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PATRICK >C
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ISBN 0-393-04922-1
$27.95
USA
$39-99 Can.
One
of the most harrowing books about
anthropology to appear El
Dorado
in decades, darkness in
a brilliant work of investigation
is
that chronicles the history of
estern
EXPLOITATION OF THE YaNOMAMI NDIANS
AND THEIR Amazon homeland.
THEY WERE CONSIDERED and warlike of any
savage
TO BE THE MOST tribe alive. Secreted
in the impenetrable jungles
and highlands of
Venezuela and Brazil, they were thought to be the
last
"virgin" people, perhaps the final grail in a history of
exploration and discovery that had begun hundreds of years earlier with Columbus and Cortez.
When
the
Yanomami were
Napoleon Chagnon, Jacques
first
Lizot,
encountered by
and other preeminent
anthropologists in the 1960s, the "discovery" of their ferocious warfare and sexual competition revolutionized
modern anthropology
as
profoundly
as
cd
Franz Boaz and
Margaret Mead's findings had done nearly a half- century before. Their brutal wars and mating habits spawned
countless films and books, the most prominent being
Chagnon' s
which sold more than
The Fierce People,
a
million
copies and influenced the nascent field of sociobiology.
To Chagnon and the
Yanomami
his colleagues, the
frontier, their habitat the final place
last
could observe the behavior of
man
represented
where one
in a pristine setting
untouched by outside influence.
Now,
in a
work
that
complements Jared Diamond's
Guns, Germs, and Steel, Patrick Tierney refutes the
macho
theories and revolutionary claims of an entire era
of anthropology in an explosive account based on more than a decade of research.
He
demonstrates
researchers, as well as journalists
the travails of the Spanish five centuries
Dorado,
a
ago
as they
and
sought the illusory
city
of El
promised land already destroyed by their own
hypocrisy, distortions,
mitted in the
Tierney explores the
and humanitarian crimes com-
name of research, and
Yanomami's internecine warfare by the repeated "
these
echoed
and English explorers of
brutality. In painstaking detail,
"fierce
how
scientists,
visits
of outsiders
people whose existence
reveals
how
the
was, in fact, triggered
who went looking
lay
primarily in the
(continued on back flap)
for a
t/>
m^m
arKness in El
D
o rad
ALSO BY PATRICK TIERNEY The Highest Altar
^^^^~ Darkness in El
Dorado
How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon
Patrick Tierney
^ W. W. Norton & Company
'
New York
London
^1
—
RO BR
F2520.1 .Y3
T54 2000
Copyright
© 2000 by Patrick Tierney
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Edition
First
For information about permission to reproduce selections from write to Permissions,
& Company, Inc.,
W. W. Norton NewYork,
The
text
of this book
composed
is
in
500
this
Fifth
book,
Avenue,
NY 10110
Adobe Garamond
v/ith the display set in
Mrs. Eaves
& Sons Company
Composition by Allentown Digital Services Division of RR Donnelley Manufacturing by the Haddon Craftsmen,
Book
design by Chris
Inc.
Welch
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tierney, Patrick.
Darkness in El Dorado
:
how scientists and journalists p.
devastated the
Amazon.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-393-04922-1 1.
Yanomamo
Indians
—Crimes
against. 2.
Yanomamo
—^Amazon River Region.
Indians, Treatment of 5.
—Amazon
Gold mines and mining
Amazon
4.
A.,
1938
Social conditions. 3.
River Region. 6. Anthropological ethics
River Region. 7. Chagnon, Napoleon A., 1938
Napoleon
— —^Amazon River Region.
Indians
Genocide
— PubHc
opinion.
— I.
Influence. 8.
Chagnon,
Tide.
F2520.1.Y3T54 2000
981'.1—dc21 00-038682
W. W. Norton
& Company Inc., 500 Fifth Avenue, NewYork, N.Y
10110
www.wwnorton.com
W. W. Norton
& Company Ltd., 123
4
10 Coptic Street,
567890
London
WCIA IPU
For
my parents,
Patricia
and John
It is
important to recognize that Darwinism has always had
an unfortunate power to attract the most unwelcome enthusiasts
—demagogues and psychopaths and misanthropes
and other abusers of Darwin's dangerous
—Daniel
C. Dennett,
idea.
Darwin's Dangerous Idea
Contents
»
i
I
List
of Graphs
xv
Acknowledgments Introduction
Part
I
xvii
xxi
Guns, Germs, and Anthropologists,
1964-1972 Chapter
1
Savage Encounters
3
Chapter 2
At Play
Chapter 3
The Napoleonic Wars
Chapter 4
Atomic Indians
in the Field
36
7 18
XIV
^^
CONTENTS
Chapter 5
Outbreak
Chapter 6
Filming the Feast
Chapter 7
A Mythical Village
Part
In Their
II
53
83
107
Own Image,
Chapter 8
Erotic Indians
Chapter 9
That Charlie
1972-1994
125
149
Chapter 10
To Murder and
Chapter 11
A Kingdom of Their Own
Chapter 12
The Massacre
Chapter 13
Warriors of the
to Multiply
at
181
Haximu
195
Amazon
Ravages of El Dorado,
Part III
158
215
1
996-1 999
Chapter 14
Into the Vortex
Chapter 15
In Helenas Footsteps
Chapter 16
Gardens of Hunger, Dogs of War
Chapter 17
Machines That Make Black Magic
Chapter
Human
1
8
227
Products and the Isotope
Appendix: Mortality at Yanomami Notes
Villages
317
327
Bibliography
Index
243
385
397
Photographs appear between pages
164 and 165
257
280
Men
296
1
List of
Namowei War Deaths Bisaasi-teri Mortality
Measles Antibody Febrile
34 5
55
Response to Edmonston B
Filming Deaths
Graphs
G7
121
Mortality and Mission Contact, 1987-1991
Corrected Mortality, 1987-1991
Victims in Worst
Yanomami Wars
Stature of Amazonian Indians
Deaths
at
Kedebabowei-teri:
207 228
and Westerners
Yanomami Population Growth
206
264
Projected at Historical Rate
269
The Impact of FUNDAFACI
324
Acknowledgments
First, I
would
like to offer heartfelt
were indispensable to both
my
thanks to the guides and translators
research
These included Severino
rain forest.
fredo Aherowe, and Jodie
and
Brazil,
my
survival in the
who
Yanomami
Pablo Mejia, Marco Jimenez, Al-
Dawson. Marinho De Souza, a microscopist and
malaria diagnostician, was not only a great guide but also a healer for hundreds of desperately I
would
ill
also like to
Yanomami thank the
Indians.
many
anthropologists, doctors,
and other
who read this manuscript. I am especially indebted to Leda Marwho is finishing her Ph.D. at Cornell University, for her support
scientists tins,
throughout
this
Vista, Brazil.
source for I
long project and for her and her family's hospitality in Boa
Ledas dossier on Napoleon Chagnon was an important
re-
my research.
have obviously relied on Brian Ferguson's analysis of Yanomami warfare
as a
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
—^
XVIII
framework for several chapters of this book.
am also grateful to Terrence
I
Collins of Carnegie Mellon University, Leslie Sponsel of the University of Haw^aii, Terence Turner of Cornell University,
Peters of Wilfrid Laurier University, Jesiis
John
College,
VENA,
Kenneth Good of Jersey State
Giovanni
SafFirio
Cardozo of FUN-
of the Consolata Missionaries, and John Frechione
of the University of Pittsburgh for their comments and encouragement.
Mark White of the sisted
my search
Smithsonian's National Anthropological Archives as-
through
his w^arehouse retreat, v^here
taining the tapes from the
Mark
Ritchie sent
me
we found
Atomic Energy Commission's 1968
the videotaped interviews with
a
box con-
expedition.
Yanomami men
that
are transcribed in chapter 8.
The
final
chapter of this book,
would not have been Plutonium
Files
Products and the Isotope Men,"
possible without Eileen
opened up an
Commission. She helped Ireland,
"Human
entirely
Welsome, whose book The
new perspective on
the
me contact several key individuals,
of the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle,
Atomic Energy
Cory
including
who shared his
research into
human radiation experiments at Rochester's Strong Memorial Hospital. The photographer Valdir Cruz has been outstandingly kind in allowing
the
me
to use his superb black-and-white photographs without charge. Valdir
worked
for over eight
lowship.
months
in
Yanomami
territory
on
a
Guggenheim
Fel-
enjoyed his company for a week around the main missions of the
I
Orinoco, and he walked with Marinho and going through quarantine with Kristine Dahl,
my
to the village
of Irokai
afiier
us.
literary agent,
storms and finally to safe harbor at Kristine's skill
me
and determination
guided the manuscript through
many
W W. Norton & Company. Without book would never have been pub-
this
lished.
Norton,
as
everybody knows,
is
a brave house.
He
a courageous leap with this manuscript.
know
I
am
also speaking for
valuable legal advice,
Sonntag
Bob
for his extraordinarily detailed
brother,
John Tierney, has seen
stages of evolution cias
and has helped
pull
Robert Weil took
legal review
critic
and
of this book.
Rene Schwartz
for her in-
for her heroic patience,
and Otto
and helpful copyediting. Otto did
wonders with the labyrinth of endnotes and
My
and
in thanking
Nancy Palmquist
so,
has been a discerning
a wise editor throughout the long preparation I
Even
this
me
sources.
manuscript in
many
different
through each one of them. Gra-
hermano.
The
University of Pittsburgh's Center for Latin American Studies gave
me
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS an appointment
as a visiting scholar,
versity's excellent
which
XIX
facilitated
Latin American collection.
I
wrote
my research at the uni-
much of this
manuscript
while living in the quiet Pittsburgh neighborhood and in the same
where
I
grew up. There
is
no way
that
John, for their loyalty and generosity.
they deserve better.
I
I
can repay
my parents,
have dedicated
this
home
Patricia
and
book to them, but
—
Introduction
Chagnon's observations and science are basically of modern sociobiology. Because of
line
Edward O.
him.
The
this,
correct.
He
is
in the front
perhaps, controversy follows
Wilson^
renowned anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon appeared, unher-
alded, in Roraima, Brazil's northernmost state, often described as
most years.
lawless, in
September 1995.
It
was
his first visit there in
its
many
Although he had helped make the Yanomami Indians the best-known
tribe in the world,
Chagnon
faced nearly insurmountable hurdles in con-
tacting them. In 1988, a past president of the Brazihan Anthropological Association
had condemned him
for portraying the
Yanomami
When he attempted to visit a Brazilian Yanomami village in film crew,
position
before
Chagnon was
1989 with
a
BBC
forced to cancel the trip due to both academic op-
and a planned protest march by human
Chagnon began
as innate killers.^
rights groups.^
And that was
the adventures that ended in his expulsion from the
Venezuelan Yanomami Reserve by a judge on September 30, This time, however, he was able to
skirt
1993.^^
normal peer review with the help
—^
XXII
of
Veja, the conservative
INTRODUCTION
newsweekly. Veja pressured the Indian Agency to
or documentary characgrant special permission for a "visit of a journalistic actually issued to a photographer, and the anthropolo-
The permit was
ter."
member of his "work team."^ Chagnon had come to Yanomami and to communicate a rely on the media both for access to the defenders of the Inshocking message— that the very people who posed as
gist
was included
as a
dians were actually destroying them. In the
New
York Times, the Times Lit-
London, and other forums, he had already attacked "missionaries with se"left-wing anthropologists," "survival groups,"^ and Many right-wing groups in Brazil, particularly miners and the mili-
erary Supplement of
crets."^ tary,
welcomed
report these attacks. Indeed, a high-level intelligence
named
missionaries as threats to the same "environmentalists, anthropologists and
national security."^
accompanying jourturned out, however, that Chagnon was not simply head of the Indian Agency in Ronalists searching for a feature story. The It
raima,
Suami
Percillio
Dos
Santos, was surprised
when Chagnons bush pilot
anthropologist planned to use intercepted a shipment of vacutainers that the Santos was not accustomed to for collecting Yanomami blood samples.^ Dos from a scientific overpeople collecting Yanomami blood without permission
of committee—or informed consent from Yanomami leaders, many the blood who were now literate. The issue was particularly sensitive because sight
would have been harvested
for a Brazilian geneticist
participated in vast blood-collecting projects
who,
like
Chagnon, had
among Amazonian
tribes dur-
the late 1960s.^^ Things ing the worst days of Brazil's military dictatorship, Antonio Mari, knew had changed, however, and even Vejds photo journalist, where potentially priceless genetic material was that this kind of
research—
of bounds. obtained in exchange for cheap machetes—was out fessor
Chagnon
received the test tubes
blood samples from the Indians confronted Professor
I felt
and
"When
Pro-
disclosed his intentions to collect
betrayed and angry," Mari recalled. "I
Chagnon and he
told
me
that he
was doing
it
to help
collect blood samples to do rethe Indians. His intention, he said, was to the area."^^ The Indian search on different strains of malaria plaguing explanation. Both Chagnon and Agency's research director did not accept this
the Brazilian geneticist received letters of rebuke;
with expulsion. ^2 "The
FUNAI
test
Chagnon was
threatened
tube incident caused enormous anger
among
Saiide [National Health [Indian Agency] and Funda^ao Nacional de of to Mari. "Facing imminent cancellation
Foundation]
officials,"
according
our permits, Chagnon gave up the blood sample
idea."^^
I
INTRODUCTION
^^
XXIII
Native leaders were also upset. Several of them contacted Leda Martins,
government
a Brazilian
Yanomami
reserve,
who
official at that
with three years of experience inside the
time was a Fulbright scholar in anthropology
of Pittsburgh. They asked her for a complete background
at the University
check on Chagnon. She wrote a short, annotated bibliography of the
had pursued him over the years,
controversies that lecting for the
with Venezuela's leading gold miner. She called Dossier.
"^"^
it
col-
his relationship
"Napoleon Chagnon:
The Indigenous Council of Roraima, an
tically elected
blood
starting with his
Atomic Energy Commission and ending with
many
O
association of democra-
Indian leaders, officially submitted the dossier to the govern-
ment and asked
for the revocation of
Chagnon was permitted
Chagnon's permits. ^^ In the end,
to travel to a single village, without blood sampling
equipment, followed by a full-time guard
—
man whose job
a mountainous
normally was to bounce gold miners from the
Yanomami
reserve.
Neverthe-
the brief window of opportunity enabled Veja to publish an interview
less,
with Chagnon, consistent with the magazine's editorial policy, that renewed
Chagnon's critique against "many NGO's, anthropologists and missionaries
who the
are
title
most recently competing among themselves
it
who
can obtain
of sole representative of the Indians to the outside world."^^
For those of us rush,
to see
who had seen
the cataclysmic impact of the
Amazon
gold
was both disheartening and extraordinary that Chagnon was savaging
the very people
who
stood in the
way of the Amazonian
tribes' extinction.
These were precisely the survival groups, missionaries, and "Marxist anthro-
who had opted to help the Indians, One of this new breed of anthropologists
pologists"^^
instead of simply studying
them.
was, in
whom I had met in Boa Vista several times between time,
I
was researching the gold rush and
ples. It
Bolivia,
its
fact,
Leda Martins,
1989 and 1992. At that
chaotic impact
on
native peo-
was a continental phenomenon, stretching from French Guyana but
I
had picked Yanomamiland because of Chagnon.
When
to
I first
read his ethnography Yanomamo: The Fierce People, he seemed preternaturally resourceful to
males in the
and
tribal
me, a
late
veritable hero
—
as
1960s and 1970s. In his
mayhem, Chagnon exposed
noble savages.
I
he was to
admired
ample, documenting
his philosophy,
ritual
murder
a book. The Highest Altar: The Story
was
many other undergraduate
relentless investigation
of murder
the falsity of cherished myths about
and
in the
I
followed his swashbuckling ex-
Andes from 1983
ofHuman
Sacrifice,
to 1988.
which
cited
1
wrote
Chagnon
favorably. ^^
It
distinction.
The Fierce People was a narrative that launched a thousand books.
a distinctly
Chagnonian book,
but, in a way, this
was no
So when itated
decided to write about the Amazon, in 1989,
toward the Yanomami and Chagnon
thought
my
I
INTRODUCTION
^^
XXIV
was a project that would
it
bearings,
time— it
is
last
a year or so.
today— Chagnon's
hard to believe
One
When I first went in,
To
find contacts,
and
many enemies. At
contacted Chagnon, instead of his
I
Catholic priests trained in anthropology.
Giovanni
territory.
naturally grav-
1
closest fiiends
were
get
that
Roman
of them, the anthropologist
was a former Ph.D. student of Chagnon's and became
Saffirio,
I
my
closest friend. Iti
Roraima,
was robbed twice
I
once by bandits in the lice jailed
me
city
of Boa Vista.
for a night after
I
1990—once by
the
had watched them Reserve.
try but I
know
the frontier society
which miners were paying which
much
better than
police officials
fail
I
wanted
and where the
tired
to
at
to. I
had
knew
police allowed
some point—
comas may have had something despise the gold rush. I wanted it to end. I also grew
and carrying Yanomami children do with it— I came
dynamite a
in the process,
But the miners to operate their clandestine landing strips.
to
to
had accompanied min-
through litde-explored swamps and mountains and,
gotten to
Yanomami and
On another occasion, the federal po-
Yanomami
clandestine airstrip inside the ers
in
of aggressive young men
in malaria
in civilian clothing
with military crew cuts
who
me around day and night, just to make life miserable for any foragainst the Indians. eigners who were trying to witness the daily atrocities
followed
In this climate, advocate.
I
gradually changed from being an observer to being an
was a completely inverted world, where
It
traditional, objective
journalism was no longer an option for me.
My field expeditions became, in-
What
the police were supposed to be
creasingly,
antimining expeditions.
doing, but were not,
I
did.
I
counted the miners and
der areas and then submitted
Geral da Republica, an
ombudsman
branches of government. States for
my findings
I
Davi Kopenawa,
eloquent, spontaneous man,
their
machines in bor-
to Brazil's powerful Procuradoria
institution that refereed
all
other
helped arrange a speaking tour of the United the Yanomami's most visible leader. He was an
whom Chagnon called a "parrot" of Survival In-
ternational.^^
In 1992,
I
shifted
my
interests to the
Macuxi Indian
territory, a six-
between Guyana thousand-square-mile wedge of superb tabletop mountains
and Venezuela.
I
migrated with the miners
after they
were expelled from the
we set So did Leda Martins. After she came to Pittsburgh, Survival International up a Macuxi campaign office and collaborated with
Yanomami
area.
1
INTRODUCTION and the Rain Forest Action Network around the world.^^ By the
struggle
become
threatening to stances,
we
mented, he had fought
personally.
But
their land rights.
I
And,
to arrange protest
Actually,
decided,
on October
did not
know him
headed to
New York
I
I
1995, in San Francisco, that
2,
of California
at the University
Amazon.
—
the principal opponents of indigenous rights
gold rush. Leda Martins and
main Venezuelan time
New
Yanomami
I
Amazon
—
that
there
when Chagnon approached for support,
I
seemed
it
so great that
to
me
that
this
rights organizations
under judicial
Chagnon could
man
investigation.'^'^
an
But
and the outside
illegal
gold miner
politicians as a phil-
charged with stealing
Chagnon had an
taking well-known
Department
my duty to inform
reality
recast
the
themselves did
the State
was
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright as an
—of
cleansing
also felt
and one of Venezuela's most corrupt
anthropist, t^^ as well as present a lief funds to
1995 written an
Yanomami
was a chasm between Amazonian
The gap was
as a "naturalist,"*
in April
human
of the
territory if the elected leaders
knew
world.
It
had
Chagnon should not be allowed back in
that several of Chagnon's allies were
also
the rogues' gallery,
one of Venezuela's leading gold miners.^^ By
and U.S. embassy in Caracas
them
who
York Times that was sharply critical of Chagnon's
associate,
not want him back. And,
exactly
and the principal cheerleaders I
shared the view of most indigenous and
I
involved with the
Santa Barbara.
at
knew
I
Chagnon's main supporters in Brazil and Venezuela were
op-ed piece for the
had
I
By now, Chagnon was one of the
biggest players in the politics of the northern
Amazon
docu-
marches supporting the Macuxi and
was becoming impossible to ignore.
of the
in them.^^
as Leda's dossier
many of them.-^^
and meet Chagnon
better go
the circum-
anyone who had become embroiled
at those competitions.
Chagnon departed from Boa Vista,
as
and San Francisco
Under
of Chagnon's controversies, which
had nothing personal against Chagnon.
I
He
to
about the Macuxi
of 1995, the Macuxi campaign was
fall
a full-time occupation for us.
had not brought happiness
He
XXV
in placing articles
tried assiduously to steer clear
was famously good
^^
Yanomami
Amazonian
infinite capacity for
re-
leader, t^^
ethnographic
Amazonian crooks and making them ap-
pear unsullied for the American press.
*Charles Brewer Carias (see chapter
9).
tCecilia Matos, a fugitive from justice charged with
and
12). :j:Jaime
Turon, under indictment for embezzlement.
numerous counts of corruption
(see chapters
1
But
I felt
INTRODUCTION
—^
XXVI
whether there was some an obligation to interview him and see
explanation for what he was doing.
So
I
of California's Santa Barbara campus for bike quarter and made my way in and out of
at the University
showed up
day of the 1995 fall lecture hall. Nine hundred students lanes to the largest undergraduate podium. His thinning white hair crowded inside as Chagnon walked to the young mancontrasted with the incredibly glamorous
the
first
and beer belly
to appear on the and wearing a loincloth—who continued there was somepicture-book format best-selling text. But
painted, feathered,
back jacket of his
thing impressive about him.
on campus, and he
Chagnon wore
the only suit and
started class in a military style,
tie I
had seen
ordering a dozen teach-
themselves. "Tell them what you plan ing assistants to stand up and identify The Fierce People grow up," he said. When he introduced to
do when you
he
said, "It's
by
my favorite author,
me." Chagnon was fiinny and truly
self-
confident.
Merward, when you
to
"
I
approached him, Chagnon
swept halfWay across the
He
second thought, Mr. Tierney, fice at
I
hall,
do want
said, "I don't
want
to talk
turned around, and added,
to talk to you.
I'll
see
you
in
...
ten a.m."^^
"On
my ofr^JJl
summoned by a bullying vice principal. Oddly moment when O. J. Simpson was enough, my summons was for the exact I
felt like
an errant pupil
a.m., to receive his verdict: 10:00 for television sets
when
"You say you're dential?" nalist
I
told
I
first,
students were scurrying
is
your press
cre-
you say you're a jourdidn't carry a press credential. "If
him I
credential, you're a liar,"
Chagnon told me.
carry a press credential."
Chagnon would not let me
think you're a witch-hunter," he
Things gradually got a little de for the record. He continued leading gold miner.
He
also
because take notes. "I don't trust you,
said.
But Chagnon would say very iitdefend his association with Venezuelas
more
Yanomami
Most
Chagnon began. "Where
a journalist,"
must
3.
entered Chagnon's office.
and you don't carry a press
"All journalists
At
I
October
to
civil.
defended
his decision to contact
remote
without any quarantine precautions. villages on giant helicopters, of contacting exotic Chagnon felt he was entitled to the glory
Apparently,
natives; the
with the diseases. Venezuelans were in charge of dealing
continued to blame everyone
else
who had worked
Yanomami-and the Yanomami s
for the
missionaries, induding Survival International, Christian
He
INTRODUCTION best-known
—and
tribal leaders
of being a scapegoat," he said I
as
to
believe he
Chagnon.
fact, that
went
when
free,"
I
XXVII
demand sympathy for himself.
"I'm tired
I left.^^
went out into the California
mused, in
^^
sunlight, blinking
and bemused. So be-
a blond student
on
thought, for a
moment, he was
a bicycle blurted out, "I can't
talking about
»
I
Pari I
Guns, Germs, and Anthropologists, rr.*"
19 6 4-19 72
^v>^«-
how they've gone and how many villages have possibly been
in-
fected."^^
In the film, this statement from the missionary Shaylor was edited out,
and a voice-over simply
asserted that the scientists were vaccinating a ring
around the epidemic, saving
all
the groups they
the voice-over ended, Neel was heard fering to help with
managed
to inoculate.
and seen speaking over the
more vaccinations. "I'm
sorry to hear
this.
When
radio, of-
Now, when we
FILMING THE FEAST come out to get the blood to
And
the .plane,
we will
—^
after that
Danny is still badly I would him."^^ But Danny Shaylor did not
if possible.
Tama to see Nor did Neels
97
work on
to
Tama
see Neel again that
year.^^
try to get
if
down
doctors join the missionaries and government doctors in con-
epidemic on the Padamo River or anywhere
trolling the
Padamo
the
According to the sound day, February 24.
They
else.
tapes, the scientists left Patanowa-teri
traveled
two days by boat
to the
on
Esmeralda
Satur-
airfield,
where they met a plane on Monday, February 26.^^ They were rushing to get their
blood out of the tropical heat. In
amount of blood,
gering
and
urine,
the scientists purchased a stag-
all,
saliva at nearly forty
Yanomami
villages
during their three weeks on the Upper Orinoco in 1968.^^ Thousands of
Yanomami were placed on what Asch
called "a production line:
assigned to them: specimens of their blood, saliva pressions of their teeth are
and
numbers
stools are collected;
are
im-
made; and they are weighed and measured by the
physical anthropologists."^^
Even
as
Neel and Chagnon
at least feared their vaccine reactions
turn into an uncontrolled epidemic, they tried to attract hundreds
Yanomami
to their blood-collecting station at Patanowa-teri. ^°^
promised the
them eral
Bisaasi-teri at
up, bring
them
Mavaca
that he
might
more
Chagnon
would return downriver, pick
to the feast at Patanowa-teri
—and have them go
sev-
days off into the jungle to extend an invitation to the distant village of
Ashidowa-teri.
Chagnon
Hasupuwe-teri,^^^
also
hoped
who had two
draw blood from another group, the
to
shabonos with, a total of over three hundred
people above the Guaharibo Rapids. ^°^
On
February 18, Neel had told the
Venezuelans that he was going to vaccinate the groups on the upper reaches
of the Orinoco, but he never vaccinated any of them. Under the circumstances,
it
was
just as well that
he did not do
so.
But
his
misinformation
torted the rescue plans of the Venezuelan emergency medics,
Hasupuwe-teri to their
own
devices.
who
left
dis-
the
About one hundred Hasupuwe-teri
died of measles. ^^^
Although
I
believe Neel
would join them mense
scientific enterprise
that "the blood
was sincere when he told the missionaries he
in battling measles
on
followed a
the
Padamo
River, the logic
and other samples must be quickly taken out
to prevent spoiling
due
of his im-
momentum all its own. Asch explained
to heat. Patanowa-teri
was the
to laboratories
last village
they were
able to inoculate. "^^^
The
split
one of the
between the on-camera and the off-camera James Neel was only
film's
anomalies.
Why were
the
AEC
doctors vaccinating at
all?
They were
at
DARKNESS
^^
98
an extremely isolated
nation with
Edmonston B
inoculation.
^^^
DORADO
EL
IN
with no medical backup. Vacci-
village,
required at least fifteen days of continual care after
Panic and dispersal had followed their only other vaccinations, around the
Ocamo and Mavaca
The same day
missions.
about seventy Yanomami
the expedition
Mavaca,
who had just been vaccinated ran off into
where the missionaries retrieved them ten days
gle,
left
Chagnon had admitted
that the vaccine
the jun-
later all "very sick."^^^
was almost
as
bad
as measles.
Neel s data showed that the vaccine reactions were indistinguishable from vere measles.
^^^
^°^
se-
But, once they had told the Venezuelan authorities that their
vaccine produced no rash, they stuck to their story so tenaciously that they
apparently believed
it.
camera in the eye and
The expedition physician Will said,
Centerwall looked the
"This kind of measles, especially the vaccine,
is
very unlikely to cause any trouble. Okay?"^°^
This was a confusing testimonial.
What
about? Especially the vaccine? Asch cut
this,
wall decided not to vaccinate pregnant
"Aaah. Let's put
"Then
globulin,
this
way.
I
along with the fact that Center-
women.
think this
is
the lesser of the evils."
give her the vaccination?"
think
"I
it
"kind of measles" was he talking
so.
I'll
just give her two, three,
which means that
Some doctors
felt it
if
to
gamma
sions were increasingly driven
medical practice.
give her three cc's of gamma
measles does hit her
was better
epidemic and to provide
I'll
it'll
be moderate."^ ^°
suspend vaccinating in the middle of an
globulin coverage only. But Neel's deci-
by the
logic of the film rather than
a defense against the unraveling
geneticist's version
Neel at
safe
He was trapped by promises to vaccinate "a ring around the The
epidemic" and by the pretense that the vaccine was harmless.
came
by
of Neel's story, a
film be-
way of canonizing the
of reality. By filming the Patanowa-teri being inoculated,
justified his earlier vaccinations as well as his decision to leave the sick
Mavaca behind. "This
village
was fortunate," Neel narrated.
"It
was vac-
cinated in time."^^^ It
was not. Neel did not have nearly enough
gamma globulin
the whole village of Patanowa-teri. In the outtakes,
Chagnon
mitting that they had been unable to finish the job. Worse,
posed to measles from Mavaca trekked through the expedition.
Only one of them made
—they dropped
sick ies
that he
off in the forest.
was trying
it
radio,
is
heard ad-
Yanomami
ex-
forest trying to rejoin the
to Patanowa-teri.
By
to vaccinate
The others were
Chagnon
to quarantine the Patanowa-teri
too
told the missionar-
from the
sick
man who
I
FILMING THE FEAST had arrived from Mavaca. "We'll have
and
to try
Meanwhile, we've gone ahead and vaccinated
we had
that
teri
vaccine
In fact, they had
all
^^ isolate
of the
99
them rest
we
as best
can.
of the Patanowa-
for."^^^
enough
vaccine, but not
enough gamma
globulin.
They
never admitted this in repeated radio conferences, however, perhaps to keep
and missionaries from
the Venezuelans
was
realizing that the expedition
giv-
ing out an antiquated vaccine. Even a poor country like Venezuela had by
then switched to the Schwarz virus, which did not require
gamma globulin
with vaccination.
The
expedition simultaneously exposed the Patanowa-teri to malaria,
bronchopneumonia and, depending upon which group they were the
Edmonston
by,
more and more people
live virus
or the germs of a carrier from Mavaca. started coughing.
in, either
As time went
None of this was shown,
per
Neel's instructions.
Yanomami were
Instead, the
"This
is
presented as pictures of exuberant health.
"He
the chief here," Centerwall gushed.
certainly
is
a fine specimen
of a man."^^^ (Actually, he weighed 108 pounds, but he was big by Yanomami standards.) Centerwall
know
was equally enthusiastic about Yanomami
these urine specimens, ah,
and ambers.
."^^^ .
.
Tim,
Neel found the
urine.
"You
are a beautiful assortment of yellows
samples "remarkable." Charles
fecal
"They
Brewer, a dentist, praised the natives' teeth.
are perfect.
No
decay or
accumulation of debris." Brewer attributed their good health to a high-fiber, sugar- free diet. Yet Neel
warned
that the
Yanomami's
year extends further the tentacles of civilization.
man
.
.
.
idyll
was ending. "Each
The
health of primitive
usually quickly deteriorates in the course of acculturation."^'^
At Patanowa-teri, acculturation and
The
deterioration were well underway.
expedition had trouble simply feeding the Indians from one day to
the next.
By moving toward
ducing gardens
They could not
far
the Orinoco, the Patanowa-teri
pro-
behind. Their nearest one was a three-hour walk away.'^^
feed themselves,
much
Although Chagnon had promised was not an easy
left their
task,
less
supply a
to provide
all
feast for
125 guests.
the meat for the feast,
even with the AEC's two shotguns. "Look
it
at this,"
Charles Brewer complained on returning from one hunt. "I have been out I don't know what time I got up. many work about the feast and about the blood. And this
since six o'clock this morning, or five-thirty,
And I
have to do so
guy took ting
up
me for a five-minute
at
ride to
do some hunting, and
one o'clock now. Well, you know
them because they were
really
hungry."
I
went
to
there
I
am
get-
do some hunting
for
"And
I
got several candies," Brewer added in disgust, referring to the ex-
peditions sweets, which were
them up
to pick
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
lOO
after
now littered all over the place. "They asked me
point them, and here they
I
Thousands of candies were being paid out
to
are."^^^
Yanomami women and chil-
One of the women's, tasks was to collect beetles for the expedition's biologist, who soon found himself inundated with the same species and unable dren.
to
pay them the lollipops they were demanding.
"You told them
Chagnon
is
them
But
I
I
want, then point
at this
women.
I
I
we change
would
settle for
beetles.
was hard to
stop. Everything
hungry. "But there
we have killed a
is it:
we have
it.
.
.
.
Come to my
something different and big-
My bottles are all full."
bonafide beetle hunt, there's no
this into a
stopping the flow once you've asked for It
biologist insisted. "If the
cannot pay them for
any more of these
can't take
"Unless
for the
must be some adjustment," the
there
not the kind
rescue. Tell ger.
up
said, sticking
them
"Tell
beetle
they brought in beetles you'd give them candy,"
if
was
it,"
Chagnon
falling apart.
replied.
The
way of
^^^
scientists
were
to eat also in spite of all the scientific
also
work
to do," Brewer said.^^^ Their shotguns quickly drove off game; they
few birds and
finally a
pregnant monkey, which Brewer would never
have shot had game not been in short supply. Not surprisingly, the Patanowateri's feast
suffered
from
—
meat
a lack of
Reyabobowei-teri. In the film,
Chagnon blamed
hunters have done so poorly that he must should. "^^°
But the
^just like
chief's hunters
make
the improvised feast at
the village headman. "His
the meat go further than
it
were Chagnon and Brewer.
am not to blame, you know," Brewer began. "You're not?" Neel asked, who sounded amused. He had a soft spot for Brewer, but he was tougher on Chagnon. He complained that Chagnon "Before apologizing for
this, I
hadn't hit anything with his shotgun the whole expedition. "You're a sad crew,
In tasks.
said.^^^
both Chagnon and Brewer were overburdened with other
all fairness,
Chagnon
you guys," Asch
supervised the
was the main beverage
making of the ceremonial plantain soup
at the feast.
that
This meant hauling a ton of plantains
from a distant garden, a thankless task that would never have been necessary at a
normal
feast,
held at the harvest season near a producing garden.
According to the
film, the Patanowa-teri
headman was Kumaiewa.
the big man."^^^
However, the Patanowa-teri elders told
headman was an
older shaman,
desires
Shamawe, who was
than the younger Kumaiewa.
me
the real village
less pliable to
The competition
"He's
Chagnon's
over Chagnon's favor
FILMING THE FEAST was evidently a source of internal
—^
lOI
conflict at Patanowa-teri, as
it
had been
at
Bisaasi-teri.
This could be seen from a brief conversation between Chagnon and a
Yanomami woman. As you
my older
translated in
me you
brother? Tell
surprisingly forward thing for
nabah
The
are
woman
Feast, the
my friend.
"^^^
a Yanomami woman
asks, "Shaki, are
Now,
this
would be
a
to do, publicly asking a
and "older brother." Quite a few eyebrows would
to be her "friend"
have shot up around the campfire.
The Yanomami
text
wa wohimai ya What she wanted husband, Hotihewe, when
quite different, however. Shaki
is
irawe really means, "Shaki, do you love your brother?" ^^"^ to
know was whether Chagnon would
favor her
the anthropologist distributed trade goods
marking the Yanomami their various tasks
and bodily
"The
he did on a regular
assessment of Yanomami poli-
trade goods help bind the alliance
by creating obligations which
must discharge
at a return feast.
"^^^
goods, the true basis of the alliance.
This was certainly true of the
Chagnon
skillfully plied
Patanowa-teri with presents and the promises of presents to keep ing.
While hauling plantains some people seem
to question
"beautiful trade goods. "^^^
of the project.
When
But
here, too, supplies
his trade
the
them work-
making the
and Chagnon apparently tempts them with the vision of madohe
size
basis,
had been paid for
film's
the visitors
AEC s
as
fluids.
Trade goods played a key role in the tics.
—
with different colors once they
film,
totohiwey
proved inadequate to the
goods ran out, Chagnon radioed for an-
other planeload. ^^^
Asch was surprised when, en route
Yanomami
burst into a frenzied dance, "screaming at the top of their lungs,
waving branches of leaves garden
to get food at another garden, the
ritual."
When
in the air."
Chagnon asked them, "What was
They were
Asch filmed them, believing
the exhausted, sweating
mystified. "Isn't that
that
all
Yanomami
field,
what you
Yanomami. He had spent
and no one has become proficient
At one
just asked us to do?"^^^
in
really able to
a total of fifteen
Yanomami
is
commu-
months
in the
in such a short time.
point, he said to Asch, "Shoot that scene over with
Yanomamo
"a
about?"
There was a question of how much Chagnon was nicate with the
was
it
finally stopped,
me
in
it.
My
a Uttle rusty."
"That was kind of nasty and not rupted. "If your Yanomamo
of yourself "^-^^
is
really called for,
rusty now,
you ought
you know," Neel
to be should be
inter-
ashamed
DARKNESS
^^
I02
EL
IN
DORADO
The Yanomami understood that Chagnon wanted scenes of violence. Asch also got that message.
Asch wrote, "Bias memorial "bitter" if
issue
Chagnon's preference was the subject of an
Asch trained
hi^
camera on anything but aggressive behavior.
Chagnon thought nonviolent to film
episodes were a waste of valuable film.
women's
any women's
are
Chagnon, who narrated The Feasts explained, spicuous at political events such as
was not true
begin the
for
festivities
amoamouP^ This
these. "^^^
Yanomami
When
Chagnon "whipped around"
activities,
and asked, "What makes you think there
it
1995
of the American Film Quarterly. Asch said Chagnon became
Asch urged Chagnon
but
article
in Ethnographic Reporting," excerpted in the April
activities?"
"Women
This was true
^^^
are rather incon-
at the
AEC's
feasting in general. Normally,
feast,
women
with marathon, call-and-response chanting called
oft:en
becomes a long, friendly competition between the
women hosts and visitors. ^^^ Later, the women from the visitors often danced with the men from the hosts, in a spectacular performance, hakimou, that sometimes ended in sexual dalliances. ^^^ But the women of Patanowa-teri were terrified that enemies might attack them at any moment (a fear that had caused them to
move away from
this site). In fact, Dr.
Centerwall noted that
the lovely colors of the women's urine were caused by dehydration
were afraid to venture down to the nearby creek to drink. It
ries
was violence and the expectation of violence that appealed
and students and
The Feast
that gave
its
edge.
to film ju-
"The Patanowa-teri have
been raided twenty-five times in the previous sixteen months, with a ten deaths,"
Chagnon
narrated.
^^*^
Actually, the Patanowa-teri
raided twenty-five times during Chagnon's fieldwork, from until
January 1965, with a
since
Chagnon
left
Nevertheless, teri still
the
had been
November 1 964
right
when he
said,
know
that
any
feast
"Many of the Patanowa-
They
are fearful, as are their
can end in violence.
can turn violent. Very few actually do. In
."^^'^ .
.
this case, the
atmos-
phere was strained because neither group wanted to be there in the place.
With
first
the AEC's sponsorship and Chagnon's shotguns, however, there
was no danger of violence occurring during the illusion
of
often deaths. But there had been no deaths
regard the Mahekoto-teri as enemies.
feast
total
field.
Chagnon was
guests, because they
Any
total
—they
^^^
feast.
The
film achieved the
of immediate conflict by mistranslation. In the film, a lead dancer for
the Mahekoto-teri entered the Patanowa-teri plaza dancing ecstatically
shouting, "Fight! Fight! Fight! "^^^
and
FILMING THE FEAST That was the films "Look! Look!"^^^
The
He was
Neel explained why: "Feasts are also the oc-
on enemy villages.
pened
.
.
Sometimes
.
after the filming
of The
villages will unite at
common friend or relative killed in war,
a group to raid a mutual enemy." This
leave in
—
Mita mitahe
not threatening anyone.
a feast, drink the cremated bones of a
and
IO3
translation. Actually, his chant was,
real clanger lay elsewhere.
casion of a joint raid
^^
The
Feast.
what hap-
precisely
is
Patanowa-teri and Mahekoto-teri
united to attack the village of Yabitawa-tefi, where they killed an old
an unusual event in Yanomami warfare. But since spired, paid for, provisioned,
might seem
and
the
their
insci-
like a great idea to
peace," said the missionary
among
was
and arranged by the diplomacy of the AEC
way of avoiding war
contact with their enemies.
is
to
move
When
light.
make
don't
lived for over forty years
wage war
that frequently,
apart, so they don't
you bring them together
have any more to film
going to make these two groups remember
previous hostilities, and just about the only
launch an attack against a third group. after filming.
feast
bring two groups together and
Mike Dawson, who has
Yanomami. "But the Yanomami
liance, you're naturally
once
this
put the resulting raid and death in a dubious
entists, this "It
whole
woman,
way they can channel
And
this has
an
al-
their
all
that
is
happened more than
"^"^^
A handftil of warriors, Asiawe told me, went on a joint raid. My sense that the
young men who helped broker the
for the outsiders
to
feast
were the only participants.
It
and
is
act as as intermediaries
was a sign of the
social dis-
ruption that outsiders always brought, promoting youths before they had
ma-
—attended by 340 would have been —60 80
tured in tribal traditions. Given the size of the feast individuals
—
a normal raiding party
men.^^^ And, since this was a
new
far larger
alliance, the older
male leaders would
have been virtually obligated to participate along with everyone the
headmen did not
Nor did a raid,
But
the newly allied villages perform any of the ritual preparations for
keep these precious ashes;
fianeral ashes in a sacred meal.
significantly,
It is
mortuary meal that shamans take hallucinogens and divine the
whom
The
only they are allowed to im-
bibe the ashes, in a plantain soup, before the warriors depart.
emies
else.^"^^
join the attack.
which center on the sharing of
women
or
the warriors should attack. Although the raid
also at this
spiritual en-
which followed
The Feast does appear to to have had purely material motives, based on trade advantages,
it
was a
feast alliance unlike
any other described
in the extensive
Yanomami
literature. ^^^
mental center, and
The
raid was, like the feast, an event without a sacra-
happened
it
filmmakers
just after the
Chagnon appeared disappointed with I've
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
I04
the films
left.
weak
"Come
finale.
on,
pleaded with you to put the fticking recorder on," Asch snapped. "There
was a lovely
little
kid just standing there lounging."
"Look, Tim, I'm in a bad mood," Chagnon answered darkly.
"Then
bad
you're in a
mood on
the most important day of the filming."
"There's nothing here that's that important.
After shooting this
last scene,
headed downriver, the
"^"^^
Chagnon and Asch
left
As they
the village.
raiders jogged oft^into the jungle, led
by Asiawe, son
of the Mahekoto-teri headman.
"We went with the Patanowa-teri to raid Yabitawa-teri, where we killed an old woman with arrows," Asiawe told me when I interviewed him at the vil"The next day we returned
lage of Mahekoto-teri.
ning to
feel sick
Then we
left
very
sick.
ernment nurse] helped ferring to the baskets, or
I
by then, and so were some of the others from
and returned
the Patanowa-teri
many of us were
to Patanowa.
me
my village.
by that time
Four of my people died, and Gonzalez
hang them up
to
Yanomami's custom of leaving
in the jungle."
their
on top of platforms, high above the
ple die at once during an epidemic
the cremation ceremonies.
to Platanal, but
was begin-
"Then
I
Asiawe was
re-
dead inside hammocks, or
forest floor,
when many peo-
and no one has the strength
moved
[the gov-
across the river,"
to
perform
Asiawe contin-
ued. "And when I was across the river, more of my people died. We hung them
out in the jungles there. Then
moved downriver a little bit, and more of my
I
people died again, and they kept dying. started getting better.
During
Then we moved back upriver, and we Gonzalez helped us hang our people
this time,
out in the jungle and gave us medicine. There weren't very many Shashanawateri
[another group the
had only four
leaders
there
took blood from but did not vaccinate] They .
—and they
in the jungle, they were
hammocks
AEC
all
died
off.
While
I
was tying
doing the same thing: they just tied
inside the shabono.
.
.
.
After
drank
I
and drank their bones. Shashanawa-teri
Mahekoto; then, when they did
their bones,
What he never admitted is
their
dead up in
my bones then, we went up
first
came
we helped
According to Chagnon, 25 percent of the "Platanal the measles. ^^^
my dead out
to
our cremations
at
them."^"^^
Yanomamo"
that the Platanal
died of
Yanomami
are
no
other than the Mahekoto-teri, and that they died immediately after The Feast W2is filmed.
Timothy Asch was
the only
eventually acknowledged the sad truth.
^"^^
member of the expedition who
— —^
FILMING THE FEAST
IO5
The death of 20-30 percent of Indian tribes at first contact was normal over the centuries. The first English colonists at Roanoke, Virginia, noticed ,
that every time they entered an Indian
our departure
nomenon was
.
.
initially
blamed on
knighthoods or
why Asch's
and
steel.
At one
to blame. Finally,
it
was
Even when
went on
to
historians or Indians
win
com-
was gone: the dead could not speak.
unedited footage was invaluable. Indians about to die
complaining on tape about the
are
nobody was
the dead behind as the explorers
estates or Ph.D.'s.
plained, the real evidence
That's
left
later at-
that the Indians were destined to die off.
less universally,
Big expeditions always
was
"the Eclipse of the Sun," but
Nobody took responsibility for these acts of
^"^^
nature or of God. Thousands died, but
more or
a few days after
the people began to die very fast." This mysterious phe-
.
tributed to divine providence.
decided,
community "within
point,
visitors
on February 27,
who have come with germs,
just prior to the feast,
guns,
shamans can
be heard conjuring away sickness and people are heard coughing.
A woman weeps and shouts, Hariri—disease. Another woman apparently does not want to join the feast with the Mahekoto-teri, because they are fierce:
Mahekoto-teri waiteri. ^^'^ Meanwhile, people are yelling at the camera-
man Timothy Asch and I
have not seen the
setting off yelps
film's
[Women Asch: It
"I
are
"It's
ounakes
—by throwing
a rock back
and
hitting a dog,
from the dog and a chorus of cries from the Yanomami.^^^
Asch: "Actually,
Chagnon:
hurling rocks at him. Asch apparently responded
it isn't
think
good."
that's
enough, Tim."
coughing loudly and
mean.
spitting]
."^^^ .
.
was mean, but they had to keep choreographing everything. Asch
wanted a shaman
to repeat something: "I
wonder
if
he would do that again
without that kid in there."
A Yanomami man began to intone Asch's name. Ashe, Ashe. Asch,
who
took no notice,
said,
"Those
are wild
sounds to go with the cot-
may be too not quite what ..." At one point a man muttered a sentence including the word horemu, meaning "lying" or "faking. "^^^ Though the tapes still await competent trans-
ton scene, but they
.
.
.
lation, this
was the same word the Patanowa-teri
over again,
when
felt
elders repeated, over
they saw a screening of The Feast in September
1
996.
and
They
the film was undoubtedly a horemu, a fake.
It
would be an equal deception, however,
have done things
differently.
I
know I would
to think that
any of us would
not have done things very
dif-
—
ferently.
with
film
age of twenty-nine
equipment and orders
would have done ger, better finale
a
to put
But
if
ground.
on
would have organized a much
the raiders
I
big-
went off with an enormous
their axes, they
would have
the edited film was a horemu, the unedited Feast truly broke
brought
It
Yanomami,
Danny
I
Maybe
a finer performance.
The cook from
it
all
Yanomami men wanted
cheering section. If the
had
that
both Chagnon and Asch were
to record a miUtary aliance.
few things otherwise.
and made sure
as
DORADO
EL
IN
—
Not at the
new
DARKNESS
^^
I06
new
the unconscious horrors of contact into the open.
all
Caracas passed his cigarette and shared his food with the
possibly sharing respiratory illness.
The missionary
translator
Shaylor contracted malaria on the Orinoco's main course and brought
with him to Patanowa-teri.
then abandoned the Indians.
The
An
doctors applied a dangerous vaccine and infected
man from Mavaca
searching for
stumbled out of the jungle with measles. James Neel became
steel presents
infuriated at filming wasteful acts of altruism. Meanwhile, industrial quantities
of blood,
and food ran
beetles, urine,
out.
lamented, and so
The
little
and plants were
scientists
"so
many work
to do,"^^^ as
rolled,
Brewer
time.
All prior studies of first contact saic
had
of film
collected, miles
had been,
to use
Neels apt phrase,
"a
mo-
of unrelated findings."^^^ In bequeathing the National Archives his take-
outs,
Asch
left
the definitive documentary
were introduced to a vulnerable
tribe.
from the past came out and danced
for
on how disease and acculturation
At Patanowa-teri,
the skeletons
all
The Feast.
Shortly after The Feast, the surviving Patanowa-teri joined another village, Iwahikoroba-teri, in it
full
making an
effigy
of Chagnon. They
set
it
up and shot
of their long arrows. Both groups blamed Chagnon for having worked
black magic against them; both relocated far away from Mavaca, to escape
Chagnon noted merely
the anthropologist s deadly powers.
noyed"
^^^
that his former friends
had participated
time a non-Yanomami has been targeted in
in such a ritual
this way.
as
Ocamo
mission.
leaves.
—
the only
him
to turn back.
they went upriver, 'We can't go on, doctor.
They're going to put an arrow through you,'
palm
was "an-
But when Chagnon
tried to revisit Patanowa-teri, in 1969, his guides forced
"His informant warned him
that he
"They had made
a doll [of
When Chagnon came
"
said Sister Felicita of the
Chagnon] out of banana and
back to the mission, he was almost in
—
Chapter J
A Mythical Village
I
was
their village.
While
Their village was me.
the
Napoleon Chagnon^
Yanomami who had been
fleeing in panic
and abandoning
neral platforms in the jungle, all
over Yanomamiland, Napoleon
filmed in The Feast were
their
and
as
Chagnon began
dead to improvised
fu-
measles spread to villages the
most challenging ad-
venture of his career. During the second v^eek of March 1968, he traveled up the
Mavaca River
than
"had never seen a foreigner other
me in their entire history."^ These villages belonged to a Yanomami subthe Shamatari. "My subsequent work among the Shamatari would me to describe them as the 'Fiercer' people."^
group lead
to explore villages that
—
Fiercer, farther,
Chagnon was
always pushing himself to
where no other anthropologist had gone before. For the
—
rado
it
always disappoints. In a sense, El
real
addict of El
Do-
—
the quest never ends,
Dorado was
history from the be-
conquistador or explorer, scientist or journalist
though
new limits, going
ginning
DARKNESS
^^
I08
EL
IN
DORADO
—
a history of civilizations that had ceased to
exist.
The
Spaniards
kept looking for the same pristine places they had already erased. El Dorado,
by a runaway
a high, cool city ruled
Inca,
sounded a
lot like
Cuzco, where
the Spaniards had an unforgettable and unrepeatable looting party.
American anthropology was born of a dians"
had been wiped out or reduced That
desire to recover them. entific
hoopla when a
His name was
is
similar nostalgia. Just as "wild In-
to reservations, scientists conceived a
why there was a stampede of publicity and sci-
solitary survivor
of the Yahi Indians emerged in 1911.
and he had been hiding for
Ishi
of northern California. Cartoonists drew
forty years in the Sierra
Ishi as a
capturing white
women and dragging them off by the hair.
been celibate
his
all
ilantes, ranchers,
(In fact, Ishi
had
he had no culturally acceptable partners because vig-
life;
and government agents had hunted four hundred members
of his tribe to extinction.) California at Berkeley's
Thousands lined up filmed so
Madres
man with a club,
Stone Age
ofiien that
gest the right props
became a
Ishi
museum and,
to see
him
in a real sense,
its
foundation
of
sacrifice.
every Sunday. Ishi was photographed and
he became an expert in posing and lighting, able to sug-
and angles
to prospective picture takers.
he contracted pneumonia. The
amid extraordinary
living display at the University
fanfare.
scientists
were aware of the
Admiral Perry had brought
Within weeks, risks; in 1
Eskimos
six
to
897,
New
York, where four of them died of tuberculosis. In the end, Ishi also died a lin-
gering death from tuberculosis, hastened by deathbed interrogations from
Americas leading
linguist.^
If a single Yahi Indian after the turn
museum and
of the century could launch a major
catapult his discoverers to national prominence, the scientific
was
potential of totally uncontacted villages in the late 1960s
For an enterprising
man
like
admitted that his motive was
Chagnon,
it
was
also irresistible.
"scientific curiosity."^
incalculable.
He
honestly
Like his predecessors at
the University of California, he saw this as a final opportunity for science.
"The Yanomamo,
like all tribesmen, are
doomed, and soon they
swept aside and decimated by introduced diseases penetrates deeper it
as
Western
will
be
civilization
and deeper into the remaining corners of the world where
has not extended itself"^
Chagnon had been first
months
his people
trying to contact the Shamatari
in the field.
had waged
Yanomami
since his
whom Kaobawa and ."^ When the century.
"These were the people against ceaseless
war
for half a
.
.
Shamatari heard that Chagnon had arrived with his bounty of steel goods, they sent messengers asking
him
to
come and visit them.
In
fact,
they began
MYTHICAL VILLAGE ^^
A
IO9
migrating from the Siapa River to the Mavaca headwaters shortly after
Chagnon
down
set
up camp
Chagnon
anthropologist.^
Bisaasi-teri
and war.
eagerly accepted.
opposed Chagnon's plan with arguments,
and screamed
Chagnon's
him not
at
abandoned him two days
Bisaasi-teri guides
angry anthropologist to return.^
Bisaasi-teri allies
tacks at the largest Shamatari village, killing
war between the two all
villages in five years,
Chagnon
odds,
and mysteriously
to take his steel presents to the
who were going to kill him
worthless, treacherous Shamatari,
against
delays, threats,
When Chagnon first attempted to travel up the Mavaca, the Bisaasi-
lined the banks
teri
Although they were receiving handed-
and machetes, they wanted an unmediated relationship with the
axes
The
at Bisaasi-teri.
tried to contact
launched preemptive
one man, the
first
but keeping them
them on
anyway. All of
upriver, forcing the
foot,
death in the
at bay.
When,
he became violently
sick after eating food his Bisaasi-teri friends gave him.^°
This clash of wills naturally soured Chagnon's relations with his host lage
and with
headman, Kaobawa. Chagnon resented the
its
Yanomami saw him only
as a dispenser
of metal goods, not
Chagnon had done
so
much
to accelerate,
made them
less
vil-
fact that the
as a friend.
the Bisaasi-teri could not understand that their growing acculturation,
as
at-
But
which
valuable to
him
informants and film subjects. ^^
By 1968, Chagnon had found
who had been
raised at
a
way to move
one of the
villages
on.
He hired a boy,
Chagnon wanted
though Karina was now living with one of Bisaasi-teri's as "an outcast" in the village.
"The boys of his age
and the adults ordered him around
as if
allies,
also teased
Karina,
to visit. Al-
he was treated
him
mercilessly,
he were a recently captured enemy
child."^^
Chagnon
Or
so
it
repeatedly risked his
seemed.
No
life
in this journey to the edge of the world.
one had traveled the Mavaca
headwaters were off the map. As a profusion of wild peccaries
it
in seventy-five years. Its
progressed upriver, Chagnon's party found
and turkeys
—an almost Edenic
scene of abun-
dance. Against this idyllic backdrop, however, lurked the ever-present threat
of death from the rina
had
ited
unexplored
his
terrible
Shamatari and from other, mysterious
Ka-
to be reassured against Raharas, mythological serpents that inhabrivers.
Chagnon combated
own: he told Karina he had
special
forces.
weapon
for
killed
the
many
Yanomami myth with one of
Raharas in his youth and had a
them. Chagnon demonstrated
"Right here! In the neck!" At
of Mishimishimabowei-teri."
last,
how he would shoot them.
he reached the "almost legendary village
When his guide stole his trade goods and boat,
Chagnon hollowed out missionaries
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
no
left
and radioed
a canoe
Yanomami villages
afflicted
to missionaries for help.
The
by measles on the Padamo River
in order to rescue the anthropologist.^^
Chagnon shrewdly understood ican audiences.
And he skillftilly turned what is normally a long days run up
a deep river with
no
rapids into a harrowing, three-day trip.
one of Chagnon's handwritten maps, published I
saw that
it
Amer-
the appeal of the virgin frontier to
(When I checked YanomamOy
in Studying the
took him exactly eight hours to reach a point a few miles below
Mishimishimabowei-teri, but he had also stopped for two hours to talk with
an informant.) ^^ The Mavaca
is
such an easy waterway that
They had
route for rubber traders in the nineteenth century.
Upper Mavaca, and hauled rubber overland transcontinental journey to Manaus, Brazil.
the
first
to travel the
it
was a major
on the
a post
on
to the Siapa River,
its
Though Chagnon claimed to be
Mavaca River in a century, the
explorer Carlos Puig had
reached the Mavaca headwaters in 1941,^^ as had the government malaria
ser-
vice in 1962.^^
most suspenseful drama,
Chagnon's
making
"first
contact
with
Mishimishimabowei-teri," was also questionable. Helena Valero, the white girl previously mentioned, lived with the group for most of 1933. She ran to
one of their
allies,
Actually, while
but continued to see them
Chagnon and Asch filmed The Feast,
ment nurse Juan Gonzalez took two where he claimed
to have vaccinated
more benign Schwarz
vaccine.
Chagnon contacted was
^^
about a decade. ^^
the Venezuelan govern-
Bisaasi-teri guides
up the Mavaca River,
some Shamatari with the government s
That might explain why the
village that
Chagnon
apparently not hit by measles. Whereas
constantly emphasized his
own
anxiety and the risk of death at the hands of
the Shamatari, Gonzalez said he tarian mission
at feasts for
away
felt
no
fear,
though
as a
nurse his humani-
was very different from Chagnon's. Later the Shamatari took
Gonzalez on foot
all
the
way to
There was a limited sense
Upper Mavaca. Until
in
the Siapa River.
which Chagnon made
his trip,
"first
contact" on the
no one had used the name Mishimishi-
mabowei-teri; Juan Gonzalez said he visited the Mowaraoba-teri in 1968.
That was the name
this
found any references visit.
group had used for about three decades.
to Mishimishimabowei-teri prior to
I
have not
Chagnon's 1968
In 1967, they had been living in two separate communities in the Siapa
River valley.
By 1968, only
mishimabowei-teri. chetes, six axes,
On
eighty of
hearing that
and twelve
pots,^^
them were
at a place called
Chagnon had come with
and promised
Mishi-
fifteen
ma-
to return with gifts for
\
MYTHICAL VILLAGE
A
—^
III
everyone, other villages from the Siapa River valley immediately pulled up
as a
their cousins. Salesian mission records initially describe
and joined
stakes
hodgepodge of five
different villages.^^
As
tribes
who
live together.
ever reported for the
And
it
remained
rate villages as
"^^
—
intact, like the triple alliance
around Boca Mavaca described
Chagnon had
The
mabowei-teri." their
visits
—
the largest
of the three previously sepa-
in the last chapter, only as long
this
with a remarkable ges-
christened the new, five-tribe village "Mishimishi-
villagers returned
Chagnon
called
Chagnon's compliment by bestowing
him Mishimishimabowei-teri.
wrote. "Their village was me.
an honor a Yanomamo can achieve.
The
"a great tribe or five
lasted (1968-72).^^
new name on him. They
their village,"
was
apparently coalesced around Chagnon.
The Mishimishimabowei-teri acknowledged ture.
this
The unusual village of four hundred
Yanomami
Chagnon's extended
1972, the priest at the
late as
Mavaca mission, Jose Berno, was unsure whether
it
"ceaseless warfare"
That
is
about
"I
as
was high
"^^
between Kaobawas
village
and the Mishimishi-
mabowei-teri was another exaggeration. Helena Valero,
who remained
in
the region until 1956, witnessed a decade of peace between the groups in the
1930s and early 1940s. That tranquil period ended when the leader of Mishimishimabowei-teri s parent village was accused of causing the epidemic that followed the U.S.
Some
Orinoco. teri,
massacred
two
villages
Army Corps
and some members of its
Bisaasi-teri
six
of Engineers' foray into the Upper
of the Mishimishimabowei-teri. But
close
ally,
Wanitama-
many members of the
vehemently denounced the massacres. ^^ Then another seven or
eight years passed without violence until, within
months of the permanent
establishment of a Protestant mission, a complex alliance of villages killed
somewhere between eleven and all
of the actual
mabowei-teri's ineffectual
killings in
allies,
According to Chagnon,
while the Mishimishimabowei-teri themselves played an
role.-^^
Whatever the reason military
fifteen Bisaasi-teri.
1950 were accomplished by one of Mishimishi-
dominance
thropologists
for their old wars, the Bisaasi-teri
had achieved
since joining missionaries, malaria workers,
on the banks of the Orinoco. They
killed three
clear
and an-
Mishimishi-
made no response.^^ when another Mishimishimabowei-teri man was killed by Bisaasi-
mabowei-teri in 1960, and the Mishimishimabowei-teri In 1965,
teri allies,
they also failed to
retaliate.-^^
Instead, they retreated into the Siapa
Highlands, where they had spent most of the preceding decades. This region,
according to Chagnon, has poorer food resources^^ and
less access to
metal
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
112
goods than lowland
Siapa villages were militarily
villages.^^ Typically, the
weak and lost women
to resource-
and metal-rich villages near the Orinoco.^^
Mishimishimabowei-teri was no exception.
from
suffered
It
"a severe short-
age of females"^^ and had a pathetic dearth of metal tools, both characteris-
of the vulnerable highlalid
tic
Their
known
villages.^^
warfare from the mid- 1930s until 1968 suggested that the
Mishimishimabowei-teri were one of the
Yanomamiland. Against the Namowei
and Monou-teri
Bisaasi-teri,
And
it
was about
their record stood at ten
risk taking in spades. ...
was
I
Chagnon
social
Once
I6mm
Kaobawa prepared fire
to
worried
he
felt
ferried
where he witnessed "the again, Chagnon's
He had some initial misgivings:
also
disaster." Nevertheless,
war." In June 1970,
pared to
weapons were not
Bisaasi-
"This was
might be a contributor to an
I
he could help end "twenty years of
Kaobawa
to Mishimishimabowei-teri,
camera and shotgun played key
As
roles.
meet the Mishimishimabowei-teri, Chagnon was pre-
in his defense. "I recall,"
really
he wrote, "how difficult
friendly.
it is
to be ready
and nonchalant, pretending
ready to shoot
I was with him and we were
who had
to zero.^^
and heroic ingredients of Neolithic Peace."
to shoot, but yet try to look friendly
imal
war deaths
new alliance between
to help foster a
and Mishimishimabowei-teri.
enormous
the group including Wanitama-teri,
to get worse.
Chagnon decided
In 1970, teri
—
—
groups of warriors in
least efficient
THEM.
.
.
.
that your
Kaobawa shouted
He was extraordinarily alert,
like
that
an an-
detected either prey or a predator, his eyes dodging rapidly
back and forth scanning the dim, gray jungle ahead.
."^^ .
.
Although peace would have appeared out of the question, and death
most
certain,
what
actually
ing captured in The Feast.
happened was very
Not only did
problem with welcoming the
1970.^^ istic
Bisaasi-teri;
they had no problem with being
The
on the
friends"
ritual
into another late
elaborate two-day
spring of
shaman-
souls of children in Mahekoto-teri." Their purpose
by killing enemy babies "and
stealing
and eating
was
"to
their souls.
"^^
involved taking hallucinogens, chanting, and enacting a pan-
tomime of devouring
who
Chagnon made
Magical Death?'' This took place in the
The Mishimishimabowei-teri "began an
attack
make
film.
no
the Mishimishimabowei-teri have
filmed together in a remarkable ritual that
award-winning
al-
similar to the alliance build-
lost a quarter
the children of Mahekoto-teri (the guests at The Feast
of their people to measles). ^^
Timothy Asch did not
participate in this film. Indeed, he hated
begged Chagnon to remove
it
it.
from circulation because he had found that
He his
MYTHICAL VILLAGE
A
USC
Students at
Eating
enemy
and
on
won
it
were horrified by the Yanomami's symboHc cannibalism.
Asch's part;
afi:er all,
Chagnon
Chagnon had made
a blue ribbon at the American Film
tional, has recently
all
by himself, of the films
the film
Amnesty
Interna-
echoed Asch's complaints about Magical Death. "They
watch green mucus pouring from the
[students]
attributed this to
Festival.^^ In spite
the anthropologist Linda Rabben, of
initial accolades,
riors
II3
children, even in the spirit, appeared psychotic to southern
California undergraduates, according to Asch. jealousy
^^
of Yanomami war-
nostrils
dancing and chanting under the influence of a hallucinogenic powder.
All the scholarly explanations (and the sight of Chagnon himself, befeathered
and painted, prancing about
in a drug-induced trance) cannot eclipse that
image.
That image, however, was
less
immediately relevant than the
new power
arrangements that Chagnon helped consecrate. In 1968, Chagnon and Asch brokered a
new
alliance
between the Mahekoto-teri and the Patanowa-teri,
—one
creating a formidable military force
and
village
killed
an old woman."^^
peace that also meant a strong, against the
regional
Now Chagnon was participating in a new
—one
new war
Magical Death
that immediately attacked a nearby
that
allies,
would
some 500
pit
The Feast
350
allies,
strong, in an innovative
war fought with shotguns and outboard motors.
Chagnon merely wrote, "A peace had been forged and
a
new era of visit-
ing and potential alliances had opened up.
The Mishimishimabowei-teri
were invited to
and dance, and they agreed
come.
his
[Kaobawas]
village to feast
to
"49 ^^
But they received a
little
help from their friends.
On June 28,
1970, Fa-
Berno wrote in the Mavaca mission chronicle that he "was invited by Dr.
ther
Chagnon
to
accompany him" four hours up the Mavaca
mabowei-teri,
who were
then ferried to the Orinoco for
ferent villages, with dancing,
drug taking, and
mabowei-teri died after he was beaten with an "a
new
era of visiting
and potential
visits to
ritual fighting.^^
turned ugly. According to Chagnon, one of the
So
to the Mishimishi-
men from
villages since
against Patanowa-teri,
1960.
which the new
And
alliances
it
alliance
The
Mishimishi-
had opened first
up'"^^
—
the largest
led to another war, this time
promptly attacked.
Chagnon had ever witnessed or filmed
1997 edition of Chagnon's
textbook."^^ It
with
violent death
A picture
of the Bisaasi-teri/Mishimishimabowei-teri raiders preparing for their tack
rituals
ax.^^
Mishimishimabowei-teri, but the opening brought the
between the two
three dif-
—
first at-
^was featured in the
was part of "a new chapter that
dis-
how
cusses
DARKNESS
^^
114
DORADO
EL
IN
a dramatic alliance between the Mishimishimabowei-teri
emerged, ending a war between them that lasted over 20 years. "'^'^ In the
new war, however, teri s
Bisaasi-teri raiders
headman, Kumaiewa, and
kill
would blow ofFthe head of Patanowa-
one other member of his
with a
village
shotgun/^
Chagnon blamed lent
these shotgun attacks
on
missionaries
unwittingly
guns to the Yanomami, ostensibly for hunting purposes. But the
problem was that
villages
guns. In
first
fact,
the
on the Orinoco could
shotgun
barter goods to
buy
real
shot-
by a Yanomami was committed by
killing
The Feast m
Heawe, son of the Mahekoto-teri headman,
after
shotgun was worth somewhere between
and ten new
gun,
who
six
A new
1968.'*^
pots;^°
an old shot-
much less. The tremendous windfall in steel wealth the AEC expedition its filming event, including a large number of new pots, could
dispensed for easily
have allowed the Mahekoto-teri s headman to buy his family a gun. By
this time, the
Yanomami were
able to
buy guns from many sources.^^ What-
ever the immediate source of their shotguns,
it is
a fact that the two
recorded shotgun killings were carried out by villages where brokered large film productions.
of the
leaders relative
rival
film teams.
who
of Rerebawa,
It is also
interesting that the killings targeted
The Mahekoto-teri blew off the head of a close
starred in
Magical Death. The
away the Patanowa-teri headman, who In 1971,
starred in
Timothy Asch joined Chagnon
at
year 1971
became the annus
Bisaasi-teri
blew
The Feast. Mishimishimabowei-teri.
{Magical Death had not yet been released, and they were
The
first-
Chagnon
still
on good
terms.)
mirabilis in ethnographic filmmaking.
Asch and Chagnon took twenty-two miles of footage and made twenty-six films. It
ishing
was astonishing how productive they were.
how accommodating the
It
was even more aston-
ferocious Mishimishimabowei-teri were.
Within twenty-four hours of Aschs
arrival at
Mishimishimabowei-teri, on
February 26, 1971, a fight broke out. Chagnon had advance warning of
who was
going to
dered Asch.
"It's
fight,
and where. "Bring your camera over
going to
lowed, involving about
start."^^
fifty
A flurry of blows,
shouts,
here," he or-
and duels
people in a madcap sequence. This gave
fol-
rise to
the most popular and enduring ethnographic film ever made. The Ax Fight. It
was
their third film to
win
first
prize at the
American Film
One of the novel features of The Ax Fight y^zs tween the filmmakers
as the events unfolded.
its
Festival.
inclusion of dialogue be-
First, a
viewer saw a frantic
scramble, people threatening each other with poles, machetes, axes.
Yanomami of all
ages
and both
stxcs flailed about, screaming
and shouting.
MYTHICAL VILLAGE ^^
A
II5
But the camera picked up only a piece of the action, and a very inconclusive
What happened?
piece at that.
When
mouth and
35mm
a
plained, "Well,
by her it,
'son.' It
and
that's
"No lots
Chagnon
the shabono plaza finally cleared,
two
camera around
his neck,
appeared, a pipe in his
looking very pleased.
He
ex-
women were in the garden, and one of them was seduced
was an incestuous relationship and the others found out about
what
started the fight."
kidding!" Asch said, equally pleased. "So this
is
just the
beginning of
more."^^
But, as Asch edited the film, he deconstructed this simple, sexual explanation. Incest
had been
really started
some
had nothing
to
do with
it,
after
because a young
difficulties
ter for Visual
first
informant
realized the fight
had never before been so honest
of fieldwork," according to Peter Biella of USC's Cen-
Anthropology.^^
But the film was not standing. In reality,
totally honest,
really
even about this
no one told Chagnon the
mistranslated the
The word
Chagnon's
Chagnon
man hit his aunt, who had reftised to give him
plantains. "Ethnographic filmmakers
about the
Chagnon
all.
incorrect, and, as the film developed,
initial
misunder-
fight started over incest.
Yanomami vfoiA yawaremou
meant "improper behavior toward
as "sexual incest."^^
a blood relative."
By
glossing over Chagnon's difficulties at understanding the subtleties of
Yanomami
language. The Ax Fight, like The Feast, fostered a comforting
lusion that the anthropologist in the wild
knew what he was
il-
talking about.
Arguments over food were not uncommon among the Yanomami, though they rarely became ftiU-blown village nightmares like the one witnessed in
The Ax
Fight.
Chagnon could not
food, followed by a
blow
accept the idea that a disagreement over
to a female relative, could convulse the
shabono. After viewing the footage over
and over
a wholly different theory about the fight:
two
patrilineal descent
A group of guests,
it
again,
the Ironasi-teri,
Chagnon developed
was actually a
groups for dominance of the
had refused
whole
conflict
between
village.
to leave the village at the
accustomed time. This often happened to Chagnon. His policy of distributing trade goods at the end of each visit gave a strong incentive for everyone
Chagnon was
to stick around.
eventually driven from the Mishimishi-
mabowei-teri after the headman,
head
—
unless
Chagnon
cated. "Distribute
Yet
Chagnon
all
Moawa, threatened
to
distributed his machetes to the
put an ax in his
men Moawa
indi-
of your goods and leave," he told Chagnon.^^
treated these trade disputes as secondary. Sex
and domi-
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
Il6
nance were always in the forefront of his thinking. "You
Ax Fight is
Chagnon was
that because
know the joy of The
so stuck in simple theories that, right
away, the film became a real joke," Asch said in an interview. "It its
simplistic, straightjacketed, one-sided explanation ...
know, halfway into making the beginning to I
my eyes as I was putting
apart before
fall
film, this great suspicion
had a powerful piece of material and
ish.
...
I felt it
was a
strange things that stick out
and you
fight.
you
feeling,
field
The Ax Fight together.
was suddenly looking kind of fool-
say,
.
.
one of those
.
what's this?"^^
me other interpretations of the film Gustavo Konoko, one of the adolescents who joined the
The Mishimishimabowei-teri and the
it
was
I
funny with
of the whole
bit like a gargoyle at Chartres
little
is
ruckus, claimed he
offered
and the other huyas (young men) were encouraged
"una pelea horemu," a fake
fight.
We're going to film, and then
I'll
"He [Chagnon]
pay you.
I'll
give
said,
to start
Tight with
poles!
you whatever you want.'
When he said that, many young men bloodied each other, playing. 'Hit each other! Be fierce! Argue! When the young men play, let the women begin to scream
men
at them.' That's
what he
said."
Konoko claimed he and
each received a machete, a knife, and red cloth.
Personally,
I
Chagnon was rectly.
But
mind and
I
think the dispute that triggered the ax fight was not, in spite
also accept
young men
at
and that
real
as a real reflection
of his
their desire to earn trade goods, the family squabble over plantains
crew.
this private fracas
By now, they were
all
di-
state
of
Mishimishimabowei-teri. Without
probably not have boiled over into a public
formants realized that
young
of Konoko's account, coaching matters so
Konoko's statement
that of other
other
^^
free-for-all. I
would
think Chagnon's in-
was a valuable offering
for the film
veterans of Magical Death. So they expertly
rescheduled the fight and relocated inside the shabono, several hundred yards away.
"It's
very strange that
Chagnon knew when and where
going to take place," said the anthropologist Leda Martins, years directing
Yanomami
"The Yanomami
the fight was
who
spent three
health programs for the Brazilian government.
are spontaneous, and,
when
they fight, they don't send a
messenger to the nearest white person to have him come and film
Almost were
certainly, different
really angry; others
it."^^
people in the film had different motives.
were acting out, hoping for trade goods. At
Some
first,
the
combatants, an uncle, Uuwa, and his young nephew, Mohesiwa, deliberately
missed each other half a dozen times. Then, minor, glancing blow, his
afi:er
the older
man
landed a
nephew got angry and chased him. Things began
MYTHICAL VILLAGE ^^
A
to take
on a
called.
"The
different color. fight almost
Most of the people did not take
it
"Some people
became
started to get
mad," Konoko
re-
real."^°
maintained a distance that suggested they
in the fight
seriously.
II7
Moawa,
the
headman
most violent man he had ever met, took no
whom Chagnon
interest in the fight,
called the
even though
own blood relatives from Ironasi-teri were beaten. The only thing that concerned Moawa was the camera. The great headman turned his back on his
embattled
his
back to
his
relatives,
posed for Asch, and then turned around and went
hammock.
A little later, the plaza cleared, and all the others returned unhurt to their hammocks. But
men surrounded
a group of seven
the
cameraman Timothy
Asch and the soundman Craig Johnson. These Yanomami men were laughing.
One of them, wearing a bright red loincloth,
brandished
it
at the film crew,
and pretended
he pulled back. The Yanomami
was
terrified.
ground
Another
in front
man
all
all
new machete,
took a
At the last minute
to rush them.
laughed even harder, though Johnson
took a pole and deliberately drew a
line in the
of the filmmakers, seemingly excluding them from the
shabono.
"Notice
how completely out of their social relationships
can kid us about
Johnson was
still
[we
are] that
they
Asch observed.
it,"
in shock.
"Some guy came up with
a machete
and ..."
"Yeah, but he was joking!" "I
know, but
I
didn't
"But they were
all
know
that."
—they were
all
joking! We're really, we're really out of
it!"^^
One to
of the best jokes about The Ax Fight ^2&
its
solemn
Chagnon, Mishimishimabowei-teri did not have any
only two old axes
when he first met them.
In the film,
title.
real
According
machetes and
new machetes and axes
were everywhere.
Although the images of The
Ax
Fight were confiising and ambiguous,
Chagnon's narrative was spellbinding. together by two
USC film professors,
A
1997
CD version of the film,
put
included a wealth of unedited mater-
that showed how Chagnon kept rhetorically ratcheting up The Ax Fight. He gave one account at Mishimishimabowei-teri, another at a Harvard sound ial
lab,
ond
and yet another thesis
was that
in
an
article.^^
Chagnon's
closely related
first thesis
men were
was
incest.
His sec-
vying for control of Mishi-
mishimabowei-teri. This latter interpretation matched that of his Ph.D.
—
dissertation,
which sketched Yanomami war
same pool of available women,^^ and,
of
in terms
Chagnon had observed
over reproductive resources. for the
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
Il8
as the
fratricidal conflict
that brothers
competed
men got older,
they drew
closer to their in-laws.^^
But
in
1975 E. O. Wilson published
tional authority,
Wilson explained how
new conception of biological
evolution. In this
thodox for brothers and cousins to
between two groups whose
The members of Team those of Team B.
atoms
—
A
renowned
competition,
still
The members of these teams
one another than to
one another
gravitated to
photographs only he
the
Chagnon
way Chagnon
identified as
feats
Of the seventeen
in-
one "team," only eight actually behaved
aligned them.^^
Asch was
evi-
possessed.*"^
the genetic loops.
A
number of
right
But the wealth of new material
about Chagnon's mental
new
in
closely related males, in-
cluding three uncles of Mohesiwa, acted directly opposite to tailed descriptions.
Chagnon of genetic
was based on conclusive
that his revised version
all
less or-
fiinction of kin distance.
A were more closely related to
The \9^7 Ax Fight QY^ untied dividuals
was
by the very weight of their biological proximity.
and claimed
dence from
it
the entire ax fight into a battle
was an exact
hostility
brought a mathematician on board, performed Olympian looping,
interna-
was the key to
fight each other over reproductive re-
Chagnon then reworked
sources. In 1977,
like
Sociobiology.
biological relatedness
Chagnon s
de-
straitjacket. it
was
not possible to determine from the freeze-frames and accompanying
still
shots whether climactic
questions. For instance,
anybody was ever struck with an
moment of the
film, the youngster
scious" or "almost killed," as
Chagnon
never seen, never filmed, that has as
raised
asserted.
made
ax,
much less whether,
in the
Torawa was "knocked unconThis was the traumatic blow,
students cringe
all
over the world
they heard the horrific thud of the Atomic Energy Commission ax de-
scending on Torawa. But Asch admitted in 1992 that he had created the sickening sound of impact by striking a watermelon.^^ It
was a case of the
incredible, shrinking
Ax Fight. Asch had
much, and he designed The Ax Fight to undermine any easy by including evidence
that, as
he put
it,
made
suspected as
interpretation,
the film "unintentionally post-
modernist."^^ Unfortunately, his dialogue with Johnson flashed by so quickly that only a few viewers ever shared his ized the
Yanomami were
"all
moment of epiphany
—when he
joking" and the filmmakers were
real-
"really, really
outofit."69
Student surveys found that a large majority saw The Ax Fight
as a tradi-
— MYTHICAL VILLAGE
A
tional chronicle
only thing
I
A
of savagery.
know about
the
sophomore
Yanomami
TTiey are very primitive people.
they
They
act.
It
is
—^
USC
at
that they
II9
reacted typically:
aa on
their
"The
raw passions.
seems that they don't even think before go raiding other
are very violent people that just
villages.
take drugs and they freak out on drugs, and on drugs they've been
They
known
to attack people.
Chagnon,
in
"^*^
textbook
his
Mishimishimabowei-teri primarily groups began with threats to question of
ened the
how Chagnon's
lives
my
its
as threats.
Ufe
"My
the
study of the Shamatari
and ended that way.""^ There was no
of the Mishimishimabowei-teri and the other Shamatari. Fight, the village
of Bisaasi-teri was experi-
worst epidemic since the measles outbreak of 1968. Again, there
was a double outbreak of malaria and respiratory claimed
upon
looked
also
expeditions and their germs might have threat-
During the filming of The Ax encing
narrative,
six lives
out of about three hundred
disease.
at the
Falciparum malaria
Mavaca mission; four
per-
sons died while trekking to another village, so the missionaries could not im-
was
mediately medicate them.
It
Orinoco experienced similar
outbreaks.^-^
and other
terrible,
But
it
villages
along the
was a only fraction of the
loss
the Mishimishimabowei-teri experienced.
In the middle of the double epidemic,
up the Mavaca
With solute
River.
travel to the inland villages except for express
research in 1971.
huge
Bisaasi-teri guides
sickness raging at the mission stations, there should have been an ab-
ban on
But the widespread sickness was
dozen
Chagnon took
^^
villages
village
this year,
on the Ocamo River
fdm
at
alone,^'^
made
first
He
three complete expeditions,
more than
a
and shot
kept traveling through bases, picking
and never stopping for quarantine
to travel at full thronle at night.
was the year Neel sent more
at
contact with another
and cold epidemics sweeping the mission
Sometimes he had
relief.
pace of scientific
also collected blood), "^
Mishimishimabowei-teri.
guides, paying everyone in steel,
emergency
Chagnon gathered blood
on the Upper Mavaca (where he
sixteen miles of
the malaria
During
also related to the frenetic
He
up
controls.
couldn't stop. This
geneticists into the field than ever before
one
after the other.
And
this
was the year Asch
received a grant from the National Institute of Mental Health to film the
Yanomami
as
never before. Asch needed half the village of Mishimishi-
mabowei-teri to carry
all
their gear.""^
In this way, the worst epidemics to hit the the
AEC's two most productive
years,
Upper Orinoco coincided with
1968 and 1971 ." Sickness soon spread
to Mishimishimabowei-teri. teri,
other deaths
"A month
followed.
Mishimishimabowei-teri in 1971,
I
after
who
has lived
Yanomami and Their Food System. "Two Yanomami, downriver in a boat made of bark, I
asked.
'We're at the sick.'
left
the
River," re-
on the Mavaca River
where he collected plants and myths and wrote a book. The
since 1971,
going?'
Chagnon
was fishing on the Mavaca
Juan Finkers, a Salesian brother
called
man from Ironasi right after The Ax Fight. 78
According to Chagnon, one
Mohesiwas group, died of respiratory disease
Many
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
I20
'We re
all
dying, and
Moshata River
That's the
time
first
like a shell, that
we
[a tributary
met
I
mission had never gone that
don't
a
man and
a boy,
came
they use. 'Where are you
want
to die,' they answered.
of the Mavaca], and we're
all
very
the Mishimishimabowei-teri because the
went back
far. I
who were nurses, and then we went up
to the mission to get the
the Mavaca, where
of twenty-eight Mishimishimabowei-teri.
nuns
we found a group
We cooked and took care of them
while the government malaria team, which landed by plane in Mavaca, came upriver by boat.
had
ers
They found
hepatitis.
that twenty-four
had falciparum malaria. Oth-
Many others had either died or fled into the mountains be-
cause they go to the mountains in small groups to get the spirits off their so that they can't
Students
make them
sick
trail,
any more."^^
who see The Ax Fight, Magical Death,
or any of the twenty other
films about the Mishimishimabowei-teri have not been
burdened by the
knowledge that the community was decimated shortly after the filmmaking.
Chagnon employed death of so
the
same distancing device he had used
many Yanomami
filmed in The Feast.
to soften the
He changed
the
name of
the village, again.
The Yanomami who
died after the filming of The Feast became "Platanal
Yanomami," instead of Mahekoto-teri.^^The dead Mishimishimabowei-teri became "Village demic
16." In an obscure journal,
—
that devastated Village 16
Upper Mavaca
that he
had
Chagnon wrote about an
a shabono of nearly
400
individuals
first contacted in 1968.^^ Disease
percent of its members, 106 people. Because of its location,
epi-
on the
wiped out 27.4 its size,
and the
time frame, the village could only have been Mishimishimabowei-teri. To clinch the matter,
Chagnon
identified Mishimishimabowei-teri as "Village
16" in an appendix to his book Studying the Yanomamo.^^
Chagnon 16.
has maintained that respiratory epidemics decimated Village
He has admitted he has only a vague notion of when this might have hap-
pened
—sometime
He cites
Salesian
in
nuns
—
1973 or 1974
as his sources.
because he was gone for two years.^^
The
missionaries have not surprisingly
MYTHICAL VILLAGE
A
121
Filming Deaths: 163
D
Mahekoto
Mishimishimabowei
Patanowa
26
'€ ^
31
pointed the finger back
at
i
106
Chagnon, saying
his expedition
was probably
responsible.^^
The mission not
records support Finkers's account to a significant degree, but
perfectly. After
River, v^here
The Ax Fight W2is filmed, Finkers did go up the Mavaca
he found,
as
he claimed, twenty-four of twenty-eight Mishi-
mishimabowei-teri extremely
However,
this
happened three months
And it appears
month. sible for
from falciparum malaria and
ill
after
Chagnon
that a later epidemic, in the
about 40 percent of the
total deaths at
fall
tact"
and
in
between
alliance
the fact
Yanomami
field,
not one
of 1973, was respon-
in
1973 or 1971
—
or
that Chagnon's procedures of "first cona
new
Villages.")
era of epidemics. (See the ap-
Chagnon
attributed the deaths
16 to intervisitation with the Mavaca mission.^^ Elsewhere, he
took credit for brokering that
When
is
making opened up
pendix: "Mortality at at Village
—
the
^^
Mishimishimabowei-teri.^^
But whether the Mishimishimabowei-teri died sometime
left
hepatitis.
intervisitation.^^
he decided to arrange an alliance between
mishimabowei-teri, rectly feared that
Today, anyone
Chagnon knew
"this
was
Bisaasi-teri
risk taking in spades."
he "might be a contributor to an enormous
who
and Mishi-
He cor-
disaster.
"^^
brings a remote group into permanent contact with
the outside world and outside disease
is
held accountable, at least to the an-
thropological community, for providing ongoing medical care. "All newly
contacted native groups should be provided with immediate, long-term access to
modern medical
care," according to a
by the anthropologists
search article
Kim
diseases are introduced, intervisitation
demics. If untreated, a third or
few
years.
.
.
.
Hill
1989 National Geographic Re-
and Hillard Kaplan. "Once new
among groups
leads to massive epi-
more of the population can
die within a very
[0]ften, the groups are neglected after the initial excitement
associated with contact wanes. "^^
The
protagonists of Chagnon and Asch's
most famous
films
all
met with
122
disaster.
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
DORADO
Some 27 percent of the Mishimishimabowei-teri,^^ 25
percent of the
Mahekoto-teri,^^ and at least 12 percent of the Patanowa-teri died.^^
Chagnon did not
forget them, however.
He blamed
Salesian missionaries, for these deaths, even as he
no one could
link the villages to his
printouts, blood samples,
ports for an
American saga
transigent Indians
Feast
ID
own
others, principally the
changed the names so that
expeditions.
Chagnon s computer
photos, maps, and films were
in
all scientific
which the anthropologist triumphed over
and the Indians
politely died off-camera.
intended snuff films.
disease, gives these
in-
Watching The
and The Ax Fight, knowing that many of the dancers and
soon be dead from imported
sup-
fighters will
documentaries the
feel
of un-
and shaman near the Catrimani River, 1975 Giovanni Saffirio, courtesy of the Carnegie Museum ofArt)
Mario, headman,
(photo by
—
Chapter 8
Erotic Indians
I
was
a
go-between in most of the love
a witness.
The
stories I set
down, and sometimes
Yanomami
at
Adulimawa-teri in the Parima Mountains saw a It
looked Hke one of the
balloons the missionaries' children played with, but airplane, like a
seedpod released from the high
white sphere floated nearer, they
kind of man.
was
Jacques Lizoi
strange portent in the sky in June of 1969.
from an
I
When
made out a creature
he emerged, he had a
rope,
and the parachutist needed
ogist
Claude Bourquelot,
three to
all
who had
fire
it
was launched
forest canopy.
tied
up under
weapon, a big
it,
knife,
As the a
new
and
a
subdue the French anthropol-
tried to kill his colleague Jacques Lizot
with a machete.^ Bourquelot s sudden madness was a mystery. not
He was a newcomer who did
know anything about the jungle or about Jacques Lizot. By one account,
Lizot took Bourquelot into the bush devices.^
Bourquelot panicked, got
and then
lost for a
left
the tenderfoot to his
week, and,
own
when he managed
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
126
to find the village again, conceived a single desire: to split Lizot s
head open.
What sounded like insanity to the authorities in Caracas, who received Lizot s rescue call, was to Bourquelot an obvious solution. The problem, the poison, was inside
Lizot's head. "Lizot
Chagnon observed
know why he
does very cruel things sometimes," Napoleon
in regard to Lizot's treatment of Bourquelot. "I don't
does such cruel things."^
Jacques Lizot was the ultimate outsider
He was
homosexual, and Parisian. ica
an
among
orientalist
the
Yanomami
who came
to
—Gypsy,
South Amer-
with a mastery of linguistics and French culinary arts and soon established
and
a reputation for both ferocity
erotic energy that surpassed
any Yano-
mami's. Although he was repeatedly denounced for child molesting, he served only a short stint in
and was quickly
jail,
released at the insistence of
a Venezuelan congressman.^ Lizot's connections to the University of Paris,
where he studied with no
less
than Claude Levi-Strauss, guaranteed a kind
of immunity in Venezuela, which remains a Francophilic country. French anthropologists are held in particular esteem because, outside the United States, Levi-Strauss's structuralism rules supreme.
Structuralism bivalence.
As a
is
a glass
bead game of elegant symbols and aching am-
college freshman,
Levi-Strauss's Tristes Tropiques,
was introduced
I
to structuralism through
an immensely erudite,
ofi:en
witty history of
the anthropologist's long odyssey from a Paris high school to the Brazilian
jungle and back again. Levi-Strauss's ambition was to study a whole continent.
To
this end,
he enlisted three other researchers
who
explored the Brazil-
ian interior, spending several weeks per tribe, to gather as as
many artifacts and
much linguistic information from as many groups as possible. With ample
fiinds
from the French government, they traveled the wilds of Brazil
pioneers of America's West, in a fifteen muleteers,
and
wagon
train,
like the
accompanied by fifi:een mules,
thirty oxen.^
Near the Brazil-Paraguay border, Levi-Strauss discovered an
entire tribe,
the Caduveo, that had "a strong dislike for procreation. Abortion and infanticide were almost the
normal
practice, so
much
so that perpetuation of
the group was ensured by adoption rather than by breeding,
and one of the
chief aims of the warriors' expeditions was the obtaining of children."^
small percentage of children
who were
not murdered
painted black and given away to some other family.
at birth
unlike a colony of displaced Parisian veo's artistic genius to the
artists.
were promptly
The Caduveo
parental responsibilities to devote themselves to sculpture Levi-Strauss
The
rejected
and painting, not
compared the Cadu-
Spanish Baroque masters.^
He saw them
as
EROTIC INDIANS
^-^
I27
murderer-aesthetes in "some romance of chivalry, absorbed in their cruel
game of prestige and domination which
in a society
which
quite unlike almost everything that has
is
Columbian America.
.
.
to us
from pre-
."^ .
.
—no
Levi-Strauss did not offer a single footnote
phenomenal
created a graphic art
.
come down
—
data
to buttress his
A tribe that murdered almost all of its children and gave
find.
the rest away appeared to contradict the basics of both natural selection and natural affection. Levi-Strauss's
determinism,
as
inhuman
as
Caduveo seemed,
in their fanatical cultural
Chagnons Yanomami
in their biological deter-
minism. Levi-Strauss feared that the creatures
on
Amazonian
to extinction. "^^
doomed
their behalf because
it
he studied were "miserable
tribes
Nevertheless, he firmly eschewed activism
would have
shattered his scientific mirror of con-
templation and objectivity. "Never can he [the anthropologist] act in their
name
.
.
.
such a position could not but prejudice his judgement." ^^ This de-
tached ambition did not endear Levi-Strauss to contemporary anthropologists struggling for
Amazonian
native rights, like Linda
International.
She recently asked of Levi-Strauss,
Indians, after
all, if
they are
But L^vi-Strauss was not tory.
He
doomed
Ph.D.
"Why bother to learn about
to extinction
entirely passive in the
and we
—and
reorienting
him toward
—
the
to passivity?"
Yanomami s
took what turned out to be the momentous
Jacques Lizot away from Eastern studies
Rabben of Amnesty ^^
political his-
initiative
of steering
which Lizot had obtained a
in
Yanomami.
Levi-Strauss encour-
aged Lizot to join a large French expedition to Yanomamiland in 1968.^^ Lizot arrived
on
a flying boxcar with
accompanied by
several
Timothy Asch and Napoleon Chagnon,
French doctors, mounds of fresh vegetables and
trade goods that included plastic dolls. ^^
Lizot initially established himself at Bisaasi-teri, the AECs base
the site of two missions. Lizot traveled in the
camp and
company of boys, who began
accumulating trade surpluses. This was not altogether surprising, however, since other anthropologists also preferred hiring
young boys and
Lizot appeared to be an enthusiastic heterosexual,
cused on Lizot s pursuit of young the all
women
of the
came running
"When
I let
them
village dealt
to
my
inside
girls.
with
initial
concern was fo-
The nurse Marie Dawson recalled how
Lizot's sexual advances.
"One day
they
house, with Lizot running after them," she said.
my gate,
Lizot looked at
A Yanomami shaman has described the same perspective:
as guides. In fact,
me and walked
away."^^
incident from the Indians'
[A] 11 the
DARKNESS
^^
128
women
of the
village ran yelling
and screaming into the nabas
They jumped
house, almost breaking the door.
over tables and chairs in a
Some were even
race to hide behind Keleewa's [Dawson's] wife.
get their heads
under her
DORADO
EL
IN
trying to
Because Keleewa's wife couldn't under-
skirt.
stand our talk yet, she thought
it
was a
raid.
Then
the naba,
A.H.
[Ass
Handler, Lizot], appeared and stuck his head in the door. He saw the women hiding under things and behind the white girl. The women hoped that
A.H. wouldn't bother them when there was another naba around
who
wouldn't be afraid of him. ^^
Mark
Ritchie, a businessman turned author, recorded this testimony for
book Spirit ofthe Rainforest.
his
Ritchie
—
sympathetic to homosexuality the
Yanomami speak for themselves
—
tant
not
is
—including
flattering.
a
it
is
not
to let
the
Yanomami
say about out-
few missionaries, both Catholic and Protes-
But what they say about Jacques Lizot sounds
Caduveo
—
a play of ambition
as
and
cotdd be true only in a medieval legend.
Ritchie has designated Lizot as is
who
book attempts
and, though most of his sources are also
unlikely as Levi-Strauss's description of the
domination so cruel
a Christian evangelical
new ground. What
evangelicals, does break siders in general
is
or to anthropology. His
a polite rendering of Lizot's
A.H.
—
^Ass
Handler. In
fact, "Ass
Yanomami name, Bosinawarewa
Handler"
—
literally,
"Anus/Vagina Devourer." Ritchie's translator was the missionary Gary
Daw-
who also served as National Geographies and possibly speaks Yanomami better than any other white person. At the Padamo mission, Dawson showed me the transcripts of the interviews about Lizot. "I have no problem identifying 'Ass Handler' " Dawson said. " Ass Handler' is Jacques translator, ^^
son,
Lizot."i«
Gary Dawson
clearly does
not
like Lizot,
whom
he knew
at Bisaasi-teri.
Lizot was expelled from Bisaasi-teri because he beat a thirteen-year-old boy,
whom Ritchie calls Youngbird (the same "outcast" who had been Chagnon's ^^
guide to Mishimishimabowei-teri). Lizot reportedly punished Youngbird because he was angry that food, a
common
someone
—he
source of conflict
Youngbird, an orphan with no male
when
Lizot snuck
relatives,
had no one
up by night and savagely beat him
Dawson, who was seventeen his father, the missionary Joe
gun.^"
—
know who had stolen his between Yanomami and their visitors. didn't
years old at the time,
Dawson) from going
in his
had
to protect
him
hammock. Gary
to be restrained (by
after Lizot
with a shot-
— EROTIC INDIANS
^^
129
After the beating, the government medic at Bisaasi-teri, Juan Gonzalez, treated Youngbird,
whose
eyes were swollen shut.
Then Gonzalez, accompa-
nied by the elder Dawson, went to Lizot's hut, where the anthropologist had
locked himself in. Gonzalez banged on the door and ordered Lizot out of the
threatened to throw Gonzalez into the
village. Lizot
But Gonzalez
river.
weighed about 250 pounds; Lizot, though wiry and tough, was a small man. Gonzalez repeatedly jabbed
his finger into Lizot's chest. 'You are
going to
throw me?"^^ Lizot sion, fall
He traveled farther up the Orinoco to the Catholic Platanal mis-
left.
where the Yanomami boys of Mahekoto-teri began to acquire a wind-
of madohe, foreign
stuffs
A
Salesian missionary. Father Jose Gonzalez,
confronted Lizot in the shabonos central plaza.
"What are these boys doing for you that is worth all you are paying them?" Gonzalez asked. "That's a
"From
lie!
this
hear you're paying the boys to use them for sex."
"I
Where could you have
boy
ever heard a thing like that?"
right here."^^
Gonzalez asked Lizot to leave Platanal; Lizot at the priest.
Lizot then
wandering anthropologist.^^
moved downriver to
the small
main course of the Orinoco between up
and threw a punch
A fistfight ensued, in which Lizot was knocked out. He left, ex-
pelled again, the
site
refiised,
a short distance
community of Tayari-teri, on
Platanal
and
from the Orinoco, on a
Bisaasi-teri.
creek,
and began an international campaign against the
where he
built a
were tolerant of Yanomami customs cinogens. (Cocco's views of the
Asch and Chagnon
like
house
Salesians.
There were legitimate grievances against Padre Gonzalez and Padre Cocco. Both of them were beloved figures
the
He selected a
among
the
his
mentor.
Yanomami and
polygamy and the use of
hallu-
Yanomami were portrayed sympathetically by
in the film
Gonzalez viewed the Yanomami
Ocamo as
Is
My
Town.) Essentially, Cocco and
undernourished, impoverished people
not unlike the ghetto children in Milan
whom
the Salesians' founder, John
Bosco, had set out to help with vocational education.^^ Unfortunately, both priests
supported the Venezuelan government's plans to introduce peasants
from the Orinoco region among the Yanomami.^^ Lizot threatened to burn
took the threat Lizot
down
the Salesian missions.
seriously, petitioned the
government
The
Salesians,
who
for Lizot's expulsion.
had become the champion of Yanomami culture
to
many
But
people, in-
cluding the French embassy. Whatever Lizot's motives, he successfiilly turned
back a colonization plan that amounted to ethnocide.
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
I30
Napoleon Chagnon
also
supported Lizot in
this battle. "I
wrote a
letter to
the Venezuelan government supporting his right to do research after he had
threatened to burn
two were
down
the Salesian missions," he said.^^
At
this time, the
close friends, united in their opposition to Gonzalez's plans.^''
When Chagnon reentered the field in ternational reputation
1976, he arrived with a growing in-
and a $260,000 grant from the National Science
Foundation, primarily to study "Mortality and Divorce in Yanomamo."^^
This was about $1 million in todays currency, and
Chagnons
enabling
status,
him
to hire
significantly raised
two senior consultants, one being
Museum
Robert Carneiro of the American
it
of Natural History, and three
graduate students.
One of the
graduate students was Kenneth Good. Until then.
been a good friend and protege of Chagnons. They got to at
Penn
used to go
down
type of guy
come in
to bars I
did
know each
other
where Good was Chagnons drinking buddy. "We
State University,
barrassment, but
Good had
and drink
it
Good
together,"
recalled. "It
because he was going to be
who had German
my
chair.
was an em-
He was
the
shepherd attack dogs, and he'd have people
over to his house in the afternoon and he'd have the students dress up
padded
suits
and have the dogs attack them. Oh,
yes.
They'd have to put
out an arm or a leg and the dog would attack. Students could get injured.
And
he used to
—
Parma
like taking the attack
dogs
—
^whose names were
Gus and
into bars so he could corner big, 200-pound-plus weightlifter
^^
types.
To prepare his olence,
students to deal with the Yanomami's supposed extreme vi-
Chagnon obtained extra-strength chemical mace from
Department (which Good
Police
re-labeled "Center
Chagnon
in order to pass customs). ^^
the Pittsburgh
County Dog Repellent"
armed Good with
also
a double-
barreled Winchester shotgun.
Once
in Caracas, Venezuela,
the city for supplies. rice.
.
.
.
"We had
members of the expedition fanned out across to get barrels
of trade goods and big sacks of
We bought axes, machetes by the box, loincloth material by the roll,
fishhooks by the thousands. All this was added to the tons of equipment
had shipped down
on the
plane.
It
in advance, in addition to
was an incredible operation.
ergy and persistence.
The man was
Although Good had a severe
DC-3, which dropped them
I
what we had brought with us had
to
admire Chagnons en-
driving, driving, driving,
all
the time."^^
cold, they rushed into the rain forest
at the
our things off the plane, a sight that
Ocamo left
the
we
mission. little
"We
started
on a
dumping
crowd of missionaries and
— EROTIC INDIANS
^^
I3I
Indians that had gathered wide-eyed with astonishment. There were fifteen
army trunks bursting at of a coding scheme. door,
.
the seams, .
.
Then
all
of them painted different colors
came out of the cargo
four outboard motors
of them packed in wood-framed, protected
all
as part
crates.
.
.
.
The knot of
onlookers couldn't conceive that such a stupendous accumulation could possibly
belong to such a small number of people. "^^
priest
and
where
it
It
his tractor to haul all their stuff to the
took four hours for a
banks of the Orinoco,
was loaded onto a covered riverboat that Good dubbed the African
Queen.
They shoved night,
when
the early
off immediately
and headed
the riverboat ran aground
morning and reached
Chagnon had used missions with Lizot. As
on a sandbar. But they pulled
camp
Lizot's
that
Good
with the missionaries, and he didn't want us
—
got a
—
community
room
in Lizot's house.
During his screaming
to have anything to
first,
men
The
free in
day. In previous years,
now he wanted to show
"Lizot was currently at war
it,
pological
same
for supply depots,^^ but
explained
his solidarity
mid-
upriver, traveling until
colleagues
do with them
from the anthro-
either. "^^
Chagnon
terrified
when two
students slept in huts.
nervous night in the jungle.
burst inside, pushed
quito netting. In the ensuing tussle,
him
all
Good was
into a table,
and ripped
mos-
his
men wound up sprawling on the Good recognized his
three
ground, bruised and covered with mud, but not before assailants as
Chagnon and another anthropologist, both drunk. Good,
husky man, was so angry he threw Chagnon,
who
is
much
a
tall,
smaller, over
an
embankment. "Tranquiloy Ken," Lizot said, as he helped bring peace.^^
Fortunately,
when he woke
Chagnon could not remember what had happened up, rather bruised
got the experience, however. in
Yanomamiland. "In In the end,
said.
They were
is
and muddy, the next day Good never
the biggest
I
awe of
chemical mace against bats. "In
misnomer
in the history
foreigners, the nabah.
much
would
also report
among
the Yanomami.^^ But
lower
his fieldwork experience
levels
"^'^
fear
my opinion,
of anthropology,"
when
they met me.
Chagnon's other students
of violence than their mentor found
Good was
the only one to write a
book about
—^which has been well received by
Into the Heart
anthropologists and translated into eight languages,
widely read account of the
for-
witnessed only one raid."^^
"The Yanomami were quaking with in
him
was the only time anyone ever attacked him
my twelve years,
Good turned his
the Fierce People
Good
It
to
Yanomami
after
The Fierce
becoming the most People.
With Good's
arrival
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
132
on the
scene,
Orinoco had been
though a granite boulder by the banks of the
as
it is
teeming underworld.
lifted up, revealing a
Chagnon
Strangest of all was Lizot's village ofTayari-teri.
depot
at Tayari-teri that
things to strike that the
him was
women
Good
from time
visited
that the
One
of the
Lizot's
bungalow, where the
community of boys. The women had
path around Lizot's compound.
first
men greatly outnumbered the women, and
were not allowed to approach
anthropologist lived with a
to time.
built a storage
And the boys had odd chores,
a separate
including the
tending of a marijuana patch. boys behaved differently in other ways, too.
Lizot's
guys were smoking and wearing deodorant and
"All the
Good.
was
"It
disgusting. Apparently
it
stuff," recalled
was a bunch of queens or some-
Oh God. Yeah, the kids of Tayari-teri. They used to have fifteen things of beads around their necks. Oh God. I don't know what all the reasons thing.
They were
were.
and
spaghetti, pots.
Lizot's
guys
—they were
eating spaghetti. Yeah, kilos of
cook it up and the kids would go down and wash
they'd
They were like his house
boys.
all
the
And he felt he was paying them well. Not
only spaghetti and deodorant and cigarettes but machetes and
all this stuff.
One
it
time
I
opened a
big, thirty-gallon,
of packs of cigarettes rettes. It
place.
was
—
there
waterproof drum, and
was
all full
must have been thousands of packs of never seen so
really impressive. I've
many
ciga-
cigarettes in
one
"^^
Lizot's
war with the
Salesians continued
and then abruptly ended. Lizot
won. Father Gonzalez's church superiors ordered him
to leave Platanal mis-
sion.
Profoundly depressed, Gonzalez traveled downriver to the
sion
and went
to a
New
Year's
Eve party with a Salesian brother, Emilio
Fuentes, which lasted long into the night.
Gonzalez riding on a
tractor,
Ocamo mis-
very
fast
As
a grand finale, Fuentes took
while they were
still
drunk, and some-
how Gonzilez fell out and broke his neck. "I was with Lizot when we got the word that Father Gonzalez was killed," Good remembered.'^^ Brother Fuentes left
the Salesians after this misadventure, and Lizot arranged a scholarship for
him
to study anthropology in France.^
Good's relationship with Lizot was
and write
letters to
ple of days that
thinking
dope and
I I
I
Chagnon when
I
was bothering him
also turbulent.
"He used
to get pissed
used to stay there for more than a cou-
—
that
I
was interrupting.
And
he kept
was going around asking about him whether he was smoking wasn't.
The guys would
just
come and
talk to
me, and
I
would
EROTIC INDIANS put two and two together. They
smoking
said,
^^
'The policta, the police are coming and
poHce they don't Uke
this grass stuff; the
I33
that.'
whether he was ass-fucking these guys or anything.
me
wanted
[-Eibesfeldt]
.
.
I
never asked them
This
.
what Eibel
is
to do."^^
Irenaus Eibl-Eibesfeldt
is
Konrad
Lorenz's successor as the head of human
Max Planck Institute and Germany's best-known evolutionHe began studying the Yanomami in 1971 and hired Good as
ethology at the ary biologist.
a researcher after Good's relationship with Eibesfeldt
was reportedly horrified by the
wanted Good
to
document
and Lizot had become
in
But
stories
Good was
about
Lizot's
an
1977.'^^ Eibel-
pedophilia and
reluctant to get involved.
of sorts. They jointly wrote a
allies
He
letter to Science,
Chagnon of presenting a Maquiritare Indian village
accusing
one
it.
Chagnon soured in
as a
Yanomami
about protein consumption.'^ (This led to a sharp break be-
article
tween Lizot and Chagnon.) Shortly afterward, Eibel-Eibesfeldt began working with Lizot himself In the end, everybody teri,
but
where
that's
I
worked with
went
for
R and
Lizot had turned Tayari-teri into turbation, anal sex,
goods
—and
all
Lizot. "I didn't like
R,"
Good
among a people, who,
homosexuality until Lizot.
said. "I didn't
know
for these favors with trade
as far as
I
know, never practiced
"'^^
Meanwhile, Lizot began writing the ethnography of Yanomami
Sodomy was normal simulate
it
that
Sodom and Gomorrah with mutual mas-
and a system of paying
of this
going to Tayari-
for children.
"One can
sexuality.
frequently see boys of
all
ages
publicly in their games; often brother-in-laws are involved, for
these are usually devoted to each other through
mutual and
Homosexual
this kinship category, are
practices,
though more frequent in
exceptional between brothers or
vagina of a
sister
.
.
.
there
is
first
no shame
cousins. If
it is
lasting affection.
not
scandalous to eat the
in eating the anus'
of one's brother.""^
According to Lizot, there was no shame and no blame for any kind of sexuality,
even animal intercourse. Children practiced
training for adult mating. In Lizot's world, the
masturbators.
and dead
among them gist
bestiality as
Yanomami were also
They used everything from holes
in the
ground
ingenious
to tree
stumps
animals.^'^
There are Amazonian
ther Luis
sodomy and
it is
Cocco
tribes
where homosexuality
is
common, but even
usually discreet.^^ According to both Helena Valero
—two
and Fa-
sources considered authoritative by the anthropolo-
Brian Ferguson in his survey of Yanomami
literature'^^
—homosexuality
—
among able.^°
DARKNESS
^^
134
Yanomami
the Venezuelan
DORADO
EL
IN
and
rare, brief,
is
culturally unaccept-
One Yanomami legend mentions homosexuality,
but
treats it as dirty
and nonhuman.^^ Alcida Ramos, a
Yanomami
specialist at the University
holds a Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin, was the
Yanomami were
argue that Lizot's erotic
a projection of his
first
own
to politely personality.
"Discretion and naturality ... are overriden by Lizot's voyeurism.
them has
ing the ever-present narrator hovering over
Yanomamo an unreal Ramos also ventured
quality, as if they
were characters in a
Yanomami
—
Yanomami
have yet to speak to a
—
among
seventy-one months in the
where kids were doing ation.
Where
what he
the
all this
who
Yanomami,"
play.
would
."^^ .
.
illicit
"a
ever observed the kind
Good, who spent
said
at Tayari-teri
—
ass-grabbing and talking dirty
^was Lizot's cre-
Lizot describes this type of sexual behavior, he's describing
created. We're learning about Lizot, not the
rible place, Tayari-teri.
I
don't know,
corrupted or something.
where they
Hav-
except at Lizot's village.^^ "I
"The lewd atmosphere
field.
.
communal shabono}^
specialist
of openly displayed sexuality Lizot described never saw homosexuality
.
particularly the passages about
achieving orgasm in broad daylight inside the I
.
the effect of lending the
that Lizot's unfettered love stories
chuckle of disbelief" from the
who
of Brasilia
was always
I
was
it
like the
Yanomami.
Yanomami
relieved to get
It
there
was a
ter-
had been
back to Hasupuwe-teri,
any of this. "^^
didn't have
But Hasupuwe-teri, located above the formidable Guaharibo Rapids, did not remain a haven for long. After
Good left the remote village,
to take a
ftir-
lough in Caracas, he returned to find that Lizot had been visiting in his absence and pursuing Hasupuwe-teri's teenage boys with
"Most of it was
just told to
dens
when he came, how
offer
them
me by the
he'd grab
and then
a loincloth,
guys
them and
he'd get his
and they got away. And they were scared
New words were lages,
—how
gifts
and
they'd run off in the gar-
he'd threaten them. First he'd
shotgun and he'd threaten them
to death of him.
"^^
apparently invented for this phenomenon. In
sodomy became
Lizot-mou, "to do
threats.
like Lizot. "^^
some
vil-
At most shabonos
throughout the region, however, an excruciating new compound verb appeared: Bosinaware. If the
Yanomami
conceive of death as spiritual canni-
balism, their verb for intercourse, naware, literally
Broken down, (nawarewa).
Good,
The
Lizot's suffix
"Ass Fucker"
is
nickname
wa turned
the
translates
as
means ass
"eating the vagina." (bosi)
vagina eater
the verb into a male name. According to
most accurate
translation.^^
EROTIC INDIANS Good
^^
I35
recorded one of the Hasupuwe-teri boys' accounts of Lizot s
tempted molestation. said. "So, to try
"When
Good me to a really posh he explained to me that he didn't really
Lizot heard about
and smooth things
restaurant in Caracas, and, as
at-
we ate,
over,
it,
he got defensive,"
he invited
have anal intercourse with the Yanomami. They just practiced mutual masturbation.
guess he thought that was okay."^^
I
This conversation took place at Porto Vino,
"He
rant.
wine.
—
wad on me
really spent his
And
was
an excellent
all this
my mouth,
while I'm putting pasta in
ing mutual masturbation. 'Oh.'
there
still
he
Gary Dawson and Mark Ritchie videotaped
expensive food and
tells
What am I supposed three
me
tact
all
when
adolescents
Yanomami men who
and Timoteo. Today they
who
Spanish,
an
live at
I
know
all
three
—
Jaime, Pablo Mejia,
are Christian evangelicals, fluent
the village of Koshirowa-teri
but
all
of them visited Tayari-teri
them
literate in
River, near
Mejia knew
Lizot at
as teenagers. (Lizot also visited
and Timoteo currently play leadership
Koshirowa-teri.) Pablo Koshirowa-teri, which
and
on the Padamo
unaffiliated Protestant mission. Originally, Pablo
Bisaasi-teri,
The men, who
had firsthand con-
Lizot entered the field in 1968,
with Tayari-teri and with Lizot.
only hav-
he's
to say?"^°
gave hearsay accounts of mutual masturbation at Tayari-teri.
were
Italian restau-
numbers about four hundred
individuals,
roles at
most of
evangelical Christians.
Remember one of my
Pablo Mejia: teri] ?
.
relatives that lived there [at Tayari-
He knows all the people at Tayari-teri because he lived there And that guy told me, "When I was asking Lizot for Lizot said, 'Yeah, I've got good work for you. Come over to my .
.
as a son-in-law.
work,
when we got there,
house.' So there were a lot of people at Lizot's house
all leave and he made me stay all by myself Then 'Now I'm going to give you your job.' He thought he was going
and he made them he
said,
to
show him a job
in the house.
But Lizot just got
he called the boy and he stood beside him.
what the guy ries.
And
[Lizot]
Lizot got
was going
all
really afraid
He
And
he
hadn't heard any of the sto-
hammock and said, up and down my penis.' And although he
naked and got back in
'Here take your hand and go
was
to do.
hammock and really didn't know
in his
he thought, 'Well,
I
sure
his
want a
lot
of his
So he
stuff.'
went ahead and grabbed hold of him anyway and began moving
it
up
and down." Jaime:
Yes,
I
heard the story from the same guy.
And
I
went
to
him and
136
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
him
personally,
asked
somebody
how I
got
"Did you do
dirty
And
and
Pablo:
I
got a radio, too." So
I
ugly,
but
give.
Yes,
it's
.
.
from
.
that
to earn stuff
that with
asked him, "Didn't your hands get "Yes,
all
my hands sure did get all slimy
anyway because
it
Everybody did
we have
And by doing
I
wanted the
stuff he
because of the stuff they wanted."
it
something you would normally never hear about. But over
them
there, to hear tell it, I
kept doing
I
way
from him.
also got a suitcase
I
and slimy?" And the guy said,
would
that
And the guy said, "No. You see my gun here? That's And that's how all the young guys [huyas] who have guns
in Tayari-teri got their guns. That's the
his penis,
you just hear
that or did
else?" it.
[madohe].
DORADO
just so
tell it, it's
common.
After
I
heard that boy
man from Tayari-teri if that was true. And how all the young peotheir trade goods. We older men never did
asked another, older
the old guy from Tayari-teri said, "Well, that's ple at our village got that.
We wouldn't
body the
got."
do
all
that.
But we shared the trade goods that every-
And whenever he
[Lizot]
young guys and he would
there was always
wants
it
was in the urge, he would
say, "If
somebody who wanted
And
this time?"
call all
you guys want work. ..." And it.
So he would
say,
"Who
they would come.
"How many times would you And that guy, who had a 12-gauge shotgun, told me he did Lizot six times. And if he wanted a shirt or something else, it was just once or twice. He went to Caracas and then to France. He told me that when he asked Lizot for a shotgun, Lizot told him, "You'll have to do me six times." And he gave him a 12-gauge. And he
Timoteo:
I
him
asked
have to do
it
[another individual],
to get a gun?"
had three 12-gauge shotguns, and
These accounts appear
to
son told Lizot,
bought one of them from him. 61
Good that he practiced the Yanomami. The missionary Gary Daw-
confirm
some kind of masturbation with
I
Lizot's
claim to
me that one of the men interviewed had performed sexual favors for
but would not admit
to surmise
which man
it
on camera.^^ However,
that was, since he shifted
it
was not very difficult
from describing other boys'
encounters with the naked Lizot to a conversation he himself had with a
naked
Lizot.
And when
guns, both he and Just as scientists
know about Lizot,
he tried to explain
Dawson
how
he got one of Lizot's shot-
started laughing.
—and —
and missionaries were the
Yanomami
fear
him and
are
reluctant to
tell all
they
his very real political power,
based on his long influence with the government bureaucracy and the French
EROTIC INDIANS may also be Yanomami had
—^
I37
embassy. His former partners
constrained by shame. Whatever
homosexual practices the
prior to Lizot's arrival, shotgun-
driven prostitution
other
nothing to brag about in their culture. The attitude of
is
Yanomami toward contempt
castic
Lizot's alleged sexual partners has
When
to outright opposition.
one boy
ranged from
at the village
the other children: "One-Who-Strokes-A.H.
Penis.
s
of
new
Koshirowa-teri obtained a beautiful watch from Lizot, he also got a
name from
sar-
"^^
Elsewhere, an armed alliance against Lizot's village of Tayari-teri was
emerging. According to Ritchie's informants, the
on the Yanomami's abhorrence
reaction was based
initial
One of
for the anthropologist's sex practices.
the Bisaasi-teri's two headmen, Paruriwa, found that his son was involved
with Lizot and drove him from the shabono with
village leaders allied
Bisaasi-teri
at
arrow point.^
A coalition of
then met to plan Lizot's murder.
One
of the strongest advocates for killing Lizot was Rerebawa, Chagnon's old guide and one of the three
Paruriwa
said, "I say
we
men
whom
to
kill him!"*^^
The Fierce People was dedicated.
Paruriwa was unable to muster enough
support for an assault against Lizot, because the other ful
of killing a nabah and because
Karohi-teri
and other
weren't so poor,"
Lizot's trade
Tayari-teri neighbors.
Yanomami were
fear-
goods were indispensable to
"He could never do
this if
we
Rerebawa lamented. "We're trapped. We're backed into a
spot with no escape. "^^
The
child-molesting controversy became part of the growing conflict be-
tween Tayari-teri and Bisaasi-teri
Shakita, in It
supremacy of the Upper Orinoco.
had not forgotten Chagnon
other headman,
teri's
Bisaasi-teri for
moved with
(Shaki). In fact,
his faction to a
visit his
new shabono named
namesake. By 1976, Venzuelan
entists at the leading research institute,
in continuing sponsoring
in return. "^^
Still,
facilities
Chagnon might have
"When we
arrogant,
James Neel
prevailed at IVIC, through
who
arranged for
to give a presentation there in 1975. Unfortunately, at the
Chagnon
a question:
help the people he had been studying for so called,
felt
and resources without giving too
the intervention of Marcel Roche, an influential doctor
the talk, a student asked
coming
sci-
IVIC, were "not very enthusiastic
Chagnon's research," because they
"had taken advantage of IVIC's
Chagnon
Bisaasi-
honor of Chagnon.^^
took Chagnon ten years to
much
Kaobawa,
What was long?*^^
end of
he going to do to
Kenneth Good
re-
gave our presentation to IVIC, he was very uppity, very in
with a quarter-million dollar grant.
asked him, 'What are the
Yanomami going
to get out of
When someone it?,'
he answered,
— DARKNESS
^^
138
*Well, they're going to get a hell
of a
IVIC, but
he couldn't
of them gave a talk
"All
end a student asked, 'You've been working with them
at the
for ten years.
"^°
of machetes and trade goods.'
lot
According to the anthropologist Leslie Sponsel, at
DORADO
EL
IN
What
interfere.
you going
are
He was
do
to
for the
Yanomami?' He
said
a scientist. After the meeting, spontaneously
a group of students and faculty met in the IVIC library
upstairs,
broke loose. "^^
ammunition when
The Venezuelans
Chagnon then
offered an
received additional
Andean
a $1,000 consulting fee for the
all hell
archaeologist at IVIC, Alberta Zucchi,
Yanomamo
no Amazonian experience and no
and
project, even
though she had
interest in cultural anthropology. Since
Zucchi's husband was the bureaucrat in ultimate control of all research per-
—perhaps mistakenly
mits at the Ministry of Justice, this was interpreted as a
clumsy
For ten years, from 1976 to 1985, Chagnon got no
bribe.'''^
permits.'^^
His long absence hurt Kaobawa. Whereas
young women from neighboring
villages
Bisaasi-teri
had acquired many
during Chagnon's
tenure,^"^ the
terms of exchange reversed as Kaobawa ran out of steel. Far more the village than married into
"Chagnon no longer
lived
it.^^
Kaobawa was
women left
increasingly marginalized.
with them, taking away a major source of upper
Bisaasi-teri's wealth, military security,
and
status.
"^^
During a roughly corresponding period, the population exploded Tayari-teri,
because of immigration
—almost
from forty-one
to eighty-eight in 1979.
1974
in
first
to point out a
new
residents?
of it male.
suspicious thing
Another suspicious item males, 21 females]
all
number of demographic
One
by a wide margin, so the increase
Yanomamo
—
villages.
is
is
is
Tayari-teri's
population went
Napoleon Chagnon was the
anomalies:
that the adults
"Whence came
the
outnumber children
unlikely to have been due to
new births.
the adult male/female sex- ratio of 143 to 100 [31
proportionately far
more
adult males than
is
normal
for
"^^
At every other center of outside power, where side wives, the sex ratio shifted in favor of the
a
at
not because of medical attention or lowered infant mortality but
trade goods purchased out-
Yanomami who
resided with
nabah?^ This was particularly evident whenever the Yanomami acquired
shotguns, because the shotguns gave such a decisive advantage in hunting that a spite
man
could
now
support more than one
wife.''^
But
at Tayari-teri, in
of unprecedented trade goods and shotguns, there was a curious dearth
of women.
And
instead of an influx of women from other villages, a host of
young boys were
arriving.
^°
— EROTIC INDIANS They came from
Mejia's cousin emigrated.
young immigrant males came from teri's
I39
including Bisaasi-teri's Shamatari
all over,^^
from where Pablo
bowei-teri,^^
^^
was
closest ally.^^ Karohi-teri
Karohi-teri,
ally,
Momari-
But most of the
which had been
Bisaasi-
second residence. By 1969, just a
Lizot's
year after Lizot had been active at Karohi-teri, the village had considerably
more wealth village.
manufactured goods than even the richest
in
Bisaasi-teri
^^
But Karohi-teri,
for
trade goods, was just the outer courtyard to
all its
sanctum of
Tayari-teri's fabulous inner
cigarettes,
shotguns. Lizot's narrative shows that boys were
and then on
moving
first
to Tayari-teri; according to Lizot, these boys
to Karohi-teri
were searching for
own account pointed to something else. For ina fourteen-year-old named Fama came down from the Parima HighHowever,
brides. ^^
stance,
machetes, clothes, and
Lizot's
lands to visit Karohi-teri.^^
It
was a long
trip,
only one night, just long enough to drop
on
Fama
foot,
off.
and
his family stayed
Fama decided
even though in the Parima villages there was a surplus of
skewed
as the
Karohi-teri.^^
male-female ratio was
at Tayari-teri,
it
to stay
women. ^^
But,
was even worse
Whatever Fama was doing, he was not primarily searching
at
for
a wife.
And,
played a role as "a go-between' in the
if Lizot
Yanomami
he wrote about, he was also a keen observer-companion of grimaging from Karohi-teri to Tayari-tari. His book narrates the adventures of
Tales
new boys
of the
Hebewe, who was growing up
love affairs
at Karohi-teri.
Hebewe had moved beyond masturbation and sodomy, though he joyed tormenting the newly arrived boy
ground and untying
more and shout
There
shabono
.
do
battle
as a timeless
.
all
the
to Tayari-teri. Lizot portrayed the
icon of Yanomami culture:
.
with long clubs cut out of soft
the skin but can raise welts. grit their teeth
The blows
wood
that doesn't cut
are haphazard; those
who
are struck
not to show their pain and try to trade blow for blow with
opponent.
two
"They laugh
many young people at Tayari, producing a merry and friendly Hebewe watches the children who are playing in the central
plaza ...
in
the
are
activity.
their
en-
"^^
Hebewe moved on
After this nastiness, Tayari-teri's great
still
—by throwing him on
Fama
his penis, the ultimate humiliation.
their pleasure.
pil-
Yanomami
When they are finished,
the children plant their
weapons
parallel rows.
Nearby a group of youths
is
inhaling a hallucinogenic drug. As a joke.
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
I40
a
tall
devil
of a fellow hails a young boy of about ten and orders him to par-
ticipate, asserting that
it
would be cowardly
back away; they blow into
to refuse.
The
child dares not
his nostrils several doses too strong for
stunned by the drug, he collapses,
his
Shortly after his arrival at Tayari-teri,
who was
DORADO
him
and,
head striking the ground.^^
Hebewe fell in love with a young girl
already married (to another immigrant from Karohi-teri). Rashly,
Hebewe and two
friends tried to
arrows. Their attempted
murder
ambush
the older youth and shoot
him with
Hebewe was beaten and driven from
failed;
the village for a short time. But the family of Hebewe's intended victim
could not fathom the boys motives for
wanted
him
to kill
for ftin! For ftin!
this unbelievable treachery.
There was no other reason.
"They
"^^
A third Karohi-teri emigre, Tohowe, became Hebewe's confederate in romantic
He was
intrigue.
an orphan
abandoned before being adopted
who had no
relatives at Tayari-teri, so
in the village that
he used to go around
naked. "Adolescence refined his features and gave his body firmer, more har-
monious beauty.
.
lines, .
.
while the texture of his skin retained
Tohowe was about
howe was showing
when he
twelve
signs of a nervous
all its
smoothness and
arrived at Tayari." Sadly, To-
breakdown. "His
uncommonly violent; he breaks and tears anything that comes first his
own
fears
silence.
."^^
anyone. Afterward he retreats into absolute and persistent
.
Tayari-teri
was
Lizot's village
full
of troubled teenage boys
me. Although
I
who had just
was certainly a demographic and
shabonos "merry and friendly
teri, I
into his hands,
belongings and then other people's, for in his blind passion he
no longer .
however, are
rages,
activity," as Lizot
cultural anomaly.
depicted
have visited over thirty Yanomami
arrived.
villages,
it, is
And the
unfamiliar to
including Karohi-
have never seen any of the persistent, ritualized forms of cruelty Lizot
described. In Lizot's extraordinary opening scene, the Tayari-teri shabono
was a theater of pain: while a child that
"devil"
of a youth forced a drug overdose on a
knocked the ten-year-old unconscious, other children beat each
other with careftilly chosen sticks to see
who would scream
first.
The
including Lizot, did nothing. Elsewhere, Lizot's hero, Hebewe,
adults,
incited a
group of adolescents to a molestation of another boy, and then, without any remorse or serious consequence, tried to murder a newly married man.
The ing
is
anthropologist Alcida
that Lizot's
inflicting pain
Ramos
Yanomamo seem to
on each other
for
observed,
"What
is
especially disturb-
be so very whimsical in their nastiness,
no other reason than
that
it
strikes their
EROTIC INDIANS fanq^."^^
Hebewes attempted ambush was unique
of Yanomami violence
newcomer
having sex under the
as
normal circumstances, year-old
^^
would be
it
to try
and
kill
lage leaders at Tayari-teri. Stranger
was Hebewes decision to
fiill
—
I4I
as bizarre in the annals
sun in the shabono. Under
self-destructively stupid for a fourteen-
an older youth still,
who was
related to the vil-
ambush turned
after the
hang around. He received only
just
into a fiasco,
a mild beating
and, after a brief timeout, was restored to the good graces of the community. Lizot did not explain that
doctor nicknamed him in the
middle of a
Hebewe was
El Principe because
big,
his favorite.
A
nearby mission
Hebewe would come downriver
motorized dugout canoe wearing an immaculate
white towel around his body, drenched in cologne. "The only thing he didn't
Principe.
among
the
more
clothes
and shotguns than any other
in-
dress
and
he would sometimes act
like
Yanomami. Yet he publicly opposed Western
firearms for the Indians,
an angry Savonarola. teri
El
called
"^"^
Lizot probably distributed dividual
him
Yanomami fanning him. So everybody
have were two
and even
at Karohi-teri
On one occasion, he made all the Yanomami at Karohi-
turn in their clothes, which he burned in a great bonfire of the vanities.
He could be very demanding of his boys. Women were not allowed at the bungalow at Tayari-teri. And for a long time he did not permit the boys to hang around with the mission Yanomami,
"He
impure. ^^
also felt
Kenneth Good. "He Tayari-teri
was a
whom
as culturally
he was in competition with the missionaries," said
didn't allow his guys to
fission
he regarded
go near them, even though
group of Mahekoto-teri of Platanal.
I
remember he
threatened them."^^
For
all
these reasons, tension built between Tayari-teri
when Kaobawa,
mission groups. This was dramatically illustrated in 1978, at the
head of an unsuccessftil hunting
party,
and the poorer
approached the
village
of Tayari-
mud balls, while children heaped abuse on him.^^ They laughed at Kaobawa, whom they called a poor, teri to
ask for
friendless
some
food.
nobody who had
Publicly humiliated, calated into a Bisaasi-teri.
lost his
Kaobawa
pelted with
nabah.
retreated to Shakita.
war of arrows. Two Tayari-teri were
A
Salesian nun,
area for three years
happened
He was
killed
The war of words first,
es-
followed by one
Maria Eguillor Garcia, who had
lived in the
and was completing her Ph.D. fieldwork, recorded what
next: "[I]n their pride that they could not be defeated, they
[Tayari-teri
and
its
allies]
Klawaoitheri of the Upper
carried out an
Ocamo, burn
amazing
feat:
their shabono,
They
attack
and capture
five
women. The news is
too much.
DARKNESS
^^
142
spread like
Upper Orinoco. This time
over the
fire all
DORADO
EL
IN
.
.
This time Kaobawa and Paruriwa were able to assemble the largest tion in the annals of Yanomami warfare
150 warriors
it
."^^
—
—comprising
Coming
to attack Tayari-teri.
coali-
fourteen villages and
stealthily,
by boat, they
sur-
prised the Tayari-teri, burned the village to the ground, killed seven people,
most of them with shotguns, and
seized "a
bounty of cultural and manufac-
tured goods," along with one woman.^^ After Garcia, "Tayari-teri disappeared from the
this,
according to Eguillor
Yanomami geographic
map."^°°
When Napoleon Chagnon finally reentered Yanomami territory in he documented
New
Mexico,
this
war and presented
an American research conference on the anthropology of
at
"He gave a paper but no one was allowed to quote from
war.
1985,
his findings a year later, in Santa Fe,
it
directly with-
out the authors permission, something Chagnon often does," said Brian Ferguson, a professor at Rutgers University. cussed, however.
The Yanomami had
'Chagnon's
and
ple'
village'
'Lizot s village.'
had exterminated'
had been
in his
house
can talk about what
Chagnon's informants said that Lizot
when
the fighting started and they had
land.
it
villages
Although Chagnon's
also raised questions
To Ferguson,
named
it
shot
ofif-the-record paper
about Chagnon's
own
undermined
influence in
Yanomami-
seemed amazing that two anthropologists would have
after themselves
war against each other
and
that these unusual groups
for regional supremacy.
firmed what the author the Bisaasi-teri
man was
he walked out of Lizot's house and Lizot was forced to
after
flee to Karohi-teri."
Lizot,
dis-
that 'Shaki's peo-
considered killing him. According to Chagnon's people, one
with an arrow
we
described this as a war between
The whole point was
'Lizot's people.'
[at Tayari-teri]
"I
Chagnon's account
Mark Ritchie's Yanomami
— "Chagnon's people"—had
would wage also con-
informants reported: that
plotted to assassinate Lizot, but
did not carry the plan to completion. They did, however, succeed in driving Lizot from the
main course of the Orinoco. ^^^
After Tayari-teri was burned down, at the end of 1979, Lizot
galow and relocated to
Manaviche
River. "It
his older,
broke with Venezuela. "I
to
was an amazing
Yanomamiland
bun-
secondary center of Karohi-teri, on the place," recalled Jesus Cardozo,^^^ a
Venezuelan anthropologist and former student of Chagnon's
mentor return
left his
after his
long
exile.
But, like
who
helped his
Good, he soon
Chagnon. Cardozo became Timothy Asch's partner
in
^^^
remember Timothy Asch
insisted that
we
meet, although
Chagnon
I
EROTIC INDIANS had forbidden house,
me
to
meet
was very far away and
it
on and on and on.
was with Tim—
Finally
Cardozo
Lizot/'
it
^we see these
I
thought
—^
said.
"When
I first
gotten lost because
I'd
was getting dark, and
Yanomami. So
I43
I
I
went
to his
we just went
was getting worried
—
asked where Lizot was, and they
jumped
into our
dugout and took us a couple of miles up river and
believe.
Did you
ever see Apocalypse
coming
full blast
I
couldn't
Now} There was Richard Wagner music
out of the jungle.
And
Yanomami with
there were these
headsets on, listening to classical music. Then, later that night, Lizot ex-
plained to
me that they had a passion for Mozart and for rock,
that combination apparently hit them.
He had
It
for acid rock,
was very fimny, that whole
thing.
dozens of boys working for him. Everybody seemed happy. Every-
body was
getting
sorts
all
of gifts. And, oh, he had
of things to give away.
lots
own outboard motors and their dugout canoes, and some of them had shotguns. I mean they were rich people all the Yanomami in the area that lived for him. We used to call it
And, sure enough, some Yanomami had
their
—
Boys Town. They they'd listen to.
had perfume and whole necklaces and
all
was wild.
It
It
stereo
equipment
was obvious what was going on.
something that you had to do a
of research about.
lot
It
was
It
was not
out in the
just
open.
"So
I
remember
when
talking at times
would
I
just
be sitting by myself
talking to Bortoli [head of the Salesian mission at Mavaca]
what's your opinion? Don't
going on
here?
I
would even
ple
of stuff. ... they do.
I
mean tell
mean
I
Cardozo
felt
a type of prostitution that's I
—
^what exactly they
actually act
out.
it
sexual activities.
kind of disgusted."
later
is
'Well, Bortoli
mean had
open.' Peo-
it's
to do, that kind
they've actually described every single physical
—
things but
this
sexual favors are being bought.
you how much
They would
that kind of thing
you think
.
went on,
"I
.
To be
.
.
movement
Kind of jerking people off and
quite honest,
I
would
listen to the
^^"^
remember one night when
I
went
to Karohi,
men came out and sat down next to me. the matter. He said, 'Why must we keep doing this?' I asked what he meant 'Doing what?' He made the motions of masturbating with his hand. 'Why must we keep doing this for this man?' he asked. He was so disgusted with it. But it was also as though and Lizot was not
there,
He seemed very sad.
he considered
it
I
one of the
asked
him what was
—
absurd, that this was the only
way they could
get trade
goods, by masturbating an old white man."'^^ I
asked Cardozo
why he
"Now, the problem
is
didn't
do anything about
that Lizot has
had enemies,
this he's
obvious abuse. got enemies, and
—
they in fact have tried
when
[to expel
returned to Venezuela
I
I
The
him].
met with
ORSTROM].
for
That
night,
had
I
plane,
and they said, 'You should not meet
That's
what Chagnon
you is
says.'
He said,
the devil incarnate.
He
I
time
remember
I
in
1986
French couple Jean Chiappino
who
Lizot.'
The
much
And I said,
thing
is
gotten off the 'Wait a second.
that if you
'What's
said,
Yanomami and
study the
just pretty
this?'
'How
evil itself I said,
is
bad?' So that evening they told
Lizot
'No.
day you were born.'
will regret the
first
this
[and Catherine Ales, both anthropologists
work
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
144
meet Lizot
He said,
'Lizot
can a person be
this
me the most incredible stories about Lizot
would chase them through the jungle and shoot
them, you know?
at
Apparently they worked together, and they had their run-ins, so they parted ways.
And
chase
them and shoot them through
in the midst of
all
these problems,
Chiappino, returns to Caracas and
on one occasion Lizot would
the jungle. So one of them, this guy
files at
the Direccion de Asuntos Indige-
nas a formal complaint against Lizot. That's what Chiappino told me. filed
He
an accusation of Lizot practicing sodomy with the Yanomami. Lizot
comes back and hears about
it
and
in turn accuses
Chiappino of being a ho-
mosexual and having sex with the Yanomami. Apparently then what hap-
pened was that Lizot was supported by the French embassy, the school where he works, the School of High Studies in Social Science, where in France
things
and a very important person
in Venezuela
.
.
.
and
he's affiliated
that quieted
."106
down.
.
.
The Venezuelan Indian Agency's approach
to this conflict
was
to investi-
gate neither Lizot nor Chiappino. So Lizot continued his research.
occasion.
Good saw
Lizot with a cast
Yanomami man." Another time,
"The Belgian was beating the
burning
log.
Then
In Caracas,
I
crowded
it
shit
out
at the
a club-fight with a
Ocamo
Mission,"
and research
tains.
came I
I
thought,
partner,
apartment overlooking the
We sat on her balcony as evening lights came on, who has woman of
see the 10,000-foot-high Avila Mountains. Ales,
been doing research among the Yanomami for two decades, striking elegance
Good
out of him until Lizot picked up a
at their spacious high-rise
still
"afi:er
to visit Jean Chiappino's wife
valley of Caracas.
and we could
arm
the Belgian walked away."^^^
went
Catherine Ales,
his
Lizot got into a boxing match. "I saw Lizot
and a Belgian photographer fighting said.
on
On one
and
long, red hair,
when
across her face.
I
is
a
and she spoke looking toward the moun-
mentioned the name
Lizot, that a
She obviously did not want to
talk
shadow of fear
about him.
When
asked whether her husband had denounced Lizot for child molesting, she
EROTIC INDIANS but even
said, "Yes,
if the
Yanomami
believe them. People will say the
Cardozo became
membered
that
comed by him forest,
whole
when
when he
efiRisively
Yanomami
Lizot's friend
—
are
"sorts
So you see
liars.
of friends," he
—
there
said.^^^
is
no
He re-
next called on Lizot at Karohi-teri, he was wel-
and then finding himself abandoned, alone
Lizot disappeared without a
village
I45
themselves denounce him, no one will
proof."io« Jesiis
^^
word
in the
the next morning, taking the
with him. "He was surrounded by boys.
I
would
say,
they ap-
peared to be around twelve years old." Cardozo asked another researcher, an archaeologist finishing a Ph.D. at
among
the
American University who has
Yanomami, how old the boys were. She
also
worked
group included
said the
boys from around the ages often to twelve. "Yeah, ten to twelve years old,"
"They were walking with an effeminate swaying of the hips
Jesus agreed. as
you know,
is
and point
gle see.
Lizot
not at
normal
Yanomami
for
boys.
to each others asses. 'That's the place.'
made no attempt
come downriver with all
all
to hide
from the
it
And It
that,
they would gig-
was very strange to
Salesians. In fact,
he would
a whole boatload of these boys, wearing their jewelry,
painted up. And, you know, [Father] Bortoli and [Brother] Juan Finkers
would be smiling and welcoming them was
really quite
sians in
open about
which Lizot
said,
Yanomami should be ing,
'I
it. I
as
it
were no big
deal. Lizot
attended a meeting with Lizot and the Sale-
think everyone
tested for
though
who comes
into contact with the
AIDS.' There was some embarrassed cough-
but Lizot just continued, 1 always get tested for AIDS whenever
to the area.'
The
stories
of Lizot's homosexual
rumored abroad.
I
life
among
heard about them in Boa
the
return
Yanomami were widely
Vista, Brazil,iii
quently alluded to in interviews with scholars from
Yanomami
I
"110
controversies. ^^^
all
and
it
was
These reports were so well known inside
Venezuela that in 1986 a military commission was sent to investigate.
Cardozo was
fre-
camps of the
at the Platanal airstrip
when
Jesiis
the military plane bearing the
commission, headed by an army major, landed.
He remembered having the
following conversation with the major:
"Who
are you?"
"I'm an anthropologist." "Sergeant! Take note: We've just
Orinoco. We're going to take ried?"
met the anthropologist of the Upper
this to
Caracas for a report. Are you mar-
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
146
"No, I'm not." "Are there other anthropologists in the area? Are they married?" "Well, I'm not really privy to their personals."
"Ah, do they engage in any type of irregular sexual activity?" here
we
things
are next to the plane,
and
down. So he comes out
got here or not?
I
understand
he's
finally there's
having
and
You know
this sergeant write all these
"Look man,
says,
is
there a fag-
another guy who's French and
he's a
faggot.""'
But Cardozo did not want to be the sex policeman of the Upper Orinoco.
So he that
it
just gave the location
of Lizot's
was a two-day hike from
village to the major,
Platanal,
walked around the
minutes and flew away to Caracas and did nothing. admitted. "Everybody
knows about
body ever did anything. And what that he
felt
that
the whole thing. But for Bortoli told
airstrip for ten
so bizarre,"
"It's
some reason no-
me on several
Yanomami, be
it
with a woman and pay her a machete or some
or anybody paying a felt
little
boy
to
do something
that Lizot's impact
he actually used cases
like
upon
rice or spaghetti or
It's
Giovanni
Yanomami
what-
as Lizot
how he
felt.
Yanomami had been minimal. is
and who
in fact married
decided not to press the point.
I
say,
I
just
a complicated issue."^^^
Saffirio,
for
the
same
like that. That's
Hepewe, who
seems a well-adjusted Yanomami. ... don't know.
him was
would go and,
ever in exchange for sexual favors, he thought that was just the
And
occasions was
heterosexual or homosexual, for
equally censurable in his point of view. So if somebody
Morover, he
Cardozo
any type of exploitative attitude carried out by a nabah, a for-
eigner, against a
flirt
who, on learning
who
a Catholic priest
lived with the
Brazilian
twenty years and received a Ph.D. in anthropology from the
University of Pittsburgh, confirmed Cardozo's encounter with Bortoli. "I
went with
Dom Aldo
[Mongiano, the bishop of Roraima,
to Venezuela in February 1987.
We
traveled
Lizot's
homosexuality with the Yanomami,
sion, Bortoli,
about
it.
He
boys, but that they didn't just
told
seem
me
—
that there
was
to suffer
grew out of it and got married
his explanation
it
I
had heard so much
I
asked the head of the mis-
true, that Lizot did
have sex with
any permanent damage from
like the
a trip
up the Rio Negro and then
crossed over to the Orinoco by the Casiquiare. Since
about
on
Brazil]
other
Yanomami
was no long-term damage.
strange because, for me, that kind of child molesting
is
I
boys.
thought
it.
They
That was
it
was very
a terrible thing."^^^
EROTIC INDIANS
^^
I47
When I spoke with Father Jose BortoU at the Platanal mission, he was not as direct. Bortoli
is
a
tall,
thin
man worn
by repeated
to near transparency
bouts of malaria (from which he was actually suffering when
I
spoke to him).
When it came to the subject of Lizot, he parried my questions with questions. much
"Is there so
Yanomami
interest in Lizot's sexual life because
or because
was supposedly homosexual?"
it
that the real problem, for
me, was pederasty, Bortoli
was with the
it
When
said, "It is
establish the ages of children at villages outside the missions.
one
who had
sex with the
Bortoli's voice trailed off,
Yanomami
Salesians Lizot.
had
No
very hard to
And
going to be prosecuted
remove Lizot and
one had gained health or
.
.
Here
permits, not Bortoli.
The
Many people had tried to stop good fortune from it. Two (Claude him; three (Juan Gonzalez,
kill
No
one had
best
anyone
Padre Gonzalez, and Jean Chiappino) came to blows with him.
succeeded in halting his peculiar enculturation program. partial
every-
failed.
Bourquelot and Gary Dawson) had tried to
had achieved was
if
."^^^
for the Institute of Higher Studies in Paris, not
The Indian Agency issued his
tried to
answered
and he shrugged.
At any rate, Lizot worked the Salesian mission.
is
I
The
—from Parima, Mavaca,
banishment
Platanal,
and
Hasupuwe-teri, successively. Lajfaire Lizot forced everyone to confront the
publicly doing petites
more good than anyone
on Yanomami
—
polarity
a perfect
else
same dilemma: Lizot was
while privately satisfying his ap-
children. In structuralist terms, there
asymmetry
—between
Lizot s public
was an absolute
and private personas.
His Apollonian, above-ground activities as defender of the Indians stood in natural opposition to his Dionysian, chthonic rituals.
He became everyone's
favorite monster.
After living for twenty-five years
among
the
Yanomami,
Lizot finally re-
turned to France in 1994. Today, he sees things through a long-distance erary lens. His preferred vehicle of expression exclusively
is
the first-person story, told
by Yanomami narrators. There's no analysis
stream-of-consciousness histories. Lizot has achieved a tithesis
in these lyrical,
tasteftil,
French an-
of Napoleon Chagnon's cowboy Western. If Chagnon was the
centered, heroic, gunslinger in the
Amazon,
lit-
self-
Lizot was neither seen nor heard.
Critics have praised Lizot's anthropological absence, his willingness to let
the
Yanomami speak
"I
for themselves.
could of course have evoked
dians," Lizot noted in Tales
^^^
my own
experience of life
among
the In-
of the Yanomami, published by Cambridge Uni-
148
^^
versity Press, "but sons: for
I
I
DARKNESS
wanted
EL
IN
DORADO
to speak of other things, for strictly personal rea-
am not yet ready to speak of the terrible shock that this experience was
me, nor of the price
I
had
to
ilization so radically different
from
speak of these experiences, for things that touch
pay to become closely acquainted with a
I
my own;
perhaps
would have
my inner being." ^^^
to
I
will never
evoke so
civ-
be able to
many harrowing
Brewer Carias Incarnates Venezuela's
closest
approximation to Indiana Jones.
ExcesO^
The
parachutist
arm
the
mad
who sailed into AduHmawa-teri
equally mad, Charles Brewer Carias. Brewer
"One month
discovered sky-diving. ing."^
The is
came
1
969
to dis-
The
had become addicted
when he was supposed
to be
into his stay there," recalled James Neel, "he
discovery was not good for his scientific train-
Although Brewer never completed
was uniquely equipped a rescue Brewer
June
French anthropologist was the amazing, and almost
to parachuting at the University of Michigan,
studying genetics.
in
to rescue Lizot
his graduate
work
in genetics,
he
from the wrath of Claude Bourquelot,
to regret.
introduction to one of Brewer s illustrated travel books says that he
"not only a botanist, a zoologist, an entomologist, a geologist, an as-
tronomer and a
naturalist.
He is trained in
all
these fields of knowledge,
and
he has united them with a rare capacity for leadership and organization that
him
has permitted
DARKNESS
^^
I50
to be recognized
IN
DORADO
EL
over the world today as one of the
all
greatest explorers of all time."^
"That Charlie," said a of his
tree.
He
is
British
member of a Brewer expedition,
seriously bonkers.
He
well out
"is
ought to be put away."^
For thirty years Brewer Garias, a Venezuelan national, has symbolized La
Conquista del
Sur, the
Conquest of the South, Venezuela's
An
alent of manifest destiny.
ex-dentist,
rain forest equiv-
he has devoted himself to promot-
ing tourism, colonization, and scientific exploration of Venezuela's southern frontiers, usually
with the support of the ministries of tourism and defense.
This has made him, and his undeniable survival
whole generation of
to a
from
First
World
soils to natives to insects in
one of the
came
the Venezuelan
study everything
Amazon. Brewer became
New York Botanical Garden's most productive research associates
and most popular guest books to
but indispensable
skills, all
scientists trying to
speakers.^
A superb photographer, with seven picture
many television specials that he beHe marketed Omega watches^ and a six-inch
Brewer starred in so
his credit.
a trademark of sorts.
blade with Rambo-like features called the Brewer Explorer Survival
steel
Knife,
which converts into a harpoon.^
there wants to
kill
He needed protection.
"Everyone out
me," he told the Times Literary Supplement editor Red-
mond O'Hanlon, explaining why he carried a huge Browning automatic handgun to a gym workout. "From the government of Guyana to the lowliest nut.
°
"Have you read Redmond O'Hanlon's description of Charlie?" asked John Walden, a doctor from Marshall University in West Virginia who accompanied the explorer on one of his helicopter
you
didn't
must be
know
But
house in Caracas, and glass jars. Charlie
some
it's
wild. In
Siapa
think, 'No. This
that's Charlie.
West
keeps gold dust in glass
level; he's like
stories
you would
Charlie,
exaggerated.'
trips to the
is
valley.
"Now,
if
too much. This
He's really wild. I've been to his Virginia, jars.
we keep moonshine
You have
an old pirate with a patch over
to love Charlie
his eye.
I
could
tell
in
on
you
about Charlie."^
He wouldn't, though are fairly protective
—
scientists
who
of him. But Rafael
have been Charlie's fellow travelers
Salazar, a
Venezuelan composer
who
was recently a Fulbright scholar at the University of Pittsburgh, was a bit
more
explicit
about
how
wild things really were
his wife, Teresa, a sociologist at the University
at Brewer's house.
He and
of Caracas, had been invited
over by Charlie to discuss a youth concert, during the time Brewer was minister
of youth (1979-82). "He had a
lot
of power then," Salazar
recalled.
THAT CHARLIE
-^
I5I
"When Teresa and I entered, he t6ld us, 'Come over here. I want to show you
He had
a patio with
something, in a cage.
He grabbed
something.'
to his birds to eat.
would take them
some
a chicken with a leather glove
Then he waited
to kill
lotted time, he put his
it.
When
hand
there with a
the birds didn't
around and shouted
at the birds to kill the
Teresa, too. "I
thought to myself, 'So
this
As minister of youth, Brewer
He
stantial achievements.
Venezuela's
is
left
waved
that he
as a
said.
and sub-
boat without
life
preservers.
city.
Brewer
former Olympic swimmer, he probably would not
downtown
streets into
many
people in
Sunday pedestrian
malls,
His ultimate solution for urban sprawl, however, was
colonizing the rain forest, and
got
it
him
into trouble again
Brewer released a film promoting La Conquista del
Sur,
and
again.
which featured a
near the border of Brazil meant to showcase the government's col-
onization efforts in the rain forest. In the government did not build
from the Brazilian border,
what Brewer had done
at
it.
fact,
the settlement was not
Orinoco Delta. ^^
It
was a
larger version
campaign
to
improve youth
lobbied to ban cigarettes on buses and planes.
am nothing but an ascetic" ^^ It
fitness, setting
—and
He
profile.
overshadowed
his real
the
He successfiilly
did not touch alcohol or
rose before
dawn
every day to
seemed there was nothing Brewer was incapable of
keeping a low
of
Patanowa-teri for The Feast.
also led a national
"I
new and
And it was really located five hundred miles
in the
example himself with public jogging sessions around Caracas.
meditate.
hand
his
In spite of the tragedy, one of modern Venezuela's
like the rest."^^
humanizing the
—
al-
made
sponsored a concert near the Orinoco by one of
Caracas, where he turned
coffee
it
"^°
a colorftil legacy of debacles
worst boating accidents. Brewer remained a quirky hero to
Brewer
long
chicken more quickly," she
our minister of youth.'
after the event in a
was not on board, but,
new town
how
it
most promising groups of musicians, Madera, whose eighteen
members drowned have sunk
to see
the chicken in the
kill
remember
on
I
watch
and gave
inside the cage to hurry them." This scene
quite an impression
"And
hawks or
birds of prey, big ones,
—except
His mercurial meddling in Venezuela's foreign
affairs
domestic accomplishments, which might have been
the prelude to a major ministerial post. Brewer precipitated a
Colombia by marching
off
on
his
own
to Bogota,
crisis
with
where he unveiled a
slo-
gan that sounded Hke an ultimatum: Not one more centimeter for Colombia! ^"^ Later,
he compared Venezuela's border relations with Brazil to the Battle
of Stalingrad. ^^
He
kept dreaming of battles with neighbors
fired a shot in history.
who had
never
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
152
DORADO
Brewer appeared to be a dynamo whose energy could hardly be contained.
The
blow came when he began organizing young
final
private paramilitary force.
"They were
sort
toughs into a
street
of the Venezuelan Brown
said the anthropologist Terence Turner of the University of Chicago.
^^
Shirts,"
Brewer
then led his gang on an invasion of the former British Guyana. Guyana mobilized
armed
its
Brewer withdrew and got
forces;
fired.
But he boasted
that the Pentagon appreciated his videotaped evidence about
Marxists.
Brewer
Afiier his dismissal,
able in
home in
Caracas,
what was then
that he
Guyanese
^^
left:
and made
of twenty years and
his wife
his
way to
virgin rain forest. There, in 1982, not far
had explored
for the first time,
and
he began a second incarnation
—
capital,
problems. ExcesO magazine said
legal
comfort-
camp
from mountains
founder of a mining company, Minas Guariche, with extensive ings, infrastructure,
his
El Dorado, a small mining
it
as the
hold-
was
as if
Alexander von Humboldt "had decided to open a Manchester sweatshop the
dawn of the nineteenth century on
Here
Doyle's Lost World, a land tain mesetas
marked by the sudden
miles. Sir Walter s fabled El is
The
now considered
tepuis
the
level;
first
—
have a lunar look
one
is
hundred million
The
like
Conan
of tepuis, sheer moun-
the longest ones stretch for thirty
Dorado, which he located near a "mountain of
European description of a
to the Indians tepuis were always the
that each
rise
much
of black granite and ocher sandstone. The highest one reaches
over nine thousand feet above sea
crystal,"
the banks of the Casiquiare Canal.
in this former rain forest existed another world,
at "^^
homes of the mountain
the oldest mountains
on
tepui,
though
gods.^^
earth, so isolated
an eccentric island of evolution, a planetary archive three years old with
hundreds of plant and insect species to
area has been called a biological El
Dorado because
so
many
itself
species
adapted to the outlandish tepui terrain in novel ways, producing outrageous varieties
of ferns,
austere, beaten
drowned
all
fiingi,
and
insects.
But these mountaintop
riches appeared
down by winds, and drenched by continual downpours
that
but the most resistant species in what amounted to a flooded
desert of rocks
The Pemon and here there
and leached Indians is
soil.
named
this region
Roraima, "the Mother of Waters,"
a profiision of waterfalls.
Angel
Falls,
the worlds highest,
losing itself in gravityless mist of 3,000-foot freefall into the rain forest below, is
one, and perhaps not the most impressive, of the three hundred waterfalls
on the
single meseta of Auyan- tepui.
Brewer Carias was the
first
known man
to explore several tepuis,
and he
THAT CHARLIE described their fragile treasures is
irl
his
^^
I53
book Roraima: montana de cristal. That
why it was all the more surprising that he had opened a huge garimpo right
—two
at their feet
sets
of gold-mining concessions covering 25,000 devas-
He called themTriunfo II andTriunfo
tated acres.
Manuel Nunez Mon-
III.
tano, head of the Conservation Society of Guyana, described Brewer s strip
mines
as "a desolate
damage.
—
panorama
Environment, the Law of Forestry, in addition to the terms
with. Brewer began
he was ten years
When
common
the
denominator
irreversible
is
He said Brewers mines flagrantly violated Venezuela's Law of the
"-^^
he did
Soils,
and Water, and the Law of Mines,
of his concessions, which were questionable to
mining
late in
six years before his
permits went into
start
and
effect,
presenting an environmental-impact statement.
finally present the plan,
it
was simply based on the principle
of "natural regeneration."^^ It
the
did not help that Brewers strip mines were diverting the headwaters of
Cuyuni
River,
which were
The
ecologically protected.
journalist Tania
Vegas wrote, "Nothing stops Brewer Carias, not even the majesty of the imposing mesetas of the mountains of Supamo, on whose flanks you see the destructive effects of his machines.
ancient natural heritage, but of
.
all
.
.
Hundreds of water
who do
this,
jets
destroy our
only Brewer Carias
calls
himself a conservationist."^^ Until Brewer
came
along, there were
two kinds of mining
gold rush.
The most common was done by mobile teams of four
with
pumps
the
diesel
that
work of poor men,
powered hydrojets
—
big, open-pit excavating
but small-scale.
^very nasty,
the street people of the
Amazon to six men
in the
It
was
Amazon. The second type was
by North American companies, usually wildcat
Canadian firms that traded on the Wild West Vancouver exchange and could ignore indigenous rights and environmental laws. But Brewer was carrying
out industrial mining with water-jet technology, reducing large est to
mud soup,
a designer
which carry malaria.
It
dream come
That
was the worst of all possible mining worlds.
and other petroleum products each month gives
of for-
true for the anopheles mosquitoes,
Brewer personally has permission to move 133,600 fuel,
tracts
to his
of gasoline,
diesel
mines in Bolivar
State.
liters
an idea of both the scope of his strip-mining
activities
and
his per-
sonal involvement as director of operations. ^^ Brewer's
on, near a
Minas Guariche owns another 4,649
town
called Kilometer 88,
acres
of concessions farther
where the Pemon Indians'
traditional
farming and hunting lands have been completely overrun by gold miners. ^"^
Brewer has been repeatedly denounced by Pemon
leaders,
and these
partic-
154
Vemeru
ular holdings,
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
I-VI, appear in Survival Internationals
Venezuela: Violations ofIndigenous Rights,
vasion of Eastern Bolivar State.
on
a
map
called
document
"The Mining
In-
"^^
As Brewer became one of Venezuela's biggest garimpo entrepreneurs, he also
became the gold
political
movement
rush's^
that
The Venezuelan
rights.
cial scientist at
most outspoken advocate
aimed
—and
the leader of a
to block recognition for indigenous land
anthropologist Nelly Arvelo Jimenez, the senior so-
Venezuela's Institute of Scientific Research
(I
VIC), compared
Brewer's role in orchestrating the Venezuelan gold rush to that of the notorious
Ze Altino Machado, head of Brazil's Garimpeiro Union.^^
Brewer was the right to land.
of any recognition of Yanomami's
bitterest antagonist
Both IVIC and a Catholic think tank, Fundacion La
(FLASA), had put forth proposals setting aside about miles for the
phere"
made
Yanomami, an
—only
his case
thirty
Salle
thousand square
area that both institutions designated as a "bios-
to be dismissed
by Brewer
as agents
of foreign powers.
He
during a shouting match with Congressman Rafael Martinez,
an encounter witnessed by several journalists and congressmen. Brewer charged that "the
Yanomami
reserves
and the biosphere" were a
spiracy to create "an indigenous nation
.
.
.
leftist
con-
which arose out of a meeting be-
tween the sociologist Esteban Monsoyi and Libyan colonel Gadhafi, on the occasion of publishing the Green
Muhammad
Book of the Libyan Rev-
olution in Venezuela. "^^ Brewer claimed that Shining Path terrorists from
Peru were also involved in
this plot.
These sensational charges created an up-
roar that sank the biosphere proposal in 1984.
This was also the year the spectacularly rich of the Upper Orinoco
first
came
cessions initially granted in
cassiterite (tin ore) deposits
into play, with over 100,000 acres of con-
Yanomami
territory, before a
popular reaction
forced the government to cancel them. Brewer and the Salesian missionaries
began their antagonism over a
May
10, 1987, article for
this plan,
which Brewer openly supported. In
Bl Nacional newspaper, he denounced the "sup-
who proclaim and suggest the creation of autonomous territories within Venezuela, attacking our sovereignty." He attacked
posed Indian experts Indian
legislation prohibiting
mining, which he called a "blessing" and an "obliga-
tion," particularly "in the case
cated
on the
ancestral
of the deposits of almost pure
tin that are lo-
slopes of the Sierra Parima," the very core of the
homeland. "In
at great distances
this region there are
from each
only four
other, with fewer than
These indigenous people, seminomadic warriors who
Yanomami's
Yanomami
200 are
shabonos,
individuals each.
accustomed to con-
THAT CHARLIE tinually
moving but
territories,
that will
is,
if
our
far
from the mining
scientists
activity that
I55
without traumas to nearby
their villages, could be relocated
occur there.
would
take place in the area;
decide they shouldn't be included in the change that
"^^
In fact, the Sierra Parima
Yanomami
^^
Reserve.
thoritative ring to
Still,
It
it.
is
the most densely populated part of the
Brewers invocation of "our
also
showed a genius
scientists,"
had an au-
for kaleidoscopic scapegoating,
combining Cold War stereotypes of Communists, Colonel Gadhafi, and Shining Path
terrorists to characterize his
props and paraphernalia of science
mote
his vision
opponents, while using
—from botany
to archaeology
—
all
the
to pro-
of the Conquest of the South.
He
Science was Brewer's ally in his mining ventures.
from the Smithsonian, the American
Museum
shuttled scientists
of Natural History, and the
Royal Geographical Society to Cerro Neblina, the highest mountain in the
Amazon outside
the Andes, where hundreds of new species of plants
imals were discovered.
And
he kept expanding
his
gold-mining
and an-
activities,
using the scientific expeditions as cover. Venezuela's National in July
1984
—
Guard
in
Amazonas caught Brewer gold mining
along the Lx)wer Ventuari River, near the Maquiritare village
of Kanaripo, in a rain forest area where ited.
commercial mining was prohib-
all
El Diario de Caracas reported that "the ex-minister
gether with other people by the National
Guard troops
he didn't have the necessary permits to travel in that tion to gold
and other
—he was
also
.
at
.
.
was arrested
to-
Kanaripo, because
area,
where
—
in addi-
commercializing and exporting Venezuelan fauna
species without authorization."^^
At that time, the
naturalist
was using unsalaried Maquiritare Indians
as
men who work and anthropologist who diof cultural identity among In-
workers. "Brewer Carias destroys not only nature but also the for him," said Sergio Milano, a police official
rected the investigation, referring to the loss
who become garimpeiros?^ Milano sent me the police report. It showed how Brewer did his gold mining while supposedly conducting
dians
research for the Venezuelan Foundation for the
and Mathematical rides to
Sciences.
drop American
to his gold mine.
The
cluded in the police
were faked
But Brewer used the foundation-paid helicopter
scientists off at
real flight records file,
Development of Physical
Cerro Neblina and then backtracked
—which
along with the
at Brewer's request.
The
fraud
pilot's
—
the pilot nullified
^were in-
testimony that the receipts
amounted
to six hours of flights.
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
156
worth some twenty thousand
dollars.
Receipt 1089 was voided and replaced
by 1090.^^ In his defense, Brewer charged that the
He blamed Milano
ousy.
army had framed him out of jeal-
for having a personal grudge against him,
and
ac-
cused him of both gold inining and torturing witnesses. While Brewer admitted to buying gold and diamonds, he claimed that he had merely flown over the area of Kanaripo en route to his real destination
—Cerro
Neblina.
This explanation was not accepted in the Venezuelan congress, however, since Kanaripo
and Cerro Neblina were
from Brewer s
in opposite directions
takeoff point.
Three congressional leaders went to Kanaripo, where they confirmed that the police had found "machines for the extraction of gold
was Brewer ply a
Carias."^^
smoke
They dismissed the
.
.
.
whose owner
accusations against Milano as "sim-
screen to distract the focus of attention
and
to disqualify the in-
Law 2039 by "the exploration, exploitation, and marketing of gold in the Amazon Territory," and that "by secretly entering Indian lands he has violated Law 250." They asserted that he had contracted Indians to work clandestine mines for him: "He leaves them alone in the places of exploitation and then returns to dictment." Their report concluded that Brewer had violated
pick up the minerals collected and pays them for their work."^^
The list of scientists and journalists who took rides on Brewers helicopters included prominent figures from the Smithsonian, the American
Natural History, and the Royal Geographical Society.
of insects and birds named entists.
after Charlie
Hundreds of journalists hitched
burnishing Brewers iconic image
were
all
rides, too.
The
tributes
twenty-five species
from
They paid
as the explorer-hero.
Museum of gratefiil sci-
their tribute
by
Redmond O'Hanlon
of the Times Literary Supplement called Charlie "the great explorer and photographer of Venezuela," and described his connection to the American
seum of Natural
History, but kept Brewers
jungle adventures. Actually, after
Brewer invited
me
he discovered El Dorado.
to the
Amazon?
Cerro Neblina.
I
into the jungle, too. "I
letters
But
this
Mu-
out of their
happened only
have an idea for you," Brewer legends about the Incas
said.
moving
"You
their cap-
Well, the Brazilians have finally found Inca ruins
can give you an exclusive on
Brewer did not want Venezuela to wrote
politics
^^
know how there have always been ital
mining and
on
this."^^
He two government ministers who
lose the race to the fabled Inca city.
about the fantastic discovery to
favored opening Indian lands to mining.
"The
fact
is
that the ceramic
sam-
THAT CHARLIE
I57
Stone mortars, axes and quartz fragments which
pies,
to
^^
where the
Brazilians have
I
have excavated close
found Inca remains, permit
me
to suggest that
we mount a multidisciplinary Venezuelan expedition which rect.
"^^
He was
area,
scientists"
proposed contacting Yanomami groups, doing botanical panoply. Incas
He
di-
who had including Napoleon Chagnon.^'^ He
counting on the participation of various
accompanied him before into the
would
I
studies, the
raised the tantalizing possibility of finding the city
had hidden most of their gold from Francisco
Brewers ceramics shards were not, in
fact,
Incan.
whole
where the
Pizarro.
And the chances of find-
ing Inca ruins at Cerro Neblina were outrageously remote. But that was not the point.
The language of science had
a magical quality, mystifying every-
thing about the real historical nature of Brewer's mission. Instead of a cross,
he and
his scientist-missionaries carried cameras,
sampling equipment into the wilderness of destruction
who
as a polite
always followed on their heels.
Like Sir Walter Raleigh's fables
—
in
which
natives without necks
exotic embellishments of imperial expansion cities
entertained, distracted,
quista del Sur.
I
—
became
Brewer's hype about Inca
and simultaneously justified the ongoing Con-
would not be
surprised if
of an Amazonian Cuzco by the time scientific expedition acting as a est.
computers, and blood-
prologue to the engineers
this
I
found myself reading accounts
book comes
to press
—
^with a
new
Trojan horse for gold mining in the rain for-
Brewer's political strategy was already old by the early seventeenth cen-
tury,
when one of Simon
Bolivar's ancestors in Caracas wrote,
God El Dorado had never been
discovered.
"^^
"Would
to
Chapter
1
To Murder and
to Multiply
I
Lethal raiding cess.
among
Yanomamo,
it
seems, gives the raiders genetic suc-
Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson^
February 1988,
Inlocked
the
as the
gold rush was reaching
in a national debate
Chagnon published
zenith and Brazil was
about the Yanomami's
fate,
Napoleon
a major study in Science, "Life Histories, Blood Re-
venge, and Warfare in a Tribal Population."^ all
its
Yanomami males from
his study
He
group were
reported that 30 percent of killed in warfare, while
44
percent had murdered someone. But the real sociobiological bombshell was
men who had killed had more than twice as many wives and three times many offspring as nonkillers. It echoed and re-echoed in the press, and
this:
as
quickly became an issue in the Yanomami's survival.
Chagnon's findings seemed to confirm the most radical sociobiological belief
about the
most
"selfish
gene"
—
antisocial things, to pass
Sociobiologists praised
that males will
do almost anything, even the
on the
number of genes.^
Chagnons
greatest
Science story as a pathbreaking work.
MURDER AND
TO
TO MULTIPLY
^^
I59
Harvard's E. O. Wilson endorsed the piece, saying
Chagnon had found
"powerful, potentially selective" link between violence
and reproductive com-
petition."^
a
Favorable accounts of Chagnon's article soon appeared in Scientific
American and other journals.
making it one of the most
has since been reproduced hundreds of times,
It
traveled social science studies of all time
and a
cor-
nerstone in the edifice of sociobiology.^
But tacked
specialists it
in a
on the Yanomami
dozen
prise
statistical analysis,
They
at-
anthropology journals, challeng-
articles that set fire to
ing Chagnon's ethics, bias.^
generally rejected the study.
fieldwork methods, and interpretive
While Chagnon repeatedly claimed he was taken completely by
sur-
with the "stunning" reproductive success of killers,^ he glossed over the
fact that his
mentor James Neel had predicted such an outcome
made documenting
1962. Neel
the sexual success of violent
men
as early as
"the
num-
ber one priority," and a potential link to genetic dominance.^ Although Neel
never discovered his "leadership gene," Chagnon's ple
had
finally
come up with
its
Cain acquired multiple wives and gressive
prolific progeny.
Yanomami Eden,
Abel and other
less ag-
men were banished from the gene pool, just as Neel had prophesied.^
The Science study provoked two
—one
debates
Chagnon's study and the other over
more public and more have
critics felt that his disci-
cultural equivalent. In the
—with
over the political impact of
scientific accuracy.
The first was both
personal. Jacques Lizot wrote, "Chagnon's theories
the author's collaboration
publicity in the U.S. press.
Yanomami
its
A
—become
the object of sensational
grotesque and malevolent image of the
has been put forth in indisputably racist terms, the Indians being
presented as bloodthirsty people obsessed by the desire for murder. "^°
The
press's
embrace of Chagnon's study was based on a central miscon-
He wrote,
"I demonstrated that Yanomamo who had participated in the killing of other men had approximately three times as many children and more than two times as many wives as men their own ages who had not."^^ This was false. Among mature men of the same age group, reproductive success of killers was not
ception that
men
in
my
Chagnon
cultivated.
25 year study
nearly as impressive
— ranging between 40 and Gl
208 percent advantage
that
Chagnon
broadcast to the press. ^^
cluded a large sample of unmarried young flated the relative reproductive advantages
were over the age of
thirty.
Had
percent, a fraction of the
men
in his study,
Chagnon
in-
which hugely in-
of the unokai, almost
all
of whom
Chagnon's study included prepubescent
boys and babies, the apparent advantages of unokai males would have been even more spectacular.
"When
I tell
people that
Chagnon
is
lying about his
^^
l6o
DARKNESS
the anthropologist Brian Ferguson complained,
data,"
"they say, 'So
"^^
what?'
Chagnon
told the Los Angeles Times that
honey or hunting, they were
collecting
World Report ran a piece
"They
noon
DORADO
EL
IN
titled
are probably not the
tea,"
women.
like hell over
The Washington
that the
on
disastrous. Six
Yanomami
&
began, after-
"fighting
Times, called the
^^
story.
O
Globo ran a
Indians," along with a
O Estado de Sao Paulo fea-
Mark of the Yanomami. "^^ The
months
political
the Brazilian government formally
later,
area into nineteen islands. Military Chief of Staff
General Bayna Denys justified that the
among
kill."^^
LA
the
earth.
newspapers quickly picked up the
tured a similar story, "Violence,
split the
Yanomami were
Post, like
societies
captioned picture: "An Indian educated to
was
It
kind of people you would invite over for
piece, "Anthropologist Underscores Violence
fallout
Human Conflict."
"A Laboratory for
Yanomami one of the most violent Brazil's biggest
Yanomami were not
the
each other. ^"^ U.S. News
killing
and included Chagnon's claim "^^
when
Yanomami were
this drastically
reduced space by explaining
too violent and had to be separated in order to be
civilized.
The
Brazilian Anthropological Association
past president
(ABA)
protested.
The ABA's
Maria Manuela Carneiro da Cunha accused Chagnon of doing
violence to the Yanomami's chances of survival through his theories of violence.
She said
it
was not the
first
time. In the late 1970s, Brazil's military
junta had picked up on a Time magazine review of Chagnon's ticle titled
"Beastly or Manly?"
Yanomami
—and had
seized
upon
—an
work
ar-
the apelike images of
warfare to postpone the demarcation of Indian lands. '^
Brazilian anthropologists, with the help of Survival International
It
took
and the
su-
perb photographer Claudia Andujar, over a decade to create a hauntingly ro-
mantic image of the Yanomami,
effective in garnering public
both South America and Europe. But the U.S. closed; very
little
assistance
office
was sent from the United
support in
of Survival International States to the
Yanomami.
"People in the United States who'd read The Fierce People would ask why any-
one would want neth Taylor,
been
told, over
doesn't
seem
to help such a horrible group," said the anthropologist
who headed and over
to get
it.
Survival International's U.S. office.
again, about the
He
Ken-
"Chagnon has
harm his work has done, but he just
keeps coming out with things that are more and
more outrageous. Science finally ran a sequel to Chagnon's unokai thesis. Called "Warfare
over Yanomamo Indians," the
new article
revealed a
rift
between
scientists in
— MURDER AND
TO
the United States
and those
in
Advanced Studies to the
At that
I first
forces
changing
societies, anthropologists are
"^^
was
that time, that
nothing short of not pub-
said, "There's
Princeton dismissed the complaints by noting,
at
enormous
rather small potatoes.
also
my impression.
It
was during
spoke over the phone with Chagnon
from pure research
relief and
he gave
human
me
the
rights.
this controversy
He seemed genHe told me he wanted
in 1988.^'^
uinely anguished over the furor his study had set to shift his priorities
l6l
of thing from happening." The head of the Institute
lishing to keep this sort
"Compared
—^
South America. The president of the Ameri-
can Anthropological Association
for
TO MULTIPLY
off.
more humane involvement
to a
in
And he helped me in a simple but significant way
phone number of Giovanni
and former
Saffirio, a priest
who became my closest friend in the Brazilian Amazon.
Ph.D. student of his,
My first stop in in Yanomami territory was Saffirio s small mission on the Catrimani River, where the gold rush was in ftision,
fiill
swing. In the general con-
an old headman, Chico, had died, and
his people, the Opik-teri,
were very frightened contacted shabono. Chico's death, his
at his departure.
And
their
spirit, in
They blamed his death on
new headman
a distant, un-
said that if they didn't avenge
the form of a huge jaguar,
would keep roaring
at
night and making everyone sick. Moreover, they had to avenge four other brutal murders
committed
by the same enemies. They had im-
in recent years
man on a pole; a second was chopped to death with a woman was drowned by having her head held in a bucket; an old man was killed, too. Later, the mission nurse told me all four had died of natpaled one Catrimani
machete; a
ural causes.
When I asked the local headman, intended to fingers.
kill
on
his
planned
Pedro, about the
he
raid,
said,
number of enemies he
"One," while holding up two
^^
In the end, the raiders never found their archenemies. This was fairly
normal. Only about one Yanomami raid in four even reaches
and no opprobrium
is
their
party,
weapons and shouting
with
all
the
—
^"^
men marching around
their lethal intentions
long, apparently pointless ten-day trek irate
destination,
attached to returning without having fired an arrow.
But the excitement of the raiding waving
its
—followed by
a
served a key ritual purpose. Chico's
ghost stopped roaring. People no longer heard
him
in their sleep.
Calm
returned to the shabonos of the Catrimani River. I
tried to find
out whether Chico,
dren, had killed anyone or not.
At
who had
sired
that time,
I
more than
thirty chil-
was quite enamored of
Chagnon s
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
l62
thesis that
murderers had more offspring, and
ence study favorably in
was accustomed
I
had
my own book on ritual murder in the Andes."^^
to investigating killings
where
could go to a
I
5a-
cited his
site. I
But
I
would
normally inspect a body whose cause of death could be determined, usually
surrounded by
ritual
paraphernalia and the
like.
Trying to reconstruct Chicos
personal participation in warfare proved impossible for me, even with the
who
help of two missionaries and an anthropologist
Yanomami
local political rivalries.
The
University of Paris anthropologist Bruce Albert
expressed one point of view
coward.
"^^
how
when he
"Everyone considered Chico a
said,
through
villages
his
many sons. To
—
unusually successful at getting other people
and neighboring Indians and moving on workers, tourists, and,
tection,
In
finally,
ers in the
starting with rubber tappers
—
to give
him
wealth, pro-
With the
many
sary to live along the early 1970s they
on negative
of Brazilian highway work-
it
would be easy from then
highway and
owned
shotguns,^^
Chicos progeny, they were
miner about
fifty
living
to
drinking his beer, and helping to
many variables
which
father.
to
buy
early
1980s they possessed a
wives.^^
Yanomami
many people killer,
about
and
The
last
time
Reserve
—
Then
it
and
saw
eating his food,
—headman, shaman,
trader, trai-
male panhandlers. In the
effort to
Chicos case helps focus on
that have to be related or excluded in considering
killings
I
a gold
definitely the entrepreneur grand-
prolific killers,
A
cide as a reproductive strategy.
knowledge of all
was only neces-
on the banks of the Rio Branco with
father of a large, peripatetic group of thesis
It
him smuggle bananas out of Yanomamiland.^^
regional politician, possible
Chagnons
on.
beg tenaciously for goods. "^^ By the
and by the
miles outside the
Chico was many things
and became excited with the new
Brazilian goods
diverse hoard of steel goods with
and each
arrival
and Raymond
Saffirio
that focused
1970s, Chicos people became professional beggars. "They suc-
ceeded in receiving
evaluate
—Giovanni Yanomami
a study of the Catrimani
way of life. They thought
the
begin with, Chico was
to missionaries, Indian agents, high-
gold miners
two of Chagnons students
—did
acculturation at Chicos shabonos.
tor,
He
and medicine.
fact,
Hames
said,
"^^
did Chico manage to achieve such reproductive success?
founded two small
way
when he
Father Guillerme Damioli expressed another
"Chico was a great warrior.
So
spoke the local
People s opinions about Chico were imbedded in intense
dialect.
all
survey like
homi-
Chagnons should include
offspring, along with the ages of each killer
would be
essential to ferret
out spurious correlations.
MURDER AND
TO
many
because
and descent group.
status,
Finally, the risks
must be weighed
fertility
^^
factors reportedly' affect marriage alliances
shamanic prowess, headman
ous
TO MULTIPLY
—
hunting
skill,
—
163
including age,
homicide, trade goods,
of these alternative paths to conspicu-
whether
in this case,
killers are
themselves
killed.
The first question
is.
How do you count the dead in a culture that counts
only to two? In societies where status accrued with killing, you usually had to bring
proof in the form of coups or trophy heads. There was a good reason for such requirements, according to Christopher
Boehm, an anthropologist with
use's Jane Goodall Center who did
Ph.D. on the
his
group in Europe, the Montenegrins of Serbia
*Why
"
did you take heads?'
he
recalled.
last
and Albania.
head-hunting
"I
asked them,
"The answer they gave me was,
Xisten, Painful One, anyone can say he killed somebody, but if you have a
head
that's
You have In a
way
the proof Montenegrins are the biggest braggarts in the world.
to
make
sure
the custom
is
you bring back the head, or no one driven by the very lack of veracity.
will believe you.'
"^^
And that raised another question: How did Chagnon count the dead? By counting the number of men who had undergone a ritual purification for murder, called unokaimou.
It
was a painful
and immobility.^^ After completing okai. It
is
Chagnon who
them
calls
ordeal, involving fasting, celibacy,
this ritual, "killers."
Yanomami
say,
they are un-
But many Yanomami unokai
caused death by animal surrogates or magical substances or procedures like stealing a person's footprint.
Others accompanied a raiding party and shot
when most
rows in the dim light of dawn or twilight ran off without
knowing what had
penance afterward. There were no
many times
the
also noted, "I did
is
on
In
fact, far
sories.
of
lived there. "^^
I
on Yanomami
There was no forensic evidence
violence.
real victims. ^'^
to have "killed"
on
Some men were what we would
—
8.3
on the average
—who performed
gether after twenty-seven different raids.^^ lation
Chagnon pointed out.^^ He
Most of the unokai events (209 of 385) were claimed by
men
group
who had truly killed, and
not accompany raiding parties and did not witness the
more Yanomami men claimed
number of
in the
and
themselves were not sure. "Recruitment
a self-selective basis," as
occurred while
to buttress his statistics
the
happened and joined
referees to decide
Yanomami warriors
to the unokai status
killings that
really
attacks took place
ar-
between the Yanomami
ritual
At
raids
than
call acces-
large groups
the ritual purification to-
best, there
was an uncertain
re-
category unokai and physical homicide.
DORADO
^^ DARKNESS IN EL
164
and Chagnon did not
enough data
offer
to figure out
what
that relationship
really was.
Nor was raiding,
most tenuous connection between
there anything but the
killing,
and the capture of women. The number of women captured
warfare of the Yanomami
low, despite their reputation.
is
Chagnon has never
published any data on war abductions for the villages in question.
prodded by Albert, he stated that
much
total "abductions"
small number. to
turned out
It
make
clear,"
this figure
women.
"^^
was a
Chagnon wrote,
consequence of raiding (making
to 17 percent, a
bit misleading,
"that
'war' on) a distant village
if
the
woman
walk home again. Other anthropologists
feasts
still
however:
most abductions
Most of these were women taken during
such "abductions" worked only
came
When
Yanomami population but
higher rate than that for any other
would like
in the
a "I
are not the
and capturing with
allies,
in question did not
and
want
to
called these elopements. In a sur-
vey of four hundred marriages in the neighboring highlands, Lizot found that less
than one percent of the
women had been
captured on
raids.^^
Yet the popular image of the Yanomami waging war for women persisted.
Chagnon captured
deftly created
it
by repeatedly claiming that men went on
women, and raped them
at will afterward:
"A captured
raids,
woman
is
men in the raiding party." The case was exactly opposite. On when women were captured in war, only nonkillers in the
raped by all the
the rare occasions
raiding party were permitted to have sex with female captives.^^ If a killer sex without undergoing the long
unokaimou
the woman's, was endangered.'^ ^ So
purification, his
Yanomami
life,
had
as well as
warfare appeared to have
other elements of negative selection apart from the real risks of being mur-
dered in a raid
—
or having
someone
else
make
love with a warrior's wife
while he was on the long paths of war. In the academic wars over his unokai study, as a "traditional scientific anthropologist"
a
new
correct' data.""^^
Although there
is,
in fact, a
whitewashing of native cultures these days,
Chagnon presented himself
defending objectivity against the
generation of "applied anthropologists"
it
who promoted
good
" 'politically
deal of politically correct
was Chagnon's lack of hard data
that aroused suspicions of similar distortions. Professional demographers
tended to dismiss the study on the basis of paternity alone.^^ His charts on fertile killers
fute them.
looked good on paper, but there was no way to confirm or
Not only were
the "killers"
munities, and
villages
re-
anonymous, so were the twelve villages
they came from. In the American Ethnologisty Jacques Lizot accused
of having created
1
Chagnon
whose demographics were unlike any known com-
whose exact location was "impossible
to determine.
"'^'^
I
Doshamosha-teri, Siapa Highlands,
1
996
-^i
Cesar Dimanawa, Chagnon's nemesis, Mavakita, 1996
•
Alberto Karakawe, Chagnon's
Ocamo
Girl at Mokarita-teri,
Siapa Highlands, 1997
Mission, 1996
ally,
Mother and
baby,
Homoxi-teri, Parima
Highlands, 1996
Ashidowa-teri, Siapa Highlands, 1997
Homoxi-teri, Parima Highlands, 1996
Girl at Cerrito,
Blind boy with onchocirciassis, Cerrito,
1996
Upper Orinoco, 1996
Woman with oxygen teri,
Renata, Xiriania
Yanomami
girl,
Casa Hekura Clinic, 1996
1996
mask, Homoxi-
Jacques Lizot, Platanal Mission, 1997
Monkey
study,
Irokai, Siapa foothills,
1996
Helena Valero, kidnapped by the Yanomami in 1932, Upper Orinoco, 1996
I
Girl at
Demini,
Brazil,
1995
Kaobawa, Chagnon's mentor, 1996
Cesar Dimanawa, with arrow,
Mavaca
River,
bow and
1996
^
[T-^—
i
'M^M MM^MIl
Irx^^mm. 1
i
1
*
:
\
'il>^,
.
ii#'1|i
^^^^^^^H^f^
. 't'
''iiii|iii
.
-TTT
?
f
!—
-^„
—
'ii'i'\ (1990): 322-30. 149. Robarchek and Robarchek, Waorani, pp. 131-37. 150. Elsa Redmond, Tribal and Chiefly Warfare in South America (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology, 1994). 151. Kenneth Good, phone interview, April 17, 1997. 152. Frans De Waal, Good Matured: The Origins of Right and Wrong in Humans and Other Animals (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1996), pp. 154-62. 153. Chagnon, "Reply to Albert." 154. Chagnon, "Response to Ferguson," p. 567. 144. Ferguson, 145.
155. Ibid., p. 569.
Yanomami
156. Ferguson,
Warfare, p. 407, n. 12.
157. Clark McCauley, "Conference Overview," in The Anthropology ofWar, ed.
Cambridge Univ.
Press, 1990), pp.
Chapter 11: A Kingdom of Their 1
J.
Haas (Cambridge:
2-6.
Maria Yolanda Garcia, "Cecilia Matos no iba
Own
a proteger indigenas sino a sacar oro del
Amazonas,"
ElNacional,]^vi. 15, 1993.
Andrew L. Cousins, "False Promises: Venezuela Appears to Have ProYanomami, But Appearances Can Be Deceiving," Cultural Survival Quarterly, Winter 1992, 10-14. This article includes a map of the Chagnon- Brewer Siapa biosphere as apparently presented
2.
Nelly Arvelo Jimenez and
tected the
pp.
in Caracas in
1991
mentions the area Indian Ways,"
,
as
meeting called "A Future for the Orinoquia-Amazonas." James Brooke, however, about "8000 square miles" ("In an Almost Untouched Jungle, Gold Miners Threaten
at a
NYT, Sept.
19, 1990), while
ABC Prime Time Live showed a map of the Chagnon-Brewer
reserve calculated at 18,000 square miles. In every case, however, a large majority of the
would have been 3.
left
Edgar Lopez,
Yanomami
without protection under the Chagnon-Brewer plan.
in
El Diario de Caracas, Sept.
2,
1993.
Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo: 4th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1992), p. xv. 5. James Neel, phone interview, March 18, 1997. 6. "The logo emblazoned on the side of the helicopter bodes ill for Yanomamo culture: Conquest of the South." Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Fierce People. 3d ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and 4.
Winston, 1983), 7. Chagnon's
p.
202,
7.1.
fig.
was "Genealogy, Solidarity and and Patterns of Fissioning in an Expanding Population," Yearbook ofPhysical Anthropology 19 (1975): 95-1 10; Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1997), pp. 264-66. last feature article in a
Group
Relatedness: Limits to Local
refereed anthropological journal
Size
Napoleon Chagnon, personal correspondence, Jan. 24, 1990. Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed., pp. 218-19. 10. "It seems to me that the work of the Salesians is very important for the Yanomami because the Salesians are very practical. The Salesian men and women missionaries have a mixture of theology and 8.
9.
.
.
.
—
.
^^ NOTES TO PAGES 183-88
362
love for the Indians, a
way of thinking that
New
Rochelle, N.Y., letter to the editor,
Yanomami
envisions the future of the
mire that." N. Chagnon, quoted and translated by Father E.
ATT; Jan.
in a practical way.
I
ad-
Cappelletti, director, Salesian missions,
J.
18, 1994.
Napoleon Chagnon, letter to Padre Jose Bortoli, July 19, 1988. 12. 1 had five phone interviews with Jesiis Cardozo between Dec. 1994 and Sept. 1995. The remarks in this first paragraph were made on Dec. 20, 1994. Jesus made some minor changes, particularly in the spellings and names of the Yanomami groups, on Aug. 8, 1995. 13. Jesiis Cardozo, phone interview, June 21, 1995. 14. Jesiis Cardozo, phone interview, Aug. 8, 1995. 11.
15. Ibid., 16.
Dec. 20, 1994.
Napoleon Chagnon, Studying the Yanomamo (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974),
p.
30.
Timo thy Asch
17.
Sound
18.
Juan Finkers, phone interview, Jan. 24, 1995.
Roll 9, Patanowa-teri, Feb. 23, 1968,
Collection,
NAA.
19. Ibid.
20. Cesar
Dimanawa, "Carta
abierta a
Napoleon Chagnon," Lalglesia en Amazonas, March 1990,
p.
20.
2 1 Shereka siwaka,
literally, "fire
arrow." Cesar
Dimanawa,
interview, Mavakita, Sept. 2,
1
996. These
were members of the Washewa-teri, formerly Iwahikoroba-teri. Chagnon had a particularly difficult people not only shot an effigy of him
rela-
him hammock, and desisted only at the last moment when he turned on his flashlight. Similar stories were told by Yanomami at several other villages, but always from shabonos some distance from the missions and the main course of the Orinoco. Etilio, who came from Momaribowei-teri, the first Shamatari village Chagnon visited in the interior, had this recollection: "El decia, 'Yo tengo bomba.' Lltionship with this village.
Its
full
of arrows; they also tried to
kill
while he rested in his
evaba aqui chiquitico,
asi.
[Showed
like a small container
on
his belt.]
'Con
ese, si
Ud.
se porta
mal con-
en frente del shabono y voy a quemar todo. Yo acabo con todo un shabono.' Por eso nadie hacia mal con el. El decia, 'Yo soy hombre guerrillero. Yo se matar gente. Yo soy peligroso. Ustmigo, yo voy a
tirar este
no me comen nada porque con ese yo puedo matar BOOOOM. Se mueren rapido.' Yo lo Con su pistola siempre disparaba contra palo: BOOOM BOOOM BOOOM. Yhasta con su escopeta: BOOOM BOOOM. La gente no puede creer eso. Pero nuestra comunidad Yanomami trabajo mucho con Shaki. Conocemos mucho a Shaki. Los que cargaban, si hacian mal, el disparaba por un lado, por el otro, edes salvages
VI..
para asustar.
No
paso nada pero asustaba."
22.
Ramon Bokoramo,
23.
Napoleon Chagnon, Napoleon Chagnon,
24.
Etilio,
Guarapana, Boca Mavaca, June
Kedebabowe-teri, Mrakapiwei, June
8,
letter to
Padre Jose Bortoli, July 19, 1988.
letter to
Padre Jose Bortoli, April 16, 1990.
25. Charles Brewer Carias, Curriculum en antropologia, Sept. 3, 1993, p. 3. tions
department confirmed the appointment when
for a year,
I
called in
1991-92, so that Brewer's continued claim to be a
26. Brooke, "In an Almost
9,
1996.
1996.
June 1995, but
I
The UCSB
was told
it
public rela-
had been only
UCSB research associate appears doubtful.
Untouched Jungle."
phone interview, Feb. 3, 1995. John Quinones, "A Window on the Past," Prime Time Live, July 26, 1991; James Brooke, "Venezuela Befriends Tribe, But What's Venezuela?" NYT, Sept. 11,1991. 29. Napoleon Chagnon, Jose Bortoli, and Maria Eguillor Garcia, "Una aplicacion antropologica practica entre los yanomami: Colaboracion entre misioneros y antropologos," La Iglesia en Amazonas, 27. Brian Ferguson, 28.
1988, pp. 75-83. 30. "La alianza entre los teologos de la liberacion y los marxistas a la creacion de
un
peligroso vacio del poder
que
esta
sentando
las
al
Sur del Orinoco esta conduciendo
bases para la disolucion territorial de
Venezuela." Issam Madi, Conspiracion al sur del Orinoco (Caracas: self-published, 1998), jacket. 31.
two
When
Brewer Carias attacked "the Yanomami Reserve" and "the biosphere," he was referring to
different but related proposals.
One was put forward in 1983
Los yanomami venezolanos: Propuesta para dacion La
Salle,
1983). This proposal
la
creacion de
would have
la
set aside
by the Catholic La
Reserva Indigena
Salle
Yanomami
Foundation (Caracas, Fun-
15,000 square miles for the Yanomami. The
following year, a plan was introduced that defined a core area and outlying buffer zones around a
—Nelly Arvelo Jimenez, "La Reserva de
new con-
Yanomami: Una autentica estrategia para el ecodesarrollo nacional" (Caracas: I VIC, 1984). Brewer's attacks on the concept of indigenous land rights came at a crucial time. In June 1984, Piaroa Indians were violently treated by cattle ranchers who were illegally encroaching on their lands. Brewer not only attributed the Yanomami Re-
cept called "a biosphere"
serve to a
Communist
plot but also took the opportunity to defend the catde ranchers in question.
Brewer's motives have been questioned, area. In
Biosfera
and not only because of his proven gold-mining
activities in the
1982, the Venezuelan government granted 173 square miles of tin concessions along the Upper
NOTES TO PAGES 188-97 Orinoco
in
Yanomami
territory.
—^
Whether or not Brewer was involved with
363
these tin concessions, as Sale-
was pan of "a resurgence of anti-
sian missionaries charged, his jingoistic denunciation of Indian lands
1984" that "buried both proposals." Marcus Colchester, Sustainability and
Indian rhetoric in
Decision-making in the Venezuelan Amazon: The Yanomami in the Upper Orinoco-Casiquiare Biosphere Reserve (Oxford:
World Rainforest Movement, 1995),
pp. 16-17.
Napoleon Chagnon, letter to Timothy Asch, Feb. 10, 1994, Timothy Asch Collection, NAA. 33. Napoleon Chagnon, letter to Timothy Asch, March 22, 1991, Timothy Asch Collection, NAA. 34. Timothy Asch, letter to Napoleon Chagnon, June 18, 1 99 1 Timothy Asch Collection, NAA. 35. Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed., p. 243. 36. Timothy Asch, letter to Jesiis Cardozo and Hortensia Caballero, June 20, 1991, Timothy Asch 32.
,
Collection,
NAA.
37. "I did that this
is
want
I was most impressed with your abilities to mediate. I really think you should develop. ... I think you are really very good because you is needed in a calm way and work sensibly with it." Ibid.
to say, Jesiis, that
a professional talent that
are able to get the information that
38. Jesiis Cardozo,
phone
interview, Dec. 20, 1994.
39. Ibid. 40.
Kim
Hill,
phone
interview, Jan. 17, 1995.
41. Charles Brewer Carias,
Napoleon Chagnon, and Brian Boom, "Forest and Man" (MS; Caracas:
Fundacion Explora, 1993), pp. 10-20. 42. Kim Hill and Hillard Kaplan. "Population and Dry-Season Subsistence
Strategies of the Re-
cently Contacted Yora of Peru." National Geographic Research 5 (1989): 332.
Demini River, Brazil, Dec. Camargo, phone interview, Dec. 19, 1994. 45. Raymond Hames, phone interview, Dec. 29, 1994. 46. Kim Hill, phone interview, Jan. 17, 1995. 43. Bruce Albert, interview, Toototobi,
5,
1990.
44. Josefa
47. "Braorewa-teri y Doshamosha-teri: 8 de enero
Napoleon A. Chagnon, Darius Chagnon y and Boom, "Forest and Man," p. 1 1. Carias,
el
al
12 de enero.
.
.
.
Participantes: Charles Brewer-
medico Maxilimiano Ravard." Brewer, Chagnon,
48. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
Matos no iba a proteger indigenas sino a sacar oro del Amazonas." Chagnon, and Boom, "Forest and Man," p. 12. Carlos Botto, interview, CAISET, Puerto Ayacucho, Oct. 6, 1996. Garcia, "Cecilia Matos no iba a proteger indigenas sino a sacar oro del Amazonas." Leslie Illiman, "Intrigues Hinder Yanomami Massacre Probe," Daily Journal {Q^tzc^js,)
49. Garcia, "Cecilia 50. Brewer, 51. 52. 53.
,
Sept. 20,
1993. 54. Jota Rodriguez Flores, "Yo acuso a Charles
Brewer Carias y a Cecilia Matos," ElMundo, Sept. 14,
1993. 55.
Edgar Lopez,
in
El Diario de Caracas, Sept.
2,
1993.
56. Misioneros del Atto Orinoco, Consideraciones a
un documento de Charles Brewer Carias (Mavaca:
Salesian Mission, 1991), p. 12. 57. Patrick
J.
O'Donoghue,
"Cecilia Matos'
Lawyer Accuses Venezuelan Foreign Minister of Harassing
His Client," Vheadline.com, March 25, 1998. 58. See Introduction, n. 21. Patrick J. O'Donoghue, "Disgraced Ex-President Carlos Andres Perez Angered over CSJ Ruling Ratifying His House Arrest," Vheadline.com, Aug. 12, 1998.
Chapter 12: The Massacre at Haximu 1.
2.
Napoleon Chagnon, "Covering Up the Yanomamo Massacre," op-ed, NYT, Oct. 23, 1993. Bruce Albert, "The Massacre of the Yanomami at Hashimu" (MS, based on an article in Folha de
Sao Paulo, Oct. 10, 1993), pp. 5-6. 3. "Amazon Murder Mystery," Los Angeles Times, Aug. 30, 1993. 4. James Brooke, "Attack on Brazilian Indians Is Worst since 1910," 5.
ATJ^ Aug.
James Brooke, "Raids on Miners Follow Killings in Amazon," NYT, Sept.
fundo da
selva," Veja,
Aug. 25, 1993,
p.
9,
29, 1993.
1993;
"Un
grito
do
24.
6.
Leda Martins, interview, Univ. of Pittsburgh, March
7.
Decreto No. 1635, Gaceta Oficial de
la
7,
1995.
Republica de Venezuela, Aug.
1,
1991.
Napoleon Chagnon, Last Days ofEden (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1992), p. 252. 9. Decreto No. 3127, Gazeta Oficial de la Republica de Venezuela, No. 35.292, Sept. 8, 1993. 10. "Indigenas del Amazonas rechazan presencia de Brewer Carias y Chagnon," El Nacional (Cara8.
cas), Sept. 14,
1993.
NOTES TO PAGES I97-98
^-^
364
11. Ibid, 12. Ibid. 13.
Juan Ignacio Cortinas, "Las nuevas tribus
si
han hecho dano
al
yanomami," El Diario de Cara-
Oct. 23, 1993.
cas,
14.
"Ademas no recibiremos indicaciones de gente que, como Chagnon, ha sido vetada por el Coieei Conicit." Jose Visconti, "Los salesianos vetan a Brewer Carias y Chagnon," El
gio de Antropoiogos y
Diario de Caracas, Sept. 18, 1993. 15.
"Most members of that sub-committee were protested by
different sectors of Venezuelan society,
main De-
the Catholic Church, the indian organizations, the Colegio de Antropoiogos de Venezuela, the
partment of Anthropology,
UCV Department of Anthropology, ect., ect., there were many voices voiced
against that
Sub-Committee and most
knew about
the latter two connection with the hated Carlos Andres Perez (under
cilia
a
Matos. For the
move
first
time in
especially against Charles
and
trial)
his lover
Department, IVIC s Anthropology Department
history, this
its
Brewer and Nap. Chagnon. People
Brewer Carias and Chagnon's appointment. ..." Nelly Arvelo Jimenez,
to protest
also
Ce-
made
letter to
Dr.
Gale Goodwin-Gomez, Sept. 29, 1994. 16. " 'La
comision presidencial designada por
Carias, constituye
un
destacaron varios especialistas en calificaron a
en
ticulates
el Presidente Velasquez y presidida por Charles Brewer gremio de profesionales de antropoiogos y sociologos.' Asi lo materia de la Escuela de Sociologia y antropologia de la UCV, quienes
irrespeto para el la
Brewer Carias como un odontologo-aventurero la
egolatra, egocentrico
y con
intereses
muy par-
region Orinoco-Amazonica." Anabel Flores, "Sociologos y antropoiogos objetan presencia
de Brewer Carias en comision presidencial," Ultimas Noticias, Oct.
5,
1993,
p.
41.
Napoleon Chagnon, "Killed by Kindness?: The Dubious Influence of the Salesian Missions in Amazonas," TLS, Dec. 24, 1993, p. 11. 18. "El diputado causaerredista Carlos Azpurua, uno de los comisionados de la Camara de Diputados, coadyuvo a la elaboracion de un pormenorizado informe relacionado con el problema fronterizo, que se refiere, en su parte esencial, a algunas personalidades politicas venezolanas, que estan vinculadas a la explotacion del oro y otras riquezas, en el territorio amazonico de Venezuela. ... El informe explica expresamente como el doctor Charles Brewer Carias le impone un velo de legalidad a sus actividades que constituyen una explotacion inmisericorde a los indigenas, contrariando principios esenciales de respeto a los derechos humanos." David Ayala, "Informe de Comision de Diputados ratifica denuncias contra 17.
Charles Brewer Carias," Ultimas Noticias, Oct. 19. "El ultimo
un informe sobre
present©
le
tra
5,
la
masacre de
los
1993,
p.
22.
el gobernador del Amazonas, quien ayer 73 yanomamis y las protestas de las fuerzas del estado con-
toque contra Brewer Carias
lo
proporciono
Brewer Carias." Exequiades Chirinos Q., "El presidente Velasquez revoco designacion de Charles
Brewer Carias," El Universal, Sept. 14, 1993. 20. "Se
de
ayer,
pudo conocer que
el
gobernador Edgar Sayago, de amazonas, en su intervencion en
—con
rechazo categoricamente
Carias, senalando
que
'en
Amazonas no
Brewer Carias: Reestructuran
el
golpe de
mano
en
lo aceptamos.' "
la
mesa
Adela
— por
Leal,
reunion
"Deja Comision Yanomami Charles
decreto presidencial," El Nacional, Sept. 14, 1993.
21. Cardenal Jose A. Lebriin, monsenores Ovidio Perez Morales, Baltasar Porras y
"Document©
la
indeseable' al explorador Brewer
Oficial de la Conferencia Episcopal Venezolana" (Universidad Catolica
Mario Moronta,
Andres
Bello, Sept.
11, 1993).
22.
"No
comision que investigara caso de yanomamis: Monsenor Ovidio Perez Morales,"
es confiable
Ultimas Noticias, Oct.
5,
1993,
41.
p.
23. Orlando Utrera, "Brewer denuncia 24. el
"Napoleon Chagnon
dijo
ha realizado labor en beneficio de
publicamente contra
el,
a quienes
vacuna." Victor Manuel Reinoso,
el
'Plan Gadhafi,'
que toda persona que los
"
El Diario de Caracas, Aug. 15, 1984.
realiza cualquier actividad se beneficia
indigenas y cito
el
caso de dos
yanomami que
se
de
ella,
pero
han manifestado
vacuno cuando eran ninos y dijo que posiblemente vivian gracias a esa 'Me rechazan por envidia asegura Charles Brewer Carias," El Nacional,
"
Sept. 16, 1993.
Oswaldo Alvarez Paz (COPEI) solicito nombramiento de la comision especial.
25. "El candidato presidencial
Ramon
J.
Velasquez, revisar
el
Venezolana, "Supuesto asesinato de ciudadanos venezolanos de
la
al .
etnia
.
Presidente de ."
la Repiiblica,
Comision Investigadora
yanomami por ciudadanos
brasilenos" (Caracas, 1993), p. 12.
26. "During a period of some 6 or 7 weeks, approximately 600 newspaper articles appeared in the major Venezuelan newspapers discussing the massacre and the Presidential Commission appointed to init. Many of the articles were critical of Chagnon and Brewer, attempting to implicate them in gold mining activities in Amazonas and to corruption in the former Venezuelan government. ..."
vestigate
Napoleon Chagnon, "Notes on the Chronology of the Recent Attacks on Members of the Venezuelan Presidential Commission" (MS, May 18, 1994), p. 4.
NOTES TO PAGES I98-203 Napoleon Chagnon. "The View from the
27.
Society Newsletter!, no. 3 (Oct. 1993):
28. Reinoso, "
'Me rechazan por
President's
^^
365
Window," Human Behavior and Evolution
1.
envidia' asegura Charles
Brewer Carias."
29. Ibid. 30.
Minas Guariche C.A., "Modificacion de
Judicial del Distrito Federal y Estado
Miranda,
estatutos," Registrador Mercantil de la Circunscripci6n
May
32.
Nov.
Kenneth Gooding, "Race 1993,
8,
to
12, 1993.
WGBH,
31. "Public Lands, Private Profits." Frontline,
Boston, 1994.
Move Mountain of Waste in
the Rockies," Financial Times (London),
p. 8.
Golden Star company after "Golden Star's stock was beat when I came on the scene because of Placer Dome's withdrawal from Omai," Friedland told the Northern Miner in a March 29, 1993, interview. "It was a bird with a broken wing, and I helped it mend." It was Friedland who also arranged for a partnership with the Cambior to develop the Omai deposits. Vivian Danielson, "Friedland Strong Supporter of Guiana Shield Gold Rush," Northern Miner, March 29, 1993. See also "Cyanide Spill Poisons River," Latin American Press, July 13, 1995; "Gold Mine 33. Friedland initially decided to acquire the controlling interest of the
learning that
Loses
its
gold deposits at
Omai were
suitable for cyanide concentration.
Luster," ibid., Aug. 31, 1995. Diana Jean Scheme, "Legally Now, Venezuelans
Its
34.
35. Elizabeth Kline, servacionista
36.
Ana
Mining Abuses
Audubon de Venezuela,
to
Mine
Fragile Lands,"
NYT, Dec.
8,
1995.
Tarnish Venezuela's Environmental Image (Caracas: Sociedad
1994),
Con-
p. 4.
Ponte, "Charles Brewer Carias: Informe para
el
Comite
del
Medio Ambiente" (MS,
Jan.
1997), p. 4.
Napoleon Chagnon, letter to Ramades Munoz Leon, ministro de defensa, Oct. 2, 1993. 27 de septiembre de 1993, el Comando Aereo de esta ftierza traslado en horas de la tarde en una de sus aeronaves hasta el sector de Parima B del estado Amazonas a un grupo de personas entre las que destacaba el Dr. CHARLES BREWER CARIAS, quien en forma displicente adujo ser el 'Presidente de la Comision Presidencial Yanomami, y que requeria de los medios aereos necesarios para cumplir su labor.' El Coronel le explico lo limitado que estaba a este respecto, ya que se estaba ejecutando una operacion para evacuar el personal que habia aparecido ese dia en la manana, que tambien estaba apoyando una Comision del Ministerio Publico que estaba en Ocamo y tenia escasez de combustible. No obstante y pese a las limitaciones, a tempranas horas del 28 de septiembre de 1993 se traslado el Dr. BREWER CARIAS y su Comitiva hasta Haximu, indicandosele que serian buscados al di'a siguiente." Pedro Jose 37.
38. "El
Romero
Farias,
General de Division Comandante de
rante ministro de
la
la
Guardia Nacional, nota informativa
al
vicealmi-
Defensa, Oct. 7, 1993, pp. 1-2.
39. Ibid., p. 2.
40.
Napoleon Chagnon, letter to Ramades Muiioz Leon, Oct. phone interview, Dec. 19, 1994.
2,
1993.
41. Josefa Camargo, 42. Ibid.
Chagnon, "Covering Up the Yanomamo Massacre." War in the Amazon," Newsweek (international ed.), Oct. 1 1, 1993, p. 3. 45. "While en route back from Venezuela via Miami, Chagnon [referring to himself in the third person] was asked by Newsweek to give them an account of the investigation of the Hashimo-teri massacre. A brief article appeared shortly after in Newsweeks International edition. The allusion to the Salesian control over Amazonas as a 'theocracy' appeared here for the first time." Chagnon, "Notes on the Chronology of the Recent Attacks," p. 5. 46. Spencer Reiss, "The Last Days of Eden," Newsweek, Dec. 3, 1990, pp. 40-42. 43.
44. "Holy
47.
Chagnon, "Killed by Kindness?" pp. 11-12.
48. Ibid., p. 11. 49.
Napoleon Chagnon, letter to Robin Hanbury-Tennison, Oct. 29, 1993. "The Yanomami: Truth and Consequences," Anthropology Newsletter,
50. Terence Turner,
May
1994,
p. 48.
51. Gaceta Oficial de la Republica de Venezuela, 52. E.
J.
Cappelletti, "Venezuela
Mine Scheme
No. 36.123,
Jan. 10, 1997.
Targets Salesians," letter to
ATX Jan.
18, 1994.
53. Bruce Albert, personal correspondence, Paris, Dec. 15, 1994. 54. easily
"To denounce the mission
in a slanderous
way could make
their
work very difficult, and
this
could
have a disastrous effect on the Yanomami." Irenaus Eibl-Eibesfeldt and Gabriele Herzog-Schroder,
"In Defense of the Mission" (MS), pp. 4—5. 55. Jacques Lizot. "N. A.
Chagnon, o
sea:
Un
presidente falsificador"
(letter,
P-4. 56.
Kim
Hill,
"Response to Cardozo and Lizot" (MS, March 1994),
p. 4.
Caracas, Dec. 13, 1993),
^^ NOTES TO PAGES 2O3-5
366
57. Eric R. Wolf,
1994,
"Demonization of Anthropologists
in the
Amazon," Anthropology Newsletter, March
p. 2.
58.
Chagnon, "View from the
59. "
As observances
Window," p. 3. Chagnon sao basicamente
President's
e a ciencia de
renomado biol6go da Universidade de Harvard.
'Ele esta
correctas,' afirma Edward Wilson, na linha de frente da moderna sociobiologia. Por
isso, talvez,
a polemica o persiga.' " Cited in Euripedes Alcantara, "Indio
1995,
"American anthropologists, both individually and through their organization, should
p. 7.
tambem
the support of Chagnon culture as well as his thropology Newsletter,
e gente," Veja, Dec. 6,
and the absolute value of his courageous and brilliant field practical efforts to save it." Robin Fox, "Evil Wrought in the
March 1994,
rally to
studies of Yanomamo
Name
of Good," An-
p. 2.
Matt Ridley, fax to Napoleon Chagnon, Aug. 16, 1994. Napoleon Chagnon, "Notes on the Chronology of the Recent Attacks on Members of the Venezuelan Presidential Commission" (MS), p. 11. 62. Lizot. "N. A. Chagnon, o sea," p. 4. 63. Konrad Lorenz, On Aggression, 11th ed. (New York: Bantam Books, 1971), pp. 123, 152, 156. 64. "When we read Chagnon's letter of the President in the Newsletter of the Human Behaviour and Evolution Society, we found it very strange and annoying. A newsletter serving scientific communication is not the place to vent highly personal frustrations. We are happy that Lizot replied to Chagnon. Ever since I, Eibl-Eibesfeldt, started my documentary work amongst the Yanomami in 1969, I learned with 60.
61.
utmost respect about the pioneer impact of modern the
Yanomami
which
is less
in Brazil
had
effort
and
civilization
of the Salesian Mission to prepare the Yanomami for the inevitable
to brace
them
sympathetic to the fate of the
Yanomami.
the interests of the
to survive as
an ethnic group. Catholic missions amongst
under government administration for
to suffer quite a lot
Yanomami and which
Fortunately, the situation
is
this
very reason,
resented missionaries for siding with
The
different in Venezuela
mission nowa-
who protect the highly vulnerable traditional societies against exploitation and domination by ruthless wordly powers. The work of the Salesian Mission on the Upper Orinoco days are the only present force
.
has in particular gained
Herzog-Schroder,
my
letter to
.
.
highest appreciation and support." Irenaus Eibl-Eibesfeldt
and Gabriele
Bishop Ignacio Velasco, Feb. 28, 1994.
and Herzog-Schroder, "In Defense of the Mission," p. 3. no longer attract converts by offering shotguns, that was their pol1991. Over the past five years there has been a rash of shotgun killings." Chagnon, "Covering
65. Eibl-Eibesfeldt
66. "While the Salesians claim they icy until
Up
the
Yanomamo
Massacre."
good example have,
67. "Their kindness and
in a
number of cases with which I am
bloodshed among the Indians." Napoleon Chagnon, Marriage Alliances" (Ph.D.
about loaning the
diss.,
Yanomamo
"Yanomamo
familiar,
prevented
Warfare, Social Organization and
"The missionaries are very cautious knowing that these would be used in the wars." Napoleon 2d ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1977), p. 122n.
Univ. of Michigan, 1966), p. 198.
firearms,
Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Fierce People, "Warfare has recently diminished in most regions due to the increasing influence of missionaries and government agents and is almost nonexistent in some villages." Napoleon Chagnon, "Life Histories, Blood Revenge, and Warfare in a Tribal Population," Science 1'59 (1988): 986. 68. Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo: 4th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1992), p. 220. 69. Napoleon Chagnon, Studying the Yanomamo (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974), p. xiv,
70.
Cocco, of the
"The evening before
year.
that a large
men
returned from the
one of the Salesian missionaries. Padre Luis a dangerous undertaking at that time Padre Cocco had just received word by shortwave radio from the mission at Mahekodo-teri party of men had left for Bisaasi-teri intent on capturing women. They had learned of the
visited
the
trip,
me, having traveled up the Orinoco River by dark
—
women from the six visitors and were determined to take advantage of the situation." Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Fierce People, 3d ed. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, poorly guarded
1983), 71.
p.
154.
Kim
Hill,
phone
interview, Feb. 3, 1995.
72. This was Father Jose Bortoli s purpose in going to the Atlanta convention of the
AAA
in Dec.
1994. Jose Bortoli, interview, Mavaca mission, June 11, 1996. 73. Frank Salamone, The Yanomami and Their Interpreters: Fierce People or Fierce Interpreters (Lanham, Md.: Univ. Press of America, 1997), pp. 1-8. 74. Frank Salamone, phone interview, Dec. 22, 1994. 75. "It was Chagnon's charge that the Salesians were making guns available to the Yanomami that heated up their dispute. It is not illegal for any Venezuelan citizen to have a gun. The Yanomami, as citizens, can use guns for hunting. However, behind the charge was the implication that the Salesians aided
NOTES TO PAGES 205-II
—^
367
Yanomami who
lived near their mission stations in their wars against other Yanomami. The Salesians argument around. They claim that it is Chagnon who brought weapons to the Yanomami." Salamone, The Yanomami and Their Interpreters, p. 84.
the
have turned
this
76. Ibid., endnote 8. 77.
Chagnon, "Covering
Up
the
Yanomamo
78. Michael D'Antonio, "Napoleon zine, Jan. 30,
Massacre."
Chagnons War of Discovery," Los Angeles Times Sunday Maga-
2000.
The anthropologist Ferguson refers to "the sphere of mission beneficence and protection" Brian Ferguson, Yanomami Warfare: A Political History (Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 1995) p. 146. Lizot wrote, "h is near the missions where the population conserves a certain dynamism and increases." Jacques Lizot, "N.A. Chagnon o sea: Un presidente falsificador" (letter, Caracas, Dec. 13, 1993), p. 4. 79.
Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1987), p. 246. "The Dorita-teri had suffered a 25% mortality since my last census of them four years earlier, from an epidemic that killed mostly children and old people. This is the highest mortality rate I documented for the 17 villages I censused in 1987 and again in 1991." Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed., p. 239. 82. FUNDAFACI's helicopter descent upon Dorita-teri was the subject of chapter 1. See also, Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th ed., pp. 235-39. 83. "In January 1992, when I returned for a brief visit to this area, the alarming news reached me that a major epidemic had struck the Dedabobowei-teri; 21 people or so had died within a week or so just be." Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed., fore I arrived. p. 224. According to Juan Finkers, who actually went to the assistance of the Kedebabowei-teri, these deaths occurred in Dec. 1991. Juan Finkers, phone in80. 81.
.
.
terview, Jan. 24, 1995.
84. Raymond Hames, Kim Hill, and Ana Magdalena Hurtado, "Defamation Campaign against Napoleon A. Chagnon," [email protected], May 1994. 85. "Ray Hames just informed me of your possible interest in doing a story about some of the Byzan." Napoleon Chagnon, e-mail to tine events that are going on regarding my 30-odd-years of research. LizMcMillen, Chronicle ofHigher Education, An^. 18, 1994, .
.
86. Ibid., Aug. 23, 1994. 87. Ibid., Aug. 18,1994. 88. Peter
Monaghan,
"Bitter Warfare in Anthropology," Chronicle
of Higher Education, Oct. 26,
1994, A19. 89. "Parties in Bitter Dispute over Amazonian Indians Reach a Fragile Truce," Chronicle ofHigher Education, Dec. 14, 1994,
Al 8.
Chagnon, "Covering Up the Yanomamo Massacre." 91. Chagnon, "Killed by Kindness?" p. 1 1. 90.
92. "36 died of malaria 87-89.
Chagnon, "Covering
94.
"On
the second
Up
.
.
."
Bruce Albert, personal correspondence, Dec. 14, 1994.
Yanomamo Massacre." day of our visit seven Yanomamo from
93.
the
four of them." Chagnon, "View from the President's
a nearby village arrived,
Window,"
—
p. 1.
and
I
questioned
—
walked toward us seven men and four women 95. "At the same moment a group of Yanomamo from beyond our camp." Chagnon, "Killed by Kindness?" p. 1 1. 96. Issam Madi, Conspiracion alsur del Orinoco (Caracas: self-published, 1998), p. 63. 97. 1 have this recollection from Leda Martins, who organized Bezerra's press conference. Martins, interview, Pittsburgh,
March
7,
1995.
fumee du metal: Histoire et representations du contact chez les Yanomami (Bresil)," LHomme 28, nos. 2-3 (1988): 87-119. 99. Janer Cristaldo, "Uma teocracia na Amazonia," A Folha de Sao Paulo, Feb. 12, 1995. 100. "Antes de atribui-las a garimpeiros a Polfcia Federal e a Funai fariam melhor ter lido Yanomamo ." Janer Cristaldo, "Os bastidores do ianoblefe," A do antropologo americano Napoleon Chagnon. 98. Bruce Albert, "La
.
.
Folha de Sao Paulo, April 24, 1994. 101. Bruce Albert, personal correspondence, Dec. 15, 1994, p. 3.
102.
Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th
ed., p.
220.
Yanomama, by John Early and John Peters, has been most comprehensive demographic study done for any Yanomami group." See Ferguson, Yanomami Warfare, p. 352. It has also been called "the most complete and detailed ethno-demographic account of a lowland South American Indian group." See Warren M. Hern, in Population Studies 45 (1991): 359-71. Nancy Howell, of the Univ. of Toronto, widely respected as the leading demographer in anthropology, has described the Early and Peters book as "a jem." See Howell, in Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 18 (1991): 151-52. 103. The Population Dynamics of the Mucajai
praised as "the
.
^^ NOTES TO PAGES 211-27
368
104. John D. Early
and John E
The Population Dynamics of the Mucajai Yanomama (San
Peters,
Diego: Academic Press, 1990), pp. 64-68. 105. Aurora Anderson, Interview, Mucajai mission.
May
1990.
phone interview, Jan. 3, 1995. Bob Cable, phone interview, Jan. 3, 1995. Gay Cable, phone interview, Jan. 3, 1995. Kenneth Taylor, phone interview, Jan. 27, 1995. Milton Camargo, phone interview, Feb. 14, 1996.
106. John Peters, 107.
108. 109. 110.
Chapter 13: Warriors of the Amazon Warriors of the Amazon, Nova,
1.
WGBH,
Boston, 1996.
on the Yanomami, in my opinion by far the most balwhich Lizot made in collaboration with the television science series Nova. "LesUe E. Sponsel, "Yanomami: An Arena of Conflict and Aggression in the Amazon," Aggressive Behavior 2A (1998): 99. However, Sponsel had many reservations about the film. 3. Warriors of the Amazon, narration. 4. Brian Ferguson, phone interview, April 19, 1996. 5. Wilma Dawson, interview, Puerto Ayacucho, June 3, 1996. 6. Michael Dawson, interview, Padamo Mission, June 4, 1996. 7. "I would like my book to help revise the exaggerated representation that has been given of Yanomami violence. The Yanomami are warriors; they can be brutal and cruel, but they can also be delicate, sensitive, and loving. Violence is only sporadic; it never dominates social life for any length of time, and long peacefiil moments can separate two explosions." Jacques Lizot, Tales ofthe Yanomami: Daily Life in the Venezuelan Forest, trans. Ernest Simon (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985), p. xiv. 8. Lizot s accounts of events at one small Yanomamo village (approximately 70 people) between 1968 and 1976 indicates that mortality due to violence was very low to almost nonexistent that time period." Napoleon Chagnon, "Life Histories, Blood Revenge, and Warfare in a Tribal Population," Science 239
"Among
2.
the several dozen films and videos
anced and humanistic
is
Warriors of the Amazon,
(1988): 991, n. 24.
Maria Eguillor Garcia,
9.
Hekuray Shamanes
Yopo,
(Caracas: Editorial/Librerfa Salesiana, 1984), p.
25. 10. Jacques Lizot, nologist
"On
Warfare:
An Answer
to
N. A. Chagnon,"
13.
Warriors of the Amazon, translation by the Dawsons. Michael Dawson, interview, Padamo mission, June 4, 1996. Paul Griffiths, interview, Puerto Ayacucho, June 3, 1996.
14.
Michael Dawson, interview, Padamo mission, June
1 1
12.
trans.
Sarah Dart, American Eth-
1\ (1994): 853.
15. Pablo Mejia, interview,
Padamo
4,
1996.
mission, June 4, 1996.
Manaviche River, June 7, 1996. Kenneth Good, phone interview, Jan. 31, 1997. 18. Jose Bortoh, interview, Mavaca mission, June 6, 1996. 19. Survivors of the Amazon, BBC 4, 1996. 20. Andy Jillings, phone interview, Feb. 18, 1997. 16. Renaldo, interview, 17.
21. Ibid. 22.
Andy Jillings,
letter to Patrick Tierney, Feb.
23. Brian Ferguson,
phone
24. Timoteo, interview, 25.
Marinho de Souza,
interview.
Padamo
May 26,
20, 1997.
1996.
mission, June 4, 1996.
interview, Karohiteri, Sept.
1,
1996.
26. Renaldo, interview, Manaviche River, June 7, 1996. 27. Brian Ferguson,
phone
interview, April 19, 1996.
Chapter 14: Into the Vortex Juan Finkers, "Aclaraciones al Sr. Chagnon," La Iglesia en Amazonas, Dec. 1994, pp. 7-10. Brooke cites Charles Brewer as saying that twenty-one "wild Yanomami" had been killed by "mission Yanomami" over the preceding twelve months. James Brooke, "Venezuela Befriends Tribe, But What's Venezuela?" NYT, Sept. 1 1 However, Chagnon s account makes it clear that the wars actually 1.
2.
.
began
(MS,
in early July 1990.
Sept. 1992), p. 5.
Napoleon Chagnon, "The Guns of Mucajai: The Immorality of Self-deception"
.
NOTES TO PAGES 228-3O
^^
369
Charles Brewer Carias with Napoleon Chagnon, "The Massacre at Lechoza, September 1992:
3.
Brewer's Account, 12/92."
"The number of (living) unokais
4.
be 25 or older, and represent cates that this has generally
44%
in the current population
of the
men
age 25 or older.
been the case in those
villages
the past 5 years." In other words, there were so few
is
137, 132 of whom are estimated to
A retrospective
perusal of the data indi-
whose unokais have not
young men involved
killed
someone during
in fighting in the twelve villages
had been very few killings for five years (1982-87). Napoleon Chagnon, Blood Revenge, and Warfare in a Tribal Population," Science 239 (1988): 987. Elsewhere, Chagnon noted that the Mishimishimabowei-teri, by far the largest and most violent of the groups he studied, experienced peace with all their former enemies from 1977 onward. Napoleon in his study area because there
"Life Histories,
Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th
ed. (Fort
a dramatic decline in violence Lizot, "Sobre la guerra:
Una
Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1997), p. 226. According to Lizot, there was the groups he and Chagnon studied from 1984 to 1989. Jacques
among
respuesta a
N. A. Chagnon
(Science, 1988),"
La
Iglesia
en Amazonas, April
1989, pp. 23-34. There were only three war deaths from 1968 to 1983 among all the seven groups near the Mavaca mission. Two of these three were killed by Tayari-teri archers in early 1981; the other, by Tayari-teri archers in 1979.
Maria Eguillor Garcia,
Yopo,
Shamanismo y Hekura (Caracas:
Editorial/Libr-
24-26, 53. Moreover, Chagnon's unpublished reconstruction of violence origmissions, indicates no instances of killings from 1979 until 1990. Chagnon, "The Guns of
eria Salesiana, 1984), pp.
inating at
Mucajai," pp. 3-4.
James Brooke, "In an Almost Untouched Jungle, Gold Miners Threaten Indian Ways," NYT, Sept.
5.
19, 1990. 6.
Brian Ferguson, phone interview, July 13, 1995.
7.
Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Last Days ofEden (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
1992), p.
XV.
8. " 'People' at Platanal
—
did not like
me
because
I
brought trade goods
—
machetes, axes, fishhooks,
them without going through the Yanomamo (and priests) at the mission and gave these things away freely to them." Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace,
etc.
directly into
1992), p. 238. 9. "I
this has
was unthreatened and was prepared
to
defend
my
claims in a court of law.
I
pointed out that
gotten so large that perhaps the court should be something like the United Nations." Napoleon
Chagnon, "Conversation with Jesiis Cardozo;" (part of his press kit, March 24, 1994), p. 6. 10. "Before I went to Santa Barbara I spoke to Bortoli. I asked him if he'd be willing to have Chagnon on everything file a formal complaint to the General Attorney's Office Fiscal General de la Repiiblica he's accused you of Would you be willing to have a neutral party designated by the Fiscalia to investigate this. And in case it comes out en contra if it comes out that, yes, you have been giving out shotguns and shells and, yes, you have been urging the Yanomami to kill Chagnon and, yes, you have been helping some Yanomami raid others or at least turning your backs on things you don't want to deal with if that is in fact determined, would you accept the judge's determinations and findings even if it means being expelled from the Upper Orinoco? So he said, 'Yes, we are willing to do that.' So I said I would invite him to come down, which is exactly what I did. So in the midst of my conversation with Chagnon, I told him, 'Chagnon, this controversy has been going on for a long time. It's very high profile and it's doing nobody any good. Why don't we put an end to it. I am authorized by the Salesians. The Salesians are willing; in fact they are inviting you to go to Venezuela to file a formal complaint against them. To have this matter all cleared up, they are willing to accept a neutral committee set up by whoever, whether it be local
—
—
—
—
.
institutions.
And in fact Bortoli later said at the AAA they were willing And they are willing to accept the consequences of what you
also like for
to accept the consequences.
dict finds that they are not
'Well.'
He got
phone
really upset,
all.
interview,
.
.
.
on the
he asked
me
But you do have
Aug.
8,
like
you
to
basis if
I
an international
fact-
the verdict might be. But they to accept the fact that if the ver-
engaging in the kinds of things you accuse them
to legal charges, criminal charges,
once and for
They would
.
to accept
finding team.
would
.
of,
then you
may be subject And he said,
of defamatory slander and that kind of thing.'
was threatening him.
assume responsibility
for
I
said,
'Why
what you
don't we just clear this up are saying.' " Jesiis Cardozo,
1995.
"The important thing is not what I say or what Chagnon says but that the American Anthropological Association sends a commission to investigate the facts on site. I've asked the AAA to send a commission to investigate, but they say it would be impossible to find an impartial group." Jose Bortoli, phone interview, Dec. 6, 1994. 12. Jodie Dawson, interview, Padamo mission, June 6, 1996. 13. Juan Finkers, Los Yanomami y su sistema alimenticio: Yanomami ni ipe (Puerto Ayacucho: Vicari1 1
.
ate Apostolico, 1986).
.
.
370
NOTES TO PAGES 23I-42
~—^
14.
Brewer Carias with Chagnon, "The Massacre
15.
"Timanawe no
es
un
at
santo, todo lo contrario: es
Lechoza."
un
bestia violenta.
.
.
."
Jacques Lizot, personal
correspondence, Jan. 20, 1995. 16. "As
von Goetz, cas:
customary among the Waika, Uriji Jamil: Life
it is the shaman who has the real authority." Inga Steinvorth and Belief of the Forest Waika in the Upper Orinoco, trans. Peter Furst (Cara-
Asociacion Cultural Humboldt, 1969),
p.
145.
Dimanawa, interview, Mavakita, June 8, 1996. Bokoramo, interview, Mrakapiwei, Upper Mavaca, June Chagnon, Last Days ofEden, p. 274. Cesar Dimanawa, interview, Mavakita, June 8, 1996.
17. Cesar 18. 19.
20.
8,
1996.
21.1bid., Sept. 2, 1996.
Mavaca Mission, June 12, 1996. Bokoramo, interview, Mrakapiwei, June 8, 1996. Chagnon, "Life Histories," p. 987. Bokoramo, interview, Mrakapiwei, June 8, 1996. Jesiis Cardozo, phone interview, Dec. 20, 1994. Chagnon, "The Guns of Mucajai," p. 5. Bokoramo, interview, Mrakapiwei, June 8, 1996. Chagnon, "The Guns of Mucajai," p. 5. Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed., p. 225. Frank Salamone, phone interview, Dec. 22, 1994. Cesar Dimanawa, interview, Mavakita, Sept. 2, 1996. Raymond Hames, phone interview, Dec. 29, 1994. Jesiis Cardozo, phone interview, Dec. 20, 1994. See chapter Cesar Dimanawa, interview, Mavakita, June 8, 1996.
22. Juan Finkers, interview, 23. 24. 25. 26.
27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35.
12.
36. Brooke, "Venezuela Befriends Tribe." 37.
38.
Kenneth Good, phone interview, Feb. 22, 1995. Chagnon, Last Days ofEden, p. 262.
39. Ibid.
40. Decreto No. 3127, Gazeta Oficialde la Republica de Venezuela,
No. 35,292, Sept. 8, 1993. Marta Miranda, Venevision, Caracas, Fundacion Cultural Venevision, July 24, 1991. 42. Napoleon Chagnon, "Killed by Kindness?: The Dubious Influence of the Salesian Missions Amazonas," 715, Dec. 24, 1993, p. 12. 43. Brewer Carias with Chagnon, "The Massacre at Lechoza." 44. Ibid, p. 11 andn. 19. 45. Alberto Karakawe, interview, Ocamo mission, Aug. 31, 1996. Nelson, Mavaca, June 41.
in
6,
1996. 46.
Chagnon, "Killed by Kindness?"
p. 12.
47. Ibid.
48. Cesar Timanaxie, "Carta enviada por
un yanomami
a
N. A. Chagnon," La
Iglesia
en Amazonas,
Feb. 1994, p. 19.
49. This
is
reportedly a quotation that appeared in a Caracas daily. El Nacional,
Brewer Carias with Chagnon, "The Massacre
at
Lochoza,"
on Nov.
18, 1991.
p. 18.
50. Ibid., p. 15.
phone interview, Jan. 24, 1995. Bokoramo, interview, Mrakapiwei, June 8, 1996. Chagnon, Last Days ofEden, p. 274. Juan Finkers, interview, Mavaca mission, June 12, 1996.
51. Juan Finkers, 52. 53. 54.
55. Ibid.
Bokoramo, interview, Mrakapiwei, June 8, 1996. Bokoramo, interview, Mavakita, Sept. 2, 1996. 58. "Chagnon, kamijeri motoro ya puhi. Ohote ipe heroye ibe motor wama e hipeape, wama re ohotemotyonowei the no wa he ya puhi shatio shoaa. Kamiye suwe ya re kui ya puhi shatio shoaa." Translation into Spanish by the anthropologist Javier Cabrera: "Chagnon, quiero mi motor. Por el trabajo de mi esposo usted nos dar un motor, porque con usted trabajamos mucho. Yo estoy pendiente todavia. Quiero mi motor, por eso estoy pendiente con mi motor todavia. Yo queria que mi marido consiguiera el motor. Sin embargo me quede triste y sin nada." Isabela, interview, Mavakita, Sept. 2, 1996. 56. 57.
59. Pablo Mejia, interview, Mavakita, June 8, 1996.
60. Brian Ferguson,
L-
phone
interview, July 13, 1995.
.
NOTES TO PAGES 243-5I
^^
37I
Chapter 15: In Helena's Footsteps "Nosotros nos quedamos pensando en
1
late
todo
tigres
el
tiempo." Helena Valero, Yo soy Napeyoma: Re-
de una mujer raptadapor las indigenas Yanomami (Caracas: Fundacion La Salle de Ciencias Naturales,
1984)
p.
300.
Cocco,
2. Luis
lyewei-teri:
Quince afios entrelos Yanomamos (Caracas: Editorial Salesians, 1973),
p.
105.
Helena Valero, interview. Upper Orinoco, Aug. 31, 1996.
3.
4. Ibid.
"At
5.
first
the apparently total recall of this
illiterate
woman
for these
could be checked against Chagnon's taperecorded material, stretched
my
20
years, accurate
wherever
imagination. Slowly
I
it
realized
that the events she recounts had been discussed so many times in the constricted world of the villages in which she lived that they had become much more ingrained in her memory than the events of the varied, somewhat helter-skelter lives we live are for us." James V. Neel, Physician to the Gene Pool: Genetic
and Other Stories (New York: John Wiley, 1994), p. 407, n.l. Yanoamo (New York: Kodansha International, 1996), Helena Valero, interview, Upper Orinoco, Aug. 31, 1996.
Lessons
6. Ettore Biocca, 7.
p. xii.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10.
Napoleon Chagnon, "Filming the Ax
Fight,"
Yanomamo
Interactive
3d
(New York:
CD
(New
York: Harcourt
Brace, 1997). 11.
Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo: The
Fierce People,
ed.
Holt, Rinehart and
Win-
ston, 1983), pp. 18-19.
Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1997), p. 90. Helena spent "about a month" by the tributary where she was captured with the Kohoroshiwethen she traveled for eleven days and was captured anew by the Karawe-tari. Biocca, Yanoama, pp.
12. 13. tari;
23-37. 14. Valero, Yo soy 15. Biocca, 16.
Napeyoma, pp. 31-69.
Yanoama, pp. 52-66.
Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th
17. "I never asked her
ed., pp.
2-3.
any questions about her
many Yanomamo with whom Chagnon, "Filming the Ax Fight." I
knew of
the
'life'
among the Yanomamo, and simply told her what who asked me to give her messages."
she had lived and
18.
Napoleon Chagnon, Studying the Yanomamo (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974),
19.
Napoleon Chagnon, "Yanomamo Warfare,
p.
95.
diss.,
Univ. of Michigan, 1966),
p.
Social Organization
and Marriage Alliances" (Ph.D.
22.
20. Valero, Yo soy Napeyoma, pp. 21-30.
Chagnon, "Yanomamo Warfare," p. 152. Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1992), p. 3. 23. For a detailed comparison of Chagnon's and Valero's accounts, see Brian Ferguson, Yanomami Warfare: A Political History (Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 1995), pp. 393-95. 24. Chagnon, "Yanomamo Warfare," pp. 24-25. 25. Napoleon Chagnon, "Life Histories, Blood Revenge, and Warfare in a Tribal Population," Science 239 (1988): 991, n. 15. 26. Chagnon, Yanomamo, 4th ed., p. 3. 27. Valero, Yo soy Napeyoma, pp. 234—36. 21. 22.
28. Biocca, Yanoama, p. 197.
29. Valero, Yo soy Napeyoma, pp. 352-55. 30.
Chagnon, "Yanomamo Warfare,"
p.
155.
31. Valero, Yo soy Napeyoma, p. 354. 32. Jacques Lizot, "El rio de los periquitos," Antropologica 33.
Napoleon Chagnon, "Yanomamo,"
Society, 1974), pp.
Chagnon,
34.
in Primitive Worlds
(Washington, D.C.: National Geographic
141-83.
"Yanomamo:
The True
People,"
National
210-21. 35. Pablo Mejia, interview, Patahama-teri, Sept. 5, 1996. 36. Yarima, interview, Irokai-teri, Sept. 7, 1996.
37. Ibid. 38.
37 (1974) 3-23.
Kenneth Good, phone
interview, Jan. 30, 1997.
Geographic,
Aug.
1976,
pp.
^^ NOTES TO PAGES 252-58
372.
39. Ibid., Jan. 10, 1995.
Good,
40. Kenneth
(New York: Simon
Into the Heart:
& Schuster,
One Man's
and Knowledge among
Pursuit of Love
Yanomama
the
1991), pp. 102-5.
41. Ibid., p. 202. 42. Yarima, quoted ibid., pp. 308-9. 43. Kenneth
Good, phone
May
44. Ibid.,
know
interview, Feb. 4, 1997.
14, 1997.
you and Jesus and the Yanomami could make a video which they would be proud like the modern western world to see. Now are there any hidden agendas on my part in doing this project? Yes. There is the fact that 37 Yanomami films exist and that people use 10 of them a lot and that these 10 tend to reinforce every basic prejudice we're trying to enlighten in introductory anthropology courses. The best one could do would be to take all the films off the market and hide them for a hundred years perhaps, but realistically that's not going to happen either. So why not make a film that's exactly the film the Yanomami would want shown which could then put all the other films in context?" Timothy Asch, letter to Jose Bortoli, Jan. 17, 1991, Timothy Asch Collection, 45. "I
that
of and which they would
.
.
.
.
.
.
NAA. letter to Timothy Asch, April 9, 1992, (Timothy Asch Collection), NAA. phone interview. May 10, 1996. and Hillard Kaplan, "Population and Dry-Season Subsistence Strategies of the Re-
Cardozo,
46.
Jesiis
47.
Amy Wray,
48.
Kim
Hill
cently Contacted Yora of Peru." National Geographic Research 5 (1989): 332.
Yanomami Homecoming, National Geographic
49.
48 min. (Washington, D.C.: National
Explorer,
Geographic Society, 1994). 50. Yarima, interview, Irokai-teri, Sept. 7, 1996, 51.
"The Orinoco," National
Geographic, April 1998.
52. Ulisses Capozoh, "Yarima, cinderela rebelde,"
O Estado de Sao Paulo,
March
3,
1997.
"An American anthropologist intends to go to the Amazonian jungle to search for his Stone Age tribeswoman wife and persuade her to rejoin him in the West. Their unprecedented union was hailed 53.
.
as
one of the
gle Trip to
Times
s,
greatest love stories
Win Back Wife,"
.
.
of all time." Gabriela Gamini and Quentin
Times (London), Jan. 31, 1997.
Letts,
An accompanying
"American Plans Junpiece, reported
by the
New York stringer on the basis of interviews in Yarima's New Jersey neighborhood, stated, "Mod-
ern devices such as washing-machines, television and the telephone were as foreign to her as they
have been to a Neanderthal
Yarima's former English teacher was quoted as saying that Yarima was four feet tion of time ("She did not
know
if it
made
was that she could not co-ordinate
colors." Maritza Nelson, in
progress in learning English,
A third article in the
"One
1,
1997. Finally, a short,
pedition had never been planned and that
Quentin
Letts, "Tribal
Wife
Is
Home
and had no concep-
Quentin
for
see her hus-
thing you noticed about her
Letts,
"Spurning the
Good
Life
Times included responses from leading anthropologists
attacking the imaginary expedition. Gabriela Gamini, "Search for Jungle Experts," ibid., Feb.
tall
was morning or afternoon, or when she would next
band"). And, although Yarima had
for Call of the Wild," ibid.
would
man and her arrival in well-to-do New Jersey caused a worldwide sensation."
less
Good had been
Good,"
Wife Condemned by Amazon
prominently featured piece acknowledged that the exin
New Jersey,
ibid., Feb. 17,
not the Amazon,
all
along.
1997.
Chapter 16: Gardens ofHunger, Dogs of War 1
Helena Valero, Yo
Fundacion La 2.
Salle
soy
Napeyoma: Relato de una mujer raptadapor los indigenas Yanomami (Caracas:
de Ciencias Naturales, 1984),
In the Siapa region, the
Yanomami spend
p.
395.
over 40 percent of their time on foraging treks; but they
Colchester,
among the 'traditional' Yanoama, collect." Marcus when agriculture fails them. "Rethinking Stone Age Economics: Some Speculations regarding the Pre-Columbian Yanoama
Economy,"
Human Ecology
often undertake treks
when garden production
ing and trekking form alternative
falters.
"Thus,
means of acquiring
calories
12 (1984): 301. During his 1973
among the Yanomami of The Indians were skinny, but
crop failure trekking.
escaparon de tivados,
dejando
la
catastrofe fijeron
aunque no hubo las
plantaciones,
visit,
.
Lizot reported just such a generalized
the Siapa valley, followed by a long, "semi-hungry" period of healthy, according to a medical examiner. "Las planiaclones
muy escasas. A estos
sigui6
una penuria de productos alimenticios
la
mayor
parte de los grupes indios
los indios
abandonaron
la
vivienda semi-permanente la solva.
Trabajando
segufan en un estiado semi-hinnbriento, pero susistian." Jacques Lizot,
"El rio de los periquitos," Antropoldgica 3.
que cul-
escasez completa, la selva ofrecia rofiosamente recursos casi suficientes. Entonces,
para dedicarse a una economfa de nomadismo, explotando sucezivamente zonas de
mas que de costumbre,
.
These estimates by Marinho
37 (1974):
De Souza were
7.
in line
with the conclusions of CAICET. "La desnutri-
NOTES TO PAGES 259-63
^^
373
las comunidedes indigenas. Aunque posiblemente tiene una gran immayor susceptibilidad que presenta la poblacion indfgona a diferentes enfermedades end^micas, no ha sido adecuadamente documentada y existe un subregistro importante." Carlos Botto, "Impactos ambientales en Salud: La experiencia de CAJCET" (Belem, Brazil, June 6, 1996), p. 10. Malnutrition was listed as the fifth-leading cause of death among indigenous communities of Amazonas state. G. Rodrfguez Ochoa, "Situacion de salud en el Territorio Federal Amazonas, Venezuela," Enfoque Integral de la Salud Humana en la Amazonia, vol. 10 (Montevideo, Uruguay: Editorial Trilce, 1992), pp. 407-26. 4. Valero, Yo soy Napeyoma, pp. 282-83. a descent into this valley would have been 5. Although FUNDAFACI never came to Mokarita-teri risky that did not stop Mokarita-teri from going to FUNDAFACI at two other villages, Shanishani-teri and Ashtitowa-teri. "Shaki paid us for our spirits [pictures] and to draw our blood. He gave us machetes, knives and fish line. We were not as sick at that time." Interview, Mokarita-teri, transl. Marco Jimenez,
ci6n es altamente prevalente en
portancia en
.
.
.
la
—
—
Sept. 9, 1996. 6.
Anna 7.
Darna
L.
Dufour, "Diet and Nutritional Status of Amazonian People," in Amazonian Indians, ed.
Roosevelt (Tucson: Univ. of Arizona Press, 1994),
"Of the
total caloric yield
from
vided by the cowata plantains, while
just the as
p.
157.
musaceous plants
much
as
in this
garden region
98 percent may come from
Smole, The Yanoama Indians: A Cultural Geography (Austin: Univ. of Texas 8.
Edward O. Wilson,
preface to
is
pro-
William
J.
Press, 1976), p. 151.
Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Last Days ofEden (San Diego:
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992), p. x. 9. L. Keeley War before Civilization (Oxford: Oxford Univ.
Napoleon Chagnon, "Chronic Problems
10.
at least half
plantains."
all
in
Press, 1995).
Understanding Tribal Violence and Warfare,"
in
Ge-
of Criminal and Antisocial Behavior (Chichester, N.Y.: John Wiley, 1996), p. 213. 11. Napoleon Chagnon, Yanomamo, 5th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1997), p. 93. 12. James V. Neel, "Lessons from a Primitive People," Science 170 (1970): 815-22.
netics
"The
13.
males, in general, present a picture of exuberant vitality, an impression confirmed by their
dancing and chanting frequently extending through most of the night.
.
.
.
When
write of a picture of
I
must be remembered we are seeing only a snapshot in time. Funhermore, some of those who were ill might not present themselves for physical examinations. The true picture of health and disease can only be derived from a longitudinal study." James V. Neel, Physician to the Gene Pool: Genetic exuberant
vitality, it
and Other Stories (New York: John Wiley, 1994), p. 150. Amazonian Indians as healthy and well-nourished, but the health of Indian groups is commonly inferred from visual assessments of adult men's health, which is usu-
Lessons
14. "Anthropologists often describe status ally
comparatively favorable because of their preferential access to resources and greater tolerance for nu-
young children and pregnant or lactating women." Anna C. Amazonian Indians, p. 14. 15. Sound Roll 6, Patanowa-teri, Feb. 21, 1968, Timothy Asch Collection, NAA. 16. "There is no body weight data available for the Yanomami." Dufour, "Diet and Nutritional Status of Amazonian People," p. 168. 17. "Los Guicas que yo he medido tenfan una talla mediana de 4 pies y 7 pulgadas a 4 pios y 8 pulgadas." Alexander von Humboldt, cited in Luis Cocco, lyewei-teri: Quince anos entre los Yanomamos tritional inadequacies
than
Roosevelt, "Strategy for a
is
the case with
New Synthesis,"
in
(Caracas: Editorial SaJesiana, 1973), pp. 47-48. 18. R.
Holmes, "Nutritional Status and Cultural Change
in the Amazon Basin, ed.
John
Hemming
in Venezuela's
Amazon Territory,"
(Manchester: Univ. of Manchester, 1985),
19. "Use and Interpretation of Anthropometric Indicators of Nutritional Status," 929-41.
20. James Neel mentions data nearly identical for the Parima Mountains. "In
northern aspects of their distribution
[i.e.,
Parima Mountains], the
ing the term pygmoid. For instance, in one village the
women
only 137.5 cm." Neel, Physician
21. Dufour, "Diet
and Nutritional
to the
Gene
first
Change
BWHO 64 (1986):
some
villages in the
are very small, warrant-
averaged only 147.7
cm
in height
and the
205.
(New York: Simon
& Schuster,
1954). Gheerbrant
Europeans to cross the Sierra Parima's central massif (1948-50), where he recorded
horrible scenes of hunger
ancianos y los ninos con tos
in
251.
Status of Amazonian People," p. 156.
22. Alain Gheerbrant, /