities be ineffective. And if they do not testify, then let him be all right? Even despite the fact that his name stands in this curse? In general, Minon’s text does not fit into any of our ideas about the text and content of Greek curses in general. I suppose that, if we take into account the general illiteracy of the author of the defixio, as well as the fact that in the second half of the 4th century BC Olbia’s inscriptions are not dominated by a pure Ionic dialect, but by a ‘transitional’ Ionic-Attic Koine, the non-psilotic pronoun οἵ and the position ἄν at the end of the clause can also be legitimate. The magic formula starts with a typical for Olbia listing of personal names without patronymics or matronymics88 with the clause ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἱ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α (scil. ἔστω) εἰ] μαρτυρέ󰰍σιν ἄν, which has not been witnessed so far in either Olbia or the Black Sea region in general. The curses against witnesses are not rare in Olbia. For example: καταδέω γλώσσας ἀντιδίκων καὶ μαρτύρων (IGDOP 105); ἐπ’ ὅ τι/να μαρτυρίην ο[ὗ]τοι ᾿νώησαν (IGDOP 109); καὶ ὅσοι συνη\γ/οροῦσι (SEG 37 681; SEG 42 728). A formula of the type ἄπρακτα ἔστω, has never before been encountered in Olbia, although it cannot be called very rare in general Greek magic practice.89 Personal names: Ἔπαινος it is an anthroponym, directly built on the word ἔπαινος, ‘praise’. This is a rather rare name (LGPN I, 153; LGPN II, 144; LGPN IIIA, 144; LGPN IIIB, 135; LGPN IV, 119; LGPN VA, 156),90 first witnessed in the northern Black Sea region by this inscription. Μυλλίων is a personal name (nickname) testified in Olbia for the second time,91 derived from the root μύλλα, ‘lips’ (Μύλλος, Μυλλέας, Μυλλίς, Μύλλαρον)92 (LGPN IV, 244). 88

See Belousov et al. 2016, 171–72. See, for example: ἅ[παν]τες ἐκείνης ἄπρακτ[α(?)] ôσι (Ziebarth 1934, no. 18). Cf. τὰ πράξιμα ἄπρα|κτα SEG 6 802 (Salamis); SEG 4 37–38 ἐπ’ ἀτ⟨ε⟩λείαι ἐνγράφο; ἐπ’ ἀτελείαι τᾶι τένον ἐγράφο: Commentary: ἐπ’ ἀτελείαι: i.e. ὥστε ἀτελῆ καὶ ἄπρακτα εἶναι. Hinc explicandus Hesychius διατελείαν· τὸ ἄπρακτον, παρὰ Σώφρονι (140 Kaib., quem сonferas)· τινὲς δὲ γράφουσι διαγγελίαν. Fuere nempe, qui non perspicerent. quid esset διατελειαν (velut ἐγγράφω ὡδὶ ἀτελείαν vel τὶν προφέρομες τανδὶ ἀ.). Cf. etiam Wilhelm 1909, 12, n. 8 (= IG XII 9, 1166); SEG 35 225 καὶ ἄπρ[α]κτον. 90 Cf. latin personal name Epaenus (five times in Rome), see Solin 2003 II, 1261. The female form of the personal name Ἐπαινώ is also known (see OGS III, p. 15 [Masson]). 91 SGDI IV, 39 = Syll3 1260 = IGDOP 25 = Dana 2020, no. 30, middle of the 4th century BC. There is a possibility, if we take into account the chronological proximity of the private letter of Artikon and this spell, that we are dealing with the same person. 92 Robert 1963, 155–56; OGS I, 280 (Masson); IGDOP, p. 64. 89

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Εὔμολπος: the name of the mythical king, son of Poseidon. In the Olbian context, this personal name, rather, belongs to the Ionic family of anthroponyms with μολπο-, cf. Milesian molpoi, priests of Apollo Dolphinios.93 In the Pontic region, this name was first witnessed in Apollonia Pontica (Sozopolis) (IGBulg I² 458 bis, 4th–3rd centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 133). Κοίρανος: this is ‘a beautiful poetic and heroic, aristocratic and military name,’ the famous Homeric appellative is rarely found in the rest of the Greek world,94 as L. Robert noted already.95 More often this name is found in an Ionian environment. The name is witnessed in the northern Black Sea region (thrice in Panticapaeum and once in Gorgippia, see LGPN IV, 196–97).

12. DESCRIPTION: A lead plate 6–6.5 cm high and 9.5 cm wide. After writing a six-line Greek inscription, all four corners of the plate were bent to the centre, and then the plate was folded in half, and ‘at the edges of the short sides was pierced with three nails’ (V.V. Shkorpil). The first editor also reports that ‘under the middle of the first line and between the fourth and fifth lines are visible on which the letters of the inscrip-

Fig. 21. DefOlb 12 (drawing: facsimile by Shkorpil 1908, 71). 93

About these names in the Black Sea coast, see Avram 2010, 375–77. LGPN I, 268 (ten entries); LGPN II.1, 109; LGPN IIIA, 144, 253 (five entries); LGPN IIIB, 242 (five entries); LGPN IV, 196–97 (11 entries); LGPN VA, 252 (7 entries); LGPN VB, 240 (five entries); LGPN VC, 225 (nine entries). Cf. Latin personal name Coeranus (six times in Rome), cf. Solin 2003 I, 542. 95 Robert 1963, 385–89, 391–96, 442. 94

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tion are cut’. Description by Pridik (NA IIMK, fund 33, sch. 1, file 57, f. 2): ‘Lamina plumbea, 0,06–0,075 × 0,095 m, plicata et clavo transfixa, Olbiae in tumulo reperta, ex collectione Mavrogordato’ (see Figs. 21–22). PLACE OF FIND: In one of the three adjacent graves, to the north of the ‘Zeus’ tumulus, opened in 1902–1903 by Farmakovsky.96 PLACE OF STORAGE: It was formerly owned by P.A. Mavrogordato, who, through Shkorpil, placed it (along with nos. 6 and 21) ‘at the complete disposal’ of the Russian Imperial Archaeological Commission. Current whereabouts unknown. DATE: 2nd century BC. EDITIONS: Shkorpil 1908, 70–71; IGDOP 110. BIBLIOGRAPHY: SGD 172; Tokhtasev 1999, 192.

Fig. 22. DefOlb 12 (drawing: facsimile by E.M. Pridik, NA IIMK, fund. 33, sch. 1, file. 57. fol. 2).

TEXT: ΠΟΣΙΣΕΥΠΟΛΙΣΦΑΙΔΙΜΟΣΠΟΣΕΙΔΩΝΙΟΣ ΒΑΚΧΙΟΣΝΕΥΠΟΛΙΣΘΑΡΣΗΣΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΣ:ΑΠΟΛ ΛΟΔΩΡΟΣΛΕΟΝΤΙΣΚΟΣΠΟΣΙΕΔΩΝΙΟΣΝΕΥΜΗ ΝΙΟΣΠΡΟΜΗΘΙΩΝΔΗΜΟΠΟΛΙΣΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΟΣ ΝΕΣΤΟΡΙΩΝΚΟΚΚΙΩΝΝΑΝΝΑΣΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΟΣ ΘΡΑΣΥΒΟΥΛΟΣΔΩΡΙΕΥΣΠΟΛΛΙΣ

5

Πόσις, Εὔπολις, Φαίδιμος, Ποσειδώνιος, Βάκχιος, Νεύπολις, Θαρσῆς, Ἀθήναιος,: Ἀπολλόδωρος, Λεοντίσκος, Ποσειδώνιος, Νευμήνιος, Προμηθίων, Δημόπολις, Διονύσιος, Νεστορίων, Κοκκίων, Ναννας, Διονύσιος, Θρασύβουλος, Δωριεύς, Πόλλις

5

2: Βακχίων, Εὔπολις Latyshev (IAK 27 (1908) 70, n. 2).

96

See Farmakovsky 1906.

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TRANSLATION: Posis, Eupolis, Phaidimos, Poseidonios, Bakchios, Neupolis, Tharses, Athenaios, Apollodoros, Leontiskos, Poseidonios, Neumenios, Promethion, Demopolis, Dionysios, Nestorion, Kokkion, Nannas, Dionysios, Thrasyboulos, Dorieus, Pollis. COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription is obviously Hellenistic: the rounded epsilon in the name Ποσειδώνιος in the second line, the lunate sigma, cursive omega, phi with an angular semicircle, the right lines of delta and alpha go beyond the upper boundary. In the language of the inscription is worth noting the Ionic form of the name Θαρσῆς (< Θαρσέας).97 Contraction εο › ευ in personal names Νεύπολις and Νευμήνιος occurs in the language of the Ionian colonies from the 4th century BC.98 The constitution of the text is not difficult. One has only to note that in the drawing of the inscription made by N.E. Makarenko for Shkorpil the second line contains a clearly visible sign of interpunction (ΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΣ: ΑΠΟΛ), about which neither Shkorpil nor Dubois says a word. Further, V.V. Latyshev remarks (in Shkorpil 1908, 70, n. 2) about the beginning of the second line: ‘It seems to be more correct to read Βακχίων, Εὔπολις’. It may be that it is, only the personal name Βακχίων in the northern Black Sea region is not witnessed even once (see LGPN IV, 64), therefore, there is no serious reason to doubt the reading of Shkorpil. The formula is typical for Olbia: personal names in nominative case. Personal names: Πόσις occurs thrice in Olbia and once in Berezan (5th–2nd centuries BC), five times in the Bosporus and once in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 288). Εὔπολις was witnessed five times in Olbia (4th–2nd centuries BC) and once in the Bosporus (LGPN IV, 134). Φαίδιμος is recorded in Olbia twice (4th–2nd centuries BC) and is a frequently encountered personal name in the Bosporus (LGPN IV, 339). Ποσειδώνιος is recorded in Olbia more than ten times (starting from the 4th century BC) and once in the Bosporus, in Tyras and in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 287–88).

97 98

See IGDOP, p. 179. Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.с; IGDOP, p. 187.

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Βάκχιος is recorded in Olbia only in this inscription, and on the Bosporus (in Gorgippia and Panticapaeum from the 3rd century BC) it occurs 14 times (LGPN IV, 64). Νεύπολις is witnessed in Olbia only in this inscription, in Chersonesos (4th–3rd centuries BC) occurs four times (LGPN IV, 248). Θαρσῆς is found only in this Olbian inscription in the entire northern Black Sea region (LGPN IV, 161). Ἀθήναιος is not a rare occurrence in Olbia (beginning in the 4th century BC), a personal name (eight times); it is found only once in the Bosporus and thrice in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 9). See also nos. 2, 3 and 6. Ἀπολλόδωρος is recorded in Olbia three times (5th–2nd centuries BC), nine in the Bosporus, and eight in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 34–36). Λεοντίσκος is a very common personal name in the Greek world, but in the northern Black Sea region it is witnessed only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 208). Ποσειδώνιος (see above) is recorded in Olbia (beginning from the 4th century BC) more than ten times and once in the Bosporus, in Tyras and in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 287–28). Νευμήνιος is not a rare name in the northern Black Sea region: it is found only once in Olbia, namely in this inscription, once in Tyras, three times in the Bosporus (4th century BC) and four in Chersonesos (4th–3rd centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 248). Προμηθίων is witnessed in the northern Black Sea coast only in this inscription. (LGPN IV, 292).99 Δημόπολις is found in Olbia (and in the entire northern Black Sea region) only twice, namely in this inscription and in defixio no. 18 (LGPN IV, 94). Διονύσιος is a very common name, which only for Olbia (starting from the 5th century BC) was witnessed 30 times (LGPN IV, 101–05). It is also found defixiones nos. 5, 8, 12, 21 and 22. Νεστορίων is recorded only once in the northern Black Sea region and in general is a hapax for the entire Greek world (LGPN IV, 248).100 Κοκκίων is also found only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 248).101 Ναννας is found in this form of the northern Black Sea region only here (LGPN IV, 246).102 Διονύσιος (see above) is a very common name, which only for Olbia (from the 5th century BC) has been witnessed 30 times (LGPN IV, 101–05). 99

Generally about this name, see IGDOP, p. 179. See IGDOP, p. 179. 101 About names from κόκκος, see IGDOP, p. 179 (with bibliography). 102 See IGDOP, pp. 179–80. See also Tokhtasev 1999, 192, n. 94; 2007b, 185 and n. 108. 100

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

Θρασύβουλος occurs in Olbia (starting from the 4th century BC) five times (LGPN IV, 169). Δωριεύς is recorded twice in Olbia (once again in the form Δωριεός in defixio no. 12) and in Chersonesos once (LGPN IV, 113). Πόλλις is witnessed for the northern Black Sea region only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 283).

II.

SERIES ALTERA NOMINA DEVOTORVM ET MEMBRA CORPORISQVE EORVM ET

VIS LEGVNTVR

13. DESCRIPTION: Fragment of the clay vessel, probably a patera, height: 4.5 cm, width: 5.4 cm. A seven-line Greek inscription is carved on the inside: height of the letters: 4 mm. Description by E.M. Pridik (NA IIMK, fund 33, sch. 1, file 57. f. 2): ‘Titulus in vasculo colore nigro in interiore parte vasculi pictus est, a 1873 Olbiae in tumulo reperti. Qui primus eum edidit Stephani, CR 1874 p. 107 (cum imagine inscriptionis) titulum Ephesiis litteris addixit. Iam Diehl, Defixionum ostraca duo, Acta universitatis Latviensis VI (1923) recte dixit, hunc titulum nihil aliud esse nisi defixionem. Vasculum estat in museo Ermitage no 420m; altum est 0,045 m. diameter eius est 0,124 m., litterae 0,018–0,05 m.; IV a.Chr. saeculo pictus est. Vox ταμπάρμη, quid sit, nescio. Diehl de devovendi vocabulo, fortasse e Scytharum lingua sumpto, cogitat aut de nomine dei vel daemonis invocati; mea quidem sententia etiam de nomine mulieris cogitari potest quae defixionem scripserit et linguas et vim adversariorum suorum devoverit. Diehl ultimum verbum δύναμιν nomen nomen esse mulieris devotae putat; valde dubito, non recte’ (see Fig. 23). PLACE OF FIND: In the grave outside the city walls. PLACE OF STORAGE: State Hermitage (?), St Petersburg. DATE: 4th–3rd centuries BC.

Fig. 23. DefOlb 13 (drawing: after Stephani 1877, 106).

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

EDITIONS: Stephani 1877, 106–07; Diehl 1923; Thomsen 1924 (SEG 3 595); Novosadskii 1926; IGDOP 108; Belousov 2014. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Pfister 1925, 381; Jordan 1978, 160; Avram et al. 2007, 387; EP 2015, 17; Bull. 2015, 521.

TEXT:

5

5

ΤΑΜΠΑΡΜΗ ΣΙΤΤΥΡΑ ΤΗΝΓΛΩΣΣΑΝ ΤΑΜΠΑΡΜΗ ΚΑΙΘΕΜΙΣΤΑ ΚΑΙΕΠΙΚΡΑΤΕΥΣ ΚΑΙΤΗΝΔΥΝΑΜΙΝ Τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ Σιττυρᾶ τὴν γλῶσσαν τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ καὶ Θεμιστᾶ καὶ Ἐπικράτευς καὶ τὴν δύναμιν

1: Ταμπαρμῆ⟨ς⟩ Diehl, Ταμπάρμη Pridik, Ταμπαρμη Novossadskii (deae nomen) et Dubois, τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ Belousov, ταμπαρμη ceteri; 7: Δύναμιν Diehl, δύναμιν Pfister et Novossadskii.

TRANSLATION: The shield of Sittyras, his tongue, the shield of Themistas and of Epikrates, and their strength. COMMENTARY: It is rather difficult to judge the palaeography of the inscription, since no photograph of it has yet been published. From the drawing of L. Stephani and explanations of E.V. Diehl, it follows that the inscription contains a fluctuation between regular and lunate sigma, as a result of which the inscription can be dated as no earlier than the second half of the 4th century BC. The language of the inscription is of considerable interest. First of all, the vocalic declension of the hypocoristic names in -ᾶς should be noted: Σιττυρᾶς, -ᾶ; Θεμιστᾶς, -ᾶ. This phenomenon, the transition of athematic declension of

SERIES ALTERA

45

hypocoristics with the voiced basis ib -ᾶς (gen. -ᾶδος) to the thematic declination in -ᾶς (gen. -ᾶ), can be observed since the 3rd century BC.103 Further, note the genitive on -ευς in the names of -ης: Ἐπικράτευς; as noted above (see commentary to no. 12), such a genitive case appears in the Ionian poleis and apoikiai, from the 4th century BC.104 In the first line, if I am right in my reading of τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ (see below), we also have a case of assimilation -ν before labial -π,105 as well as a loss of -ν in the accusative, which is a consequence of its weakening in the outcome of the word.106 The text of the inscription can not be called simple. The key problem is ΤΑΜΠΑΡΜΗ, which Diehl suggested to understand either as a genitive of an unknown Scythian name *Ταμπαρμῆς, or as something like a Latin devoveo in Scythian dialect. No one has yet been able to prove anything, so, for example, L. Dubois simply gives Ταμπαρμη without accentuation signs, commenting on it with one phrase: ‘Le mot ταμπαρμη est mystérieux’.107 I suppose that it is possible to read here τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ on the above linguistic grounds: the assimilation of -ν in the article and the loss of -ν in the accusative πάρμη⟨ν⟩ due to the weakening of this -ν in the absolute end of the word (and in the next syllable after stressed one). The Doricisms that were left without explanation in my republication of this inscription in 2014, which A. Avram rightly pointed out,108 must probably be explained by the high social and cultural mobility that took place in the region.109 With such a reading, the following question naturally arises: If the word πάρμη is witnessed for the first time in the text The Histories of Polybius (6. 22; 29. 14) and is believed to be a translation of the Latin word parma into Greek, can we assume it in our inscription, which is so far from Rome and Polybius, especially if we date it with the second half of the 4th–first half of the 3rd century BC? However, when this word is first approached, it becomes clear that everything is not so simple with it. This word is absent in 103 See Thumb 1901, 231; Bechtel 1921–24 III, 129; Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.11; Tokhtasev 2009a. 104 See Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.2; IGDOP, p. 187. 105 The closest examples in lapidary inscriptions are: IOSPE I² 78 ([οἵ κε εὖ ποιήσωσι] /⟨τ⟩ὰμ πόλιν, [καὶ τίμων αὔτοις]) and IOSPE I² 401 (οὔτε ποτὶ Ἕλλανα οὔτε ποτὶ βά[ρ]/βαρον, ὃ μέλλει τὰμ πόλιν βλάπτειν). 106 Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 323.3. This phenomenon is also often observed in Attic defixiones: Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 330.3. 107 IGDOP, p. 175. N.I. Novosadskii writes: ‘We have no data regarding the Scythian origin of the word ταμπαρμη, either against this origin or for it, and as for the meaning of what the exorcist connected with this word, then there is more reason to think that it was the name of some deity, than any verbal form that replaced the usual verbs in the spells καταδέω, ἀφιερόω, etc.’ (see Novosadskii 1926, 42). 108 See Bull. 2015, 521. 109 About this phenomenon, see Dana 2011 (EP 2011, 5; SEG 61 591).

46

DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

the etymological dictionaries of the Greek language, which apparently indicates that their compilers (J. Hoffmann, P. Chantraine and H. Frisk) consider πάρμη to be a non-Greek lexeme. Referring to the Latin etymological dictionaries, we find that the word parma has no generally accepted etymology. Attempts to explain the etymology of the word or from the Latin language as dissimilation parmula ← palmula (M. Niedermann), from *parc-ma (to latin pareo, compesco) (O. Widemann), or from Celtic languages, gall. *parma from correspondances cimr. parfa ‘Schutzplatte, Feuerglitter’ and parfaes ‘shield’ (A. Walde), by comparing ancient ind. cárman ‘skin, leather’ and Greek τερμιόεις (epithet of a shield made of leather) (Johanson) are not recognised as successful and the etymology of the word parma is still not considered clarified.110 In addition to the Latin source for this word in Greek and especially in the language of the North Pontic region, we are quite right to assume also a Palaeo-Balkan source, which could well be the source of the Latin parma. Clemens of Alexandria (Stromat. 1. 16) reports that Ἰλλυριοὶ τὴν καλουμένην πάρμην ἐξεῦρον, on the other hand, Hesychios (s.v.) says: ⟨Πάρμη⟩· Θ(ρ)ᾴκιον ὅπ(λ)ον, σκεπαστήριον, κονδότρον θυρεοῦ. Proceeding from these two ancient testimonies, albeit of a later time, it can be assumed that the word πάρμη, at least in Olbia in the 4th–3rd centuries BC, could come directly from the representatives of the Thracian neighbours. Thus, not having anything more clearly explaining the text, I suggest reading the first and fourth lines of our inscription as τὰμ πάρμη(ν). There is nothing surprising in the spell of an item or tool belonging to the enemies of the author’s curse. Already in the Attic defixiones we find many examples of this kind: ἐργαστήριον (DTA 68, 71, 74–75, 84), ἐμπόριον (DTA 75), κτῆμα (DTA 87), καπηλεῖον (DTA 70–71, 85, 87), ὄργανον (DTA 73) et al. It is worth noting, however, that no other examples of spells mentioning weapons or defensive armament have yet been found, as far as I know, but there is nothing surprising in the curse of the weapon and the strength of the enemy, which was in the grave outside the city walls, taking into account constant military situation in the polis of Olbia. There is nothing strange in repeating the same word several times: this is an example of the so-called ‘magical repetition’, chanting the chthonic demon. The formula of a magical text that lists parts of the body and things of enchanted opponents with the release of a ‘binding’ verb (like καταδέω) is unusual for Olbia, but is nevertheless quite common in Attica and in other regions of the ancient oikumene. 110 Ernout and, Meillet 1967, 735; Walde 1938, 256; Hofmann 1989, 318–19 (he believes without doubt thst the given word is Latin).

SERIES ALTERA

47

Personal names: Σιττυρᾶς is witnessed for the northern Black Sea region in general only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 312).111 Θεμιστᾶς is the only example of this personal name found in the northern Black Sea region, it is also recorded twice in Thrace (LGPN IV, 162). Ἐπικράτης is a name more than ten times witnessed in Olbia (from the 5th century BC) (LGPN IV, 120–21), already familiar to us from defixiones nos. 8, 9, 13 and 18.

III.

SERIES TERTIA NOMINA

DEVOTORVM ET PERSONARVM ALIORVM,

MEMBRA CORPORISQVE EORVM LEGVNTVR

14. DESCRIPTION: Lead plate, from 3 to 3.3 cm high, 13.5 cm wide; thickness: 1 mm. Broken in half ‘probably when unfolded or cleaned’ (V.V. Shkorpil). There are no traces of nails. Description by E.M. Pridik (NA IIMK, fund 33, sch. 1, file 57. f. 2): ‘Lamina plumbea, 0,03 × 0,135 m.; Olbiae reperta in tumulo, complicate et in duas partes, cum explicaretur, fracta; nunc in collectione Mavrogordato. Titulus ionicae est dialecti, litterae optime distinguuntur’ (see Figs. 24–25). PLACE OF FIND: In one of the three adjacent graves, to the north of the ‘Zeus’ tumulus, opened in 1902–1903 by B.V. Farmakovsky.112 PLACE OF STORAGE: It was formerly owned by P.A. Mavrogordato, who, through Shkorpil, handed it over to the Imperial Archaeological Commission. It is now stored in the Odessa Archaeological Museum (OAM), inv. 44309. DATE: 5th century BC. EDITIONS: Shkorpil 1908, 69–70; Yailenko 1980, 86–87, pl. VIII.1 (drawing), fig. 2 (photograph) (SEG 30: 930); IGDOP 101. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bull. 1982, 236; SGD 171; Avram et al. 2007, 385, no. 1.

TEXT: ΕΟΒΟΛΟΣΜΟΙΡΑΓΟΡΕΩ: ΔΩΡΙΕΟΣΝΥΝΦΟΔΩΡΟ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΔΗΣΤΙΜΟΘΕΟΑΠΑΤΟΡΙΟΣΥΠΑΝΙΧΟ ΙΗΤΡΟΔΩΡΟΣΕΚΑΤΟΚΛΕΟΣ: ΚΑΙΤΟΣΑΟΤΩΙΣΥΝΙΟ ΝΤΑΣΠΑΝΤΑΣ Εὄβολος Μοιραγόρεω, Δωριεὸς: Νυνφοδώρο, Ἀπολλωνίδης Τιμοθέο, Ἀπατριος Ὑπανίχο, Ἰητρόδωρος Ἑκατοκλέος: καὶ τ ς αὀτῶι συνιόντας πάντας. 1 et 3: Signa interpunctionis tantummodo Shkorpil indicat. 2: Ὑπανίχο Yailenko, Ὑπανίδος Shkorpil; 3: Ἰητρόδωρος Yailenko, Μητρόδωρος Shkorpil. 112

See Farmakovsky 1906.

Fig. 25. DefOlb 14 (drawing: © V.P. Yaylenko).

Fig. 24. DefOlb 14 (photograph: © I.V. Bruyako).

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49

50

DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

TRANSLATION: Eubolos son of Moiragores, Dorieus son of Nymphodoros, Apollonides son of Timotheos, Apatorios son of Hypanichos, Ietrodoros son of Hekatokles, and everyone helping him. COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription is distinguished by a certain mixture of the forms of the script of the Early Classical and Classical eras. On the one hand, the y-shaped upsilon is characteristic for ‘small’ epigraphy of the 5th century BC, however, in the forms of omega (round and angular), some fluctuation can be observed, which may indicate the turn of the 5th–4th centuries, or may simply be a consequence of the influence of material (lead) on the shape of the letter. Theta also has a more recent form (with a horizontal line instead of a point in the centre of a circle). The language of this inscription, however, clearly demonstrates the features of the Ionic dialect. The second element of own diphthongs -υ is expressed through -ο: ευ › εο (Εὄβολος; Δωριεός), αυ › αο (αὀτῶι).113 The long closed [ọ] is reflected through о-: Εὄβολος, Νυνφοδώρο, Τιμοθέο, τ ς.114 It is worth pointing out in morphology the presence of the Ionic genitive: Μοιραγόρεω.115 It is the linguistic features of the inscription that force it to date closer to the 5th century BC. The formula of the inscription is typical for Olbia: the personal names are put in the nominative case. In addition, as in no. 14, the personal names stand with patronymics.116 Such a formula (the personal names in the nominative case) is well known in the Greek magical practice, but it is worth noting not found anywhere else καὶ τ ς αὀτῶι συνιόντας πάντας, which Shkorpil rightly connects with formulas like καὶ τοὺς συμπράττοντας and καὶ τοὺς μετὰ το δεῖνος πάντα.117 Such formulas are known, for example, in the following inscriptions: DTA 35: πάντες / ὅσοι ἐμοὶ /ἐχθρὰ ἢ /[ἐ]ν[αντία / [πράττουσι]; DTA 37 (in margine dextro): [σ]υνπράττοντα[ς]; 38: καὶ τος ἄλλος πάντας / ἢ ὅσοι συν[ήγο]/ροι αὐτο[ῖς]; DTA 66: καὶ ὅσοι σύνδικοι / μετ’ Ε/ὐαράτο σ⟨υ⟩νπράττωσι καὶ 113 This phenomenon is also found in other Olbian inscriptions demonstrating the features of the Ionic dialect: see IGDOP, p. 183. About this phenomenon in the Ionic dialect in general, see Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.7. 114 See commentary on no. 14. 115 The Ionic genitive in Olbia discussed by Dubois: see IGDOP, p. 189. Generally about this, see Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.2. 116 See commentary on no. 14. 117 Shkorpil 1908, 70.

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ὅσοι ἂν σ/⟨ύ⟩νδικος μετ’ Εὐαράτο/ καὶ τος Εὐ/αράτο; DTA 79: κατα[δῶ] / συνπαρόντας / Μενό/κριτος; DT 60: καὶ τοὺ[ς] ἄλλο[υ]ς ἅπαν/τας τοὺς με[τὰ] Νερ[ε]ΐδ[ο]υ / κατηγόρους; DT 61: τοὺς μετὰ Πλαθά/νης πάντας καὶ ἄν/δρας καὶ γυναῖκας; DT 63: [— — — καὶ] το(ὺ)ς συνδίκ[ο(υ)ς ο(ὓ)ς / [ὁ δεῖνα ἐμαρτύ]ρατο; DT 67: Μένωνα καὶ Φιλοκύδην καὶ [Φ]ιλόστρατο/ν καὶ Κηφισόδωρον καὶ τοὺς ἄλ[λ]ους τοὺς μ/ετ’ ἐκείνο[υ σ]υνεστάκειν and others. Since such formulas are most often related to judicial practice, it can be assumed that this Olbian inscription is also a tabella iudiciaria. Personal names: Εὄβολος is quite a common name found throughout the Greek oikumene: LGPN I, 172 (Εὔβωλος!); LGPN II, 164–65; LGPN IIIA, 161; LGPN IIIB, 150. In the northern Pontus, the name occurs five times in Gorgippia (LGPN IV, 129) and twice in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 130). The name is met, possibly also in no. 19. The father’s name of our Euboulos, Μοιραγόρης is found in the northern Black Sea region only once, namely in this inscription. Δωριεός is recorded once again in the form of Δωριεύς in defixio no. 10 and in Chersonesos once (LGPN IV, 113). The patronymic Νυμφόδωρος is found in the northern Black Sea region was recorded six times (Bosporus: 4th–3rd centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 258), but in the form Νυνφόδωρος is present only in this inscription. Ἀπολλωνίδης occurs more than 20 times in the northern Pontic region (LGPN IV, 36), and in Olbia only once. The father’s name of our Apollonides Τιμόθεος is very common: more than 20 times in the northern Black Sea region, in Olbia thrice (5th–3rd centuries BC), once in Tyras (LGPN IV, 332). Ἀπατριος is recorded 18 times (LGPN IV, 33), it occurs eight times in Olbia alone (6th–3rd centuries BC). His father’s name Ὑπάνιχος is indicated only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 338). V.P. Yailenko118 and after him L. Dubois119 believe that the name Ὑπάνιχος could be derived from the hydronym Ὕπανις, just as, for example, the name Ἀσώπιχος is derived from the name of the river in Boeotia and Thessaly Ἄσωπος.120 It should also be noted that in the Olbian epigraphy there is a dedication to the deities Ὕπανις and Βορυσθένης,121 so it can be assumed that Ὕπανις is not only hydronym, 118

Yailenko 1980, 87. IGDOP, p. 168. 120 Bechtel 1917, 558. 121 Dedicatory graffiti from the excavations of 1935–1936 are now in the Kerch Museum: КМГ 13. See Kocevalov 1948, 256; Yailenko 1980, no. 71, pl. X.1 (drawing) (SEG 30 913); Bull. 1982, 236; Rusyayeva 1992, 136–38; IGDOP 82; Tokhtasev 1999, 189. 119

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

but also the theonym from which the names Ὕπανις (IOSPE I2 134)122 and Ὑπάνιχος. The name Ὕπανος,123 which appears in the inscription IOSPE I2 329, probably also derives from this hydronym-theonym. Ἰητρόδωρος: this personal name is also not found anywhere else except this inscription and another inscription from Histria (6th century BC) (LGPN IV, 173), however, the name is quite Olbian, taking into account the Apollo Ietros cult common here124 and analogical formation of names according to theonym + δωρος scheme (cf., for example, Ἀχιλλόδδωρος LGPN IV, 63; Θεόδωρος LGPN IV, 164, 165; Ἰσίδωρος, LGPN IV, 178; Βενδίδωρος LGPN IV, 67 and others). There are more than 50 examples of such names in the region in LGPN IV (p. 384).125 The patronymic of this Ietrodoros, Ἑκατοκλῆς, is found in Olbia, besides this inscription, only in IGDOP 65 (LGPN IV, 116).

15. DESCRIPTION: Quadrangular lead plate: 3.5 cm high and wide. 13 cm; thickness: 2 mm. Opisthograph. There are no traces of nails (see Fig. 26). PLACE OF FIND: On the southern slope of the Olbian necropolis (area 1, 2) in the greyclay layer in the neighbourhood of the object of the 5th–4th centuries BC (excavations of Y.I. Kozub). PLACE OF STORAGE: Institute of Archaeology, National Academy of Sciences of the Ukraine, Kiev: 0/1982, necr. -19. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Vinogradov 1994a, 103–08, no. 1 (SEG 44: 669); IGDOP 106. BIBLIOGRAPHY: EBGR 1996: 270; NGCT No. 116; Avram et al. Matei 2007, 386, no. 6.

TEXT: Recto ΑΡΤΕΜΙΔΩΡΟΣΗΡΟΦΙΛΟ ΘΑΛΑΙΩΔΥΟΠΑΙΔΕϹ ΕΠΙΚΡΑΤΗϹΗΡΟϹΩΝΤΟϹ ΔΙΟϹΚΟΡΙΔΗϹΦΙΛΟΓΗΘΕΟϹΚΙΛΛ ΕΟΚΑΡΠΟϹΗΡΟΦΙΛΟϹ 122

↑ ΘΑΤΟΡΑΚΟ\Ϲ/ ΗΡΑΓΟΡΗ ΗΓΗΣΑΓΟ ΡΗϹ

On this anthroponym, see Zgusta 1955, § 782. On this personal name, see also Tokhtasev 2007c, 97. 124 On the cult of Apollo Ietros in Olbia, see Rusyayeva 1979, 9, 15–16, 146–47, 150–51; 1992, 29–41; Vinogradov and Rusyayeva 2001. See also Dana and Dana 2009. 125 About personal names of this type, see also Bechtel 1917, 114–47. 123

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SERIES TERTIA

Fig. 26. DefOlb 15 (drawing: after Vinogradov 1994a, 105, fig. 1).

Tergo ΚΑΙΑΛΛΟΙΟΙΕΝΑΝΤΙΟΙΕΜΟΙ ΚΑΦΑΚΗϹΦΔΗΜΟΚΩΝΑΤΑΗϹ Recto

5

Ἀρτεμίδωρος Ἡροφιλο, Θαλαιώ, δύο παῖδες, Ἐπικράτης Ἡροσῶντος, Διοσκορίδης Φιλογήθεος, Κιλλ(ος?), Εὄκαρπος, Ἡρόφιλος,

Θατόρακο\ς/, Ἡραγόρη(ς?), Ἡγησαγόρης

Tergo καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι ἐ\μοί/· Καφακης, Δημοκῶν, Ἀτάης, 6: καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι Vinogradov.

TRANSLATION: Artemidoros son of Herophilos, Talaio, two children, Epikrates son of Heroson, Dioskorides son of Philogethes, Kill(os?), Eokarpos, Herophilos, and others my enemies. Kaphakes, Demokon, Ataes, Thatorakos, Heragores, Hegesagores.

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

COMMENTARY: One of the features is that the text of the curse is scratched on the tablet, already, apparently, used earlier for another text. There are clearly visible letters in the centre of recto: ΑΡΙ (size of letters: 8 mm). The first editor, Y.G. Vinogradov hesitantly suggested that such objects ‘could serve as something like tesserae or less, pinakia of the dikastai’. As a close parallel, Vinogradov cites a rectangular lead plate originating from Olbia, possibly lost now with the text in the centre: ΝΙΚ.126 The palaeography of the main text of the inscription is characteristic of the second half of the 4th century BC: not inclined regular alpha and delta, epsilon with equal horizontal line, lambda and mu with widely spaced vertical lines, omega has an angular shape and, finally, oscillations of sigma form (four strokes in one line and lunate sigma in other cases).127 The language of the inscription is full of Ionicisms: Ionic transition ᾱ › η (Ἡραγόρη(ς); Ἡγησαγόρης); reflection of a closed closed [ọ] through о(Ἡροφιλο; Διοσκορίδης);128 treatment of diphthong ευ as εο (Εὄκαρπος);129 unconctracted Ionic inflexion of the genitive case of masculine sigmatic names ending in -ης (Φιλογήθεος).130 In the personal name Ἀτάης we can assume the reduction of triphthong to diphthong (αιη → αη).131 Thus, the palaeography and linguistics of the inscription together allow us to date it closer to the middle of the 4th century BC. The spell formula is generally typical for Olbia (the personal names in the nominative case), although in the second line we also see δύο παῖδες. Just on the other side we see a certain novelty to Olbia: καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι ἐ\μοί/. This is not to say that the word ἐνάντιος is found very often in magical inscriptions. As a few parallels, the following more or less similar examples can be given: πάντες / ὅσοι ἐμοὶ / ἐχθρὰ ἢ / [ἐ]ν[αντία / [πράττουσι] DTA 35; καὶ ε⟨ἴ⟩ τις ἐναντί⟨α⟩ ε⟨ἰ⟩ τὰ τούτων ἐσ⟨τ⟩ί / ἄλλος πράττ{ι}ει ἐμοί 126 Photographic Archive of Institute for the History of Material Culture, Russian Academy of Sciences, Q 586.64 (excavations of 1912, 87, no. 885). There is an embarrassing mistake in the review by D.R. Jordan which could mislead his readers: in the lemma to this monument, he writes that on the plate that we republish now, is ‘written over letters ΝΙΚ’ (NGCT 116, p. 29). 127 In Olbia’s lapidary epigraphy, lunate sigma also occurs in the second half of the 4th century BC: see Knipovich 1966, 20. The appearance of the lunate sigma in Attic vase-painting belongs to the 4th century BC: see Immerwahr 1990, 160 (with bibliography). 128 This phenomenon is also found in other Olbian inscriptions demonstrating the features of the Ionic dialect, see IGDOP, p. 183. See above, n. 47. 129 See IGDOP, p. 183. About this phenomenon in the Ionic dialect in general, see Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.7; Bechtel 1921–24 III, 34. 130 See Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.2а; Bechtel 1921–24 III, 140. 131 About reduction of triphthongs in Olbian inscriptions, see IGDOP, pp. 186–87.

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DTA 66; – – τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία πρ[άτ/τουσιν] DTA 83.132 Thus, it turns out that the expression καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι is in a certain sense unique among ancient Greek formulas. The parallels from the inscriptions written in Latin language are closer to this expression: et quisquis adve/rsarius DT 93; inimicorum / nomina ad / ……… lum / inferos (further the personal names follow in nominative case) DT 96; inimici et inimici (the personal names follow in nominative case) DT 101; si quis adversarius / au[t] adversaria DT 133. However, it is probably not an error to attribute this form to the type of defixiones iudiciariae.133 Personal names: Ἀρτεμίδωρος is a very common Greek name in Olbia (4th–3rd centuries BC), recorded three more times in the defixiones nos. 5 (bis) and 18 (LGPN IV, 49–50), as well as his father’s name, Ἡρόφιλος, already encountered in nos. 6 and 7, recorded in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 158). The female name-hapax Θαλαιώ (LGPN IV, 160), perhaps, as S.R. Tokhtasev says, ‘is formed by analogy with Ἀρχαιώ, Δικαιώ, Νεικαιώ (Pape-Benseler s.vv.) from the base θαλ- or from the male name *Θάλαιος or *Θαλᾶς; an assimilation from *Θαλειώ is also not excluded, cf. [Δα]μο-θάλεια HP 197’.134 Ἐπικράτης is a name that was witnessed more than ten times in Olbia (beginning in the 5th century BC) and is found in nos. 8, 9, 11 and 18 (LGPN IV, 120–21). His father’s name Ἡροσῶν is also not rare in Olbia (4th–2nd centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 158). See also no. 19. Διοσκορίδης (i.e. Διοσκουρίδης) occurs thrice in Olbia (4th–2nd centuries BC), twice in the Bosporus and six times in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 106–08). The patronymic Φιλογήθης is found in the Black Sea region only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 347). The personal name Κιλλ(ος?), Restored by the first editor hypothetically in the Black Sea region is not attested, although it occurs, for example, on Euboea and Paros (LGPN I), however it should be borne in mind also that in Thrace the name Κιλλαῖος is recorded, and there are names Κιλλεύς and Κίλλης in Macedonia (LGPN IV, 191). Εὄκαρπος (i.e. Εὔκαρπος) is not witnessed in Olbia and in general in the northern Black Sea region except this inscription (LGPN IV, 118), however, it is found in the Greek onomastics of Macedonia and Thrace (LGPN IV, 132). Cf. also NGCT 40: καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος τι μαίνεται ἐχθρός. See the commentary on the previous inscription. 134 Tokhtasev 1999, 192. See also previous interpretations: Vinogradov 1994, 107; IGDOP, p. 173. 132

133

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

On the name Ἡρόφιλος see above (the name of the father of Artemidoros). The barbarian name Καφακ󰯍ς (sc. Καφάκης) is not found in Olbia except for this inscription and defixio no. 5 (LGPN IV, 189). The personal name Δημοκῶν, encountered in no. 7, was witnessed in Olbia (4th–2nd centuries BC) six times (LGPN IV, 94). Ἀτάης is probably identical with the name of the Scythian king Ἀτέας (Strabo 7. 3. 18). Cf. the transmission of his name on the coins: ΑΤΑΙΑΣ.135 Tokhtasev considers it possible to admit the proximity of this name ‘to Iran. *hāta- with the same suffix *-aya-, as in the personal name Ιγδαμπαιης , Ακτιγαιος no. 30 [IGDOP – A.B.]; the personal name Ατακης no. 25 (IGDOP – А.B.) apparently refers here as well as CIRB 914 (Vinogradov’s comparison) and, possibly, Αταχαιης 1061; to -αη- instead of -αιη- cf. Ἀθηνάης, ὑστεράη nos. 68, 69, 100 [IGDOP – A.B.]’.136 Θατόρακος (LGPN IV, 161), a name not encountered elsewhere, Vinogradov rightly considers it barbarian, pointing to the typical Iranian suffix -ακ- and offers to associate it with the Bosporan hydronym Θάτης (Diodorus 20. 22. 3) or with the ethnonym from Sindika Θατεῖς (CIRB 9, 25, 972, 1015).137 It may also indicate the anthroponym Θ[ά]της, found in the inscription from Hermonassa (CIRB 1073). Tokhtasev believes that Θατορακος < Scythian *Čaturaka-, to *čatur‘four’, is an abbreviation of a composite name like Avest. Čаθβar-əspa-, Sanscr. Catur-aśva- ‘having four horses (in harness)’.138 Ἡραγόρης is not a rare name in Olbia (the oldest evidence: Tolstoy 1953, no. 41 (6th–5th centuries BC), see also nos. 7, 21) (LGPN IV, 153). Ἡγησαγόρης is recorded for Olbia only by this text, but it occurs four times in Histria (5th–4th centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 149).

16. DESCRIPTION: The quadrangular lead plate. Height and width unknown; thickness: 1.5–2 mm. There are no traces of nails (see Fig. 27). PLACE OF FIND: Necropolis of Olbia. PLACE OF STORAGE: Unknown. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Tokhtasev 2000, 299–308, fig. 1.2 (SEG 50 702). BIBLIOGRAPHY: NGCT 119; Avram et al. 2007, 386, no. 8; Tokhtasev 2007c, 90–91 (SEG 57 690).

135 136 137 138

Anokhin 1973. Tokhtasev 1999, 192. See also Tokhtasev 2005. Vinogradov 1994a, 107; 1997, 159, no. 12 bis. See Matkovskaya and Tokhtasev 2006, 185, n. 32.

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Fig. 27. DefOlb 16 (drawing: after Tokhtasev 2000, 298, fig. 1.2).

TEXT:

5

5

ΒΑΤΙΚΩΝΑΠΑΤΟΥΡΙΟΣ ΠΙΘΑΚΗΣΦΟΡΜΙΩΝ ΑΝΤΙΑΝΑΞΣΠΑΛΩΗΔΥ vac. [ . . . . . .2-3 vss.. . . . . . ] ΔΖ ‾ ΠΕΡΙΑΠΑΤΟΥΡΙΟΝ ΚΑΙΠΙΤΑΘΑΚΗΝΚΑΙΒΑΤΙ ΚΩΝΑΠΑΝΤΑ vac. I vac. Βατίκων, Ἀπατούριος, Π⟨ι⟩τθάκης, Φορμίων, Ἀντιάναξ, Σπαλω⟨ν⟩, Ἡδυ-vac. [--------------2-3 vss.-----------] Δ (?) Ζ ‾ περὶ Ἀπατούριον, καὶ Πιτ{α}θάκην καὶ Βατικῶνα πάντα⟨ς⟩ vac. | vac.

TRANSLATION: Batikon, Apatourios, Pitthakes, Phormion, Antianax, Spalo⟨n⟩, Hedy-(?), [……….], D(?) Z, and everybody led by Apatourios, and Pitthakes, and Batikon.

58

DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

COMMENTARY: The plate was folded several times horizontally relative to the text of the inscription, and the plane of the folds were flattened with a ‘hammer or stone’. When unfolding the plate was broken, thereby the upper parts of the letters in the fold before the last line were damaged. In addition, ‘two or three lines, coming after the third, remained behind the fold’. The palaeography of the inscription corresponds to the first half–middle of the 4th century BC. This is indicated by the correct form of alpha and delta, mu with wide vertical lines and a slightly angular form of omega. To the first half–middle of the 4th century BC can be attributed the presence of a y-shaped upsilon and the four-line sigma. On the other hand, the language of the inscription does not contain any typical Ionic dialectisms, which, it seems, makes Tokhtasev to lean towards dating it to the second half of the 4th century BC. The peculiarity of the language of the inscription, which should be noted, is the falling away of final consonants, something that is, as was repeatedly noted, characteristic of spell language.139 The spell formula opens with a typical Olbian list of personal names (without patronymics) in the nominative, after a lacuna of 2–3 lines, in which Tokhtasev suggests ‘something like καταδέω (καταγράφω) τοὺς ἐναντίους (ἀντιδίκους, μαρτύρους) τοὺς κτλ. with the repetition of the names of the main opponents in accusative’;140 the formula follows: περὶ Ἀπατούριον / καὶ Πιτ{α}θάκην καὶ Βατι/ κῶνα πάντα⟨ς⟩. It should be noted that in the lacuna, rather, it could be not the verbum devotorium, but the names of the persons who were headed by Apatourios, Pitthakes and Batikon, the change of case from the nominative to accusative (πάντα⟨ς⟩) in such documents can only suggest verbum devotorium, without inscribing it in the spell at the same time. Regarding the expression περί + acc. it is noteworthy that, as far as I know, it has never been witnessed in the defixiones of the ancient world. D.R. Jordan proposes to see in ΠΑΝΤΑ not an accusative, but a nominative of the plural neuter, complementing it only with the implied predicate λέγεται. At the same time, he also suggests interpreting the expression περὶ Ἀπατούριον κτλ. as ὑπὲρ Ἀπατούριον κτλ.141 However, neither the first nor the second is cumulatively confirmed by analogies is difficult. Offering to understand περί + acc. as ὑπὲρ + acc. Jordan apparently relies on several famous spells from Selinunte (καὶ το⟨ὺς⟩ ὑπὲρ ἔτους ἅπαντας (SGD 110, SEG 34 953), Spain (πάντα⟨ς⟩ 139 Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 323.3. Such a phenomenon is also often observed in Attic defixiones: Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 330.3. See also Schwyzer 1939, 410; Threatte 1980, 640. 140 Tokhtasev 2000, 308. 141 D.R. Jordan in NGCT, p. 30.

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τοὺς ὑπὲρ Ἀριστάρχ[ου] (SGD 133, SEG 47 1538) and Pydna (ἄλλος \ὑ/πὲρ ἐ/κείνου (NGCT 39; SEG 52 617, IV), while neglecting the language pattern of Olbia, where the formula περί + acc. occurs quite often and always means ‘led by someone’ or, as is likely in this instance, ‘together with someone’, i.e., is close in meaning to the formula μετά + gen.142 Parallels from magic texts with the expression οἱ μετά + gen. are very very numerous: Athens: καὶ τοὺς ἄ/λλους τοὺς / μετὰ Κοννῦδος (DTA 57); καὶ / τοὺς με/τὰ τούτων (DTA 57); καὶ τοὺς μετ’ ἐκείνων (DTA 67); καὶ τοὺς μετὰ Κτησίου ἅπαντας (DTA 101); καὶ τοῖς μετ’ ἐκε⟨ί⟩νο(υ) βο(υ)λεύο(υ)σιν καὶ πράττο(υ)σιν (DTA 107); καὶ τοὺ[ς] ἄλλο[υ]ς ἅπαν/τας τοὺς με[τὰ] Νερ[ε]ΐδ[ο]υ / κατηγόρους (DT 60); τοὺς μετὰ Πλαθά/νης πάντας καὶ ἄν/δρας καὶ γυναῖκας (DT 61); τοὺς ἄλ[λ]ους τοὺς μ/ετ’ ἐκείνο[υ σ]υνεστάκειν (DT 67); ὁπόσοι σὶν ἀντίδικοι Εὐόπηι μετὰ Πυθέο (SGD 6); καὶ ἔ τις ἄλλος μετ’ ἐκενωιν (sic!) / ξύνδικός ἐστι ἒ μάρτυς (SGD 9, SEG 21: 1093); καὶ ὅσοι με⟨τὰ⟩ (Σ)ατυρινο εἰσι καταδῶ (SGD 14); καὶ τ ς / ἄλλος / τ ς μετ’ ἐκένο / [ἀ]ντ[ιδ]ίκος / [ἅπαν]τας (SGD 19); Mytilene (Lesbos): καὶ ἄλλος ἤ τις μετ᾿ α[ὐ]τῶν (NGCT 49); κἄλλος ἤ ἐστι μετ᾿ αὐτῶν (NGCT 49). Thus, here we see only the local Olbian language pattern that is close in meaning to Attic (and Mytilenean) formulas with οἱ μετά + gen. This observation, however, does not eliminate this inscription from the category of tabellae iudiciariae, but, nevertheless, clarifies its meaning. As for the hypothesis of Jordan about πάντα (sc. λέγεται), then it is not yet confirmed by the defixionum tabellae, so I consider the restoration of Tokhtasev πάντα⟨ς⟩ more plausible. Personal names: Βατίκων the name does not occur anywhere else (LGPN IV, 67) in the Hellenic world. Tokhtasev notes that this is a hypocoristic name on the base a verbal (from βαίνω < *βα-ν-j) adjective with *-to- (βατός).143 The following short forms of such names are witnessed in Olbia: Βάτακος, Βάτων and Βάτις144 (LGPN IV, 67).

142 Cf., for example, a typical preamble of dedicatory decrees in Olbia with οἱ περί + acc.: IOSPE I2 80–115. 143 See analysis of this personal name in Tokhtasev 2000, 299–302. About Ionic personal names with the root -βατ, see Curbera 2013, 121–22. 144 The personal name Βάτις is found in a private unpublished letter on lead from Olbia (in the first line: Βάτις Διφίλοι χαίρῑν). Once kept at the Institute of Archaeology, National Academy of Sciences of the Ukraine, Kiev (inv. no. O-62/2, 1568, excavations of Y.I. Kozub), then stolen, now in a private collection in Nikolaev: see Vinogradov 1971, 79; Tokhtasev 2000, 299–300, n. 3; EP 2011, 13.

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

The personal name Ἀπατούριος is one of the very common names in the northern Black Sea region and we have already met in no. 14 (LGPN IV, 33), it occurs eight times in Olbia (6th–3rd centuries BC). Πιτθάκης (LGPN IV, 280): this name is also not previously encountered, which, according to Tokhtasev is more likely to refer to the nest of personal names names from πίθος, than as F. Bechtel to the nest from πίθηκος.145 Φορμίων occurs many times in the northern Black Sea region: only in Olbia thrice (4th–3rd centuries BC) (also in defixio no. 5), the same in the Bosporus and a dozen in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 252). Ἀντιάναξ is recorded in Olbia for the first time (LGPN IV, 27), however witnessed in Histria (ISM I 109). The personal name Σπαλων (LGPN IV, 315) is a hapax, possibly referring to the base of σπάλ-αξ ‘mole’, σπάλακες ‘horse breed’.146 Ἡδυ-(?) can be the initial part of a complex personal name based in ἡδυ-, such as the Bosporan names Ἡδύβιος, Ἡδυγένης, Ἥδυκος, Ἡδύκων, Ἡδύλισκος (Roman epoch), Ἡδύλος (in Tomis it occurs already in the 2nd century BC), Ἡδυτέα (IOSPE I2 454 Chersonesos), Ἡδύφιλος (CIRB 739, Panticapaeum), or a short name, for example: Ἧδυν (Gorgippia, Myrmekion, Panticapaeum) and Ἧδυς (Macedonia and Thrace).147

17. DESCRIPTION: A quadrangular lead plate with Greek inscription on both sides. Height: 7.5 cm, length: 12.5 cm. Description by Pridik (NA IIMK, fund 33, sch. 1, file 57, f. 1): ‘Lamina quadrangularis plumbea, complicata et clavo transfixa, 0,075 × 0,125 m., a 1894 in Olbiae rep … laminam ipse non vidi, titulum ex tab. V photographica, quae dicitur, arte facta excripsi’ (see Figs. 28–30). PLACE OF FIND: Olbia. More precisely unknown. PLACE OF STORAGE: Unknown. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Suruchan and Latyshev 1894, no. 28, tab. V (photograph); Pridik 1899, 119–20; Wünsch 1900, 235–36, No. 3; DT, p. 142, no. 89; Diehl 1915, 51–52, no. 2, figs. 8–9 (facsimile); IGDOP 107. Not a single publisher, including V.V. Latyshev, studied this object de visu. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Avram et al. 2007, 386, no. 11.

145

Tokhtasev 2000, 303–05; Bechtel 1917, 585–91. The etymology of σπάλακες is unknown, Tokhtasev suggests ‘by suit? as our ‘mousecoloured, mous(e)y?’ (see Tokhtasev 2000, 305–07). He also notes (per litteras): ‘Σπαλων (or female Σπαλώ?) – is not excluded, and is non-Greek (namely Scythian) origin’ (cf. Tokhtasev 2005, 90). 147 See LGPN IV, 151. 146

SERIES TERTIA

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TEXT: Recto: ΑΓΑϹΙΚΛΗϹ ΗΡΑΕΙΔΗϹ ΑΡΙϹΤΟΜΕΝΙΟϹ ΛΠΟΛΛΑϹ ΑΝΤ [ . ] ΚΡΛΤΙΔϹ In parte dextra: ↑ ΗΡΟΔΩΡΟϹ Verso: ΚΑΙΟΙ ⟨ Δ ( .. ΑΝ ΠΛΝΤ . . Ν Recto:

5

Ἀγαcικλῆc Ἡρα⟨κλ⟩είδηc Ἀριcτομένιοc Ἀπολλᾶc Ἀντ[ι]κρατίδ⟨η⟩c In parte dextra: ↑ Ἡρόδωροc

Verso: καὶ οἱ (?) ⟨ Δ ( .. ΑΝ πάντ[ω]ν (?) RECTO: 2: Ἡρα(κ)λῆς Latyshev, Ἡρα]κλῆς Pridik, Ἡρα(κλ)είδης Wünsch; 3: Ἀριστομέν(η)ς Latyshev, Ἀριστο[μ]ένης Pridik, Ἀριστομένιος Wünsch; 5: Αὐτ[οκρατ]ίδ(ης) Latyshev, Ἀντ[ίπ]ατ[ρ]ος Pridik, Ἀντικρ(α)τίδης Wünsch, Ἀντικρατίδ(η)ς Diehl. VERSO: Κ Λ Ν / Π Ι Ο Κ ⟨ | Λ Ι Λ ⟨ / Λ Κ Η Η Latyshev, ΚΑΙΟΝΤΑΙ / ΓΑΝΤ Ν Pridik, ΔΗ sub AI secundi versus Diehl cernit, Wünsch autem exempli gratia dubitanter restituit: [τούτους καταδῶ] / καὶ μ[αρτυρίας καὶ δί]/κας καὶ ἀσέβ[ε]ιαν / πάντ[ω]ν; καὶ οἱ [πα]ῖδεc αὐ[τῶν] / πάντ[ω]ν? Belousov.

TRANSLATION: (Inner side) Agasikles, Hera⟨kl⟩eides, Aristomenios, Apollas, Antikratid⟨e⟩s, Herodoros. (Outer side) and who … of everybody…

62

DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

Fig. 28. DefOlb 17 (photograph: after Suruchan and Latyshev 1894, no. 28, tab. V).

SERIES TERTIA

Recto:

Fig. 29. DefOlb 17 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

Verso: so:

Fig. 30. DefOlb 17 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

63

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DEFIXIONES OLBIAE PONTICAE

COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription is close to defixio no. 13 and is generally characteristic of the second half of the 4th century BC: inclined regular alpha and delta, epsilon has equal horizontal lines, lambda and mu have widely spaced verticals, sigma has lunate form everywhere.148 A certain inclination of the writing to angular forms (sigma, rho) makes it possible to date the inscription closer to the end of the century. There are no any outstanding features observed in the language of the inscription, unless we consider such features the form of the personal name Ἀριστομένης as Ἀριστομένιος. The omission of eta in Ἀντ[ι]κρατίδ⟨η⟩ς is probably the type of ‘alphabetic’ error or a special type of abbreviation that R. Wachter described.149 The problematic nature of the text on the back side of the plate makes it difficult to analyse the formula of the inscription (see apparatus crit.). All editors of this inscription, starting with Latyshev, worked only with photographs and with the phototypes reproduced by Latyshev in his first edition.150 ‘The back side of the plate’, wrote Diehl, ‘seems rather mysterious. Only checking the reading of the original can advance the explanation of the inscription.’151 However, such verification is currently not possible, since it is not known where the newly republished artefact is now located.152 On the inside, we see a quite typical spell formula for Olbia with the personal names of the victims in the nominative case and without patronymics. On the back side, in spite of the extreme doubtfulness of the hypothetical reading by R. Wünsch ([τούτους καταδῶ] / καὶ μ[αρτυρίας καὶ δί]/κας καὶ ἀσέβ[ε]ιαν / πάντ[ω]ν), it is quite possible to assume the presence of a verbum devovendi. Personal names: Ἀγασικλῆς is witnessed for Olbia only here. It occurs four times also in Chersonesos (4th–3rd centuries BC) (LGPN IV, 4). The personal name Ἡρακλείδης is extremely widespread in Olbia (beginning in the 6th century BC), where it was recorded more than 30 times (LGPN IV, 154–55). See also defixio no. 23.

148 Already Vinogradov (1994, 105, n. 5) believed that the writing of defixio No. 13 is close to that of this inscription, although Diehl (1915, 51) attributed the inscription to the 3rd century BC. 149 About this type of error, see Wachter 1991, 59; 1992, 25. 150 I also used phototypes of Latyshev, from which I made the drawings of the item. 151 Diehl 1915, 52. 152 On the fate of Suruchan’s collection, see Vlasova 1996; 1998.

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Ἀριστομένης occurs in Olbia (4th century BC) twice more (LGPN IV, 45), but in this form (Ἀριστομένιος) only once. See also nos. 8 and 22. The personal name Ἀπολλᾶς was recorded thrice in the Bosporus (4th– 3rd centuries BC), it was witnessed for Olbia only here and also occurs once in Tyras (LGPN IV, 34). Ἀντικρατίδης is found in the northern Black Sea region only in this inscription (LGPN IV, 30). Ἡρόδωρος is a fairly common name in Olbia (6th–4th centuries BC), which is witnessed four more times (LGPN IV, 157).

IV.

SERIES QVARTA NOMINA

DEVOTORVM LEGVNTVR ET DEVOVENDI VERBVM

18. DESCRIPTION: Non-laquer cup of light-yellow clay 0.053 m high; upper diameter: 0.138 m, bottom diameter: 0.066–0.067 m, height of the stand: 0.01 m. A Greek inscription is scratched into the bottom in a spiral (from edge to centre) ‘of almost three complete circles’. The height of the letters is 6–8 mm. Description by Е.М. Pridik (NA IIMK, fund 33, sch. 1, file 57. f. 2): ‘Defixio in interiore parte vasis fictilis a 1912 Olbiae in tumulo reperti instrumento acuto exarata est. Vas illud ex argilla flava factum 0,053 m. altum est, diameter eius 0,138 m. Titulus IV a.Chr. saeculo exaratus est. Defixio est iudiciaria’ (see Figs. 31–32). PLACE OF FIND: Found in 1912 on the Olbian necropolis, in the mound of a big barrow153 to the west ‘of the great coastal barrow, near the road from Parutino to the South, leading through the Shirokaya Balka to the nearby villages’ at the depth of 20 cm. PLACE OF STORAGE: State Hermitage, St Petersburg, Russia: Ol. 3802. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Diehl 1915; Tolstoy 1953, 45–46, no. 63; IGDOP 105; Belousov 2016a, 113–16; 2018a, 165–66. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Jordan 1987, 166; 1997, 217; Avram et al. 2007, 386, no. 5; EP 2016, 11.

TEXT: ΚΑΤΑΔΕΩΓΛΩΣΣΑΣΑΝΤΙΔΙΚΩΝΚΑΙΜΑΡΤΥΡΩΝΤΕΛΕΣΙΚΡΑΤ ΕΟΣΚΑΙΠΑΙΔΩΝ (circulus externus) ΤΕΛΕΣΙΚΡΑΤΕΟΣΑΓΡΩΝΟΣΙΠΠΟΝΙΚΟΑΡΤΕΜΙΔΩΡΟΑΧΙΛΛΟ ΔΩΡΟΥ (circulus medius) ΚΑΙΤΟΥΣΑΛΛΟΥΣΤΟΥΣΜΕΤΑΟΤΑΑΟΤΟΥΠΑΝΤΑΣ (circulus internus)

153

See OAK 1912.

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Fig. 31. DefOlb 18 (photograph: © A.V. Belousov).

Fig. 32. DefOlb 18 (drawing: © E. Diehl).

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καταδέω γλώσσας ἀντιδίκων καὶ μαρτύρων, Τελεσικράτεος καὶ παί|δων| (circulus externus) Τελεσικράτεος, Ἄγρωνος, Ἱππονίκο, Ἀρτεμιδώρο, Ἀχιλλοδώρου (circulus medius) καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς μετ’ {αοτα} αὀτοῦ πάντας (circulus internus) TRANSLATION: I bind the tongues of [my] adversaries in court and the witnesses, Telesicrates and [his] children: Telesicrates, Agon, Hipponikos, Artemidoros, Achilodoros and of all others, who are with them. COMMENTARY: The palaeography of the inscription corresponds to the writing of the first half of the 4th century BC: regular-shaped alpha and delta, the right half of nu tends to be equal to the left one, four-lined sigma, upsilon has a y-like shape but tilts towards the regular form, omega with a round semicircle. The language of the inscription also points to the first half of the 4th century BC. We see here four phenomena of Ionic phonetics: 1) /ο/ (Ἱππονίκο, Ἀρτεμιδώρο);154 2) Ionic reflection of the diphthong αυ through αο (αὀτοῦ);155 3) uncontracted Ionic genitive of sigmatic masculine nouns ending in -ης (Τελεσικράτεος bis);156 4) uncontracted ending of first person singular present indicative active of the verb καταδέω. The formula of this defixio, for the first time in Olbian practice, opens with verbum devovendi (καταδέω), which ‘binds’ the tongues of the spell-caster’s adversaries in court and their witnesses. The main adversary is Telesikrates and his sons Telesikrates, Agon, Hipponikos, Artemidoros and Achilodoros. Finally, the defigens ‘binds’ everybody else who could help Telesicrates (καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς μετ’ {αοτα} αὀτοῦ πάντας)157. 154

On this phenomenon in Ionic dialect in general, see Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 311.5. See Bechtel 1921–24 III, 34; Thumb and Scherer 1959, 253, § 311.6. 156 See Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.2а; Bechtel 1921–24 III, 140. 157 As for the formula οἱ μετά + gen., it is widely attested in Greek magical practice, but the phrase καὶ τ ς αὀτῶι συνιόντας πάντας is unique. V.V. Shkoropil (1908, 70) justly connects it to such formulae as καὶ τοὺς συμπράττοντας and καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τοῦ δεῖνος πάντας. This type of formula is known from the following inscriptions: DTA 35: πάντες / ὅσοι ἐμοὶ / ἐχθρὰ ἢ / [ἐ]ν[αντία / [πράττουσι]; DTA 37 (in margine dextro): [σ]υνπράττοντα[ς]; DTA 38: καὶ τος ἄλλος πάντας / ἢ ὅσοι συν[ήγο]/ροι αὐτο[ῖς]; DTA 66: καὶ ὅσοι σύνδικοι / μετ’ Ε/ὐαράτο σνπράττωσι καὶ ὅσοι ἂν σ/νδικος μετ’ Εὐαράτοἠ / καὶ τος Εὐ/αράτο; 79: κατα[δῶ] / συνπαρόντας / Μενό/κριτος; DT 60: καὶ τοὺ[ς] ἄλλο[υ]ς ἅπαν/τας τοὺς με[τὰ] Νερ[ε]ΐδ[ο]υ 155

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The material form of this curse is unusual: a cup on the bottom of which the text of the inscription is written counterclockwise in three circles in a spiral. The use of a circle in itself cannot be called unusual in ancient magic practice. For example, there is one well-known papyrus recipe for making a spell,158 in which an important role is played by the iron ring and the symbolism of the circle: Taking hieratic papyrus or a lead lamella and iron ring, put the ring on the papyrus and with a pen draw the outlines of the ring, inside and outside, then tint the outlined area with myrrhed ink, then write on this outlined area of the ring – writing on the papyrus – the name, and write the characters (χαρακτῆρας) outside [the area], then, [in the circle] inside it, what you want not to happen, and ‘Let so-and-so’s thoughts be bound so that he may not do NN thing’. Then putting the ring on its outline, which you made, and turning up the [areas of the papyrus] outside the outline, wrap up the ring until it is completely covered. Piercing [the package] through the characters with the pen and tying it say, ‘I bind NN with regard to NN [thing]. Let him not speak, not be contrary, not oppose; let him not to be able to look me in the face nor speak again me; let him be subjected to me, so long as this ring is buried. I bind his mind and his brains, his desire, his actions, / κατηγόρους; 61: τοὺς μετὰ Πλαθά/νης πάντας καὶ ἄν/δρας καὶ γυναῖκας; DT 63: [– – – καὶ] το(ὺ)ς συνδίκ[ο(υ)ς ο(ὓ)ς / [ὁ δεῖνα ἐμαρτύ]ρατο; 67: Μένωνα καὶ Φιλοκύδην καὶ [Φ]ιλόστρατο/ν καὶ Κηφισόδωρον καὶ τοὺς ἄλ[λ]ους τοὺς μ/ετ’ ἐκείνο[υ σ]υνεστάκειν et al. 158 Λαβὼν χάρτην ἱεαρατικὸν ἢ μολυ|βοῦν πέταλον καὶ σιδηροῦν κρί|κον θὲς ἐπὶ τὸν χάρτην τὸν κρίκον || καὶ ἔσωθεν καὶ αἷρε τύπον τοῦ | κρίκου τῷ καλάμῳ, εἶτα ζμύρνισον τὴν περιφέ|ρειαν, εἶτα γράψον εἰς τὴν περιφέρειαν || τοῦ κρίκου, εἰς τὸν χάρτην ἐπιγράφων, | τὸ ὄνομα, τοὺς δὲ χαρακτῆρας ἔξωθεν, εἶ|τα ἔσωθεν, ὃ θέλεις μὴ γενέσθαι, καὶ | ὅτι ῾καταδεθήτω αὐτοῦ ἡ φρόνησις | ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ ποιῆσαι τὸ δεῖνα πρᾶγμα’, εἶτα || θεὶς τὸν κρίκον ἐπὶ τὴν αὑτοῦ περι|φέρειαν ἣν ἐποίησας, καὶ ἀνελόμε|νος τὰ ἔξω τῆς περιφερείας | κατάραπτε τὸν κρίκον, ἕως κατακα|λυφῇ. κεντῶν κατὰ τῶν χαρακτήρων || τῷ καλάμῳ καὶ δεσμεύων λέγε· | ῾καταδεσμεύω τὸν δεῖνα πρὸς τὸ δεῖνα· μὴ | λαλησάτω, μὴ ἀντισπ⟨ασ⟩άτω, μὴ ἀν|τειπάτω, μή μοι δύναιτο ἀντιβλέ|ψαι ἢ ἀντιλαλῆσαι, ὑποτεταγμέ||νος δέ μοι ἤτω, ἐφ᾿ ὅσον οὗτος ὁ κρί|κος κέχωσται. καταδεσμεύω δὲ αὐ|τοῦ τὸν νοῦν καὶ τὰς φρένας, τὴν | ἐνθύμησιν, τὰς πράξεις, ὅπως | νωχελὴς ᾖ πρὸς πάντας ἀνθρώπους᾿. || ἐὰν δὲ γυναῖκα· ῾ὅπως μὴ γαμήσῃ | τὸν δεῖνἀ (κοινά). | εἶτα ἀπενέγκας αὐτὸ εἰς ἀώρου μνῆ|μα ὄρυξον ἐπὶ δʹ δακτύλους καὶ ἔν||θες καὶ λέγε· ῾νεκυδαίμων, ὅστι[ς] || [ποτ᾿ οὖν] εἶ, παραδίδωμί σοι τὸν δεῖνα, ὅ|πως μὴ ποιήσῃ τὸ δεῖνα πρᾶγμἀ. εἶτα | χώσας ἀπέρχου. | κρεῖσσον δὲ ποιεῖς σελήνης μειουμένης· ἔστιν δὲ | τὰ γραφόμενα εἰς τὸν κύκλον ταῦτα· ῾αροα || μαθρα· Ἐρεσχιγάλχ· εδαντα· Ιαβου νη· | ακη· Ἰάω· δαρυνκω· Μανιήλ, | μὴ πραχθήτω τὸ δεῖνα πρᾶγμα, ἐφ᾿ ὅσον | χρόνον κέχωσται ὁ κρίκος οὗτος᾿. | κατάδησον δεσμοῖς ποιήσας σπάρ||τα καὶ οὕτω κατάθου. ὁ δὲ κρίκος | καὶ εἰς φρέαρ βάλλεται χρημάτιστον | ἢ παρὰ ἄωρον. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς χαρακτῆρας | γράφε καὶ ταῦτα ὑποκάτω τοῦ κρίκου | ὡς πλινθίον· ῾αρχοολ· Λαιλαμ· || Σεμεσιλαμφ· αμμοφοριων· ιωαη· |φθουθ· εω Φρῆ, ὁ μέγιστος δαίμων, | Ἰάω, Σαβαώθ, Ἀρβαθιάω, Λαιλαμ, | Ὀσορνωφρι, Ἐμ Φρῆ Φρῆ, Φθᾶ χρωιω | Ἰάω βαβουρη θιμαμ εν Φρῆ ρε||νουσι Σαβαὼθ Βαρβαθιάω θαχρα | ουχεεθ Εσορνωφρι᾿, καὶ τὸν νθ ὅλον (ἄνω), | ὃν καὶ ἔσω ποιεῖς. | [ἡ] δὲ αὐτὴ οἰκονομία γράφεται ἐπὶ | μολυβοῦ πετάλου καὶ ἐνθεὶς τὸν | κρίκον περιπτύξας γύψισον. μετὰ || δὲ τὸ ὑποκάτω πλινθίον καὶ τὸ Ἰαεω | (λόγος) καὶ ταῦτα· ῾βακαξιχυχ μενεβαϊχυχ Ἀβρασὰξ αω, κατάσχες τὸ | δεῖνα πρᾶγμα’. ὡς δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐθεντι||κῷ εὑρέθη τὰ ὀνόματα· ῾αρφοολ | Λαιλαμ Σεμεσιλαμ Ἰαεω (λόγος) βακα|ξιχυχ Ἀβρασὰξ αω αρχωμιλακ | μενεσιλαμ Ἰαεω ουω βακαξιχυχ | Ἀβρασὰξ ωιι, κατάσχες τὸ δεῖνα πρᾶγμα’. || (PGM V. 304–369).

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so that he may be slow [in his dealings] with all men.’ And if it be a woman: ‘In order that she, NN, may not marry him, NN’ (add the usual). Then, taking it [the package] away to the grave of someone untimely dead (εἰς ἀώρου μνῆμα), dig [a hole] four fingers deep and put it in and say, ‘Spirit of the dead (νεκυδαίμων), who[ever] you are, I give over NN to you, so that he may not do NN thing.’ Then, when you have filled up the hole, go away. Better do it when the moon is waning. The things to be written inside the circle [bounded by the inner side of the ring’s outline] are this: ‘αροα || μαθρα· Ἐρεσχιγάλχ· εδαντα· Ιαβου νη· | ακη· Ἰάω· δαρυνκω· Μανιήλ, let NN thing not be done so long as this ring is buried.’ Bind [the package] with ties, [using] cords you have made, and thus deposit it. The [wrapped] ring may also be thrown into an unused well, or [into the grave] of [anyone dead] untimely (παρὰ ἄωρον). After the characters, write also the following, under the [outline of the] ring, as a rectangle (ὡς πλινθίον): ‘αρχοολ· Λαιλαμ· || Σεμεσιλαμφ· αμμοφοριων· ιωαη· | φθουθ· εω Φρῆ, the greatest daimon, | Ἰάω, Σαβαώθ, Ἀρβαθιάω, Λαιλαμ, | Ὀσορνωφρι, Ἐμ Φρῆ Φρῆ, Φθᾶ χρωιω | Ἰάω βαβουρη θιμαμ εν Φρῆ ρε||νουσι Σαβαὼθ Βαρβαθιάω θαχρα | ουχεεθ Εσορνωφρι’ and the entire 59 [letter formula] above, which you also put inside [the circle bounded by the ring’s outline].

[The same schedule] can be written on a lead lamella; then, putting the ring in [the middle] and folding up [the lead] around it, cover [it] with plaster etc.

Of course, it is impossible to identify fully the ritual from a Roman time magic recipe with our Olbian defixiones, but it is also obvious that the symbolics of a circle appeared in Greek magic early on and survived till Late Antiquity. Another important thing is that it seems to play a preeminent role particularly in the defixio ritual. As for Olbia, then it is worth noting a special passion of local practitioners of black magic to round objects159 (see also nos. 1 and 20 (with commentary), and for writing the curse itself in a circle, see also no. 6).

159

Tokhtasev (2002, 78–79) was the first to notice this.

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The closest analogy to these Olbian examples is the only defixio found in Bulgaria (spell of Aristokrate, Daidis’ daughter, from ancient Apollonia, present-day Sozopol): it is a spiral graffito on the inner surface of a cup.160 This bears a very strong resemblance to the Olbian cup with defixio published by E.V. Diehl. He was also the first one to notice another close analogy to the Olbian spells, dating back to the same period (4th century BC): he pointed out a spell from Euboian necropolis, a spell that seems to have fallen off the ancient magic researchers’ radar (Fig. 31):161

Fig. 33. Defixio from Euboea, IG XII.9. 1166 (facsimile: after Papabasileiou 1902, 113, no. 10).

It is a spiral inscription on a kantharos’ bottom (bottom diameter is 0.3 m, top diameter is 0.6 m) that reads as follows: Δαίτωνι ἀτέλεστα γίνεσθαι τἀγαθὰ / τά τε ὄντα καὶ εἴ τι ἐλπίσει, καὶ πάντα / ἀμήχανα, κἄπορα αὐτοῖ πάντα τἀγαθά (IG XII.9. 1166)162. Another impressive parallel can be seen in a Boeotian defixio on a round lead plaque published by E. Ziebarth in 1934 (Figs. 33–36):163 Close, but not identical analogies can be seen in two defixiones from Selinunte: 1) on a lead cylinder (CDS 9, late 5th–early 4th century BC); 2) on a lead disc-opisthograph (CDS 20, early 5th century BC) with a court spell: (recto) 160 Unfortunately, this most valuable item is still not fully published. On it, see Slavova 2009, 207–08; Sharankov 2016, 297–308. 161 In any case, this monument is omitted by Auguste Audollent in DT and is not mentioned in Jordan’s reviews SGD and NGCT. 162 Editio princeps: Παπαβασιλείου 1902, 113, note 10. See also Wilhelm 1909, 12–13 (Diehl’s reference to this (Diehl 1915, 55, n. 1) has a typo: ‘1912’ for ‘1902’). Cf. also another defixio targeting the same person (Daiton) in IG XII.9. 1167: Δαίτω[νι] / Δαίτων τό τε τήμε[ρον] / καὶ μὴ πρ/ότερον καιρὸν / καὶ προπίει(?) / τὰ δὲ κακὰ πάντα τελέσφορα / πάντα Δαίτω[νι]. 163 Ziebarth 1934, 21–23, No. 23. See now a new edition: Curbera 2017, 141–58.

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Fig. 34. Defixio from Boeotia (after Ziebarth 1934, 21–23, no. 23).

Fig. 35. Defixio from Boeotia (after Ziebarth 1934, 21–23, no. 23).

Fig. 36. Defixio from Boeotia (after Ziebarth 1934, 21–23, no. 23).

Σελιν⟨ό⟩ντιος / [κ]αὶ ℎα Σελινο/ντίο γλ σ(σ)α ἀπεσ/τραμ(μ)έν’ ἐπ’ ἀτ⟨ε⟩λ/είαι τᾶι τ|ν|ον | ἐν|γράφο/καὶ το̑ν ξένον συν/δίϟον τὰς γλσ(σ)ας ἀπε/στραμ(μ)ένας ἐπ’ ἀτε/λείαιτ ᾶι τνον / ἐνγράφο. (verso) Τιμασ ι καὶ ℎα Τιμασ ς γλ σ(σ)α [ἀ]πεστραμ(μ)έ/ναν ἐπ’ ἀτελείαι τᾶι τνο̣ν ἐ⟨ν⟩γράφο / Τυρρανὰ ν καὶ ℎα [Τυρρ]ανᾶς γλ σ(σ)α [ἀπε]στρ/αμ(μ)έναν ἐπ’ ἀτελείαι τ[ᾶι τ]νο ἐ⟨ν⟩γ[ράφο] | πάντον (see Fig. 37): Despite the fact that there are a few analogies to these Olbian monuments (also no. 6),164 it can be argued that this is one of the most singular monuments of ancient magic not only in the northern Black Sea region, but in general, throughout the Hellenic oikumene. 164

On ‘round’ spells in the Roman world, see Scholz 2019.

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Fig. 37. Defixio from Selinous, CDS 20.

Personal names: Τελεσικράτης – this name is attested only once (i.e. here) in the northern Pontic region (LGPN IV, 329). Name Ἄγρων occurs twice (including this instance) in Olbia. However, it is attested in Bosporus (LGPN IV, 6). Ἱππόνικος – this name is common in Macedonia, but occurs only once (in this very text) in the northern Black Sea region (LGPN IV, 177). Ἀρτεμίδωρος is an extremely common Greek name in Olbia, which is seen twice in defixio no. 5 and once in defixio no. 15 (LGPN IV, 49–50). The name Ἀχιλλόδωρος, ‘qui est épichorique’, according to L. Dubois, occurs in the North Pontic region only three times (in this Olbian piece and in IGDOP 23), also in Histria: ISM I 191, ISM II 10 (LGPN IV, 63).165

19. DESCRIPTION: Lead plate in the form of a trapezoid. Width: about 110 mm, height: 55 and 48 mm. Plate thickness: maximum about 2 mm with gradual thinning to 0.8 mm. After the inscription was scratched on the plate (the size of the letters was about 3–5 mm), it was folded inwards four times vertically relative to the text (see Figs. 38–41). PLACE OF FIND: The folded plate was found by chance in the autumn of 2014 in a field in Zakisova gully (several kilometres south of Olbia). PLACE OF STORAGE: Private collection of E.R. Dzhumazhanov, Nikolaev, Ukraine. DATE: 4th century BC. EDITIONS: Belousov et al. 2015, 170–79 (SEG 65 609); Belousov et al. 2016, 167–72. BIBLIOGRAPHY: EP 2015, 7; 2016, 10; Bull. 2017, 384.

165

See also Dana and Dana 2009.

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Fig. 38. DefOlb 19 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev).

Fig. 39. DefOlb 19 (photograph: © N.I. Nikolayev).

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Fig. 40. DefOlb 19 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

Fig. 41. DefOlb 19 (drawing: © A.V. Belousov).

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TEXT: PARS ANTERIOR Columna I ←

5

Columna II

← Ὀϲτρακίων Χαρᾶϲπα[-] ΛΔΙΚΑ Ϲωϲιπάτρη Ἀτόταϲ Βρότακοϲ Διονύϲιοϲ Ἀριϲτόξενοϲ

Δ[ιο]νύϲιοϲ 10 Ἀθήναιοϲ Φιλιϲτῆϲ Εὐθύδικοϲ Ναννα[ϲ] Λυϲίαϲ 15 Θάϲιο[ϲ] ΠΑΙΝΑ Ϲίμακοϲ πάντα[ϲ] αὐ[τούϲ]

PARS POSTERIOR Columna III

Columna IV

←

←

Βάτων 20 Διονύϲιοϲ Κοκ[ί]ω[ν] Ὀλύμπιχοϲ MA.O Ὀλβία Μ[ῖ]κοϲ 25 Ἀθήνιποϲ Μ.ΛΙΚΑ Λάμ[π]ρων (?) ΜΟ.Μ Εὔδικοϲ ΕΥ…Ϲ Κ..ΙΝ Πα[ν]τακλ[ῆϲ] (?) 30 Βαταϲ

[ὅc]τιc πρὸc ἡμᾶc ἐχθρὸς πάντων τὴν γλῶcαν κα[τα]γράφω ὅc̣τιc ἐχθρὸς τῶν πρὸc ἡμᾶc 35 παντῶν τὴ[ν γλῶc]αν καταγρ(άφω)

2 Χαρᾶϲ παῖ[c] uel Χαρᾶϲ καί? Belousov; 3 Λ(α)δίκα per abbreuiationem alphabetariam q.d. scriptum Belousov censet; 16 παιδία? Belousov; 23 Μάρθι[ϲ]? Belousov; 25 Μαῖκα? Belousov.

TRANSLATION: Ostrakion, Kharaspa, Ladika (?), Sosipatre, Atotas, Brotakos, Dionysios, Aristoxenos, Dionysios, Athenaios, Philistos, Euthydikos, Nanna[s], Lysias, Phasio[s],?, Simakos, all of them. Baton, Dionysios, Kok[i]o[n], Olympichos,?,

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Olbia, M[i]kos, Athenipos,?, Lam[p]ron,?, Eudikos, Eu…s (?), K..in.(?), Pa[n]talk[es], Batas: anyone who is hostile to us, I write the language of everyone here, everyone who is hostile to us, I write everyone’s language (here). COMMENTARY: According to the style of writing, this may be dated to the second half of the 4th century BC. Despite the peculiarity of the material and not very neat handwriting, the forms of the main letters are quite correct, and the angular form of omega, lunate sigma and the lack of vertical line in xi in the name Ἀριϲτόξενοϲ (line 8), in general, are consistent with our data regarding the writing of this time, including the palaeography of the Olbian defixiones.166 The retrograde letter, so common in the defixiones of other regions of ancient Greek oikumene167 is recorded in Olbia for the first time by this artefact. We know of only two curses of this kind of writing from the northern Black Sea region, from the chora of Chersonesos168 and from Panticapaeun.169 The language of the insctiption is an interesting example of mixing dialect Ionic forms and Koine, which was penetrating gradually into the northern Black Sea coast. On the one hand, Ionic forms – Ϲωϲιπάτρη, Φιλιϲτῆϲ –; on the other, already forms of Koine – Ατοταϲ, Εὐθύδικος, Λυϲίας, Ὀλβία.170 In addition, attention should be paid to the weakening of the aspirated occlusive χ → κ in the personal name Βρότακοϲ (< Βρόταχος),171 which probably started from the beginning of the 4th century BC. By a later time, not earlier than the second half of the 4th century, the simplification of geminatae σσ → σ after a long vowel should be attributed: γλῶϲα. It should be noted, and another simplification of geminata in the writing of the personal name 166 See an example of an omega with an angular semicircle, a lunate sigma and the shape of the letter xi in spells nos. 7 and 15. In general, about the lunate sigma in Olbian palaeography, see Knipovich 1966, 20; Avram et al. 2007, 391–32; Tokhtasev 2000, 297, n. 1; Belousov 2018b, 152. 167 See, for example: DT 14, 45, 58-61, 64, 67, 80–81, 91, 104, 131, 133. 168 Stolba 2016, no. 2. See also Bull. 2017, 386 and EP 2016, 19 (2). 169 See Pridik 1899, 120; Wünsch 1900, 235–36; DT 91; Saprykin and Zinko 2003, 269; Yailenko 2003, 480–81. 170 This may include also the name Λ(α)δίκα that I assumed in line 3, written in alphabetical abbreviation. For this type of abbreviation, see Wachter 1991, 60–61; 1992. The very personal name Ladika is not rare in the Greek world: see LGPN I, 281; LGPN II, 278; LGPN IIIA, 264; LGPN IIIB, 252; LGPN VA, 262; LGPN VB, 252. L. Robert (1959, 658) regards it as a hydrophore. 171 Cf. also CIRB 232 (Panticapaeum, 350–300 BC): Φορμίων Βροτάχο; IEph. 1454: Βρόταχος. About this phenomenon in the historical phonetics of the Greek language, see Lejeune 1972, 59–60, §§ 47–48. For more information about the personal name Βρόταχος see the onomastic commentary below.

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Ἀθήνιποϲ.172 Thus, taking into account the palaeographic and dialectological date of this inscription, we tend to date it to the end of the 4th–beginning of the 3rd century BC. As we can see, the text of the inscription in the first three columns follows the most common Olbian curse formula: the personal names in the nominative case (with the second column added at the end πάντα[ϲ] αὐ[τούϲ]). There are 12 defixiones of the 5th–4th centuries BC constructed according to this formula in Olbia.173 Adding the words πάντα[ϲ] αὐ[τούϲ] after the personal names in the nominative case is quite natural for the Olbian curses. So, for example, we find similar cases in the spell of the 5th century BC,174 where after the personal names in the nominative case (with patronymics) there is an addition: καὶ τ ς αὀτῶι συνιόντας πάντας. We see almost the same thing in the 4thcentury spell BC:175 καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι ἐ\μοἰ/. Another similar example can be pointed out in another Olbian curse of the 4th century BC,176 where there is the phrase after the personal names in the nominative case: περὶ Ἀπατούριον / καὶ Πιτ{α}θάκην καὶ Βατι / κῶνα πάντα⟨ς⟩. Such addition is also found in Olbia not only after the list of personal names, but also as part of other formulas. So, for example, we see it on the famous Olbian cup, published by Diehl:177 καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς μετ’ {αοτα} αὀτοῦ πάντας. We have in front of us a formula with an anatomical spell in the fourth column, which is not quite typical for Olbia: [ὅϲ]τιϲ πρὸϲ ἡμᾶϲ ἐχθρὸς / πάντων τὴν γλῶϲαν κα[τα]/γράφω ὅστιϲ ἐχθρὸς τῶν / πρὸϲ ἡμᾶϲ / παντῶν τὴ[ν γλῶϲ]/αν καταγρ(άφω). The 172

On the simplification of geminatae in the Hellenistic era, see Lejeune 1972, 289, § 330. Nos. 1–12. Probably, a spell should also be added here, as suggested by the first publisher, originating from Olbia: no. 22. 174 No. 14. Shkorpil rightly connects this Olbia formula with formulas like καὶ τοὺς συμπράττοντας and καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τοῦ δεῖνος πάντας (Shkorpil 1908, 70). Such formulas are known, for example, in the following inscriptions: DTA 35: πάντες / ὅσοι ἐμοὶ /ἐχθρὰ ἢ / [ἐ]ν[αντία / [πράττουσι]; DTA 37 (in margine dextro): [σ]υνπράττοντα[ς]; DTA 38: καὶ τος ἄλλος πάντας / ἢ ὅσοι συν[ήγο]/ροι αὐτο[ῖς]; DTA 66: καὶ ὅσοι σύνδικοι / μετ’ Ε/ὐαράτο σ⟨υ⟩νπράττωσι καὶ ὅσοι ἂν σ/⟨ύ⟩νδικος μετ’ Εὐαράτοἠ/ καὶ τος Εὐ/αράτο; DTA 79: κατα[δῶ] / συνπαρόντας / Μενό/κριτος; DT 60: καὶ τοὺ[ς] ἄλλο[υ]ς ἅπαν/τας τοὺς με[τὰ] Νερ[ε]ΐδ[ο]υ / κατηγόρους; DT 61: τοὺς μετὰ Πλαθά/νης πάντας καὶ ἄν/δρας καὶ γυναῖκας; DT 63: [– – – καὶ] το(ὺ)ς συνδίκ[ο(υ)ς ο(ὓ)ς / [ὁ δεῖνα ἐμαρτύ]ρατο; DT 67: Μένωνα καὶ Φιλοκύδην καὶ [Φ]ιλόστρατο/ν καὶ Κηφισόδωρον καὶ τοὺς ἄλ[λ]ους τοὺς μ/ετ’ ἐκείνο[υ σ]υνεστάκειν et al. 175 No. 15. This is not to say that the word ἐνάντιος is often found in magical inscriptions. As a few parallels, the following more or less similar examples can be given: πάντες / ὅσοι ἐμοὶ / ἐχθρὰ ἢ / [ἐ]ν[αντία / [πράττουσι] DTA 35; καὶ ε⟨ἴ⟩ τις ἐναντί⟨α⟩ ε⟨ἰ⟩ τὰ τούτων ἐσ⟨τ⟩ί / ἄλλος πράττ{ι}ει ἐμοί DTA 66; – – τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία πρ[άτ/τουσιν] DTA 83. Cf. also: NGCT 40: καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος τι μαίνεται ἐχθρός. The parallels from the monuments written in Latin language are closer to this expression: et quisquis adve/rsarius DT 93; inimicorum / nomina ad / ……… lum / inferos DT 96; inimici et inimici DT 101; si quis adversarius / au[t] adversaria DT 133. 176 No. 16. See commentary. 177 No. 18. 173

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spell formulas opened by the pronouns ὅστις or ὅσοι are not uncommon in Greek magical epigraphy.178 There is only one close example in Olbia, and even then, that is only supposedly Olbian:179 ὅσοι συνη\γ/οροῦσι\αὐ/ / καὶ παρατηροῦσι. The binding of tongues of opponents is found in two Olbian defixiones,180 but verbum devovendi καταγράφω has not yet been witnessed either in Olbia or in the northern Black Sea region.181 Judging by the typical Olbia formulary, which consists of the personal names in the nominative case and the formula connecting the tongues of the enemies, it can be assumed that this text also belongs to the genre of defixiones iudiciariae, which traditionally include inscriptions similar to this defixio. Personal names: Ὀϲτρακίων is witnessed in the northern Black Sea region and in general in the Greek world for the second time: the first time was the inscription CIRB 1110 (Korokondama). The nickname182 is built from ὄστρακον ‘tile’. Χαρᾶσπα[-] is an obviously Iranian name that easily recognises the second element *aspa-, ‘horse’.183 Here is the previously unknown writing (with a poorly read, unfortunately, ending) of the personal name Χαρασπης, witnessed as the personal name of one Scythian king in the Dobrudja, known for coins of the 2nd century BC (genitive Χαρασπου).184 Σωϲιπάτρη is the Ionic variant of the common Σωσιπάτρα, which is now witnessed here for the first time. Ἀτόταϲ: this is the Paphlagonian personal name known in various spellings (LGPN IV, 58; LGPN VA, 90), including from the northern Black Sea coast: in Panticapaeum in the forms Ατοτης (CIRB 170) and Ατωτης (CIRB 189, Θυς Ατωτεω; CIRB 401, gen. Ατωτου); in Chersonesos: Ατωτας (IOSPE I² 712,

178

For example: DTA 64, 66, 77, 102, 106. No. 23. 180 Nos. 13 and 18. One curse is also known from the Bosporus, which contains possibly an anatomical formula: [καταδέω … ψυχὴν καὶ] / [κ]ακίστη[ν] Διονυσ[ίου γλῶσσαν – –] (Pridik 1899, 120; Wünsch 1900, 235–36; DT 91; Saprykin and Zinko 2003, 269; Yailenko 2003, 480–81). 181 Most often such a verb (and other verbs complex with γράφω) introduces curses from Sicily: see Curbera 1999, nos. 5 (γράφω), 13 (ἀπογράφω), 22–23 (ἐγγράφω), 29, 31 and 34 (καταγράφω). See also CDS, nos. 98, 106, 116 and 153. 182 IGDOP, p. 179, n. 171. It should be noted that the names in -ίων are quite common in Olbia. 183 Regarding the first element, cf. Χαραξηνος (twice in Olbia) and Χαραξστος (twice in Tanais) (LGPN IV, 354; Zgusta 1955, 417–18, § 1175). Zgusta (1955, 438) explains these names from the Greek before citing the explanation of V.I. Abaev from Ossetian. 184 See Draganov 2010, nos. 49–52. 179

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genetive Ατωτα)185. It is worth noting that this name was previously known in Olbia: Θαβους Ατοτατους with Ionic genetive (IOSPE I² 685, line 6, 2nd century BC). This Paphlagonian anthroponym can serve as evidence of the existence of special relations between the Greek cities of the northern and southern Black Sea coasts, which arose as a result of Ionian colonization.186 Βρότακοϲ: here we can assume the Ionic form of the word and anthroponym Βάτραχος. It should be briefly recalled that the Greek word for ‘frog’, with aspiration metathesis, is known in a variety of forms, the Ionic examples of which are βάθρακος, βότραχος and βρόταχος.187 This phenomenon may be confirmed by one Ionic glossa of Herodianos, which cites here Aristophanes and Xenophanes of Colophon. This glossa is reported in most of the lexicons of Byzantine time188 in the form: βρόταχος· τὸν βάτραχον Ἴωνες καὶ Ἀριστοφάνης φησὶ καὶ παρὰ Ξενοφάνει. The personal name Βρόταχος has already been witnessed before: in Ephesus (about 300 BC) and in the northern Black Sea region, in Panticapaeum (CIRB 232, 4th century BC).189 The anthroponym, scratched in our Olbian defixio, is also presented in the form with dissimification of aspirated consonant: Βρότακος. Such dissimilation is found in Olbia in the form of the personal name Ἀγάθαρκον (acc.) in the private letter of Artikon (IGDOP 25, ca. 350 BC), in a defixio of the 5th century BC, and in one Olbian stamp on a fragment of a red clay oenochoe (Ἀγαθάρχο). Another dialect form of this personal name, Βροτάχας, presented in a single inscription of Kyrrhos (3rd century BC), has recently become known from Macedonia.190 It should, however, be noted that S.R. Tokhtasev, doubting that the name is derived from βρόταχος ‘frog’, convincingly correlates this name with βροτός ‘mortal’ according to the scheme of personal names with -αξ → -ακος.191 Διονύσιοϲ is a very common name, which only for Olbia (starting from the 5th century BC) was witnessed 30 times (LGPN IV, 101–05). It is found in nos. 8, 12 and 21, and as a patronymic in no. 5. 185

Robert 1963, 528–30; Zgusta 1955, 111, § 123; Stolba 1996, 442–43. On aspects of onomastics, see Tokhtasev 2007b, especially 179, n. 6. See also Tokhtasev 2006, 73–74. 187 DELG 169–170 s.v. βάτραχος. In modern Greek, the forms of this word are also different, as they are different in its reflections in other Balkan languages, for example, in the Romanian brotac (‘frog’). 188 Hesychius s.v. βρόταχος; Photius Lexicon s.v. βροτάχους; Etymologicum Genuinum and Etymologicum Magnum s.v. Βρόταχος. 189 About this name see Robert 1963, 238. It is likely that Simonides adapted the name of a Cretan from Gortyna to the Ionic dialect: Κρὴς γενεὰν Βρόταχος Γορτύνιος (AG 7.254b). 190 Hatzopoulos 2010, 363–64. 191 Tokhtasev 2016. See also EP 2016, 41. 186

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The personal name Ἀριϲτόξενοϲ is witnessed in Olbia from the 4th century BC (LGPN IV, 45). Δ[ιο]νύϲιοϲ: see above. Ἀθήναιοϲ: is recorded eight times in Olbia alone starting from the 4th century BC (see also no. 2), once in the Bosporus and thrice in Chersonesos (LGPN IV, 9).192 Φιλιϲτῆϲ: Ionic personal name,193 with contraction -ῆς ( θ – κ) is present in some Olbian inscriptions. The weakening of the aspirated occlusive χ → κ is present in two inscriptions in the same name (Ἀγάθαρκος), in the personal name of Brotakos, and in the previously unknown name Τυκτα:13 6: Ἀγάθαρκος 93: Ἀγάθαρχος 6: Τυκτα 196: Βρότακος

12 About psilosis in Olbian inscriptions, see IGDOP, pp. 181–82. In Ionic dialects in general, see Bechtel 1924, 35–39. 13 The name probably comes from τύχη (cf. Bechtel 1917, 433). The male version of this personal name seems to be witnessed in Gela (Sicily) in graffiti on a black-and-white Attic kylix: Τυχτος (500–450 BC). See Arena 2002, 40, no. 39.

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1.2. Weakening of geminate occlusives 1925: Ἀθήνιπος 1933: γλῶσαν 1935–36: [γλῶσ]αν 1921: Κοκ[ί]ω[ν] 1.3. Expressive gemination (?) 231: Μενέσστρατος 2. Nasals A. There are examples of nasal assimilation in position before voiceless stops in Olbian curses:14 νπ → μπ: 131, 4: τὰμ πάρμη(ν) μφ → νφ: 141: Νυνφόδωρος B. In addition, as well as in Attic spells,15 there are cases of weakening and missing the final -ν in the word: 131, 4: τὰμ πάρμη⟨ν⟩ 163: Σπαλω⟨ν⟩ C. There is one case of loss of implosive nasal before π: 10t2: Λα⟨μ⟩προφάν[ης]

14

Rabehl 1906, 25–26. Rabehl 1906, 26 (with examples): Sed praecipue in volgari sermone assimilatio non exprimitur. et eo quod nasalis in fine omittitur illae duae voce saut syllabae tamquam in unam copulantur. Et multo frequentiora sunt exempla quam ut haec omnia semper per errorem facta putes. In general, on the weakening of nasals in the absolute end of a word in the history of Greek language, see Lejeune 1972, 272, § 307. 15

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II. MORPHOLOGY Since most defixiones are lists of personal names in the nominative case, there is no way to extract a wide variety of morphological features from these monuments. Nevertheless, we can state some facts. 1. Declension of names with a basis -ā → η 14: gen. Ἀθ⟨η⟩ναίης 219: acc. μαρτυρίην 2. Declension of hypocoristic names ending in -ᾶς

We can assume that the transition of athematic declension of hypocoristics with the basis of the voiced consonant ending in -ᾶς (gen. -ᾶδος) into thematic declension ending in -ᾶς (gen. -ᾶ) is observed, starting from the 3rd century BC:16 132: gen. Σιττυρᾶ 135: gen. Θεμιστᾶ 3. Declension of names ending in -ευς

12-3: nom. ἱέρεως (‹ ηϝος)17 4. Declension of names ending in -ης

The inscriptions of 4th–3rd centuries. BC in the genitive of names ending -ης, besides the usual uncontracted ending in -εος (for example, 154), have sometimes its diphthongic form -ευς, caused by the new tendency of the 4th century BC more closed pronunciation of the second element of the combination – εο:18 55, 56-7: Πρωτογένευς 511-12: Δεινομένευς 58-9: Ἡροκράτευς 136: Ἐπικράτευς

16 See Thumb 1901, 231; Bechtel 1924, 129; Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.11; Tokhtasev 2009a. 17 Bechtel 1924, 47, 114–15; IGDOP, p. 190. This is not the only case of the nominative ἱέρεως in Olbian epigraphy (see, for example, IOSPE I2 32, 23); in the epigraphy of the western Black Sea region, see ISM I 1693, 1703 (Istria); ISM II 21,25, 27, 28 (Tomis). See also Thumb and Scherer 1959, § 312.4; Tokhtasev 1996, 185 and n. 8. 18 IGDOP, p. 187; Slavova 2004, 87.

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INDEXES

INDEX DEORVM Ἀθηνᾶ: 14 (gen. Ἀθ⟨η⟩ναίης)

Ἑρμῆς: 13 (gen. Ἑρμέω); 20 (Ἑρμοῦ)

INDEX NOMINVM Ἀγάθαρχος: 6 (Ἀγάθαρκος); 93 (Ἀγάθαρχος) Ἀγασικλῆς: 171 Ἄγρων: 18 Ἀθήναιος: 24 (Ἀθήναιος), 35; 6; 122; 1910 Ἀθήνιποc: 1925 Ἀθηνόδωρος: 23 (Ἀθηνόδωρος) Ἀναξιμένης: 72 (Ἀναξιμένης Ἡροφίλου) Ἀντιάναξ: 163 Ἀντ[ι]κρατίδ(η)ς: 175 Ἀπατούριος: 122 (Ἀπατριος Ὑπανίχ); 161; 165 Ἀπολλᾶς: 174 Ἀπολλόδωρος: 10t1; 122-3 Ἀπολλωνίδης: 142 (Ἀπολλωνίδης Τιμοθέ) Ἀρίζηλος: 34 Ἀρι[σ]τοκράτης: 213 Ἀριστομένης: 82 (Ἀριστ⟨ο⟩μένης); 89 (Ἀριστομέ⟨ν⟩ης); 173 (Ἀριστομένιος); 227 ([Ἀρ]ιστομένης) Ἀριcτόξενοc: 198 Ἀριστοτέλης: 11-2 Ἀρτεμίδωρος: 59-10 (Ἀ. Διονυσί); 511-12 (Ἀ. Δεινομένευς); 151 (Ἀρτεμίδωρος Ἡροφιλ); 18 [Ἀρτ]ίμας: 2213 Ἀρχίβιος: 6 Ἄσκιος: 27 Ἀτάης: 157 Ἀτόταc: 195 Ἀχιλλόδωρος: 18 Βάκχιος: 122

Βατᾶc: 1930 Βάτων: 1919 Βατίκων: 161; 166-7 Βρότακοc: 196 Γοργίας: 58-9 (Γ. Ἡροκράτευς) Δεινομένης: 512 (p. Ἀρτεμιδώρου) Δνων: 33 Δημήτριος: 26 (Δημήτρ[ι]ο[ς]); 54 (p. Metrodori) Δημοκράτης: 44 (Δημοκρά(τεα vel °την)) Δημοκῶν: 75 (Δημοκῶν); 157 (Δημοκῶν) Δημόπολις: 104; 214 Διογένης: 91 Δι⟨ό⟩δωρος: 6 Διοκλῆς: 6; 74 (Διοκλῆς) Διονύσιος: 510 (p. Ἀρτεμιδώρου); 81; 10r1; 124; 125; 197, 9, 20; 212; 221 ([Διον]ύσιος) Διονυσογέ[νης]: 10r1 Διονυσόδωρος: 73 (Διονυσόδωρος Ἡραγόρεω) Διοσκρίδης: 154 (Διοσκρίδης Φιλογήθεος) Δωριεύς: 126; 141 (Δωριεὸς: Νυνφοδώρ) Ἑκατέων: 85 Ἑκαταῖος: 31 (Ἑκ[αταῖ]ος) Ἑκατοκλῆς: 143 (p. Ietrodori) Εὄβλος: 141 (Εὄβλος Μοιραγόρεω); 2217 ([Ε]ὔβλος) Εὀβούλη: 6 Εὄκαρπος: 155 Εὀκλῆς: 6 Ἔπαινος: 111

126

INDEXES

Ἐπικράτης: 810; 91; 136 (gen. Ἐπικράτευς); 153 (Ἐπικράτης Ἡροσῶντος); 217 Ἑστιαῖος: 217 Εὔδικοc: 1927 Εὔδωρος: 56-7 (Εὔ. Πρωτογένευς) Εὐθύδικοc: 1912 [Εὔμ]ηλος: 222 Εὐμένης: 86 Ε[ὔ]μο{α}λπος: 113 Εὔπολις: 121; 212 (Εὔπο[λ]ις) [Εὐσ]έβης: 1910 Εὐσθένης: 55 (Εὐσθένης Πρωτογένευς) Ζηνόδοτος: 52 (p. Phormionis) Ἡγήμων: fortasse 87 Ἡγησαγόρης: 1510-11 Ἡδυ-(?): 163 Ἡραγόρης: 73 (p. Dionysodori); 159 (Ἡραγόρη(ς?)); 215 Ἡρακλείδης: 172 (Ἡρα(κλ)είδης); 232 (Ἡρακλείδης) Ἡρογένης: 15-6 Ἡρόδωρος: 10r2; 176 Ἡρόδοτος: 71; 811; 233 Ἡροκράτης: 59 (p. Gorgiae); 71 (Ἡροκράτης) Ἡροσῶν: 153 (p. Epicratis); 229 (Ἡροσ[ῶ]ν) Ἡροφάνης: 16-7 Ἡρόφιλος: 6; 72 (p. Anaximenis); 10t3; 151 (p. Artemidori); 155 Θαλαιώ: 152 Θαρσῆς: 122 Θάcιο[c]: 1915 Θατόρακος: 158 (Θατόρακο\ς/) Θεμιστᾶς: 135 (gen. Θεμιστᾶ) Θρασύβουλος: 126 Ἰητρόδωρος: 143 (Ἰητρόδωρος Ἑκατοκλέος) Ἱπποκλῆς: 27 Ἱππόνικος: 18 Κάλλιππος: 231 Καφάκης: 514 (Καφάκς); 157 Κιλλ(ος?): 154 Κοίρανος: 114 Κοκκίων: 125; 1921 (Κοκ[ί]ω[ν]) Κοκονακος: 43 (Κοκονακον) [Κ]όνων: fortasse 84 ([.?]ΟΝΟΝ)

Κρίτων: 83 ({Σ} Κρίτων) Κτήμων: fortasse 87 [Κ]ωμαῖος: 214 Λ(α)δίκα: 193 Λα⟨μ⟩προφάν[ης]: 10t2 Λάμ[π]ρων (?): 1926 Λεοντίσκος: 123 Λεωδάμας: 232 Λεπτίνας: 216 Λητόδωρος: 6 Λυcίαc: 1914 Μακαρεύς: 213 Μάσας: 2211 Μενέσ{σ}τρατος: 231 Μητρόδωρος: 53-4 (Μ. Δημητρί) Μ[ῖ]κοc: 1924 Μ.ΛΙΚΑ: 1925 Μνησίθεος: 2210; 2214 ([Μν]ησίθεος) Μοιραγόραγόρης: 141 (p. Eubuli) Μυλλίων: 112 Ναννᾶς: 125; 1913 (Ναννᾶ[c]) Νεστορίων: 125 Νευμήνιος: 123-4 Νεύπολις: 122 Νυνφόδωρος: 141 (p. Doriei) Ξένων: 22 Ὀλβία: 1924 Ὀλύμπιχοc: 1922 [Ὄ]λυμπο[ς]: 21 Ὀcτρακίων: 191 ΠAIΝΑ (?): 1916 Πα[ν]τακλ[ῆς] (?): 1929 Πάσικος: 42 (Πάσικον) ΠΙΝΑΚ: 513 Πιτθάκης: 162; 166 Πόλλις: 126 Πολυκράτης: 228 ([Π]ολ[υκ]ράτης); 2211 ([Πολυ]κράτης); 2218 ([Πολυ]κράτης) Ποσειδώνιος: 121 (Ποσειδώνιος); 123 (Ποσειδώνιος) Πόσις: 121 Προμηθίων: 124 Πρωτογένης: 55 (p. Eusthenis); 57 (p. Eudori) Σιττυρᾶς: 132 (gen. Σιττυρᾶ) Σπαλω⟨ν⟩: 163 Cίμακοc: 1917 Cωcιπάτρη: 194

INDEXES

Τελεσικράτης: 18 Τιμόθεος: 142 (p. Apollonidis) Τυκτα: 6 Ὑπάνιχος: 142 (p. Apatorii) Φαίδιμος: 121 Φαρνάβα[σ]ζος: 20

127

Φιλήμων: 92 Φιλιсτῆς: 1911 Φίλιστος: 88 Φιλογήθης: 154 (p. Dioscoridis) Φορμίων: 51-2 (Φ. Ζηνοδότ); 162 Χαρᾶσπα[-]: 192

INDEX VOCABVLORVM ἄλλος, η, ο: 156 (καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι ἐ\μοἰ/); 18 (καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους) ἄν: 118 (ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α εἰ] ↑{μ} μαρτυρέô/σιν ἄν) ἀντίδικος: 18 (καταδέω γλώσσας ἀντιδίκων) ἄπρακτος, ον: 115 (ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α εἰ] ↑{μ} μαρτυρέô/σιν ἄν) ἄριστος: 2112 (ἄριστον δ[ῶ]{ρ}/ρον) αὐτός: 143 (αὀτῶι); 18 (τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς μετ’ {αοτα} αὀτοῦ); 2110 (αὐτοὺς); 233 (συνη\γ/οροῦσι\αὐ(τοῖς)/?) γινώσκω: 211-2 (γεινώσκομε/ν) γλῶσσα: 133 (τὴν γλῶσσαν); 18 (καταδέω γλώσσας ἀντιδίκων καὶ μαρτύρων); 1932 (πάντων τὴν γλῶcαν); 1935-36 (παντῶν τὴ[ν γλῶc]/αν) δέ: 2110, 11 δύναμις: 137 (καὶ τὴν δύναμιν) δύο: 15r2 δῶρον: 2112-13 (δ[ῶ]{ρ}/ρον) ἐγώ: 2110 (μοι) ἐναντίος: 156 (καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ ἐναντίοι ἐ\μοἰ/) ἐπί: 215 (ἐπ’ [ὁκο]ῖον); 218 (ἐπ’ ὅ τι πρᾶγμα); 218-9 (ἐπ’ ὅ τι/να μαρτυρίην); 2111 (ἐπ’ ᾧ) ἐχθρός, ἐχθρά, ἐχθρόν: 1931 ([ὅσ]τιc πρὸc ἡμᾶc ἐχθρός); 1933 (γράφω ὅστιc ἐχθρὸς τῶν / πρὸc ἡμᾶc) ἡμεῖς: 1931 (πρὸc ἡμᾶc); 1934 (πρὸc ἡμᾶc); 211, 10 [ἢ]ν: 2110 ἠρεμέω: 20 (ἠρέμ)

θεοπρόπος: 20 (ὦ θεοπρόπος Ἑρμοῦ) θνήσκω: 20 (τέθνηκας) ἱερεύς: 12-3 (ἱέρ-εως Ἑρμέω) καί: 14; 115, 6, 7; 143; 156 (καὶ ἄλλοι); 166 (bis); 18 (ter); 177; 212, 4, 6, 11, 12; 233, 4 καταγράφω: 1932-33 (πάντων τὴν γλῶcαν κα[τα]/γράφω); 1936 (παντῶν τὴ[ν γλῶc]/αν καταγρ(άφω)) καταδέω: 18 (καταδέω γλώσσας ἀντιδίκων καὶ μαρτύρων) καταλαμβάνω: 2111 (κ[ατα]λάβῃς) κατέχω: 2111 (κατάσχῃς) μαρτυρέω: 116–7 (ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α εἰ] ↑{μ} μαρτυρέô/σιν ἄν) μαρτυρίη: 219 μάρτυς: 18 (ἀντιδίκων καὶ μαρτύρων) μετά: 18 (τοὺς μετ’ {αοτα} αὀτοῦ) νοέω: 219 (᾿νώησαν) ξύνειμι: 15 (ξυνών) ὁκοῖος, η, ον: 215 (ἐπ’ [ὁκο]ῖον πρᾶγμα) ὅς, ἥ, ὅ: 115 (ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α εἰ] ↑{μ} μαρτυρέô/σιν ἄν); 218 (ἐπ’ ὅ τι πρᾶγμα) ὅσος, ὅση, ὅσον: 233 (καὶ ὅσοι συνη\γ/ οροῦσι) ὅστις, ἥτις, ὅτι: 1931 ([ὅσ]τιc πρὸc ἡμᾶc ἐχθρός); 1933 (γράφω ὅστιc ἐχθρὸς τῶν / πρὸc ἡμᾶc) οὕτος, αὕτη, τοῦτο: 219 (ο[ὗ]τοι) οὕτως: 212

128

INDEXES

παῖς: 152 (δύο παῖδες); 18 (παί\δων/) παραγίνομαι: 215-6 (παρα/γείννται); 218 ([παρα]γείννται) παρασκευάζω: 2113 (παρασκε[υῶ]) παρατηρέω: 234 (καὶ παρατηροῦσι) πάρμη: 131, 4 (τὰμ πάρμη(ν)) πᾶς, πᾶσα, πᾶν: 115 (ἄ⟨π⟩ρακτα οἳ τὰ{ι} πάντ[α εἰ] ↑{μ} μαρτυρέô/σιν ἄν); 144 (καὶ τ ς αὀτῶι συνιό/ντας πάντας); 167 (πάντα⟨ς⟩); 18 (πάντας); 178 (πάντ[ω]ν (?)); 1932 (πάντων τὴν γλῶcαν); 1935 (παντῶν τὴ[ν γλῶc]/αν) περί: 165 (περὶ Ἀπατούριον) πρᾶγμα: 215, 8

πρόοιδα: 20 πρός: 1931 (πρὸc ἡμᾶc); 1934 (πρὸc ἡμᾶc) σύ: 211, 10, 11 (σε); 2112 (σο[ι]) σύνειμι (< εἶμι): 143-4 (συνιό/ντας πάντας) συνηγορέω: 233 (καὶ ὅσοι συνη\γ/οροῦσι) τιμάω: 2112 (τειμήσω) τὶς, τὶ: 218 (ἐπ’ ὅ τι πρᾶγμα); 218-9 (ἐπ’ ὅ τι/να μαρτυρίην) φιλόκαλος: 20 [ὥ]σπερ: 211; 2110 (ὥ[σπε]ρ)

COLLOQUIA ANTIQUA 1. G.R. TSETSKHLADZE (ed.), The Black Sea, Greece, Anatolia and Europe in the First Millennium BC. 2. H. GENZ and D.P. MIELKE (eds.), Insights into Hittite History and Archaeology. 3. S.A. KOVALENKO, Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum. State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts. Coins of the Black Sea Region. Part I: Ancient Coins from the Northern Black Sea Littoral. 4. A. HERMARY and G.R. TSETSKHLADZE (eds.), From the Pillars of Hercules to the Footsteps of the Argonauts. 5. L. MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA, Ex Toto Orbe Romano: Immigration into Roman Dacia. With Prosopographical Observations on the Population of Dacia. 6. P.-A. KREUZ, Die Grabreliefs aus dem Bosporanischen Reich. 7. F. DE ANGELIS (ed.), Regionalism and Globalism in Antiquity: Exploring Their Limits. 8. A. AVRAM, Prosopographia Ponti Euxini Externa. 9. Y.N. YOUSSEF and S. MOAWAD (eds.), From Old Cairo to the New World. Coptic Studies Presented to Gawdat Gabra on the Occasion of his SixtyFifth Birthday. 10. R. ROLLINGER and K. SCHNEGG (eds.), Kulturkontakte in antiken Welten: vom Denkmodell zum Fallbeispiel. 11. S.A. KOVALENKO, Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum. State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts. Coins of the Black Sea Region. Part II: Ancient Coins of the Black Sea Littoral. 12. A.V. PODOSSINOV (ed.), The Periphery of the Classical World in Ancient Geography and Cartography. 13. A.M. MADDEN, Corpus of Byzantine Church Mosaic Pavements from Israel and the Palestinian Territories. 14. A. PETROVA, Funerary Reliefs from the West Pontic Area (6th–1st Centuries BC). 15. A. FANTALKIN and O. TAL, Tell Qudadi: An Iron Age IIB Fortress on the Central Mediterranean Coast of Israel (with References to Earlier and Later Periods). 16. C.M. DRAYCOTT and M. STAMATOPOULOU (eds.), Dining and Death: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the ‘Funerary Banquet’ in Ancient Art, Burial and Belief. 17. M.-P. DE HOZ, J.P. SÁNCHEZ HERNÁNDEZ and C. MOLINA VALERO (eds.), Between Tarhuntas and Zeus Polieus: Cultural Crossroads in the Temples and Cults of Graeco-Roman Anatolia.

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18. M. MANOLEDAKIS, G.R. TSETSKHLADZE and I. XYDOPOULOS (eds.), Essays on the Archaeology and Ancient History of the Black Sea Littoral. 19. R.G. GÜRTEKIN DEMIR, H. CEVIZOĞLU, Y. POLAT and G. POLAT (eds.), Archaic and Classical Western Anatolia: New Perspectives in Ceramic Studies. 20. C. KÖRNER, Die zyprischen Königtümer im Schatten der Großreiche des Vorderen Orients. Studien zu den zyprischen Monarchien vom 8. bis zum 4. Jh. v. Chr. 21. G.R. TSETSKHLADZE (ed.), Pessinus and Its Regional Setting. Volume 1. 22. G.R. TSETSKHLADZE (ed.), Pessinus and Its Regional Setting. Volume 2: Work in 2009–2013. 23. I. MOGA, Religious Excitement in Ancient Anatolia. Cult and Devotional Forms for Solar and Lunar Gods. 24. G.R. TSETSKHLADZE (ed.), Phrygia in Antiquity: From the Bronze Age to the Byzantine Period. 25. L. MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA (ed.), Limes, Economy and Society in the Lower Danubian Roman Provinces. 26. M. COSTANZI and M. DANA (eds.), Une autre façon d’être grec: interactions et productions des Grecs en milieu colonial/Another Way of Being Greek: Interactions and Cultural Innovations of the Greeks in a Colonial Milieu. 27. G.R. TSETSKHLADZE (ed.), Ionians in the West and East. 28. G.R. TSETSKHLADZE (ed.), Archaeology and History of Urartu (Biainili). 29. M.-P. DE HOZ, J.L. GARCÍA ALONSO and L.A. GUICHARD ROMERO (eds.), Greek Paideia and Local Tradition in the Graeco-Roman East.

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