Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells 9780814762639

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DANCING I N CHAIN S

The American Social Experience Series GENERAL EDITOR : JAME S KIRB Y MARTI N EDITORS: PAUL A S . FASS , STEVE N H . M I N T Z , CARL PRINCE , JAME S W . REE D & PETE R N . STEARN S

/. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns JOSEPH T . GLATTHAA R

2. Childbearing in American Society: 1650-1850 CATHERINE M . SCHOLTE N

3. The Origins of Behaviorism: A merican Psychology, 1870-1920 J O H N M . O'DONNEL L

^. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 GRAHAM RUSSEL L HODGE S

5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National WomanV Party, 1910-1928 CHRISTINE A . LUNARDIN I

6. Mr. Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-18op THEODORE J . CRACKE L

7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and Community—Culture Among the Gullahs MARGARET WASHINGTO N CREE L

8. "A Mixed Multitude": The Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania SALLY SCHWART Z

9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN HOUSEHOLDE R VA N HOR N

10. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARL J . HES S

11. Lewis M. Term an: Pioneer in Psychological Testing HENRY L . MINTO N

12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL DAVI S CHAPMA N

ij. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in A merica, / 825-1860 J O H N C . SPURLOC K

z^. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N . STEARN S

75. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 GERALD SORI N

16. War in America to 1775: Before Yankee Doodle J O H N MORGA N DEDERE R

17. An American Vision: Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 1820-1920 A N N E FARRA R HYD E

18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist MELVIN KALFU S

19. Origins of A merican Medical Malpractice, 1790-1900 KENNETH ALLE N D E VILL E

20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells RODNEY D . OLSE N

DANCING I N CHAIN S The louth of William T>ean flowells

RODNEY D . OLSE N

n

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S NEW YOR K AND LONDO N '99'

Copyright © 199 1 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of Americ a Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Olsen, Rodne y D . Dancing i n chains : the youth o f William Dea n Howell s / Rodney D . Olsen. p. cm . — (The America n socia l experienc e serie s ; 20) Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN0-8147-6172-0 1. Howells , Willia m Dean , 1837-1920—Biography—Youth . 2. Novelists , American—19t h century—Biography—Youth . 3 . Unite d States—Social lif e and customs—1783-1865 . 4 . Critics—Unite d States—Biography. 5 . Ohio—Socia l lif e an d customs . I . Title . II. Series . PS2033.047 199 0 818'.409—dc2o [B] 90-379i 6 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s are printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability .

For my father and mother, W. Donald Olsen and Glenda Aamodt Olsen

If H e coul d doub t o n Hi s triumphan t cross , How muc h mor e I , i n the defeat an d los s Of seein g all my selfis h dream s fulfilled , Of havin g live d th e ver y lif e I willed , Of bein g all that I desired t o be? My God , m y God ! Wh y has t tho u forsake n me ? WILLIAM DEA N HOWELLS , I 8 9 4

(Contents

Illustrations xii i Preface x v Acknowledgments xx i Part I. Childhood i i. A Selfis h Idea l of Glory 3 2. A Kin d o f Double Lif e 2 7 Part II. Youth 5 1 3. A n Instanc e of Nervous Prostratio n 5 3 4. Th e Umbrell a Ma n 7 8 5. Strivin g awa y fro m Hom e 9 9 6. Woman' s Spher e 13 7 7. Th e Layin g O n o f Hand s 16 4 8. Th e Provinc e of Reaso n 19 3 9. Desperat e Leisur e 21 8 xi

xii CONTENT

S

Part III. Later Life and the Return to Youth 24 5 10. Boun d t o the Highes t an d th e Lowes t 24 7 Epilogue 27 1 Notes 27 7 Attributions, Permissions , an d Note s fo r Illustration s 33 1 Index 33 5

illustrations

i. Remnant s o f the Miami Cana l i n Hamilton , Ohio , 191 7 3 1 2. Mar y Dea n Howells , ca . 184 6 4 1 3. Th e vicinit y o f Eureka Mills , Ohio , 191 7 4 6 4. Saints ' Rest, th e Howell s famil y hous e i n Jefferson, Ohi o 6 1 5. Willia m Dea n Howell s an d tw o literar y friends , 185 6 6 4 6. Joshu a R . Giddings , ca . mid-1850 s 6 9 7. Albu m cover , 186 4 12 7 8. Willia m Coope r Howells , ca . 185 6 12 8 9. Mar y Dea n Howells , ca . 185 6 12 9 10. Josep h Alexande r Howells , ca . 185 6 13 0 11. Victori a Mello r Howells , ca . 185 6 13 1 12. Younge r Howell s children , Victoria , Samuel , an d Aurelia , ca . 1846 1 3 2 13. Ann e Thomas Howells , ca . 186 3 13 3 14. Henr y Israe l Howells , ca . 185 6 13 4 xiii

x i v ILLUSTRATION

S

15. Willia m Dea n Howell s an d Joh n Butle r Howells , ca . 1859 60 13 5 16. Willia m Dea n Howell s i n Columbus, Ohio , ca . 186 1 16 9 17. Jame s Russel l Lowell , ca . 185 9 19 0 18. Willia m Dea n Howell s i n Venice , ca . 186 2 22 1 19. Casa Falier , wher e Willia m an d Elino r Howell s live d i n Venice 23 2 20. Elino r Mea d Howell s i n Venice , ca . 186 5 23 4 21. Willia m Coope r Howell s durin g hi s campaig n fo r th e Ohi o Senate, 186 3 23 6 22. Willia m Dea n Howell s i n Venice , 186 5 24 4 23. Willia m Dea n Howells , 189 9 2 7°

^Preface

William Dea n Howell s wa s the premie r novelis t o f the nineteenth century America n middl e class . H e wa s a "domestic " novelist , master o f th e urba n parlo r scene , th e settin g reserve d fo r tastefu l display o f affluenc e an d elegan t presentatio n o f self . T o outwar d appearances, Howell s enjoye d a life o f success an d prosperity . Ye t many o f hi s novelisti c character s lac k th e sens e o f securit y hi s middle-class reader s associate d wit h thei r parlors . Ofte n Howells' s characters d o not fee l "a t home. " Although literar y historian s hav e significantl y revise d Howells' s reputation a s comforter o f th e middl e class , th e persistenc e o f thi s image ha s prevente d th e fulles t biographica l an d historica l inquir y into th e meanin g o f hi s lif e an d career. 1 A s a cultura l historia n informed b y psychologica l perspective s an d findings o f th e ne w social history, I am intereste d i n Howell s no t onl y fo r wha t hi s lif e tells u s abou t th e makin g o f Willia m Dea n Howell s bu t als o fo r what i t reveal s abou t th e makin g o f middle-clas s cultur e i n th e nineteenth century . I n thi s study , I portra y Howells' s emotional , intellectual, an d mora l development . I discus s th e psychological , social, an d cultura l influence s tha t wer e th e formativ e force s i n hi s life. Mor e ambitiously , I have tried t o brin g th e coherenc e o f live d experience t o cultural analysis , demonstratin g i n Howells' s lif e th e interrelation o f child-rearing practice , strategie s o f family survival , xv

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vocational aspirations , gende r ideals , ideologica l experimentation , political commitment , mora l belief , an d spiritua l doubt . As a successfu l novelis t an d prominen t socia l critic , Howell s was no t a typical nineteenth-centur y America n i n an y simpl e sense , but h e share d i n experience s commo n t o man y families . I n th e years befor e th e Civi l War , middle-clas s American s sanctifie d do mestic scene s i n a n outpourin g o f lithographi c print s an d popula r songs. Howells' s uneas y character s expres s a n emotio n tha t ha d become prevalen t b y mid-century . A n intens e longin g fo r a stabl e connection t o hom e aros e during th e economi c an d socia l transfor mation tha t create d th e nineteenth-centur y middl e class . Wit h increasing momentu m afte r th e Wa r o f 1812 , th e formatio n o f a n integrated nationa l marke t brough t dramati c change s i n traditiona l patterns of communal life , particularl y i n the North. A s communa l life bega n t o erode, hom e acquired it s deep, resonan t appeal . In th e year s befor e th e Civi l War , becomin g middl e clas s rathe r than bein g middl e clas s wa s th e experienc e o f mos t Americans . Along wit h man y othe r families , th e Howell s famil y struggle d t o accommodate th e ne w wit h th e old . Whil e reverin g traditiona l values, the y assimilate d th e emergen t middle-clas s etho s o f "civi lized morality " wit h it s ideal s o f self-contro l an d individua l suc cess. Howells' s earl y writings—hi s diaries , poetry , fiction, news paper columns , an d famil y letters—presen t a detailed self-portrai t of childhood an d youth , stage s of life tha t wer e newly realize d an d rationalized t o accor d wit h th e transformatio n o f everyda y life . The tension s o f Howells' s lif e an d work , lik e those o f man y o f hi s contemporaries, wer e rooted i n this transitional period . While I elaborate the personal meaning s o f Howells's word s an d actions, I pa y particula r attentio n t o th e publi c dimension s o f hi s development. M y primar y psychologica l premise s ar e drawn fro m Erik Erikson' s conceptio n o f th e identit y crisi s o f yout h wit h it s precursors i n childhood . A n individual' s identity , i n Erikson' s view , is formed fro m a complex interpla y o f personal, social , and cultura l forces.2 Fro m th e experience s o f hi s earl y childhood , fo r instance , Howells develope d a demanding conscienc e that was strongly rein -

PREFACE

XV11

forced b y th e affectionat e child-rearin g method s an d th e Sweden borgian religiou s belief s o f hi s family . A t th e sam e time , h e wa s influenced b y conflictin g set s o f famil y value s tha t responde d t o the transformatio n o f everyda y life ; on e se t emphasize d mutua l aid, th e othe r individua l desire . A s h e late r struggle d t o realiz e hi s family's expectation s i n a literary career , h e confronte d competin g conceptions o f th e publi c goo d a s well a s competing literar y ideol ogies.3 For H o wells an d fo r countles s antebellu m youth , hom e leavin g was a momentou s tim e o f life . Aspirin g middle-clas s American s could n o longe r vie w th e famil y a s a "littl e commonwealth, " a relatively self-sufficien t entit y tha t prescribe d th e limits of individ ual desir e an d expectation . T o accommodat e th e emergen t order , they mad e th e famil y a plac e fo r strenuou s beginnings , wher e children absorbe d th e value s an d develope d th e talent s tha t pre pared the m fo r accomplishment s i n the "oute r world. " Fo r middle class Americans , hom e leavin g becam e a necessar y tribulation , a hazardous rit e of passage. The y expecte d yout h t o face fearful test s and temptations . The y warne d o f fateful decisions . Howells' s home leaving difficultie s wer e compounde d b y hi s struggl e fo r a literar y vocation an d complicate d b y a powerfu l famil y claim . Unles s h e believed th e literar y vocatio n offere d th e greates t possibl e useful ness t o others , h e coul d no t escap e terribl e feeling s o f selfishness . Howells's distres s ove r hi s "selfis h aim " t o "succee d i n literature " was sever e an d enervating . Bu t i t represente d a n extrem e instanc e of vocationa l anxietie s tha t affecte d man y nineteenth-centur y Americans wh o were troubled b y "ambition." 4 Howells's villag e of Jefferson, Ohio , wa s one of several localitie s that channeled an d challenged hi s literary aspirations . Solidl y aligne d against slavery—eventuall y formin g a phalan x o f radica l Repub licans—Jeffersonians uphel d a mora l conceptio n o f politic s tha t seemed t o diminis h th e authorit y o f literature . Hesitatio n ove r hi s political commitment s contribute d t o Howells' s bout s o f hypo chondria an d vertigo . Whe n h e move d t o Columbus, Ohio , takin g a positio n a s a radica l Republica n journalist , h e entere d a literar y

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scene mor e sophisticate d an d enticin g tha n h e ha d know n i n hi s village. Althoug h h e trie d t o b e bot h poe t an d agitator , h e wa s more committed t o literature. Howells' s attractio n t o the new mas s audience for literature , a s an expansiv e real m o f usefulness, adde d to hi s dilemmas . Thi s largel y femal e audienc e seeme d t o deman d "sentimental" form s o f literatur e tha t compromise d hi s sens e o f manliness an d mora l action . Eventuall y Howell s wa s draw n int o the orbi t o f Boston , bu t acceptanc e b y hi s Brahmi n sponsor s onl y suspended hi s struggles . The pai n o f Howells' s hom e leavin g separate d hi m irrevocabl y from th e mora l certaintie s h e ha d bee n taugh t a s a child. Contrar y to his father, wh o believed i n a moral universe where everyone ha d charge o f hi s fate , Howell s feare d tha t individual s wer e pre y t o unknown malevolen t forces . H e ofte n sa w life itself a s "desultory, " ruled b y capric e an d chanc e rathe r tha n b y discernibl e mora l o r spiritual laws . H e suspecte d tha t seekin g th e goo d o f others—th e dominant imperativ e o f hi s childhoo d an d youth—migh t b e futil e and quixotic . Concerne d primaril y wit h th e impac t o f Darwinia n science, historian s hav e no t full y appreciate d thi s kin d o f disillu sionment an d doubt . I t derive d a s muc h fro m trauma s o f persona l experience, fro m th e "drift " cause d b y th e disruption o f traditiona l life, a s from scientifi c dismembermen t o f religious belief. 5 But the meaning of Howells's lif e is diminished i f viewed simpl y in terms of his despair. Erikso n suggest s that th e struggles of yout h may se t "commitment s 'fo r life, ' " commitment s tha t ar e renewe d and reassimilated , especiall y durin g time s o f crisis. 6 The climacti c crisis o f Howells' s lif e shoul d b e understoo d i n thes e terms—a s a homecoming. Durin g th e lat e 1880 s and earl y 1890s , Howell s wa s plagued b y th e retur n o f hi s youthfu l feelin g tha t h e wa s a "slav e of selfishness. " H e resiste d thi s feeling , no t i n th e self-referentia l escapes popular wit h man y o f his contemporaries, bu t i n concerte d action tha t revitalize d th e communa l ideal s o f hi s youth . I n hi s writing, h e drew attentio n t o the ill s of industrial capitalism , espe cially t o th e pligh t o f th e hungr y an d homeless . Dismaye d b y th e estrangement o f middle-class American s fro m th e democratic etho s

PREFACE

XIX

of equalit y an d fraternity , Howell s urge d hi s reader s t o realiz e their tie s of mutual responsibility . H e urge d al l who were prosper ing t o recogniz e tha t the y wer e eternall y boun d t o al l wh o wer e suffering.7

Acknowledgments

I a m please d t o acknowledg e a Lewis E . Atherto n Researc h Gran t from th e histor y departmen t o f th e Universit y o f Missour i a t Co lumbia. Th e gran t bear s th e nam e o f m y mentor— a masterfu l teacher, dedicate d historian , an d wis e man . Th e histor y depart ment a t Missour i als o aide d m y wor k wit h tw o Fran k F . an d Louise I. Stephen s fellowships . Sta n Johannesen starte d m e on thi s project whe n h e innocentl y sai d I migh t b e intereste d i n a boo k called Identity: Youth and Crisis. Joh n an d Marth a Rainbol t encour aged m y interes t i n psychologica l issue s i n ou r discussion s an d i n the cours e I taugh t wit h John, wh o tol d m e lon g befor e I realize d it mysel f tha t I wa s writin g thi s book . M y advisor , E d Purcell , kept me at my work with th e right mixture of criticism an d encour agement. Richar d Hock s share d hi s meditation s o n America n lit erature and confirme d m y effort s beyon d al l my expectations . Ric h Bopp, Susa n Armeny , an d Pau l Langle y wer e helpfu l critic s an d friends. Jackson Lear s ha s ha d a specia l influenc e o n thi s study . Whil e Jackson wa s completing No Place of Grace, h e was readin g m y earl y drafts. Perhap s becaus e of our simila r interes t i n the emotional an d intellectual odyssey s o f nineteenth-centur y Americans , Jackso n maintained a ligh t touch , urgin g m e t o giv e m y insight s greate r emphasis. I thank Jackson fo r helpin g m e t o find m y voice . An d I thank Kare n Lear s fo r timel y encouragement . xxi

XX11

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

William Whit e Howell s expresse d interes t i n m y wor k o n hi s grandfather fro m it s beginnings , whe n h e me t m e i n hi s offic e a t Harvard wit h th e kin d o f welcom e fo r whic h hi s grandfathe r wa s famous. Dav e Nordloh , genera l edito r o f th e Howell s Editio n a t Indiana University , wa s a chanc e acquaintanc e durin g m y firs t research tri p t o Cambridge . A t Indiana , h e place d a vas t amoun t of Howells' s writin g an d correspondenc e a t m y fingertips . I than k him for th e many way s he facilitated m y wor k during an d afte r m y visits to Bloomington an d especially for hi s welcome of a historian's perspective o n Howells . Man y o f th e superbl y edite d Howell s Edition text s became available while I was pursuing m y work. Th e librarians a t th e Houghto n Librar y a t Harvar d University , th e Herrick Memoria l Librar y a t Alfre d University , th e Ohi o Histori cal Society , th e Massachusett s Historica l Society , an d th e Ruther ford B . Haye s Presidentia l Cente r wer e informativ e an d helpful . In particular , I thank Norm a Higgin s o f Alfred Universit y fo r he r extra effort s an d fo r th e friendly interes t sh e took i n my work . This stud y wa s supporte d b y a n Andre w Mello n Postdoctora l Fellowship i n th e Humanitie s a t Ric e University , wher e I partici pated i n a two-year semina r o n the "Cultur e o f Capitalism." Whil e I was at Rice, Tom Haskel l rea d m y origina l manuscript an d urge d me toward greate r precision . Bo b Patton, Susa n Gilman , Elizabet h Long, Georg e Lipsitz , Georg e Frederickson , an d Mar k Warre n offered criticism s an d encouragement . I n th e greate r Housto n community o f scholars , I wa s luck y t o fin d Stev e Mint z an d To m Cole, wit h who m I shared interest s in the history o f the family an d the lif e cycle . Durin g th e pas t year , bein g a colleague o f Tom' s a t the Institut e fo r th e Medica l Humanitie s ha s helpe d m e pu t th e finishing touche s o n m y study . Recen t reader s i n whol e o r par t have helpe d m e to improv e m y fina l thinkin g an d writing . I than k Tom Bender , Elle n Moore , Bil l Winslade , Ji m Jones , an d Bo b Abzug. Coli n Jones, directo r o f Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , ha s expertly guide d m e an d th e manuscrip t throug h th e publicatio n process. My deepes t thank s g o t o m y parents , W . Donal d Olse n an d Glenda Aamod t Olsen , wh o hav e bee n wondrousl y constan t i n

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their support . M y dedicatio n o f this boo k to them i s a small retur n for al l the y hav e don e fo r me . M y sister , Sandr a Olse n Looney , has bee n a mode l teache r an d keepe r o f light . Sh e ha s taugh t m e how t o write, an d b y he r generou s life , sh e ha s taught m e what t o write. M y wif e Florence' s parents , Joh n Crighto n an d Rebecc a Wright Crighton , hav e alway s bee n encouraging . John' s ow n de votion t o th e historian' s craf t ha s bee n a n inspiration . Florenc e herself i s a beautiful perso n an d a tenacious cop y editor . Th e bes t parts of this book are the places where I have satisfied he r exquisit e sense of fluency an d subtlety . GALVESTON, TEXA S / ARLINGTON , VIRGINIA , JUN E 1 9 8 9

CHAPTER I

% Selfish 'Ideal of Qlory We who are nothing but self, and have no manner of being Save in the sense of self, still have no other delight Like the relief that comes with the blessed oblivion freein g Self from sel f in the deep sleep of some dreamless night. HOWELLS, 189 4

In his autobiography Years of My Youth (1916), William Dea n How ells recounted tha t hi s childhoo d villag e of Hamilton , Ohio , wa s a place o f "almos t unrivale d fitness " t o b e th e hom e o f boy s wh o were swimmers , skaters , foragers , an d enthusiast s o f outdoo r life . Two branche s o f th e Grea t Miam i Rive r flowe d throug h th e vil lage; at th e hear t o f the village was th e invitin g basi n o f the Miam i Canal. Clos e b y wer e field s an d woods . Publi c holiday s seeme d t o come i n rapi d succession , whil e "Saturday s sprea d ove r hal f th e week." Afte r recordin g thes e lyrica l memories , Howells * trie d t o recall how fea r firs t cam e into his life. H e note d tha t once a man i n his villag e ha d die d fro m hydrophobia . H e tie d thi s dir e even t t o his father' s jes t tha t th e victi m wisel y mad e hi s peac e wit h God , before h e calle d i n th e doctors . A s Howell s describe d hi s father , William Coope r Howell s alway s seeme d t o se e th e bes t i n every thing, ofte n t o th e consternatio n o f hi s wife . Hi s fathe r viewe d * "Howells" always refers t o William Dea n Howells .

3

4

CHILDHOOD

hellfire revival s wit h "kindl y amusement. " Hi s Swedenborgia n beliefs suggeste d tha t thos e wh o ha d chose n hel l wer e happ y wit h their choice . Whil e h e dislike d religiou s controversy , h e wa s stirre d by th e annexatio n o f Texa s an d th e Mexica n War , event s tha t posed th e questio n whethe r th e America n natio n woul d becom e entirely fre e o r slave. 1 Having sketche d th e joy s o f villag e life , a traumati c death , an d his father' s eas y demeano r towar d aspect s o f lif e tha t trouble d others, especiall y hi s mother , Howell s recorde d hi s earlies t mem ory o f fear . H e focuse d o n a "tragica l effect " h e ha d onc e suffere d from th e "playfulness " o f hi s father . My mothe r an d h e were walking together i n the twilight, wit h me , a very small boy, following , an d m y fathe r hel d ou t to me behind hi s back a rose which I understood I was to throw a t my mothe r an d startl e her . My ai m wa s unfortunatel y fo r m e al l to o sure ; th e ros e struc k he r head, an d whe n sh e looke d roun d an d sa w m e offerin g t o ru n away , sh e whirled o n m e an d mad e m e suffe r fo r he r frigh t i n thinkin g m y flower was a bat , whil e m y fathe r gravel y entreated , a Mary, Mary! " Sh e coul d not forgiv e m e a t once , an d m y hear t remaine d sore , fo r m y lov e o f he r was a s passionat e a s th e tempe r I ha d fro m her , bu t whil e i t continue d aching afte r I went t o bed, sh e stole up-stairs t o me and console d m e an d told m e ho w scare d sh e ha d been , an d hardl y kne w wha t sh e was doing ; and al l was well agai n betwee n us. 2 Howells ha d throw n a rose , a symbo l o f love , a t th e objec t o f his deepes t childis h affection , hi s mother . Hi s trus t i n hi s father' s playful invitatio n ha d bee n me t wit h summar y punishmen t fro m his mother . Treatin g th e sam e episod e i n a children' s stor y h e ha d published earlier , Howell s describe d th e punishmen t a s a boxin g of ears , a startlin g violatio n o f th e affectionat e treatmen t tha t hi s father alway s favore d ove r an y hars h for m o f discipline. 3 T h e mos t prominen t theme s i n Howells' s memor y o f th e rose throwing episod e ar e associate d wit h developmenta l difficultie s that emerg e i n earl y childhood , abou t th e tim e whe n " a ver y smal l boy" i s ol d enoug h t o ta g afte r hi s parents . A t thi s age , childre n have jus t acquire d a prou d sens e o f themselve s a s actor s an d initia tors. T h e y enjo y curiou s explorin g an d excite d runnin g about .

A SELFIS H IDEA L O F GLOR Y

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They fee l self-sufficien t an d wan t t o try thing s out . The y ar e eager to follo w thei r parents ' enticements . A smal l bo y imagine s h e ca n do everythin g hi s fathe r ca n do . Bu t ver y soo n th e child' s exuber ant sens e of initiativ e i s complicated b y fear s o f punishmen t stem ming partl y fro m relate d sexua l impulses . "Th e chil d indulge s i n fantasies o f bein g a giant an d a tiger, bu t i n hi s dream s h e run s i n terror fo r dea r life. " A t th e tim e o f th e rose-throwin g episode , Howells's imaginatio n o f grand designs , especiall y hi s desire t o ac t like fathe r towar d mother , wa s becomin g burdene d wit h guilt . While he was ready t o follow hi s father's playfu l invitation , h e was vulnerable t o his mother's angr y reaction. 4 How a child resolve s th e developmental difficultie s o f this phas e of lif e ha s significan t meanin g fo r hi s anticipatio n o f adul t roles , whether h e trusts himsel f an d others , whethe r h e feels sufficien t t o pursue an d accomplis h tasks . Anothe r proble m i s acceptin g a n emotional separatio n fro m hi s mother tha t i s more decisive than hi s earlier separations . An d mos t significantl y fo r Howells , ho w a child deal s wit h thes e difficultie s establishe s th e lineament s o f conscience. Th e child' s primitiv e conscience can b e unyielding an d cruel, fo r i t partl y reflect s a turning i n o f hi s aggressiv e impulses . Whether a chil d wil l b e harshl y punishin g o r fairl y reasonabl e i n his self-judgment s depend s upo n hi s predispositions , famil y cir cumstances, an d alleviation s provide d b y parent s an d othe r idea l adults. 5 The interrelate d meaning s o f Howells' s rose-throwin g episod e —especially it s referenc e t o th e developmen t o f hi s conscience — become cleare r i n ligh t o f hi s earlie r treatmen t o f th e episod e i n The Flight of Pony Baker (1902), a book-lengt h stor y fo r children. 6 Stung b y the boxing of ears he receives from hi s mother, Howells' s stand-in, Pon y Baker , decide s t o retaliat e b y runnin g awa y wit h the circus. Pon y imagine s tha t on e day h e will retur n t o his villag e as a famous circu s performer , amazin g everyon e wit h hi s ability t o ride three horse s bareback. H e wil l be , this sexuall y charge d imag e suggests, powerfull y self-sufficient . Pon y imagine s tha t hi s mo ment o f triump h wil l b e hi s retaliation , for , amon g hi s man y admirers, h e will choos e to shun hi s mother .

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As h e elaborated hi s own childhoo d trauma , Howell s portraye d how Pon y Baker' s impulsiv e self-confidenc e i s replaced b y disillu sionment an d terror . A s hi s first ste p t o stardom , Pon y plan s t o join a circu s tha t ha s arrive d i n hi s village . Bu t a s hi s departur e nears, Pon y begin s t o doub t hi s imagine d prowess ; h e begin s t o feel h e i s a s diminished a s hi s nam e suggests . On e night , hi s fear s come alive in a dream. A s he falls asleep , he seems to see the circu s procession approachin g hi s house . H e run s outsid e t o mee t th e wagons an d feel s himsel f floating abov e th e ground . The n th e magician suddenl y appears . Pon y ha s bee n tol d th e magicia n aid s runaway boy s lik e himself , bu t Pon y i s frightene d b y hi s strang e appearance: H e wor e " a tall , peake d hat , lik e a witch. H e too k u p the whol e street , h e wa s s o wid e i n th e blac k glaze d gow n tha t hung fro m hi s arm s whe n h e stretche d the m out , fo r h e seeme d t o be groping alon g that way , wit h hi s wand i n one hand, lik e a blind man." Pon y i s eve n mor e alarme d b y th e magician' s gruf f an d ominous words : u He kep t sayin g i n a kind o f deep , shakin g voice : 'It's al l glory ; it' s al l glory, ' an d th e soun d o f thos e word s froz e Pony's blood. " Wit h thes e words , Howell s invoke d th e specifi c kind o f guilt encouraged i n his childhood home . I n Swedenborgia n belief, seekin g "glory " wa s th e mos t abhorren t selfishness ; i t de stroyed a person's usefulnes s an d brough t eterna l damnation. 7 Frightened b y th e magician' s loomin g appearanc e an d damnin g words, Pon y trie s t o escap e b y shrinkin g u p "s o little " he wil l no t be seen. Whe n regressio n fails , h e searches frantically fo r th e kno b of hi s fron t doo r bu t finds onl y a smoot h wall . Thi s hin t o f castration anxiet y i s elaborate d throug h a n abrup t transitio n i n Pony's dream. Just whe n h e is about to envelop Pony, th e magicia n is transforme d int o Pony' s father , wh o i s standin g besid e Pony' s bed consultin g a doctor abou t Pony' s sleepwalking . Hi s fathe r an d the doctor hav e decided tha t Pon y mus t be bled—a fearfu l remed y Howells ha d endure d a s a child i n Hamilton. 8 A s the doctor begin s to prepare hi s lancet, Pony' s mothe r suddenl y call s and rouse s hi m from hi s dream . Wit h Pon y awak e an d reconcile d t o hi s mother , Howells complete d thi s remarkabl e re-creatio n o f hi s ow n child hood trauma . Writin g without knowledg e of Freud's interpretatio n

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of fantasy an d dreams , Howell s ha d tappe d a stream o f symbolism , forcefully posin g a retributiv e conscienc e an d th e threa t o f disfig urement agains t a smal l child' s gran d designs . Parallel theme s appea r i n Howells' s discussio n o f th e abusiv e corporal punishmen t h e witnesse d whil e attendin g commo n schools . H e state d tha t suc h treatmen t alway s "outrage s th e youn g lif e confided t o th e lov e o f th e race." 9 Recollectio n o f hi s outrag e a t these abuse s calle d fort h anothe r painfu l memory : From th e stres s pu t upo n behavin g rathe r tha n believin g i n tha t hom e of min e w e wer e mad e t o fee l tha t wicke d word s wer e o f th e qualit y o f wicked deeds , an d tha t whe n the y cam e out of our mouth s the y deprave d us, unles s w e took them back . I have not forgotten , wit h an y detai l of th e time and place , a transgression o f this sor t whic h I was made to feel i n it s full significance . M y mothe r ha d go t supper , an d m y fathe r was , a s h e often was , lat e fo r it , an d whil e w e waite d impatientl y fo r him , I cam e out wit h th e shockin g wis h tha t h e was dead . M y mothe r instantl y calle d me to account fo r it , an d whe n m y fathe r cam e sh e felt boun d t o tell hi m what I had said . H e coul d the n hav e done n o mor e tha n gravel y giv e m e the jus t measur e o f m y offense ; an d hi s explanatio n an d forgivenes s wer e the sol e event. 10 T h e child' s wis h t o becom e th e sol e objec t o f hi s mother' s attentions i s reflected i n Howells' s innocen t remark . Hi s fathe r ha d treated th e offens e wit h th e affectionat e regar d h e advocate d fo r child rearing , a tacti c tha t mad e Howell s appreciat e it s "ful l signif icance." Hi s mother' s les s toleran t reaction , lik e he r reactio n i n th e rose-throwing episode , complicate d hi s feelings . Whil e h e wrot e that h e wa s no t lef t wit h "a n exaggerate d sens e o f [his ] sin, " Howells nevertheles s retaine d thi s painfu l memory , wit h al l detail s of tim e an d place , int o th e ver y las t year s o f hi s life. 11 William Coope r Howell s emphasize d reaso n i n th e raisin g o f children. H e ha d fait h tha t understandin g petulan t action s i n thei r "full significance " an d i n thei r "jus t measure " woul d disar m unrea sonable anxieties . Bu t th e remed y o f reaso n di d no t alway s suffice . Throughout hi s childhood , Howell s repeatedl y suffere d fro m irra tional fear s an d self-accusations . H e experience d terribl e night mares tha t continue d i n hi s thought s an d torture d hi s wakin g

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hours. Fearfu l an d hesitant , h e "cowere d alon g i n th e shado w o f unreal dangers, " everywher e imaginin g "shape s o f doo m an d hor ror." Becaus e h e ofte n "dwel t i n a worl d o f terrors, " h e wa s susceptible t o th e trick s an d taunting s o f hi s playmates , wh o too k advantage o f hi s fears . Furthermore , h e suffere d fro m hi s "abjec t terror o f dying. " Whe n h e bega n t o writ e poem s an d stories , h e sometimes woul d imagin e a character dying . The n h e would thin k that "h e wa s tha t character , an d [he ] was goin g t o die. " Hi s mos t agonizing fear , recurrin g durin g hi s adolescence , wa s o f dyin g from hydrophobi a lik e the ma n i n hi s village . Bu t h e als o suffere d from hi s "fantasti c scruples. " Onc e whe n a schoolmat e accuse d him o f takin g he r pencil , h e becam e "franti c wit h th e mer e drea d of guilt. " Despit e hi s innocence , h e coul d neithe r ea t no r slee p until th e issu e wa s resolved . T o eas e hi s sufferings , hi s fathe r reminded hi m o f th e nee d fo r reason , bu t Howell s continue d t o magnify mino r an d imagine d offenses. 12 Howells's persisten t fear s an d exactin g scruple s sugges t tha t h e struggled i n childhoo d wit h a sever e conscience . Othe r memorie s reveal associate d childhoo d inhibitions . Whe n h e wa s nin e o r ten , Howells travele d wit h hi s fathe r o n th e New England No. 2, th e Ohio Rive r steamboat pilote d b y one of his Dean uncles. Through out thei r journey , Howell s wa s trouble d b y hi s father' s penchan t to go ashore , strol l alon g th e wharf , an d distrac t himsel f b y "sam pling a book-peddler's wares , o r [by] talking with thi s bystander o r that." Howell s refuse d t o accompan y hi s fathe r o n thes e forays . He clun g t o th e steamboa t rail , fearin g tha t th e boa t migh t leav e before hi s father returned. 13 Each sto p renewed Howells' s anguish , a s his father's "insatiabl e interest i n ever y aspec t o f natur e an d huma n natur e urge d hi m ashore an d kep t hi m ther e til l th e las t momen t befor e th e gang plank was drawn in. " At last, Howells' s misery "mounte d t o frenzy" : I was left mostl y t o myself, an d I spent m y time dreamily watchin g the ever-changing shore , s o lost in its wild lovelines s that once when I woke from m y reverie the boa t seeme d t o have changed he r course, an d t o be going downstream instead of up. I t was in this crisis that I saw my fathe r descending th e gang-plank , an d whil e I wa s urgin g hi s retur n i n mut e

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agony, a boa t cam e u p outsid e o f u s t o wai t fo r he r chanc e o f landing . I looked an d rea d o n he r wheel-hous e th e nam e New England, an d the n I abandoned hope . B y wha t fel l necromanc y I ha d bee n spirite d fro m m y uncle's boa t t o anothe r I coul d no t guess , bu t I ha d n o doub t tha t th e thing ha d happened , an d I wa s flying dow n fro m th e hurrican e roo f t o leap aboar d tha t boa t fro m th e lowermos t dec k whe n I me t m y uncl e coming a s quietly u p th e gangwa y a s i f nothing ha d happened . H e aske d what wa s th e matter , an d I gasped ou t th e fact ; h e di d no t laugh ; h e ha d pity o n m e an d gravel y explained , "Tha t boa t i s the New England: thi s i s the New England No. 2" an d a t thes e word s I escaped wit h wha t wa s lef t of my reason. 14 T h o u g h calme d b y hi s uncle' s word s an d hi s father' s promis e t o account mor e exactl y fo r hi s movements , Howell s continue d t o resist hi s father' s visit s ashor e t o gathe r intelligenc e o r t o inspec t glass foundrie s an d rollin g mills . H e resiste d a s wel l whe n hi s father aske d hi m fo r hi s impression s o f th e rive r landscape . u M y lips wer e sealed, " Howell s explained , u for th e generation s canno t utter themselve s t o eac h othe r til l th e stronges t nee d o f utteranc e i s past." 1 5 T h e excursio n o n th e Ohi o Rive r wa s Howells' s mos t extende d venture beyon d th e bound s o f hi s hom e villag e an d hi s firs t pro longed experienc e o f th e bustling , urba n world . H e vividl y recalle d the frightenin g clamo r an d confusio n o f steamboa t enterpris e h e saw i n Pittsburgh : The wid e slop e of th e landin g wa s heape d wit h th e merchandis e puttin g off o r takin g o n th e boats , amids t th e wil d an d whirlin g curse s o f th e mates an d th e insensat e rushe s o f th e deck-hand s staggerin g t o an d fr o under thei r burdens . Th e swarmin g dray s cam e an d wen t wit h freight , and ther e wer e huckste r cart s o f ever y sort ; peddlers , especiall y o f or anges, escape d wit h thei r live s among th e hoof s an d wheels , an d throug h the din an d turmoi l passenger s hurrie d aboar d th e boats. 16 Scenes o f dazzl e an d dange r ma y hav e sparke d Howells' s fea r o f separation an d encourage d hi m t o clin g t o hi s father . Hi s imagine d separation fro m hi s father , moreover , ca n b e understoo d i n term s of hi s conflicte d impulses , bot h a s hi s wis h t o eliminat e hi s fathe r and a s hi s urg e t o self-punishment . Hi s inhibitio n i n actio n an d speech suggest s th e self-distrus t bor n fro m suc h conflicts . Lik e

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many o f hi s childhoo d memories , th e steamboa t inciden t indicate s that Howell s wa s susceptibl e t o harsh demand s o f conscience. Hi s self-accusations coul d b e assuage d bu t no t entirel y ease d b y force s he identified a s the protectors of his childhood—"a father' s reason " and u a mother' s love." 17 Howells's evocativ e childhood memorie s d o not stan d alone . Thei r meaning i s amplified b y understandin g othe r importan t influence s on hi s earl y development . Th e famil y player s i n hi s individua l drama wer e majo r characters . Thei r personalitie s an d inclination s entered int o hi s associations—hi s temperamentall y optimisti c fa ther, hi s sometime s mor e fearful mother . Thei r religiou s an d othe r beliefs als o mattered—th e Swedenborgia n perspective s tha t war ranted Willia m Coope r Howells' s comfor t wit h th e thing s hi s wif e found troubling , th e politic s tha t h e elevated t o the forefront o f his concern. Th e textur e o f village life mattere d a s well, portraye d b y Howells a s pristine bu t wit h a suggestion o f it s tenuousness. I n it s broader dimensions , Howells' s stor y involve s hi s family' s reactio n to th e dominan t force s o f socia l an d cultura l chang e i n th e earl y nineteenth century . An understandin g o f thes e broade r dimension s o f Howells' s story ca n b e approache d i n term s o f generations , beginnin g wit h the hope s an d dream s o f hi s paterna l grandfather . Josep h Howell s had learne d t o buil d an d operat e woole n mill s i n Wales , ye t i n America h e lost opportunitie s t o parlay hi s skill s into entrepreneu rial success . A s he becam e more and mor e dependent o n others fo r his living , h e yearne d fo r a ne w star t a s a farmer . H e ha d n o experience i n farming , bu t th e seemin g abundanc e o f lan d fe d hi s hunger fo r independence . Hi s first ventur e se t a discouraging pat tern. Followin g th e pani c o f 1819 , h e assume d lan d forfeite d b y a debtor. H e bough t fort y acre s o f cree k lan d nea r Steubenville , Ohio, fo r si x hundred dollar s on credit, usin g all of his cash for th e initial payment . Whil e th e lan d offere d matur e orchards , fifteen acres was rocky hillside. The rest, hi s son William Cooper recalled , was "wor n ou t an d hopelessl y poor. " Rud e improvement s o f a log barn an d tw o lo g cabins had strippe d th e land o f usable timber. 18

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Oblivious t o flaws i n hi s aspirations , Joseph Howell s burdene d his famil y wit h hopeles s toil . H e worke d throug h th e wee k a t a Steubenville mil l whil e hi s so n Willia m Cooper , a bo y o f twelve , managed th e entir e farm . Becaus e hi s fathe r coul d no t affor d draf t horses, Willia m Coope r trie d t o work th e fields with ponies . Man y tasks o f planting , cultivation , an d harves t require d hire d help , reducing famil y return s t o u a mer e trifl e ove r expenses. " T o re trieve hi s losses , Joseph Howell s bough t ewes , hopin g the y woul d bear lambs . Bu t th e ewe s prove d infertile , an d thei r woo l brough t less than th e cost of their feed. Th e accumulatio n o f his disappoint ments finally force d Josep h Howell s t o forfei t hi s land . I n th e following years , however , h e trie d farmin g fou r mor e time s wit h similar results . u Had a far m [been ] give n t o him , read y stocked, " William Coope r ruefull y concluded , "h e would scarcel y hav e bee n able to live on it." 19 Although Willia m Coope r Howell s resente d hi s father' s failure s in farming , h e share d hi s father' s penchan t fo r illusor y hopes . Starting lat e i n th e printin g trade , h e wa s anxiou s fo r immediat e success. I n 1828 , whe n h e turne d twenty-one , h e gav e u p fitful work a s a journeyma n printe r an d bega n hi s ow n publication , a political an d literar y miscellan y calle d th e Gleaner. H e foun d fe w subscribers, eve n after renamin g his newspaper th e Eclectic Observer and Workingman's Advocate and enhancin g it s contentiou s Owenit e flavor. Quittin g hi s newspaper , h e gathere d hi s remainin g re sources fo r th e publicatio n o f a massive book, The Rise, Progress and Downfall of Aristocracy, b y a Utopia n reforme r name d Willia m Matthers. 20 Anticipating fabulou s financial success , Willia m Coope r How ells marrie d Mar y Dea n i n Jul y 1831 . H e wa s soo n force d t o acknowledge, however , tha t th e boo k wa s a n utte r failur e an d tha t Matthers woul d neve r pa y pittanc e fo r expenses . " I found, " h e recalled, "that , compare d wit h [Matthers ] in his hopefulness, I had the coldes t o f commo n sense. " Nevertheless , i n succeedin g years , William Coope r Howell s continue d t o b e entice d b y hi s "constan t tempter, Hope. " A s h e pursue d a living , first a s a journeyma n printer an d the n a s a newspaper editor , h e no w an d the n trie d t o

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realize hi s drea m o f grande r success . An d lik e hi s fathe r befor e him, h e brought sufferin g t o his family. 21 T o endur e his difficultie s and sustain his hopes, William Cooper Howell s developed a "buoyant expectation o f th e bes t i n everything. " "H e believed, " wrot e hi s son Willia m Dean , "tha t yo u coul d d o wha t yo u wishe d t o d o i f you wishe d i t potently enough." 22 An exaggerate d idea l o f individua l wil l wa s no t a n eccentricit y of th e Howell s family . Undeterre d fait h i n th e autonomou s indi vidual had gained widesprea d acceptanc e among antebellum Amer icans throug h change s i n th e structur e o f economi c opportunity . Gaining momentu m afte r th e Wa r o f 181 2 an d acceleratin g durin g the 1830s , convergin g development s provide d th e basi s fo r a n integrated nationa l marke t stretchin g fro m th e easter n seaboar d t o the Mississipp i River . Augmente d b y increase d immigration , pop ulation bega n t o concentrat e i n commercia l cities , creatin g a n ur ban deman d fo r extensiv e cash-cro p agricultur e an d expande d ser vices. A serie s o f militar y campaign s defeate d India n resistanc e east o f th e Mississipp i Rive r an d opene d th e wa y fo r a swellin g tide o f wester n migration . Trave l an d th e exchang e o f goods wer e facilitated b y vas t improvement s i n transportatio n a s loca l an d regional market s wer e joine d b y a chai n o f canals , roads , an d railroad tracks . Steamboat s spe d regula r traffi c alon g th e Ohi o and Mississipp i river s fro m Pittsburg h t o Ne w Orleans . Th e con struction o f telegraph line s permitted rapi d communications. Bank ers, brokers , an d othe r middleme n forme d intricat e network s o f finance, credit , an d distribution . Th e incipien t developmen t o f manufacturing bega n t o suppl y a large r variet y o f wants , fro m brooms t o books . Al l thi s activit y wa s fuele d b y a hug e interna tional deman d fo r cotto n textiles , which provide d th e final impetus for creatin g a n integrate d nationa l market . B y th e 1850 s thi s na tional marke t wa s i n place , wit h tie s t o th e Sout h bu t develope d most extensivel y i n the North. 23 The Howell s family' s venture s i n farmin g an d publishin g wer e part o f th e u go-ahead" excitemen t stimulate d b y creatio n o f th e national market . Thei r enthusias m wa s share d b y politician s an d publicists wh o san g arden t hymn s t o th e ne w opportunities . An -

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drew Jackson—representin g fo r man y American s a charismati c figure o f unflinchin g will , th e ver y embodimen t o f autonomou s individualism—declared tha t American s wer e no w "uncon strained" t o develo p th e "powe r an d facultie s o f ma n i n thei r highest perfection. " Echoe d b y man y others , thi s expansiv e fait h fed democrati c impulse s an d inspire d communa l venture s lik e th e Owenite experiment s Willia m Coope r Howell s defende d i n hi s Eclectic Observer. But antebellu m Americans , includin g Willia m Cooper Howells , als o understood unconstraine d pursui t o f perfec tion t o mea n th e individua l ques t fo r acquisitiv e success. 24 Fable d examples o f wealth y entrepreneurs—divers e individual s suc h a s John Jaco b Asto r wh o wa s celebrate d b y Washingto n Irving , o r P. T . Barnu m wh o celebrate d himself—seeme d t o prov e tha t anyone coul d achiev e a grand succes s simpl y throug h th e exercis e of will. 25 Yet, a s Joseph an d Willia m Coope r Howell s discovered , every day realitie s ofte n denie d th e belie f tha t forc e o f wil l wa s all sufficient. Merchan t capitalists , substantia l farmers , an d lan d spec ulators garnere d th e greates t return s fro m th e ne w economi c envi ronment. Wealt h increasingl y lodge d i n th e hand s o f thos e wh o possessed considerabl e financial means . Arduou s labor , hazardou s risks, an d smal l economi c gain s wer e th e commo n experience s o f many antebellu m Americans . Thei r vision s o f fabulou s economi c success gre w dim . Eve n modes t aspirations , lik e thos e o f Josep h and Willia m Coope r Howells , wer e pre y t o defeat . Americans , observed Alexi s d e Tocqueville , pursue d succes s wit h "secre t dis quietude." A goo d par t o f thei r anxiet y cam e fro m "vagu e dread " that someho w the y ha d misse d th e mai n chance , tha t i n a "go ahead" societ y the y ha d bee n lef t behind. 26 Although disparitie s betwee n grandl y imagine d succes s an d dis appointing everyda y realitie s accentuate d th e anxietie s o f antebel lum American s lik e Josep h an d Willia m Coope r Howells , thei r ambivalence ha d a mor e profoun d basis . Th e emergenc e o f mor e extensive form s o f economi c activit y challenge d traditiona l value s of communal life . Befor e th e earl y nineteent h century , mos t fami lies engage d i n limite d marke t exchang e whil e sustainin g house -

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hold production . Peopl e live d aroun d smal l town s an d villages ; they wer e boun d i n network s o f family , friends , an d associates ; their face-to-fac e involvement s covere d th e ful l rang e o f life , fro m work t o worship . A patriarcha l orde r augmente d b y stron g reli gious sanction s reinforce d mutua l obligation s throughou t th e lif e cycle, fro m rearin g th e youn g t o carin g fo r th e aged . Thi s corpo rate, communa l worl d wa s neve r absolutel y realized . I t containe d increasingly divers e an d contendin g groups , an d a s i t erode d i t acquired a nostalgi c glo w tha t denie d it s repressiv e features . Bu t before th e early nineteent h century , th e corporate communit y pro vided th e basi s o f lif e fo r mos t American s an d claime d thei r alle giance.27 As the corporate community los t ground, antebellu m American s were caugh t betwee n th e worl d o f thei r immediat e experience — the worl d o f "home"—an d th e "greate r world " o f th e emergin g national market. 28 Well-to-d o familie s migh t travers e thes e tw o worlds withou t to o muc h difficulty , bu t familie s o f th e "middlin g sort" lik e th e Howell s family—smal l farmers , shopkeepers , an d artisans—felt especiall y vulnerabl e i n th e shiftin g economi c cir cumstances. Trouble d b y th e feelin g o f livin g i n tw o differen t worlds wit h incommensurat e demands , the y bega n t o devote mor e attention t o th e surviva l an d safet y o f thei r children . Tension s were playe d ou t i n man y cultural , social , an d politica l realms , bu t the provinc e o f famil y lif e wa s perhap s th e mos t critical. 29 Earlie r parents ha d raise d childre n t o follo w i n thei r ow n footsteps , t o preserve value s o f kin , craft , church , an d community . Childre n might leav e home, bu t the y wer e not ap t t o go beyond th e reach of parental guidance . Ofte n the y staye d withi n a day's ride . Wit h th e changing opportunities , childre n migh t settl e a t greate r distance s and sho w less concern abou t family values . Joseph Howell s wante d his so n t o sta y i n th e family , contribut e t o th e family' s welfare , and worshi p i n the family' s way . Bu t Willia m Coope r lef t hom e a t his earliest chance for hi s own purposes—t o gai n his economic and spiritual independence . The phanto m shap e o f th e worl d beyon d hom e intensifie d pa rental worries . Persona l fat e appeare d subjec t t o th e decision s o f

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"strangers." Fea r o f bein g controlle d b y thes e unknow n other s focused o n th e "confidenc e man " whose guises proliferated i n pop ular stories . Althoug h th e rhetori c o f th e self-mad e ma n offere d some reassuranc e o f individua l autonomy , uneas e concernin g per sonal freedom deepl y affecte d antebellu m Americans . Periodi c panics and depression s beginnin g i n 1819 , 1837 , an d 185 7 brough t hom e the messag e tha t individual s wer e dependen t o n distant , imper sonal forces. Ultimatel y thi s message eroded trus t i n a secure mora l order wher e individual s wer e accountabl e fo r thei r actions. 30 Parents ha d onc e prepare d childre n fo r a well-know n worl d confirmed an d sustaine d b y stron g spiritua l convictions ; no w the y were force d t o accoun t fo r a n unfamilia r worl d tha t threatene d their mos t sacre d beliefs . Contro l ove r childre n becam e freighte d with critica l meaning . Becaus e schoolin g an d professiona l trainin g were stil l i n th e making , no t becomin g commo n unti l th e 1850s , these institution s seeme d inadequat e safeguards . Eve n afte r forma l education becam e available , antebellu m parent s relie d o n tradi tional mean s o f control, particularl y intens e form s o f child-rearin g practice an d religiou s instruction . T o harnes s th e waywar d incli nations o f hi s son , Josep h Howell s augmente d hi s mora l instruc tion wit h coerciv e Methodis t cam p meetings . H e tol d Willia m Cooper tha t h e expecte d hi m "t o becom e religious, " a ferven t Methodist, i f he wished t o sta y i n the family . Bu t Willia m Coope r wished t o break away. 31 The questionin g o f patriarcha l authorit y durin g th e America n Revolution ha d stimulate d debat e ove r th e rearin g o f children . Acceleration o f economic developmen t durin g th e early nineteent h century sprea d thi s debat e t o a broa d population . Th e overtl y coercive measure s favore d b y Josep h Howell s los t favo r a s the y failed t o bind childre n t o parental decrees . Middlin g parent s bega n to shif t thei r child-rearin g preference s t o affectionat e persuasio n and lovin g explanation . Complicatin g th e emotiona l relation s be tween parent s an d children , thes e subtl e method s fostere d chil dren's self-contro l a s a substitut e fo r immediat e famil y an d com munal controls . Th e fable d self-mad e ma n emerge d a s th e ne w variety o f family-mad e man , no t th e famil y hei r wh o ha d receive d

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the estate , bu t th e famil y hop e wh o ha d deepl y internalize d th e ethos of self-control. 32 The child-rearin g literatur e o f th e 1830s—th e decad e o f How ells's birth—emphasize d affectionat e persuasio n an d lovin g ex ample as the means of self-control. A "system of early an d practica l self-control" wa s essential , Theodor e Dwigh t observe d i n The Father's Book, becaus e th e chil d woul d b e "hi s ow n disciplinaria n through life. " Th e poetes s an d moralis t Lydi a H . Sigourne y wa s among th e man y writer s wh o seconde d thi s emphasis . I n Letters to Mothers, she contende d tha t th e "scienc e o f self-government " wa s "the grea t en d o f education." 33 Th e reiterate d idea l o f self-contro l formed th e cornerston e o f th e emergen t middle-clas s valu e syste m of "civilize d morality. " Fo r th e aspirin g middl e class , self-contro l became the summ a o f all advice, th e antidote fo r al l ills. 34 The idea l o f self-contro l coul d serv e different , an d sometime s divergent purposes . Fo r antebellu m American s seekin g new oppor tunities, i t coul d hel p rationaliz e autonomou s individualis m an d further th e quest fo r acquisitiv e success . Bu t within man y families , parents als o taugh t childre n th e idea l o f self-contro l t o strengthe n resistance t o th e erosio n o f traditiona l communa l values. 35 Stirre d by a vision o f ne w opportunities , Willia m Coope r Howell s reare d his so n Willia m Dea n t o achiev e a gran d succes s i n th e worl d beyond home . Whil e encouraging hi s son's ambitions, however , h e taught hi m tha t succes s wa s nothin g i n itself . Unles s pursue d primarily fo r th e benefi t o f others , th e idea l o f succes s wa s a damning "idea l of glory. " The wor d glory emerge d i n Howells' s late r self-accusations , ap pearing wit h ful l forc e whe n h e imagine d th e loomin g magicia n who threatene d Pon y Baker . Howell s use d thi s wor d withou t acknowledging o r apparentl y recognizin g that i t expressed th e cor e of his father's religiou s convictions . B y 1837 , when hi s second son , William Dean , wa s bor n i n the "coal-smok y town " of Martinsville , Ohio, Willia m Coope r Howell s ha d throw n of f evangelica l Meth odism. Believin g Methodis m ha d distracte d hi s fathe r fro m th e "business o f life, " Willia m Coope r Howell s ha d foun d a mor e

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congenial fait h i n Swedenborgianism . Th e writing s o f the philoso pher-mystic Emanue l Swedenbor g suite d Willia m Coope r How ells's optimisti c temperament . Swedenbor g describe d a n absolut e "moral universe " tha t ensure d th e ultimat e triump h o f goo d ove r evil whil e allowin g eac h individua l contro l ove r hi s fate . I n th e Swedenborgian scheme , salvatio n wa s entirel y voluntary . A s th e "sovereign chooser " o f hi s ow n destiny , a n individua l migh t fur ther th e good o f all and initiat e a heavenly serenit y withi n himself . For Willia m Coope r Howells , Swedenborgianis m "serve d t o an swer ever y questio n an d satisf y ever y nee d o f his spirit." 36 For thos e wh o lacke d Willia m Coope r Howells' s tranqui l assur ance o f salvation , however , Swedenborgianis m intensifie d fear s o f damnation. Swedenborgia n belie f encourage d painfu l soul-search ing, th e constan t questionin g o f desires an d intention s fo r hint s o f self-love. "I f a ma n direct s hi s lov e wholl y t o himself, " Willia m Cooper Howell s explaine d i n the Retina, the Swedenborgia n news paper he edited whe n hi s son William Dea n was ages six and seven , "he immediatel y demand s th e lov e an d submissio n o f other s t o him; an d seek s t o rende r the m subservien t t o hi s wishe s an d grati fications. T o thi s desir e w e kno w ther e [are ] no bounds , an d fro m it mus t gro w contentions , oppositions , war s an d fightings o f ever y kind; in short , fro m thi s roo t o f self-love spring s al l moral evil." 37 Although emphasi s o n th e "voluntar y principl e o f man " tie d William Coope r Howells' s Swedenborgia n fait h t o autonomou s individualism, Swedenborgian s understoo d tha t exercise of the will was "perilous. " I n Willia m Coope r Howells' s vivi d metaphor , in dividual freedo m "poise d ma n upo n th e mos t delicately-balance d verge, wher e th e powe r t o turn eithe r wa y wa s s o easily exerte d a s to requir e unceasin g vigilanc e t o exercis e i t fo r good , an d wher e equilibrium whe n los t wa s extremel y har d t o recover. " An y "un due action" of self, he pointed out , destroye d al l potential fo r good : "The leas t turning i n upon himsel f o f the power to love would tur n the balanc e agains t man ; an d the n hi s selfhood , i n th e deligh t o f his freedom , woul d b e tempte d int o excesses , an d evi l woul d spring fro m suc h exces s i n it s rankes t growth . T o lov e onesel f fo r the sak e of self i s to hate all others wh o do not ministe r t o that lov e

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—not onl y b y loving us, bu t b y serving us. Ma n thu s set s himsel f up a s a god ; an d demandin g other s t o serv e an d worshi p him , defies Go d Himself—a s hi s enemy." 38 Swedenborg emphasize d tha t eve n those who sought th e light of heaven coul d surroun d themselve s wit h darkness : "Fo r h e tha t loves divin e truth s fo r th e sak e o f hi s ow n glor y regard s himsel f and no t th e Lord. " A n idea l o f "usefulness " wa s th e onl y wa y t o resist th e peril s o f self-love . "I t seem s t o hav e bee n th e first orde r of Providence respecting us," wrote William Cooper Howells , wit h no sense of violating the idea of voluntarism, "tha t w e should b e so bound t o each othe r tha t n o man ca n b e independent. Ou r inevita ble dutie s i n som e wa y relat e t o others ; an d eve n wha t w e d o fo r ourselves, i f rightl y done[, ] i s don e fo r others. " Thi s Swedenbor gian concep t o f self-contro l assimilate d traditiona l communa l no tions of mutual responsibility. 39 Lessons i n Swedenborgia n self-contro l bega n earl y i n th e How ells family . Willia m Coope r Howell s believe d childre n receive d truth wit h greate r deligh t tha n adults ; heave n seeme d "nearer " t o children. Bu t hel l wa s i n equa l proximity . Howell s onc e heard hi s father explai n Swedenborg' s frightenin g conceptio n o f hel l t o a neighbor. Willia m Coope r Howell s pointe d ou t tha t eac h perso n cast himself int o hell "i f he loved th e evil rather tha n th e good, an d that no mercy coul d [sav e him] without destroyin g him, fo r a man's love wa s hi s ver y self. " Accordin g t o Swedenborg' s notio n o f "ruling love," salvation or damnation wa s fated i n every choice. T o avoid damnatio n an d self-destruction , Howell s resolve d tha t "h e would d o his poor bes t to love the good." 40 William Cooper Howell s taught that redeeming usefulness coul d be accomplishe d i n th e famil y an d th e worl d a t large . H e pu t hi s children t o wor k i n th e family' s printin g offic e fo r thei r "souls ' sake," enacting his belief that "every one should fulfi l a use." When Howells tire d a t hi s compositor' s tasks , hi s fathe r reminde d hi m that "th e angel s i n th e highes t heave n delighte d i n uses." 41 Throughout Howells' s childhood , Willia m Coope r Howell s dem onstrated th e communa l dimensio n o f Swedenborgia n usefulnes s in his antislavery activities . Shiftin g fro m Conscienc e Whig to Free

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Soiler t o radica l Republican , h e se t a n exampl e o f usefulnes s tha t extended t o the whole nation . With it s antisacramenta l an d ethica l emphasis , Swedenborgian ism mirrore d th e secula r tendenc y t o substitut e self-contro l fo r religious authorit y an d t o understan d mora l purpos e a s socia l util ity. Th e centra l Swedenborgia n term , usefulness, increasingl y re placed righteousness i n th e vocabular y o f th e aspirin g middl e class . Henry War d Beeche r use d th e ter m t o encourag e "industry " an d discourage "idleness" : "Al l effort s withou t th e desig n o f useful ness," h e warne d i n Lectures to Young Men, "ar e o f th e natur e o f Idleness." 42 Bu t Swedenborgia n demand s wen t fa r beyon d con ventional cautions . Mer e socia l utilit y coul d no t ensur e salvation , usefulness wa s damnin g i f performe d fro m a lov e o f self , an d rankest evi l resulted fro m th e "leas t turning in " of love. The sam e intensit y entere d int o th e idea l o f "mora l nurture " that Willia m Coope r Howell s share d wit h advic e writers . Earlie r Calvinists ha d enjoine d a stric t breakin g o f th e child' s wil l t o subdue expression s o f origina l sin , bu t nineteenth-centur y moral ists encourage d a gentl e bendin g o f th e child' s wil l t o cultivat e correct choices . Althoug h th e voluntaris m encourage d b y mora l nurture supporte d autonomou s individualism , affectionat e mean s could significantl y restric t a child' s freedom . Th e advic e write r Heman Humphre y graspe d th e powe r o f affectionat e mean s whe n he intoned, "ther e i s no constraint lik e that o f love." 43 Many storie s an d article s tha t Willia m Coope r Howell s selecte d for hi s Swedenborgia n newspape r emphasize d affectionat e mean s of child rearin g an d religiou s instruction . "Le t a mother approv e of a child' s conduc t wheneve r sh e can, " on e articl e suggested . "Le t her sho w tha t hi s goo d behavio r make s he r sincerel y happy . Le t her rewar d hi m fo r hi s effor t t o pleas e b y smile s an d affection . I n this wa y sh e wil l nouris h i n he r child' s hear t som e o f th e nobles t and mos t desirabl e feeling s o f ou r nature." 44 Late r i n life , whe n his daughter Anni e lost patience with hi s granddaughter Vevi e and asked fo r hi s counsel , Willia m Coope r Howell s summarize d hi s attitude towar d chil d rearing . Hi s advic e touched al l the themes o f moral nurture—th e nee d t o us e gentl e persuasion , th e nee d t o

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bend rathe r tha n brea k th e will , th e nee d t o encourag e correc t choices, an d th e nee d t o establis h lovin g constraints . Anni e ha d resorted t o a "whipping " whe n th e littl e gir l refuse d t o dress : It i s a good pla n t o le t th e ange r o f a child coo l down , [Willia m Coope r Howells suggested, ] s o tha t the y ma y ge t ou t o f th e fightin g state , an d listen t o wha t yo u propose . Th e "obstinacy " o f childre n i s "forc e o f character" whe n the y gro w up . I t i s a bad pla n t o break i t up an d ye t yo u must contro l an d direct . I t migh t hav e bee n a good pla n t o hav e tol d he r that sh e had t o submi t t o your direction , i n that yo u woul d no t dress her ; but rathe r tha n whi p her , whic h wa s painful t o you a s well a s to her, yo u would leav e he r undresse d till th e gir l di d it . Sh e woul d hav e go t tire d and hungr y a t last , an d the n com e t o you r terms . Th e poin t i s to le t he r know tha t yo u wan t he r t o submi t willingly ; bu t tha t you wer e t o hav e your wa y i n th e event . Bu t dea r Annie , I d o no t kno w wha t t o tel l you , better tha n t o us e al l th e reasoning , an d al l th e forc e o f affectio n yo u can.45 "Force o f affection " precisel y convey s th e minglin g o f lov e an d constraint emphasize d b y advocate s fo r civilize d morality . Willia m Cooper Howell s wa s particularl y sensitiv e t o th e forc e o f affectio n because hi s child-rearin g principle s wer e se t agains t hi s father' s more overtl y coerciv e practices . Shiftin g fro m quie t Quake r wor ship t o "shouting " Methodism , hi s fathe r ha d thrus t hi m int o lon g camp meeting s designe d t o forc e conversion . Willia m Coope r Howells ha d silentl y submitte d t o conversio n i n th e mourner' s circle a t ag e fourteen , a n earl y ag e reflectin g evangelicals ' nervous ness ove r childre n abou t t o leav e home . Bu t h e neve r experience d genuine "enjoyment, " th e renewa l o f conversio n feelin g tha t prove d inward conviction . H e becam e a secre t Owenit e atheist , breakin g with Methodis m whe n h e finally lef t home . Durin g hi s "wande r years" a s a journeyma n printer , h e wa s attracte d t o Swedenborgi anism, a fait h tha t share d th e Quake r emphasi s o n gradua l mean s of spiritua l instruction . H e decide d tha t hi s childre n woul d neve r suffer th e kin d o f coercio n h e ha d experience d a s a child. H e woul d guide rathe r tha n compe l the m t o choos e salvation ; h e woul d stor e their memorie s wit h "truth s tha t wil l direc t thei r affection s t o proper objects." 4 6 William Coope r Howells' s rebelliou s trus t i n affectionat e mea -

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sures i s reveale d b y a n inciden t Howell s recalle d i n hi s autobiog raphy. Hi s grandfathe r ha d discovere d th e Howell s boy s breakin g the Sabbath , loiterin g besid e th e rive r an d throwin g stone s a t th e body o f a dead do g lodge d i n driftwood . Expectin g a shar p repri mand o r a t leas t a good talking-to , th e grandfathe r marche d the m home and reporte d th e affront t o Howells's father . Bu t after a brief reproof, Willia m Coope r Howell s gentl y concluded , "Boys , con sider yourselve s soundl y thrashed. " Hi s ironi c word s rebuke d hi s own father' s coerciv e practice s an d endorse d th e affectionat e mea sures he had pu t i n their place. 47 Another inciden t fro m Howells' s autobiograph y demonstrate s the effectivenes s o f hi s father' s gentl e approach . A t ag e fou r o r five, Howell s trace d a n engravin g o f a bul l o n grease d pape r an d proclaimed tha t h e had draw n th e picture himself. Whe n hi s brothe r called hi m a liar , thei r quarre l cam e t o thei r father' s attention . William Coope r Howell s ende d th e disput e b y acceptin g hi s son' s fib a s th e truth . Howell s state d tha t hi s fathe r alway s believe d "people are more apt t o be true i f you trus t the m tha n i f you doub t them." Encouragin g fre e choic e withi n th e constraint s o f love , hi s father gav e Howells " a far wors e conscience than i f [he] had whippe d him." Howell s recalle d tha t fo r a long time afterward h e was "ver y miserable abou t tha t bull." 48 A s a "forgiving parent " who despise d the "ro d o f correction," Willia m Coope r Howell s fostere d th e sub stitute authorit y o f conscience . Agreein g wit h middle-clas s moral ists, h e truste d tha t conscienc e woul d guid e hi s childre n int o th e outer worl d an d preserv e thei r chance s fo r bot h succes s an d salva tion.49 Conscience would mak e them miserabl e for thei r leas t asser tions o f selfishness , jus t a s i t ha d mad e Howell s miserabl e fo r hi s fib about th e bull . Swedenborgian teaching s an d affectionat e chil d rearin g channele d Howells's self-accusation s int o a n abhorrenc e o f self-love . Bu t ad ditional famil y circumstance s apparentl y mad e hi m particularl y susceptible t o sever e demand s o f conscience. I n Howells' s stor y o f Pony Baker , th e fathe r tell s Pon y tha t hi s mothe r shoul d no t b e blamed fo r he r actions . H e explain s tha t latel y sh e ha s bee n "ner -

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vous." 50 Howell s chose , the wor d "nervous " carefully , fo r i t re called hi s ow n suffering s i n adolescenc e and , mor e grievously , th e decline and deat h fro m "nervou s prostration" of his gifted daughte r Winifred.51 Mar y Howells' s nervousnes s seem s to have peaked jus t when he r so n was most vulnerable to self-accusations. Threatenin g changes i n Mar y Howells' s life—particularl y separatio n fro m he r kin—may hav e cause d he r t o ac t abruptl y an d withou t reflection , as she did i n the rose-throwin g incident . William Coope r Howells' s idealize d notio n o f famil y lif e wa s t o make a "heaven o n eart h i n hi s belove d an d lovin g home, " bu t hi s adherence t o Swedenborgianis m encourage d a more restricte d an d lonely famil y styl e tha n Mar y Howell s desired . Befor e he r mar riage, sh e ha d bee n converte d t o evangelica l Methodism , honore d as "the first on e of [her] large family t o profess fait h i n Jesus." Th e communal worshi p o f he r earlie r year s wa s a n extensio n o f th e peace an d securit y sh e fel t i n he r famil y a s th e eldes t daughte r among nin e children . Wit h considerabl e difficulty , Mar y Howell s had t o adjus t t o th e mor e solitar y lif e thrus t upo n he r b y he r marriage. Lik e othe r antebellu m Americans , Willia m Coope r Howells wa s excite d b y th e ide a tha t ne w economi c opportunitie s were openin g aroun d him . Mar y Howell s discovere d tha t pursui t of thes e opportunitie s se t familie s i n motion s tha t revolve d mor e around spouse s tha n aroun d kin. 52 During th e earl y year s o f he r marriage , Mar y Howell s endure d separation fro m he r Dea n ki n whil e he r husban d wandere d fro m town t o tow n lookin g fo r permanen t wor k a s a printer . Whe n William Coope r Howells' s effort s reache d a n impass e i n 1836 , hi s father-in-law, Joh n Dean , propose d tha t William , Mary , an d thei r small son , Joseph , settl e o n a n adjacen t lo t i n th e easter n Ohi o village o f Martinsville . Agreein g wit h Joh n Dea n tha t i t wa s " A Very har d thin g t o labo r fo r Naught, " Willia m Coope r Howell s accepted hi s invitation . Althoug h he r fathe r sickene d an d die d a short tim e later , Mar y Howell s fel t relieve d t o be at home an d fre e of th e lonelines s sh e alway s suffere d whe n apar t fro m he r kin . I n 1837 he r secon d son , Willia m Dean , wa s bor n withi n th e suppor tive circl e o f he r mothe r an d sisters . I n late r life , Mar y Howell s

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recalled th e pleasur e sh e too k i n he r secon d child , whos e "littl e body wa s s o be[a]utifully moulded[, ] s o perfectl y sym[m]etrical, " whose "hand s wer e exquisit[ely ] rounde d o n thei r back s lik e littl e pin cushions." 53 By 1839 , however , Mar y Howells' s peac e an d securit y wer e a t risk a s he r husban d becam e mor e an d mor e restless . I n th e aftermath of the financial panic, William Cooper Howell s began lookin g for ne w opportunitie s t o replac e th e flagging house-paintin g busi ness h e ha d begu n i n Martinsville . H e foun d a fa r bette r chanc e than h e ha d expected , a s edito r o f th e Intelligencer, a Whig news paper i n Hamilton , a village o n th e fa r wester n sid e o f Ohio , nea r Cincinnati. Th e offe r renewe d hi s optimisti c assessmen t o f eco nomic opportunities . Bu t Mar y Howell s wishe d t o sta y wit h he r kin, an d sh e resiste d th e move . Sh e refuse d he r permissio n t o sel l the hous e the y ha d buil t i n Martinsville , a decisio n he r husban d always resente d becaus e h e believe d i t hindere d thei r chance s fo r financial succes s i n Hamilton . Thoug h sh e di d no t chang e he r decision o n th e house , Mar y Howell s finally followe d he r husban d to Hamilton . The y brough t thre e smal l childre n t o the village , fo r a daughter , Victoria , ha d bee n bor n tw o year s before . A t thi s time, thei r so n William Dea n wa s nearly thre e year s old. 54 By th e tim e Howell s reache d ag e si x i n 1843 , hi s mothe r ha d borne tw o mor e children—Samue l an d Aurelia—an d soo n sh e was pregnan t wit h he r sixt h child . Managin g he r growin g house hold apar t fro m th e traditiona l ai d an d encouragemen t o f he r ki n was undoubtedl y a strain . Bu t he r distres s an d lonelines s wer e accentuated b y pressur e t o relinquis h he r communa l Methodis t worship fo r unceremoniou s Swedenborgia n reading s i n he r home . The presenc e i n Hamilto n o f William Coope r Howells' s Methodis t father offere d n o suppor t becaus e fathe r an d so n wer e ferventl y divided o n religiou s questions . Ever y Sunda y afternoo n the y woul d "have i t out, " distressin g Mar y Howell s wit h th e hea t o f thei r arguments. Th e grandfathe r grieve d fo r th e eterna l fat e o f grand children h e feare d damne d withou t a Methodis t conversion . H e communicated hi s fear s t o hi s grandchildren , caressin g the m an d lamenting ou t o f hi s pity , "Poo r thing , poo r thing! " Despit e pres -

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sures fro m hi s father , however , Willia m Coope r Howell s ada mantly se t th e "Ne w Church " o f Swedenbor g agains t th e "Ol d Church" o f Methodism . H e scorne d Methodis m a s a faith tha t le d not t o salvatio n bu t t o "spiritua l barrenness. " A s lon g a s Mar y Howells continue d a Methodist , sh e silentl y side d agains t he r husband i n a distressing quarrel. 55 Mary Howells' s sens e o f estrangemen t an d lonelines s i n Hamil ton wa s reinforce d b y he r husband' s oppositio n t o slavery . Anti slavery wa s a n eccentri c an d dangerou s stan d i n Hamilton , a par t of souther n Ohi o regarde d a s th e "Sout h Carolin a o f th e North. " Just t o th e sout h i n Cincinnati , antiabolitionis t mob s riote d i n 1836, 1841 , an d 1843 , directin g thei r animu s agains t newspape r editors the y considere d "whit e traitors " an d "amalgamationists. " Contrary t o abolitionists , Willia m Coope r Howell s believe d mora l suasion woul d fai l t o end slaver y unles s allied wit h politica l means . Nonetheless, hi s sentimen t agains t slaver y an d hi s ki n association s identified hi m wit h th e abolitionis t cause . Hi s fathe r wa s a well known abolitionis t whos e opinion s ha d hurrie d hi m fro m th e Wheeling, Virginia , area . I n 1836 , William Coope r Howells' s cousi n Edward ha d bee n workin g fo r James Birne y o n the Philanthropist in Cincinnati whe n a n antiabolitionist mo b destroyed th e newspaper' s press. I n 1841 , when Willia m Coope r Howell s condemne d a Day ton mo b tha t ha d kille d a man a t a n abolitionis t rally , hi s newspa per rival s seize d th e chanc e t o accus e hi m o f secre t abolitionism . He denie d th e charg e bu t faile d t o quie t hi s opponents . I n thi s atmosphere o f heightene d rhetori c an d threatene d violence , Mar y Howells's anxietie s intensified . Sh e bega n t o lon g inconsolabl y fo r her Martinsville*kin. 56 Howells recalle d tha t sometime s hi s mother' s apprehension s provoked "a n insupportabl e crisis, " followe d b y he r departur e o n one o f he r "homesic k visit s Up-the-River. " Wheneve r sh e fled t o Martinsville, sh e lef t he r childre n i n th e charg e o f a gir l wh o became "lastingl y abhorrent " t o her son . Th e gir l made an "insipi d milk-gravy" that ruine d th e beefsteak, an d sh e had recurren t night mares punctuate d wit h " a sor t o f wil d involuntar y yodeling. " Howells remembere d tha t whe n hi s mothe r returne d an d release d

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him fro m thi s strang e tormentor , sh e "alway s cam e bac k mor e contented wit h th e hom e whic h sh e herself wa s for us. " But as a child h e resented he r absences. Hi s "perversel y eclecti c memory " registered hi s mother' s explanatio n fo r becomin g mor e contente d —she said , u one coul d bur n woo d i n Hamilton , bu t ha d to bur n coal [i n Martinsville] , wher e everythin g wa s smutche d b y it." 57 Howells undoubtedl y fel t bette r reason s require d hi s mother' s presence in Hamilton: H e was in Hamilton, an d he needed protec tion fro m he r threatening replacement . A dreamlike , punitiv e mothe r figure wh o spoiled foo d an d disrupted sleep , th e yodeling gir l represent s th e kind o f magical self reproach exacte d b y th e conscienc e o f a young child . Sh e denie d Howells fundamenta l expression s o f mother's love—pleasin g foo d and soothin g sleep . Th e gir l ma y hav e take n o n frightenin g fea tures becaus e Howell s feare d tha t hi s mother's absenc e wa s really abandonment, a punishmen t h e deserve d fo r hi s passionat e im pulses. Hi s mother's absenc e raise d tormentin g feelings , whil e her presence temporaril y dispelle d hi s fears . Howell s recalle d a sup portive mothe r figure i n hi s memor y o f th e celebratio n tha t oc curred whe n hi s mothe r returne d fro m anothe r visi t t o Martins ville, a visit that ha d included him . She threw hersel f ont o the lush grass an d "tosse d an d frolicke d wit h he r littl e one s lik e a girl. " This imag e endure d throug h th e years, Howell s wrot e i n his autobiography, "whil e al l the phantasmagory o f spectres ha s long van ished away." 58 Like many nineteenth-centur y Americans , Howell s regarded his mother not only as "the centre of home" but also as "home itself." 59 But mothe r an d hom e provide d Howell s wit h a n imperfec t sens e of security . Durin g crucia l time s i n Howells' s earl y childhood , Mary Howell s fel t estrange d fro m hom e and failed t o ease her son's natural tensions . Growin g u p unde r th e influenc e o f Swedenbor gianism an d affectionat e chil d rearing , h e develope d a conscienc e that constantl y teste d hi s individua l desire s fo r hint s o f self-love . These childhoo d experience s se t hi m agains t mainstrea m middle class beliefs . I n th e rhetori c o f autonomou s individualism , self control produce d a disciplined , energeti c individual , abl e t o tak e

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hold o f marke t opportunitie s an d wor k fo r th e genera l welfar e while pursuin g hi s ow n self-interest . Bu t Howell s foun d atone ment possibl e only throug h selfless devotion t o the good of all. Onl y this commitment coul d stil l the voice that told him he was "nothin g but self"—isolated , unpitied , an d withou t salvation. 60

CHAPTER 2

Jf %ind of Ttouble "Life Every bo y i s two o r thre e boys , o r twent y o r thirt y differen t kind s of boy s i n one ; h e i s al l th e tim e livin g man y live s an d formin g many characters ; bu t i t i s a goo d thin g i f h e ca n kee p on e lif e an d one character whe n h e gets to be a man. H e ma y tur n ou t t o be like an onio n whe n h e i s grown up , an d b e nothin g bu t hulls , tha t yo u keep peeling off, on e after another , till you think you hav e got dow n to the heart , a t last, an d the n yo u hav e got down t o nothing . HOWELLS, 189 0

When h e faltere d i n hi s late r effort s t o realiz e hi s father' s idea l o f usefulness, Howell s ofte n expresse d hi s despai r i n Swedenborgia n imagery. Rememberin g hi s earlies t literar y experiment s i n hi s au tobiography A Boy's Town (1890) , h e contraste d hi s elde r brothe r Joseph's "idea l o f usefulness " wit h hi s ow n "idea l o f glory. " Refer ring t o himsel f a s "m y boy, " Howell s asserte d tha t "hi s brothe r was a cal m ligh t o f common-sense , o f justice , o f truth , whil e [m y boy] wa s a fantasti c flicke r o f gaud y purpose s whic h h e wishe d t o make shin e befor e me n i n thei r fulfilment . Hi s brothe r wa s alway s doing fo r hi m an d fo r th e younge r children ; whil e m y bo y onl y did fo r himself." 1 T h e experience s o f Howells' s late r childhoo d encouraged thi s dee p ambivalenc e towar d hi s literar y aspirations . As hi s famil y struggle d t o secur e an d maintai n middle-clas s status , 2

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Howells ha d frequen t occasio n t o feel tha t hi s literary desire s wer e "selfish," tha t the y faile d t o serve his family's bes t interests . Historians o f antebellu m Americ a hav e detecte d a n emergen t family styl e tha t focuse d o n vocationa l choic e a s th e mean s o f ascent t o th e middl e class . A s lan d acquisitio n becam e mor e an d more difficult , parent s typicall y directe d son s towar d th e expand ing clerica l an d professiona l occupations . Parent s o f narrowe r mean s sometimes foun d i t necessar y t o concentrat e resource s o n a singl e son, revivin g th e traditiona l practic e o f maintainin g th e patrimon y intact. Parent s expecte d thei r othe r children—an d almos t alway s their daughters—t o accep t thi s preferment . Th e singl e so n se lected fo r advancemen t becam e th e famil y hope , th e embodimen t in materia l an d symboli c term s o f his family's desir e fo r a prosper ous and secur e future. 2 This middlin g styl e o f developin g th e famil y hop e contraste d with anothe r adaptatio n o f traditiona l famil y life . I n earlie r times , parents ha d typicall y subordinate d th e desire s o f individua l chil dren t o th e immediat e materia l need s o f th e family . Everyda y working responsibilitie s tha t supporte d th e whol e famil y overrod e individual expectation s o f independen t futures , whic h wer e en tirely th e prerogativ e o f parents. Children' s mora l dutie s wer e tie d to the ethic of mutual ai d rathe r tha n t o self-development. 3 Families withou t resource s t o cultivate eve n a single child a s the family hop e continue d t o rel y o n mutua l ai d a s a necessary mean s of survival . Bu t familie s aspirin g t o th e secur e middl e clas s bega n to associate mutua l ai d wit h diminished , working-clas s status . Man y working-class familie s followe d th e traditiona l practic e o f stretch ing househol d boundarie s t o includ e boarder s an d lodgers—ap prentices an d other s wh o contribute d labo r o r "read y money " fo r the family's immediat e support . Middle-clas s families , o n the othe r hand, bega n to exclude boarders an d lodger s from thei r household s to provid e th e privac y an d concentrate d attentio n tha t promote d the vocational striving s o f their individua l children. 4 The child' s choic e o f vocatio n too k o n grea t consequenc e fo r antebellum families , becomin g a sig n o f clas s statu s fo r childre n

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and parent s alike . Fe w parent s lef t vocationa l choic e entirel y t o their child' s "self-cultivated " discretion , a s som e advic e writer s such a s Horac e Greele y suggested . Mos t parent s wer e les s san guine tha n Greele y concernin g thei r child' s capacit y t o choos e correctly. The y mad e vocationa l choic e a matte r o f intens e emo tional negotiation , especiall y wit h th e chil d selecte d a s th e famil y hope. 5 In th e Howell s family , middle-clas s hope s concentrate d o n th e inclinations o f Willia m Dean , whos e lov e o f literatur e offere d a vision o f ascen t beyon d clerica l an d professiona l occupation s t o headier realm s o f usefulness . Althoug h Howell s worke d i n hi s father's sho p a s soo n a s h e wa s able , Willia m Coope r Howell s encouraged hi s so n t o imagin e a gran d futur e a s a literar y artist . But economi c circumstance s frequentl y force d Willia m Coope r Howells t o rel y heavil y o n children' s labor . Becaus e hi s famil y lapsed fro m strategie s tha t preferre d hi m a s the family hope , How ells sometime s foun d hi s expectation s sharpl y contradicted . Thes e dismaying moment s accentuate d hi s feelin g tha t h e wa s leadin g a "kind o f doubl e life, " tha t on e par t o f hi m supporte d th e mutua l needs o f hi s famil y whil e anothe r par t o f hi m sough t t o fulfil l a selfish ambitio n i n literature. 6 "I shoul d b e interested t o know now, " Howell s wrot e i n one of hi s autobiographies, u how th e notio n o f authorshi p first crep t int o m y mind, bu t I do not i n the least know." 7 A s a small child , however , he first imagine d creatin g literatur e whe n h e bega n t o imitat e th e "loveliness" o f th e poetr y hi s fathe r frequentl y rea d alou d t o th e family. Willia m Coope r Howell s ofte n selecte d passage s fro m Swedenborg, bu t h e routinely ende d a day's labor with verses fro m secular poet s suc h a s Jame s Thomson , Thoma s Moore , Rober t Burns, an d Walte r Scott . Howells' s earlies t memor y o f these occa sions appear s i n A Boy's Town: "Th e first boo k m y bo y remem bered t o have heard hi m rea d wa s Moore' s 'Lall a Rookh, ' o f whic h he forme d bu t a vague notion , thoug h whil e h e struggle d afte r it s meaning he took all its music in, an d bega n at once to make rhyme s

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of hi s own . H e ha d n o conception o f literatur e excep t th e pleasur e there wa s i n makin g it ; and h e had n o outlook int o the worl d o f it , which mus t hav e been prett y ope n t o his father." 8 Reading alou d t o hi s family , Willia m Coope r Howell s followe d a traditional styl e o f devotiona l practic e tha t reinforce d th e notio n that th e husban d an d fathe r wa s God' s representativ e i n th e hom e and responsibl e fo r hi s family' s salvation . B y th e earl y nineteent h century, literatur e ha d becom e a means t o thi s end . Willia m Coope r Howells believe d literatur e an d especiall y poetr y wer e suffuse d with spiritua l meaning . Poetry , h e wrot e late r i n life , look s "in ward t o the soul . . . . It s range is universal. Whateve r w e think, o r love, whateve r w e imagin e o r know ; whethe r o f Eart h o r Heaven , our highes t conception s o f i t ar e tol d i n poetry. " Lik e man y ante bellum Americans , Willia m Coope r Howell s grante d literatur e a spiritual authorit y onc e exclusivel y reserve d fo r sacre d scriptur e and devotiona l texts. 9 Followin g Swedenborg' s suggestio n tha t everything earthl y ha d spiritua l "use, " h e include d secula r poem s and storie s i n th e Retina fo r th e religiou s instructio n o f youn g children. H e brough t thi s combinatio n o f the religiou s an d secula r lessons home i n his daily reading s t o his family, tyin g "Memorabl e Relations" from Swedenbor g t o spiritual expression s i n poetry. 10 This associatio n o f literatur e an d religio n wa s reinforce d whe n the Howells famil y entertaine d itineran t Swedenborgia n ministers . Howells recalle d a n awe-inspirin g occasio n whe n h e declaime d Fitz-Greene Halleck' s "Marc o Bozzaris " befor e on e o f thes e "per sonally sacred " beings , whos e influenc e seeme d t o fre e hi m "fro m the fea r i n whic h hi s day s see m mostl y t o hav e bee n passed." 11 Understood a s a spiritual offering , literatur e provide d simila r con solation. I t helpe d t o hea l th e emotiona l wound s o f Howells' s earlier childhood , strengthenin g hi m agains t hi s torturin g night mares an d self-accusations . Literature , Howell s bega n t o sense , might offe r persona l atonement . Yet Howell s di d no t find tota l self-affirmatio n i n hi s earlies t attempts t o creat e literature . Whil e describin g th e hars h punish ments mete d ou t b y schoolmaster s i n A Boy's Town, h e shifte d t o an occasion whe n h e ha d joine d hi s fascinatio n fo r literatur e t o th e

i. I n 1 9 1 7 , Clifton Johnso n photographe d scene s t o illustrat e Howells' s autobiography Years of My Youth. Littl e remaine d o f the pas t i n Hamilton , O h i o , bu t remnant s o f th e Miam i Canal . "I n th e w a r m summe r night s o f that southerl y latitude, " H o w e l l s fondl y recalled , "th e wate r swarme d with laughing , shouting , screamin g b o y s , w h o plunge d fro m th e bank s and riote d i n th e deliciou s water , divin g an d ducking , flying an d follow ing. . . . T h e y turne d somersault s fro m th e deck s o f th e canal-boats ; some o f the boy s coul d tur n doubl e somersaults. " Swedenborgian conceptio n o f evil.

1 2

O n e d a y , t o eas e hi s b o r e d o m

in t h e c o m m o n s c h o o l , h e f l i p p e d t o t h e b a c k o f hi s g r a m m a r a n d d i s c o v e r e d t h e r u l e s o f p r o s o d y . H e fel t i m m e d i a t e l y a s i f " h e a v e n had opene d t o h i m . " H e n o w possesse d th e mean s tha t allowe d h i m t o e n t e r hi s father' s s a c r e d w o r l d . " T h e m u s i c w h i c h h e h a d f o l l o w e d t h r o u g h t h o s e p o e m s hi s fathe r rea d w a s n o l o n g e r a m y s t e r y , " H o w e l l s w r o t e ; h e h a d it s k e y , it s s e c r e t ; h e m i g h t u

h o p e t o w i e l d it s c h a r m , t o l a y it s spel l u p o n o t h e r s . " H e m a s t e r e d t h e r u l e s a t firs t r e a d i n g a n d i m m e d i a t e l y c o m p o s e d a p o e m d e s c r i b i n g h e a v e n . A f t e r s c h o o l , h e h u r r i e d h o m e t o p r e s e n t hi s p o e m as a n o f f e r i n g t o hi s f a t h e r . A l t h o u g h h e w a s i m p r e s s e d b y hi s s o n ' s p r e c o c i o u s effort , W i l -

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Ham Coope r Howell s raise d a fine poin t abou t Swedenborgia n belief. Drawin g fro m hi s curren t controversie s wit h Universalists , he remarke d tha t th e poe m represente d heave n i n th e sky , an d h e wished hi s so n "t o realiz e tha t heave n wa s a state and no t a place, and tha t w e coul d hav e i t i n thi s worl d a s wel l a s th e next. " Swedenborgians believe d i n continuit y betwee n earthl y an d heav enly states ; spiritua l perfectio n commence d whe n on e renounce d the lov e o f sel f fo r th e lov e o f others . Heave n lik e hel l wa s a n immediate reality , her e an d now , fate d i n ever y choice . Howell s promised alway s t o remembe r th e tru e natur e o f heaven , bu t h e knew tha t man y o f the poet s hi s father rea d pu t heave n i n the sky , and h e thought h e could d o likewise, "n o matter wha t Swedenbor g said." Hi s father' s didacti c respons e lef t Howell s feelin g resentful . u [My Boy ] revere d Swedenborg, " Howell s recalled ; "h e ha d a religious aw e o f th e seer' s lithograp h portrai t i n full-botto m wi g which hun g i n th e front-room , bu t h e di d no t se e how eve n Swe denborg coul d hav e helpe d callin g heave n a plac e i f h e ha d bee n making poetry." 13 William Coope r Howells' s sectaria n precisio n concernin g heave n overrode his usual sensitivity . H e confused hi s son's understandin g that poetr y naturall y expresse d spiritua l truth . T o reaffir m prid e in hi s accomplishment , Howell s rebelliousl y questione d Sweden borg's suprem e authority—symbolize d judiciall y i n the seer' s full bottom-wig portrait . Bu t prid e wa s a dangerou s emotio n i n a Swedenborgian universe . Th e prosod y inciden t undoubtedl y pro voked Howells' s self-accusation s an d reinforce d hi s tendenc y t o associate all self-assertion, eve n devotional literary expression , wit h malignant self-love . While distrus t o f hi s literar y desire s remaine d a disturbing un dercurrent, othe r experience s tende d t o diminis h thi s feelin g an d support Howells' s notio n tha t creatin g literatur e wa s a redemptiv e act. I n th e famil y printin g offic e wher e h e ha d bee n pu t t o us e fo r the sak e o f hi s soul , Howell s discovere d tha t certai n kind s o f literary eloquenc e wer e muc h admired . Listenin g t o hi s father' s fervent tal k aroun d th e editoria l desk , Howell s wa s draw n int o a vibrant aren a o f publi c debat e wher e languag e wa s a powerfu l

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instrument o f moral action . Hi s father' s oppositio n t o the Mexica n War seale d thi s association . "I n a community ho t wit h wil d Dem ocratic zea l fo r th e invasion , an d ofte n flow n wit h whiske y agains t the enemie s o f th e war, " Howell s recalled , "h e fough t i t steadil y . . . and spare d neithe r me n no[r ] measures i n hi s denunciations. " On on e occasion , Willia m Coope r Howell s rea d alou d fro m Jame s Russell Lowell' s Biglow Papers, enjoyin g th e poet' s satiri c condem nations o f th e war' s absurdities . H e celebrate d Thoma s Corwin' s diatribe agains t th e war wit h eve n mor e enthusiasm. Howell s helpe d to se t th e speec h i n type , memorizin g Corwin' s fearfu l prophec y that a vengeful Go d woul d punis h al l th e America n warrior s wh o ventured ont o Mexica n soil . Howells' s dail y wor k i n th e printin g office—where h e quickly becam e the "most proficient" helpe r amon g the children—encourage d hi m t o fee l tha t h e was worth y becaus e his work wa s devoted t o the production o f righteous words. 14 As Howell s bega n t o imagin e literatur e a s a sanctified vocation , his fathe r mad e th e choic e o f a literary caree r nearl y inevitabl e b y investing hi s so n wit h hope s h e ha d onc e cherishe d fo r himself . The tim e soo n passe d whe n Willia m Coope r Howell s considere d his son' s literar y production s primaril y a s opportunitie s fo r reli gious instruction . Whe n Howell s demonstrate d a true lov e o f po etry, hi s father becam e hi s enthusiastic literar y guide , encouragin g him t o rea d th e poet s an d writer s h e most adore d himself . Willia m Cooper Howell s believe d hi s ow n literar y talent s ha d bee n waste d by th e "slavish " labor o f his youth. H e ha d compose d a few poem s and writte n a melodrama o n the War o f 181 2 that ha d faile d afte r a single performance. I n the Gleaner, h e had trie d hi s hand a t literar y publishing. Discourage d wit h th e "politica l yoke " he ha d assume d as a Whig editor, h e longed fo r a position mor e commensurate wit h the boundles s opportunitie s h e sense d aroun d him . I n 184 4 h e broke his association wit h th e Intelligencer and bega n mor e fulfillin g work a s edito r o f th e Retina. Bu t afte r a fe w month s hi s religiou s forum failed , an d h e mad e a n embarrassin g retur n t o hi s politica l newspaper. I n th e wak e o f thi s disappointment , h e renewe d hi s optimism b y eagerl y promotin g Hi s son's literar y interests. 15 Howells recalle d tha t i n himself , mor e tha n i n th e othe r chil -

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dren, hi s fathe r "divine d an d encourage d th e lov e o f poetry. " Through subtl e attentions , Willia m Coope r Howell s selecte d hi s son Will to achieve the grand succes s he himself ha d foun d elusive . "The tim e cam e earl y i n ou r companionship, " Howell s observed , "when h e though t fit t o tel l m e tha t h e regarde d m e a s differen t from othe r boy s m y age ; an d I ha d a very grea t an d swee t happi ness without allo y o f vanity, fro m hi s seriou s an d considere d words . He di d no t sa y tha t h e expecte d grea t thing s o f me ; thoug h I ha d to check hi s fondnes s i n offering m y poo r endeavor s fo r th e recog nition o f print." Willia m Coope r Howells' s enthusiasti c action s fo r his "teachable an d gentle" son undoubtedly overrod e his occasiona l words o f caution . Whil e circumstance s ha d prevente d hi s ow n accomplishment o f "great things, " it would no t b e the sam e for hi s son.16 Still, Willia m Coope r Howells' s avi d promotio n o f hi s son' s literary interest s expresse d a degre e o f laten t jealousy . "H e wa s always proude r tha n I o f wha t I di d unaided, " Howell s wrot e o f his father ; "h e believe d I coul d d o everythin g withou t help." 17 With hi s father' s encouragemen t t o procee d o n hi s own , Howell s struggled t o lear n subject s h e coul d hav e mastere d easil y wit h slight instruction . Insistin g o n th e sufficienc y o f self-help, Willia m Cooper Howell s neve r taugh t hi s so n th e rudiment s o f grammar , even thoug h h e ha d onc e writte n a prime r fo r schoolchildren . Howells wondered i f his father ha d expecte d hi m to learn gramma r by th e "principl e o f heredity." 18 A forc e a s powerfu l a s heredit y was involved—th e communicatio n o f unfulfille d desir e fro m on e generation t o th e next . "Havin g ha d s o littl e hel p i n m y studies, " Howells explained , " I ha d a stupid prid e i n refusin g all , eve n suc h as I migh t hav e availe d mysel f of , withou t shame , i n books." 19 Only th e mos t exaggerate d idea l o f self-sufficienc y rule d ou t al l help fro m books , bu t th e fait h Howell s accepte d fro m hi s fathe r had thi s effect . As h e molde d himsel f i n hi s father' s image , Howell s bega n a struggle fo r autonomou s achievemen t tha t wa s intensifie d b y hi s father's sens e o f unbounde d opportunitie s an d complicate d b y hi s father's aggressiv e belie f i n th e sufficienc y o f individua l effort . A t

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the sam e time , Howells' s Swedenborgia n conscienc e compelle d him t o test ever y self-assertio n fo r hint s o f damning self-love . Th e expectation tha t h e accomplis h al l b y himself , withou t selfis h re gard fo r himself , whil e subordinating himsel f to the good of others, helps t o explain Howells' s desperat e confusio n durin g hi s youthfu l pursuit o f a literar y vocation . I n th e mids t o f hi s youthfu l strug gles, hi s father, the n confine d t o his newspape r tasks , wrote proudl y to a friend , "Wil l i s s o muc h a continuatio n an d developmen t o f my ow n aspiration s an d effort s tha t h e seem s almos t myself." 20 Selected b y hi s father t o fulfill hi s dream o f success, Howell s ofte n received th e emotiona l an d materia l prefermen t grante d th e famil y hope. Bu t i n th e Howell s family , strategie s o f individua l develop ment wer e tenuousl y maintaine d agains t th e strategie s o f mutua l aid needed fo r day-to-da y survival . I n th e country town s and smal l cities where Willia m Coope r Howell s sough t a livelihood, printin g had a deserved "reput e for insolvency. " Howell s remembered jour neymen printer s wh o arrive d ou t o f nowher e a t hi s father' s office ; if n o wor k wer e availabl e fo r a dolla r a day , a ha t wa s passe d around th e office , an d th e journeyma n vanishe d wit h hi s meage r take. Becaus e newspape r subscription s an d advertisin g rarel y pai d expenses, printer-editor s lik e Willia m Coope r Howell s fare d littl e better. Thei r fat e depende d o n th e sli m margi n tha t cam e fro m political patronage . Twic e during Howells' s childhood, hi s father' s advocacy o f antislavery—minorit y opinio n i n th e Whi g party — scuttled hi s newspaper an d se t the family o n the road. 21 William Cooper Howell s minimize d th e desperate realitie s of his trade and secure d hi s "happy doub t o f disaster" through traditiona l strategies o f family survival. 22 Th e risk s of the trade mad e printin g in smal l town s an d citie s a household industry . Althoug h Howell s was allowe d t o choos e betwee n th e commo n schoo l an d th e print ing office whe n h e becam e ol d enoug h t o work a t ag e six or seven , his "choice " wa s fate d b y famil y necessity . Childre n wer e value d laborers. The y save d th e boar d o f apprentice s an d th e wage s o f journeymen. Willia m an d Mar y Howell s fel t n o urge to follow th e middle-class strateg y o f famil y limitation ; the y adde d a new chil d

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to their househol d ever y tw o year s betwee n 183 7 a n d 1846 . How ells wa s th e secon d eldes t chil d o f a famil y tha t eventuall y num bered five brother s an d thre e sisters , a work forc e appropriat e fo r the printing trade. 23 Since onl y Howell s an d hi s brothe r Joseph wer e ol d enoug h t o work th e prin t sho p i n Hamilton , hi s fathe r followe d th e custom ary practic e o f enlargin g hi s househol d wit h journeyme n an d ap prentice "printer-boys. " Howell s recalle d severa l printe r boy s wh o lived i n thei r Hamilto n home . Thes e printe r boy s becam e lik e brothers an d share d equall y i n dail y tasks . Whe n th e co w wa s abroad, everyon e gav e chase . Printe r boy s submitte d t o th e sam e paternal authorit y a s th e Howell s childre n an d receive d th e sam e instruction i n Swedenborgia n self-control : " I a m ver y gratefu l t o you," on e forme r printe r bo y wrot e t o Willia m Coope r Howells , u & shal l tr y neve r t o do a n ac t that yo u woul d b e ashamed o f you r own boy s fo r doing." 24 Househol d productio n an d th e boardin g of journeymen an d printe r boy s wa s a way o f lif e se t apar t fro m th e practices o f the aspirin g middl e class . The middle-clas s idea l was a family geare d t o th e developmen t o f individua l children , a famil y enclosed i n privacy, withou t boarder s o r other "strangers." 25 William Coope r an d Mar y Howell s expecte d thei r childre n t o be "duteous, " t o devot e thei r labo r t o th e welfar e o f th e whol e family. The y gav e their children useful task s to perform an d taugh t them t o share . Th e childre n wer e "denie d oftene r tha n the y wer e indulged." Scarc e famil y resource s require d tha t the y mak e th e most o f rar e treats . Onc e thei r fathe r brough t thre e gloriou s or anges hom e fro m Cincinnati , an d th e childre n ha d t o spli t th e oranges int o five shares. Willia m Coope r Howell s preache d frugal ity an d sometime s abstinence . Durin g har d times , hi s children di d without undershirt s an d mad e d o with ragge d clothes . Ye t h e wa s always eager t o indulg e th e literar y appetite s o f hi s so n Will . H e also grante d hi m preciou s time . T o pursu e hi s literar y studies , Howells lef t th e printin g offic e earl y i n the da y an d seale d himsel f in a smal l stud y se t asid e fo r hi s exclusiv e use . Late r Willia m Cooper Howell s encourage d hi s son's writing by printing poem s i n

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his ow n newspape r an d pressin g poem s upo n hi s journalisti c friends.26 Cultivation o f Howells' s literar y ambition s require d sacrifice s from othe r famil y members . Th e chie f burde n fo r pickin g u p th e slack i n th e printin g offic e fel l t o Joseph, wh o clearl y resente d th e favor show n hi s younge r brother . Onc e Josep h commandeere d Will's literar y diar y an d wrot e i n the margin besid e a poem, "Thu s you se e the Poetry bus t rit e out of the young poet, lik e a biled tate r does ou t o f th e skin." 27 Joseph' s teasin g wa s ofte n good-nature d fun, bu t hi s earth y deflatio n o f poeti c pretensio n reveal s Joseph' s sense of the different future s assigne d himsel f an d hi s brother Will . Joseph wa s to take hi s father' s plac e a s a practical printer , workin g for th e mutua l surviva l o f th e family , i f necessar y throug h th e sacrifice o f hi s individua l desires . Hi s brothe r Wil l wa s t o pursu e his individua l inclination s becaus e h e wa s destine d fo r usefulnes s in large r spheres . Joseph wa s t o b e th e famil y stalwar t wh o woul d satisfy laborin g necessities ; Wil l wa s t o b e th e famil y hop e wh o would fulfil l middle-clas s aspirations . The messag e designatin g Howell s th e famil y hop e wa s commu nicated wit h imperfec t clarity . Encourage d t o b e a n individua l o f special accomplishmen t wh o woul d b e serve d b y famil y suppor t and sacrifice , Howell s wa s als o expected t o respond t o his family' s immediate needs . H e wa s awar e o f livin g a "kin d o f doubl e life, " of having an "inward bein g that wa s not th e least like [his] outward being, bu t tha t someho w seeme d t o b e [his ] rea l self , whethe r i t truly wa s s o o r not. " Hi s inwar d bein g reside d i n " a worl d o f dreams, o f hopes , o f purposes " tha t cam e fro m hi s readin g an d writing, bu t hi s outward bein g was attached t o everyday task s tha t contributed t o famil y survival. 28 Durin g mos t o f hi s childhoo d i n Hamilton, Howell s controlle d hi s double-live d feelings . Then , a s he recalled, th e "skie s changed." 29 In 1848 , Willia m Coope r Howell s refuse d t o endors e Zachar y Taylor, th e Whi g nomine e fo r president , becaus e Taylo r wa s a slave-holding Southerne r an d a her o o f th e Mexica n War . Hi s

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decision to vote Free Soil rather than support "slav e propagandism " cost hi m hi s standin g i n th e Whi g part y an d hi s editorshi p o f th e newspaper tha t provide d th e livelihoo d fo r a famil y tha t no w numbered seve n childre n wit h th e additio n o f a daughter , Anne , and a son , John . Hi s father' s decision , Howell s related , wa s a n example of his "unconscious courage, " a phrase that suggest s How ells's feeling tha t hi s father ha d bee n foolis h a s well a s brave. 30 After h e relinquishe d th e Intelligencer, Willia m Coope r Howell s "amused hi s hopefu l ingenuity " fo r severa l months , imaginin g en trepreneurial possibilities . H e toye d wit h variou s money-makin g schemes, includin g th e drea m o f turnin g milkwee d int o paper , while Joseph an d Wil l kep t th e famil y solven t workin g a s newspa per compositors . Decidin g finally i n th e sprin g o f 184 9 tha t hi s only chanc e wa s anothe r newspaper , Willia m Coope r Howell s returned a s a renegade to his party. H e pu t hi s note on the Dayto n Transcript, a newspape r h e immediatel y turne d t o antislaver y Whiggery i n competitio n wit h th e mainstrea m Whi g newspaper , the Dayto n Journal.31 Without hop e o f part y patronage , Willia m Coope r Howell s at tempted t o overcom e hi s indebtednes s b y forc e o f har d famil y labor. T o broade n th e newspaper' s appeal , h e adde d dail y an d weekly edition s t o th e triweekl y paper . Muc h o f th e tas k o f print ing the new edition s fel l t o Joseph an d Will . I n Hamilto n printing office chore s ha d bee n Howells' s "delight"—th e activit y tha t trul y revealed hi s "rulin g love. " I n Dayton , however , printing-offic e chores becam e Howells' s "oppression. " A t ag e twelv e h e worke d six day s a wee k fro m five i n th e mornin g unti l eleve n a t night , delivering papers, settin g type, an d collecting telegraph dispatches . "When Sunda y came , an d I could slee p as late as I liked," Howell s recalled, "i t wa s blis s suc h a s I cannot tel l to lie and rest , an d rest , and rest!" 32 Howells described th e eighteen month s his family spen t in Day ton a s "heavy years, " "toil-years," "Boeotian years. " His exaggera tion o f th e actua l tim e an d it s stupefyin g effec t reflect s hi s suffer ing. Bein g usefu l withou t relie f lef t hi m littl e tim e t o satisf y th e longings o f hi s inwar d self . H e attende d a fe w play s durin g th e

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first days in Dayton, bu t throughout th e whole period h e read onl y a singl e significan t book , Charlott e Bronte' s Jane Eyre. Thi s in tense, gothi c romanc e merge d i n hi s min d wit h th e curren t spiri tualist hysteri a se t of f b y th e Rocheste r "Knockings. " A s h e rea d the novel , h e trie d t o ignor e hi s sensatio n tha t spirit s wer e nea r a t hand, janglin g pictures o n the wall of his room. 33 Renewed fearfulnes s o f a world aliv e with malignan t force s wa s further stimulate d b y th e choler a epidemi c tha t swiftl y kille d tw o hundred peopl e in Dayton during the summer of 1849 . As Howell s watched funera l afte r funera l pas s hi s door , th e "broodin g horro r of the pestilenc e san k dee p int o [his ] morbid soul. " President Tay lor calle d fo r a da y o f fastin g t o cleans e th e natio n o f it s sins , fo r the mora l theor y o f diseas e identifie d th e scourg e a s a visitatio n upon th e damned . Wor d o f thi s interpretatio n probabl y adde d t o Howells's alar m whe n h e suffere d a "slight " attac k himself . Hi s mother decide d t o prepare hi m fo r death . Sh e told hi m heave n wa s a bette r plac e wher e h e woul d b e love d mor e full y tha n o n earth . But Howell s becam e s o distraugh t tha t sh e ha d t o reassur e hi m that h e was in no danger o f dying. 34 In th e mids t o f a famil y crisis , suffering fro m insecurit y an d fearing th e scourg e o f th e cholera , Mar y Howell s dissente d fro m her husband' s Swedenborgia n notio n tha t heave n wa s a state to b e enjoyed i n th e presen t an d fo r al l time . He r Methodis m allowe d that submissio n t o an "all-wis e an d goo d Providence " provided th e only comfor t fo r th e earthl y travai l o f sufferin g an d death. 35 Mar y Howells ha d returne d t o he r Methodis t fait h becaus e th e mov e t o Dayton ha d bee n traumatic, erodin g the communal tie s and feelin g of respectabilit y sh e ha d finally establishe d i n Hamilton . Dayto n was a rapidl y growin g commercia l cit y wit h "les s neighborhood " than Hamilton . A n afternoo n te a n o longe r seeme d possible , le t alone a mor e communa l gatherin g lik e a quilting . Throug h th e week, Mar y Howell s manage d a large household tha t include d tw o journeymen printers . He r sol e outin g cam e o n Sunda y evenin g when the famil y visite d he r husband' s brothe r Israel , a prosperou s druggist i n Dayton . Howell s remembere d hi s uncle' s hom e a s a vision o f "worldl y splendor, " a notion h e probabl y absorbe d fro m

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his mother' s admiratio n o f it s middle-clas s adornments , especiall y the parlo r wit h piano , lac e curtains , an d hairclot h chairs. 3 6 As Mar y Howell s bega n t o lon g fo r thes e emblem s o f middle class security , he r husban d gre w estrange d fro m th e individualisti c and entrepreneuria l assumption s o f th e middle-clas s ethos . I n th e midst o f hi s difficulties , Willia m Coope r Howell s turne d asser tively t o communa l values . Influence d b y hi s Swedenborgia n be liefs an d working-clas s movement s i n th e East , h e develope d a radical critiqu e o f th e nationa l marke t society . H e proclaime d tha t "radicalism" wa s essentia l fo r th e "redemptio n o f mankind " an d proposed redistributio n o f lan d an d abolitio n o f interes t t o annu l the "tyrann y o f th e land[ed ] an d monie d capitalists." 3 7 H e believe d one reform—th e exemptio n o f famil y homestead s fro m collectio n for d e b t — w a s especiall y important , fo r i t woul d chec k "th e rest less spiri t o f adventur e whic h i s no w dryin g u p almos t ever y domestic sentiment" : [Protecting famil y homesteads ] will giv e birt h t o a n affectio n fo r hom e and it s associations , an d elici t a new an d mor e intimat e patrioti c relatio n to the State . I t will tend t o localize our people and attac h the m t o the soil; and direc t th e accumulatio n o f wealt h i n smal l hand s t o th e for m o f th e greatest usefulness . . . . I t wil l cal l fort h mor e domesti c taste , an d in crease th e comfort s [of ] home ; an d thu s b e th e mos t direc t mean s o f elevating th e masse s o f th e community . I t wil l ten d t o buil d u p neigh borly attachments , an d establis h endearment s i n socia l lif e tha t will b e worth mor e to any peopl e than th e mines of California. 38 As envisione d b y Willia m Coope r Howells , domesti c sentimen t would hel p t o chec k th e acquisitiv e spiri t an d reconstitut e th e traditional etho s o f mutua l aid . H e care d les s tha n Mar y Howell s for th e "cane-seat-chai r things " that woul d mak e th e hom e a privat e refuge i n a n alie n world. 3 9 In additio n t o hi s lon g hour s i n th e printin g offic e an d th e los s of hi s tim e fo r literature , Howell s suffere d fro m hi s parents ' ten sions. Hi s mother' s despai r recalle d difficul t moment s o f hi s earlie r childhood whe n sh e ha d lef t th e famil y fo r th e have n o f Martins ville. Befor e long , hi s anxietie s coalesce d i n a n episod e h e describe d as incredibl e fo r th e "hard-heartedness " i t reveale d i n hi s boyis h

2. M a r y Dea n H o w e l l s , ca . 1846 , fashionabl y dresse d durin g he r late r days i n Hamilton . "I n th e har d lif e o f he r childhoo d i n th e b a c k w o o d s , " H o w e l l s stated , "sh e wa s sen t t o a n academ y i n th e neares t t o w n , bu t i n the instan t anguis h o f homesicknes s sh e walke d te n mile s bac k t o th e log cabin wher e a t night , a s sh e w o u l d tel l us , y o u coul d hea r th e wolve s howling."

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self. Hi s parent s ha d befriende d a seduce d an d abandone d seam stress. The y provide d he r wit h meal s an d include d he r i n famil y pleasures. Everyon e bu t Howell s welcome d he r int o th e famil y circle: "I woul d no t tak e a dish fro m he r a t table , o r han d he r one ; I would no t spea k to her, i f I could hel p it, o r look at her; I left th e room when sh e came into it; and I expressed b y every cruelty shor t of words m y righteou s condemnation. " Hi s persisten t persecutio n of th e gir l ende d whe n sh e confessed he r pai n t o hi s parents , wh o put hi m t o "bitter shame " for hi s behavior. 40 Troubled b y th e reawakening of his own sexua l impulses, How ells acte d ou t a ritua l o f middle-clas s respectabilit y tha t wen t fa r beyond th e teaching s o f hi s parents . Hi s condemnatio n o f th e seamstress mirrore d th e most sever e strictures of middle-class mor alists, wh o viewe d al l sexua l liaison s outsid e o f marriag e a s abhor rent violation s o f self-contro l an d offere d littl e quarte r t o injure d parties. Presentin g himsel f a s a middle-clas s moralist—on e o f "adamantine conscience, " a s h e late r pu t it—Howell s se t himsel f apart fro m th e seamstres s a s someon e wh o possesse d perfec t con trol over his sexual impulses. 41 But Howells' s persecutio n o f th e seamstres s als o dramatized hi s resentment o f hi s family' s laps e fro m strategie s tha t nurture d hi m as the famil y hope . Th e girl' s presenc e i n th e famil y signale d tha t neither hi s desir e fo r privac y no r hi s expectatio n o f exclusiv e car e would b e honore d i n th e difficul t economi c circumstance s o f Day ton. Force d t o practic e stric t self-contro l himsel f b y workin g be yond hi s physica l strengt h an d b y buryin g hi s literar y longings , Howells undoubtedl y harbore d bitte r thought s concernin g hi s usefulness t o th e family . Thi s silen t dissen t fro m th e ethi c o f mutua l aid mad e hi m vulnerabl e t o self-accusation s o f selfishness . Th e seamstress's publicl y shamefu l violatio n o f self-contro l gav e hi m the opportunit y t o ven t hi s guilt y feelings . B y questionin g wh y she should b e living with them, "lik e one of ourselves," he declared his absolute virtue i n Swedenborgia n a s well a s sexual terms. 42 Although hi s experiences i n Dayto n reinforce d an d complicate d his double-live d feelings , Howell s wa s release d fro m hi s anxiet y and bitternes s whe n th e Transcript faile d afte r eightee n month s o f

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unprofitable labor . Willia m Coope r Howell s celebrate d th e "inevi table break" with a day o f swimming wit h hi s sons, bu t h e was lef t in a difficult position . Havin g t o depen d agai n o n famil y labor , h e found employmen t fo r hi s sons in a German printin g office. A t th e same time, h e grew increasingl y estrange d fro m hi s political party . After th e passage of the Fugitive Slav e Law i n Septembe r 1850 , he severed al l connections wit h th e Whigs an d considere d hi s alterna tives. Free d fro m th e "politica l yoke " that ha d lon g frustrated him , he was inspired t o make the most of necessity. H e decide d t o carr y his Swedenborgia n principle s furthe r b y puttin g hi s radica l com munal belief s int o practice . H e planne d a communa l associatio n modeled o n worke r cooperative s tha t woul d for m aroun d th e nu cleus o f hi s kin , bringin g togethe r th e familie s o f hi s fathe r an d three brothers. 43 William Coope r Howells' s communa l Utopi a wa s t o reunit e a scattered ki n network. Th e economi c basi s of the commune o n th e Little Miam i Rive r wa s t o b e a millin g privileg e purchase d b y Israel, th e prosperou s druggist . Befor e hi s fathe r an d brother s arrived, Willia m Coope r Howell s wa s to establish a going concern . In lat e fall , t o th e grea t relie f o f hi s sons , wh o renounce d th e printing busines s forever , h e move d hi s famil y t o Eurek a Mills , a name h e chos e t o contras t hi s ventur e wit h quest s fo r Californi a gold. A t Eurek a Mills , Willia m Coope r Howell s hope d t o recove r more preciou s riches—"neighborl y attachments " an d "endear ments i n social life"—to oppos e the acquisitive spirit. 44 The mov e t o Eurek a Mill s turne d hi s famil y furthe r awa y fro m its middle-clas s aspirations , bu t Howell s regaine d hi s rol e a s th e family hop e i n th e mids t o f th e communa l enterprise . A t Eurek a Mills, h e recalled , th e "stres s o f toil , wit h th e shado w o f failur e darkening all , fel l fro m m e lik e th e horro r o f a n evi l dream. " H e brought u p th e "lon g arrear s o f play " an d renewe d hi s devotio n t o literature. H e starte d hi s diary , studie d Spanish , an d searche d th e barrels o f paperbac k book s tha t hi s fathe r ha d brough t fro m Day ton. Hi s family' s primitiv e lo g cabi n ha d a gabl e windo w i n th e loft, an d ther e h e privatel y rea d Shakespeare , Scott , an d othe r exemplars o f th e literar y life . H e develope d a special kinshi p wit h

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the wanderin g adventure s o f Do n Quixot e an d bega n t o thin k o f Cervantes a s his "confidentia l friend. " Delivere d fro m pressure s o f work an d give n th e tim e h e neede d t o experimen t wit h literature , Howells n o longe r suffere d extraordinar y fears . Fo r once , h e fondl y remembered, th e surroundin g solitud e "ha d n o terror s fo r th e childish fancy. " Wit h growin g confidence , h e devote d himsel f mor e and mor e exclusively t o his literary "delights." 45 While th e Howell s childre n responde d t o th e primitiv e condi tions o f log-cabi n livin g wit h fascinatio n an d joyou s abandon , th e transition wa s difficul t fo r thei r parents . Willia m Coope r Howell s was please d an d gratifie d sharin g wor k wit h neighbors , bu t hi s need fo r read y mone y complicate d preparatio n o f th e commune . Mary Howells' s tension s wer e mor e pronounced . Sh e coul d no t reconcile hersel f t o th e family' s furthe r descen t fro m middle-clas s respectability. Strugglin g wit h arduou s open-heart h cookin g an d enduring th e constan t gruntin g o f pig s tha t jostle d outsid e fo r a warm positio n nea r the cabin's chimney, sh e felt renewe d impulse s to flee up th e rive r t o Martinsville . He r husban d persuade d he r t o stay an d comforte d he r b y promisin g a frame hous e wit h middle class feature s o f a parlor , dinin g room , an d library . He r brothe r Alexander urge d he r t o resis t he r discontent : "Whe n yo u loo k around you, " h e wrote , "yo u se e a grea t man y yo u woul d no t exchange situation s with." 46 The divergen t desire s o f hi s mothe r an d fathe r eventuall y dis rupted Howells' s serenity . Th e adde d cos t o f preparin g a fram e house with middle-clas s comfort s evidentl y deplete d resource s an d led t o the famil y decisio n t o remov e Howell s temporaril y fro m hi s literary delights . I n th e languag e o f th e printin g trade , h e wa s a "good compositor , swif t an d clean, " an d whe n th e famil y learne d of opportunities fo r read y mone y i n Xenia and late r in Dayton , th e family counci l "justly " decide d h e mus t go . Th e famil y ethi c o f mutual ai d supporte d thi s kin d o f occasiona l hom e leaving . Whil e no on e els e i n th e famil y seriousl y questione d th e move , Howell s silently resiste d th e idea . Th e mer e prospec t o f leavin g Eurek a Mills "pierced [his ] heart." 47 Even befor e h e wa s place d i n th e first printin g shop , Howell s

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was engulfe d b y a n "anguis h o f homesickness. " Al l th e wa y t o Xenia, h e concentrate d o n th e hom e h e wa s leaving : " I ha d ever y fact o f th e cabi n lif e befor e me ; wha t eac h o f th e childre n wa s doing, especiall y th e younge r ones , an d what , abov e all , m y mothe r was doing, an d ho w sh e was looking ; and I saw the wretche d littl e phantasm o f mysel f movin g abou t amon g them. " Afte r a brie f introduction t o hi s wor k an d lodgings , h e adamantl y refuse d t o stay i n Xeni a an d agree d onl y afte r hi s fathe r arrange d additiona l work fo r Joseph. Givin g u p hop e fo r read y money , Willia m Coope r Howells place d hi s son s togethe r i n a hotel . Howells' s frenzie d homesickness ha d aborte d hi s usefulnes s t o hi s family . Bu t whe n the wor k wa s don e an d h e returne d t o Eurek a Mills , h e wa s "welcomed a s from a year's absence." 48 The secon d opportunit y i n a Dayto n prin t sho p seeme d les s risky becaus e Howell s woul d b e i n a familia r cit y an d coul d sta y with hi s uncle Israel. Nevertheless , hi s anguish immediatel y resur faced onc e h e arrive d i n Dayton . H e manage d t o subdu e hi s tear s only b y gulpin g grea t quantitie s o f water . Finally , hi s alarme d uncle sen t hi m home , wher e h e arrive d feelin g a s i f h e ha d bee n "saved fro m death. " Although h e had los t a second opportunit y fo r ready money , hi s famil y welcome d hi m onc e mor e a s an "honore d guest." Al l tha t day , h e wa s treate d a s "company. " Hi s mothe r was mos t solicitous , respondin g wit h specia l tendernes s t o a mal ady sh e ha d suffere d frequentl y herself . "Doubtles s sh e kne w tha t it woul d hav e bee n bette r fo r m e t o hav e conquere d myself, " Howells reflected , "bu t m y defea t wa s deare r t o he r tha n m y triumph coul d hav e been." 49 By sendin g hi m t o work i n Xeni a an d Dayton , Howells' s famil y had violate d hi s belie f tha t h e wa s th e famil y hop e a s wel l a s hi s sense o f readines s fo r th e journe y awa y fro m home . Hi s powerfu l feelings o f resentmen t provoke d th e resistanc e h e expresse d throug h his homesickness. Bu t hi s rebellion fro m famil y dut y wa s certainl y accompanied b y feeling s o f selfishnes s tha t provoke d hi s sens e o f abandonment—the fantasize d punishmen t h e ha d suffere d i n hi s earlier years . Hi s imag e o f himsel f a s a "littl e phantasm " movin g among th e younge r childre n represente d hi s yearnin g fo r retur n

3. T h e photographe r Clifto n Johnso n foun d Eurek a Mill s deserted . Fir e had raze d th e mills , th e da m ha d crumbled , an d th e millrac e ha d becom e a dr y ditch . T h e nam e itsel f ha d bee n forgotten . T h e sit e nevertheles s suggested th e beaut y tha t H o w e l l s a s a boy ha d associate d wit h a n oceani c sense o f wonder , th e feeling , a s h e late r describe d it , "tha t whateve r perishes ther e i s somethin g i n u s tha t canno t die , tha t divinel y regrets , divinely hopes. " a n d r e s t o r a t i o n . H a d h e b e e n a b l e t o m a k e thi s "littl e p h a n t a s m " real, H o w e l l s w o u l d h a v e b e e n o n c e m o r e a s m a l l c h i l d r e u n i t e d w i t h hi s m o t h e r ' s n u r t u r i n g p r e s e n c e . A t t h e s a m e t i m e , h e w o u l d h a v e b e e n free d f r o m hi s d u t i e s o f w o r k a n d r e t u r n e d t o hi s l i t e r a r y delights.

5 0

Howells's homesicknes s episode s actuall y mixe d considerabl e t r i u m p h w i t h defeat . H i s anguis h g a v e h i m th e appearanc e o f a n i n n o c e n t suffere r r a t h e r t h a n a selfis h resister , b u t m o r e signifi c a n t l y fo r hi s p l a c e i n hi s f a m i l y , hi s h o m e s i c k n e s s e s t a b l i s h e d a c o v e r t l a n g u a g e o f p s y c h o l o g i c a l f r a g i l i t y t h a t c o m m u n i c a t e d hi s a g g r e s s i v e d e m a n d s . I n t h e p a s t , hi s p a r e n t s h a d g i v e n h i m s p e c i a l treatment a s th e famil y h o p e — p a r t i c u l a r l y freedo m fro m w o r k — t o p r e p a r e fo r hi s f u t u r e a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s . F i n d i n g h i m s e l f w i t h -

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out thi s support , Howell s naturall y fel t abandone d an d uncon sciously imitate d hi s mother' s homesickness . Mar y Howell s ha d always offere d th e "ric h compensation " o f specia l favo r whe n an y child becam e ill ; sh e coul d no t hel p bein g eve n mor e responsiv e when he r so n showe d sign s o f he r ow n malady. 51 Th e sympath y and solicitud e Howell s receive d fro m hi s famil y seale d a silen t pact: I f the y woul d respon d t o hi s needs , h e woul d fulfil l thei r dreams. Scarcity o f read y mone y scuttle d Willia m Coope r Howells' s com munal experimen t a t Eurek a Mill s i n th e fal l o f 1851 . Israel's poo r health an d hi s failure t o sell his Dayto n drugstor e mean t th e loss of the commune's chie f financia l supporter . Face d agai n wit h a struggle fo r survival , Willia m Coope r Howell s dre w deepe r fro m hi s fund o f optimism an d returne d t o the dominant socia l order. Sinc e he coul d fin d wor k neithe r a s a n edito r no r a s a practical printer , he finally accepted a position o n the Ohio State Journal in Columbu s as a recorde r o f legislativ e debate . Wil l gaine d wor k i n th e sam e office a s a compositor . Joseph , afte r severa l month s o n th e rive r training to be a pilot with hi s Dea n uncles , reluctantl y resume d hi s role a s famil y stalwart . Anothe r i n hi s "successio n o f sacrifices, " Joseph's wor k i n a grocery raise d th e family' s incom e t o seventee n dollars a week . O n thi s spars e su m an d wit h th e initia l ai d o f neighbors i n Columbus , th e family—enlarge d b y th e birt h o f th e eighth child , Henry—manage d t o survive. 52 Although th e mov e t o Columbu s ende d th e leisurel y literar y pleasures h e ha d enjoye d a t Eurek a Mills , Howell s yielde d rathe r easily t o hi s fate . Throughou t hi s family' s sta y i n Columbus , h e displayed growin g confidence . Hi s diary—wher e h e parodie d hi s terror o f dogs that mad e him "sti r [his ] stumps"—shows fear s kep t in abeyance. Hi s work a t a larger printing office provide d hi m wit h congenial companion s hi s ow n age , an d th e wor k itsel f wa s no t a s burdensome a s i n th e past . H e no w possesse d al l th e tim e h e needed fo r hi s literar y studies. 53 Howell s wa s als o supporte d b y his family' s cleare r recognition—followin g th e homesicknes s epi sodes—that h e wa s th e famil y hope . " A definit e literar y ambitio n

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grew u p i n me, " h e recalled , "an d i n th e lon g reverie s o f th e afternoon, whe n I wa s distributin g m y case , I fashione d a futur e of overpowerin g magnificenc e an d undyin g celebrity . I shoul d b e ashamed t o sa y wha t literar y triumph s I achieve d i n thos e prepos terous deliriums." 54 At thi s time , Willia m Coope r Howell s reaffirme d hi s expecta tions fo r hi s so n b y smugglin g on e o f Howells' s poems , "Ol d Winter loos e th y hol d o n us, " int o th e Ohio State Journal. A t first, Howells wa s embarrasse d b y thi s publi c exposure , bu t whe n th e Cincinnati Gazette picked u p hi s poe m i n th e exchange s an d re printed i t wit h a brie f identifyin g comment , h e confide d t o hi s diary, "Jus t thin k o f that—called m e a 'poet.' " Still , publi c recog nition a s a poe t wa s difficul t t o bea r becaus e i t opene d hi m t o ridicule fro m hi s fello w printers . I n on e instance , the y patte d hi m on th e hea d whil e recitin g line s fro m anothe r poe m h e had writte n that depicte d a n emigrant' s farewel l t o hi s "good ol d hous e dog. " With th e hel p o f hi s father , Howell s endure d thes e gibes , an d hi s humiliation wa s short-lived. 55 Words fro m hi s grandfathe r struc k deepe r a t Howells' s sens e of self. Eve n thoug h Josep h Howell s believe d novel s arouse d fearfu l temptations, h e thought poetr y migh t serv e spiritual purposes . H e lavishly praise d hi s grandson' s poe m "Ol d Winter " bu t adde d a troubling qualification . "W e were muc h gratifye d t o read th e spec imen o f poetr y b y Dea r Willi e tha t yo u sen t us, " Joseph Howell s asserted. "O h tha t H e ma y remembe r tha t i t wa s fro m Go d tha t He [received ] thi s tallent . Ma y H e us e i t t o Hi s Glor y & praise , with al l th e endowment s o f hi s min d s o tha t H e ma y answe r th e [question] o f hi s being . Ma y th e Lor d sav e Hi m [from ] Vanit y & make Hi m a burnin g an d shinein g light. " Throughou t hi s life , Howells remembere d th e admonitio n o f his Methodist grandfathe r as a damnin g Swedenborgia n judgment . Glorifyin g Go d throug h his poetry , Howell s recalled , wa s somethin g " I ha d s o little notio n of doing in a selfish idea l o f my ow n glory." 56 Literature remaine d a real m o f hazardou s self-assertion , bu t Howells continue d t o identif y literatur e wit h hi s atonement . H e

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9

had me t hi s "firs t rea l poet, " a n assistan t edito r a t th e Ohio State Journal name d Floru s B . Plimpton , whos e poem s occasionall y ap peared i n th e newspaper . Bu t Howell s di d no t conside r Plimpton' s verses ver y worthy . Hi s impuls e wa s t o loo k beyon d th e model s o f his immediat e societ y fo r th e highes t possibl e sanction . Howell s chose Alexande r Pop e a s hi s primar y literar y ideal , an d "out Poping Pope " becam e th e singl e purpos e o f hi s stud y an d writing . As a model , Pop e ha d man y advantages . H e ha d rise n t o fam e without forma l schoolin g an d ha d manage d t o liv e solel y b y litera ture. A t ag e sixteen , Pop e ha d launche d hi s literar y caree r wit h a series o f pastora l poem s supporte d b y subscription . T w o year s ahead o f Pope' s schedule , Howell s bega n a mock-heroi c epi c o f hi s own, "wit h a whol e apparatu s o f swain s an d shepherdesses , pur ling brooks , enamelle d meads , rollin g years. " Adherin g t o Pope' s insistence o n strictl y forma l poetry , Howell s develope d a "fanati cism fo r methodica l verse." 5 7 Howells admire d Pope' s disciplin e i n lif e a s wel l a s i n poetry . " T h e poo r man' s life, " h e late r noted , "wa s a s wea k an d crooke d a s his frail , tormente d body , bu t h e ha d a dauntles s spirit , an d h e fought hi s wa y agains t odd s tha t migh t wel l hav e appalle d a stronge r nature." 5 8 Inspire d b y hi s identificatio n wit h th e dauntles s Pope , Howells bega n t o eas e awa y fro m th e double-live d feeling s tha t had trouble d hi m i n Hamilton , Dayton , an d Eurek a Mills . A diar y entry fro m thes e day s i n Columbu s suggest s hi s self-confidence . Howells ha d accompanie d hi s fathe r o n a visi t t o th e stat e asylu m for th e insane , wher e h e notice d a physician , smal l i n statur e lik e himself, readin g poetr y t o a grou p o f inmates . Late r h e recorde d the momen t i n hi s diary : Here was a motle y crowd , som e o f the m lyin g a t ful l lengt h o n th e floor, other s standin g u p an d walkin g about , whil e crownles s hat s an d dilapidated shirt-bosom s wer e th e orde r o f th e day . I n th e mids t o f thes e terrible men , wh o [were ] thoughtles s a s th e brute , an d ferociou s a s th e tiger, stoo d a small man , (th e assistant-physician ) who m the y coul d hav e torn lim b fro m lim b i n a moment . Her e wa s a beautifu l instanc e o f th e power o f min d ove r brut e force . H e wa s readin g poetr y t o them , an d

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these me n totall y beref t o f reason, [were ] listening lik e little children t o the sweet cadence of verse.59 Recalling Howells's untrouble d associatio n wit h th e wondrous verse s his fathe r ha d rea d t o hi m a s a chil d i n Hamilton , thi s passag e conveys the positive value Howells attached t o the literary vocatio n while hi s famil y remaine d i n Columbus . Literature , hi s partl y chosen, partl y ordaine d field o f usefulness , migh t b e surrounde d by brutish forces—exaggerate d fears , self-accusations , an d double lived feelings . Nevertheless , Howell s sense d tha t throug h litera ture h e migh t someda y alla y thes e difficultie s an d grandl y demon strate hi s worthiness .

CHAPTER 3

%n Instance of ^rvous ^Prostration I shoul d no t min d bein g old , s o much , i f I alway s ha d th e young , sure gri p o f myself . Wha t I hat e i s this dream y fumblin g abou t m y own identity , i n whic h I detec t mysel f a t od d times . I t seem s sometimes a s i f i t wer e somebod y else , an d I sometime s wis h i t were. Bu t i t will hav e t o go on, an d I must ge t wha t hel p I can ou t of th e fac t tha t i t alway s has gone on . I thin k I coul d dea l wit h th e present, ba d an d botherin g a s i t is , i f i t wer e no t fo r vision s o f th e past i n whic h I appea r t o b e mostl y runnin g about , ful l o f soun d and fur y signifyin g nothing . HO WELLS, 190 2

In th e sprin g o f 1852 , th e skie s change d agai n fo r th e H o wells family. Workin g a s recorde r o f legislativ e debate , Willia m Coope r Howells forme d friendship s wit h Fre e Soi l politician s fro m th e Western Reserve . Impresse d b y hi s antislaver y battle s i n souther n Ohio, Laba n Sherman , a stat e senato r fro m Ashtabula , suggeste d that h e contac t H e n r y Fassett , edito r o f th e Ashtabula Sentinel. Because o f hi s poo r health , Fasset t desire d a partner . Anxiou s t o resume editin g an d provid e hi s famil y wit h a secure living , Willia m Cooper Howell s pu t hi s promis e o n a hal f shar e o f th e newspaper . H e wa s no w o n soli d antislaver y ground . T h e Sentinel wa s th e 53

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voice o f th e antislaver y agitato r Joshua Giddings , wh o ha d repre sented northeas t Ohi o i n Congres s fo r fourtee n years . I n addition , the pape r reache d a large constituency. Whil e th e averag e countr y newspaper claime d onl y fou r t o five hundred subscribers , th e Sentinel possessed nearl y sixtee n hundred. 1 Giddings an d othe r Ashtabul a Fre e Soiler s planne d t o exten d the newspaper' s influence . Afte r si x month s i n th e lakesid e villag e of Ashtabula , th e Howell s famil y move d t o th e count y sea t o f Jefferson, supporte d b y a group o f Fre e Soi l lawyer s an d farmers , who ha d bough t ou t Fasset t an d modernize d th e enterpris e b y purchasing a steam pres s an d ne w types . The y intende d t o consolidate Fre e Soi l gain s fro m th e 185 2 election s an d counte r th e influence o f th e Conneau t Reporter, th e voic e o f Unite d State s Senator Benjami n Wade . Gidding s an d Wad e wer e fello w citizen s of Jefferson, wher e the y ha d onc e share d a thrivin g la w practice . Both abhorre d slavery , bu t the y ha d becom e bitte r politica l rival s when Wad e remaine d i n th e Whi g part y afte r th e nominatio n o f Taylor i n 1848 . Gidding s believe d Wad e ha d sacrifice d mora l principle t o party prestig e an d patronage , an d h e mean t t o confin e Wade's voic e t o Conneau t b y throwin g th e refurbishe d Sentinel "into every corne r o f the county." 2 When th e Howell s famil y arrive d i n Jefferson, the y foun d tw o brick buildings , unpainte d houses , an d board s lai d dow n fo r side walks. Thi s ra w appearanc e di d no t discourag e them , fo r i t matche d their sens e o f ne w beginnings . The y soo n bega n payment s o n a house, namin g i t "Saints ' Rest " i n hono r o f Mary Howells' s desir e for peac e an d security . Th e whol e famil y turne d t o th e tas k o f making th e newspape r pay . Josep h gav e u p hi s effor t t o avoi d th e printing business , an d tw o years later h e signed th e note that mad e the Sentinel entirely a Howell s enterprise . Althoug h year s passe d before th e newspape r an d hous e wer e fre e an d clear , Howell s recalled thes e first day s i n Jefferso n wit h nostalgia . Th e hars h winters mad e hi s compositin g task s arduous , sinc e h e had t o tha w frozen type s agains t th e heate d stove . Bu t difficulties o f work wer e alleviated b y hi s feelin g tha t hi s labo r wa s no t bein g waste d o n a desperate cause. 3

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His family' s renewe d confidenc e helpe d t o confir m Howells' s status a s th e famil y hope . Onc e the y settle d int o Jefferson , h e initiated a strict routin e an d followe d i t faithfully . Eac h da y h e se t several thousan d em s o f type , completin g th e tas k b y earl y after noon. Th e res t o f the day an d evenin g belonge d t o him. Cloistere d at hom e i n a small spac e beneat h th e staircase , h e concentrate d o n literary study . H e mean t t o maste r five languages—Greek, Latin , German, French , an d Spanish—complet e a biograph y o f hi s be loved Cervantes, an d surpas s the literary accomplishment s o f Alexander Pope , especiall y i n poetry . Sinc e hi s fathe r filled ou t th e newspaper wit h belles lettres, the Sentinel became Howells' s com monplace boo k wher e h e offere d selection s fro m favorit e writers . In th e newspaper , h e als o teste d hi s critica l mettl e an d presente d his own work s i n progress. 4 Escape fro m privatio n an d broadenin g literar y ambition s mad e Howells's earl y adolescenc e a golde n time . Bu t thi s perio d als o ushered i n a difficult phas e o f dar k episodes . Howell s terme d th e most troublin g o f thes e episode s a n instanc e o f "nervou s prostra tion." Durin g th e lat e sprin g o f 185 4 whe n h e wa s seventeen , h e overheard a doctor spea k knowingl y abou t hydrophobia . Th e doc tor emphasize d th e silen t cours e o f th e disease : " 'Work s roun d i n your system, ' h e said , 'fo r seve n year s o r more , an d the n i t break s out an d kill s you. ' " Althoug h hi s fathe r insiste d h e woul d neve r die fro m a do g bit e h e ha d suffere d a s a youn g child , Howell s began t o imagin e climacti c symptoms . "Th e splas h o f wate r any where wa s a sound I ha d t o se t m y teet h against , les t th e dreade d spasms shoul d seiz e me, " h e recalled ; "m y fanc y turne d th e scen t of the forest fires burning roun d th e village into the subjective odo r of smok e whic h stifle s th e victim . I had n o releas e fro m m y obses sion, excep t i n th e dreamles s slee p whic h I fel l int o exhauste d a t night, o r i n tha t littl e instan t o f wakin g i n th e morning , whe n I had no t ye t ha d tim e t o gathe r m y terror s abou t me , o r t o begi n the frenzied stres s of my effor t t o experience the thing I dreaded." 5 When Howells' s anxietie s persiste d int o th e summer , hi s fathe r released hi m fro m hi s compositin g dutie s a t th e Sentinel. Howell s

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set of f o n lon g hike s an d accompanie d hi s fathe r o n busines s jour neys. Hi s fathe r explaine d tha t h e wa s sufferin g fro m hypochon dria, a delusio n o f diseas e h e ha d experience d himsel f a s a yout h without il l effects . Bu t H o wells wa s no t persuaded , an d soo n hi s fears provoke d a crisis. Stayin g with hi s father a t a country inn , h e awoke i n a panic , splashe d himsel f wit h water , an d ra n fro m th e room t o awai t convulsions . H e wa s relieve d whe n thes e sign s o f hydrophobia di d no t appear . A s th e summe r hea t receded , h e gradually overcam e hi s anxieties . H e kne w hi s fears wer e illusory , Howells recalled , bu t h e wa s "helples s i n th e nervou s prostratio n which science , o r ou r poo r villag e medicine , wa s ye t man y year s from knowin g or imagining." 6 With th e ter m nervous prostration, Howell s tie d hi s adolescen t breakdown t o hi s contemporaries ' understandin g o f nervou s disor der. B y th e lat e nineteent h century , physician s suc h a s Jame s Jackson Putnam , S . Wei r Mitchell , an d Mar y Putna m Jacobi ha d established a somati c theor y t o explai n wh y "nervousness " wa s afflicting man y Americans . Givin g self-contro l medica l legitimacy , they contende d tha t ever y individua l inherite d a capacity fo r "ner vous force " tha t require d th e mos t carefu l use . The y warne d tha t excessive expenditure s an d abnorma l imbalance s o f nervou s forc e could lea d to fatigue, exhaustion , an d death. Th e popularize r Georg e Beard emphasize d tha t th e competitiv e teno r o f America n life , especially i n occupation s requirin g "brai n work, " pu t peopl e a t risk.7 Howell s considere d nervou s prostratio n a compelling expla nation fo r hi s adolescen t breakdown . Hi s daughte r Winifre d ha d been treated fo r nervou s prostratio n b y bot h Putnam an d Mitchell . The famou s "res t cure " devised b y Mitchel l ha d faile d t o sav e her . Howells believe d Winifre d ha d waste d awa y becaus e o f he r crue l inheritance o f insufficient nervou s force. 8 While th e theor y o f nervou s prostratio n faile d th e scrutin y o f twentieth-century medicine , historian s hav e learne d t o rea d nine teenth-century episode s o f nervou s prostratio n a s sign s o f psychi c and cultura l tensions . Nervou s complaint s expresse d anxiet y ove r the los s o f autonomou s selfhoo d i n moder n urban-industria l soci ety. Th e sens e tha t moder n lif e i n som e wa y caused nervous disor -

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der le d mor e an d mor e peopl e t o question th e middle-clas s idea l of self-control, th e cornerston e o f civilize d morality . B y th e en d o f the nineteent h century , ne w therapeuti c ideologie s ha d begu n t o replace self-contro l wit h self-revitalization , a n idea l mor e suite d t o the emerging consumer society. 9 Many o f the anxieties nineteenth-centur y American s interprete d as "nervou s prostration " wer e roote d i n th e shiftin g economi c an d social landscap e o f antebellu m America . Clos e contemporarie s o f Howells, Jacob i an d Bear d ha d constructe d thei r theorie s o f ner vousness fro m thei r ow n lives . Bot h ha d suffere d vagu e nervou s ailments i n childhoo d an d a succession o f nervou s crise s i n adoles cence.10 Man y othe r individual s raise d unde r th e aegi s o f civilize d morality coul d testif y t o simila r experiences , especiall y t o nervou s episodes tha t ha d marke d th e onse t o f yout h a s the y bega n t o translate the moral lesson s of childhood int o virtuous adulthood . The economi c and socia l changes of the early nineteenth centur y made the period w e now call adolescence a "nervous" time of life. 11 With th e development o f extensive market relations , parent s bega n to prepar e thei r childre n fo r a distan t worl d awa y fro m home . Until age-grade d schoolin g becam e mor e accepte d i n th e 1850s , parents ha d littl e support i n this effort. A t the same time, emphasi s on autonomous achievemen t undercu t traditiona l deferenc e t o fam ily authority . Subordinatio n i n spiritua l matter s weakene d a s well. Shifting responsibilit y fo r salvatio n fro m Go d t o man , evangelica l Protestants diminishe d God' s sovereignt y an d undermine d th e spiritual guardianship o f fathers. 12 Nevertheless , parenta l an d spir itual authorit y wa s sustaine d b y th e stron g emotiona l tie s forme d in childhood throug h mora l nurture . Anxious fo r th e futur e an d tied , sometime s guiltily , t o the past , many antebellu m youth s suffere d intens e ambivalence . Th e idea l of self-contro l coul d accentuat e thei r difficultie s b y addin g a sens e of failur e t o thei r confusion . Sometime s thes e feeling s continue d into adulthood . Whil e nervou s breakdown s beyon d adolescenc e had comple x immediat e causes , the y ofte n involve d renewe d con flict over th e divided commitment s o f youth. Joshua Giddings , th e most prominen t citize n i n Jefferson, wa s a persistent nervou s suf -

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ferer an d seeke r o f cures . Plague d b y "hypo " durin g hi s earlie r career a s a lawye r an d lan d speculator , Gidding s gaine d tenuou s control ove r hi s malad y whe n h e shifte d t o antislaver y politics . Becoming a n antislavery agitato r moderate d Giddings' s evangelica l rebellion agains t hi s Calvinis t upbringin g an d helpe d t o kee p hi s nervousness a t bay. 13 Howells's comparabl e "hypo " reveals the beginning of his strug gle t o accommodat e th e demand s o f childhoo d wit h th e expande d possibilities h e confronted a s an adolescent. Hi s breakdown wa s an extreme instanc e o f a n experienc e tha t wa s increasingl y commo n among childre n o f th e middl e class— a crisi s markin g th e tim e when youn g peopl e bega n t o fee l th e nee d t o resolv e thei r pas t tensions an d fortif y thei r presen t commitment s s o that the y coul d separate themselve s fro m thei r 'families . Howells' s struggl e re flected th e rigorou s Swedenborgia n versio n o f self-contro l h e ha d accepted durin g hi s childhood . Reconcilin g hi s individua l desire s with hi s conscience prove d t o be a hazardous undertaking . A yea r befor e hi s traumati c breakdown , Howell s ha d signale d th e beginning o f hi s adolescen t distress . Durin g hi s childhood , h e ha d once awakened i n the night wit h th e pale light of the moon shinin g about hi m "i n a ver y strang e an d phantasma l way. " H e though t immediately tha t h e woul d di e a t ag e sixteen . Hi s fea r o f thi s presentiment persisted . Whe n h e approache d hi s sixteent h birth day, h e began t o anticipate hi s death. T o awai t the fateful hour , h e asked hi s mothe r th e exac t tim e o f hi s birth . Sh e sai d fou r o'cloc k in th e morning . A t th e appointe d time , Howell s approache d th e family cloc k to witness th e tolling of his death knell . Bu t hi s fathe r had take n th e precaution t o set the clock ahead , s o he could tel l hi s son tha t h e ha d alread y live d beyon d hi s sixteent h birthday . T o calm hi m further , hi s fathe r reasone d tha t sinc e he was no w i n hi s seventeenth year , h e coul d no t possibl y di e a t ag e sixteen . Th e family dram a serve d it s purpose. A s he began to feel hi s adolescen t anxieties, Howell s reassure d himsel f tha t h e coul d depen d o n th e solicitude o f hi s parents , wh o responde d wit h th e sam e sympath y

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they had demonstrated durin g his homesickness episode s at Eurek a Mills.14 At ag e sixteen , Howell s coul d n o longe r conside r himsel f a child. H e ha d reache d th e tim e hi s parent s anticipate d whe n the y began t o nurtur e hi s capacit y fo r civilize d self-control , th e tim e when h e was to make the commitments tha t realize d hi s role as the family hope. 15 Howells' s fantas y o f dying alerte d hi s parents t o hi s need fo r support , bu t th e tas k o f realizin g hi s gran d sens e o f literary vocatio n wa s a burde n h e wa s t o carr y alone , a s a n inde pendent perso n destine d t o brea k fre e fro m home . B y th e tim e o f his "nervou s prostration " on e yea r later , i t wa s clea r tha t h e wa s failing i n his effort t o become an autonomous individual . One sourc e o f Howells' s trouble s wa s his growing belie f tha t h e lacked prope r mean s t o accomplis h th e "greates t things " i n litera ture. H e ha d adhere d t o his father's insistenc e o n self-help , bu t hi s unaided effort s seeme d t o have reached th e "vanishing-point. " Whil e he proceede d "b y acciden t o r experiment, " hi s effort s sometime s woefully misfired . Hi s fathe r ha d give n hi m a thick manua l o n th e romance languages , callin g i t a "sixteen-blade d grammar " fo r it s advertised claim s o f eas e an d completeness . I n fact , th e boo k wa s poorly made . Howell s discovere d tha t i t rendere d al l example s i n the Englis h wor d order , a n "imposition " tha t confuse d hi s stud y and waste d hi s time. 16 To mak e u p hi s deficiencies , Howell s compromise d hi s father' s ideal o f self-help . H e sough t instructio n fro m fello w villager s bu t found n o true teacher . A n elderl y ministe r agree d t o hel p with hi s Latin studies . Bu t whe n Howell s bega n hi s recitation, th e ministe r nodded t o sleep . "I t stil l seem s t o m e lamentable, " Howell s re flected, "tha t I shoul d hav e ha d t o grop e m y wa y an d s o imper fectly find i t wher e a littl e ligh t fro m another' s lam p woul d hav e instantly show n it." 17 Howells's longin g fo r forma l schoolin g provoke d a family crisi s when h e aske d hi s parent s t o sen d hi m t o Gran d Rive r Institute , an academ y i n nearb y Austinburg . Th e famil y concluded , mainl y through th e urgin g o f Joseph, tha t the y coul d affor d neithe r th e

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fees no r th e los s o f Will' s labo r fro m th e printin g office , whic h saved the m th e wage s an d boar d o f a journeyma n printer . Hi s parents lamente d thi s sacrific e o f thei r son' s ambition—an d hi s status a s the family hope—thoug h hi s father wa s "easier consoled " because he believed hi s son could continu e t o rely o n self-help. 18 The famil y veto , Howell s recalled , wa s no t a n "unjus t hard ship." H e conveye d hi s disappointmen t s o forcefully , however , that Joseph alway s regrette d hi s responsibility fo r thi s "irreparabl e wrong." Past encouragement ha d fostere d Howells' s expectatio n o f an academ y education . A s "college s o f the middling classes, " academies kep t cost s withi n th e rang e o f thei r clientele . Scholarshi p students a t Gran d Rive r Institut e pai d five t o te n dollar s fo r a thirteen-week term . B y subordinatin g Howells' s desir e fo r school ing t o th e tas k o f payin g fo r th e newspape r an d house , hi s famil y inadvertently demote d hi m fro m hi s statu s a s th e famil y hope . Secretly disputin g thei r decision , h e felt mor e and mor e selfish. 19 The decisio n mad e Howell s doubl y awar e tha t hi s literar y as pirations clashe d wit h hi s family' s primar y goals . The y endure d considerable deprivatio n i n Jefferson t o pa y of f "debt s whic h woul d not b e denied" on th e newspaper an d th e house. "Wha t coul d poo r father hav e bee n thinkin g of? " Howell s aske d Joseph i n late r life . "I neve r ha d a n undershir t til l afte r m y terribl e rheumati c fever. " Besides stintin g o n clothes , th e famil y relie d o n a stead y die t o f cheap sal t pork , an d improvise d material s an d mean s i n th e print ing office . A s before , the y boarde d journeyme n an d printe r boy s to preserve scarc e cash. 20 Nevertheless, Howell s wa s allowe d " a certai n discretion " i n purchasing books . H e ha d fre e acces s t o a fe w book s an d maga zines, includin g th e Englis h reviews , throug h th e Sentinel, and hi s father trade d advertisement s fo r use d book s fro m a Clevelan d bookseller. Bu t Howells' s preciou s Spanis h book s require d cash . They cam e directl y fro m Ro e Lockwoo d an d So n o f Ne w York , a firm that supplie d hi m wit h al l his wishes. Th e firm eve n procure d the officia l gramma r o f th e Spanis h Academ y al l th e wa y fro m Madrid. 21

4. Saints ' Rest , th e H o w e l l s famil y hous e i n Jefferson . "It s possession, " H o w e l l s wrote , "ha d bee n th e poetr y o f my mother' s hardworking , lovin g life, an d n o doub t sh e ha d watche d wit h hop e an d fea r th e maturin g o f each o f the note s fo r it , w i t h th e interes t the y bore , unti l th e las t wa s pai d off. I n m y father' s buoyan t expectatio n o f th e bes t i n everything , I d o no t think h e ha d an y misgivin g of th e event. " Because h e indulge d n o othe r pleasure , H o w e l l s m a y no t hav e felt t h a t s p e n d i n g m o n e y o n S p a n i s h b o o k s w a s selfish . B u t hi s l i g h t e r b u r d e n o f w o r k a t t h e p r i n t i n g offic e b e c a m e a f o c u s o f f a m i l y t e n s i o n . H a r d w o r d s " w e r e s p o k e n b y W i l l a n d hi s b r o t h e r u

Joseph, w h o w a n t e d W i l l t o exac t "th e sam e devotio n i n ou r c o m m o n w o r k t h a t [Joseph's ] c o n s c i e n c e e x a c t e d o f h i m s e l f . " U n l i k e W i l l , w h o d e p a r t e d e a r l y i n t h e a f t e r n o o n fo r hi s l i t e r a r y s t u d y , J o s e p h w o r k e d "fa r i n t o e v e r y n i g h t . "

2 2

In t h e m o n t h s b e f o r e hi s b r e a k d o w n , H o w e l l s ' s s t u d y b e c a m e s e c r e t a n d s e q u e s t e r e d . R e t a l i a t i n g fo r hi s los t e d u c a t i o n , h e " s a v agely absente d [him]self " fro m hi s famil y an d e x c l u d e d t h e m fro m

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his privat e literar y domain . Determine d t o overcom e al l obstacle s to hi s ambitio n b y self-hel p alone , h e jealousl y guarde d hi s time . When friend s cam e b y hi s hous e serenading , h e greete d them , dazed fro m hi s studies . Bu t h e refuse d t o joi n thei r revelry . H e stayed aloo f from othe r villag e entertainments a s well, breakin g hi s resolve onl y fo r self-improvement . H e joine d olde r villager s i n th e Lyceum Legislature , wher e h e wa s electe d reporte r o f th e moc k proceedings. I n hi s reports , h e chide d hi s absent peers , wh o seeme d drawn t o "oysters " an d u hoe downs " mor e tha n thing s o f th e mind. 23 Howells late r regrette d tha t h e ha d no t joine d mor e full y i n th e life enjoye d b y younge r villagers . "M y ambitio n wa s m y barrie r from th e livin g worl d aroun d me, " h e recalled ; " I coul d no t bea t my wa y fro m i t int o that ; i t kep t m e absen t an d hampere d m e i n the vai n effor t t o b e par t o f th e realit y I hav e alway s trie d t o portray." Ye t Howell s di d no t sta y completel y aloof . H e fel t a strong urg e t o reveal hi s privat e literar y sel f to his fellow villagers . His effort prove d disconcertin g an d distressing. Whil e some people in hi s villag e "accepte d [literature ] a s a real interest, " fe w though t literature a worthwhile vocation. 24 Outside th e circl e of his family, Howell s consorte d wit h a "grou p of middle-age d cronies, " a triumvirat e tha t forme d hi s mai n liter ary companionship . Thei r chie f wa s a disabled Englishma n name d William Goodrich , a Charles Dicken s fanati c wh o wa s fon d o f th e pathos that flavored his countryman's novels . Goodrich's demeano r was "misanthropical, " bu t h e managed t o scrimp a living by build ing organ s an d workin g a s a handyman . Anothe r literar y frien d was a consumptiv e jack-of-all-trade s name d Wadsworth , a n avi d reader o f th e Englis h essayists , fro m who m h e acquire d hi s "viv idly profan e an d pyrotechnicall y witty " styl e o f speech . Th e las t member of Howells's coterie was a "pale" poet, als o a consumptive, who manage d th e smal l boo k sectio n o f William Allen' s drugstore . Although thes e sic k an d infir m literar y friend s admitte d Howell s to thei r drugstor e bantering , loane d hi m books , an d praise d hi s writing whe n i t appeare d i n th e Sentinel, none represente d main -

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stream villag e opinion . I n fact , the y pride d themselve s a militan t minority. Goodric h wo n distinctio n b y professin g t o despis e de mocracy. H e als o claime d t o vot e wit h th e proslaver y Democrats , though h e considere d slaver y u the scanda l an d reproac h o f th e American name." 25 In additio n t o th e boo k sectio n o f Allen' s drugstore , th e Sentinel printing office provide d a setting for literar y talk . Ye t only a single journeyman full y share d Howells' s lov e of literature. Jim William s was si x year s olde r tha n Howell s an d aspire d beyon d th e printin g office t o a career a s professor o f languages i n a Western college . H e became Howells' s "boon " companio n an d a pee r grou p o f on e a s they studie d Cervantes , Shakespeare , an d th e severa l language s that would fit them fo r thei r literary vocations. To confound fello w villagers an d asser t thei r self-importance , the y converse d conspic uously i n Latin . Durin g th e tim e Jim William s coul d fre e himsel f from th e journeyman' s trade , Howell s fel t les s nee d o f hi s drug store triumvirate. 26 Beyond Howells' s circl e o f eccentri c friends , littl e passio n fo r literature existe d i n Jefferson. Howell s proteste d tha t h e wa s no t thought "altogethe r queer " fo r hi s devotio n t o literature , bu t h e once hear d o f a n evenin g sessio n a t th e dry-goods-and-grocer y store wher e consensu s opinio n declare d h e "woul d b e nowher e i n a horse-trade. " Beside s hors e trader s an d othe r practical-minde d citizens, evangelica l Protestant s distruste d literature , sharin g th e suspicion o f Howells' s Methodis t grandfathe r tha t nove l reader s trifled wit h th e devil. 27 Most readers in Jefferson di d not, lik e Howells, cultivat e literar y tastes fro m th e Englis h reviews . Th e Sentinel published a stream of sentimental storie s an d poetr y fro m femal e writer s i n th e county , with a contributio n fro m Celesti a Colb y appearin g nearl y ever y week. Howell s expresse d contemp t fo r th e "lachrymose " writin g sent to the Sentinel by women , bu t h e stayed equall y aloo f from th e typical literar y taste s o f men . Hi s brothe r Joseph enjoye d th e se a stories o f Frederic k Marrya t an d th e India n narrative s o f Emerso n Bennett. Thes e adventure novels were "blood-puddings" for whic h

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5. Howells , i n 185 6 a t ag e eighteen , wit h hi s literar y frien d Willia m Goodrich o n hi s right an d a farmer name d Mille r o n hi s left. Th e passio n that Goodric h displaye d i n his appreciation o f Dicken s h e also brought t o his music . "I t wa s fine," wrot e Howells , "t o se e him a s h e sa t befor e [a n organ h e ha d buil t himself] , wit h hi s long , tremulou s hand s outstretche d to the keys, hi s noble head throw n bac k an d hi s sensitive face lifte d i n th e rapture o f his music. " Howells "care d absolutel y nothing. " Joseph , fo r hi s part , associ ated hi s brothe r Will' s mysteriou s illnesse s wit h hi s strang e readin g of "heavy , morbi d books." 2 8 Among th e respectabl e middl e clas s i n Jefferson , thos e wh o supported lyceum s fo r themselve s an d academ y trainin g fo r thei r children, literatur e wa s undoubtedl y accepte d a s a mean s o f per sonal cultivatio n o r diversion . A smal l librar y ope n t o th e publi c was kep t i n th e offic e o f a loca l lawyer . Benjami n Wad e wa s reputed t o b e a reade r o f th e Englis h reviews , eve n thoug h h e retained a n evangelica l distrus t o f th e theate r an d viewe d Shake -

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speare as "gross an d barbarous. " A few othe r villager s occasionall y commended o r encourage d Howells' s literar y aspirations . A woma n who admire d hi s "studiou s way s an d gentl e sedat e manner " re warded hi m appropriatel y wit h a set o f Addiso n an d Steele' s Spectator.29

As a vocation tha t woul d comman d lifelon g devotion , however , literature wa s deeme d absolutel y frivolou s b y th e mos t forcefu l leaders of respectable opinion . Whe n Joshua Gidding s learne d tha t his son s ha d begu n t o rea d novels , h e fired of f a letter filled wit h "pain & mortification an d disappointe d hope, " despairin g a t thei r disregard o f "proper " an d "useful " studies . Thoug h Howell s in tended t o becom e a poet afte r th e manne r o f Alexande r Pope—t o Howells th e highes t an d worthies t o f aspirations—al l literar y vo cations wer e suspec t i n respectabl e villag e circles . Despit e hi s in tense ambitio n t o becom e a schola r o f languages , Ji m William s carried a "stigma o f rea l laziness " i n th e village . Gidding s warne d his sons that dallianc e with novels threatened simila r disrepute. H e feared nove l readin g woul d leav e the m "destitut e o f th e prope r knowledge to make yourself respecte d & beloved." 30 In Jefferso n an d i n Ashtabul a County , th e wa y t o becom e re spected an d belove d wa s no t t o stud y literatur e bu t t o joi n th e ba r and establis h a reputatio n a s a fo e o f slavery . Gidding s exhorte d his son s t o giv e themselve s wholl y t o th e law : "Thin k o f tha t & nothing else . Stud y tha t & nothin g else . Rea d tha t & nothin g else."31 I n contras t t o Howells' s vagu e sens e o f a literar y career , formed fro m hi s readin g an d sustaine d b y journal s tha t arrive d from a distance a t Allen' s drugstore , la w offere d a vision o f usefu l endeavor embedde d i n the everyda y lif e o f the immediat e commu nity. Law ha d a reputatio n i n Jefferso n tha t transcende d th e preju dices tha t prevaile d elsewhere . Lawyer s mad e u p th e Jefferso n elite. The y ranke d amon g th e wealthies t villager s an d dominate d positions o f civi c leadership . Gidding s an d Wad e owne d th e tw o finest house s i n the village. Gidding s wa s the first perso n i n Jeffer son t o purchas e a piano . T o Jeffersonians , thes e emblem s o f re spectable middle-clas s statu s wer e fairl y earned , fo r th e mos t sue -

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cessful lawyer s i n th e villag e had al l begun poor . A s a young man , Giddings ha d struggle d o n a hardscrabbl e farm , whil e Wad e ha d started a s a laborer o n th e Eri e Canal . Giddings , Wade , an d othe r members o f th e Jefferson ba r ha d begu n thei r ris e b y readin g la w in village offices. A s they worke d th e rounds of county an d distric t courts, the y establishe d regiona l contact s tha t extende d thei r influ ence. Late r the y ha d gon e int o politics , winnin g count y post s an d prominent part y positions . A fai r numbe r ha d gon e further , suc cessfully runnin g fo r th e state legislature. The pinnacl e of ambition was electio n t o th e Unite d State s Congress , wher e Giddings , Wade , and Wade' s brothe r Edwar d ha d gaine d renow n fo r thei r agitatio n against slavery. 32 If yo u wante d t o b e "somebody " i n Jefferson, Howell s admit ted, th e thing to do was "to read la w and crowd forwar d i n political life." Par t o f th e affinit y tha t dre w Howell s t o Jim William s wa s their mutua l disdai n fo r thi s "commo n ideal " o f thei r village. 33 I t was natura l tha t the y shoul d reac t defensivel y t o careers tha t wer e highly regarde d an d full y integrate d int o th e everyda y lif e o f Jefferson. Becaus e la w an d politic s represente d th e mos t forcefu l vocational an d ideologica l option s availabl e t o youn g men , thes e careers offere d strong , implici t criticis m o f th e vaguer , literar y strivings o f Howells an d hi s friend . Law an d politic s wer e al l th e mor e forcefu l becaus e the y wer e associated wit h antislavery . Jefferson wa s a focal poin t of the West ern Reserve , on e o f th e fe w antislaver y enclave s i n Norther n soci ety. Th e principa l discours e o f th e villag e adapte d traditiona l re publican theme s o f vigilanc e t o purpose s o f antislaver y agitation , elaborating a conspiratorial threa t t o "life , liberty , an d th e pursui t of happiness " fro m th e Souther n "slav e power. " "Slavery' s gulle t is large, an d it s roaring vociferous," warne d Willia m Coope r How ells. "Th e gluttonou s monste r wil l neve r b e satiate d unti l i t ha s devoured us , o r w e hav e thrus t th e knif e dee p int o it s horri d heart." 34 In Jefferso n an d th e Wester n Reserve , antislaver y politic s wa s also a "holy cause. " Antislavery agitatio n subsume d religiou s wor -

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ship amon g civi c leader s lik e Giddings , wh o attacke d religiou s sects fo r thei r "infidel " toleratio n o f slaver y an d emphasize d tha t "religion shoul d b e a daily an d habitua l virtue. " Giddings's churc h was his "Republican Church. " Hi s visio n closely approximate d th e Swedenborgian moralit y o f Willia m Coope r Howells . Bot h be lieved tha t fait h i n a mora l univers e mus t b e expresse d i n action : "In ou r relation s wit h ou r fellows, " Willia m Coope r Howell s ob served i n suppor t o f Giddings' s attac k o n "infidel " sects , "w e ar e never fre e fro m th e obligation s o f th e highe r law , whic h bind s u s to do to others a s we would hav e them d o to us." 35 Antislavery agitatio n fulfille d Willia m Coope r Howells' s belie f in Swedenborgia n usefulnes s an d expresse d hi s feeling tha t h e wa s "never free " fro m mora l obligation . A s h e channele d hi s religiou s zeal int o Fre e Soi l an d late r int o radica l Republica n politics , h e added th e force o f family authorit y t o the dominant ideologica l an d vocational option s i n Jefferson . Combinin g individua l assertio n with th e communa l imperativ e t o d o goo d fo r others , antislaver y agitation helpe d middle-clas s Northerner s lik e Willia m Coope r Howells rationaliz e thei r problemati c sens e o f individua l auton omy. W e shoul d b e arouse d t o thro w of f th e degradatio n o f slav ery, h e tol d hi s fello w villagers , "b y th e clankin g o f ou r ow n fetters."36 Merged wit h antislaver y agitation , la w an d politic s opene d a field of action tha t seeme d fre e o f ambivalence an d devote d t o hig h ideals. Howell s neede d t o believ e tha t literatur e wa s comparabl y worthy, bu t dramati c change s i n the politica l climat e had mad e hi s task difficult . Whil e Howell s wa s anxiousl y pursuin g hi s literar y study, th e part y syste m tha t ha d containe d th e onslaught s o f anti slavery agitatio n fo r mor e tha n a decad e bega n t o unravel . I n January 1854 , Stephe n Dougla s introduce d hi s Nebrask a bill , au thorizing th e organizatio n o f Kansa s an d Nebrask a territorie s o n the basi s o f "popula r sovereignty, " a schem e antislaver y force s viewed a s a culminatin g plo y o f th e "slav e power " conspiracy . "Indignation Meetings " i n Jefferson an d othe r antislaver y strong holds directe d intens e opposition . " A blo w ma y no w b e struc k fo r

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liberty," Willia m Coope r Howell s tol d thos e wh o assemble d i n Jefferson, "whic h i f forborne wil l leav e us hopelessly boun d fo r al l time." 37 During th e sprin g an d summe r o f Howells' s breakdow n year , the "Nebraska fraud " dominate d communit y concern . A rhetorica l refrain emphasize d actio n t o resis t th e "encroachment s o f th e Slave holding Aristocracy. " Douglas' s pla n o f territoria l organizatio n b y popular sovereignt y force d Wade' s break wit h th e Whigs. H e shifte d his suppor t t o th e movemen t initiate d b y Gidding s an d othe r antislavery politician s t o for m a party embracin g al l oppositio n t o Douglas. Willia m Coope r Howell s hope d tha t thi s coalitio n o f "Independent Democrats " woul d evolv e int o a n antislaver y part y with a broa d nationa l base . "Energy , zeal , perseverin g action , i s the watchword, " h e asserted . "Wit h thes e w e conquer . Withou t them w e fail." 38 In th e month s precedin g Howells' s breakdown , th e publi c at mosphere i n Jefferson wa s charge d wit h tal k o f politica l commit ment. Th e tendenc y o f event s di d no t suppor t someon e seekin g public approva l fo r th e vocatio n o f poet . Th e politica l crisi s mos t certainly weakene d Howells' s abilit y t o stav e of f th e deepenin g sense of selfishnes s arouse d b y hi s family's decisio n t o keep him i n the printin g office . Hi s self-preoccupatio n seeme d al l th e mor e selfish whe n hi s fathe r an d othe r politica l leader s wer e callin g fo r immediate politica l actio n o n th e behal f o f others , beginnin g wit h the slave and extendin g t o the entire nation. Willia m Coope r How ells declare d tha t failur e t o ac t fo r th e slav e wa s unmistakabl e evidence of "selfishness." 39 In th e mids t o f th e Nebrask a crisis , Howells' s wor k too k o n a n all-or-nothing urgency . H e woul d d o al l that h e wished agains t al l odds; h e woul d succee d a t onc e t o cas t awa y al l doubts . Howell s maintained hi s resolv e to master five languages, thoug h h e went a t them "blindl y an d blunderingly. " H e fel t mor e anxiety , however , over hi s inabilit y t o mee t th e sever e standar d h e ha d se t fo r hi s writing, particularl y fo r hi s poetry . "Fa r int o th e night, " Howell s related, " I clun g t o m y labore d failure s i n rhym e whil e I listene d for th e ticking of the death-watch i n the walls of my littl e study; or

6. Joshu a R . Giddings , ca . mid-1850s . Willia m Coope r Howell s de scribed Giddings' s mora l example : "H e wa s earnestl y enliste d fo r th e rights o f man ; an d whe n h e talke d o f freedom , h e mean t it ; an d carrie d that purpos e int o th e act s o f hi s publi c an d privat e life , wit h a persever ance that commanded the respect of even those whose schemes were thwarte d by it ; and wo n th e admiratio n o f al l wh o appreciat e th e valu e of continual well doing. "

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if I had imagined , i n m y imitation s o f others' fiction, som e character tha t th e poe t devote d t o a n earl y death , I helplessl y identifie d myself wit h tha t character , an d expecte d hi s fate." 40 While resisting these self-punishing thoughts , Howell s imagine d that a t leas t h e wa s sufferin g fo r literature . H e wa s comforte d t o think tha t hi s death woul d summo n mourner s t o lament th e loss of his unrealize d genius . "A t th e sam e tim e tha t I wa s s o horribl y afraid o f dying, " h e recalled , " I coul d hav e compose d a n epitap h which woul d hav e moved other s to tears for m y untimely fate. " B y midsummer, hi s anticipatio n o f dyin g romanticall y a s a n unreal ized genius had lapse d int o his "incessant, inexorable " fear of dying tortuously fro m hydrophobia. 41 Death an d rumor s o f deat h ma y hav e release d th e ful l forc e o f Howells's fears . I n earl y Marc h hi s favorit e uncle , Israel , weak ened b y a lon g bou t wit h consumption , suffere d a devastatin g stroke. Israel' s deat h i n mid-Ma y unsettle d al l within th e extende d Howells family . The n i n mid-July, a cholera scar e spread through out th e West , remindin g Howell s o f hi s suffering s i n Dayton . William Coope r Howell s alarme d hi s reader s b y reportin g tha t cholera wa s "dail y makin g it s appearanc e i n the villages. " Anothe r disturbing repor t o f death , verifie d i n severa l instances , describe d packs o f maraudin g dog s tha t wer e killin g shee p an d othe r domes tic animals i n the countryside aroun d Jefferson. 42 The though t o f viciou s dog s lurkin g a t th e edge s o f hi s villag e evoked Howells' s childhoo d terro r o f hydrophobia . H e ha d first learned o f th e diseas e a t ag e fou r i n Hamilto n whe n a drayma n named Davi d Bower s wa s bitte n b y a rabid dog . Bowers' s excru ciating deat h wa s reporte d i n disturbing , melodramati c detai l b y his brother-in-la w Isaa c Saunder s i n fou r column s o f th e Intelligencer. The Bower s inciden t becam e par t o f Howell s famil y lore . Howells's grandfathe r ha d helpe d Bower s settl e account s wit h God. Howells' s fathe r ha d seize d th e moment t o propose a general slaughter of dogs to protect publi c health. William Cooper Howell s had insiste d tha t n o goo d do g coul d eve r "aton e fo r th e los s o f a good citizen." 43 Bowers's traumati c deat h ha d occurre d jus t whe n Howell s a s a

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small chil d wa s becomin g susceptibl e t o fear s o f punishment , an d undoubtedly hydrophobi a seeme d t o hi m th e mos t dir e punish ment. Th e symptom s tha t obsesse d Howell s durin g hi s adolescen t breakdown—a subjectiv e sens e o f stiflin g smok e an d violen t con vulsions induce d b y splashe s o f water—wer e prominen t element s in Bowers' s story . Th e stor y als o full y credite d th e popula r belie f Howells hear d agai n i n Jefferson, tha t hydrophobi a coul d li e dor mant man y year s befor e suddenl y emergin g an d killin g its victim . Fear o f hydrophobi a naturall y expresse d Howells' s psychi c ten sions. Sinc e early childhood , Howell s ha d sough t atonemen t i n his literary ambitions . Accomplishin g grea t thing s i n literatur e ha d become hi s wa y o f resistin g self-accusations . Whe n h e entere d adolescence, h e began to feel sever e frustrations. Fro m hi s perspective, hi s unaide d stud y ha d reache d th e "vanishing-point, " hi s literary ambition s oppose d hi s family' s immediat e financial needs , and hi s desir e fo r a literar y vocatio n foun d littl e suppor t i n a community dedicate d t o antislaver y agitation . Doubtin g whethe r he coul d eve r secur e hi s sens e o f literar y vocation , Howell s bega n to suffe r intens e feeling s o f selfishness . Thes e persisten t feeling s finally recalled th e self-annihilating impulse s he had experience d a s a smal l child , an d h e focuse d hi s anxietie s o n tortuou s deat h fro m hydrophobia. Howells's fea r o f hydrophobi a wa s al l th e mor e devastatin g because h e associate d i t wit h abandonment . Durin g hi s childhoo d in Hamilton , hi s mother' s homesic k visit s ha d accentuate d hi s fea r of abandonment . Abandonmen t ha d seeme d th e punishmen t h e deserved fo r hi s imagine d wrongs . Incident s i n hi s late r childhoo d had tie d abandonmen t t o hi s fea r o f hydrophobia . Once , afte r being nipped b y a dog, Howell s ha d ru n hom e to an empty house . His overpowerin g sens e o f abandonmen t ha d frightfull y aug mented hi s impuls e t o self-punishment . " I ha d hear d o f excisin g a snake-bite t o kee p th e veno m fro m spreading, " Howell s remem bered, "an d I would no w hav e cut out the place with m y knife , i f I had know n how." 44 Withdrawn fro m hi s famil y an d hi s village , dealin g wit h hi s vocational anxietie s a s best h e could b y himself , Howell s probabl y

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felt a s abandone d a s h e ha d a t th e onse t o f hi s earlie r episode s o f terror. Althoug h hi s fea r o f hydrophobi a expresse d hi s sens e o f abandonment, i t was als o a forceful ple a fo r help . I t elaborated th e covert languag e o f psychologica l fragilit y tha t ha d serve d hi m dur ing hi s homesicknes s episode s a t Eurek a Mills . I n th e past , hi s father ha d responde d sensitivel y t o hi s anxietie s an d ha d reasone d him ou t o f hi s fears . Howell s probabl y gaine d som e comfor t b y identifying himsel f wit h th e stor y o f Bowers' s death , fo r th e dray man's suffering ha d draw n th e sympatheti c attentio n o f his father , his grandfather, an d th e entire village of Hamilton . Most likel y Howells' s breakdow n wa s no t notice d b y mos t o f his fello w villagers , fo r hi s recover y wa s strictl y a famil y affair . Released fro m th e printin g office , h e n o longe r endure d th e dail y judgmental scrutin y o f Joseph , whos e resentmen t o f hi s literar y afternoons an d evening s ha d spille d ou t i n angr y words . Signifi cantly, hi s departur e fro m th e printin g offic e wa s a "force d re spite," viewe d b y th e entir e famil y a s a necessary brea k an d no t a selfish desertion . Hi s fathe r rehearsed , a s ofte n a s Howell s asked , his own youthfu l sufferin g fro m hypochondria , a fear o f consumption tha t accompanie d hi s effor t t o escap e th e printin g trad e b y studying medicine . H e late r like d t o say that h e "studied Medicin e until h e knew s o much abou t i t that h e did no t believ e anythin g i n it." Bu t actuall y h e had lef t hi s studie s becaus e of persistent anxie ties ove r illness . Willia m Coope r Howell s pointe d ou t tha t thes e anxieties were lik e his son's—they wer e unfounded, an d the y soo n disappeared.45 Howells's siste r Aurelia , however , remembere d tha t Willia m Cooper Howell s gav e hi s stor y o f conquerin g hypochondri a a di dactic turn . Fathe r ha d settle d i n hi s min d tha t h e woul d die , sh e recalled, "unti l h e hear d mothe r weepin g t o [grandfathe r Dean] , when [grandfather ] tol d he r h e 'di d no t thin k poo r Willia m coul d get well! ' An d fathe r decide d tha t h e would!" 46 Willia m Coope r Howells's sympath y containe d a remnant o f hi s ambivalenc e towar d his son' s literar y aspirations . Hi s accoun t o f hi s ow n youthfu l troubles implied tha t his son could resolv e his crisis simply throug h self-help, throug h a more determine d assertio n o f reaso n an d will .

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Howells accepte d hi s father' s challenge : "I n self-defens e I learnt t o practice a psychologica l juggle, " h e recalled ; " I cam e t o dea l wit h my own stat e of mind a s another woul d dea l with it , an d to comba t my fear s a s if they wer e alien." 47 Another kin d o f self-healin g aide d Howells' s recovery . Hi s an ticipations o f involuntar y rag e an d spasmodi c convulsion s wer e forceful symboli c representation s o f hi s los s o f autonomy . Actin g out thes e symptom s reverse d hi s feelin g o f bein g i n contro l o f forces outsid e himsel f an d beyon d hi s command . H e wa s abl e t o "own" thi s threa t t o hi s identit y throug h hi s privat e ritua l o f self representation.48 Psychologica l reversa l b y breakin g dow n wa s a desperate graspin g fo r autonom y o r self-control , bu t nervou s pros tration wa s becomin g a respectable optio n fo r increasin g number s of middle-clas s Americans , wh o sough t relie f fro m thei r tension s in water-cur e establishment s an d healt h spas . A wate r curis t ha d recently brough t th e fa d t o Jefferson, takin g u p groun d nea r th e Grand Rive r i n Austinburg. Howells' s uncl e Joseph, wh o operate d a drugstor e i n Hamilton , urge d hi m t o appl y th e universa l water cure remedy—frequent bath s an d vigorou s rubbing s wit h a coarse wet towel. 49 Bein g a nervou s invali d migh t b e respectable—Gid dings himsel f wa s publicl y know n a s a sufferer fro m "hypo"—bu t it was nevertheless a dubious distinctio n i n a community dedicate d to energetic antislaver y agitation . Uncle Josep h als o recommende d th e suspensio n o f al l stud y an d writing, bu t Howell s coul d no t hal t th e routin e tha t sustaine d hi s literary aspiration s an d hi s visio n o f mora l usefulness . Whil e h e rested fro m hi s frustratin g stud y o f languages , h e becam e eve n more omnivorou s i n hi s reading , devourin g boo k afte r boo k t o escape his malady. I n thi s frenzie d manner , h e read throug h Dick ens's novel s fo r th e firs t time , finding intention s tha t fortifie d hi s own sens e o f literature' s mora l importance . Dickens , h e pointe d out t o Sentinel readers, ha s "neve r varnishe d vic e o r gilde d mean ness. H e ha s struck terribl e blow s at established iniquity." 50 Following hi s hypochondriaca l breakdown , Howell s defende d literature agains t al l criticism . Whe n h e notice d Georg e W . Cur -

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tis's Potiphar Papers for th e Sentinel, he observed tha t Curti s sough t u to kindle i n the hearts of his readers a generous lov e of virtue, an d a generou s hatre d o f vice ; t o unvei l hypocrisy , an d stri p fro m pretense it s guad s an d frippery ; t o presen t simplicit y an d trut h t o the min d i n thei r mos t beautifu l forms ; t o contras t wit h thes e th e vileness o f affectatio n an d deceit ; t o attac k th e familia r abuse s o f every-day lif e i n thei r strong[h]olds , an d t o uphol d whateve r i s high an d worthy , wit h equa l firmness." 51 Th e meri t o f literature , by Howells' s description , equale d i f it did no t surpas s th e meri t o f law and politics . Howells dismisse d pretender s t o literar y authorit y wit h equa l assertiveness, reservin g specia l scor n fo r sentimenta l poet s whos e work appeared i n exchange newspapers an d sometime s invade d th e Sentinel. Most o f these poeti c offering s struc k hi m a s "harrowingl y weak" an d bes t consigne d t o th e stove . H e too k pain s t o separat e his ow n taste s fro m wome n writer s who m h e caricature d a s "Sibi lanta" and "Sombra. " H e warne d readers , "An y write r o f ordinar y merit ca n writ e 'machin e poetry, ' bu t no t on e i n a thousan d ca n produce a real poem." 52 Sometimes Howell s reveale d a mor e hesitan t demeanor . I n a n experiment h e droppe d afte r a singl e trial , h e adopte d a cloying , apologetic manne r fo r a colum n o f literar y gossip , "Yo u an d I. " Inviting reader s t o join hi m i n hi s "quie t corne r o f the newspaper " for "eas y talks " remove d fro m th e "mingle d se a o f new s an d poli tics [that] tumbles heavil y outside, " he cautioned tha t th e tranquil lity o f hi s "littl e cove " migh t pu t the m t o sleep . Inspire d b y hi s current fascinatio n wit h I k Marvel' s Dream Life an d Reveries of a Bachelor, Howell s pose d a s a retirin g self-satiris t wh o gossipe d o n the "les s nois y themes " of th e day . Thi s appea l t o mutua l sympa thy, remove d fro m publi c engagemen t an d devoi d o f mora l crite ria, ha d littl e potentia l t o affir m th e authorit y o f th e literar y voca tion. Th e I k Marvel person a wa s another instanc e o f psychologica l reversal—a defens e agains t hi s feelin g tha t hi s literar y intention s would swee p hi m int o a n inconsequential , unrea d corne r o f th e newspaper.53 The I k Marve l person a contraste d wit h anothe r confidentia l

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mask H o wells adopte d late r i n the sam e column—the sno b he ha d encountered i n th e novel s o f Thackeray . Althoug h h e ha d earlie r described Thackera y a s a writer wh o u loves whateve r i s beautifu l and good , an d hate s whateve r i s base an d mean, " Howell s mad e a mistaken appea l t o fello w feelin g whe n h e adopte d Thackeray' s haughty manner . "B y th e way , d o you no t thin k w e rather overd o the us e o f th e wor d lady?" h e inquired . " I a m no t th e leas t bi t aristocratic, an d I thin k anyon e wh o work s fo r a livin g quit e a s worthy an d respectabl e a s thos e wh o d o not . Ye t I confes s tha t I could no t hel p laughin g whe n I heard a laundress spoke n o f as th e lady who did th e washing!" Even Goodrich , th e professed despise r of democracy , though t Howells' s passio n fo r Thackera y strang e and almos t a a mora l defect. " Bu t Thackera y provide d Howell s with a self-affirmatio n h e eagerl y desired . Thackera y "seeme d t o promise m e i n hi s contemp t o f th e world, " h e remembered , u a refuge fro m th e sham e I felt fo r m y ow n wan t o f figure i n it." 54 As Howell s searche d fo r a satisfying wa y t o represent th e mora l importance o f literature, th e politica l tension s i n Jefferson bega n t o subside. The off-yea r election s in October demonstrate d surprisin g success fo r antislaver y forces . Th e fusio n part y som e wer e no w calling Republica n ha d establishe d a formidable resistanc e agains t Douglas's Nebrask a Democrats . Willia m Coope r Howell s cele brated th e victor y wit h a cal l t o vigilanc e tha t hi s so n mus t hav e read wit h discomfort : "Th e battle s o f a party—and particularl y a party i n th e right—ar e lik e th e battle s o f a n individua l wit h him self," hi s fathe r observed . "The y ar e daily—hourly . Mischiefs , evils, wrong s o f al l kind s ar e comin g u p ever y day , an d mus t b e met an d conquered . Thi s succes s i s bu t th e beginning. " Willia m Cooper Howells' s summer-lon g struggl e wit h hi s son' s irrationa l fear o f deat h certainl y informe d thi s statement ; i t reasserte d Wil liam Cooper Howells' s fait h i n the sufficienc y o f individual will. 55 With th e moderatio n o f politica l tension s an d th e passin g o f th e dog-days summe r heat— a conditio n believe d t o provok e rage s o f hydrophobia—Howells returne d t o a semblanc e o f health . De scribing th e relievin g chang e o f season s i n a poe m h e entitle d "Midnight Rain, " h e presente d image s o f accomplishe d peac e tha t

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contrasted wit h hi s father's allusion s to perpetual combat . Just a s a gentle rain soothe s the parched earth , Howell s wrote , th e return of health relaxe s "tensione d nerves, " encourage s "gentl e sleep, " an d allows a "pleasin g languor " t o sprea d "throughou t th e soul." 56 Howells ha d survive d hi s hypochondriaca l breakdown . Althoug h he late r viewe d thi s emotiona l tria l a s th e mos t traumati c o f hi s life, hi s breakdow n ha d save d hi m fro m a fat e h e identifie d wit h death—the buryin g o f hi s literar y hopes . Hi s breakdow n ha d allowed hi m tim e t o resurrec t hi s failin g initiativ e s o that h e coul d continue t o pursue hi s literary ambitions . Howells's Jefferso n breakdow n wa s th e beginnin g o f a prolonge d identity crisi s tha t extende d int o hi s late r twenties . Th e tenuous , compromised clos e o f hi s struggle s a t ag e twenty-eigh t foreshad owed hi s lifelon g "dream y fumbling " abou t hi s ow n identit y an d fated hi s retur n i n th e 1880 s an d 1890 s t o th e unsettle d problem s of his youth. I n retrospect , Howell s was certain tha t his adolescen t breakdown ha d altere d hi s life : " I mus t alway s b e a different ma n from tha t I coul d hav e bee n bu t fo r tha t dreadfu l year, " h e state d twelve year s later . Throughou t hi s life , h e continued t o regar d hi s youthful instanc e o f "nervou s prostration " a s a formativ e experi ence, having deep personal consequences for "bot h good and evil." 57 Many thoughtfu l peopl e o f Howells' s generatio n los t trus t i n themselves an d trus t i n thei r fait h throug h comparabl e test s o f personal experience . A s a consequenc e o f hi s youthfu l ordeal , Howells bega n t o se e reality a s anomalous o r chancelike an d bega n to contras t thi s perceptio n wit h hi s father' s belie f i n a mora l uni verse. Guide d b y hi s Swedenborgianism , Willia m Cooper Howell s was sure that right an d good would ultimatel y triumph , an d wron g and evi l woul d inevitabl y fail . H e believed , furthermore , tha t every individua l possesse d perfec t autonomy ; every individua l wa s "always maste r o f the greatest happines s possible." 58 But Howell s bega n t o distrust hi s father's vision . " I ca n se e tha t doing al l b y myselff, ] I wa s no t trul y a la w t o myself, " h e late r reflected, "bu t onl y a sor t o f helples s force." 59 Howell s bega n t o consider tha t i f individual s lacke d perfec t control , the y lacke d

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moral freedo m an d wer e no t responsibl e fo r goo d o r evi l actions . I f no final accountin g wer e possible , th e mora l univers e o f hi s fathe r was i n desperat e disarray . Whil e plungin g int o Dickens' s novels , Howells foun d th e representatio n o f hi s father' s mora l universe : While I rea d [Dickens] , I wa s i n a world wher e th e righ t cam e ou t best , as I believ e i t will ye t d o i n thi s world , an d wher e meri t wa s crowne d with th e succes s whic h I believ e wil l ye t atten d i t i n ou r dail y life , untrammelled b y socia l conventio n o r economi c circumstance . I n tha t world o f his , i n th e idea l world , t o whic h th e rea l worl d mus t finally conform itself , I dwel t amon g th e show s o f things , bu t unde r a Provi dence tha t governe d al l thing s t o a goo d end , an d wher e neithe r wealt h nor birt h coul d avai l against virtu e or right. 60 T h e qualifyin g voic e i n thi s passag e conclude d wit h a blunt caveat : "Of cours e i t wa s i n a wa y al l crud e enough, " Howell s sai d o f Dickens's mora l universe , u and wa s alread y contradicte d b y expe rience i n th e smal l spher e o f m y ow n being." 6 1 Howell s wa s a perceptive self-observer . Hi s traumati c adolescen t breakdow n changed hi m foreve r b y loosenin g hi s hol d o n mora l suret y an d initiating hi s doubts .

CHAPTER 4

"The Vmbrella SMan We ar e jus t beginnin g t o discer n tha t certai n conception s o f ou r relations t o ou r fellow-men , onc e formulate d i n generalitie s whic h met wit h a dramati c acceptatio n fro m th e world , an d wer e the n rejected b y i t as mere rhetoric, hav e really a vital truth i n them, an d that i f the y hav e eve r seeme d fals e i t wa s becaus e o f th e fals e conditions i n whic h w e stil l live . Equalit y an d fraternity , thes e ar e the ideal s whic h onc e move d th e world , an d the n fel l int o despit e and mockery , a s unrealities ; bu t no w the y asser t themselve s i n ou r hearts onc e more . HOWELLS, 189 5

Many peopl e i n Jefferso n accepte d republica n ideal s o f equalit y and fraternit y a s actua l expression s o f villag e life , howeve r muc h a truly democrati c etho s clashe d wit h notion s o f middle-clas s re spectability gainin g popularit y wit h th e villag e elite . Joshu a Gid dings wa s amon g thos e Jeffersonian s wh o idealize d an d spiritual ized thei r community . Durin g hi s busines s travels , Gidding s longe d for home , especiall y o n Sunday s whe n h e retire d t o hi s hote l roo m and contemplate d hi s disagreeabl e situation . H e wa s disturbe d tha t the di n o f bargainin g continue d o n th e Lord' s Day , whe n every thing shoul d b e a t rest . H e fel t th e contras t o f Jefferson, recallin g its "sweet[-]nature d silence , tha t throw s aroun d th e Sabbat h a loveliness & sanctit y s o gratefu l t o th e Christia n feelings. " Gid -

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dings abide d separatio n fro m hi s village with les s anxiety an d soul searching onc e he channeled hi s religious impulse s int o antislaver y agitation. Fo r Giddings , resistin g the "slave power" in Washingto n meant assertin g villag e morality , a role that intensifie d hi s pride i n the "humbl e unassumin g neighbors " wh o ha d chose n hi m thei r representative.l The mutua l feelin g tha t Jefferso n constitute d a distinc t mora l community wa s confirmed fo r Gidding s an d hi s neighbors i n 1841. Censured fo r challengin g th e exclusio n o f antislaver y petition s from Congress , h e resigne d hi s sea t t o ru n fo r reelection . Jefferso nians, alon g wit h othe r citizen s o f th e Wester n Reserve , returne d him t o Washingto n wit h a resoundin g victory . Th e victor y con firmed Giddings' s sens e that moralit y bega n i n his home village: "I am boun d t o mak e mysel f usefu l t o m y famil y first[,] the n t o m y friends, m y neighbors , th e public[, ] an d s o fa r a s Go d give s m e talents an d opportunity[, ] I a m boun d t o exten d m y usefullnes s t o the natio n an d th e world. " B y the time the Howell s famil y arrive d in Jefferson, "Ol d Gid " had becom e a living symbol of a communal village worl d tha t sustaine d thi s expansiv e idea l o f mora l commit ment. 2 Like the majority o f antebellum Americans , Jeffersonians looke d first t o thei r villag e fo r guidanc e an d direction , despit e thei r in creasing involvemen t i n a national marke t an d th e controversie s o f national politica l parties . I n fact , thei r fait h i n village morality wa s intensified a s thes e nationa l force s challenge d thei r trus t i n loca l autonomy. Gidding s an d othe r antislaver y agitator s warne d tha t the "slav e power' 7 conspirac y pose d a n immediat e dange r t o "fre e labor" communitie s lik e Jefferson. 3 Anothe r threa t t o communa l life—from store-bough t goods—wa s les s well define d bu t jus t a s keenly felt. Willia m Cooper Howell s was adept at fashioning woode n types an d othe r device s fo r hi s newspaper , an d h e onc e mad e a reliable baromete r tha t h e highl y prized . H e linke d handmad e goods t o mora l meanings . "I f yo u wan t boot s o r shoes, " h e cau tioned hi s readers , "bu y o f you r neighbors] , wh o make, in prefer ence t o thos e wh o sell them." H e believe d tha t patronizin g a local artisan woul d sustai n " a thrift y neighbor , wit h well[-]educate d

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children, himsel f intelligen t an d elevate d i n th e socia l scale , an d consequently a n agreeable associate." The Sentinel's advertisements for store-bough t good s migh t b e take n a s the opposit e advice , bu t William Coope r Howell s sense d tha t neglectin g loca l artisan s migh t seriously undermin e Jefferson's mora l consensus. 4 The perceptio n o f threat s fro m th e outsid e world , fro m th e "slave power" or store-bought goods , sharpened th e moral meanin g of localit y fo r antebellu m Americans . Thi s heightene d conscious ness ha d significan t implication s fo r Howells' s literar y aspirations . Although h e ha d forme d taste s an d mode s o f judgmen t tha t re flected th e cosmopolita n worl d o f hi s reading—th e universa l Re public o f Letter s tha t include d Cervantes' s Spai n an d Thackeray' s England—he coul d no t easil y ignor e th e cherishe d ideal s o f hi s village. Dua l allegianc e ha d trouble d hi m before , especiall y durin g his family' s migrator y year s whe n hi s literar y desire s seeme d se t against hi s family's economi c needs . Durin g hi s adolescence, how ever, hi s sens e o f livin g a doubl e lif e too k o n ne w an d perplexin g dimensions. I n th e year s immediatel y followin g hi s breakdown , Howells becam e acutel y awar e tha t th e loca l worl d o f Jefferso n exerted formidabl e powe r ove r hi s desire fo r literar y succes s in th e greater world . In Novembe r 1854 , wit h th e easin g o f hi s hypochondria , Howell s launched a n ambitiou s effor t t o reconcil e hi s literar y ambition s with th e lif e o f hi s village , offerin g Jefferso n reader s a precociou s serial stor y i n th e Sentinel entitled, u The Independen t Candidate. " He announce d hi s desir e t o mak e hi s seria l a reflectio n o f th e lif e near a t han d b y addin g th e subtitle , " A Stor y o f T o Day." 5 Th e tale Howell s bega n t o weave , puttin g i t directl y int o typ e a t hi s compositor's case , involve d politica l intrigue , youthfu l love , an d hereditary insanity . Following th e example s o f Dickens' s Bleak House an d Thacker ay's Pendennis, Howells elaborate d a cas t o f character s aroun d a flexible plo t draw n fro m loca l politics . Georg e Berson , a stron g force i n th e Whi g party , ha s bee n outmaneuvere d a t th e Elk s County conventio n b y th e Erringto n clique , whic h ha s obtaine d

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the part y legislativ e nominatio n fo r Berson' s rival , Cuffins . Berso n has bolte d th e part y t o ru n a s a n independen t candidat e an d ha s enlisted hi s cousin Wa t Larri e to stum p fo r hi m i n the hostile , old line Whi g villag e o f Beauville . T o ai d Wat , Berso n ha s gathere d a motley grou p o f supporters , includin g th e taver n keepe r Trooz e and th e lawye r Sliprie . Earl y i n th e serial , Howell s forewarne d readers tha t Berson' s famil y suffer s fro m hereditar y insanity , a secret tha t th e unscrupulou s Cuffin s intend s t o revea l durin g th e campaign. Th e seria l follow s th e intrigue s o f th e candidates , wit h intermittent episode s o f Wat' s spoonin g an d Berson' s hom e life . Though muc h o f th e stor y i s tol d b y a n author-narrator , Howell s also describe d event s throug h Wat , wh o frequentl y record s hi s experiences i n "voluminou s epistles. " Howells starte d hi s seria l confidently , bu t h e wa s soo n wonder ing ho w t o sustai n hi s cas t o f character s an d hi s convolute d plots . He wa s mor e disturbe d b y th e though t tha t reader s wer e growin g impatient wit h hi s serial . I n th e Sentinel office, h e ha d hear d a n "old farmer " sa y h e woul d b e gla d whe n "tha t ther e continue d story wa s through." 6 Whil e strugglin g wit h dialogu e an d action , Howells bega n t o conten d wit h hi s imagine d reader . H e opene d the thir d installmen t o f hi s seria l wit h a sectio n labele d "Rathe r Diadactical," wher e h e personifie d hi s sens e o f villag e criticis m i n a character h e called "Ol d Smith. " In th e "Rathe r Diadactical " section , Howells' s author-narrato r explains hi s high-minde d intentions . H e want s hi s tal e t o b e "th e most beautiful , lovely , an d discree t stor y tha t eve r wa s penned. " He promise s h e will neve r follo w th e melodramati c ploy s o f popu lar writer s lik e Georg e Lippar d an d Emerso n Bennett , wh o regu larly kil l off troublesom e character s wit h a mere strok e of the pen . At thi s point , Ol d Smit h emerge s an d interrupt s th e narrator , telling hi m tha t i f h e want s t o pleas e hi s reader s s o much , wh y doesn't h e jus t "inven t a postmaster , an d hav e hi m ru n ove r b y a stage-coach. I would! " Shocke d an d perturbe d b y Ol d Smith' s unseemly attack , th e author-narrator respond s with cal m argumen t until hi s critic relents. Nevertheless , Ol d Smit h get s the last word . When th e author-narrato r lament s tha t ever y loca l politicia n wil l

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think h e i s bein g describe d i n th e characte r Berson , Ol d Smit h offers a chillin g rejoinder : "O ! consol e yoursel f wit h th e though t that the y probabl y don' t rea d you r story." 7 Old Smith' s choic e o f a postmaste r t o b e sacrifice d t o a stage coach wa s no t rando m o r unmeaning . Postmaster s wer e symbol s of oppression , appointee s o f Frankli n Pierc e an d adherent s o f th e proslavery Democrati c party . Howells' s author-narrato r ha d countered b y ignorin g part y loyalt y an d appealin g t o human e feelings. Wa s no t th e loca l postmaster , h e asked , "mos t amiable , polite an d courteous" ? Thi s tacti c faile d t o settl e th e politica l cur rents raise d b y Howells' s story . H e ha d describe d Georg e Berso n as a n "independen t candidate, " a designatio n tha t suggeste d th e turmoil o f the precedin g yea r whe n Gidding s an d othe r "Indepen dent Democrats " ha d forme d a fusio n part y pledge d t o antislav ery. 8 Howell s ha d als o invoke d long-standin g tension s o f loca l politics b y settin g hi s independen t candidat e agains t th e Erringto n clique tha t rule d old-lin e Whi g territor y i n Elk s County . Th e Conneaut Reporter, par t o f Benjami n Wade' s coterie , sustaine d a n old-line Whi g demeano r unde r it s editor , D . C . Allen , despit e Wade's advocac y o f fusion. 9 Howell s surmise d tha t reader s woul d be puzzled b y thes e unmistakable allusion s to local politics . Readers ha d reaso n fo r confusion . Cuffins , th e old-lin e Whi g candidate, i s ready t o smear Georg e Berson, th e independent, wit h his secre t o f hereditar y insanity , bu t Berso n i s hardl y admirable . Though hi s independen t candidac y identifie s hi m wit h a n actua l politics o f moral integrity , Berso n i s thoroughly corrupt . H e relie s chiefly o n flattery an d smal l bribe s t o gai n self-intereste d an d conniving supporters . Eve n thei r compatrio t Wa t admit s the y ar e "a sorr y pac k o f Yahoos." Berson cynicall y rationalize s hi s corrup tion b y asserting , "Candidate s generall y ge t th e nam e o f liar s an d humbugs, anyhow—s o the y hav e to be liars and humbug s whe n i t pays." In contras t t o the antislavery politic s of Jefferson, Howells' s campaign lack s mora l purpose . N o politicia n i n hi s stor y ha s th e intentions o f Gidding s o r Wade . Berso n an d Cuffin s simpl y see k personal aggrandizement . Howells indicte d othe r character s draw n fro m th e worl d o f hi s

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village. H e wa s especiall y acerbi c wit h lawyers , portraye d i n th e character o f Sliprie , a "scoundrel-thief. " Wa t warn s tha t whil e Sliprie ha s a broad , ric h laugh , "i t i s a s treacherou s a s a pitfal l covered wit h flowers." Wa t himsel f bear s watching . I n th e begin ning o f th e story , h e i s likeabl e an d wel l meaning , bu t h e ha s recently passe d th e ba r an d starte d o n th e downwar d path . A s a fledgling lawyer , h e ha s acquire d a fondnes s fo r "bullyin g an d brow-beating" witnesses . Th e onl y sympatheti c figure fro m How ells's loca l politica l worl d i s th e editor , Doan , modele d afte r hi s father, wh o refuse s t o smea r Berso n wit h th e charg e o f insanity . But Howell s adde d a caveat eve n wit h Doan , attributin g hi s mora l integrity t o his financial security. "Th e Messenger is paid for, " Doa n asserts t o hi s tempte r Cuffins , "an d i t shal l neve r b e use d a s a means to blast an y man' s characte r whil e in my hands. " The seam y worl d o f "Th e Independen t Candidate " contrast s with th e mora l atmospher e o f Jefferson , wher e politicians , law yers, an d editor s backe d a part y t o en d slaver y forever . Par t o f Howells's difficultie s wit h hi s stor y derive d fro m hi s arm's-lengt h treatment o f loca l politica l issues . Allowe d th e discretion s o f fiction, h e fel l bac k o n a genera l indictmen t o f politica l chicanery . This tacti c furthere d th e vagu e an d meanderin g tendenc y o f hi s story. Withou t th e mora l issue s tha t animate d hi s village , "Th e Independent Candidate " becam e a blank table t o n whic h Howell s wrote ou t hi s secre t animu s towar d th e dominanc e o f politic s ove r literature. As h e los t confidenc e i n hi s story , Howell s reverte d t o th e clumsy devices he despised i n melodramatic novels . George Berso n wins the election bu t i s speedily dispatche d b y hereditary insanity . Dismissed earlie r fo r hi s moral corruptibility, Wa t Larri e makes an awkward las t appearance . Hi s drunke n intrusio n int o Berson' s house provoke s th e outburs t tha t confirm s th e candidate' s de mented condition . "The Independen t Candidate " ende d i n muddl e an d collapse , principally becaus e Howell s foun d n o authoritative answe r fo r Ol d Smith's naggin g questio n abou t th e politica l meanin g o f hi s story . But th e debat e wit h Ol d Smit h raise d anothe r issu e o f mora l

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commitment tha t Howell s foun d perplexing . Ol d Smit h i s a device Howells borrowe d fro m a style of vernacular humo r roote d i n ora l tradition. Vernacula r humorist s confronte d refined , gentlemanl y characters, representin g th e respectable , middle-clas s etho s of self control, wit h passionate , dialect-speakin g characters , representin g the wanin g communa l world . Th e confrontatio n subject s th e gentleman t o th e levelin g wi t o f th e vernacula r characte r an d as serts democratic feelin g ove r genteel pretension. 10 Sympathetic us e o f vernacula r character s an d languag e ex pressed Howells' s regar d fo r th e communa l habit s an d democrati c ideals stil l dominan t i n Jefferson. Ol d Smith , Howells' s versio n o f a vernacula r character , speak s dialec t onl y slightly , bu t h e bristle s with a n urg e t o profanit y tha t th e refine d author-narrato r take s pains t o forestall . Th e author-narrato r finally subdue s hi s antago nist, bu t no t befor e Ol d Smit h ha s th e las t word—th e assertio n that n o on e ma y b e readin g th e story . Wit h thi s gesture , Howell s admitted tha t th e democrati c authorit y o f the vernacula r ha d com mand ove r hi s writing . Howells mad e thi s admissio n wit h muc h ambivalence . I n hi s debates wit h hi s frien d Goodrich , h e had take n th e sid e of Thack eray agains t Dickens , defendin g Thackeray' s mor e refine d diction . Thackeray appeale d t o Howells' s aestheti c pride , hi s abilit y t o distinguish himsel f fro m hi s fello w villager s b y hi s readin g taste s and hi s writin g experiments . H e admire d Dicken s a s well , espe cially fo r hi s sympatheti c portraya l o f desperate , forgotte n lives . "The dum b lip s o f hovele d an d prisone d wretchedness, " h e ha d written, "hav e foun d a n utteranc e throug h [Dickens]." 11 Drawin g inspiration fro m bot h Thackera y an d Dicken s i n writin g "Th e Independent Candidate, " Howell s shade d hi s allegianc e towar d Thackeray, assumin g th e manne r o f a refined author-narrato r an d using Wa t Larri e t o satiriz e th e commo n o r vernacula r speec h o f other characters . Through muc h o f hi s story , Howell s chos e refinemen t withou t hesitation. Wa t stand s amaze d a t th e languag e o f th e Dickens-lik e tavern keepe r John Trooze . Considerin g th e "cussedness " of women , Trooze asserts , " ' I use d t o think sparkin ' wa s a mighty fine thing ,

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but blam e m e i f the slangin ' an d bangin ' an d whangin ' sence, ain['] t enough t o mak e u p fo r it. ' " Howell s create d a smal l retinu e o f Dickens-like character s wh o fal l unde r th e censorious ey e of eithe r the author-narrato r o r Wa t Larri e fo r thei r uncout h way s an d barbarous words . Yet Howell s als o presente d common , colloquia l languag e with out explici t o r implie d ridicule . "Punc h u p th e Herald man . H e ought t o come out savage, " says Wat, suggestin g tha t stron g edito rials ar e neede d t o hel p Berson' s candidacy . Howell s appreciate d the colloquial languag e of the middle level , if not the tavern-keepe r level, o f villag e society . H e wa s awar e tha t th e choic e o f word s declared allegianc e t o a large r community , an d h e wa s hostil e t o verbal pretension an d inauthenti c usage. Commenting o n the asser tions o f on e villager , Howells' s author-narrato r notes , "Hi s us e o f huge words, where homely mon[o]syllable s woul d d o quite as well, is enoug h t o prov e hi m a savan t alone . Th e da w wh o rigge d himself ou t wit h peacock' s feathers , wa s a very sill y bird , an d th e donkey wh o playe d lio n wa s a grea t ass. " Althoug h thi s villager , Moro Gilky , i s anothe r Dicken s parody , Howell s struc k close r t o home in a scene where Wat Larri e confronts a vernacular character . Howells's author-narrato r ofte n resort s t o the styl e of sentimen tal magazin e sketche s mean t fo r middle-clas s audiences . H e i s especially pron e t o th e "meltin g mood " appropriat e fo r elevate d rhapsodies ove r landscap e scenes. 12 An d despit e occasiona l lapse s into colloquia l speech , hi s protagonis t Wa t Larri e usuall y main tains a simila r middle-clas s styl e o f refine d dictio n t o distinguis h himself fro m th e Trooze s o f village society . I n on e signa l instance , however, Howell s turne d th e table s an d imagine d a ritual humilia tion tha t strippe d Wa t Larri e of dignity. Wa t relate s i n a letter tha t while stumpin g fo r Berso n i n th e old-lin e Whi g villag e o f Beau ville, h e addresse d a hostil e crow d gathere d a t th e schoolhouse . Carried awa y b y hi s rhetorica l flair, h e boldl y challenge d a n old line Whi g t o ste p forwar d i f suc h a bein g dare d exist . H e wa s surprised t o discover on e did—"A hulking , burly , beef-butcherin g varlet." To restrai n th e butcher , Wa t resorte d t o the "bullyin g an d brow-beating" he was learning a s a lawyer:

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I mus t hav e bee n hal f crazy , o r I woul d hav e see n tha t I wa s o n dangerous ground.—Bu t whil e th e butche r waxe d redde r an d angrier , I only attacke d hi m wit h renewe d gust . A t las t h e burs t int o tears , an d dashed towar d me . Ther e wa s no t a great dea l o f time t o think, bu t I did a great dea l of thinking, nevertheless . Ther e wa s a pitcher o f water on th e desk befor e me , an d I le t th e butche r hav e tha t a t once . I als o bestowe d two candle s an d stick s upo n hi m an d th e "Sacre d Songster, " whic h la y within reach . I wa s abou t t o launc h "Webster' s Unabridged, " whe n m y antagonist close d upo n me . Somebod y go t awfull y thrashed . I could no t tell who , exactly , bu t I do not thin k i t was the butcher . Meanwhile, th e fellow s nea r th e doo r kep t u p a deafenin g yell , an d discharged volley s o f egg s a t th e speaker . I crie d enough,— I stat e th e fact withou t shame , fo r I migh t hav e sai d plenty wit h goo d reason—an d the butche r allowe d m e t o rise . I cas t abou t m e fo r m y hat . I foun d i t after a while , bu t i t wa s s o fearfull y cocke d tha t I coul d no t wea r it . Bareheaded an d reeking , I mad e fo r a n openin g i n tha t accurse d room . But ther e wa s non e t o b e found . Utterl y bewildered , I ra n hithe r an d thither. A t lengt h I caugh t a glimme r o f th e nigh t without , an d dashe d ahead i n tha t direction . I t wa s th e door.— A grea t ruffia n wa s statione d on th e threshol d afte r th e manne r o f th e Colossu s o f Rhodes . I ra n between hi s legs, an d upse t th e monster . How coo l th e dam p nigh t breeze s were ! — I breathe d the m a s eagerl y as a thirsty ma n quaff s th e thrillin g water s o f a desert spring . Bu t I ha d no time to sentimentalize. I cut acros s lots , an d wa s soo n out o f sight . In thi s scene , Howell s imaginativel y employe d th e devic e o f confrontation. Hi s portraya l o f Wa t Larrie' s humiliatio n ha s a sharp colloquial , i f no t completel y vernacular , flavor . Hi s depic tion o f middle-clas s refinemen t brough t lo w i s especiall y deft . T h e common triumph s ove r th e refine d throug h humorou s reversals , beginning wit h th e butche r burstin g int o tears , a n ac t o f "melting " sensitivity usuall y reserve d fo r th e cultivate d middl e clas s i n it s raptures ove r landscap e scenes . I n a pinch , Wa t finds hi s high toned orator y useless . Wate r pitcher , sacre d songster , an d Web ster's unabridged , representin g middle-clas s veritie s o f lyceum , church, an d schoolhouse , hav e los t al l valu e excep t a s missile s t o beat bac k hi s opponent . Wit h humiliatio n imminent , Wa t trie s t o save face , posin g a verba l distinctio n betwee n enough an d plenty. But th e inarticulat e butche r triumph s easil y ove r th e polishe d Wat . Howells's final touc h i s a clea r qualificatio n o f th e languag e o f

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middle-class refinement . Pausin g outside the schoolhouse, Wa t ha s a momentar y urg e t o rhapsodiz e th e beautifu l nigh t scen e i n th e conventional sentimenta l manner . Bu t rememberin g hi s plight , h e represses thi s urg e an d revert s t o th e colloquial : " I cu t acros s lots , and wa s soo n out o f sight. " Had h e writte n thi s passag e wit h a deepe r vernacula r perspec tive, Howell s woul d hav e bee n mor e intereste d i n th e butcher' s point o f view . I f hi s allegianc e t o hi s villag e ha d rise n abov e hi s allegiance t o hi s reading , h e migh t hav e allowe d th e butche r a distinctive vernacula r voice . Despit e hi s ambivalence , Howell s demonstrated a n inchoat e for m o f the vernacula r i n hi s satirizatio n of middle-clas s refinemen t an d i n hi s appreciatio n o f colloquia l language.13 B y the time h e wrote thi s passage , however , hi s exper iment wit h loca l an d vernacula r theme s ha d becom e heav y o n hi s hands. H e ha d begu n t o shar e th e feelin g o f publi c humiliatio n h e depicted fo r Wa t Larrie . Lik e Wat , h e desire d t o cu t acros s lot s and ge t out o f sight . Considering hi s "strang e disaster " wit h "Th e Independen t Can didate," Howell s fel t hi s seria l wa s neithe r "badl y conceived " no r "attempted upo n line s tha t wer e mistaken. " Bu t h e never returne d to hi s story , "s o grea t wa s th e sham e an d anguish. " "I t was, " h e declared, "lik e some dreadful drea m on e has of finding one' s sel f i n battle withou t th e courag e neede d t o carr y on e creditabl y throug h the action , o r o n th e stag e unprepare d b y stud y o f th e par t whic h one i s to appea r in." 14 Thes e image s o f shamefu l exposur e sugges t his perplexit y concernin g "tha t mythica l creature , m y reader. " Recognition fo r th e mora l importanc e an d communa l valu e o f th e literary vocatio n seeme d unavailabl e throug h a novel representin g village life . But Howell s remaine d resolute . H e ha d survive d hi s terribl e hypochondria o f th e previou s summer ; h e mean t t o surviv e thi s calamity a s well. Hi s resilienc e i s reflected i n a tall tale he abruptl y introduced int o hi s seria l on e installmen t befor e hi s hast y retreat . Prompted b y hi s description o f Cuffins strollin g with a n umbrella , Howells bega n t o satiriz e th e middle-clas s respectabilit y o f quie t and mee k me n wh o neve r par t wit h thei r umbrellas . Then , jus t a s

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suddenly, h e shifte d t o a livel y accoun t o f Mr . Stub , th e quintes sential "Man-with-an-Umbrell a man. " Mr . Stub' s umbrell a i s mor e than a symbo l o f careful , middle-clas s deportment . Hi s umbrell a frequently become s a n intrusiv e irritan t t o respectabl e villagers . I t supports hi s chi n whe n h e glare s dow n lecturers ; i t poke s member s of th e lectur e audienc e i n th e ribs . O n marke t days , hi s umbrell a is a terribl e menace , upsettin g neatl y arrange d eg g basket s an d coffee stands . Mr . Stub , th e umbrell a man , perfectl y expresse d Howells's ambivalenc e towar d th e vernacular , fo r Mr . Stu b com bines th e middle-clas s appearanc e o f respectabilit y wit h th e ver nacular styl e o f levelin g confrontation . Appearances ar e deceivin g i n Howells' s tal l tale . Mr . Stu b i s no t all tha t h e seem s a t firs t glance , whil e hi s umbrell a i s extraordinar y beyond anyone' s imagining . T h e narrato r describe s th e fantasti c moment whe n i t i s reveale d a s a "Demo n Umbrella" : Can I ever forge t th e momen t whe n M r Stu b appeare d o n th e roo f o f th e burning house , wit h hi s Umbrell a unde r hi s arm . Th e re d flames leape d from th e burnin g casements , a s i f t o das h themselve s upo n th e crowd , and roare d an d cracke d wit h unearthl y glee.—Ther e seeme d t o b e n o escape; and a shudder ra n throug h th e might y thron g below , a s Mr Stu b stepped jauntil y t o th e edg e o f th e roof . H e mus t need s fling himsel f down. Everybod y though t so . Wha t wa s thei r astonishmen t t o se e M r Stub rais e his Umbrella , an d shelterin g himsel f beneat h it , jum p from th e eave int o subtl e air . H e hovere d ove r th e hous e fo r a moment , an d the n drifting t o th e leeward , soare d easil y u p towar d th e clouds . Ever y ey e was strained t o watch th e flight of the devoted man . Th e Umbrell a waxe d smaller an d smaller , an d a t last , wit h coat-tail s flapping frantically , M r Stub fade d fro m sight . — He neve r cam e down ; an d perished , n o doubt , a victi m t o hi s ow n Umbrella!—Ever y Man-with-an-Umbrell a doe s no t go u p lik e a balloon. Ye t ther e i s a dreadful myster y hangin g abou t suc h people, whic h ma y wel l excit e i n th e boldes t hear t a willingnes s t o giv e them th e whole sidewalk . T h e middle-clas s symbo l o f th e umbrell a becomes , i n Howells' s telling, a magician's wan d makin g al l thing s possible . Investe d wit h demon potency , th e umbrell a i s a clos e equivalen t t o a pen . I n th e course o f hi s tale , Howell s assume d th e person a o f Mr . Stub . H e playfully mocke d hi s ow n shor t statur e i n hi s hero' s nam e whil e

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investing Mr . Stu b wit h hi s ow n difficultie s an d desires . Lik e Mr . Stub, Howell s ha d poke d a t hi s fello w villager s wit h hi s story , exposing thei r foible s an d shortcoming s wit h hi s satirica l pen . H e hoped tha t hi s stor y woul d elevat e hi m t o height s o f prais e an d appreciation. Bu t lik e Mr. Stub , h e was left o n a burning edifice — his stor y i n disarray . Possibl y h e ha d fel t th e deat h wis h repre sented b y Mr . Stub' s imminen t destruction . But Howells' s umbrell a ma n i s a magicia n o f transformatio n who ca n escap e thought s o f deat h an d resolv e al l double-live d feelings. O n th e on e hand , h e represent s a n insubstantia l sens e o f identity, th e kin d o f unease tha t resulte d fro m Howells' s failur e t o provoke a confirmin g respons e fro m hi s village . Mr . Stub' s air y identity make s hi m vulnerabl e t o th e draf t tha t carrie s hi m away . Yet Howells' s umbrell a ma n i s abl e t o affir m lif e o n th e brin k o f death. Hi s ste p fro m th e ledg e astonishe s th e throng , an d al l eye s follow hi s miraculou s escape , a s h e floats fa r beyon d th e confine s of hi s village . Sufferin g publi c humiliatio n fo r hi s faile d serial , Howells wishe d fo r a simila r disappearanc e int o "subtl e air. " Es cape b y mean s o f hi s demo n pe n migh t leav e th e sam e aur a o f mysterious power . Shoul d h e reappear , stil l i n the guise of a meek man, i t woul d b e wis e fo r villager s t o offe r hi m u the whol e side walk." Howells's tal l tal e combine d hi s impuls e t o escap e wit h hi s deter mination t o persist . Floatin g awa y fro m hi s trouble s mean t ignor ing th e prompting s o f hi s Swedenborgia n conscience , whic h re quired a moral, communa l contex t fo r th e literar y vocation . Whil e the fat e o f "Th e Independen t Candidate " seeme d t o diminis h th e possibility tha t Jeffersonian s woul d sanctio n hi s desires , Howell s allowed fo r tota l fulfillment . Lik e hi s umbrell a man , h e migh t return i n triumph t o his village. Fo r th e moment , however , retrea t seemed best . Afte r hi s failur e i n prose , Howell s sough t th e sanc tuary o f poetry . Onc e h e abandone d "Th e Independen t Candi date," he immersed himsel f i n James Russel l Lowell' s "Lecture s o n English Poetry. " I n Januar y an d Februar y 1855 , report s o f th e lectures appeare d i n th e Bosto n Advertiser. B y th e tim e Howell s

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had close d hi s story , th e report s ha d begu n t o arriv e i n th e news paper exchanges. 15 Lowell's lecture s soothe d Howells' s wounde d feelings . Al though Lowel l topple d Pop e fro m Howells' s highes t estee m b y describing hi m a s the founde r o f the "artificia l style " in poetry, th e lectures sketche d a grandiose alternative . Accordin g t o Lowell, th e true poe t guarde d th e divin e idea l tha t imbue d al l of life. Fro m hi s eminent perspective , th e poe t coul d maintai n a certain reserve ; th e poet coul d rebuk e th e ba d an d bas e indirectl y b y "makin g u s fee l what deligh t ther e i s i n th e goo d an d fair. " Whil e exalte d abov e ordinary mortal s i n hi s contemplatio n o f th e ideal , Lowell' s poe t was enoug h engage d i n th e presen t t o "h[o]l d u p a mirro r t o contemporary life " an d t o dra w inspiratio n fro m commo n speec h —the tal k of the stree t an d th e workshop. 16 Despite Lowell' s likin g fo r commo n speech—suc h a s th e Yan kee dialec t tha t ha d inspire d hi s creatio n o f Hose a Biglow , th e scourge o f th e Mexica n War—Howell s coul d rea d Lowell' s lec tures t o justif y a distanced relatio n t o Jefferson villager s an d talk . Withdrawal coul d b e justifie d b y th e poet' s sympath y wit h th e "higher society " of universal bein g and hi s scholarly understandin g of pas t ages. 17 Thi s strateg y reflecte d th e compromise s exemplar y romantic poet s ha d mad e wit h th e industrializin g marke t society . Inspired b y th e expande d influenc e possibl e wit h a multitud e o f readers, romantic poets were nonetheless disturbed b y their depen dence on commercial relation s wit h a faceless audience . B y retreat ing t o th e real m o f th e ideal , the y retaine d thei r assumptio n o f priestly devotio n t o common life. 18 The literar y taste s Howell s demonstrate d i n th e succeedin g months ha d n o touch o f local experienc e o r language . H e returne d to hi s study , pu t Ol d Smit h out-of-doors , an d mad e hi s privat e domain a refuge fo r th e poe t an d scholar . H e wrot e poem s repre senting th e poe t alone , communin g wit h transcenden t nature . I n the Sentinel, h e reprinte d a passag e fro m Lowell' s lecture s tha t asserted th e "divine validity of number, proportion , an d harmony, " all apparen t i n a stat e o f nature , chastene d o f socia l relations . H e concentrated o n th e Englis h reviews , emblem s o f scholarl y refine -

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ment, t o cultivate a "pure an d soun d literar y taste. " When a writer in Blackwood's attacked America n languag e fo r it s "uncout h phrases, " Howells mounte d a counteroffensiv e base d o n America n refine ment. H e contende d tha t Englis h usag e was actuall y mor e "barba rous" an d cite d th e scholarl y understandin g o f languag e possesse d by America' s principa l writers—Irving , Prescott , Bryant , an d Longfellow.19 Strident prid e i n th e accomplishment s o f America n scholar poets wa s insufficien t t o sustai n Howell s fo r ver y long . H e ha d hoped "Th e Independen t Candidate " migh t provid e a way t o liv e by literature . H e wa s wel l awar e tha t Dicken s earne d a n extrava gant yearl y income , reporte d a t nearl y on e hundre d thousan d dollars, b y writin g seria l novels. 20 "Th e Independen t Candidate " had bee n a double failure . Neithe r mora l confirmatio n no r a bar e living wa s availabl e fro m writin g tha t foun d n o readers . Howell s had bee n warne d tha t poetr y coul d neve r ear n hi s livelihood . O n invitation fro m Willia m Coope r Howells , th e edito r o f th e Ohio Farmer had inspecte d Howells' s literar y ware s and accepted a poem for publication . Whe n Howell s confesse d tha t h e hope d th e edito r would emplo y hi m permanentl y t o writ e poem s an d sketches , Joseph scoffed , "H e woul d neve r pa y yo u thre e dollar s a week i n the world fo r that." 21 If h e coul d no t liv e by literature , Howell s mean t t o liv e for literature. I n Ma y 1855 , h e grandl y recorde d i n hi s diar y tha t h e was "quittin g th e printing-office , an d enterin g upo n th e stud y o f the law , a s well a s formin g a kin d o f ne w epoc h i n m y life." 22 Howells bega n readin g la w wit h Senato r Benjami n Wade . Bu t h e had complete d littl e more tha n a volume an d a half o f Blackstone' s Commentaries, th e wor k o f a month , whe n th e stres s becam e to o exhausting: "Th e strai n wa s grea t enoug h whe n I ha d merel y th e work i n th e printing-office, " Howell s recalled ; "bu t no w I cam e home fro m m y Blackston e mentall y fagged , an d I coul d no t tak e up th e author s who m a t th e botto m o f m y hear t I love d s o muc h better." H e wa s distresse d b y th e prospec t o f becomin g a lawye r and nothin g else. H e ha d becom e disheartened afte r readin g Black stone's assertio n tha t th e la w wa s a "jealou s mistress " permittin g

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no othe r affection . Withou t explainin g t o Senato r Wade , Howell s abandoned th e la w an d returne d t o th e printin g offic e wit h a feeling o f "ecstatic relief." 23 No one , asid e fro m hi s frien d Goodrich , understoo d Howells' s motives. After hi s humiliation wit h "Th e Independen t Candidate, " he ha d grow n mor e reserved . H e preferre d disreput e t o revelatio n of hi s "secre t hope " of livin g fo r literature . H e di d no t prefe r i t s o much, however , tha t h e coul d fac e Senato r Wade , a ma n famou s for hi s "fier y eyes " an d "scowlin g mien. " Wad e wa s a n acknowl edged maste r o f oratorica l confrontation . Prepare d fo r an y clas h with hi s Souther n enemies , Wad e practice d wit h a pisto l i n hi s front yard . Howell s avoide d encounterin g th e senato r i n th e streets . Then th e "terribl e moment " arrive d whe n Wad e picke d u p hi s newspaper i n th e Sentinel office. "[Senato r Wade ] looke d m e ove r in m y genera l effec t o f bas e mechanical, " Howell s recalled , "an d asked m e i f I ha d give n u p th e law ; I ha d onl y t o answe r hi m I had, an d ou r conferenc e ended." 24 Howells's retrea t fro m th e la w adde d t o hi s feelin g o f publi c humiliation an d confuse d hi s imagine d literar y prospects . Whil e lawyers wer e highl y respecte d i n Jefferso n an d ha d prominen t standing i n socia l circle s beyon d th e village , Howell s understoo d that refine d literar y societ y woul d neve r respec t a printer-poet. 25 His "bas e mechanical " trad e diminishe d hi s statu s an d force d hi m back upon hi s family, wher e no place existed fo r hi s future. Josep h was destined t o become edito r o f the Sentinel; Wil l was expected t o succeed elsewhere . I f he stayed a t home and worked a t the Sentinel, Howells woul d alway s fee l h e ha d faile d an d woul d alway s b e subordinate t o Joseph , a n unnervin g prospec t give n thei r recen t quarrels. Trying t o tak e prid e i n hi s mechanica l trade , Howell s com mented i n th e Sentinel on th e fine printin g o f the Englis h reviews , judged b y hi s eye as "a craftsman." H e an d Jim William s ha d onc e talked o f workin g a printin g offic e i n nearb y Pennsylvania , bu t they coul d no t muste r "courag e t o offe r eve n promise s t o pa y fo r it." Th e journeyma n printer' s precariou s lif e wa s eve n mor e alie n to Howells's literar y hopes . Recen t expedients fo r surviva l adopte d

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at th e Sentinel —the stea m pres s an d cheape r labo r o f femal e com positors—typified change s tha t ha d mad e journeyma n printin g extremely hazardous. 26 Estranged fro m hi s villag e an d trappe d i n th e printer' s trade , Howells bega n t o experienc e terribl e headaches . T o escap e hi s tensions, h e burie d himsel f i n a n ambitiou s scholarl y project — translation fro m th e Spanis h o f th e sixteenth-centur y picaresqu e tale Lazarillo de Tormes. Thi s translatio n sustaine d hi s aspirations a s a scholar-poe t an d gav e hi m th e compan y o f th e tale' s hero , th e crafty rogu e servan t Lazarillo , wh o is buffeted b y tormentin g mas ters. Lazarill o survives , returnin g decei t fo r decei t an d blo w fo r blow. Lik e Howells' s umbrell a man , Lazarill o i s a master o f trans formation wh o turns disaster s t o his advantage. 27 Publication o f Lazarillo' s adventures , Howell s imagined , migh t be th e mean s o f hi s ow n transformation . J . P . Jewet t an d Com pany, th e hous e tha t ha d produce d Harrie t Beeche r Stowe' s amaz ing best-seller , Uncle Tom's Cabin, operate d a branc h offic e i n Cleveland. Howell s accompanie d hi s fathe r t o Clevelan d wit h th e intention o f offerin g hi s manuscript , bu t h e faltere d a t th e compa ny's doors . " I wa s hal f blin d wit h on e o f th e headache s tha t tor mented m e i n those days, " he recalled, "an d I turned m y sic k eye s from th e sig n 'J . P . Jewet t & Co. , Publishers, ' whic h hel d m e fascinated, an d wen t hom e withou t a t leas t havin g m y much dreamed-of versio n o f Lazarillo refused." Howells' s headach e save d him fro m wha t migh t hav e bee n anothe r humiliatin g defeat . Hi s translation o f Lazarillo wa s th e threa d tha t hel d hi s hope s fo r a literary career ; he could no t chanc e having it cut away. 28 While hi s tri p t o Clevelan d ha d no t accomplishe d al l tha t h e wished, Howell s gaine d mor e tha n sufficien t recompens e whe n h e found a copy o f a book that wa s "moving polite youth i n the East. " Tennyson's Maud fulfilled it s reputatio n a s "passionate lov e poem , full o f burning socia l protes t an d indignation. " Howell s wa s aston ished t o discove r hi s ow n alienate d feeling s exemplifie d b y th e poem's world-wear y protagonist . A t th e beginnin g o f Maud, th e youthful hero , " a poetic soul, " is morbidly self-absorbed . H e brood s over hi s rura l isolatio n an d despise s himsel f a s "languid an d base. "

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As hi s rantin g drive s hi m towar d insanit y an d suicide , h e i s save d by hi s longing s fo r th e beautifu l Maud , who m Tennyso n offere d as a restorative visio n o f perfect love. 29 Reading Maud lifte d Howell s "abov e life. " I t seeme d th e "fines t poem [he ] had read. " H e imagine d tha t n o on e bu t himsel f under stood Tennyson' s subtl e meanings . T o sustai n thi s feelin g o f inti macy, h e immediatel y sen t of f fo r a n editio n o f Tennyson' s com plete poems . Whe n i t arrived , h e rea d i t "nigh t an d day , in-door s and out. " A t th e sam e time , h e gathere d togethe r everythin g per sonal h e could lear n abou t th e poet. Hi s fascinatio n fo r Tennyson , Howells recalled , alleviate d hi s "melanchol y fro m ill-health " an d his "anxiet y fo r th e futur e i n whic h I must mak e m y ow n plac e i n the world. " Tennyson' s poetr y transpose d thes e worrie s int o th e "substance o f literature, " wher e the y coul d b e deflected , trans formed, an d allayed. 30 Tennyson suggeste d a poeti c strategy , furthermore , tha t wa s more earthbound tha n Lowell's . "H e who translates th e divine int o the vulgar , th e spiritua l int o th e sensual, " Lowel l ha d contended , "is the reverse of a poet."31 Becaus e Tennyson portraye d th e poet' s morbidity a s par t o f hi s spiritua l aspiration , Howell s ha d authori tative suppor t fo r representin g hi s persona l turmoi l i n poetry. Th e balancing requiremen t wa s th e longin g fo r restoratio n an d perfec t love tha t characterize d th e her o o f Maud. Howell s wa s strength ened b y Tennyson' s description s o f "divin e despair." 32 Ho w th e poet wa s t o perfor m servic e fo r other s b y lookin g intensel y int o himself wa s no t clear , bu t fo r th e momen t Howell s revele d i n Tennyson's ever y word . Wanting t o shar e hi s enthusias m fo r Tennyson , Howell s foun d a listener clos e at hand . B y thi s time , h e had pu t awa y hi s "ungra cious reserves " an d admitte d hi s siste r Victori a int o hi s literar y domain. Victori a secretl y nurture d he r ow n literar y aspirations , but sh e wa s eage r t o encourag e he r brother' s literar y dreams . Th e eldest o f hi s sisters , Victori a wa s know n i n th e famil y fo r he r "unselfish devotion. " Howell s coul d imagin e tha t sh e offere d th e perfect lov e Tennyson ha d describe d i n Maud. Their mutua l devo tion helpe d t o mitigat e tension s Howell s fel t concernin g famil y

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duty. Hi s relationshi p wit h Victori a di d no t provok e th e hars h self-judgments h e fel t wit h hi s brothe r Joseph. 33 A t thi s time , Howells als o gaine d a measur e o f toleratio n fro m Joseph , wh o acknowledged a by hi s fe w spar e words " th e beaut y o f line s How ells read fro m Tennyson' s poe m The Princess.™ Joseph's forbearanc e did no t approac h perfec t love , bu t i t partiall y ease d hostilitie s ove r family dutie s tha t persiste d fro m thei r print-sho p quarrels . While Howell s wa s finding solac e i n Tennyso n an d suppor t fro m his family , hi s fathe r bega n preparin g hi m fo r a career i n politica l journalism. Th e election s o f th e previou s fal l ha d narrowl y estab lished Republica n contro l o f th e stat e government , wit h a Repub lican governor, Solomo n P . Chase, and a majority i n both branche s of th e stat e legislature . Willia m Coope r Howells' s suppor t o f th e Republican ticke t i n Ashtabul a Count y ha d bee n rewarde d wit h a clerkship i n th e Stat e Hous e o f Representatives . Th e positio n required a four-month absenc e i n Columbus . Whe n th e legislativ e session bega n i n January 1856 , Joseph continue d t o supervis e th e printing o f th e Sentinel. Sol e charg e o f th e editoria l sid e o f th e newspaper wa s give n t o Will . A s temporar y editor , Howell s promptly expande d th e newspaper' s literar y coverage . H e als o began a rapprochement wit h th e mora l ideal s o f Jefferson b y lend ing his literary skill s to antislavery agitation. 35 Elevated fro m th e compositor's tabl e to the editorial desk , How ells became a vigorous voic e fo r ascendan t antislaver y Republican ism. I n hi s first editorial , h e announce d hi s allegianc e t o Chase : "Ohio, th e first Democrac y i n th e world , ca n a t las t poin t t o a n executive wh o i s th e expression , th e faithfu l incarnation , o f he r own grea t soul. " I n hi s subsequen t writing , Howell s displaye d hi s agitator's skills . H e directe d tellin g barb s a t D . C . Allen , th e die hard Whi g edito r o f th e Conneaut Reporter. H e extolle d th e villag e hero, "Ol d Gid, " describin g hi m a s a mode l o f "sublimit y an d moral greatness." 36 I n on e signa l instance , Howell s blende d litera ture wit h politica l journalis m b y developin g a n elaborat e literar y conceit t o suppor t th e comin g Republica n conventio n i n Pitts burgh:

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Unfaltering an d straight-forwar d Action, from th e beginnin g t o th e middle , and fro m th e middl e t o th e end , i s a s muc h th e lif e o f th e Republica n movement, a s it is of the complete an d finished drama . Ther e mus t b e n o episodes to mar the singlenes s of its grandeur, an d distrac t th e mind fro m the grea t denouemen t tha t i t strive s t o brin g about . Ever y on e mus t pla y his part withou t regar d t o the "South Americans " in the pit, o r the Unio n Savers i n th e boxes . Th e forme r ar e no t t o b e tickle d b y cover t allusion s and double-entendres, no r th e latte r lulle d b y lugubriou s an d pseud o pa triotic harangues . Th e denationalizatio n o f Slaver y i s th e catastroph e o f the dram a i n whic h w e al l bea r parts , an d eac h mus t pres s steadil y o n with thi s only ai m i n view. 37 Concluding wit h th e adjournmen t o f th e legislatur e i n May , Howells's editoria l rol e a t th e Sentinel gav e hi m a sens e o f impor tant standin g i n hi s village . Politica l journalis m involve d lon g hour s and pressin g deadlines , bu t i t di d no t leav e hi m exhauste d a s di d the stud y o f law . H e wa s prepare d t o accep t hi s father' s schem e t o open hi s wa y int o th e large r world . T h e nex t yea r whe n Willia m Cooper Howell s returne d t o hi s legislativ e pos t i n Columbus , Wil l would trave l wit h him . Victori a woul d com e a s wel l t o provid e homelike companionship . Hi s fathe r ha d arrange d t o writ e legisla tive report s fo r th e Cincinnat i Gazette, bu t h e planne d t o substitut e Will an d revea l Will' s identit y onc e th e report s gaine d favor . Antic ipating th e beginnin g o f th e legislativ e session , Howell s relishe d the ide a o f actin g th e her o i n a tal e o f conceale d identit y an d dramatic revelation. 38 With hi s immediat e futur e set , Howell s weathere d a ne w crisi s of politica l commitment . I n lat e Ma y 1856 , Jeffersonian s wer e aroused b y account s o f th e beatin g o f th e antislaver y senato r Charle s Sumner b y th e Southerne r Presto n Brooks , paire d wit h descrip tions o f th e sackin g o f Lawrence , Kansas , b y proslaver y forces . Both event s seeme d thrust s o f th e "slav e power " conspiracy , re quiring resistanc e fro m "Son s o f Revolutionar y sires. " "Ther e neve r was a tim e lik e th e presen t sinc e th e Revolution, " Willia m Coope r Howells tol d hi s fello w villagers . " A singl e mov e b y th e slavocrac y in an y densel y settle d par t o f th e countr y woul d ligh t th e torc h o f civil wa r a t once. " T h r o u g h th e summe r an d fall , report s fro m "bleeding Kansas " describe d "butcheries " perpetuate d b y proslav -

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ery ruffians . Indignatio n meeting s raise d mone y t o suppor t "a n armed emigratio n t o Kansas " tha t woul d joi n free-stat e force s un der Jame s Lane . Harve y Greene , a forme r printe r bo y i n th e Howells family , wrot e bristlin g letter s fro m Kansa s urgin g partici pation i n th e struggle . "Yo u ough t t o b e here, " h e advise d th e Howells brothers , "t o realize a little of war life." 39 The martia l fervo r wa s har d t o resist , bu t tal k o f a n arme d expedition t o Kansa s fade d a s villager s concentrate d o n th e cam paign o f th e first Republica n presidentia l nominee , Joh n C . Fremont. Victor y fo r th e Democra t Jame s Buchanan , Willia m Cooper Howell s emphasized , woul d solidif y th e "slavocracy, " whos e tyranny woul d penetrat e eve n t o Jefferson: "Th e postmaste r wh o now insult s u s b y word s o r signs , wil l b e backe d u p wit h a powe r that wil l crus h u s int o submission , o r leav e u s t o adop t th e on e alternative lef t t o Revolutionists. " Th e tim e fo r toleranc e towar d Democratic postmaster s ha d passed . Howell s adde d hi s voic e t o the electio n fervor . H e compose d a Republica n campaig n lyric , asserting tha t Fremont' s victor y woul d ensur e tha t Kansa s woul d be "Uncursed b y th e tread o f the Slave!" 40 Although Fremon t fel l shor t o f th e presidency , antislaver y Re publicans considere d th e electio n a "victoriou s defeat. " Th e elec tion demonstrated part y solidarit y throughou t th e North, prefigur ing a nationa l triump h i n i860 . Fremon t ha d swep t Ohi o o n th e strength o f a huge Republica n pluralit y i n the Western Reserve . I n Ashtabula Count y alone , Republican s polle d 4,16 3 votes . Willia m Cooper Howell s proclaime d tha t th e count y wa s "pollute d b y th e presence o f bu t 97 5 traitor s t o libert y an d 22 3 Juda s Iscariots, " voters who remained Democrat s an d Know-Nothings . "W e stand, " he observed t o his fello w villagers , "i n prou d pre-eminenc e o n thi s great question o f Liberty. " 41 By th e tim e o f th e Fremon t campaign , Howell s ha d accommo dated himsel f t o the expectations of his village. Antislavery Repub licanism ha d provide d a "Holy Cause " an d a public rol e approve d by hi s neighbors . Durin g th e Kansa s turmoil , Howell s ha d rea d George W . Curtis' s lecture , "Th e Dut y o f th e America n Schola r to Politic s an d th e Times. " Curti s describe d bleedin g Kansa s a s

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the scholar' s Thermopylae . H e challenge d th e schola r t o spea k ou t and dispe l hi s reputation a s a pale recluse and impractica l dreamer . The domai n o f th e schola r wa s no t hi s stud y alone , Curti s sug gested, fo r th e scholar' s word s carrie d enormou s consequenc e i n the worl d a t large . Clario n call s t o actio n b y mer e politicians , Howells reflected , migh t no t hav e touche d hi m s o deeply , bu t Curtis wa s th e "citize n o f a world fa r greate r tha n theirs , a light o f the universa l republi c o f letters , wh o wa s willin g an d eage r t o stand o r fal l wit h th e just cause , an d tha t wa s all in all to me." 42 Invigorated b y Curtis' s visio n o f scholarl y agitation , Howell s looked forwar d t o th e beginnin g o f th e stat e legislativ e sessio n i n January 1857 . H e imagine d that , lik e hi s fable d umbrell a man , h e would ris e abov e al l th e strang e maladie s an d confusion s h e ha d suffered i n Jefferson . A caree r i n literatur e appeare d congruen t with villag e ideal s o f equalit y an d fraternity . Howell s wa s aware , however, tha t par t o f hi s bein g wa s a t odd s wit h th e rol e o f scholarly agitator . I n th e passionat e an d divinel y despairin g her o of Tennyson' s Maud, he ha d foun d a self-portrait tha t wa s equall y compelling.

CHAPTER 5

Striving away from ^ome All wh o hav e live d wit h thei r eye s ope n hav e see n lif e itsel f a s desultory and capricious at the most momentous junctures. HOWELLS, 189 1

Although elate d ove r hi s journalisti c an d literar y prospects , How ells wa s anxiou s abou t leavin g home . H e recalle d th e pai n h e suffered a t Eurek a Mill s whe n h e twice faile d t o endure separatio n from hi s family . Hi s anxietie s wer e reinforce d b y famil y stories . His grandfathe r an d fathe r recounte d thei r fitfu l wanderings . Hi s mother relate d ho w he r terribl e homesicknes s mad e he r schoolin g impossible. Hi s brothe r Josep h returne d fro m hi s steamboatin g venture telling of illness an d frustration. 1 Howells ha d writte n a success tal e that countere d famil y storie s of desperation an d failure . I n " A Tale of Love and Politics : Adven tures o f a Printe r Boy " (1853) , h e imagine d a n alte r eg o name d George Wentwort h wh o strive s an d succeeds , risin g t o fam e an d fortune. A n orpha n unencumbere d b y inherite d advantages , Georg e confidently set s fort h int o th e world . Thoug h courageou s an d devoted t o work, trait s advice writers identifie d wit h success , Georg e needs chance or luc k to accomplish hi s aims. H e save s a rich man' s daughter fro m drownin g an d i s rewarde d wit h a substantia l nes t egg; h e write s anonymou s editorial s supportin g th e ric h ma n fo r 99

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political offic e an d win s hi s benefactor' s complet e favo r whe n hi s authorship i s accidentall y revealed . Hi s rewar d thi s tim e i s mar riage t o th e daughter . Tru e t o th e typica l succes s tale , Howell s emphasized benevolen t chances . Thos e wh o prove d worthy , hi s success tale promised, woul d surviv e the hazards of leaving home. 2 The hazard s face d b y home-leavin g yout h symbolize d som e o f the deepes t anxietie s o f th e antebellu m middl e class . Attempt s t o govern yout h o r inves t the m wit h habit s of self-control wer e partl y responses t o adul t fear s tha t th e outsid e worl d wa s hostil e t o traditional mora l values. 3 Advic e writer s typicall y describe d hom e leaving a s a voyag e o n a "storm y an d dangerou s ocean. " Thi s "nautical metaphor " represente d writers ' ow n imaginatio n o f a boundless world , wher e nothin g woul d b e prohibite d an d every thing woul d b e possible . Yout h migh t succum b t o "strangers, " confidence men , o r othe r purveyor s o f temptation an d vice . "Earl y departure fro m th e homestea d i s a mora l crisi s tha t man y o f ou r youth d o no t sho w themselve s abl e t o meet, " on e write r warned . "It come s a t a tender age , whe n judgmen t i s weakes t an d passio n and impuls e i s strongest. " Advic e writer s emphasize d strenuou s self-control t o avoi d "juvenil e depravity. " "Reformation, " on e write r insisted, "mus t com e from within. . . . I t mus t commenc e wit h th e soul."4 Advice writers ' worrie s abou t home-leavin g yout h wer e rein forced b y separatio n anxietie s that appea r t o have been widesprea d among antebellu m Americans . Suc h anxietie s encourag e recours e to earl y childhoo d fantasies—grandiosit y an d idealization—tha t temporarily suppor t a cohesive sens e of self. Children , whos e sep aration anxietie s ar e most acute , first imagin e they ar e grandiose — supremely powerfu l an d withou t need . Whe n thi s fantas y inevita bly fails , the y begi n t o idealize another person , usuall y thei r mother , and imagin e the y ar e merge d wit h a n all-powerfu l protector. 5 I n antebellum middle-clas s culture , th e ideolog y o f autonomous indi vidualism projecte d a compellin g fantas y o f grandiosity , repre sented mos t vividl y b y th e figure o f the self-mad e man . Th e othe r fantasy o f idealization wa s represented i n the sentimental portraya l of home , concentratin g o n th e imag e o f th e comforting , all-forgiv -

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ing mother . Heightene d separatio n anxietie s ar e eviden t a s well i n funereal imager y representin g deat h a s the ultimate symbo l o f selfdisintegration.6 Howells late r declare d tha t stoica l acceptanc e o f pai n wa s th e only wa y t o endur e th e anxietie s an d trauma s o f hom e leaving . "The youth, " h e observed, "i s always strivin g away fro m hi s hom e and th e thing s o f [home] . Wit h whateve r pai n h e suffer s throug h the longin g fo r them , h e mus t den y them ; h e mus t cleav e t o th e world an d th e thing s o f [th e world] ; tha t i s hi s fate , tha t i s th e condition o f al l achievemen t an d advancemen t fo r him." 7 Unlik e the experienc e o f hi s her o Georg e Wentworth , Howells' s hom e leaving wa s a prolonge d ordea l tha t release d al l th e fear s h e ha d tried t o suppress . Howells' s separatio n fro m hi s famil y an d hi s village seeme d t o unleas h th e malevolen t powe r o f chance , rein forcing hi s perceptio n tha t h e was livin g i n a "desultory an d capri cious" world wit h n o discernible mora l order . In a home-leaving stor y h e wrote soo n afte r hi s ordeal, Howell s recanted th e fait h i n benevolen t chance s tha t informe d hi s depic tion o f Georg e Wentworth' s ris e t o success . I n thi s tale , Georg e Wentworth i s replace d b y anothe r alte r eg o named Luk e Beazley , who look s bac k rathe r tha n forward . A t th e momen t o f hi s hom e leaving, Luk e Beazle y realize s tha t hi s experienc e wil l b e trau matic, fo r i t require s th e irreparabl e los s of a n idealize d protector . He know s hi s hom e leavin g wil l separat e hi m foreve r fro m hi s mother, i n whos e car e "h e ha d alway s foun d unfathomabl e lov e and pit y an d refuge." 8 In earl y January 1857 , Ae p l a n t o secur e Howells' s plac e in politi cal journalism too k shape with th e opening of the legislative sessio n in Columbus . T o impres s th e editor s o f th e Cincinnat i Gazette, William Coope r Howell s gathere d insid e informatio n fo r hi s son' s reports. Mindfu l o f a prejudice towar d youth , h e signe d th e initia l reports wit h hi s ow n pseudonym , "Jeffersonian. " Bu t soo n How ells's reportin g foun d favo r o n it s own merit , an d h e was launche d auspiciously int o political journalism. 9 By livin g wit h hi s fathe r an d hi s siste r Victori a i n Columbus' s

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Goodale House , Howell s ha d take n a significan t portio n o f hom e with hi m o n hi s journe y int o the world . Victori a encourage d liter ary project s h e pursue d wit h hi s earlie r zest . I n hi s ampl e leisur e away fro m th e legislativ e corridors , Howell s mad e th e Stat e Li brary hi s "persona l resort. " Throug h th e winte r months , h e an d Victoria rea d man y volume s o f Zschokke's tales , finished Bulwer' s novels, an d starte d o n D e Quincey' s essays . Jefferson ha d bee n a "prison," bu t Columbu s seeme d " a metropolis o f the mind." 10 Howells believe d h e wa s poise d o n th e verg e o f a "grea t worl d of wealth, o f fashion , o f haughtil y an d dazzlingly , blindingl y bril liant society." He an d Victori a had envisione d literar y societ y fro m sheet musi c illustrate d wit h a company o f "superbly comparisone d people." A fellow printe r claime d experienc e in literary societ y an d advised Howell s t o "face th e proudes t dow n an d mak e audacity d o the par t o f the courag e [he ] was lacking. " Home y dance s a t Good ale House fel l shor t o f the expecte d grandeur , bu t Howell s contin ued t o associat e hi s literar y ambitio n wit h entranc e int o socia l circles mor e "polite " than thos e in Jefferson. 11 Disappointment ove r th e common leve l of his socia l experience s did no t bothe r Howell s fo r long . Hi s night s wer e devote d t o literary study , hi s day s wer e filled wit h legislativ e debate . H e ha d privileges tha t flattered hi m immensely— a des k o n th e Senat e floor "a s goo d a s an y Senator's " an d entre e t o an y par t o f th e beautiful Stat e House . Th e "dignity " of his surroundings mirrore d his grand sens e of self-esteem: " I seeme d t o share personally i n [the dignity] a s I mounte d th e statel y marbl e stairwa y fro m th e nobl e rotunda o r passe d throug h th e ampl e corridor s fro m th e Senat e t o the Hous e whe n i t neede d no t eve n a nod t o th e sergeant-at-arm s to gain m e access to the floor; a nonchalant glanc e was enough." I n Jefferson, Howell s believe d h e was stagnatin g i n a dreary backwa ter, surrounde d b y peopl e hostil e t o hi s literar y intentions . I n Columbus, h e could b e as literary a s he wished. Moreover , h e wa s finding tha t politica l journalis m offere d compatibl e dutie s tha t wer e "the most importan t i n the world." 12 Before hi s breakdow n i n Jefferson , Howell s fel t convicte d o f irredeemable selfishness . No w h e wa s contributin g te n dollar s a

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week t o pa y of f th e famil y deb t an d wa s doin g importan t servic e for other s a s a radical Republica n agitator . Hi s letter s wen t sout h to Cincinnat i an d Hamilto n County , th e sea t o f Democrati c con servatism an d Ohio' s proslaver y stronghold . H e migh t hel p t o radicalize th e Cincinnat i Gazette, a newspaper ostensibl y indepen dent an d usuall y hesitan t regardin g slavery . Prepare d wit h th e radical weapon s o f "cuttin g satire " an d "indignan t eloquence, " Howells was alive to opportunities fo r agitatio n that appeare d ami d the plethora o f legislative detail. 13 Howells seize d occasion s t o parr y th e mai n oppositio n "dodge, " the Democrati c effor t t o identif y th e Republica n part y wit h Garri sonian abolitionis m an d t o labe l al l resistanc e t o slaver y disunion ist. Whe n th e Mississipp i legislatur e aske d th e Ohi o Senat e t o second a resolution blamin g th e Kansa s trouble s o n th e antislaver y movement, Howell s describe d th e pape r wit h utmos t contempt . I t contained, h e asserted , "al l th e insufferabl e insolenc e o f manne r and epithe t i n regar d t o th e agitatio n o f slavery , whic h i t i s th e peculiar gif t o f Souther n fanaticis m t o assume." When Ohi o Dem ocrats decrie d Comeoute r petition s tha t annuall y propose d disun ion, hopin g t o lin k Comeouter s t o Republicans , Howell s refuse d to tak e th e bait . H e pointe d ou t tha t whil e Democrat s spille d crocodile tear s fo r th e Union , Comeouter s wer e sincer e bu t "mis taken enthusiasts. " Fa r les s dange r t o th e Unio n existe d "i n th e mild madnes s o f Garrisonia n zealots , wh o neithe r fight no r vote, " he concluded , "tha n i n th e violence , ruffianism , an d avowe d dis unionism o f the Democrati c party a t the Sout h an d the unrebukin g silence of that organizatio n a t the North." 14 The politica l atmospher e o f Jefferso n ha d thoroughl y attune d Howells t o radica l measure s an d means . H e supporte d Negr o suffrage t o cance l th e "ludicrou s distinctio n betwee n blac k an d white." H e admonishe d Republican s t o avoi d temperanc e legisla tion tha t migh t undermin e "th e succes s o f a part y aimin g a t fa r mightier reforms." 15 Hi s mos t promisin g opportunit y fo r agitatio n developed earl y in the session. Durin g House debate, John Slough , a conservative Democra t fro m Hamilto n County , wa s rebuke d b y Darius Cadwell , a radical Republica n fro m Jefferson . I n response ,

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Slough struc k Ca d well i n th e face . Know n t o b e "rathe r quick, " Cadwell "remaine d cool. " H e submitte d th e matte r t o th e House . Republicans intende d t o expe l Sloug h an d replac e hi m wit h a moderate no t tie d t o th e conservativ e "Miam i Tribe " tha t rule d Democratic politic s i n Hamilto n County. 16 Through hi s day-by-day account s o f the expulsion effort , How ells assumed a n importan t rol e i n the radica l Republica n agitation . He dre w th e attentio n o f Slough' s constituenc y t o th e similarit y between th e Sloug h affai r an d th e notoriou s beatin g o f th e radica l Charles Sumne r b y th e Southerne r Presto n Brooks , whic h ha d occurred o n th e floor o f th e Unite d State s Senat e th e previou s spring. Admittin g tha t the blow struc k Cadwel l wa s comparativel y slight, Howell s observe d tha t i t wa s "struc k wit h th e sam e lawles s disregard o f the sanctity o f the place as animated Brooks , an d a like contempt fo r hi s fellow-member s whic h prevente d an y afte r apol ogy." Slough' s expulsio n wa s fate d b y th e Republica n majority , but hi s defea t b y a n independen t i n th e specia l electio n cam e a s a surprise. Howell s had reason for self-congratulation . Hi s persisten t reports o f Slough' s prevarication s ha d pushe d th e Cincinnat i Gazette to endorse th e independent. 17 Late i n March , followin g th e Sloug h affair , Howell s receive d a visitor fro m Cincinnati . Edmun d Babb , a n edito r a t th e Gazette, was a strange, energeti c man , wh o spok e so indistinctly tha t How ells ha d troubl e comprehendin g "th e incredibl e thin g h e wa s pro posing." Howell s discovere d tha t hi s father' s "journalisti c plan " had prospere d t o perfection . Bab b offere d a full-tim e positio n a t twice th e salar y Howell s wa s makin g i n Columbus . Believin g thi s "the greates t piec e o f goo d fortune, " h e hurrie d t o Cincinnati , confident tha t thi s ne w opportunit y promise d th e fulfillment o f hi s hopes. "Already , I a m grow n fon d o f thi s bi g bustlin g city, " h e wrote hi s brothe r Josep h soo n afte r hi s arrival . "Th e everlastin g and furiou s rushin g u p an d down , an d t o an d fro , please s me , an d I lik e nothin g bette r tha n t o strol l abou t th e street s alone ; an d stealthily contemplat e th e sho p window s an d orang e stands , an d speculate on th e people I meet." 18

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Howells wa s no t lon g i n Cincinnat i befor e hi s bravad o bega n t o fade. O n 1 9 April h e wrote his father tha t he "unfeignedly" desire d to retur n hom e t o Jefferson , an d b y earl y Ma y h e wa s there , disconsolate i n hi s falle n estate. 19 H e ha d remaine d i n Cincinnat i barely a month, bu t h e had los t the self-confidenc e h e had enjoye d throughout th e previou s winter . Returnin g t o Jefferso n reunite d Howells wit h hi s earlie r perplexitie s an d self-accusations . Ye t b y abandoning hi s journalisti c opportunit y a t th e Gazette, Howell s asserted hi s determinatio n t o becom e al l tha t h e desire d t o be , n o matter th e hazard, n o matter th e psychological cost . Edmund Bab b ha d prove n a tru e friend , "untiringl y kin d an d attentive." H e ha d provide d lodging s i n hi s dishevele d chambe r above th e newspape r offic e an d ha d begu n t o teac h Howell s th e journalistic ropes . Howell s wa s t o b e the ne w "local, " the reporte r who covere d th e polic e court s an d cit y government . Thi s new s was ofte n sordi d an d violent : th e local' s colum n fro m 2 4 March t o 1 Apri l containe d account s o f wif e beatings , assaults , robberies , confidence schemes , th e arres t o f "Magdalens, " a n attempte d sui cide, a brawl o n Cana l Street , an d th e murde r o f "Chicke n Mike, " a local huckster . Howell s mad e a single night's roun d o f the polic e courts an d witnesse d fo r himsel f th e "raving s o f a drunken woman. " He recalle d tha t h e wa s s o "ignoran t o f life " tha t h e believe d tha t the unescorte d sho p clerk s h e sa w i n restaurant s wer e probabl y prostitutes. Shake n b y hi s experiences , Howell s accepte d th e warnings of alarmist advic e writers. Bu t he did no t have to imagin e the horror s o f cit y life ; vic e an d viciousnes s dail y appeare d o n police-court dockets. 20 Howells late r regrette d tha t h e ha d foregon e thi s "universit y o f the street s an d polic e stations , wit h it s facult y o f patrolme n an d ward politician s an d saloon-keepers. " Bu t a t th e ag e of twenty , h e felt th e city' s undersid e wa s destructiv e t o hi s literar y ideals . Vic e and viciousnes s wer e th e far e o f sensationa l novelist s lik e Georg e Lippard, no t th e elevating , spiritua l concern s o f Tennyson . Som e of th e local' s dutie s wer e les s abhorren t tha n mundane . H e re ported th e laying of sewage lines and the paving of roads. Howeve r useful, suc h reportin g di d no t matc h th e opportunitie s o f th e pre -

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vious winte r whe n Howell s ha d engage d i n seriou s antislaver y agitation. 21 In th e mids t o f hi s disappointments , Howell s bega n t o fee l hi s u old malady " o f homesickness . Becaus e Cincinnat i wa s th e hear t o f Democratic conservatism , h e mad e n o friend s apar t fro m Babb , and excep t fo r a fe w lecture s h e attende d a s relie f fro m th e dismay ing stree t life , h e misse d th e attractiv e cultura l activitie s o f th e city . Babb wa s th e final unsettlin g influence . H e wa s th e first o f severa l journalists Howell s me t wh o wer e "abandoned " t o thei r work . Howells finished hi s dutie s aroun d midnight , bu t Bab b returne d to hi s chamber s hour s late r whe n th e newspape r wen t t o press . Memories o f hi s Dayto n labor s cam e flooding back , sealin g H o w ells's determinatio n t o giv e u p th e "mone y chance " offere d b y th e Gazette. I t appeare d t o b e n o mor e tha n a mone y chance , allowin g little opportunit y t o liv e fo r literature. 22 Before leavin g fo r Jefferson , Howell s flirted wit h a n offe r fro m Thomas Brown , edito r o f th e Ohio Farmer i n Cleveland . Althoug h this possibilit y seeme d a a God-send" fo r a moment , h e ha d n o hope tha t overworkin g there , doin g u so muc h fo r s o little, " woul d be an y bette r tha n i n Cincinnati . Ye t returnin g t o Jefferso n wa s just a s troubling . " I shoul d lik e wel l enoug h t o b e a t home, " h e wrote Victoria , "bu t I don['] t wan t t o g o bac k t o liv e a t Jefferso n any m o r e — w h i c h sentiment , wer e i t know n i n tha t village , woul d ruin m e . " H e kne w tha t fro m th e viewpoin t o f man y Jeffersonians , he woul d hav e th e appearanc e o f a twice-faile d son . H e ha d bee n given opportunitie s t o succee d i n la w an d journalism , bu t b y re turning t o hi s print-sho p duties , h e woul d b e resumin g boy' s wor k at home. 2 3 Understating hi s feelings , Howell s late r describe d hi s retur n t o Jefferson a s "no t cheerful. " Performin g familia r task s unde r du bious publi c notic e wa s demeaning , bu t no t a s torturin g a s hi s feeling tha t h e ha d faile d hi s family . " I mus t no t conceal, " Howell s recalled, "th e disappointmen t whic h m y fathe r delicatel y conceale d when I returne d an d too k u p m y ol d wor k i n th e printing-office. " His abortiv e hom e leavin g ha d frustrate d hi s father' s elaborat e "journalistic plan " an d ha d eliminate d a salary tha t ease d th e famil y

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debt. Althoug h sympatheti c t o trial s o f homesickness , Howells' s mother wa s similarl y disappointed . Sh e alway s encourage d he r children t o seiz e an d "improve " opportunitie s fo r advancemen t beyond Jefferson. 24 The literar y effort s Howell s no w bega n di d no t reduc e his guilt . "I sen t off poem s an d the y cam e back," he recalled; "I offered littl e translations fro m th e Spanis h tha t nobod y wanted. " H e sough t relief i n his old lamentation . "A s I pass up an d dow n th e street s of this not-to-be-sufficiently-deteste d village, " h e wa s soo n saying , "and conside r tha t ther e i s no t on e i n i t (savin g m y ow n kin ) fo r whom I care a hands turning , an d tha t al l in it are about that muc h interested i n me , I fee l a kin d o f selfis h conten t tha t I woul d no t exchange fo r th e sensation s of gratified vanity." 25 The phras e "selfis h content " belie d Howells' s satisfactio n an d expressed th e cor e o f hi s predicament . H e neede d t o find content ment unalloye d b y selfishness . T o read y himsel f fo r th e wor k h e had abandone d i n Cincinnati , h e wrot e a colum n fo r th e Sentinel on "Loca l an d Othe r Matters, " wher e h e reporte d unsavor y new s from surroundin g countr y towns— a bar n burning , a n assaul t a t a spiritualist meeting . Bu t hi s initia l verv e a s th e Sentinel's "local " soon disappeared , an d h e finally droppe d hi s reportin g alto gether.26 Howells' s hear t la y i n hi s literar y work . Despit e th e lac k of response to his poems and translations , h e plunged ahead , filling every hou r outsid e hi s Sentinel dutie s wit h literatur e an d mor e literature. Putting asid e hi s othe r projects , Howell s concentrate d o n th e German language . H e pile d u p translation s fro m Germa n fo r th e newspaper, bu t h e kep t a t recitation s fro m Ollendor f primaril y t o read Heinric h Heine , th e Germa n poe t wh o ha d possesse d hi s soul. H e ha d foun d Hein e enticin g sinc e readin g Georg e Eliot' s assessment i n the Westminster Review the yea r before . Sinc e return ing to Jefferson, however , h e was "i n a fever" t o read Hein e "wit h as littl e dela y a s possible. " T o hi s delight , h e discovere d someon e in hi s villag e wh o coul d help . "H e i s a boo k binder, " Howell s proclaimed t o hi s cousi n Dun e Dean , "an d a learne d an d well[- ] read man—thoroughl y Teutonic , an d a n enthusiast abou t Germa n

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literature." Ott o Limbeck , hi s ne w literar y friend , wa s a refugee o f the 184 8 revolutions . Althoug h Limbec k understoo d ver y littl e English an d Howell s ver y littl e German , ever y evenin g the y me t in th e Sentinel offic e t o hamme r ou t translations , wor d b y word , until lat e a t nigh t whe n th e bookbinde r tired . Savorin g Heine' s fantastic mixtur e o f pros e an d poetry , realit y an d dream , Howell s ambled home , imaginin g tha t th e darkene d Jefferso n stree t wa s ou t of Heine' s wonderfu l Reisebilder. A t hom e h e persiste d i n hi s stud ies unti l becomin g exhauste d an d driftin g off t o "slumber s whic h were ofte n a mer e phantasmagory " o f Heine' s imagery. 2 7 Heine's influence , Howell s late r stated , "i n it s goo d tim e save d my life. " Hein e prove d jus t tha t vita l a s the las t an d mos t formativ e literary idea l o f Howells' s youth . Howell s wa s immediatel y en tranced b y th e notio n tha t Hein e wa s a poet , eve n mor e belea guered tha n Pop e o r Tennyson , wh o succeede d agains t desperat e odds. Severa l year s earlier , th e Sentinel ha d reprinte d a descriptio n of Heine' s progressiv e paralysis : "I t ma y b e said, " th e write r con cluded, "[Heine ] live s onl y o n th e brai n an d t o n g u e — t h e ma n i s a mere corpse—th e poe t alon e survives." 2 8 Howells wa s exhilarate d b y Heine' s suggestio n tha t poetr y tran scended al l th e wretchednes s o f life . Writin g hi s cousi n shortl y after beginnin g Die Harzreise i n Reisebilder /, Howell s exclaimed , I hav e no t rea d much—beyon d thi s sublim e sentiment , whic h Hein e quotes fro m anothe r German . Isn' t i t fine?—listen : "Nothing i s continual, bu t Change ; nothin g eterna l bu t Death . Ever y beat o f th e hear t give s u s a wound, an d Lif e wer e a n endles s bleeding , i f it wer e no t fo r Poetry . Poetr y give s u s wha t natur e denie s us : a golde n time tha t rust s not ; a sprin g tha t fade s not ; uncloude d fortun e an d ever lasting Youth. " Without knowin g o r thinkin g whethe r thi s woul d pleas e yo u a s muc h as i t ha s please d me , I hav e given yo u th e benefi t o f th e greates t though t that I hav e ye t rea d outsid e ou r ow n language . Th e swee t Germa n o f i t runs i n my hea d al l the while. 29 Heine's mott o fro m Ludwi g Born e wa s a n incantatio n agains t Howells's home-leavin g difficulties . A s h e continue d t o rea d Die Harzreise, h e mus t hav e foun d a n amule t i n ever y line . Heine' s

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persona i n thi s imaginar y picaresqu e journe y i s a trouble d poe t closely draw n fro m hi s ow n life . Stagnatin g i n th e provincia l cit y of Gottingen , wher e Hein e fel t crampe d i n th e stud y o f law , th e poet-persona determine s t o leave. Encounterin g adventure s i n reality an d dream , h e resolve s t o overcom e al l enemie s o f th e poeti c imagination. Heine' s diatribe s agains t hi s la w professors , wh o "philosophized awa y al l th e brightnes s o f life, " probabl y struc k Howells a s just, fo r h e too had foun d th e la w hostil e to his literar y intentions. Hein e wa s equall y sever e wit h th e melanchol y tha t immersed th e poet-person a i n despair . Th e struggle s o f Die Harzreise end wit h apotheosis , a s th e poet-persona , n o longe r abl e t o "tel l where iron y end s an d heave n begins, " assert s freedo m fo r th e poetic imagination , a n affirmatio n tha t Howell s ferventl y desire d for himself. 30 Heine's assertio n o f poeti c freedo m a t th e en d o f Die Harzreise failed t o dispe l th e gloo m tha t precede d it . Th e final sens e o f th e work i s tenuous optimism . u To b e fre e i n everything , tha t wa s hi s ideal," Howell s late r wrot e t o Heine , "an d [thi s ideal ] wa s n o doubt th e effec t o f bein g to o often fre e i n nothing. " Th e predomi nating tensio n o f th e Reisebilder i s freedo m threatene d b y confine ment. Die Harzreise, in particular , universalize d th e all-or-nothin g struggle fo r autonom y tha t sometime s emerge s i n youth . Hein e seemed t o b e Howells' s pee r i n suffering s endure d b y youthfu l poets. Tha t thes e suffering s coul d occasio n th e suprem e jestin g i n which Hein e "unpacke d al l the insul t o f his soul " came to Howell s as a cheering revelation. 31 During th e nex t fe w years , Howell s thoroughl y imbibe d Heine' s intoxicating pros e an d poetry , finding " a greate r sympathy " i n Heine tha n h e ha d experience d wit h eithe r Pop e o r Tennyson . "His poten t spirit, " Howell s recalled , "becam e immediatel y s o wholly m y 'control, ' a s the medium s say , tha t m y poem s migh t a s well hav e bee n communication s fro m hi m s o fa r a s an y authorit y of m y ow n wa s concerned. " Bu t eve n thoug h h e considered Heine' s influence decisiv e an d profound , h e ha d difficult y accountin g fo r its precis e significance . H e onc e informe d hi s reader s tha t h e ha d

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written a n essay tha t perfectl y capture d Heine' s essence , bu t thi s essay ha d strangel y vanished. 32 Whil e payin g homag e t o Heine' s elusiveness, Howell s suggeste d tha t hi s youthfu l fascinatio n wit h the poet , onc e s o powerfu l an d animating , wa s similarl y difficul t to pi n down . Enoug h remaine d i n memory , however , fo r Howell s to intimate it s nature. Agains t confinemen t tha t Howell s describe d as "dancing i n chains," Heine represente d liberation . "[Heine] undi d m y hands , whic h I ha d take n s o muc h pain s t o tie behin d m y back, " Howell s explained , "an d h e foreve r per suaded m e that though i t may b e ingenious and surprisin g t o dance in chains, i t is neither prett y no r useful." Th e chain s he referred t o here wer e th e forma l constraint s o f Augustan literar y practic e tha t he ha d learne d fro m Pope . H e ha d though t tha t "th e expression o f literature mus t b e different fro m th e expression o f life; that i t mus t be an attitude , a pose, wit h somethin g o f stat e or a t least formalit y in it." Hein e showe d hi m t o the contrary "tha t th e life of literatur e was fro m th e spring s o f th e bes t commo n speech , an d tha t th e nearer i t coul d b e mad e t o conform , i n voice , look , an d gait , t o graceful, easy , picturesqu e an d humorou s o r impassione d talk , th e better i t was. " B y th e phras e "expressio n o f life, " Howell s mean t language itself , particularl y th e vernacula r speec h tha t represente d the talk of common life. 33 But Hein e di d no t immediatel y fre e Howell s t o becom e a ver nacular writer , fo r Howell s retaine d painfu l memorie s o f hi s hu miliation wit h "Th e Independen t Candidate. " I n anothe r passage , Howells suggeste d a different kin d o f liberation an d allowe d broade r meaning t o th e phras e "expressio n o f life. " Heine , h e said , ha d fused th e "gyve s i n which I was tryin g s o hard t o dance": "Wha t I liked then wa s regularity, uniformity , exactness . I did no t conceiv e of literatur e a s the expressio n o f life , an d I could no t imagin e tha t it ough t t o b e desultory , mutable , an d unfixed , eve n i f a t th e ris k of som e vagueness. " Thi s passag e suggest s tha t Heine' s writing s offered Howell s a way t o represen t hi s ow n fel t experience . Heine' s "changeful, lawless , natural " styl e legitimize d Howells' s feelin g that lif e itsel f wa s "desultory , mutable , an d unfixed. " Life , lik e talk, h e asserted a short tim e later, wa s "perfectly desultory." 34

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Heine confirme d Howells' s belie f tha t th e writer coul d lear n "t o run, t o leap for joy , t o dance," no matter th e desultory an d threat ening natur e o f lif e itself . Dancin g i s notabl y presen t i n Heine' s writings, wher e i t suggest s liberatio n fro m al l restraints. I n Florentinische Ndchte, a stree t dance r disregard s th e "affecte d unitie s an d artificialities" o f classica l danc e wit h it s "dance d alexandrines, " a reference t o Augusta n styl e tha t Howell s woul d hav e graspe d immediately. Instea d o f relying o n classical dance—"idea l realitie s and lies"—th e stree t dance r tremble s an d gyrate s i n strang e mo tions tha t see m "lik e word s o f a peculiar languag e tha t endeavore d to communicate peculia r meanings. " Severa l instance s o f "dancin g in chains " als o occu r i n Heine' s writings . Th e mos t suggestiv e instance i s th e frenzie d dancin g o f manacle d slave s i n hi s poe m "DasSklavenschiff."35 Howells's identificatio n wit h Hein e involve d issue s of autonom y like thos e evoke d fo r antebellu m Northerner s b y th e imag e o f th e manacled slave . Howells' s heavies t chai n wa s hi s feelin g tha t h e was minutel y responsibl e fo r hi s "evils. " Within a Swedenborgia n moral universe with it s "ends, causes, an d effect s i n an indissolubl e connection," n o action , thought , o r feelin g escape d final judg ment. 36 If , o n th e othe r hand , th e univers e wer e no t th e divinel y ordered real m that Swedenbor g described , i f it revealed onl y change , endless bleeding , an d death , a s the mott o to Die Harzreise declared, then th e individual's mora l responsibilit y fo r hi s every though t an d deed wa s a n illusio n o r a t leas t a n unprove n thesis . Nothin g i s more contrary t o the moral universe of Swedenborg than the capricious univers e represente d b y Heine . Th e Reisebilder, especially , portrays th e tenuousnes s o f al l things , a point Hein e mad e explic itly whe n h e describe d th e worl d a s th e drea m o f a "half-tips y god." Momentaril y whe n thi s go d wakes , Hein e declared , al l th e random appearance s take n t o b e lif e wil l vanis h int o "nothing ness." 37 The appearanc e o f a desultor y world , posin g th e possibilit y o f "nothingness," delivere d Howell s fro m damnin g self-judgment . The ide a that n o one is responsible withi n a desultory worl d ease d the guil t Howell s fel t fo r th e "selfish " thought s an d deed s tha t

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served hi s literar y ambitions . "Th e final effec t o f al l m y lesson s from [Heine], " Howells decided, "wa s to find myself, an d t o be fo r good o r evi l whatsoever I really was. " But this self-affirmatio n wa s extremely fragile . Insofa r a s Heine sanctione d self-concer n i n way s that violate d th e claim s o f Howells' s Swedenborgia n conscience , his influenc e coul d neve r b e entirel y positive . Fo r th e moment , however, Hein e suggeste d liberation : "I f h e chaine d m e t o him self," Howell s wrot e o f Heine , "h e free d m e fro m al l othe r bond age." 38 Following hi s discover y o f Heine , Howell s wa s ofte n depresse d and sometime s desperate , bu t Heine' s example , mor e forcefull y than Tennyson's , expande d Howells' s lonel y conditio n t o a real m of universal though t an d feeling . Heine' s assertio n o f self-sufficien t freedom wa s exhilarating . Ye t Heine' s moment s o f bitternes s at\ d despair suggeste d tha t self-sufficien t freedo m coul d neve r b e sus tained. I n Heine' s writings , a s i n romanti c writing s generally , th e grandiose sens e o f bein g omnipoten t an d withou t nee d oscillate d with a n urg e t o merg e wit h a n idealized whole , wit h transcenden t nature o r wit h th e universa l processe s o f history . Suc h idealize d wholeness wa s a s illusor y a s grandios e freedom ^ bu t th e versio n represented i n Hein e enable d Howell s t o rationaliz e hi s sens e o f literary vocatio n withou t denying the claims of his Swedenborgia n conscience. For man y youn g me n o f Howells' s generation , Ralp h Wald o Emerson wa s th e premie r exempla r o f th e literar y life , offerin g a vision o f th e schola r a s a solitar y contemplativ e i n unio n wit h transcendent nature . I n his journal, Emerso n identifie d th e essence of hi s instruction : "I n al l m y lectures , I hav e taugh t on e doctrine , namely, th e infinitud e o f the privat e man. " Emerso n argue d fo r a radical form of "self-reliance, " anchored i n his belief that reflectiv e inwardness provided acces s t o the "current s o f the Universal Being, ^ where the solitary individua l an d especially the poet could joyfull y contemplate flux and contradiction i n anticipation o f an all-embracing unity. 39 Whil e other s foun d Emerson' s visio n illuminating , Howells found i t remote. H e recalled that Emerso n seeme d "some -

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how, beyon d an d abov e m y ken , a presenc e o f forc e an d beaut y and wisdom. " T o som e extent , Howell s share d th e notio n popula r outside o f colleg e circles—wher e Emerso n gaine d hi s greates t ac ceptance wit h youn g men—tha t Emerso n wa s u a hopeles s mystic " who dwelt i n the "etherea l heights." 40 Heine's poe t differe d substantiall y fro m Emerson' s an d bette r represented Howells' s ow n experience . Emerso n describe d reflec tive inwardness a s a condition o f serenit y an d joy , bu t fo r Hein e i t was doleful, a sign of the poet's martyrdom . Th e passage s Howell s had chose n t o reprint fro m Georg e Eliot' s article on Heine asserte d the German' s vie w tha t th e worl d wa s a "grea t lazaretto " an d th e poet th e principa l sufferer . Similarly , fo r th e Heinesqu e poet , th e apparent flux o f th e univers e portende d divisio n mor e tha n unity , a divisio n tha t th e poe t experience d fa r mor e tha n ordinar y indi viduals.41 Feelings*of inne r divisio n wer e nonetheles s th e basi s fo r th e Heinesque poet' s meaningfu l relatio n t o a worl d outsid e himself , to society an d universa l history . Wit h th e Hegelia n perspective s o f his generation , Hein e place d hi s poe t withi n a scheme o f progres sive history . Th e poet' s inne r struggle s reflecte d th e cor e tension s of the age . Hi s inne r turmoi l wa s th e caldro n o f histor y wher e th e process o f synthesi s occurred . Hi s subjectiv e broodin g wa s " a consecrated mean s whereb y t o attai n a heavenl y end. " Unlik e Emerson, however , Hein e ha d difficult y trustin g that divisio n woul d ever end. I n Heine' s writin g ther e i s "barely hope " for th e achieve ment of a new, all-inclusiv e unity. 42 Heine differe d fro m Emerso n i n anothe r importan t wa y fo r Howells. I n hi s publi c writings , Emerso n seeme d t o subordinat e society t o th e divin e meditation s o f th e poe t an d eve n t o eliminat e society altogethe r a s a subject o f consideration . Fo r Heine , o n th e other hand , societ y wa s alway s a force , th e groun d o f th e poet' s beliefs an d th e sourc e o f hi s alienation . I n th e transitiona l ag e o f the present , n o poe t coul d ignor e th e demand s o f society . Revolu tionary strif e involve d th e poe t willy-nill y wit h hi s fellows . Fur thermore, th e poet ha d bee n brought t o earth. Lik e the Greek god s whom Hein e portraye d a s exiled i n the present , earnin g thei r kee p

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in plebeia n occupations , th e poe t ha d los t genera l assen t t o hi s divinity.43 As earl y a s his initia l readin g o f the Reisebilder in th e summe r o f 1857, a s h e worke d throug h th e poet' s writing s wor d b y word , Howells ma y hav e found Heine' s effort t o relate the poet to societ y and universa l histor y congenial . I n th e her o o f Tennyson' s Maud, Howells ha d alread y me t th e poe t a s a self-involve d sufferer , an d he wa s prepare d t o understan d th e dimensio n o f universa l histor y from Augus t Wilhel m Schlegel' s Lectures on Dramatic Art and Poetry, a study h e had rea d enthusiastically . I n Schlegel' s "luminous " discussion o f th e "gloriou s course " o f romanticis m fro m ancien t times t o th e present , Howell s discovere d a n accoun t o f Heine' s poet. Schlegel , wh o ha d bee n Heine' s teache r an d a n importan t influence i n hi s youth , describe d th e attitud e o f th e modern , di vided poe t a s sorrowful Sehnsucht, o r longing, fo r "ne w an d marvel ous births." 44 When Howell s "pinne d [his ] faith" t o Schlege l earlie r i n Jeffer son, h e ha d prepare d himsel f fo r Heine . Th e presen t age , accord ing t o Heine , demande d a poetr y expressin g th e "intenses t self consciousness" an d th e "feelin g o f personality, " a poetry tha t wa s "subjective, lyrical , an d reflective. " Intens e subjectivity offere d th e poet's onl y hop e fo r a positive relatio n t o societ y an d th e worl d a t large. Late r i n hi s youth , Howell s describe d th e characteristi c theme o f thi s poetr y a s "th e dee p ineffabl e sadnes s o f thi s age' s subjective thought—th e vai n yearning , th e sorrowfu l [SJehnsucht, the unde r curren t o f th e lif e tha t bear s upo n it s surfac e onl y th e busy fleets of traffic." 45 Despite the bitterness that punctuated Heine' s poems, especiall y in thei r "devastatin g las t lines, " Heinesque Sehnsucht gav e Howell s a poeti c strateg y tha t suite d hi s psychologica l needs. 46 Sorrowfu l longing combine d romanti c urge s t o grandiosit y an d idealizatio n while acknowledgin g a sens e o f discontinuit y tha t wa s missin g from Emersonia n inwardness . Sorrowfu l longin g was also set against disreputable form s o f romanti c expression , suc h a s Byronesqu e egoism. Longfello w argue d tha t th e cul t o f Byro n ha d fostere d "sullen misanthrop y an d irreligiou s gloo m . . . unti l a t lengt h ever y

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city, town , an d villag e ha d it s littl e Byron , it s self-tormentin g scoffer a t morality , it s gloom y misanthropis t i n song." 4 7 Mor e easily tha n Byronesqu e egoism , Heine' s poeti c strateg y coul d b e accommodated wit h Swedenborgia n belie f an d morality . Hein e asserted tha t concentratio n o n sel f wa s no t destructive ; i t wa s required fo r th e poet' s usefulness . Withi n th e flux o f universa l history, th e poet' s concentratio n o n sel f migh t someda y wor k th e greatest good . Comprehendin g tension s betwee n Howells' s experi ence an d th e mora l imperative s o f Swedenborgianism , Heine' s poetic strateg y provide d Howell s wit h a sustaining rational e fo r hi s sense o f literar y vocation . Eventually Howell s absorbe d Heine' s sens e o f th e poet' s positiv e relation t o societ y an d universa l history , bu t Howell s wa s initiall y drawn t o Heine' s suggestio n tha t th e poe t coul d endur e al l vicissi tudes. I n hi s lette r t o hi s cousi n D u n e Dean , celebratin g hi s discov ery o f Heine , Howell s elaborate d a theor y o f absolut e self-suffi ciency wit h Heinesqu e hauteur : It i s i n onesel f tha t on e finds th e tru e f[e]licity . I f m y toot h aches , m y friend doesn' t lesse n m y pai n b y groanin g i n compan y wit h me , le t hi s exertions b e never s o disinterested an d sincere . Neithe r shal l I , b y takin g snuff, mak e hi m t o sneeze . A s i t i s wit h pai n s o i t i s wit h pleasure . N o one surrounde d b y th e perfectes t happines s feel s on e happ y sentimen t unless somethin g ha s occurred t o him t o put hi m i n good humour . Ther e are thos e wh o wil l tel l yo u a n atmospher e o f an y emotion , jo y o r grief , will fill yo u wit h sympatheti c feelings . Gammo n an d stuff ! A deat h causes (th e though t i s horrible , bu t true , a s I kno w b y observation ) nothing bu t jestin g an d merrimen t outsid e o f th e circl e who m i t affect s immediately; an d ther e ar e som e scene s o f happines s tha t enrag e an d disgust th e beholder . I t i s m y belie f tha t sinc e ther e ca n b e n o effec t without a cause , ther e canno t b e a caus e i n on e sou l an d a n effec t i n another. 48 Retaining caus e an d effec t bu t obliteratin g Swedenborgia n bond s of sympathy , Howells' s theor y wa s admittedl y a n attemp t t o con sole hi s "presen t loneliness. " H e se t hi s lette r aside , late r addin g a postscript termin g hi s speculation s "twaddle—whic h I a m spe cially gifte d t o write. " Hi s previou s remark s no w seeme d th e

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product o f a fitful moo d becaus e h e ha d receive d wor d tha t hi s position a s legislativ e corresponden t fo r th e Cincinnat i Gazette ha d been renewe d fo r th e comin g winter. 4 9 T h r o u g h th e fal l o f 185 7 a s h e waite d fo r th e legislativ e sessio n to begi n wit h th e ne w year , Howell s followe d th e protectiv e rou tine h e ha d begu n i n th e summer , concentratin g o n hi s stud y o f German an d keepin g primaril y t o himself . H e filled th e Sentinel with hi s Germa n translations , includin g "A m ferne n Horizonte " from Heine' s Die Heimkehr, whic h h e printe d wit h th e titl e U A Fragment." Hi s titl e indicate s tha t h e ha d graspe d Heine' s notio n that lif e consiste d o f broke n strand s tha t migh t someda y for m a n entirety. I n a poe m h e entitle d " T h e Autumn-Land, " h e teste d hi s own abilit y t o expres s romanti c Sehnsucht, posin g emblem s o f th e "brief Novembe r day"—"sorrowin g birds, " "songles s birds, " an d "stricken elms"—agains t th e yearning s o f th e "summer-mournin g soul." 5 0 Howells's growin g understandin g o f th e Heinesqu e poe t di d no t stifle hi s apprehensio n tha t a secon d hom e leavin g migh t prov e a s disastrous a s hi s first. H e ha d reache d a dead en d i n Cincinnat i an d no longe r sa w journalis m a s hi s savin g grace . T o w a r d th e en d o f October, h e expresse d hi s anxietie s i n a letter t o Victoria , wh o wa s visiting i n Pittsburgh . H e admitte d tha t hi s postur e o f "selfis h content" wa s tenuousl y maintaine d agains t feeling s o f "si n an d misery": I'm i n suc h a state o f mind , no t t o sa y si n an d misery , a s hardly t o b e able to write . I n th e mornin g I get u p i n a stew, an d boi l an d simme r al l day, an d g o t o be d sodden , an d ferociousl y misanthropical . A n hundre d times a day, I give myself t o the devi l fo r havin g com e bac k t o Jefferson , when neithe r sicknes s nor starvatio n drov e me ; and a s often I take mysel f to task fo r a discontented fool . Fo r I kno w ver y wel l tha t ha d I remaine d in Cincinnat i o r Cleveland , I woul d hav e discovere d a s clearl y a s I hav e here, tha t I was i n th e wors t possibl e situation , th e mos t uncomfortable , the mos t unprofitabl e an d unpromising . It' s a taint o f th e blood . Her e I am, at home,—to m e th e deares t o f al l place s o n earth—t o begi n with . I have books—the bes t friends . I have time—the mos t preciou s thing . N o one molests m e nor make s me afraid. I sit under m y ow n vin e and fig tree (figurative) an d coc k u p m y fee t o n m y ow n secretar y (reality) . Ye t I a m

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not happy . I am not reasonable. The y ar e fools o r humbugs wh o say ma n reasons. Gammon ! H e wishe s for , h e grumble s at . Th e hors e wh o shake s himself fre e o f th e wrinkle s an d recollection s o f hi s harness , an d grate fully crop s th e grass, reasons more. The presen t questio n wit h me , fo r instance , is , ho w a m I t o mak e a living? I bore myself continuall y abou t [it] , conjuring u p possible unpleasant predicaments , an d giv e myself n o rest . I am proud , vain , an d poor . I want t o mak e money , an d b e ric h an d grand . Bu t I don' t kno w tha t I shall liv e a n hour— a minute ! O i t wa s th e lofties t an d holies t wisdo m that bad e u s tak e n o though t fo r th e morro w an d t o consider th e lilie s of the field! I f a ma n wer e t o pra y fo r th e summum bonum, he woul d pray ; Give m e hear t t o enjo y thi s hour . Ala s fo r me ! Her e I migh t b e happy , yet her e I a m wretched . I wan t t o b e ou t i n th e world , thoug h I kno w that I a m no t forme d t o battl e wit h life . I wan t t o succeed , ye t I a m o f too indolen t a nature t o begin.— I wan t t o b e admire d an d looke d u p to , when I migh t b e loved . — I kno w myself , an d I spea k b y th e card , whe n I pronounce mysel f # mistake. 51 Though h e relishe d hi s self-description , Howell s conclude d wit h heartfelt conviction . H e pronounce d himsel f " a mistake " becaus e he wa s failin g t o sustai n hi s sens e o f literar y vocatio n unde r condi tions o f Heinesqu e self-sufficiency . Hi s resolve , signifie d b y hi s summer pseudonym , "Geoffre y Constant, " ha d give n wa y t o th e kind o f self-recriminatio n tha t ha d foreshadowe d hi s earlie r break down. H e wa s probabl y learnin g Germa n an d readin g Hein e wit h his earlie r disregar d o f late-nigh t hours , fo r b y th e middl e o f November h e ha d succumbe d t o a n illnes s h e recalle d a s "m y terrible rheumati c fever. " Althoug h hi s symptom s sugges t h e wa s painfully ill , withi n a wee k h e wa s wel l enoug h t o excus e hi s silence. "An d now, " h e wrot e friends , "d o yo u expec t a n invalid — as I se t u p t o b e — t o giv e yo u an y villag e gossip? " I f h e ha d reverted t o th e defensiv e strateg y o f illness , hi s brea k ha d provide d a neede d psychi c respite , readyin g hi m fo r hi s secon d encounte r with th e outsid e world . Hi s uncl e Samue l Dean' s promis e o f a steamboat tri p followin g th e clos e o f th e legislativ e sessio n als o helped t o restor e him. 5 2 Howells wa s full y prepare d t o succee d i n hi s secon d hom e leaving. T o strengthe n hi s resolve , h e chos e a n appropriat e pseu donym fro m Longfellow' s "Spanis h Student, " signin g hi s politica l

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reports "Chispa, " afte r th e hero' s rogu e servant , a picar o lik e La zarillo equal t o an y an d al l chances. Bu t shortl y afte r hi s retur n t o Columbus, h e encountere d a strang e an d frustratin g difficulty : " I woke t o find th e roo m goin g roun d m e lik e a wheel . I t wa s th e beginning o f a vertigo whic h laste d fo r si x months. " Although hi s vertigo wa s possibl y a n effec t o f hi s earlie r illness , Howell s fel t i t in a n exaggerate d way . Al l o f hi s remedie s wer e designe d fo r a "nervous" ailment . Exercis e i n a gymnasium gav e hi m temporar y relief, bu t hi s vertig o recurre d an d finally force d hi m t o suspen d his legislativ e duties . Fo r twent y day s hi s fathe r filled hi s pos t while Howells visite d relative s in his childhood hom e of Hamilton . But ther e too the ground abou t hi m "wave d an d billowed." 53 Resuming hi s Columbu s duties , Howell s attempte d t o succee d through shee r determination , th e remed y usuall y propose d b y hi s father. B y th e middl e o f March , however , befor e th e en d o f th e legislative session , h e returne d reluctantl y t o Jefferson. 54 H e ha d fought agains t thi s result, fo r failur e t o succeed i n his second hom e leaving wa s a n extremel y disma l prospect . Returnin g t o Jefferso n had becom e acceptabl e onl y becaus e hi s circumstance s i n Colum bus had pose d a n even greater threat . Vertigo expresse d Howells' s dizzyin g sens e o f livin g i n a desultory worl d an d bein g commande d b y power s outsid e himself . Associated wit h th e earlies t feeling s o f disequilibriu m infant s ex perience i n thei r mothers ' arms , vertig o als o ma y hav e expresse d the retur n o f hi s separatio n anxieties. 55 A furthe r meanin g ma y have bee n suggeste d t o Howell s b y a n inciden t i n Heine' s Die Harzreise. The poet-person a i s perche d o n a tal l roc k o f granite , grandly surveyin g th e countryside , whe n h e lose s hi s balanc e an d barely avoid s a dangerou s fal l b y clutchin g t o th e iro n cros s tha t crowns th e rock . Th e inciden t i s an instanc e o f Heine's bitte r self irony. Hein e i s a poet , supposedl y a superior being . Bu t h e mus t earn hi s living as a lawyer, an d becomin g a lawyer require s tha t h e renounce hi s Jewish heritag e an d conver t t o Christianity. 56 Durin g his secon d hom e leaving , Howell s recognize d a simila r disparit y between hi s ideal aspiration s an d hi s actual circumstances . When h e first arrive d i n Columbu s fo r hi s secon d stin t a s a

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legislative correspondent , Howell s ha d foun d muc h t o please him . His ardo r fo r Hein e le d hi m t o Columbus' s Germa n community , where h e forme d friendship s wit h severa l families , lunche d a t a beer saloon , too k fencin g lessons , an d attende d plays . H e pushe d his stud y a s fiercely a s before, expandin g hi s appreciatio n t o othe r German writers , includin g Goethe , Schiller , an d Uhland . H e rea d more o f D e Quincey , developin g a "dee p sympath y wit h certai n morbid mood s an d experience s s o like [his] own." H e decide d tha t De Quince y wa s peculiarl y "allie d t o the German " i n though t an d feeling. Th e mos t auspiciou s momen t i n hi s Germanizatio n cam e when h e wa s introduce d t o a woma n wh o ha d actuall y know n Heine personally , bu t Howell s suffere d "indescribabl e disappoint ment" whe n sh e faile d t o radiat e th e ambienc e o f Parisia n literar y society. He r tal k o f Hein e di d no t correspon d t o th e imag e o f Heine tha t Howell s hel d i n his imagination. 57 To concentrat e o n al l thing s German , Howell s presse d hi s leg islative duties hard . Fre e tim e was precious, fo r hi s responsibilitie s had increase d sinc e th e previou s winter . H e no w sen t report s t o the Sentinel and th e Clevelan d Herald as wel l a s t o th e Cincinnat i Gazette. He labore d t o giv e eac h repor t it s ow n particula r slant. 58 He ma y hav e me t thes e responsibilitie s easil y th e yea r before , bu t now h e was n o longer animate d b y unquestionin g eagerness . Jour nalism n o longe r seeme d hi s gatewa y t o literature . Hi s hesitation s were al l th e mor e troublin g becaus e th e politica l change s o f th e previous yea r ha d redouble d th e need fo r radica l vigilance. Repub licans ha d suffere d a serie s o f setback s beginnin g wit h th e Dre d Scott decisio n i n Marc h 1857 . Mos t seriously , i n th e fal l election s Republicans suffere d mor e tha n Democrat s fro m th e economi c slide that bega n wit h th e Panic , losin g decisively acros s the North . In Ohio , Chas e narrowl y wo n reelection , bu t Republican s los t both legislativ e houses . Th e Democrati c majorit y wa s plannin g t o repeal th e antislaver y measure s passe d th e previou s year , particu larly th e "Jai l Bill " tha t radica l Republican s designe d t o frustrat e enforcement o f the Fugitive Slav e Law b y prohibitin g th e incarcer ation of fugitive slave s in Ohio. 59 As h e bega n hi s reporting , Howell s mean t t o defen d th e and -

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slavery caus e as vigorously a s the bes t radica l agitator . Goin g righ t to the attack, h e treated th e Democrat s wit h a satiric flair enhanced by hi s immersio n i n Heine . H e reporte d thei r rapaciousnes s fo r office, thei r oafis h cruditie s an d profanities , thei r discourteou s at tempts t o squelc h th e Republica n opposition . Onl y twent y day s into th e session , however , whe n th e Republica n effor t t o sav e th e Jail Bil l wa s jus t beginning , Howell s withdrew . Whil e hi s fathe r assumed hi s duties , h e sough t relie f fro m hi s vertigo . Bu t h e di d not fee l s o impaired tha t h e foun d i t necessar y t o cur b hi s literar y studies.60 Howells probabl y returne d t o th e legislatur e wit h revitalize d hope tha t h e coul d forg e a unit y betwee n politic s an d literature . He lampoone d Democrat s eve n mor e unsparingly , bu t hi s attack s reveal a persona l animu s tha t ma y hav e bee n prompte d b y hi s increasing difficulties . Hi s principa l targe t wa s Willia m H . Saf ford, th e Democrati c senato r wh o le d th e assaul t o n th e Jail Bill . "He sit s o n th e mai n aisl e i n th e Chamber, " Howell s wrot e wit h satiric contempt, "an d h e ran about in it like one distracted, thrash ing the wind wit h arm s 'o f wild rejection ' an d swayin g hi s body t o and fr o an d liftin g himsel f upo n th e toes of his boots, an d stoopin g and surgin g up again, durin g th e course of his speech, lik e an Indi a rubber ma n wit h a severe attac k o f colic." At first Saffor d wa s no t disposed t o let this ridicule pass. Threatening Howells' s expulsion , he demanded immediat e "corrections. " I n mock-respectfu l replies , Howells compounded hi s offense, bu t Saffor d finally le t the matte r slide.61 Following hi s imbrogli o wit h Safford , Howell s directe d a ne w thrust a t Representativ e Hunte r Brooke , a Hamilton Count y Dem ocrat, reportin g Brooke' s remark s derisiv e o f the Cincinnat i press . "I expect, " Howell s declared , "tha t Mr . Brook e wil l ris e t o a question o f privilege , tomorro w morning , an d deman d m y expul sion fo r tellin g yo u th e foregoing . I d o i t a t m y peril , fo r al l reporters hav e ha d a fai r warnin g no t t o pu t anythin g int o thei r letters o f a natur e discreditabl e t o thi s legislature. " Althoug h re monstrances fro m Brook e followed , the y neve r le d t o Howells' s expulsion.62

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This resul t ma y wel l hav e disappointed Howells . Hi s baitin g of Safford an d Brook e suggest s tha t h e wa s tryin g t o excee d thei r toleration. Th e reporte r fo r th e Cincinnat i Commercial ha d bee n barred fro m th e Hous e fo r simila r insults. 63 B y pushin g hi s agita tion t o th e extreme , Howell s ma y hav e bee n seekin g a n honorabl e way ou t o f hi s reporter' s dutie s s o tha t h e coul d devot e himsel f fully t o literature . Ha d eithe r Democra t calle d fo r hi s expulsion , he woul d hav e returne d t o Jefferson a martyr t o th e radica l caus e rather tha n a nervous suffere r fro m vertigo . A s i t was , h e lef t fo r home i n early Marc h withou t a respectable excuse . Reaching th e manl y ag e of twenty-one, Howell s returne d agai n to boyis h tasks . H e assume d a t leas t th e outwar d appearanc e o f maturity b y cultivatin g a moustach e an d imperial . H e coul d no t disguise hi s feeling s fro m himself . Recognizin g tha t hi s securit y a t home represente d hi s defea t i n th e greate r world , h e sough t wha t little comfort remaine d i n hi s old lamentation : "I t i s one of the bes t things t o b e a t home, " h e wrot e a friend; "bu t ye t th e littl e villag e is fearfully dul l t o me. Onl y th e presence of V i c, an d th e frequen t deploring o f ou r har d lo t . . . mak e i t a t al l tolerabl e fo r me. " Howells ha d les s opportunity fo r hi s usual escap e from hi s feeling s because hi s fathe r insiste d tha t h e curtai l hi s late-nigh t stud y fo r the sak e of his health. 64 Little i n Howells' s situatio n affirme d th e self-sufficienc y Hein e imagined fo r poets . Durin g hi s period o f rest, h e was excused fro m heavy compositin g labors , bu t h e continue d clippin g th e Englis h reviews fo r th e Sentinel, including on e passag e tha t ironicall y rep resented hi s dilemma . Th e write r asserte d tha t literar y pursuit s were "mor e independen t o f th e wil l o f others , mor e independen t of th e wil l o f circumstances , tha n almos t an y othe r enjoyment. " Howells fel l bac k o n advice-boo k admonition s t o striv e an d suc ceed; h e resolve d t o ris e a t onc e i n th e morning s an d procee d immediately t o hi s tasks . Soo n h e resume d hi s intens e readin g a s well a s his copiou s translations . H e coul d follo w hi s father' s orde r to avoi d stud y onl y b y takin g t o th e woods , wher e trampin g "da y after day, " h e trie d t o forge t hi s vertig o an d th e perplexitie s o f hi s home leaving . Wit h th e thawin g snow , h e anticipate d th e comin g

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of Ma y whe n h e wa s t o b e "respited " fo r a mont h o n hi s uncle' s Ohio Rive r steamboat. 65 Despite th e bitte r experienc e o f th e precedin g year—tw o inglo rious return s t o Jefferso n fro m abortiv e forays int o th e world — Howells wa s n o les s tenaciou s i n hi s determinatio n t o fulfil l hi s literary intentions . Hi s rive r tri p o n hi s uncle' s stern-wheeler , th e Cambridge, in th e sprin g o f 185 8 becam e a n importan t tim e o f restoration an d rededication . Free d fro m immediat e demand s o n his usefulness , h e coul d indulg e hi s imaginatio n a s full y a s h e wished an d test whether Heine' s guise of a traveler i n the Reisebilder was one h e could assum e fo r himself . I n th e letter s Howell s bega n writing fo r th e Sentinel describin g hi s progres s dow n "L a Bell e Riviere," th e mos t resoundin g not e i s hi s celebratio n o f idleness . Discovering t o hi s deligh t tha t steamboa t trave l afforde d th e free dom h e ha d crave d i n Columbus , h e reporte d tha t "th e cabi n passenger i s a limited monarch , goin g where he pleases, and sayin g and doin g nearly th e things h e lists." 66 Heine's Reisebilder sanctione d th e wides t rang e o f imaginativ e meandering. Fro m Pittsburg h t o St . Louis , Howell s searche d th e shoreline, aler t t o scene s tha t migh t generat e variou s kind s o f literary response . Inevitably , a s th e Cambridge edge d towar d th e junction o f rivers a t Cairo , h e sa w evidenc e i n the rive r town s tha t fit his radical Republica n notion s o f contrasting civilization s Nort h and South . Th e Norther n sid e seemed a pastoral landscape , show ing energy an d enterprise , whil e the Souther n sid e seemed "squalid " and swarmin g wit h loafers . Th e Ohi o itself , a s i t flowed south , took o n th e enervatio n o f a civilization founde d o n slavery . A t it s confluence wit h th e Mississipp i a t Cairo , i t appeare d "gross , swol len and bloated , lik e some vagabond profligate." 67 Tiring o f contrast s betwee n Nort h an d Sout h b y th e tim e th e Cambridge reache d St . Louis , Howell s wa s anxiou s t o experimen t with othe r mode s o f writing . H e release d a pent-u p desir e t o rhapsodize the past when h e found a sufficiently picturesqu e Span ish bel l bearin g th e dat e A.D . 808 . H e indulge d anothe r inclinatio n by offerin g a description, fro m th e saf e distanc e o f the Cambridge's

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guard rail , o f th e drinkin g dens , "loathsom e pitfalls, " tha t line d th e wharf. H e observe d th e arriva l o f th e "strang e woman, " whos e wiles an d danger s wer e fable d i n countles s advic e books . "Sh e drinks wit h [th e revelers ] agai n an d again, " Howell s wrote . "Sh e dances befor e them , an d the y g o ma d wit h obscen e glee . Shouts[, ] cries, oaths , an d curse s issu e fro m th e den s wher e the y ar e crowde d together; an d th e uproa r grow s mor e furious , til l al l sound s ar e blended i n a frightfu l clamor . N o w le t th e belate d passe r hav e a care; fo r thes e me n ar e rip e fo r robber y an d murder ; an d ther e i s much chanc e tha t h e wil l figure i n th e mornin g paper s a s on e o f the partie s i n a cas e o f 'Bruta l Assassination. ' " Howell s ha d othe r opportunities t o indulg e a sensationa l manner , bu t onc e wa s appar ently enough . Whe n th e Cambridge lef t St . Loui s fo r it s retur n t o Pittsburgh, h e wa s happ y t o escap e "imprisonment " i n th e cit y and tur n hi s min d t o loftie r things. 6 8 T h e rive r itsel f inspire d Howell s t o emulat e th e kin d o f writin g that intereste d hi m most . Broodin g ove r th e changin g an d chanc e appearances o f th e rive r landscape , h e yearne d t o b e please d b y th e "exquisite" emotion , describe d b y Hein e a s almos t painful , tha t any fleeting for m o f "perfec t beauty " coul d suggest . T h e rive r moonrise offere d on e suc h form , inducin g Heinesqu e reveri e an d the emotio n o f vai n longing : "I t seeme d a s i f on e might , leavin g earth behind , wal k o n [th e moon' s reflection] , i n a rapturou s dream , out int o th e Mornin g Land , an d foreve r forge t th e toils , cares , an d vexations o f lif e i n a swee t oblivion." 6 9 Howell s cultivate d a yearn ing fo r sweet , painfu l repose , th e stanc e o f th e Heinesqu e poe t i n his mos t affirmativ e mood : Sweet ar e m y las t days ' memorie s o f th e might y river . Fo r al l alon g our cours e th e youn g water-willows , thickse t amon g th e cotto n wood, laded th e charme d wind s wit h delicat e fragrance , an d ever y littl e breez e blew a s i f fro m paradise.—S o i t is , the y say,—a t thi s enchante d seaso n of th e year—fro m th e Egyptia n metropoli s [Cairo] , t o th e mout h o f th e Red River . Th e vas t regio n throug h whic h th e rive r sweep s away , i s a Lotus-Land o f perfume , wher e th e luxuriou s sens e o f th e travele r i s fe d upon odor s sweete r tha n th e breat h o f Hybla . Lappe d i n a dream y revery, I hung upo n th e guard and , "watchin g th e tender curvin g lines of creamy spray, " almost though t t o see "about th e keel, "

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"The mild-eyed, melancholy Lotus Eaters come." bearing in their languid hands, branches —"of that enchanted stem Laden with flowers and fruit. " But i n realit y ther e wa s littl e els e t o se e than immens e quantitie s of driftwood, wit h which the river was almost covered. 70 Howells's interruptio n o f hi s reveri e suggest s hi s protorealis t urge t o cu t dow n extravagan t emotions . Bu t hi s slightl y bitte r undercutting primaril y reflect s a break—simila r t o Heine' s "dev astating las t lines"—tha t expresse d Howells' s sens e o f a desultor y world i n whic h disruptiv e appearance s coul d no t b e containe d within an y total , positiv e vision . By th e tim e th e Cambridge was returnin g u p th e Ohio , Howell s had successfull y teste d hi s abilit y t o becom e a Heinesque traveler . He ha d als o gained hi s respite . Fro m St . Loui s h e ha d writte n hi s family o f onl y on e sligh t recurrenc e o f hi s "ol d troubl e o f th e head." H e ha d grow n mor e an d mor e tire d o f repose . A t a drear y river town , h e had exchange d a glance of recognition wit h a group of loafers . Th e char m o f th e laz y rive r lif e wa s waning . Howell s looked forwar d t o reengagin g th e "toils , cares , an d vexation s o f life" on different terrain. 71 Becoming a legislativ e reporte r wa s n o longe r a n option . T o prevent th e recurrenc e o f th e difficultie s tha t ha d calle d hi m awa y from hi s ow n duties , Willia m Coope r Howell s ha d suggeste d tha t the Cincinnat i Gazette hire someon e beside s hi s son . Lookin g fo r alternatives, Howell s sen t of f a flurry o f inquiries . H e propose d writing a column wit h th e personall y significan t titl e o f "Desulto ria" fo r th e radica l Republica n National Era, bu t th e offe r mus t have seeme d to o frivolou s fo r a newspape r tha t wa s a principa l organ o f antislavery . Whe n h e seeme d t o hav e exhausted al l possi bilities, hi s fathe r dre w togethe r dutie s dealin g wit h subscription , advertising, an d stationery , providin g hi m wit h a face-saving posi tion a s th e Sentinel's busines s manager . Howell s mus t hav e re flected bitterl y ho w hi s situatio n fulfille d Heine' s predictio n tha t the poet , lik e th e exile d Gree k gods , coul d surviv e i n th e presen t only a s a drudge i n a humdrum job. 72

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His bookbinde r friend , Ott o Limbeck , rescue d Howell s fro m despair b y loanin g hi m a nove l tha t helpe d t o sustai n hi m i n hi s "prisoning environment. " Afraja, b y Theodor e Mugge , describe d a youn g Dan e wh o wa s seekin g hi s fortun e i n th e norther n fisheries. "Ther e wa s a supreme moment, " Howell s recalled , "whe n h e was sailin g throug h th e fiords, an d finding himsel f apparentl y locked i n b y thei r mountai n wall s withou t sig n o r hop e o f escape , but someho w alway s escapin g b y som e unimagine d channel , an d keeping on . Th e lesso n fo r hi m wa s on e o f trus t an d courage ; an d I, wh o seeme d t o b e the n shu t i n upo n a mountain-walle d fiord without inle t o r outlet , too k th e lesso n hom e an d promise d mysel f not t o los e hear t again. " H e di d no t hav e lon g t o tes t hi s resolve , for "suddenly, " a s h e remembered , "th e whol e worl d opene d t o me through wha t ha d seeme d a n impenetrabl e wall. " In the middl e of November , th e newl y reorganize d Ohio State Journal, th e voic e of th e state' s radica l Republicans , offere d Howell s a plac e a s a n assistant editor . H e eagerl y "forgo t [his ] ills" and accepted. 73 From thi s seemingl y chanc e event , Howell s di d no t gai n a sense of revitalize d optimis m comparabl e t o hi s father' s professe d belie f that everythin g worke d fo r th e best . Th e imag e o f impenetrabl e walls i n Afraja accorde d mor e wit h th e sens e o f lif e Howell s de rived fro m hi s home-leavin g experienc e an d hi s readin g o f Heine . During th e fall , Howell s ha d writte n a poe m h e entitle d "Th e Mysteries." Rather tha n "trus t an d courage," the faith o f his father , the poe m expresse d doub t an d anxiety . Th e first mystery , learne d in childhoo d bu t ease d b y mother' s love , i s "Death. " Th e secon d mystery, learne d b y strif e i n th e world , i s "Life. " Th e secon d mystery mus t b e endured withou t consolation. 74

8. Willia m C o o p e r H o w e l l s , ca . 1856 . Afte r hi s father' s deat h i n 1894 , H o w e l l s wrote , " [ M y father ] brough t t o th e stud y o f person s an d thing s his peculiarl y genia l intelligence . I t wa s no t merel y tha t h e sa w the m clearly, bu t tha t h e sa w the m kindly . T h e unfriendl y e y e alway s lose s what i s bes t i n a prospect , an d hi s ey e was neve r unfriendly. "

o. M a r y Dea n H o w e l l s , ca . 1856 . T h o u g h sh e misse d he r childre n terri bly w h e n the y w e r e a w a y fro m home , M a r y H o w e l l s tol d the m t o mak e their opportunitie s count . "I t i s you[r ] dut y t o improv e ever y advantag e y o u have, " sh e wrot e Victoria , w h o wa s visitin g i n Pittsburgh . " I wan t y o u t o se e an d hea r ever y thin g tha t wil l hav e tendenc y t o elevat e an d improve y o u r mind[. ] [R]ea d al l th e goo d an d useful l book s y o u ca n get . . . . [I] f y o u r cousi n Lizzi e ca n hel p y o u an y i n y o u r musi c I hop e y o u will improv e th e chanc e fo r w h e n y o u ge t hom e agai n th e chance s wil l b e poor e n o u g h . "

i o . Josep h Alexande r H o w e l l s , ca . 1856 . Josep h wa s disappointe d tha t he neve r fulfille d th e "ambitio n o f [his ] life " t o becom e a steamboa t pilot . But helpin g th e family , h e said , "shu t of f al l hop e i n tha t direction. " H i s frustration ma y hav e influence d hi s decisio n t o kee p hi s brothe r Wil l i n the prin t sho p rathe r tha n sen d hi m t o a n academ y w h e n H o w e l l s wa s seventeen. Josep h fel t guilt y throughou t hi s lif e fo r thi s "irreparabl e w r o n g . " H o w e l l s forgav e Joseph severa l times , eve n i n a lin e h e include d in hi s brother' s epitaph : " T h e r e need s n o roo m fo r blame . Blam e ther e was none. "

i i . Victori a Mello r H o w e l l s , ca . 1856 . Likene d b y he r famil y t o th e eldest daughte r i n John Greenlea f Whittier's Snow-Bound, w h o kep t " w i t h many ligh t disguis e / T h e secre t o f self-sacrifice, " Victoria spen t mos t o f her lif e carin g fo r he r fathe r an d fo r he r retarde d brother , H e n r y . S h e was marrie d briefly , bu t he r husban d lef t her . Sh e nurture d literar y ambitions lik e he r brothe r W i l l , bu t sh e neve r foun d a produce r fo r he r play, " T h e Sheriff' s D a u g h t e r . "

12. T h r e e o f th e younge r H o w e l l s children , ca . 1846 . Fro m th e left , th e children ar e probabl y Victoria , Samuel , an d Aurelia . A n n i e H o w e l l s , w h o wa s t w o year s younge r tha n Aurelia , recalle d tha t he r brothe r Wil l loved t o entertai n th e childre n b y impersonatin g figure s fro m fiction . T h e i r specia l favorit e wa s th e "Fa t B o y " from Dickens : " W i t h puffe d ou t cheeks, h e w o u l d star e a t u s w i t h fixed eyes , an d a gorge d expression , t o our wil d delight. "

13. Ann e Thoma s Howells , ca . 1863 . During th e years of the Civil War , Annie kep t a journal, wher e sh e recorded he r frustratio n a t bein g distan t from momentou s events . "Northerner s stil l languis h i n fou l prisons , an d fight beneat h th e burnin g souther n sun, " sh e wrote . "W e i n ou r quie t home feel non e of war[']s desolation, no t even a dear one is in danger, an d at nigh t w e slee p a s securely, an d peacefully—lulle d b y th e wind['] s sof t lullaby—as i f n o suc h thin g a s Deat h walke d ove r th e lan d an d marke d his victims with rapi d hand. "

14. Henr y Israe l Howells , ca . 1856 . The younge r childre n wer e warne d never t o disturb thei r brothe r Wil l durin g hi s studies , bu t Howell s mad e an exceptio n wit h hi s retarde d brother , Henry . Anni e Howell s believe d that durin g thes e moment s Henr y gaine d " a soothin g cal m fo r hi s tor tured nerves. "

15. H o w e l l s wit h hi s brothe r Joh n Butle r H o w e l l s , ca . 1859-60 . Afte r his brothe r Johnny bega n attendin g Clevelan d Institut e i n 1863 , H o w e l l s offered advice : " D o n ' t b e take n wit h th e shallo w foll y tha t anythin g which y o u r conscienc e tell s y o u i s bad , ca n b e brav e o r fine. You'l l find a great man y brillian t fellow s i n thi s worl d w h o ar e als o vicious . Y o u mus t not believ e tha t i t i s thei r vic e gives them brilliancy. "

CHAPTER 6

(

Womans Sphere

[Women o f al l ages ] are th e mos t devote d novel-readers , th e mos t intelligent . . . an d th e mos t influential , b y far . I t i s th e ma n o f feminine refinemen t an d o f feminin e culture , wit h u s s o muc h greater tha n masculin e culture , wh o love s fiction. . . . Busines s men, I fancy, seldo m read novels at all; they read newspapers. HOWELLS, 189

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Recalling he r brother' s home-leavin g struggles , Howells' s siste r Aurelia wrot e that "thoug h a home boy , h e was not cowardly , an d at a suitabl e tim e o f hi s lif e h e wen t ou t an d too k hi s plac e i n th e world, an d kep t it." In November 1858 , Howells mad e his decisive break fro m hom e whe n h e assume d hi s positio n a s assistant edito r on th e Ohio State Journal i n Columbus . Friendl y newspape r ac counts describe d hi m a s "studiou s an d talented, " someon e wh o was a "Printin g Offic e graduate , th e bes t Colleg e fro m whic h t o receive an editorial diploma." 1 Howell s neve r returne d hom e agai n under th e humiliating condition s o f the previous two years. Never theless, hom e remaine d a forcefu l reminde r o f famil y claim s h e could neve r forsake . Hom e wa s als o associate d wit h othe r claim s on his sense of identity . In the didactic writings an d popula r storie s of civilized morality , home wa s depicte d a s "woman' s sphere, " th e exclusiv e real m o f J

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women, whil e the outer world was described a s the exclusive realm of men . Thi s spli t reflecte d pressure s exerte d upo n loca l commu nity lif e b y developmen t o f th e nationa l market . Th e concep t o f "woman's sphere " helpe d t o accommodat e antebellu m American s to th e segmentatio n o f hom e an d wor k b y reinforcin g a rigi d differentiation o f gende r roles . Wome n too k o n dail y chore s o f child car e an d hom e maintenanc e a s well a s mora l oversight ; me n became "breadwinners " fate d t o struggl e fo r autonomou s success . As self-sacrificin g redeemers , wome n wer e to preserve the home as a refuge , a have n o f peac e an d love , se t agains t th e ruthles s com petition an d spiritua l wast e associate d wit h th e outside world. 2 This differentiatio n o f gende r role s wa s idealize d b y middle class writers. Willia m Coope r Howell s believed the idea of separat e spheres expresse d natura l equality : "Th e sexe s ar e distinc t an d their sphere s o f action an d dutie s ar e distinct, an d superiorit y ove r the other, doe s not attac h t o either. I n man' s mind th e understand ing an d judgmen t ar e mos t full y develope d bu t i n woman' s min d the affection s an d perceptiv e facultie s ar e th e strongest . . . . Wh o shall sa y tha t judgmen t i s a superio r facult y t o affection , o r tha t affection i s above judgmen[t]? " Bu t th e ne w differentiatio n o f gender role s wa s coerciv e fo r bot h me n an d women . Th e concep t o f "woman's sphere " trivialize d eve n a s i t idealize d women' s work , sanctioning women' s subordinatio n withi n th e altere d economi c order. Me n wh o faile d t o achiev e th e idea l o f "manly " indepen dence coul d b e designate d "cowards " o r "hom e boys, " th e term s that cam e easil y t o Aureli a Howell s whe n sh e allude d t o he r brother's home-leavin g difficulties. 3 In A Boy's Town, Howell s portraye d hi s experienc e o f initiatio n ceremonies, test s o f courage , an d practice s o f conformity tha t pre pared boy s t o becom e aggressive , self-assertiv e men . I n on e in stance he was goaded b y hi s fellows t o run dow n an d strik e a timid boy "i n his imploring face" for som e violation of the boyhood code . He wa s overcom e b y sham e fo r violatin g th e value s h e ha d bee n taught a t home , bu t thos e wh o faile d t o liv e b y th e boyhoo d cod e were calle d "girl-boys, " a taunt Howell s successfull y avoided . Ac ceptance exacte d costs . Beside s guil t suffere d fo r "brutal " actions ,

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welcome amon g hi s fellow s require d concealmen t o f hi s literar y desires. Howell s painfull y learne d tha t the y though t i t "soft " o r feminine t o write poetry. 4 The stricture s o f middle-class , civilize d moralit y wer e partl y meant t o chaste n th e "savage " inclination s o f th e boyhoo d code , harnessing aggressiv e behavio r fo r th e practica l affair s o f men. Bu t the dominan t attitud e towar d poetr y remaine d unchange d i n th e transition t o manhood . I n middle-clas s culture , al l form s o f imagi native literatur e wer e linke d t o "woman' s sphere, " considere d to o decorative o r etherea l t o hav e importan t consequence s i n th e live s of "tru e men. " Insofa r a s literatur e wa s associate d wit h spiritua l and ethica l concerns , i t wa s deeme d appropriatel y consigne d t o women, wh o wer e increasingl y considere d th e natura l custodian s of religion an d morality. 5 While in Jefferson, Howell s ha d inveighe d agains t the sentimen tal idio m favore d b y wome n wh o sen t poem s an d storie s t o th e Sentinel; h e had asserte d hi s equality wit h lawyers , politicians , an d other so-calle d practica l men . Thes e skirmishe s wer e preliminar y to th e mor e formativ e conflic t tha t bega n i n Columbus . Howell s described hi s two-and-a-hal f year s i n th e Ohi o Stat e capita l a s th e "heyd[a]y o f life " an d th e "blosso m o f [his ] youth." 6 Althoug h these year s wer e exhilaratin g an d expansive , the y wer e als o th e time whe n h e confronte d th e constrictin g gende r ideal s o f hi s culture an d trie d t o solve , onc e an d fo r all , th e proble m o f becom ing both a literary an d a "true" man . At th e State Journal, Howell s wa s restore d t o th e forefron t o f antislavery agitation . Republican s ha d triumphe d i n the 185 8 state elections, an d t o herald th e party's return t o power, a new manage ment ha d rescue d th e State Journal from falterin g finances, spruce d up it s design , an d dedicate d i t t o "genuin e Republicanism. " How ells's employer, Henr y D . Cooke , prove d t o be "the easiest of easy gentlemen," dispose d t o le t hi s editoria l staf f o f thre e ru n th e newspaper whil e h e lobbie d i n th e legislativ e corridors . A t first i t appeared tha t Howell s woul d hav e to perform th e sam e duties tha t had distresse d hi m i n Cincinnati , bu t Cook e foun d a youn g ma n

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named Harri s who doted o n the local's "sundry ascent s into various dingy Justic e o f Peaces ' office s an d hopefu l visit s t o rowd y sa loons." Howells' s "senior, " Samue l R . Reed , assume d th e majo r responsibility fo r th e newspaper' s prodigiou s outpu t o f politica l commentary. A s Reed' s "lieutenant, " Howell s no w an d the n con tributed a "leader " t o th e politica l columns , bu t onl y o n hi s ow n inclination an d usuall y wit h a decided literar y inspiration. 7 For on e resolve d t o b e a n "exclusivel y literar y spirit, " Howell s found hi s situatio n a t th e State Journal surprisingl y congenial . Hi s primary dut y wa s t o ski m th e new s fro m th e tid e o f exchang e newspapers an d journal s tha t deluge d hi s des k ever y da y an d t o arrange a colum n wit h hi s ow n comment s unde r th e titl e "New s and Humor s o f the Mails. " He recalled , no t wholl y i n jest, tha t h e accomplished thi s tas k wit h grea t flair, "wieldin g scissor s o f met ropolitan brilliancy. " H e counte d nothin g alie n withi n th e grea t range of "politics, morals , literatur e o r religion," an amplitude tha t allowed hi m to hone the "sharp tooth" of his radical Republicanis m with a barb directe d a t "som e frenz y o f proslaver y ethics " and , a t the sam e time , t o expoun d o n th e lates t "gossip " o f th e literar y scene. Eventuall y hi s item s o f literar y gossi p spille d int o a column of thei r own . Hi s journalisti c dutie s provide d th e opportunit y t o balance th e role s o f schola r an d agitator . I t probabl y fortifie d Howells t o learn tha t Hein e ha d becom e a newspaper paragraphis t to suppor t hi s poetry . Furthe r encouragemen t cam e fro m Reed , who tolerate d hi s literar y inspirations , allowin g eve n hi s "self betrayals"—his poems—t o pas s notice unscathed. 8 Although h e care d nothin g fo r Howells' s poeti c "effusiveness, " Reed admire d Shakespeare , Dickens , an d th e Ol d Testament — the great resource s fo r hi s agitator's languag e of satiric ridicule an d righteous indignation . Howell s foun d tha t Ree d share d hi s tast e for th e theate r an d woul d accompan y hi m t o th e makeshif t enter prise o n Stat e Street , whos e production s Ree d enjoye d a s muc h for thei r vulnerabilit y t o hi s "droll " commentary a s for thei r reali zation o f dramati c intention . Fo r Reed , literatur e wa s no t th e su m of al l tha t wa s preciou s i n life , bu t a sourc e o f allusio n tha t en hanced hi s aggressive , masculin e deportmen t an d a fund o f mate -

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rial tha t offere d occasio n fo r hi s assertiv e mockery . N o doub t th e theater appeale d t o hi m i n par t becaus e i t la y outsid e th e bound aries o f respectabl e middle-clas s entertainments . I n appearance , Reed violate d th e middle-clas s nor m b y dressin g th e dandy , an d he wa s professedl y a religiou s skepti c wh o conspicuousl y solem nized hi s philosophy i n long Sunda y walks. 9 Reed's masculin e styl e o f oppositio n an d iron y appeale d t o Howells, bu t Howell s coul d no t assen t t o Reed' s narro w apprecia tion o f literatur e a s simpl y a vehicle fo r sarcasti c asides . Ree d wa s too much Howells' s senio r i n age and rank , however , t o have forc e as a peer . Hi s influenc e wa s no t s o grea t a s othe r companion s Howells foun d i n Columbu s wh o wer e par t o f th e grea t influ x o f antebellum yout h seekin g urba n employmen t a s clerks an d profes sionals, th e kin d o f youn g me n whos e number s an d freedo m fro m traditional restraint s frightened th e advice givers of civilized moral ity. Contrar y t o portrait s i n th e advic e books , th e youn g me n Howells kne w bes t were a decorous an d studiou s lot. The y forme d what h e late r calle d hi s "College " group , s o name d fo r thei r com mon residenc e i n th e Starlin g Medica l College , a magnificent edi fice of mixe d Gothi c an d Tudo r desig n tha t th e pani c o f 185 8 ha d partly transforme d int o a boardinghouse . One-thir d o f Howells' s weekly ten-dollar salar y went t o live at the College, but i t provide d him wit h a "charmin g stat e o f anima l comfort, " augmente d b y pleasing male conviviality. 10 Howells wa s amaze d t o find tha t hi s roommate , Artemu s T . Fullerton, wa s also a poet. Althoug h Fullerto n wa s reading law, h e had alread y publishe d tw o poem s i n th e Atlantic Monthly, fo r which h e ha d bee n pai d th e gran d su m o f twenty-fiv e dollar s a page. Fullerto n modele d hi s poetr y o n Browning' s an d needle d Howells b y claimin g tha t Hein e wa s a mer e imitato r o f Sterne , making Howell s a n imitato r o f a n imitator . Suc h remark s wer e part o f th e "richl y personal " jestin g tha t Howell s fondl y remem bered a s the norm o f the College. n Another la w student , Jame s M . Comly , possesse d a "literar y bent" simila r t o Fullerton's . Coml y furnishe d hi s roo m wit h Cornhill Magazine and th e Londo n Saturday Review to follo w th e doing s

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of Thackeray, th e literar y rag e of the moment . Soo n afte r meetin g Comly, Howell s tol d Victori a tha t Coml y wa s hi s "presen t Ji m Williams," a boo n companio n wit h who m h e coul d shar e hi s as pirations. Neithe r Fullerto n no r Coml y mean t t o sustai n a literar y vocation, bu t the y wer e read y fo r literar y tal k mixed wit h persona l reflection. The y becam e Howells' s companion s i n th e ultimat e o f social pleasures—evenin g call s wher e the y me t th e youn g wome n of Columbus society , wome n wh o in their dresses were like "silken balloons walking. " Followin g thes e calls , th e youn g me n usuall y retired t o Ambos' s restauran t o n Hig h Stree t t o recoun t thei r experiences ove r a hearty oyste r supper. 12 Fullerton, Comly , an d othe r youn g me n Howell s me t a t th e College represente d a masculin e styl e tha t allowe d a plac e fo r literature, bu t no t exactl y th e plac e tha t Howell s mos t cherished . Although the y share d Howells' s literar y interest s mor e full y tha n Reed, th e Collegian s impose d definit e limit s o n thei r appreciation . Comly di d no t assen t t o poetry , apparentl y believin g th e satiri c mode o f Thackeray' s novel s mor e congruen t wit h masculin e de meanor. Thi s tensio n betwee n Howell s an d hi s frien d surface d when Howell s publishe d a poe m h e calle d "Th e Poet' s Friends, " representing a bird sweetl y singin g t o dull, uncomprehendin g cat tle. Howell s unwittingl y reveale d tha t h e ha d Coml y i n min d b y repeatedly insistin g t o hi m tha t th e poe m wa s "entirel y dramatic, " or imagined. Coml y decline d t o feel insulted , bu t h e never did tak e Howells's poetr y ver y seriously . Fullerton , despit e bein g a pub lished poet , als o exclude d poetr y fro m th e real m o f manl y affairs . When h e lef t Columbu s fo r Peori a t o begi n hi s lega l practice , h e made Howell s promis e tha t n o mentio n o f hi s Browningesqu e poems woul d appea r i n th e State Journal's notic e o f hi s departure . Fearing tha t h e woul d b e injure d i n hi s ne w career , Fullerto n capitulated t o th e prejudice s o f hi s culture : Poetr y migh t b e toler ated a s a dalliance o f youth , bu t i t wa s bes t lef t behin d whe n on e entered th e real m o f men. 13 Howells ha d a singl e pee r wh o share d hi s literar y passion s without reserve . Joh n J . Piat t ha d worke d wit h Howell s a s a compositor earlie r i n Columbu s a t th e State Journal, wher e the y

WOMAN'S SPHER E

H3

had onc e warre d wit h we t sponges , a n even t Howell s ha d cele brated i n verse . O n meetin g agai n a s youn g men , the y wer e de lighted t o fin d tha t the y bot h wer e aspirin g poet s nurturin g thei r ambitions whil e workin g o n newspapers . The y provide d eac h othe r with distan t support , fo r Piat t ha d obtaine d th e "literar y an d mis cellaneous" departmen t o n th e Louisvill e Journal. Bu t Piat t some times visited Howell s in Columbus, an d they communicate d throug h their columns , wher e the y "puffed " eac h other' s wor k an d de fended i t agains t detractors . The y bot h admire d th e "beautifull y sad" Germa n poet s heade d b y Hein e an d wer e readin g intensel y along th e sam e lines . Piat t wa s th e on e mal e confidan t t o who m Howells coul d repor t th e unabashe d recor d o f hi s poeti c develop ment, especiall y thos e "curiou s revelation s o f self " wherei n h e most fel t hi s growth . Piat t offere d th e furthe r encouragemen t o f literary competition , fo r lik e Fullerton h e had publishe d a poem i n the Atlantic Monthly. Onl y "somethin g worthy " o f th e Atlantic, Howells decided , woul d establis h hi s equalit y wit h hi s literar y friend.14 In contras t t o Piatt , th e youn g me n o f Howells' s Columbu s social se t mainl y concerne d themselve s wit h literatur e t o "pleas e the fair." Bein g well read i n the literature o f the day, especiall y th e latest serialize d novels , wa s a necessar y entre e an d ofte n a rea l advantage i n the evenin g soiree s that move d fro m th e parlo r o f one young woman t o that o f another. Fo r mos t youn g men , knowledg e of refine d literatur e wa s a ke y tha t opene d "woman' s sphere. " Literature dre w intens e interes t a s a means o f flirtation an d court ing. Arme d wit h opinion s concernin g th e curren t episode s o f Thackeray's seria l nove l The Newcomes, a youn g ma n wa s assure d that h e would b e able to do more than blankl y star e at his beloved . At th e very least , literatur e provide d a neutral groun d o f conversa tion betwee n youn g me n an d wome n wh o ha d learne d t o regar d each othe r a s pola r opposites . Youn g me n wh o demonstrate d a command o f literar y wi t an d analysi s gaine d particula r favo r amon g young women a s well a s among their olde r femal e chaperones. 15 In this masculine competition, Howell s excelled . A young woma n who me t hi m a t thi s tim e remembered , "Hi s read y wi t an d bril -

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liant conversationa l power s mad e hi m a welcom e visito r every where. Steppin g t o a book-case , h e wa s won t t o tak e dow n a volume o f Thackera y o r Dickens , and , hastil y scannin g it s pages , entertain a roomful wit h th e droller y o f hi s remarks. " Nothin g i n Howells's autobiographie s calle d fort h mor e evocativ e lyricis m tha n his memorie s o f those occasion s amon g the "gentl e an d cultivated " women o f Columbus society , wh o allowe d hi m t o do unreservedl y what h e desire d t o d o abov e al l else, "alway s an d evermor e . . . t o think an d drea m an d tal k literatur e an d literatur e only." 16 Although h e ha d no t entere d th e "grea t worl d o f wealth , o f fashion, o f haughtil y an d dazzlingly , blindingl y brillian t society " that h e once imagine d surrounde d literature , Howell s ha d becom e part o f "good society " i n Columbus , a socia l circl e tha t se t a respectable middle-clas s tone . H e owe d hi s elevatio n i n statu s t o his radica l Republicanism , fo r th e leader s o f this socia l circl e wer e Governor Chas e an d hi s daughte r Kate , wh o preside d ove r th e social affair s o f he r widowe d father . Governo r Chas e naturall y took a proprietar y interes t towar d th e editoria l staf f o f th e State Journal. Whe n h e learned tha t Howell s ha d no t mad e a single Ne w Year's call , wherea s Fullerto n ha d mad e fifty-one, h e conspire d with hi s daughte r t o brin g Howell s ou t a t th e nex t Chas e recep tion. Thereafte r Howell s becam e a fixture i n "good society" — mostly Republica n house s tha t t o hi s immens e deligh t turne d ou t to be also "literary houses." 17 Howells enjoye d hi s new associates , especiall y th e literary wome n he me t i n Columbu s parlors , setting s reserve d fo r display s o f middle-class respectability . T o preserv e domesti c value s fro m th e manipulation an d misrepresentatio n associated wit h th e outsid e commercial world , advic e writer s urge d cultivatio n o f "sincere " parlor manner s an d warne d agains t charlatan s wh o would disguis e their tru e intentions . Th e tensio n betwee n th e cult of sincerity an d fear o f disguise was acte d ou t i n parlo r game s lik e charades, on e of the first test s Howell s passe d i n Columbu s society . Followin g a dinner wit h Governo r Chase , h e wa s challenge d t o abando n al l pretense an d sho w hi s true sel f when Kat e Chase assigne d hi m th e first dissyllable o f "Canterbury Bell. " No on e who cantered fo r th e

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pleasure o f other s coul d clin g t o fals e pride . Al l o f Howells' s ne w associates appeared t o be free o f artifice. Everyon e he met in parlo r games, dances , an d literar y discussions , Howell s tol d Victoria , seemed "singl e hearted an d sincere—perhaps, " he added, "becaus e I am s o myself, an d I enjoy m e in nearly al l companies." 18 The wome n Howell s me t i n Columbu s parlor s immeasurabl y strengthened hi s resolv e t o b e a poet . " I wa s take n a t th e bes t I meant a s well as the best I was," he recalled, an d the best h e mean t was t o b e th e "autho r o f thing s destine d t o eclips e al l literatur e hitherto attempted. " Whe n h e desire d a purel y literar y occasion , he preferre d th e compan y o f olde r women , wh o demonstrate d a more sophisticate d literar y tast e an d wer e no t ap t t o ask the favor s sometimes requeste d b y younge r women , suc h a s askin g hi m t o underline al l th e agreeabl e passage s o f Adam Bede. Wit h olde r women, th e conversatio n wa s likel y t o b e "kin d an d earnest, " rather tha n banterin g an d flirtatious. Olde r wome n wer e les s com petitive an d mor e appreciativ e o f hi s literar y "feats. " The y con sidered literatur e a compellin g interes t i n itself , no t a mean s fo r finding a suitor. Whethe r fro m younge r o r older women , however , admiration o f an y sor t wa s deepl y gratifyin g t o Howells . I n Co lumbus society , h e foun d a supportiv e feminin e intimac y tha t previously consiste d onl y o f hi s siste r Victoria . Thi s intimac y always represente d hi s idea l visio n o f th e readin g audienc e tha t was th e principa l arbite r o f literar y tast e i n nineteenth-centur y America.19 When h e recalled hi s association wit h literar y wome n i n Colum bus, however , Howell s returne d t o his sense of being double lived . Outwardly h e appeare d t o b e a youn g journalis t desirin g t o ad vance i n hi s field; inwardl y h e wa s nothin g othe r tha n a poet . Often th e "fac e o f th e poe t wa s save d b y th e audacit y o f th e paragrapher." T o "mos t men , me n o f affairs , me n o f th e mor e serious callings, " h e wa s the,write r o f "sharp " socia l an d politica l commentary rathe r tha n th e write r o f "soft " verse s afte r th e man ner o f Heinric h Heine . Th e subtl e devaluatio n o f th e literar y vocation tha t Howell s fel t i n the hesitation s an d indifferenc e o f hi s friends Reed , Fullerton , an d Coml y wa s more explicitly expresse d

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among me n i n Columbu s wh o wer e th e "hardest-headed. " Th e affirmation Howell s receive d fro m literar y wome n reinforce d hi s realization tha t literatur e wa s no t considere d usefu l b y masculin e standards. An d judge d b y hi s Swedenborgia n conscience , wha t was not useful wa s necessarily selfish. 20 For th e tim e being , Howell s kep t hi s ambivalenc e beneat h th e surface. I n hi s letter s t o Victoria , hi s mos t intimat e an d acceptin g confidante, however , h e mad e n o pretens e tha t h e hope d fo r any thing but literar y success . Hi s frequent report s to his sister, includ ing a journal writte n solel y fo r he r eyes , voiced hi s heady aestheti c elation an d recite d hi s man y "littl e triumphs. " Som e o f hi s mor e literary contribution s t o th e State Journal, notably "Bobby, " a sketc h of a misunderstood bu t intrepi d adolescen t boy , ha d wo n approva l around Columbus . Hi s sudde n acclai m wa s "unspeakabl y sweet, " Howells wrot e Victoria . Moreover , h e wa s finding othe r market s for hi s pros e sketches . " I ca n sell , now, " h e tol d he r confidently , "just a s much a s I will write." 21 In the wake of his exultant optimism , Howell s fel t release d fro m the stiflin g atmospher e h e associate d wit h hi s village . "O , ho w genially I come out i n this ray o f sunlight, afte r bein g frozen u p s o many year s i n Jefferson," h e exclaimed t o Victoria . "Al l m y facul ties expand , an d th e gloo m leave s me , tha t haunte d m e forever. " Still, th e chancelik e disappointment s o f hi s recen t hom e leavin g made hi m cautious . "Al l th e time, " he admitted , " I sa y t o myself , you fool , don' t le t al l thi s elat e you . Yo u hav e achieve d you r present littl e notoriet y withou t desert , an d yo u ma y suddenl y los e it the sam e way." 22 Howells confronte d hi s anxietie s i n th e poem s h e wrot e durin g his "brie f noonings " and lat e a t night , a s he worked ou t th e mean ing o f hi s Heinesqu e persona. 23 Bu t h e pursue d hi s writin g wit h growing assuranc e tha t tim e wa s o n hi s sid e an d tha t a n informe d audience nea r a t han d woul d appreciat e hi s intentions . Fo r th e moment, h e fel t free d fro m th e perplexitie s h e ha d suffere d i n Jefferson. Th e umbrell a ma n ha d floated int o Columbus , an d a t least in certain quarters , h e had bee n grante d th e whole sidewalk .

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The ne w self-assuranc e Howell s derive d fro m hi s Columbus expe riences i s evident i n hi s sketc h "Bobby. " Intractabl e an d defian t o f familial authorit y throughou t hi s twelv e years , Bobb y ha s bee n pronounced a "worthles s fellow " b y hi s father , whil e hi s mothe r has sighed ove r him. Bu t Bobby ca n endure al l misgivings fro m hi s family, fo r h e i s determine d an d indomitable , a "cast-iro n boy. " Whatever h e wil l b e i n th e future , conclude d Howells' s narrator , u he wil l b e wit h hi s whol e heart , whic h i s a great an d goo d heart , as I say i n defiance o f his relatives." 24 Howells, i n fact , neede d th e cast-iron resolv e h e attribute d t o Bobb y t o avoi d censur e o f hi s good heart , fo r hi s vocationa l striving s wer e stil l frame d withi n a Swedenborgian mora l universe . Th e voic e o f hi s conscienc e wa s constantly joine d b y voice s fro m hom e tha t reminde d hi m o f hi s obligations. Although sh e ha d bee n hi s steadfas t sympathize r eve r sinc e hi s Jefferson breakdown , Victori a foun d i t difficul t t o accep t merel y a vicarious enjoymen t o f hi s ne w successes . Thei r mutua l imaginin g of the futur e ha d include d th e glitterin g cosmopolita n lif e tha t he r brother no w seeme d t o b e experiencing alon e in Columbus. Victo ria ha d hoped , whe n sh e ha d accompanie d hi m t o Columbu s ear lier, tha t sh e migh t find newspape r correspondenc e o f he r ow n t o establish he r independenc e a s a writer. Bu t Willia m Coope r How ells ha d no t sough t opportunitie s fo r hi s daughter . Victori a wa s confined onc e more to a domestic spher e in Jefferson, a "destiny o f dishes an d cookies, " a s Howell s describe d i t durin g thes e years . He ha d assure d he r tha t h e intende d eventuall y t o rescu e hi s kindred fro m "bondage " in the Jefferson "Egypt." 25 Victoria's dissatisfaction s culminate d i n a lamenting letter , pro voked b y Howells' s optimisti c estimate s o f th e incom e h e coul d make sellin g sketches . H e responde d b y assertin g tha t th e tim e fo r rescue wa s no t ye t a t hand , fo r h e coul d "barel y manag e t o live " on hi s slende r salary . T o quie t he r longing s fo r society , h e pro fessed t o find its charms wanin g an d cite d he r advantage s i n Jeffer son—books, music , an d gardening , withi n th e famil y circle . T o forestall hi s feeling s o f selfishness , h e pleade d limitation s tha t on e sex ha s i n understandin g th e othe r an d turne d hi s guil t towar d

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Victoria b y statin g tha t he r lette r ha d intensifie d a depressio n h e had bee n sufferin g al l day. 26 Howells's initia l successe s had release d pent-u p desire s at home. He ha d promise d tha t an y mone y h e made i n the "outsid e way" of selling sketche s woul d no t b e "use d selfishly. " Th e demand s fro m home ha d com e almos t immediately . I n additio n t o contribution s toward th e famil y debt , hi s mothe r wante d a carpe t an d othe r household items . Johnn y desire d a shotgun . Anni e an d Aureli a longed fo r a t leas t a visi t t o th e much-discusse d metropolis . Sa m assumed tha t hi s brothe r woul d suppor t hi m i n Columbu s whil e he looked fo r employment. 27 But Howell s wa s no t makin g th e mone y h e expecte d fro m sketches, an d eve n his salar y wa s beginning t o be paid fitfully. Hi s income ha d t o suppor t certai n need s tha t sustaine d hi s literar y aspirations. T o appea r correctl y attire d i n Columbu s society , fo r instance, require d a dres s coat , whit e gloves , an d prope r boots . When Joseph , th e family' s exempla r o f unselfishnes s an d self sacrifice, visite d Columbus , Howell s continue d hi s nightl y round s to literar y soiree s whil e hi s brothe r routinel y retire d t o bed . Cast ing a bar b a t Joseph's grammar , Howell s complaine d tha t Josep h seemed " 'kinde r no t t o tak e n o interest ' " i n hi s activities . " I fel t so dissatisfie d an d disappointe d whe n h e wen t away, " h e con fessed, "tha t i f I ha d bee n a girl, I suppos e I shoul d hav e take n ' a good cry. ' " 28 Although h e fel t emasculate d b y Joseph's unwaverin g devotio n to famil y purposes , Howell s aggressivel y defende d hi s literar y aspirations. Hearin g tha t Joseph wa s grumblin g abou t hi s neglec t of family duties , h e sen t thirt y dollar s hom e an d promise d t o sen d more wheneve r asked . H e liste d hi s expenses , makin g sur e t o include thos e fo r book s an d fo r th e clothe s h e wor e makin g calls . "I can' t g o about th e cit y street s lookin g a s shabbil y a s Joe doe s a t home," he retorted. 29 Withou t th e shiel d o f his journalis m an d th e encouragement h e receive d fro m th e wome n o f Columbu s society , Howells could no t have replied s o forcefully t o the implication tha t he was living a selfish life . To thin k tha t h e had violated famil y expectation s mad e Howell s

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uneasy. Beside s feelin g selfish , h e sometime s realize d tha t h e ha d ignored th e communa l ideal s cherishe d i n hi s famil y an d i n hi s village. Becaus e literatur e i n Columbu s wa s th e concer n o f "goo d society," admittance t o the parlors where i t was discussed require d a socia l statu s abov e th e workin g class . Howell s kne w tha t i f h e were still a printer i n his father's shop , n o one in Columbus societ y would receiv e him. 30 Howells's inattentio n t o communal ideal s was brough t hom e b y an accusatio n o f "forgettin g kindness. " I n 185 0 whe n hi s famil y came t o Columbu s fro m Eurek a Mills , the y share d th e hous e o f another family . Afte r returnin g t o Columbus , Howell s avoide d this family , unti l hi s fathe r arrive d an d propose d a visit . Th e mother o f th e famil y greete d Howell s wit h "ironica l surprise " an d remarked tha t h e ha d los t sigh t o f humbl e friend s sinc e becomin g a journalist. Late r Howell s trie d t o blame the woman fo r he r shar p words, bu t hi s father woul d no t allo w hi m thi s escape. 31 The socia l distinction s tha t separate d Howells' s ol d an d ne w friends wer e clear . Thes e distinction s wer e formalize d i n expecta tions o f dress , parlo r decorum , an d custom s lik e th e exchang e o f visiting cards. Howell s ha d bee n please d t o attend a party tha t wa s considered "extremel y aristocratic. " Onl y person s o f th e "first chopest description " ha d bee n invited . On e o f th e literar y house s he frequented wa s furnishe d wit h servant s i n livery . Whe n h e an d Reed entere d th e Stat e Stree t theater , h e knew the y wer e steppin g across a socia l boundary . Ethni c boundarie s ha d becom e mor e apparent a s well . Howell s continue d t o se e hi s ol d Germa n ac quaintances, bu t h e di d no t mee t the m a s frequentl y o r freel y a s before. H e learne d tha t th e Germa n communit y i n Columbus wa s held apart , excep t whe n i t came to Republica n politics. 32 Tensions wit h hi s famil y an d th e democrati c etho s o f his villag e plagued Howell s fro m tim e t o time i n Columbus, makin g i t necessary fo r hi m t o assum e th e demeano r o f a "cast-iron " bo y t o preserve th e sens e o f hi s "good heart. " Hi s politica l involvemen t was vulnerabl e t o censur e a s well , s o lon g a s h e considere d i t primarily a masculin e mas k tha t hi d hi m fro m disreput e a s a feminized love r o f literature . Bu t Howell s wa s no t conten t t o

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accept hi s society' s prejudice s agains t literature . Literatur e wa s th e realm o f hi s redemption , hi s greates t us e t o others . H e wa s deter mined t o demonstrat e tha t th e literar y vocatio n wa s a n endeavo r a s manly a s an y other . In his ' ver y first referenc e t o th e literar y vocatio n i n th e State Journal's columns , Howell s assume d th e commandin g ai r o f hi s cast-iron-boy persona . A lette r ha d arrive d a t hi s des k fro m " a young ma n o f educatio n an d talent, " askin g fo r assistanc e i n secur ing employmen t tha t wa s "literar y an d remunerative. " Littl e mor e than a mont h ha d passe d sinc e Howell s ha d venture d hopefu l epistles o f hi s own . N o w h e dismisse d th e expectation s o f anothe r home-leaving yout h wit h a flourish o f condescensio n fo r hi s "inex perience o f th e way s o f th e world" : There i s no such employment fo r a young man—unless remunerativ e ca n be take n i n "hop e deferre d whic h maket h th e hear t sick. " Literar y em ployment i s rarel y remunerativ e i n th e world' s sense , eve n t o me n wh o are know n widely . Work s fo r newspaper s o r magazine s [are ] reasonabl y paid for , bu t thos e wh o ar e no t regula r editor s mus t hav e othe r employ ment, o r the y wil l find a demand fo r chea p boardin g house s an d second hand clothin g store s ver y imperative . Th e literar y me n o f Americ a wh o are no t pecuniaril y independen t o f labor—ar e Editors , Professors , Preachers, Lawyers , Doctors , Teachers , Mechanics , Merchants , o r Farmers. 33 Howells wa s no t dispose d t o indulg e guileles s fancie s tha t mir rored th e expectation s o f hi s immediat e past . T h e purel y literar y man, h e wa s no w sure , wa s a n anomal y i n America . T h e tru e literary ma n wa s necessaril y wedde d t o practica l professions , eve n to th e law . Bu t Howells' s assertion s ha d exclude d th e mos t success ful writer s o f th e time . Man y literar y wome n ha d wo n a hug e following tha t eagerl y rea d thei r books . I n th e makin g o f hi s liter ary identity , Howell s coul d no t ignor e th e succes s o f "sentimental " women writer s lik e Susa n Warner , Mari a Cummins , an d "Fann y Fern." 3 4 T h e 1850 s marke d a significan t chang e i n th e statu s o f writers .

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"During thi s period, " a historia n o f literar y publishin g ha s ob served, "writin g cease d t o b e a part-tim e avocatio n an d becam e a profession capabl e o f supportin g author s i n middle-clas s respecta bility." Th e sprea d o f efficien t railwa y transportatio n westwar d t o the Mississipp i Rive r allowe d fo r th e consolidatio n o f a Norther n literary marke t geare d t o the tastes of Protestant women . Commo n schools an d th e lyceu m circui t helpe d t o expan d thi s mas s readin g audience. Increase d circulatio n o f newspaper s an d magazine s sus tained th e habi t o f reading an d publicize d author s an d thei r books . Publishers, afte r a long perio d o f economic chaos, establishe d con trol over the manufacture, distribution , an d promotio n o f literatur e in th e Norther n market . Thei r effort s wer e spurre d b y phenome nal "bes t sellers. " Ne w technique s o f th e boo k trade—includin g full-page advertisements , celebrit y blurbs , an d literar y "gossip" — raised th e standar d t o fifty thousand sales. 35 The "sentimental " taste s o f th e ne w mas s audienc e wer e com plexly relate d t o the developin g nationa l market , mixin g resistanc e and accommodatio n t o th e emergin g order . I n it s idealizatio n o f home and mother , th e sentimental idio m sough t t o preserve a sense of affectionat e bond s ami d th e erosio n o f loca l communit y life . I n effect, th e sentimenta l idio m projecte d idealize d emotiona l feeling s associated wit h famil y an d communit y tie s ont o a publi c spher e that appeare d vast , abstract , an d threatening . Whil e th e sentimen tal idiom promise d domesticatio n o f the public sphere , however , i t helped t o rationaliz e a narro w domesti c rol e fo r women , posin g moral "influence"—self-sacrific e an d silen t suffering—a s thei r onl y means o f expressio n an d redress . Althoug h som e wome n use d th e ideology o f domesticity—particularly it s elevation o f women's mora l influence—to argu e fo r extendin g thei r oversigh t beyon d th e home , sentimental writin g als o fostere d a n enervating , thoug h glorified , passivity. Employin g a language of familiarity t o assuage the sens e of living in an impersonal, alie n world, th e sentimental idio m coul d serve divergen t ends. 36 Bu t it s potentia l fo r accommodatio n com promised it s powe r o f resistance . T o a greate r degre e tha n othe r cultural expression s touche d b y immediat e economi c an d socia l

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changes, th e sentimenta l idio m evoke d unappeasabl e longing s fo r wholeness tha t coul d encourag e a sense o f helplessnes s an d acqui escence.37 As h e bega n t o conceiv e o f hi s audienc e i n Columbus , Howell s sensed th e hazard s o f the sentimenta l idiom . Sentimenta l posture s were th e antithesi s o f th e active , ethica l engagemen t necessar y fo r Swedenborgian usefulness , whil e the association of the sentimenta l idiom wit h popula r wome n writer s emphasize d confinemen t t o "woman's sphere. " Fo r literar y men , choic e o f th e sentimenta l idiom threatene d a sure sens e of gender identity . Man y mal e com mentators sa w sentimentalis m a s a grotesqu e inversio n o f th e de meanor expecte d o f "true men. " Howells reveale d littl e outwar d concer n wit h femal e writer s h e identified a s sentimental . Skimmin g sentimenta l domesti c novel s as th e State Journal's boo k reviewer , h e wa s sometime s entice d b y their "delightfu l livelines s an d racines s o f styl e an d incident. " Do mestic novels were complex text s in which th e sentimental impuls e warred wit h a hos t o f contrar y an d subversiv e impulses . Perhap s because h e sense d mor e tha n h e wa s willin g t o tak e on , Howell s kept hi s distance . H e maintaine d defensivel y tha t domesti c novel s showed "transcenden t powe r i n nothing." 38 Fo r Howells , senti mental writin g appeare d mor e ope n t o challenge i n New York Ledger, a popula r stor y weekl y publishe d b y Rober t Bonner . Th e Ledger had gaine d a n extraordinary following . Betwee n 185 6 and i860 , it s circulation climbe d fro m eight y thousan d t o fou r hundre d thou sand, representin g th e larges t readershi p o f a singl e literar y jour nal. Bonne r followe d a simple formula fo r success . H e retaine d th e best-known sentimentalists , includin g Lydi a Sigourne y an d Fann y Fern, mixe d thei r writin g wit h storie s o f thrillin g adventur e b y Sylvanus Cob b an d Emerso n Bennett , an d publicize d hi s produc t in noisy advertisin g campaigns. 39 While Howell s generall y confine d hi s comment s o n th e Ledger's female writer s t o patronizing asides , he was preoccupied wit h mal e writers wh o were thei r collaborators . Lik e the Norther n me n wit h Southern principle s wh o dre w hi s mos t unsparin g scor n a s a radical Republican , mal e sentimentalist s wer e th e enemie s closes t t o

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home. Travestyin g Bonner' s advertisin g style—"Edwar d Everet t writes fo r it!"—Howell s denounce d th e desertio n o f mal e writer s to th e Ledger ranks . H e foun d i t appropriat e tha t Bonne r peddle d his writer s lik e Dr . Roback' s Scandinavia n Remedies , fo r under neath th e extravagant claim s h e discerned a patent-medicine litera ture, a cure-all fo r nothing. 40 John Godfre y Sax e wa s Howells' s whippin g bo y amon g Ledger contributors. On e o f the Ledger's principal mal e poets, Sax e report edly ha d gaine d reader s o f "mor e refine d taste. " Whil e Howell s professed indifferenc e t o uncultivate d reader s wh o habituall y feaste d on th e Ledger's "gross mud-honey, " h e foun d i t lamentabl e tha t refined reader s ha d show n interes t i n Sax e during hi s recen t tour . In th e gran d styl e o f P . T . Barnum , Sax e ha d promote d himsel f with a humbug review , describin g hi s poem "Love " as an omnibu s production tha t treate d "lov e material , patriotic , philanthropic , sexual, an d divine. " Bu t Howell s foun d Saxe' s sentimen t unmov ing and hi s poetry pur e "bosh" : Whose brain was ever cleared b y the sharp lightning of his esprit? Whose eyes were ever dazzled b y the glitter of his satiric blade? He selects those whom peopl e alread y despis e fo r th e displa y o f hi s prowess , an d fire s volleys o f purposeles s pun s a t them . Long-haire d reformer s an d silly , crack-brained women , ar e hi s game . H e canno t grappl e a great wron g and fight it.41 It i s no t surprisin g tha t Howell s directe d s o muc h scor n a t someone h e depicte d a s utterly unimportant . Hi s protes t o f Saxe' s "shallow an d spuriou s merit " acknowledge d tha t th e Ledger poet was no lightweight with the new mass audience. 42 Sax e highlighted a dilemm a Howell s bega n t o fee l i n Columbu s a s hi s visio n o f usefulness expande d fro m pleasin g a local readership t o influencin g the ne w mas s audience : Ho w wa s h e t o assum e a n activ e mora l posture toward hi s society—to "grappl e a great wrong and fight it " —when hi s word s wer e addresse d t o a coteri e o f refine d readers . Despite hi s dismissa l o f reader s wh o feaste d o n "gros s mud-honey, " Howells wa s attracte d t o th e ne w mas s audienc e a s a mean s fo r demonstrating tha t hi s desir e t o liv e for literatur e wa s no t a selfis h desire.

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The vitrio l Howell s poure d int o hi s attac k o n Sax e wa s a mea sure o f th e clai m exerte d o n hi m b y th e ne w mas s audience . Hi s first reactio n wa s t o deny thi s claim , t o purge himsel f o f all association by means of dismissive ridicule. H e unleashed hi s full power s of derisio n whe n h e turne d t o a figure mor e consequentia l tha n Saxe, a representativ e o f th e ne w mas s audienc e itself , th e mal e reader o f th e Ledger, who m h e style d "Dic k Dowdy. " Thoug h a n inveterate backslapper, ciga r smoker, an d beer drinker, Dic k Dowdy , as his nam e suggests , i s a man wh o ha s assume d taste s understoo d as feminine . Hi s bras h manne r fail s t o concea l tha t h e i s a "senti mental an d tender[-]hearte d fellow " addicte d t o elaboratel y col ored, highl y ornamenta l clothing . Dic k Dowd y i s a walking rain bow, sportin g a farrago of ill-chosen fashions. H e wears an "intensely vulgar calic o shirt-bosom, " a "sanguin e collar, " a "ves t o f livel y colors," cashmere trousers, "extravagantl y stubbe d boots, " a raglan coat, an d saffro n gloves . Whe n h e remove s hi s gloves , h e reveal s that hi s fingers are adorned wit h rings. 43 Dick Dowdy' s lou d attir e violate s al l th e rule s o f quiet , sincer e dress Howell s ha d mastere d fo r hi s entranc e int o Columbu s soci ety. Compare d wit h respectabl e middle-clas s attire , Dic k Dowdy' s clothes ar e bold-face d lies , a s disreputabl e a s hi s boas t tha t th e miniature i n hi s rin g i s a n imag e o f hi s "woman, " whe n i t turn s out to be a picture of his sister. Bu t Dic k Dowd y lack s the cunnin g to manipulat e appearance s fo r socia l advantage . H e i s no t th e hypocrite wh o woul d invad e th e parlo r unde r fals e pretenses , th e kind o f insincer e perso n condemne d i n book s o f advic e an d eti quette. Dic k Dowd y i s an inauthenti c perso n o f anothe r kind . H e has dupe d n o on e bu t himself . Howell s presente d hi s masquerad e as a farce revealin g tha t Dic k Dowd y ha s uncriticall y absorbe d al l the false ideal s of his culture . The clownis h clothe s wor n b y Dic k Dowd y ar e sign s o f hi s credulity. H e i s draw n a s well t o gaud y theatrica l performances , such a s th e bombasti c actin g o f Edwi n Forres t an d th e tantalizin g dancing o f "littl e Zephy r Frisk. " Fo r Howells , however , Dic k Dowdy's fondnes s fo r th e Ledger schoo l i n literatur e prove d tha t Dick wa s profoundl y unabl e t o distinguis h betwee n th e beautifu l

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and th e tawdry . Althoug h h e privatel y admire s Fann y Fern , Dic k reserves publi c prais e fo r Joh n Godfre y Saxe . Becaus e h e believe s Saxe i s almos t "th e greates t write r tha t eve r lived, " h e ha s accoste d the State Journal's literar y edito r fo r a n "inferna l mean " notic e o f Saxe. I n defense , th e edito r burie s himsel f i n hi s exchange s unti l Dick D o w d y saunter s of f t o th e saloon . Howells desire d t o wis h hi s imagine d Ledger reade r entirel y away, bu t Dic k D o w d y ha d a naggin g persistence . Abandonin g al l of hi s vernacula r sympathies , Howell s release d th e ful l measur e o f his derision : "Poor , coarse , cheap , shallow , shabby , aimless , fool ish youn g fellow! " h e exclaimed . H e administere d hi s coup degrace by consignin g Dic k Dowd y t o spiritua l oblivion . "I n th e celestia l wisdom o f creation, " h e tol d hi s exemplar y sentimenta l reader , "everything i s sai d t o hav e it s use ; bu t yours , w e confess , w e cannot divine. " Dic k Dowd y seeme d t o confoun d th e mora l orde r of a Swedenborgia n universe , bu t th e loss , Howell s asserted , wa s entirely Dic k Dowdy's : Alas for you ! who m natur e ha s mad e s o dull, tha t yo u eve n mistak e you r existence fo r a true living . T o you r soul , ha s neve r com e an y though t o f the beautiful , th e lofty , th e good ! Yo u ar e hopelessl y shu t ou t fro m al l gentle joys , al l quie t sweetnes s draw n fro m books , al l communicatio n o f God's beautifu l creation , al l th e sun-crowne d summit s o n whic h other s stand, commandin g wid e prospects o f pure an d worth y happiness ! This ris e t o th e sun-crowne d summits , reflectin g assertion s sprin kled throughou t Heine' s Reisebilder, wa s essentiall y a n expressio n of Howells' s waverin g security . Hi s commandin g ai r define d a lonely condition . I f th e Dic k Dowdy s o f th e ne w mas s audienc e remained indifferen t t o hi m an d enamore d o f poet s lik e Saxe , h e could neve r perfor m th e greates t goo d fo r th e greates t number . When h e returne d t o hi s essa y te n year s later , Howell s wa s dismayed b y it s "innocen t wickedness. " H e mus t hav e especiall y regretted hi s haught y closin g line : "Ah ! poo r Dic k Dowdy! " Thi s patronizing assertio n o f hi s yout h wa s th e negativ e imag e o f a statement tha t expresse d hi s growin g commitmen t t o th e live s o f ordinary peopl e a s th e sourc e an d inspiratio n o f hi s writing : "Ah ! poor Rea l Life , whic h I love." 4 4 Developmen t o f th e ne w mas s

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audience ha d complicate d Howells' s vocationa l aspirations . It s ex istence challenge d writer s t o conceiv e o f thei r vocatio n i n broad ened perspective , heightenin g thei r sens e of moral potency . Unde r the dispensatio n o f a n expandin g literar y market , Howell s an d other writer s coul d believ e tha t thei r preoccupatio n wit h mora l meanings migh t hav e implication fo r al l of society, tha t thei r state ments migh t contai n no t merel y "individua l an d local " truths, bu t "general an d operative " truths a s well. Swellin g readership encour aged writer s t o imagine , mor e expectantl y tha n before , tha t the y could becom e "guidin g light[s ] of the common life." 45 The proble m wa s Dic k Dowdy . Fro m report s o f th e acclai m enjoyed b y writer s lik e John Godfre y Saxe , Howell s surmise d tha t Dick Dowd y wa s a gaud y clown . Bu t hi s imagine d reade r ha d another guise , half-consciousl y apprehended , tha t wa s fa r mor e threatening: A s a representativ e o f th e mas s readin g audience , h e seemed par t of a faceless crowd . Th e relation s between writers an d readers i n th e ne w literar y marketplac e wer e distan t an d imper sonal; thes e relation s wer e mediate d an d obscure d b y publisher s and distributor s o f books . Th e sens e of rupture tha t plague d ante bellum American s i n thei r genera l relation s wit h th e emergin g national marke t wa s accentuate d fo r writer s wh o depende d o n th e mass audience . Som e writer s chos e t o asser t thei r self-sufficiency , positing a realm o f absolute value—i n th e cosmos o r i n the soul — where self-affirmatio n di d no t depen d o n the sympatheti c respons e of readers . Othe r writer s chos e th e sentimenta l idio m a s a mean s to bin d write r an d reade r togethe r i n a n idealize d intimac y tha t staved of f writers ' feelings o f alienation . Howells's essay o n Dic k Dowd y disavowe d th e sentimenta l idiom. Hi s Heinesqu e person a offere d th e temporar y escap e o f disdainful negation , fo r i n hi s assertiv e moods , Hein e state d tha t the godlik e poe t di d no t hav e t o truckl e t o th e taste s o f "boors." 46 But Howell s wa s draw n mor e t o th e sens e o f communit y implie d by Heine' s poem s o f sorrowfu l Sehnsucht —the notion tha t concen tration o n sel f migh t greatl y benefi t others . Howell s hope d fo r a national airin g o f hi s Heinesqu e poem s i n th e Atlantic Monthly o r in th e Ne w Yor k Saturday Press. Occasional publicatio n i n thes e

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journals, whil e i t woul d no t pa y hi s wa y i n th e world , migh t sustain hi s sens e o f usefulness. S o long a s he was cast-iro n enoug h to b e bot h a politica l journalis t an d a poet , h e woul d no t hav e t o depend entirel y o n the faceless mas s audience . Yet Howell s stil l aspire d t o hav e hi s bein g wholl y i n literature . Despite hi s effor t t o purg e himsel f o f Dic k Dowdy , h e bega n t o experiment wit h way s h e migh t pleas e hi m or , mor e importantly , please hi s femal e equivalent . Feminize d Dic k Dowd y ha d serve d as a stand-in fo r th e femal e reader . Th e mas s audienc e wa s imper sonal, bu t i t was definitely female . "I t i s the women," admitte d th e highly successfu l sketc h write r Nathanie l Willis , "wh o giv e o r withhold a literar y reputation. " Th e sens e o f dependenc y o n fe male readers eve n extende d t o Howells' s masculin e spher e o f jour nalism, fo r hi s publisher, Cooke , ha d reprove d hi m fo r a paragraph he considere d "to o graphic. " I n hi s earl y State Journal itemizing , Howells ha d no t shie d awa y fro m scandalou s reports . I n th e in stance o f " A Seduce r Shot, " h e pointe d ou t th e "unromanti c fact " that the seduced woma n ha d "offered t o take eight hundred dollars , and pu t u p wit h he r ruin. " "Never , never" Cook e admonished , "write anythin g yo u woul d b e ashame d t o rea d t o a woman. " I n respectable literatur e thi s rul e was ironclad. 47 Even i f h e succeede d wit h th e refine d Atlantic audience , How ells kne w h e woul d hav e t o pleas e femal e reader s an d tha t i n wooing them h e would chanc e the fate of sentimental writers , wh o were generall y regarde d a s womanl y men . Representin g th e sol e reader o f the Atlantic's fiction an d poetr y a s a "fair youn g lady " i n one o f hi s reviews , Howell s slippe d int o a postur e o f obeisance , gently coaxin g he r t o consider th e curren t offerin g o f Olive r Wen dell Holmes' s serie s "Th e Autocra t o f th e Breakfas t Table" : "Yo u that stan d a t th e parlo r windo w lookin g ou t upo n th e slopp y streets, and thinking of last night's party an d of Charles,—take th e book, an d si t dow n a t th e Autocrat' s table . Whe n th e clot h i s off , and th e compan y gone , yo u wil l doubtles s find othe r thing s t o entertain you. " Bu t i t seem s that al l the Atlantic article s are not fo r her. Howell s urge d tha t sh e sho w th e on e o f metaphysic s t o he r brother an d th e politica l essay s t o he r father . Mothe r i s no t in -

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eluded amon g thes e readers . Perhap s Howell s imagine d tha t sh e could b e foun d i n a comfortable corne r readin g sentimenta l storie s in th e Ledger. Bu t th e gende r differentiatio n i n hi s revie w i s abso lute: Wome n ar e th e onl y reader s o f th e literatur e tha t h e aspire d to write. 48 During hi s initia l month s i n Columbus , Howell s worke d long , hard, an d secretl y ove r hi s Heinesqu e poem s whil e h e publishe d lesser efforts—experimenta l pros e sketches—geare d t o a large r female audience . Thes e sketche s revea l Howells' s ambivalence . I n some he lapse d int o sentimenta l posture s littl e different tha n thos e in th e Ledger, whil e i n other s h e becam e a saye r o f "disagreeabl e truths" wh o skillfull y mocke d th e sentimenta l expectation s o f hi s imagined audience. 49 Howells fel t ambivalen t eve n towar d th e mos t blatan t form s o f sentimentalism. I n a Ledger parody Howell s entitled "A n Incident, " the narrato r i s winding hi s wa y t o hi s hote l whe n h e encounter s a drunk aslee p befor e th e magnificen t Stat e House . Th e scen e be comes the backdrop for a grandiloquent sentimenta l oration, touchin g on th e expressio n o f father' s hope s an d mother' s tear s tha t ha d greeted th e birt h o f thi s now-sorr y lad . Thes e musing s abruptl y end whe n th e narrato r consign s th e remainde r o f th e sketc h t o th e Ledger stable of writers. 50 Howell s offere d n o surprise s i n a similar sketch. I n "Th e Los t Child— A Stree t Scene, " h e trie d t o evok e the tearfu l sentimenta l response , surroundin g hi s los t chil d wit h a sympathetic communit y o f "sturd y mechanics , whos e heart s wer e as sof t a s thei r hand s wer e hard " an d tender-hearte d wome n wit h "gentle pitying eyes." 51 In hi s mos t origina l sketches , however , Howell s brok e entirel y free fro m Ledger posturing s an d asserte d hi s "masculine " indepen dence. Hi s mos t deviou s underminin g o f sentimenta l expectatio n occurs i n "No t a Love Story, " a sketch tha t open s wit h a yawn t o announce th e borin g natur e o f al l "meltin g tale s o f love. " Howell s presented hi s anti-lov e stor y i n thre e scenes , eac h endin g wit h a deflationary point . I n th e first scene , a n expectan t Fann y i s o n a porch wit h a n impassiv e Arthur . Fann y i s growing impatient , fo r Arthur i s havin g troubl e summonin g a sentimenta l moo d tha t

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would allo w th e stoc k occurrence s o f a love stor y t o proceed . Hi s inability t o be the her o i n a love stor y i s perplexing becaus e h e has eaten hi s breakfast , and , a s everyon e knows , "on e i s alway s mor e sentimental immediatel y afte r meal s than a t any othe r time." 52 When Arthu r yawns , h e infuriate s Fanny . Sh e i s abou t t o sla p him fo r hi s insolenc e whe n h e grab s an d kisse s her . Confuse d b y this precipitous denouement , Fann y flees to her roo m i n tears. Sh e diligently prepare s hersel f fo r a grandly sentimenta l reconciliation , but whe n sh e return s sh e finds tha t Arthu r i s simpl y gone . Th e second scene , a n interlude, continue s th e bafflement o f sentimenta l expectation. Fanny' s famil y ha s invite d Arthu r t o dinner . Whil e everyone eat s heartil y o f pea s an d potatoes , tabl e tal k focuse s o n a young ma n wh o die d o f consumption becaus e he was disappointe d in love . I n th e final scene , absurdit y agai n dominate s sentiment . Arthur ha s finally overcom e hi s lethargy , worke d himsel f int o a sentimental mood , an d i s abou t t o confes s hi s lov e t o Fanny . Bu t as Arthu r begin s t o speak , hi s arden t expression s ar e drowne d b y the shriekin g accompanimen t o f a trai n whistle . I n a n afterword , Howells picture d Fann y grow n ol d an d fat . Sh e has married a dull grocer an d slap s he r children . N o doub t they , lik e Arthur , hav e violated he r sentimenta l expectations . Th e fat e o f Arthu r i s mor e serene. H e ha s abandone d sentimenta l lovemakin g an d no w col lects geological specimens . Humorous sketche s lik e "No t a Lov e Story " probabl y wo n Howells hi s followin g amon g th e literar y wome n o f Columbu s society. Man y wer e sophisticate d reader s who appreciate d hi s witty , ironical style . Thes e wome n wer e no t a faceles s crowd . Thei r immediate presenc e an d flattering remark s provide d a verifyin g context fo r hi s identit y a s a writer, allowin g hi m t o fee l a sense of consequence and authenticity. Howells' s anti-love stories had opened a vein of writing tha t continue d t o win hi m a following throughou t his novelisti c career . A basi c tacti c o f hi s realis m wa s th e subver sion o f extravagant , self-focuse d desire s an d expectations , begin ning wit h thos e expresse d i n th e convention s o f sentimenta l lov e and deepenin g a s he extended hi s view to all human relations. 53 But th e gratificatio n h e obtaine d fro m a small coteri e o f sophis -

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ticated wome n reader s i n Columbu s di d no t full y satisf y Howells , for i t verifie d hi s usefulnes s narrowly . Howell s wa s draw n t o th e mass audienc e o f femal e readers , wh o represente d a greate r bu t more abstrac t real m o f usefulness . Addressin g thi s audienc e o f faceless readers , h e los t hi s ironica l detachmen t an d fel l bac k upo n a traditio n o f successfu l sentimenta l appeal—sketc h writin g afte r the manne r o f Washingto n Irvin g b y inheritor s lik e I k Marvel , George Curtis , an d Nathanie l Willis . Howell s ha d experimente d with I k Marvel's manne r i n Jefferson, presentin g hi s column "Yo u and I " a s a "quie t corner " apar t fro m th e tumultuou s world . H e had als o followe d th e sketche s tha t Curti s ha d writte n befor e hi s turn t o politics . Sketche s b y mal e sentimentalist s typicall y pre sented th e meditation s o f a self-deprecator y observer , a dream y "idler," includin g account s o f hi s sensitiv e suffering s an d descrip tions of scenes colored b y hi s genial but melancholi c temperament . The sentimental , idealize d intimac y betwee n write r an d reade r that thes e sketche s presume d wa s ofte n reinforce d b y setting s emphasizing a home-like atmosphere : Th e narrato r muse s nea r th e hearth, o n the porch , o r i n the village store. 54 While this style of sentimentalism appeale d t o the mass audienc e of journal s lik e th e Ledger, it opene d mal e writer s t o ridicule . A reviewer o f th e tim e complaine d tha t mal e writer s o f sentimenta l sketches ha d bee n unmanne d b y th e commercia l succes s o f thei r female competitors : "Th e magnetis m produce d b y he r outgive n heart-throbs ha s warme d int o vitalit y a vas t numbe r o f womanl y men, who , withou t manl y forc e o r manl y vigo r o f intellect , hav e given wa y t o unmanly mawkishnes s an d morbi d complaining s . . . prettiness an d sentimentalisms." 55 Sentimenta l sketc h writin g wa s a hazardous psychologica l undertakin g fo r literar y men , especiall y for youn g me n lik e Howell s wh o wer e tryin g t o affir m absolutel y that the y wer e "true " men . The idle r figure enter s a numbe r o f sketche s Howell s wrot e i n Columbus an d emerge d full y i n a sketc h h e calle d " A Summe r Sunday i n a Countr y Village : A s Experience d b y a n Ennuye. " The premis e o f th e sketch—tha t i t i s difficul t eve n t o b e idl e o n the enervatin g da y o f Sunday—suggest s a humorou s reductio ad

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absurdum. Bu t littl e i n Howells' s sketc h confirm s tha t h e ha d thi s debunking intention . T h e narrato r give s a detaile d accoun t o f hi s claustrophobic surroundings , describe s th e languishin g aspec t o f nature, an d imagine s scene s i n th e dul l live s o f hi s fello w villagers . H e trivialize s literatur e b y identifyin g readin g a s a n idl e habit , while h e defensivel y maintain s tha t hi s book s hav e give n hi m man y thrilling adventures . I n othe r sketche s o f thi s kind , Howell s em ployed simila r tactic s an d attitude s o f th e idl e man : H e strov e fo r overt literar y allusio n an d verba l glitter , h e concentrate d o n touch ing effects , h e mad e familiar , self-deprecatin g asides , an d h e apol ogized wheneve r hi s moralizin g becam e to o "earnest." 5 6 T h e accommodatin g pose s o f th e idle r figure diminishe d th e serious, mora l intention s Howell s identifie d wit h literature . Senti mental sketc h writin g brough t bac k th e sens e o f passivit y an d ineffectualness h e ha d fel t i n Jefferson . T h e scen e i n U A Summe r Sunday i n a Countr y Village " i s a thinl y disguise d Jefferson , th e aspect o f th e villag e tha t wa s th e habita t o f hi s defeate d aspirations . In a serie s o f sketche s h e wrot e whil e visitin g home , Howell s claimed dislik e fo r cultivate d indolence , pointin g ou t tha t "content ment i s no t a n art , an d wil l no t b e achieve d b y idl e people. " Bu t i n his nex t sketc h h e wa s discoursin g o n "nothing, " jus t a s an y senti mental suffere r fro m ennu i wa s ap t t o do. 5 7 I n a lette r t o Victoria , he brough t togethe r th e feeling s o f stiflin g entrapmen t h e expresse d in hi s sentimenta l sketches : When I was home , i t seeme d t o m e that al l of the tim e I had bee n absen t was merely a dream, an d al l that ha d happene d t o me here [in Columbus ] was a s unsubstantia l an d unrea l a s th e essenc e o f a dream. Th e peopl e I had known , th e thing s I ha d done , th e event s tha t ha d occurred , seeme d to me , whil e I spok e t o yo u o f them , eve n fictional , an d tha t impressio n was sometime s s o strong an d vivi d tha t i t annoye d m e excessively. Whe n evening cam e on , an d th e utte r desolatio n o f tha t drear y littl e villag e closed aroun d me , I would thin k o f mysel f stil l th e haples s wretc h I use d to be there—so useles s to others, an d disagreeabl e t o myself. 58 T h e person a o f th e idle r expresse d Howells' s despairin g feel ings. Whil e thi s mod e o f writin g broadene d hi s perspectiv e t o th e mass audience , i t accentuate d th e imag e o f literatur e a s a womanl y

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and therefor e trivia l concern . Th e idle r represente d anothe r reac tion o f psychologica l reversal , momentaril y restorin g a feelin g o f autonomy an d control . A s a n effort t o merge with reader s on som e idealized "home " ground , however , i t coul d deepe n th e writer' s immersion i n a sens e o f dependenc y an d passivity . Beneat h th e quiet musing s o f th e idle r la y a dir e sens e o f impotence . Th e attitudes o f th e idle r expresse d a longin g fo r wholeness , bu t the y could ultimatel y paralyz e th e writer' s capacit y fo r mora l engage ment. The idle r wa s on e o f severa l mask s Howell s donne d i n Colum bus t o establis h hi s sens e o f literar y vocation . Paire d wit h hi s stance as an ironis t o f sentimental love , i t reflected hi s ambivalenc e toward th e sentimenta l posture s th e mas s audienc e seeme d t o de mand. Howell s debunke d sentimentalis m i n som e form s whil e h e embraced i t i n others. Th e ironis t i n Howell s wa s sustaine d b y a n immediate, knowabl e circl e o f readers , bu t th e sentimentalis t ap peared whe n h e lifte d hi s eye s t o th e remote , impersona l mas s audience. A s lon g a s h e sough t influenc e wit h th e mas s audienc e but despaire d o f this possibility , th e sentimental idle r remaine d hi s nagging double , appearin g i n hi s late r wor k i n severa l guises — particularly a s th e mer e "aestheti c observer, " th e ma n whos e per ception o f reality i s distorted b y literar y visions . Th e retur n o f th e idler figure suggest s tha t Howell s ha d no t escape d hi s feelin g tha t literature confine d hi m t o a passive, ineffectual , womanl y role . During Howells' s youth , whe n hi s experiment s wit h literar y personae ha d formativ e effect s o n hi s sens e o f vocation , th e idle r figure wa s th e persisten t doubl e o f Howells' s Heinesqu e persona . In som e ways , th e sentimenta l idle r an d th e Heinesqu e poe t wer e kin. Th e sorrowful , vai n yearning of Heine's poem s could b e taken as enervatin g sentimentality . Insofa r a s th e poe t accepte d a visio n of th e worl d a s desultor y an d sough t n o othe r alternative , h e languished i n passivity . Man y o f Heine' s poem s conveye d thi s attitude, particularl y th e earl y poem s o f Buch der Lieder. Bu t Hein e both languishe d i n sentimentalis m an d condemne d i t out-of-han d as "gal l an d wormwood. " I n Buch der Lieder a s a whole , th e poet persona transcend s hi s sorrow s an d gain s a positiv e sens e o f th e

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poet's powe r an d strength. 59 B y following Heine' s example , Howells coul d believ e h e migh t eventuall y escap e th e idle r figure. H e could continu e t o concentrat e o n hi s subjectiv e moods , h e coul d seek t o b e "dreamy " jus t a s Hein e ofte n was , an d stil l h e coul d believe tha t h e woul d eventuall y spea k wit h th e highes t mora l authority. At th e sam e tim e tha t h e indicte d Dic k Dowd y fo r hi s farcica l masquerade, Howell s wa s sensitiv e t o hi s ow n varie d perfor mances. Durin g hi s tim e i n Columbus , h e wa s the famil y hope , the devote d so n and brother wh o would alleviat e th e sufferings o f his family. Sometime s h e was also the psychologically fragil e hom e boy, unabl e t o cope wit h difficultie s tha t seeme d illusory . H e was publicly the heir of his father's an d his village's political radicalism , the manl y an d acerbi c journalis t wh o gave n o quarte r t o th e defenders o f slavery . Mor e privatel y h e was the enthusiast o f litera ture, whos e interest s tie d hi m to feminin e concerns . H e wa s the sincere, engagin g confidan t o f Columbus's literar y women , bu t he sometimes seeme d t o be no more tha n a feminized poseur , a self suffering, trivia l idler , especiall y whe n h e looked t o the new mass literary audience . Opposin g th e idler figure wa s his ideal self , th e passionate Heinesqu e poet , a manly bein g of cast-iron resolv e who embraced sorrowfu l contradictions . Th e character Howell s woul d try t o kee p woul d b e hedged b y al l of these divergen t selves . But through hi s experimentatio n h e neede d t o forg e a characte r h e could affor d t o keep. H e neede d t o become , abov e al l else, some one whos e commitmen t t o usefulnes s wa s entirely fre e o f selfish ness.

CHAPTER 7

The laying On of ^Hands I arrive d i n Bosto n . . . when al l talent s ha d mor e o r les s a literar y coloring, an d whe n th e greates t talent s wer e literary . Thes e ex pressed wit h ripene d fulnes s a civilizatio n conceive d i n fait h an d brought fort h i n goo d works ; but tha t momen t o f maturit y wa s th e beginning o f a decadence whic h coul d onl y sho w itsel f muc h later . New Englan d ha s ceased t o be a nation i n itself. HOWELLS, 189 3

One o f Howells' s acquaintance s i n Columbus , Willia m T . Cog geshall, wa s a n arden t admire r o f loca l scene s an d a perennia l defender o f loca l literature . H e advocate d a "protectiv e polic y i n literature," a n embarg o designe d t o en d "servil e dependenc e upo n the Atlanti c States. " H e argue d tha t th e bes t literatur e ha d alway s been "local, " writte n an d publishe d nea r th e sourc e o f it s inspira tion, rea d an d admire d b y loca l citizens . Whil e h e devise d ambi tious scheme s fo r restorin g Wester n literatur e t o th e prominenc e that h e believe d i t enjoye d befor e th e adven t o f nationa l competi t i o n — w h e n citie s lik e Cincinnat i wer e thrivin g cultura l centers — Coggeshall complaine d tha t Wester n reader s ha d becom e indiffer ent t o homegrow n talen t an d enamore d o f Easter n journals. 1 Coggeshall wa s no t alon e i n hi s longings . Increase d geographica l 164

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mobility an d rampan t speculatio n i n overnigh t town s spe d a diz zying demis e o f socia l an d cultura l bearing s anchore d i n distinc t localities. A s plac e los t causa l connectio n wit h everyda y economi c affairs, antebellu m American s lik e Coggeshall adhere d mor e firml y to th e mora l meaning s represente d b y localities . Som e idealize d a pastoral countrysid e o f village s an d homesteads ; other s merge d country an d cit y value s i n a ne w visio n o f pastora l suburbanism ; still other s foun d solac e i n a n urba n scen e o f statel y neighbor hoods, restful parks , an d expansive boulevards. Antebellu m Amer icans als o becam e mor e sensitiv e t o th e mora l meaning s tha t sur vived i n th e communa l pattern s o f villages , towns , an d cities . When Joshu a Gidding s yearne d fo r th e "sweet[-]nature d silence " of a Jefferso n Sabbath , h e expresse d a n arcadia n conceptio n o f village life , ye t hi s descriptio n wa s strongl y reinforce d b y experi ence he had previousl y take n fo r granted. 2 In 185 7 whe n Howell s cam e t o Columbu s t o d o legislativ e reporting, Coggeshall , a s stat e librarian , ha d becom e Howells' s literary companion . Bu t Howell s ha d grow n war y o f hi s friend' s enthusiasm fo r loca l literature . H e privatel y describe d Coggeshal l as u a prodigiou s man , wit h a fine faculty fo r feedin g th e publi c o n sawdust." 3 Howell s ha d n o wis h t o becom e anothe r proo f i n Cog geshall's lament that Wester n writer s had becom e strangers i n thei r own land . Durin g hi s late r year s i n Columbus , Howell s bega n t o draw awa y fro m th e loca l literar y scene . H e bega n t o wonder ho w he would far e i n th e literar y societ y o f New Yor k o r Boston , citie s that seeme d t o offer a greater strengt h o f place. Publication i n th e State Journal o r i n othe r loca l outlet s n o longe r satisfied Howells . H e anticipate d tha t loca l publicatio n o f hi s bes t efforts—his Heinesqu e poems—woul d fai l t o wi n a sympatheti c response fro m th e "predator y press. " H e dislike d allowin g hi s writing t o becom e fodde r i n th e exchanges , "tosse d upo n a news paper sea , a helmless boat , wit h n o clearance paper s aboard. " Th e State Journal wa s no t hi s "finality " h e tol d Victoria . Bosto n an d New Yor k ha d becom e th e "courts " wher e "canon s o f criticism "

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set literar y taste s fo r th e nation . T o furthe r hi s career , Howell s looked t o the most "honore d Easter n periodicals, " Boston's Atlantic Monthly and Ne w York' s Saturday Press.* Although Howell s late r observe d tha t i t wa s "nearl y a s well fo r one t o b e accepte d b y th e Press a s to b e accepte d b y th e Atlantic," his qualificatio n "nearly " counte d enormousl y durin g hi s youth . The Atlantic possesse d th e imprimatu r o f bette r Boston , a spher e of established literar y refinemen t wit h a n unrivaled constellatio n o f recognized poet-scholars , includin g Lowell , Longfellow , Holmes , Emerson, an d Whittier . Modele d o n th e Englis h reviews , th e Atlantic represente d a n assertio n o f secula r intellectua l authority . This authorit y wa s pose d agains t wanin g Calvinis t orthodox y an d popular form s o f evangelicalism . Th e Atlantic, a s Holmes' s break fast-table monologue s i n th e magazin e mad e clear , favore d th e cultural leadershi p o f a n enlightene d elite . Th e Press, o n th e othe r hand, mirrore d Ne w York' s parven u competitiveness . It s editor s were fond o f iconoclastic poses and disdainfu l manifestoe s se t against Boston's presumptio n o f literar y leadership . Th e Press, Howell s noted fro m hi s remov e i n Columbus , displaye d a "perfectl y inde pendent-and-don't-care" attitude; its raison d'etre was to defy "usage." 5 The Press claimed Howells' s allegianc e b y it s appeal t o the natu rally rebelliou s young . It s defian t ton e satisfie d a youthful nee d t o protest traditiona l conformitie s an d asser t prerogative s o f the pres ent, howeve r vaguel y thes e migh t b e defined. "W e cannot describ e [the Press] better, " Howell s wrot e in admiration, "tha n b y sayin g it is spicy. . . . Ther e i s a dash o f Frenc h sprightlines s i n it , tha t it s heavier contemporarie s lack. " Th e Press wa s hospitabl e t o literar y fashions i n vogu e amon g th e young . Poet s lik e Longfellow preache d moderation an d restraint ; th e Press encouraged experimen t an d excess. It s pages were filled with romanti c prose and poetry resem bling Heine' s mos t "passionate " writing. It s poem s evince d mood s of broodin g subjectivit y consisten t wit h th e Heinesqu e manne r that Howell s wa s cultivating a s his truest self-expression . Whe n h e sent his poems to the Press, therefore , Howell s was competing wit h his generational peer s and demonstratin g sympath y wit h thei r self conscious moods. 6

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The edito r o f th e Press, Henr y Clapp , ha d augmente d it s rebel lious imag e b y associatin g i t wit h th e Bohemia n life-styl e h e re membered fro m Paris . Lik e Parisia n Bohemianism , however , thi s rebellion di d no t g o ver y deep . Bohemia n celebratio n o f persona l expression wa s continuous wit h th e ethos of autonomous individu alism, an d th e Bohemian s wh o gathered a t Pfaff 's saloon wer e jus t as concerne d wit h "sincerity " a s wer e th e arbiter s o f "goo d soci ety." "Th e Bohemian, " claime d Ad a Clare , th e acknowledge d "queen" o f Ne w Yor k Bohemia , "i s not , lik e th e creatur e o f soci ety, a victim o f rule s an d customs ; h e step s ove r the m al l wit h a n easy, gracefu l joyou s unconsciousness , guide d b y th e principle s o f good taste and feeling. " Still , as the presence of Ada Clare attested , New Yor k Bohemi a ha d som e legitimat e claim s t o unconvention ality and, b y it s association with Paris , an attractive hint of wickedness.7 The Press most nearl y mirrore d a Bohemian life-styl e b y existin g on th e brin k o f financial ruin . Th e editor s wer e sai d t o hide when ever contributor s sough t thei r pay . Bohemianis m mad e necessit y a virtue, givin g a n aur a o f romanc e t o povert y i n th e nam e o f art . Howells had neve r bee n enamored o f threadbare clothe s and chea p boardinghouses. Th e atmospher e of the Press suggested tha t seriou s literary lif e i n Ne w York—hedge d i n b y sensationa l journalis m and popula r stor y weeklie s lik e th e Ledger —involved th e sor t o f precariousness Howell s ha d vowe d t o avoid . Th e succes s h e envi sioned di d no t accor d wit h a life o f stringen t necessity . Columbu s society, wher e h e wa s encourage d an d sometime s fete d b y th e well-to-do, bette r represente d hi s aspirations. 8 "Good society " i n Columbu s ha d mor e affinit y wit h Bosto n Brahmins tha n wit h Ne w Yor k Bohemians . B y th e tim e Howell s arrived i n Bosto n o n hi s literary pilgrimage , h e had assente d t o th e idealized imag e o f th e cit y favore d b y it s intellectua l elite . H e imagined tha t Bosto n wa s th e on e plac e i n Americ a wher e seriou s literature wa s hel d i n hig h estee m an d give n unstintin g support . This imag e ha d a certain foundatio n i n reality , fo r literar y refine ment i n Bosto n wa s closel y allie d wit h soli d middle-clas s respecta bility. Boston' s merchan t elit e ha d molde d a n institutiona l matri x

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that include d Harvar d College , th e Bosto n Athenaeum , an d th e Lowell Institute . Th e Atlantic Monthly was aligne d wit h a strateg y emphasizing cultura l rathe r tha n politica l control . I n practica l terms , literary me n i n Bosto n enjoye d th e advantag e o f busines s patron age. Publisher s lik e Tickno r an d Field s encourage d seriou s poetr y and othe r literar y form s tha t sol d poorl y wit h th e mas s readin g audience. Othe r businessme n joine d i n project s o f cultura l better ment. Th e Saturda y Club , founde d fo r th e entertainmen t an d edification o f me n o f letters , admitte d Joh n Murra y Forbe s an d other entrepreneurs , alon g with Longfellow , Lowell , Holmes , an d Emerson. Th e finer intricacie s o f th e Bosto n establishment—suc h as it s extensiv e cousinship—wer e beyon d Howells' s knowledge , but wha t h e knew confirme d hi s belief tha t literar y me n i n Boston , though man y worke d a s editor s an d educators , wer e grante d a dignity tha t wa s denied elsewhere . T o b e accepted b y th e Atlantic, therefore, wa s to be given a n approval tha t eclipse d al l others. 9 Early i n 1859 , probably b y lat e February , Howell s complete d a Heinesque poem that he considered worth y o f Atlantic publication , an ambitiou s effor t o f si x part s an d twenty-nin e quatrains . Th e poem's title , "Andenken " (Memories) , reflecte d it s Germani c deri vation an d it s inspiratio n a s a summa o f sensibility . Howell s evoke d romantic Sehnsucht throug h a reveri e concentratin g o n image s o f death, disillusion , an d disappointe d love . H e identifie d th e poet persona's brooding , longin g sou l wit h "languid " an d "gloomy " nature. Bu t h e als o employe d les s obviou s device s suc h a s th e Stimmungsbrechung o r abrup t brea k o f voic e ofte n represente d i n Heine's poetry . Lik e Heine , h e als o presente d star k contrast s o f death-in-life an d life-in-death , suc h a s a dead chestnu t tre e "blos somed" int o lif e b y a n engulfin g fire. Th e whol e poe m displaye d Howells's fidelity t o Hein e i n image , mood , diction , meter , an d rhyme. 10 Howells di d hi s wor k to o well. Lowell , wh o wa s chie f edito r o f the Atlantic, late r tol d Howell s tha t h e hesitate d ove r th e poe m because it appeared t o be a translation. Intendin g to check "Anden ken" agains t Heine' s works , Lowel l pu t th e poe m aside . I n June , the Press published a single Heinesque lyric by Howells , bu t appar -

16. H o w e l l s in C o l u m b u s , ca. 1861 . A fe w year s late r H o w e l l s described his Heinesqu e sensibility . I t cam e fro m awarenes s o f the "contradictions " of moder n life , "th e sa d bas e o f doubt , th e ineffabl e yearnin g tha t stretche s one ar m u p implorin g t o th e future , an d on e o f passionat e regre t t o th e past, an d al l this interfuse d w i t h mockin g derision, w i t h sardoni c g a y e t y ."

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ently thi s acceptanc e b y hi s generationa l peer s a t th e Press did no t merit grea t rejoicing . I n contrast , whe n th e Atlantic finall y brok e its dispiritin g silenc e i n lat e Jul y an d accepte d "Andenken " fo r publication, Howell s travele d th e tw o hundre d mile s t o Jefferson , burst i n upon hi s family, an d exclaime d th e "wonderful new s [that ] was too precious to trust t o the mail." Howells considered Lowell' s letter o f acceptance "th e potentiality o f immeasurable success. " H e placed th e lette r i n the pocke t nex t to his heart wher e h e could fee l for i t to make sure of its reality. n Lowell's lette r ha d th e effec t o f a talisman . I t momentaril y delivered Howell s fro m a deepening depression . Beginnin g i n April , he ha d fel t touche s o f hi s "hypo, " a t time s suffering a "regula r turn" o f hi s "familia r devil. " Withou t verificatio n o f hi s literar y ambitions fro m th e paramoun t authorit y o f Boston , Howell s ha d to make do with th e praise of literary wome n i n Columbus an d th e prospect o f becomin g a Ne w Yor k fre e lance . Th e anxiet y o f waiting fo r th e Atlantic's respons e als o reawakene d hi s "dorman t homesickness." "I t seem s t o me, " he wrot e Victoria , "I' m driftin g away fro m yo u al l the time , an d I want t o hear ofte n fro m home. " The phras e "driftin g away, " wit h it s evocatio n o f th e nautica l metaphor, provide d th e ger m o f a poe m tha t Howell s wrot e i n early July fo r th e Press. Th e poet-person a describe s lif e a s a tumultuous ocea n t o b e brave d b y a "frai l shallo p withou t sai l o r oar. " As th e shallo p i s los t i n "dar k gulfs " an d "unknow n deeps, " hi s "old beliefs " fad e lik e fain t light s alon g th e shore . H e reache s ou t to embrace what remain s t o his vision bu t finds nothin g to grasp. 12 Even afte r th e Atlantic's acceptanc e finally came , Howell s coul d not overcom e hi s hypochondria . Haunte d b y hi s fea r o f dying, h e sought relie f fro m a fatherly doctor , Samue l M . Smith , th e patri arch o f a literary hous e he frequented. I t wa s probably a t this tim e that Dr . Smit h tol d hi m h e woul d no t sicke n an d di e merel y i n twenty-four hours . Word s of kindly iron y wer e supportive becaus e Howells neede d alleviatio n beyon d wha t h e wa s accomplishin g i n his poems. 13 In earl y August , Howell s bega n t o bea r anothe r burde n whe n trouble i n th e countin g roo m a t th e State Journal force d Cook e t o

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suspend hi s salary . Howell s coul d n o longe r pa y hi s roo m an d board, muc h les s sen d mone y hom e t o hi s family . H e wrot e hi s father tha t h e wa s convince d th e newspape r woul d fail , bu t t o stave of f an y suggestio n tha t h e retur n t o Jefferson , h e adde d assuredly, " I shal l take care of myself." 14 The financial crisi s a t th e State Journal ma y hav e bee n th e blo w that crumble d Howells' s cast-iro n facade . B y the end o f August h e was "thoroughl y knocke d down, " a s he reported t o hi s mother, b y a seriou s illnes s h e describe d a s diphtheria . Diphtheria— a devas tating diseas e o f childhood—wa s congenia l t o hi s death-focuse d thoughts, bu t i t i s unlikel y tha t h e coul d hav e recovere d fro m diphtheria, a s h e claimed , i n merel y a week . Lik e hi s othe r ill nesses, thi s brea k wa s partl y a ple a fo r releas e fro m hi s anxieties . Writing hi s mother , h e admitte d t o a n "intolerabl e gnawin g an d longing for home." 15 Howells aide d himsel f b y concentratin g o n hi s literar y work . Beginning a more activ e correspondence wit h hi s friend an d fello w poet John J. Piat t i n earl y September , h e liste d hi s recen t readin g —Tennyson's Idylls of the King, a boo k o n Montaigne , Arthu r Meissner's memoi r o f Heine , D e Quincey' s Klosterheim, all o f Thackeray's lesse r works , an d Georg e Eliot' s Adam Bede. He re ported tha t h e ha d "scribble d much " an d adde d nonchalantl y tha t the Atlantic ha d accepte d hi s poem , "t o appea r whe n ther e i s room." 16 By th e en d o f th e month , Howells' s clai m t o poeti c equalit y with Piat t ha d becom e tenuous . Howell s bega n t o rea d rumor s i n the exchange s tha t Phillips , Sampso n an d Company , publisher s o f the Atlantic, ha d suspende d payment s t o creditors . T o counterac t this distressin g news , h e proposed a joint boo k wit h Piatt , offerin g to take a subordinate role . When th e "confounded Atlanti c people " failed t o publish hi s poe m i n th e Octobe r number , h e more boldl y suggested tha t the y pla y equa l parts . Afte r Piat t consented , How ells concentrate d o n thi s ne w project . Writin g home , h e cas t him self i n a dramatic , grandios e light : " I a m workin g ver y hard — reading, studying , an d scribblin g constantly—asid e fro m th e drudgery I perfor m o n th e Journal," h e tol d Victoria . "S o tha t I

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grudge mysel f eve n th e time i t will tak e to go home. O , it' s suc h a long wa y up ! Bu t I hav e m y ey e o n th e templ e tha t 'shine s afar, ' and I will fal l uphill , i f I must succumb." 17 Howells's resolv e wa s pu t t o th e test . O n a "drear y Saturday " in mid-October, h e read new s that convince d hi m tha t th e Atlantic would g o t o it s doo m withou t publishin g hi s poem . "I t i s proba ble," he reported i n his column, "tha t th e secon d attemp t t o establish a good magazin e i n thi s country , ha s prove n mor e disastrou s than th e first." H e quote d a repor t tha t predicte d th e Atlantic would g o th e wa y o f Putnam's. Afte r bein g sol d o n th e ope n market, i t would "degenerat e int o a mere receptacle o f pictorialis m and twa[dd]le. " Wit h hi s visio n o f himsel f a s a Bosto n ma n o f letters fading , Howell s turne d t o a poem b y Piatt , s o beautiful, h e stated, tha t i t transforms "cobwebs " in the October hear t t o "shin ing gossamers." Place d a t th e hea d o f hi s column , th e poe m wa s a reminder o f th e "poetica l firm" h e ha d establishe d wit h hi s frien d —a firm tha t h e hoped woul d neve r go bankrupt. 18 Rumors soo n began to circulate that the Boston publishers Tick nor an d Field s would rescu e the Atlantic. O n 2 1 October, Howell s reported tha t th e transactio n ha d occurred . "Th e magazin e i s no w in th e bes t o f hands, " he stated , "an d it s admirer s ma y loo k confi dently t o it s continuanc e an d success. " Unti l "Andenken " ap peared, Howell s coul d no t shar e i n thi s success . Th e Novembe r Atlantic arrive d withou t hi s poem; the magazine contained tw o tha t he considere d "tolerabl y good " an d on e h e considere d quit e bad . "I a m heartsic k wit h waitin g an d disappointment, " h e wrot e hi s father. "Th e 'Atlantic ' ha s no t publishe d m y poe m yet . I don' t know wha t t o think . I' m afrai d i t won['] t a t all. " I n hi s presen t situation, Howell s di d no t se e how h e could hel p out "mon[e]ywise " at home . H e expecte d n o retur n fro m hi s boo k o f poems , an d Cooke probably woul d neve r pa y him the ten-weeks' salary h e was due. 19 Howells ha d reaso n t o doub t th e augur y o f th e crumple d lette r he carrie d nex t t o hi s heart . Instea d o f acceptanc e i n Boston , i t seemed h e was destined fo r torturou s rejection. Althoug h h e would

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soon mak e hi s literar y debu t i n a book o f poems , hi s ventur e wit h Piatt identifie d hi m a s a "local " poe t i n th e nomenclatur e o f Cog geshall, whos e manifestoe s wer e issue d b y th e sam e Columbu s publisher, Follet t an d Foster . While immerse d i n difficultie s tha t threatene d hi s sens e of liter ary vocation , Howell s wa s growin g mor e assertiv e i n th e on e sphere o f hi s lif e wher e issue s wer e define d absolutely . H e bega n to emphasiz e hi s rol e a s a radica l antislaver y agitator , describin g himself a s pure r i n hi s radicalis m tha n thos e wh o woul d compro mise moral absolutes for politica l gain. "Th e returns from th e Stat e came i n gloriously, " h e wrot e Victori a whe n Republican s swep t the stat e elections ; "bu t yo u kno w I' m to o radica l t o rejoic e muc h in half-wor n Republica n triumphs. " Howells' s urg e towar d self justification foun d greate r opportunit y whe n new s arrive d o f John Brown's rai d o n th e Federa l Arsena l a t Harper' s Ferry , Virginia , in th e lat e nigh t hour s o f 1 6 Octobe r 1859 . A t first Howell s followed Reed , treatin g th e even t a s "laughable " an d "absurd. " Aspects o f th e affair , Ree d observed , wer e "drol l enoug h t o mak e a dog laugh. " Howell s chime d i n wit h th e suggestio n tha t th e rai d was simpl y "poo r crazy " Brown' s attemp t t o gathe r unwillin g listeners fo r a n incendiary "harangue." 20 Within a few weeks , Howells' s attitud e toward Brow n ha d shifte d from ridicul e to adoration . Expressin g hi s new feelin g i n a letter t o his father, h e exclaimed, "I f I were not you r son , I would desir e t o be Ol d Joh n Brown's—Go d bles s him! " I n th e interva l betwee n his parody an d praise , Howell s had watche d Brow n underg o a "sea change int o somethin g ric h an d strange. " Brow n ha d foun d a n oracular voic e tha t excite d admiratio n eve n fro m hi s Virgini a cap tors. Bu t th e transformatio n o f Brown' s imag e ha d bee n aide d immeasurably b y a choru s o f adulatio n fro m Norther n me n o f letters. I t wa s extremel y importan t fo r Howell s tha t durin g th e crisis literar y me n steppe d forwar d t o assum e propheti c roles . Emerson an d Thorea u spok e from Boston . The y portraye d Brow n as a ma n wh o ha d carrie d hi s ideal s int o action . Th e proble m o f the scholar' s relatio n t o societ y vanishe d i n thei r enthusiasti c en -

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dorsements. I f Brow n wer e a "transcendentalist, " a s Thorea u in sisted, ther e wa s n o nee d t o defen d th e literar y lif e wit h creed s o f solitude.21 Such prais e swep t u p Howell s completely . Hi s fascinatio n fo r Brown crystallize d int o a sens e o f persona l involvemen t whe n h e read Wendel l Phillips' s speec h "Th e Lesso n o f the Hour. " Phillip s was extremely gratifie d tha t Brow n had acte d on principles Phillip s had bee n preachin g fo r thirt y years . Brow n seeme d t o prov e tha t antislavery ideal s ha d gaine d widesprea d acceptanc e amon g Amer icans, affectin g me n wh o wer e willin g t o us e th e bowi e knif e an d pistol. Still , Phillip s argued , th e ag e was on e of ideas , an d me n o f ideas wer e rightfull y i n command . H e propose d tha t John Brow n had becom e a n idea , on e tha t ha d alread y brough t slaver y unde r greater popula r censure . "D o yo u suppos e tha t thes e thing s mea n nothing?" Phillip s asked . "Wha t th e tende r an d poeti c youth , a s Emerson says , dream s today , an d conjure s u p wit h inarticulat e speech, i s tomorro w th e vociferate d resul t o f publi c opinion , an d the day afte r i s the charter o f nations." 22 The lesso n o f th e hou r tha t Howell s graspe d mos t eagerl y wa s Phillips's unapologeti c affirmatio n o f me n o f ideas , no t forgettin g the "tender an d poeti c youth." Phillips's vigorous endorsement an d the continuin g illustratio n o f th e rol e o f idea s i n Joh n Brown' s miraculous transformatio n supporte d Howells' s nee d fo r self-affir mation. H e sa w himsel f i n Phillips' s grandios e image—a s th e champion o f absolut e right , th e ma n whos e idea s wer e actions . From thi s vantag e point , h e towere d ove r thos e wh o wer e con cerned merel y wit h politica l issues , eve n ove r suc h a commandin g figure as Joshua Giddings . Whe n Gidding s remarke d tha t Harper' s Ferry woul d occup y onl y a "brief page " in historica l annals , Tho reau replied , "I f thi s i s true , ho w lon g wil l b e th e paragrap h tha t records th e histor y o f th e Republica n party? " Reportin g thi s "hit " by a "Bosto n man " t o hi s father , Howell s asserted , "Brow n ha s become a n idea— a thousan d time s pure r an d bette r an d loftie r than th e Republica n idea , whic h I' m afrai d i s not a n idea a t all." 23 Howells's statemen t wa s mor e tha n casuall y self-justifying . A s Phillips an d other s embrace d th e ide a o f John Brown , Republica n

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publicists lik e Ree d an d Willia m Coope r Howell s hel d aloof , fear ing tha t th e clamo r woul d identif y Republican s wit h violence . They worke d ou t a compromise, admittin g tha t Brow n wa s insan e but insistin g tha t slaver y ha d mad e hi m a "monomaniac. " Whil e William Cooper Howell s maintaine d th e party line , his son presse d his advantage, writin g hom e that h e was disappointed tha t nothin g "violent" o n Harper' s Ferr y ha d appeare d i n th e Sentinel. Late r when hi s fathe r describe d Brow n a s a Swedenborgia n hero — someone whose deeds were "unalloye d b y a single motive of selfis h ambition"—while stil l recitin g th e part y line , Howell s chide d hi s father i n print . H e state d tha t i t wa s surprisin g tha t a newspape r from th e abolitionis t "hot-bed " o f Ashtabul a Count y shoul d no t have "a more decided smac k o f righteousness." 24 In hi s ow n writing , Howell s supplie d th e righteousnes s h e foun d wanting i n hi s father' s editorials . I n a fervent poem , h e portraye d Brown a s a n animatin g ide a an d predicte d tha t a vin e o f libert y would ripe n aroun d hi s gallow s tree . I n hi s mos t radica l column , he compare d slave s t o genie s imprisone d i n a vase : Slave s wer e similarly confine d t o th e woodpil e tha t supporte d th e America n nation. Thos e wh o tr y t o ignor e thei r anguishe d crie s d o s o i n vain, fo r "i n thei r dream s the y ar e haunte d b y frightfu l vision s o f the Woodpil e i n a blaze, an d th e maddene d geni[es ] making havo c by th e ligh t o f th e blood y flame." Joh n Brow n ha d illustrate d tha t retribution wa s imminent. "Ther e are six million in the Woodpile, " Howells concluded , " 'an d Go d i s just. ' " B y hi s righteou s pro nouncements, Howell s claime d a Swedenborgia n usefulnes s sur passing hi s father's . H e intimate d hi s rebellio n whe n h e declare d that i f h e wer e no t hi s father' s son , h e woul d b e th e so n o f Joh n Brown. Bu t hi s rebellio n actuall y reveale d hi s yearnin g fo r th e moral worl d o f his father, th e world o f absolute righ t an d wrong. 25 For th e moment , Howells' s enthusias m fo r John Brow n chase d away hi s doubt s concernin g th e manlines s o f the literar y vocation . In hi s column s an d letters , Howell s cite d numerou s literar y me n who ha d responde d t o th e presen t crisi s o r wh o ha d bee n mora l leaders i n th e past . A n importan t exampl e wa s th e Germa n poe t and dramatis t Rober t Blum . Blum' s suppor t o f th e 184 8 revolu -

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tions an d hi s martyr's deat h demonstrate d tha t "tende r sweetness " and "manl y heroism " were complementary rathe r than antagonisti c qualities. Bu t th e lesso n o f th e hou r taugh t tha t th e poe t di d no t have t o tak e u p arm s lik e Rober t Blum . Strictl y a s a poet, h e wa s no lesse r kin d o f man . Ideas , hi s powerfu l weapons , wer e instru ments of truth an d liberty , no w an d fo r al l time. 26 In the midst o f the Brown fervor , th e Decembe r Atlantic arrive d without "Andenken, " bu t a fe w week s late r Howells' s fortune s turned. Th e Atlantic announce d hi s poe m fo r th e Januar y issue , nearly coincidin g wit h th e publicatio n o f Poems of Two Friends (i860), hi s modestl y title d ventur e wit h Piatt. 27 Fo r th e firs t tim e in a lon g while , Howell s ha d th e opportunit y t o dra w fro m a reserve of cumulative success . Uppermost i n Howells's min d afte r th e publication o f Poems of Two Friends was ho w th e publi c woul d respon d t o hi s poems . I n th e book's preface , h e wondered whethe r i t would hav e bee n bette r t o "leave thes e poo r Childre n o f th e Hear t t o generou s Oblivion. " Follett an d Foste r trie d valiantl y t o mak e th e boo k a popula r success, printin g i t o n "blush " pape r an d bindin g i t i n gil t covers . But Howell s declare d t o a friend i n Cincinnati tha t i t was "disgust ingly probabl e tha t ever y cop y sen t t o your city , wil l ro t upo n th e booksellers' shelves. " A t th e ver y least , h e wante d a critica l suc cess. Whil e waitin g anxiousl y fo r review s fro m th e East , h e sup pressed a burlesqu e notic e b y Reed . H e faile d t o colla r th e loca l reporter Harris , wh o declare d i n hi s colum n tha t hi s proximit y t o a shining poe t ha d mad e hi m "luminous. " To ensur e tha t th e boo k received a prope r assessmen t i n th e State Journal, Howell s wrot e one himself, concentratin g entirel y o n Piatt' s contributions . Want ing t o avoi d "eve n th e shado w o f advertising, " h e sai d o f hi s ow n poems onl y tha t h e hope d "som e wil l b e foun d no t s o ba d a s others." 28 Howells's apologeti c approac h t o his potential reader s verge d o n the defensive manne r o f the sentimenta l idler . Bu t th e first Easter n review fro m th e Saturday Press grante d hi m a mor e positiv e iden tity. Sinc e h e ha d appeare d eigh t time s i n it s pages , th e Press

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claimed hi m a s on e o f it s ow n "don't-care " poet s an d a tru e "ge nius" besides . Possibl y becaus e h e ha d no t ye t bee n see n amon g the coterie a t Pfaf f s saloon, i t adde d tha t hi s genius wa s not o f th e "highest order. " Nevertheless , th e Press recognized th e Heinesqu e persona that was Howells's mos t cherished ideal , seriousl y describ ing his poetr y i n th e term s parodie d b y Harris . Howells' s passion ate poems , th e Press observed, "illumin e th e dar k place s o f th e human heart." 29 While hi s peer s a t th e Press accepted hi m o n hi s ow n terms , another Eastern reviewer , Gai l Hamilton , th e gifted, acerbi c essayist, discerne d hi s vulnerabilitie s an d exploite d the m mercilessly . Writing i n th e National Era, sh e suggeste d tha t th e boo k wa s slightly feminized , trippin g "wit h dainties t trea d t o softes t melo dies," an d tha t it s them e o f sorrowfu l longin g wa s a pose . Sh e speculated tha t th e tw o friend s probabl y di d no t pac e "desolat e chambers, bewailin g burie d hopes , sorrowin g ove r broke n hearts , and defyin g a cold, unfeelin g world. " Instead , the y wer e undoubt edly " a pai r o f stout-limbed , ruddy-cheeked , corn-fe d countr y boys." Stun g b y he r lampoon , Howell s sen t of f a hot reply . Late r he regrette d showin g hi s wounds , bu t h e continue d t o bur n fro m Hamilton's "patronizin g manner." 30 The ke y review was Lowell's in the Atlantic. Havin g complaine d in previous notices that "genius " seemed t o spring up "like mullein , wherever th e soi l i s thi n enough, " Lowel l emphasize d Howells' s capacity fo r "highe r achievement. " "Th e poems, " h e suggested , "give mor e tha n glimpse s o f a facult y no t s o commo n tha t th e world ca n affor d t o d o withou t it. " Les s assuranc e tha t hi s poem s promised a "riche r maturity " woul d hav e satisfie d Howell s im mensely. Lowell' s judgment—th e voic e of Boston authority—wa s reinforced o n th e Atlantic's othe r page s wher e tw o ne w Heinesqu e poems b y Howell s appeared . A les s ambitiou s effor t ha d bee n printed i n th e Februar y i86 0 number , s o that Howell s coul d no w claim to be the most substantia l Atlantic contributo r i n the West. 31 Feeling supporte d i n hi s sens e o f literar y vocation , Howell s gained som e relie f fro m hi s self-recrimination s an d fear s o f death . He momentaril y embrace d a positive notion o f death, describin g i t

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as kindl y an d fatherly . Hawthorne' s Marble Faun inspire d Howell s to writ e a litan y tha t disassociate d deat h fro m punishment : Not tha t ghastl y thin g whic h triumph s ove r ou r joy , an d show s itsel f grinning an d hideou s a t ou r feasts—bu t Death , th e ol d attendan t o f ou r race, inevitable , an d universal , standin g i n wai t fo r u s a t th e en d o f th e journey, an d embracin g th e begga r an d th e princ e wit h wid e arm s tha t know n o difference . Deat h th e moss-bearded,—deat h th e vagu e bu t no t the terribly mysterious,—deat h th e rest but no t the punishment,—deat h the inexorabl e bu t no t unkind—venerable , serene. 32 Imagining th e achievemen t o f "poeti c pre-eminence " tha t woul d grandly demonstrat e hi s usefulness , Howell s bega n t o fee l crampe d in th e incommensurat e worl d o f Columbu s literar y society . "A s Columbus grow s ol d t o m e , " h e wrot e hom e i n mid-April , "i t seems t o contract , an d I begi n t o fee l her e th e gnawin g disconten t that I fel t i n Jefferson." I f h e coul d no t immediatel y obtai n a plac e in Boston , h e migh t find a stepping-ston e i n N e w York , wher e th e Press ha d alread y assente d t o hi s "genius. " "Fathe r nee d no t b e afraid tha t I shoul d b e seduce d b y Bohemianis m i n N e w York, " h e continued. " I confes s tha t a lif e whic h defie s usag e ha s it s char m for me ; bu t I chiefl y lon g no w fo r chang e fro m a comparativel y narrow t o a wider field o f action." 3 3 T h e prospec t o f goin g Eas t wa s nevertheles s daunting , fo r i t would tak e Howell s furthe r awa y fro m hi s famil y an d th e securi ties h e ha d establishe d i n Columbus . Hi s anticipatio n ma y hav e brought o n th e sligh t recurrenc e o f "hypo " tha t h e suffere d towar d the en d o f April . "A s th e summe r approaches , I begi n t o fee l touches o f hypochondria, " h e wrot e home , "bu t I hop e no t t o g o crazy." 3 4 Preparin g hi s defense , h e appeale d t o hi s brothe r Josep h for affirmation : It seem s t o m e tha t I a m growin g awa y fro m whateve r wa s gentl e an d good i n th e influence s o f m y life . Sometime s I shudde r t o thin k ho w nearly beyon d the m I am ; an d I believ e i f I ca n b e wit h yo u al l a fe w weeks, I shall rene w an d bette r myself . I do nothing bad , I hope, bu t m y habit o f though t i s hars h an d skeptical , an d I a m th e victi m o f a n ennui which I canno t escape . Whil e I work , I a m comparativel y content , bu t the momen t I thro w of f th e harness , I a m languid , wear y o f mysel f an d

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everything else . Ho w i t i s all to result, I do not know . I have ceased t o look forward wit h much comfort. . . . I know well enough that if I live, I shall succeed in the ambition of my life, but that I shall be a happy man I do no t believe . Religio n seem s suc h a fabulou s far-of f thing ; an d i f I should tast e all the pleasures of the world, I should b e tired o f them all, and then—what ? T o die at bay entering the future backwards.— I sup pose this bores a married man like you, with his child at his knee, and his dear wif e t o love and liv e for; an d i t i s not th e custo m fo r on e to make one's brother th e confid[a]nt o f dyspeptic wretchedness. Ye t I let what I have written, remain—for i t speaks my mind more than half my time.35 Howells ha d mor e reaso n t o fee l wretche d afte r a change i n th e management o f th e State Journal left hi m out . Bein g "unhorsed " i n this manne r wa s humiliatin g an d lef t th e doub t whethe r h e woul d ever se e the twenty-weeks ' salar y h e was b y no w owe d b y Cooke . But Howell s soo n foun d anothe r positio n editin g manuscript s fo r Follett an d Foster . H e continue d t o suppl y th e State Journal wit h columns o f "Literar y Gossip " while his new employer , Fran k Fos ter, wa s involvin g hi m i n scheme s t o exploi t hi s talents. 36 On e project wa s a subscriptio n boo k o n manufacturin g i n Ne w Yor k and Ne w England . Whil e thi s projec t wen t agains t hi s literar y instincts, Howell s wa s anxiou s t o hea d East . Foste r ha d ambitiou s plans, bu t h e would no t financ e th e trip himself. Then , o n 1 8 May i860, Abraha m Lincol n receive d th e Republica n nominatio n fo r president, an d Foste r jumpe d int o th e competitio n fo r a campaig n biography. H e assigne d th e tas k t o Howells , providin g hi m wit h the chance to earn th e mone y necessar y fo r hi s Easter n trip . How ells set to work, formin g a biography ou t o f hastily gathere d mate rials, includin g note s fro m a n interviewe r who m Foste r ha d dis patched t o Springfield. Howell s wrote the book and sa w it throug h publication i n eighteen days. 37 The writin g cam e easil y becaus e Howell s foun d hi s subjec t appealing. Lincol n appeare d t o b e a ma n o f "restles s ambition " who ha d overcom e prejudice s an d adversitie s i n pursuing hi s stud ies. Discountin g th e popula r myth s tha t railsplittin g an d flatboat ing had bee n essentia l preparatio n fo r th e candidate , Howell s con tended tha t the y wer e importan t onl y becaus e Lincol n ha d rise n above them . Thi s tac k evoked th e succes s ethos , bu t i t wa s mor e

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elitist than th e approach take n b y mos t Republica n publicists , wh o were anxiou s t o identif y thei r candidat e wit h th e commo n voter . Seeing a Lincol n wh o mirrore d hi s ow n struggles , Howell s gav e his developmen t a scholarl y turn . H e intimate d tha t th e mos t significant ingredien t i n Lincoln' s succes s ha d bee n hi s "insatiabl e appetite" fo r books . Befor e th e en d o f June, a s his contributio n t o the Lincol n legen d wa s bein g distribute d t o bookstores , Howell s was o n hi s wa y home , beginnin g a n Easter n pilgrimag e tha t h e hoped woul d hel p him follow Lincoln' s example and "triump h ove r all the obstacles of fortune." 38 Howells's pilgrimag e got off t o a false start . H e tarrie d i n Jefferso n to renew th e "gentl e an d good " influences i n his life, bu t a week i n his villag e brough t bac k hi s sens e o f entrapmen t an d uselessness . In th e first o f th e letter s h e wrot e fo r th e State Journal describin g his journey, h e lapsed int o the person a o f the idler. Hi s lette r fro m "Anywhere, Nowhere , Ohio, " a s h e dubbe d Jefferson , recount s the mino r difficultie s o f arisin g t o catc h th e earl y mornin g train . The narrato r i s a "mos t obligin g creature, " easil y pu t upo n b y women wh o as k him t o watch thei r baggage . Althoug h mos t o f hi s traveling companion s ar e women , on e turn s ou t t o b e a "sun bronzed youth, " whos e strikin g countenanc e i s "sharpl y an d deci sively cut " b y line s of wisdom. Howell s reveale d i n the last lin e of his lette r tha t thi s yout h wa s Barcla y Coppac , a raide r wh o ha d escaped captur e a t Harper' s Ferry . Confronte d wit h thi s youn g man o f action, Howell s reverse d th e priority h e had give n the ma n of idea s durin g th e Joh n Brow n fervor . Th e narrato r provide s comfort a s the raider slump s against his shoulder an d sleeps . Whe n the "taciturn " yout h wakes , h e pay s th e narrato r a hig h compli ment: "H e wa s . . . s o good," wrote Howells , "a s to smile at a joke which i s no t ne w t o thes e column s no r t o th e friend s o f thi s writer." Challenge d b y th e presenc e of the man o f action, Howell s assumed th e guis e o f a trifling jokeste r wit h n o mor e t o offe r tha n a well-worn jest. 39 Being a n idl e observe r ha d serve d Howell s o n hi s earlie r rive r trip t o St . Louis , bu t sinc e tha t tim e th e stake s ha d bee n raised .

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He ha d planne d a n ambitiou s itinerary , bringin g hi m t o Ne w England alon g the St . Lawrenc e Rive r throug h th e French citie s of Canada. Accordin g t o canon s o f th e romanti c picturesque , th e grandeur o f natur e an d th e livin g presenc e o f th e pas t woul d suggest moral s t o th e sensitiv e literar y observer . Howell s ha d "schooled [him]sel f fo r grea t impressions, " makin g hi s journe y another tes t o f his literar y mettle. 40 Fro m th e beginning , however , he foun d tha t h e coul d no t assen t t o sublim e emotions . Howells' s travel sketches anticipate later writings i n which he sharply define d a distaste fo r "sentimental " literary postures , undercuttin g wha t h e saw as their emotional exaggeratio n b y various maneuvers of irony. This protorealis t impuls e i s present i n his earlier trave l sketche s a s well, bu t a t th e sam e tim e Howell s trie d t o expres s th e sublim e emotions h e satirized . Howells's ambivalenc e appear s i n on e o f hi s ver y first attempt s to evok e association s appropriat e t o sensitiv e literar y observation . Anxious t o reac h Niagar a Falls , th e suprem e exampl e o f th e sub lime i n nature , h e could no t resis t a prefiguring gesture . H e trans formed th e familiar sigh t of Lake Erie into a vision of the sea wher e "the sou l feel s oppressivel y th e myster y o f life. " Afte r a few line s in this manner, h e made an awkward retreat , attributin g the thoughts to othe r passenger s an d admittin g tha t hi s image s wer e no t origi nal, tha t h e ha d lifte d the m fro m Tennyson' s "Se a Dreams. " H e ended b y offerin g nois y hackme n clamorin g fo r passenger s a s a figurative alternativ e t o th e spiritua l association s o f breaking waves . Howells's undercuttin g offere d neithe r th e bitternes s o f Heine' s "devastating las t lines " no r th e tensio n o f Heine' s attitud e o f vai n yearning. Howells' s sens e o f th e Heinesqu e fel l awa y a s h e re sorted t o hi s apologeti c idle-ma n persona , portrayin g himsel f a s a "nervous person " wh o finds ordinar y tasks , lik e securin g a hack , very formidable. 41 Although Howell s expecte d a turnabout a t Niagara Falls , one of his first response s t o th e fall s wa s terror . Encounterin g th e rapid s at th e bas e o f America n Falls , h e reexperience d hi s "inveterat e vertigo," and throughou t hi s stay he battled hi s old nemesis. Whe n he recorde d hi s initia l impression s i n hi s sketches , h e suppresse d

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his feelin g o f drea d an d describe d hi s "vagu e disappointment. " "One alway s approache s th e sublim e wit h a pre-dispositio n t o b e glorified," h e wrote. "I t is the conventional habi t of thought, whic h on a secon d glanc e a t Niagar a fall s fro m you , an d leave s yo u fre e to b e affecte d naturally. " Th e fac t o f Niagara , h e pointe d out , unburdens th e min d o f "al l ol d lumbe r o f expectation , whic h yo u have store d awa y fro m pictures , an d travels , an d foolis h poems — for al l poem s abou t Niagar a ar e ridiculousl y inadequate. " Thi s liberation fro m literar y pose s did no t preven t hi m fro m writin g hi s own poem s abou t th e falls . I f h e coul d no t abid e th e mor e preten tious apostrophe s t o th e falls , h e di d no t believ e tha t al l transcen dent association s wer e inauthentic. 42 In hi s sketche s o n Niagara , Howell s presente d a mixtur e o f attitudes. I n som e instance s h e attache d sublim e meanin g t o th e falls, pointin g ou t "ho w i t crie s alou d wit h th e stron g voic e o f it s agony t o th e Everlasting. " I n othe r instance s h e parodie d simila r statements. Observin g tha t on e i s "aliv e t o th e inadequac y o f hu man lif e an d huma n affairs " befor e th e great tumul t o f the falls, h e illustrated hi s point facetiously : "On e canno t bea r to se e a battere d tin cu p o r a n ol d castawa y boot , whe n th e voic e o f Niagar a thun ders t o him." Unabl e t o establish hi s own authority , h e sought th e authority o f others. H e described th e falls in painterly terms , citin g the expertis e o f Godfre y Frankenstein , a Cincinnat i artis t h e me t at the falls wh o ha d mad e Niagar a hi s specia l subject. I n one of his travel letters , Howell s claime d tha t Frankenstei n taugh t hi m "t o see som e o f th e beautifu l tint s o f th e wate r an d mists—deliciou s purples, an d green s an d crimsons—tha t escap e th e greedy , com mon eye , whic h gulp s an d bolt s th e whol e thing , a s i t were , untasted." I n late r life , Howell s remembere d tha t h e never di d se e the finely varyin g color s tha t Frankenstei n pointe d out : " I looke d very hard , an d a s I was no t goin g t o b e outdon e i n th e perceptio n of beauty , I sai d I di d se e them , an d I trie d t o believ e tha t I sa w them, but , Heave n knows , I never did." 43 Howells's experienc e o f th e fall s lef t hi m feelin g inadequate . Despite hi s disdai n fo r th e "greedy , commo n eye, " h e wa s keenl y aware tha t hi s ow n description s di d no t ris e ver y fa r abov e th e

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prose o f ordinary guidebooks . Breakin g of f a sketch, h e confessed , "I hav e n o doub t tha t [my ] mos t decorativ e expression s ar e bor rowed fro m th e boo k whic h I pai d to o muc h fo r o n th e cars. " I t seemed t o hi m tha t h e wa s "doing " th e fall s lik e th e ordinar y tourist. Rathe r tha n demonstratin g hi s dept h o f perceptio n an d understanding, h e wa s bein g a kind o f Dic k Dowdy , a collector o f sensations. Howells' s apologeti c idle-ma n persona , therefore , flits throughout hi s Niagar a sketches , appearin g whe n h e undercut s serious statements , whe n h e strive s fo r a n undemandin g ligh t touch , and whe n h e portrays hi s literary purpose s a s "utterly idle." 44 During th e remainde r o f hi s journe y throug h Canada , Howell s had les s difficulty assumin g th e picturesque manner . Bu t hi s experiences a t Niagar a staye d wit h him , reinforcin g hi s feelin g tha t hi s real subjec t wa s no t outwar d things . H e seeme d t o b e primaril y a poet o f Heinesqu e perceptio n whos e mos t authoritativ e subjec t was himself. Whe n h e reached Portland , Maine , Howell s searche d out Longfellow' s beginning s an d foun d Deering' s Woods , th e scen e of Longfellow' s mildl y lamentin g poem , "M y Los t Youth. " O n this ground , Howell s experience d a n upsurg e o f inspiratio n an d regained fait h i n his Heinesqu e persona : The comrad e o f m y wal k an d I ha d bee n talkin g o f the poet' s mission , and how he should be the great teacher and preacher; but when we stood within the shadow and whisper of those trees, I forgot th e fine scheme of poethood tha t my philosophy had spun, and would have the poet be only as he had been, i n all the world ful l o f sorrowful glances , sublime yearning, inscrutabl e power—.ye t th e equal of every man in human weaknes s and huma n passion , a s much a teacher i n his helplessness a s in his great strength.45 Drawing inspiratio n fro m a poe t wh o actuall y believe d Hein e possessed " a morbid , ill-regulate d mind, " Howell s sanctione d th e attitude o f sorrowfu l Sehnsucht befor e followin g th e pat h Longfel low had traveled t o Boston. 46 He expected t o receive further confir mation o f his poetic fait h fro m Longfellow' s Brahmi n peers . Recounting hi s Bosto n experience s i n late r life , Howell s describe d himself a s a pilgrim an d Bosto n me n o f letter s a s priest s wh o ha d

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been willin g to accep t hi m int o thei r order. 47 Howells' s earl y asso ciation wit h thes e me n helpe d hi m overcom e doubt s abou t hi s usefulness. Thei r exampl e dispute d charge s tha t th e literar y voca tion wa s impractica l an d feminine . Bosto n me n o f letter s wer e embedded i n a social matri x tha t strengthene d thei r assumptio n o f moral authorit y an d fortifie d thei r belie f tha t orde r an d justic e were fundamenta l propertie s o f th e universe . Aide d primaril y b y Lowell, Howell s discovere d a foundation fo r integrate d belie f an d self-affirmation i n Boston . Hi s Celestia l Cit y promise d t o free hi m forever fro m hi s anxieties . When h e first arrive d i n Boston , Howell s wa s disappointe d t o learn tha t it s literar y notable s wer e no t clustere d aroun d Tremon t Street nea r th e office s o f th e Atlantic. Instead , the y wer e scattere d about i n Boston, Cambridge , an d Concord. H e finally decided tha t he coul d properl y presen t himsel f t o Lowel l a t hi s hom e i n Cam bridge, sinc e thei r letter s concernin g hi s poem s wer e a kin d o f personal correspondence . Afte r floundering i n th e unfamilia r city , he finally foun d himsel f i n Lowell' s study , feelin g lik e u an obscur e subaltern . . . before hi s general." 48 As Howell s remembere d thei r first meeting , Lowell' s welcom e was give n wit h " a certai n frost y shyness , a smilin g cold. " Lowel l established hi s authorit y b y sittin g bac k an d assessin g whethe r Howells coul d begi n a conversation . Howells' s first offerin g prove d false. Comparin g hi s searc h fo r Lowel l t o Heine' s effor t t o find Borne i n Frankfort—anothe r instanc e o f a disciple seekin g a master—Howells state d tha t h e had aske d severa l times for directions . Lowell wa s disturbe d b y thi s remark , Howell s late r surmised , because Lowel l like d t o think h e was well know n i n hi s "patria" of Cambridge. Howell s followe d wit h expression s o f hi s sympath y for Heine , an d Lowel l responde d negatively , criticizin g Heine' s manner an d informin g Howell s tha t hi s first poe m ha d bee n hel d back becaus e i t appeare d t o b e a translation . Howell s the n de scribed hi s pleasur e i n thinkin g tha t h e might b e a literary descen dant o f Si r James Howells , th e Welsh writer, bu t Lowel l correcte d him b y pointin g ou t tha t th e nam e wa s spelle d "Howels. " Risin g from hi s chair, h e brought fort h th e rare volume that substantiate d

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the point . B y thi s time , Howell s ha d becom e Lowell' s "captive, " always a necessar y preliminary , a s Howell s recalle d fro m thei r long association, t o more comfortable discussions. 49 From hi s very first meetin g wit h Lowell , Howell s glimpsed tha t the cos t o f acquirin g Bostonia n authorit y wa s th e sacrific e o f indi vidual autonomy . H e late r observe d tha t a "defect" h e had discov ered i n Lowel l an d othe r Bosto n literar y me n wa s tha t "wittingl y or unwittingly , the y propos e themselve s t o yo u a s a n example , o r if not quit e this, tha t the y surroun d themselve s wit h a subtle ethe r of potentia l disapprobatio n i n which , a t th e first sig n o f unworthi ness i n you , the y helplessl y suffe r yo u t o gas p an d perish." 50 A t first, however , th e stultifyin g effec t o f thi s ethe r wa s no t s o great . Howells wa s intoxicate d t o b e i n th e presenc e o f Lowell . Afte r h e had bowe d t o Lowell, h e was rewarded beyon d hi s imagining wit h an invitation t o dine at Parker House , wher e he would mee t Olive r Wendell Holme s an d James T . Fields , wh o ha d succeede d Lowel l as editor o f the Atlantic. At Parke r House , n o fros t remaine d t o chil l Howells' s enjoy ment. Lowel l an d Holme s were brilliantly loquacious , while Field s proved adep t a t livel y caricature . Th e tal k range d fa r bu t concen trated o n literar y matters . Learnin g tha t Howell s wrot e fo r th e Saturday Press, Holme s informe d hi m tha t th e Bohemian s wer e considered upstart s i n Boston . Bu t Howell s wa s not chagrined, fo r he wa s a n Atlantic contributo r a s well . H e delighte d i n al l o f hi s hosts' "deliciou s wi t an d wisdo m an d drollery. " Holme s realize d the significance o f the evening for Howell s b y observing to Lowell , "Well, James, thi s is something lik e the apostolic succession; this is the layin g o n o f hands. " A s th e dinne r closed , Field s aske d How ells t o breakfas t th e nex t morning , Holme s sai d h e mus t com e t o tea i n th e evening , an d Lowel l offere d t o giv e hi m a not e o f introduction t o Hawthorne, i f he planned t o go to Concord. 51 The nex t evenin g whe n h e visite d Holmes , Howell s confesse d "the effect s tha t ha d lingere d s o long " fro m " a tim e o f broke n health an d trouble d spirit. " Th e physician-autho r suggeste d tha t these matter s wer e par t o f thei r share d humanity . Howell s me t Holmes's son , th e futur e Justice Olive r Wendel l Holmes , Jr., wh o

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was abou t t o begi n hi s senio r yea r a t Harvard . A s the y roame d Boston Commo n pas t midnight , talkin g "psychics"—spiritua l force s and thing s o f th e soul—Howell s trie d t o mak e ou t a n affinit y between a Bostonian , whos e lif e ha d bee n "deepl y schoole d an d definitely regulated, " an d himself , whos e way ha d bee n "desultor y and self-found." 52 Before visitin g Hawthorn e i n Concord , Howell s glance d a t Lowell's not e o f introductio n an d discovere d tha t i t complimente d his poetry . Althoug h Hawthorn e wa s sh y an d meditativ e i n thei r talk, h e gav e Howell s a not e t o Emerso n tha t read , " I find thi s young man worthy." With Emerso n an d Thoreau, however , How ells me t unexpecte d resistance . Thorea u seate d Howell s a t a n un friendly distanc e an d confounde d hi s attempt s t o spea k o f Joh n Brown an d Walde n Pond . Emerso n wa s formall y cordia l bu t dis missive o f othe r writers ' reputations . H e calle d Hawthorne' s Marble Faun "a mer e mush " an d Po e "th e jingle-man. " Whe n h e learne d Howells wa s a poet , Emerso n pulle d th e Atlantic fro m th e shel f and looke d ove r Howells' s poem s without a word. A s Howells wa s leaving, Emerso n suggeste d tha t no w an d the n on e migh t "giv e a pleasant hour " t o poetry . Feelin g diminishe d b y Thoreau' s aloof ness an d Emerson' s comments , Howell s wandere d bac k t o hi s hotel an d los t himsel f i n a fit o f self-accusation . H e focuse d o n a minor breac h o f socia l ceremon y wit h Emerso n an d plotte d wil d schemes of restitution. 53 When h e returne d t o Boston , Howell s unburdene d hi s tal e t o Fields. Th e publishe r responde d wit h uproariou s laughter . Withi n the yea r Emerso n ha d bee n adde d t o Fields' s lis t o f most-favore d authors, bu t h e was n o advocate o f Emerson's philosophy . H e ha d once writte n i n caricature , "Bu t wha t hav e w e here , a fool swing ing o n a clothe s line?—No!—Mr . Emerso n swingin g himsel f o n an inverte d rainbow. " Secre t ridicul e of Emerson an d hi s follower s was no t uncommo n amon g th e intellectua l elit e o f Cambridg e an d Boston. Recentl y Lowel l an d Thorea u ha d com e into open conflic t over Thoreau' s celebratio n o f th e lon e individual . Emerso n an d Thoreau ma y hav e bee n frosty t o Howell s becaus e h e appeare d t o

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be Lowell' s devotee . Whateve r th e mi x o f motiv e an d circum stance, Howells' s experience s ha d distance d hi m fro m Concor d and draw n hi m close r t o Boston . H e ha d fortifie d hi s sympath y with thos e intellectual s wh o share d hi s nee d t o fulfil l a literar y vocation withi n rathe r tha n apar t fro m society. 54 Howells's allegianc e t o Bosto n easil y survive d th e taunt s o f hi s peers a t th e Saturday Press. Arrivin g i n Ne w York , Howell s foun d the Bohemian s les s seriou s an d fa r tame r tha n h e ha d expected . They mainl y trie d t o deflat e hi s enthusias m fo r Bosto n an d mak e gibes a t hi s expense . Th e exceptio n wa s Wal t Whitman , wh o wa s more thei r ido l tha n thei r compatriot . Althoug h th e Press had recently printe d Howells' s dissentin g opinio n o n th e i86 0 editio n of Leaves of Grass, Whitman shoo k Howells' s han d wit h genuin e friendliness. Apar t fro m Whitman , th e Bohemian s appeare d t o b e groupish. Lowel l an d Holme s share d man y convictions , bu t the y were distinctl y differen t personalities . I n contrast , i t seeme d t o Howells tha t th e Bohemians ' rebellious styl e "absorbfed] identity. " When h e returne d t o Columbus , Howell s wrot e Field s a lette r disparaging Ne w Yor k an d praisin g Boston , sayin g tha t h e looke d forward t o livin g i n Bosto n someday— u being possibl y th e linch pin i n th e hub. " " I kno w tha t th e pe n i s a feeble instrumen t wit h which t o kee p the wol f fro m th e door, " h e stated , "bu t then , wha t will no t yout h dare—t o hope?" 55 Remembering hi s literar y pilgrimag e t o Boston , Howell s retaine d his youthful wonder . Wha t could Lowell , Holmes , an d Field s have seen i n someon e wh o wa s "th e mer e response , th e hollo w echo " of their incisiv e commentar y an d wit ? Thei r graciousnes s wa s no t entirely exceptional . Lowel l frequentl y hel d ou t a welcoming han d to beginnin g writers , an d th e dinne r a t Parke r Hous e wa s par t o f Fields's effor t t o recrui t ne w talent . A s me n imbue d wit h a hig h ideal of civility, th e Brahmins felt oblige d t o be agreeable on publi c occasions, an d the y wer e al l irrepressibly entertainin g talkers . Yet , while Fields' s hom e wa s a note d showplace , Lowel l an d Holme s usually protecte d thei r privacy . Whe n the y admitte d Howell s t o

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their homes , the y grante d a rar e privilege . T h e y disregarde d thei r usual separatio n o f publi c an d privat e sphere s becaus e the y con sidered Howell s a specia l phenomenon. 5 6 Later, i n hi s revie w o f Venetian Life (1866) , th e boo k tha t estab lished Howells' s credential s i n Boston , Lowel l recalle d hi s initia l acquaintance wit h hi s protege . H e ha d regarde d Howells' s poem s as one o f th e "favorabl e omen s o f our literature. " Fro m th e momen t Lowell discovere d tha t Howell s wa s thoroughl y Wester n an d wholl y untutored, th e delicac y an d finish o f hi s poetr y too k o n significan t meaning: This delicacy , i t appeared , wa s a produc t o f th e rough-and-read y West , this finish th e natura l gif t o f a young ma n wit h n o advantag e o f college training, who , passin g fro m th e compositor' s des k t o th e editorshi p o f a local newspaper , ha d bee n hi s ow n facult y o f th e humanities . . . . A singular fruit , w e thought , o f ou r shagg y democracy,—a s interestin g a phenomenon i n tha t regar d a s i t ha s bee n ou r fortun e t o encounter . Where i s th e rudenes s o f a new community , th e pushin g vulgarit y o f a n imperfect civilization , th e licentiou s contemp t o f form s tha t mark s ou r unchartered freedom , an d al l the other terribl e thing s whic h hav e so long been th e bugaboo s o f Europea n refinement ? Her e wa s a natural product , as perfectl y natura l a s th e deliberat e attemp t o f "Wal t Whitman " t o answer th e deman d o f nativ e an d foreig n misconceptio n wa s perfectl y artificial. Ou r institution s d o not , then , irretrievabl y doo m u s t o coarse ness an d t o impatienc e o f tha t restrainin g preceden t whic h alon e make s true cultur e possibl e an d tru e ar t attainable . Unles s w e ar e mistaken , there i s somethin g i n suc h a n exampl e a s that o f Mr . Howell s whic h i s a better argumen t fo r th e America n socia l an d politica l syste m tha n an y empirical theorie s tha t ca n b e constructed agains t it. 57 T o th e "modes t preludings " o f hi s youn g literar y friend , Lowel l had attache d a weigh t o f ideologica l meaning . A feelin g o f crisi s existed amon g Brahmi n intellectuals , focusin g o n "democrac y mis understood." Mas s politic s ha d opene d th e wa y fo r vulga r me n with vulga r methods . Lowel l wa s disturbe d b y th e risin g tid e o f Irish immigrant s an d looke d nostalgicall y t o th e pas t whe n hi s patria Cambridg e ha d containe d onl y th e "foreig n admixture " o f two Scotc h gardeners . Lowel l ha d idealize d democrac y a s th e extension o f th e bes t o f though t an d feelin g t o greate r number s o f

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men an d women , bu t b y th e 1850s , a s Howell s late r summarize d his attitude , Lowel l n o longe r ha d "fait h i n insubordinatio n a s a means o f grace. " Instead , Lowel l stresse d th e leadershi p o f culti vated me n an d respec t fo r tradition—thos e thing s h e share d wit h his Brahmi n peers—t o safeguar d sacre d ideals . Holmes , too , wor ried whethe r natura l leader s fro m th e "privilege d order"—th e "Brahmin cast e o f Ne w England"—woul d continu e t o guid e th e "great multitude." 58 Lowell's assessmen t o f Howells renewe d hi s faith i n democracy . If Howell s wer e a typica l produc t o f "shaggy " America n society , the danger s associate d wit h democrac y migh t b e exaggerations . For Holmes , Howell s probabl y wa s no t s o salutar y a n omen . H e appeared t o fit Holmes' s descriptio n o f th e singl e exceptio n t o th e Brahmin's natura l superiority—th e rar e outlander, th e "uncombe d youth," whos e vigo r surpasse s tha t o f th e hereditar y scholars . Howells foun d i t surprisin g tha t non e o f hi s host s questione d hi m about politics , sinc e h e wa s th e campaig n biographe r o f Abraha m Lincoln and the writer of an antislavery poem , "Th e Pilot's Story, " recently accepte d b y th e Atlantic. Bu t th e Brahmin s believe d the y could discer n th e shap e o f events fro m individua l character . How ells offered reassurin g sign s that th e West—a s th e real m o f demo cratic man—di d no t necessaril y foste r a "contempt o f forms " an d an impatience o f "restraining precedent." 59 Howells wa s no t immediatel y u p t o Brahmi n standards . A fe w years later , Lowel l reiterate d hi s initia l advice : "Yo u hav e enoug h in yo u t o d o hono r t o ou r literature, " h e tol d Howells . "Kee p o n cultivating yourself . Yo u kno w wha t I thought . Yo u mus t swea t the Heine out of you a s men do mercury. Yo u are as good as Hein e —remember that. " A t thei r firs t meeting , Lowel l ha d describe d the Heinesqu e a s a "leeshore " t o b e avoide d b y constan t dili gence.60 During th e perio d whe n h e becam e involve d wit h Howell s a s a mentor, Lowel l wa s reconsiderin g th e poeti c imaginatio n an d de fining, mor e absolutel y tha n before , a positio n tha t identifie d th e Heinesque—along wit h simila r forms o f "sentimentalism"—as th e "cant o f moder n literature. " Th e subjective , self-reflectiv e ten -

17. Jame s Russel l L o w e l l a t ag e forty , i n 1859 , th e yea r befor e h e me t H o w e l l s . H o w e l l s recalle d tha t L o w e l l wa s "reluctan t t o par t w i t h [hi s own] youth , an d wa s willin g to clin g t o i t whereve r h e foun d it. " Lowel l sometimes trie d t o sustai n a feelin g o f youthfulnes s i n physica l competi tion wit h hi s proteges . D u r i n g thei r firs t meeting , L o w e l l too k H o w e l l s on a backyar d rout e throug h C a m b r i d g e . L o w e l l faile d t o boun d ove r a fence. Afte r succeedin g o n th e thir d attempt , h e said , " I commonl y d o that th e firs t time. "

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dency o f moder n poetry , th e effor t o f poet s lik e Hein e t o b e concerned minutel y wit h thei r ow n feelings , th e sorrowfu l Sehnsucht that the y sa w a s a possibl e mean s o f redemption—al l thi s Lowell viewe d a s "vanity" an d "disease. " I n hi s critical essays , h e excoriated thi s kin d o f sentimentalis m i n crescendo s o f derisiv e epitaphs: Suc h poetr y wa s "degenerate," "sickly, " and "feminine. " Poets wh o accepte d it s premise s wer e "idlers " an d "dilettanti. " They wer e "feeble, " "insincere, " and "weak i n the knees." 61 According t o Lowell , sentimenta l egois m destroye d th e poet' s natural sympath y wit h "universa l nature. " Lookin g int o th e "nar row wel l o f self, " th e sentimentalis t sa w only th e distorted reflec tion o f hi s ow n imag e an d mistoo k i t fo r poeti c truth . Instea d o f presenting "th e thin g itself, " th e preexisten t idea l o f perfection , "the eterna l harmon y whic h w e cal l God, " the sentimentalis t of fered merel y a "fidgety assertio n o f selfhood." Lowel l condemne d the ide a tha t th e poet' s visio n wa s necessaril y fragmentar y an d limited; h e believe d nothin g o f significanc e existe d withi n one' s "vast interior. " Th e mos t th e sentimentalis t coul d portra y wa s a passing mood , a thin g harmles s i n itself , lik e " a fit o f menta l indigestion," bu t a sur e sig n o f "disease " i f indulge d i n fo r long . The habitua l sentimentalis t wa s seekin g "t o justif y persona l fail ings by generalizing them int o universal laws. " The poet's duty lay elsewhere. Hi s office , Lowel l asserted , wa s t o revea l i n "idea l portraitures" the universal qualitie s tha t emanat e fro m God—"grac e and goodness , the fair, th e noble, an d the true." 62 Lowell identifie d sentimental , self-referentia l poetr y wit h th e disintegration o f "authoritativ e limitation s o f thought " tha t ha d followed i n th e wak e o f th e Frenc h Revolution. 63 I n th e real m o f the socia l a s wel l a s th e spiritual , h e wa s preoccupie d wit h th e need fo r restraint , proportion , control , al l subsumed i n subordina tion t o tradition an d "just" authority. 64 Lowel l distruste d internal ized self-control ; h e idealize d a tim e whe n control s wer e estab lished fro m abov e and followed fro m below . A persona l sourc e o f Lowell' s attitud e wa s the Job-like despai r he suffere d durin g th e lat e 1840 s an d earl y 1850s , whe n h e los t three childre n an d hi s wife. H e la y awake a t night thinkin g o f his

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razors an d hi s throat . Finall y h e subdue d hi s grie f b y haltin g th e free flow o f hi s emotions . Fro m thi s time , h e remaine d chastene d toward wha t coul d b e know n b y self-exploratio n an d humble d i n relation t o the mysteriou s working s o f the universe. Howell s cam e into Lowell' s lif e whe n h e wa s formulatin g th e lesson s o f hi s experience. Lowel l ha d bee n force d bac k to first principles, an d fo r him th e mos t importan t o f thes e principle s wa s th e belie f tha t a moral orde r reigne d despit e contrary appearances. 65 Lowell an d Howell s forme d a relationshi p tha t wa s mutuall y affirming. Fo r Lowell , Howell s appeare d t o b e a young ma n wh o promised th e durabilit y o f Lowell' s belief s amon g th e commo n people of the "shaggy" American democracy . Fo r Howells , Lowel l offered al l he had hope d t o find i n the spher e o f Boston: authorita tive sanctio n fo r hi s sens e o f literar y vocation , a "layin g o n o f hands" tha t carrie d th e strengt h o f place , associatio n wit h a real m where literatur e appeare d t o b e wove n int o th e fabri c o f life . B y his authority , furthermore , Lowel l pose d th e possibilit y o f inte grated belie f i n a mora l universe . No t onl y that , Lowell' s advic e strongly implie d tha t devotio n t o thi s idea l wa s necessar y fo r ad mittance t o Boston .

CHAPTER 8

The Province of ^Reason We se e nothing whole , neithe r lif e no r art . W e ar e s o made, i n sou l and i n sense , tha t w e ca n dea l onl y wit h parts , wit h points , wit h degrees; an d th e endeavo r t o compas s an y entiret y mus t involv e a discomfort an d a danger ver y threatenin g t o ou r intellectua l integ rity. HOWELLS, 189 5

Confirmed i n hi s reverenc e fo r Boston , Howell s believe d a conse crated pat h ha d opene d befor e him . H e realized , however , tha t following i t woul d deman d hi s utmos t devotion . " A ma n ma y hav e ever s o muc h i n him, " Lowel l ha d tol d him , "bu t eve r s o muc h depends o n ho w h e get s i t out. " Onc e h e returne d t o Columbus , Howells organize d hi s affair s t o th e singl e en d o f gettin g ou t whatever i t wa s i n hi m tha t Lowel l migh t conside r eve r s o much . His firs t ste p wa s t o buttres s Lowell' s fatherl y regard . " I find myself willin g an d abl e t o work, " h e wrot e Lowell , "whic h [is ] only anothe r locutio n fo r willingnes s an d abilit y t o b e happy. " H e added tha t fo r th e tim e bein g th e "littl e immediat e applause " h e received fro m hi s Columbu s reader s woul d b e enoug h t o satisf y "the youn g poet. " T o fre e hi s tim e fo r stud y an d writing , Howell s limited hi s evenin g call s t o th e minimu m an d announce d t o hi s family tha t h e woul d no t b e visitin g home . Neithe r woul d i t b e IO

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wise fo r an y o f th e famil y t o com e t o Columbus , h e pointe d out , since hi s financia l situatio n wa s stil l ver y shaky . Fearin g a mor e disturbing distraction , h e declare d t o Victoria , "Bu t a s m y onl y selfish ai m i s to suc[c]ee d i n literature , I will hel p with m y mone y all of you a s fast a s I get it." l Howells wa s determine d t o reserv e hi s evening s exclusivel y fo r literature becaus e hi s day s wer e agai n consume d b y journalism . Finding tha t Foste r coul d offe r nothin g t o occup y hi m a t th e publishing house , h e ha d regaine d a position o n th e State Journal. Cooke had resume d comman d o f the newspaper an d hire d Howell s to replace Reed , wh o ha d move d on , a s Howells phrase d it , t o th e "Cimmerian darknes s o f th e Cincinnat i Gazette. " Whil e Howell s assumed th e mai n editoria l duties , h e share d som e of the responsi bility fo r politica l commentar y wit h a newcomer mor e his own ag e named Samue l Price . Reed' s sarcasti c styl e remaine d th e traditio n of the office. Sinc e Howell s ha d editoria l charg e of the newspaper , he expande d hi s literar y reviews , providin g a n outle t fo r hi s eve ning labors. Wit h Lowell' s words fo r inspiration— u more powe r t o your elbow!"—h e aime d fo r a n authoritativ e critica l voic e to com plement hi s poetry an d fiction. 2 As ofte n a s h e coul d find occasion , Howell s reporte d hi s prog ress t o Lowell . H e le t Lowel l kno w tha t h e ha d listene d carefull y to hi s suggestion s an d picke d u p thei r finer nuances . Lowel l ha d warned hi m t o avoi d printin g u too muc h & too soon. " A prelimi nary t o becoming a man o f "genius," he had observed , wa s becom ing a ma n o f "sense. " Howell s replie d tha t h e wa s strivin g fo r "definiteness" i n hi s poetry , eliminatin g poem s tha t faile d t o sur vive a sobe r secon d reading . Nevertheless , h e continue d t o dra w inspiration fo r hi s poetry fro m "curiou s revelation s o f self," retain ing th e Heinesqu e mod e o f perceptio n tha t Lowel l disliked . How ells tol d Lowel l tha t h e ha d prepare d a lectur e celebratin g "th e genius o f Heinric h Heine " fo r a n Atheneu m serie s i n Columbus . He le t thi s statemen t hav e it s ow n effec t bu t late r defende d hi s Heinesque sensibilit y mor e directl y an d apologetically . " I tr y t o write alway s outsid e o f m y affectio n fo r [Heine], " he tol d Lowell . "But wha t wit h th e Germa n bloo d I have, an d m y intens e lov e fo r

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German poetry , i t i s har d fo r m e t o avoi d th e Germa n manner. " Howells di d no t mentio n tha t h e ha d shifte d th e subjec t o f hi s lecture to the aesthetic, political , an d civi l character o f Boston. 3 In hi s letter s t o Lowell , Howell s wa s jockeyin g t o retai n hi s autonomy. Lik e othe r antebellu m Americans , h e fel t thi s natura l need i n a n exaggerate d way . A s communa l orientation s o f belie f eroded, individual s wer e force d mor e upo n themselve s t o deter mine what wa s real an d wha t wa s false. Transparen t publi c hoaxe s like those invented b y P . T. Barnu m playe d t o a widespread desir e to unmas k deceptiv e appearance s an d groun d belie f i n immediat e experience.4 Som e individual s foun d safet y i n mora l platitude s o r secular gods ; others sough t verificatio n throug h th e senses—i n th e ecstasies o f camp-meetin g conversions , th e voice s o f spiritualis t seances, o r th e revelation s o f dreams . Bu t fo r youn g peopl e lik e Howells, th e mos t intensel y fel t realit y seeme d th e realit y o f self . Within th e diffus e atmospher e o f doubt, the y looke d withi n them selves to establish a basis of belief. 5 While Howell s sough t t o affir m belie f o n th e basi s o f hi s ow n experience, hi s mento r ha d retreate d t o spiritua l givens . "Th e eternal harmon y whic h w e cal l God, " Lowel l believed , wa s mani fested i n a "fire-proof" mora l univers e that woul d endur e al l incen diary passion s o f th e present . Fo r Howells , however , th e passion s of the presen t coul d ver y wel l b e revelations o f the soul , illumine d more deepl y b y "th e secre t lightnin g o f feeling. " Th e metho d h e derived fro m Hein e wa s t o understan d th e mora l univers e i n a fragmentary wa y throug h intens e exploration s o f self . Despit e th e warnings o f Lowell , Howell s retaine d th e Heinesqu e mod e o f perception tha t promise d t o dra w th e worl d o f hi s experienc e int o cohesive order . "Creed s ar e good, " h e declare d i n a review , "bu t thoughts ar e better." 6 Because h e feare d Lowel l woul d neve r accep t hi s Heinesqu e incli nations, Howell s wa s unsur e ho w h e shoul d read y himsel f fo r Boston. H e ha d foun d a promising stand-i n fo r Lowell , however , in the companion o f his midnight wal k on the Bosto n Common . I n correspondence wit h Olive r Wendell Holmes , Jr., h e measured hi s

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development agains t a Bostonia n wh o wa s mor e hi s peer , despit e their difference s o f place , family , an d schooling . Howell s por trayed himsel f a s Holmes's intellectua l equal : "I hav e been doin g a little Frenc h Revolution , Milton , Leig h Hunt' s Autobiography , Italian Poets , an d Faust, " Howell s wrote . "Politic s an d criticis m not counted." 7 Holmes ha d a s muc h t o gai n a s Howell s fro m thei r "pen-and paper" friendship. N o doub t Holme s ha d rea d hi s father's descrip tion of the Brahmi n wit h dee p chagrin, fo r hi s father ha d raise d a n alarm ove r "lowere d vitality " i n Brahmin s o f successiv e genera tions. Holme s replie d t o hi s father' s implici t gib e i n a n essa y h e sent Howells . H e claime d tha t someon e "bre d i n th e mids t o f riches, an d educate d fro m hi s earlies t youth " possesse d a n advan tage over an y "self-mad e man " tha t "ca n neve r b e annulled , what ever ma y b e hi s inferiorit y i n natura l parts. " Howells' s reputatio n as a type o f Western vigo r gave Holmes th e chance to demonstrat e that h e was not proo f o f his father's thesis. 8 Howells an d Holme s share d a n allegianc e the y bot h acknowl edged—the bon d o f youth . Holme s ha d define d thei r generatio n of young me n a s among the first "wh o hav e been brough t u p i n a n atmosphere o f investigation , instea d o f havin g ever y doub t an swered." Howell s ha d fel t th e sam e generationa l urg e t o questio n authority. " I a m goin g largel y int o skepticis m a t present, " h e reported. "Cultivatin g m y incredulit y o n a course o f Voltair e an d the Westminste r Review. " H e late r reported—onl y partl y i n jes t —that h e ha d droppe d Voltaire : " I though t i t idl e t o rea d a ma n who was not disposed t o question anythin g mor e than I." 9 On th e basi s o f thei r share d skepticism , Howell s cautiousl y gauged Holmes' s attitud e towar d Heinesqu e perception . Becaus e Holmes specialize d i n aesthetics , Howell s expresse d enthusias m for portrait s o f Christ' s passio n h e ha d observe d i n Catholi c sho p windows. Quotin g Heine' s analysis , Howell s suggeste d tha t th e representations o f "abnegatio n an d self-sacrifice " wer e subjectiv e renderings o f th e artists ' "martyrdom. " " I don' t quot e Hein e o n any subjec t anymore , i f I can help it," he added. " I hav e wearied a little of his brilliance an d subtlety—bot h partl y false." 10

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The essay s Holme s sen t i n exchang e fo r Howells' s subjectiv e poems showe d tha t Holmes' s skepticis m departe d ver y littl e fro m his elders ' perspectives . Holme s share d hi s elders ' distrus t o f self exploration a s a mean s o f revelation . Complete d durin g th e sum mer of Howells's pilgrimage , "Note s o n Albert Durer " an d "Plato " contain seed s o f Holmes' s late r empiricism . " I d o no t fee l sure, " Holmes state d i n hi s Plat o essay, "tha t eac h man' s ow n experienc e is no t alway s t o b e tha t whic h mus t ultimatel y settl e hi s belief. " His hedgin g wa s appropriate , fo r h e stil l adhere d t o hi s father' s philosophical positions . "Experience " mor e poten t tha n Holme s had gaine d a t Harvar d Colleg e would spee d hi s departure fro m th e philosophical worl d o f hi s father . Holme s late r associate d thi s break with hi s four year s of Civil War combat. 11 Although h e ha d allowe d tha t "ever y vagar y o f th e huma n mind" wa s subjec t t o investigation , Holme s contende d i n hi s Dure r essay tha t "persona l an d individual " experienc e wa s no t th e ulti mate ground o f truth. "Th e presumptio n i s always i n favor o f tha t picture bein g greatest, " Holme s wrote , "i n whic h th e lowe r trut h of th e individua l i s mad e subservien t . . . t o th e profounde r trut h of the idea . Knowledg e o f the stain s o f the earth , an d o f the deca y that accompanie s al l earthl y life , doubtles s th e painte r needs , bu t higher tha n thi s i s th e sigh t whic h behold s th e typ e disguise d beneath th e wastin g form , an d highe r tha n anythin g connecte d with th e individua l i s the conception o f the harmoniou s whol e of a great work , an d thi s agai n i s great, jus t a s its idea partake s o f wha t is eternal." 12 Nothin g i n Holmes' s Dure r essa y woul d hav e dis turbed James Russel l Lowell . Holmes's judgment agains t "persona l an d individual " experienc e implicitly rebuke d Howells' s fascinatio n fo r Heine . Accordin g t o Heine, "whole " poet s o f th e pas t ha d penetrate d easil y t o eterna l meanings, but th e presumption o f wholeness amon g modern artist s was " a li e whic h ever y soun d ey e penetrates ; an d whic h canno t escape scorn. " Howell s replie d t o Holmes' s Dure r essa y b y point ing t o th e "analytica l tendency " o f moder n thought : Unlik e whol e artists o f th e past , divide d modern s wer e "critical " an d "uncrea tive"; their characteristi c expression s i n literatur e wer e "th e philo -

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sophical speculation, th e subjective poem , an d the analytical fiction —the fiction a s writte n b y Hawthorne , Thackera y an d Bulwer , and 'Th e Autocrat. ' " Howells associate d th e subjective poe m wit h Holmes's ow n tast e fo r speculativ e philosoph y an d hi s father' s novel "Th e Professor' s Story, " the n runnin g seriall y i n th e Atlantic. Howell s reveale d tha t h e to o wa s writin g a n extende d stor y that wa s growing "frightfull y analytical." 13 Holmes faile d t o tak e th e bait . " I shoul d lik e to talk abou t wha t you sai d o f th e analyti c tendenc y o f ou r time, " h e replie d afte r a two-month wait . "M y tendencie s natural[l] y rathe r ru n tha t wa y and no t a small par t o f m y analysi s i s a s i s too ofte n no w th e cas e applied t o th e unprofitabl e subject—o f self." 14 Thoug h Holme s said n o more , hi s sligh t acknowledgmen t ma y hav e encourage d Howells t o ignor e th e wor d unprofitable an d continu e hi s pursuit . Although h e ha d bee n accomplishin g a grea t dea l i n hi s evenin g study, h e tol d Holmes , " I hav e bee n writin g nothing , readin g nothing, thinkin g nothin g fo r th e las t tw o months. " Enlargin g o n his sens e of inertia , h e raise d a n issu e that ha d triggere d hi s Jeffer son breakdown : " I alway s shive r wit h th e doubt : I s this indolenc e a paus e i n th e schem e o f m y development ? Hav e I com e t o th e end?" Holmes' s mentio n o f a classmate's deat h allowe d Howell s t o ask further , "Ar e yo u lik e myself , i n leavin g deat h altogethe r ou t of th e schem e o f life ? I hav e a smal l salary , o n whic h I liv e wit h the splendo r o f a lord, an d th e generosit y o f a vagabond. — Recklessly I squande r m y mortalit y i n th e sam e way . I thin k fro m th e nature o f thing s tha t I canno t b e long-lived , bu t ye t I liv e a s if n o night la y betwee n thi s an d eternity . I tak e m y eternit y a t once , i n fact—and i f ther e should happen t o b e nothin g afte r death—why , I have had m y eternity , yo u know." 15 Expanding o n hi s associations , Howell s combine d th e idea s o f inertia an d deat h i n a story . "Som e live s see m t o b e perfectl y accomplished befor e existenc e ceases—, " h e began , "tha t is , n o fortuity ca n sugges t ne w possibilitie s fo r them. " Howell s claime d that hi s didactic stor y wa s a true relation , th e authentic experienc e of a "youn g girl " wh o ha d worke d i n hi s father' s printin g office . He endowe d he r wit h a n exceptiona l sensibility , on e a s steeped i n

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the Heinesqu e a s hi s own . Sh e ha d a strange , almos t spectra l beauty; he r eye s reveale d a "divin e languor, " a n "ineffable " rich ness an d warmth . I n addition , sh e "ha d intelligence , taste , cultur e —she ha d rea d a grea t deal , wit h th e dee p inne r sens e o f th e beautiful, belongin g t o s o fe w readers. " Howell s elaborate d he r character t o prepar e fo r th e dramati c lesso n o f hi s homily : "An d now behol d on e o f th e contradiction s tha t temp t on e t o atheism! " Despite he r literar y sensitivities , th e gir l "coul d no t writ e wel l enough, o r woul d no t writ e il l enoug h t o achiev e tha t doubtfu l splendor an d distinctio n o f femal e authorship. " Nothin g wa s i n store for he r bu t " a monotonous drudger y throug h lif e a t the trad e she detested, o r a domestic roun d o f tasks an d stupi d littl e duties. " She was save d fro m thi s fate, however , b y "good death. " "It seem s a har d an d crue l thin g t o sa y tha t th e onl y thin g on e ca n d o i s t o die," Howells reflected . "Bu t fo r her , wha t els e remained?" "Only death, " Howell s repeated , ha d allowe d th e gir l t o escap e an existenc e contrar y t o he r nature . "Hav e I mad e thi s ide a clea r to you," he asked Holmes , "o r does my lon g story g o for nothing? " Holmes ma y hav e ha d difficult y understandin g thi s profusio n o f analysis fro m someon e h e ha d me t briefl y i n Bosto n an d know n through a n occasiona l exchang e o f letters. Howell s ha d pushe d hi s justification o f the Heinesqu e int o a confessional mode . Ostensibl y a loo k int o anothe r life , illustratin g th e analytica l tendenc y o f modern thought , Howells' s stor y wa s a n exercis e i n self-explora tion, concentratin g o n tension s h e ha d bee n tryin g t o contro l fo r several years . Ther e i s goo d reaso n t o believ e tha t th e gir l i n hi s story wa s apocryphal , tha t sh e wa s Howells' s creatio n o f a n alte r ego, representing th e worst tha t h e imagined fo r himself—confine ment t o "woman' s sphere, " arreste d development , an d death-in life.16 Howells' s stor y wa s a las t resort , a ple a fo r understandin g set agains t th e unsympatheti c message s h e ha d receive d fro m Holmes. Letters t o Brahmin s require d to o muc h concealmen t fo r th e kin d of speculatio n o n fait h an d experienc e tha t ha d becom e Howells' s dominant concern . Hi s review s fo r th e State Journal allowe d hi m

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more freedom . I n hi s reviews , hi s tension s wit h Brahmi n expecta tions coul d reced e beneat h th e surface . Followin g hi s retur n fro m Boston, th e State Journal's column s sometime s displaye d th e char acter of leading controversial magazine s like the Westminster Review, becoming similarl y "opulen t i n paragraphi c mentio n an d analy sis." 17 Howell s plunge d ahea d wheneve r h e sensed a n occasio n fo r reflection, no t passin g opportunitie s eve n whe n the y appeare d i n arcane medical journal s an d drear y theologica l treatises . Darwin ha d no t ye t entere d th e scene . Fo r Howell s an d hi s generational peers , religiou s an d philosophica l controversie s wer e still frame d i n Enlightenmen t term s o f reason versu s revelation. Partly to align himself with Holmes's philosophical interests, Howell s dipped int o th e metaphysica l discourse s o f Si r Willia m Hamilto n and hi s disciples , heir s o f th e Scottis h "Commo n Sense " philoso phy, wh o claimed tha t th e "Infinite" was excluded fro m th e "prov ince of reason." According to Hamilton, th e gulf between ma n an d God coul d no t b e bridged . H e elaboratel y demonstrate d tha t ma n was conditione d b y time , space , an d degree , whil e Go d wa s "un conditioned" an d "absolute. " Consequently , Hamiltonian s stressed , spiritual belie f depende d solel y o n faith i n God's revelation. 18 Though h e wa s impresse d b y Hamilton' s reputatio n a s "th e master philosophica l min d o f th e age, " Howell s di d no t rea d ver y far i n hi s philosophy , probabl y becaus e h e foun d th e Hamiltoni ans' limitatio n o f reaso n uncongenial . Hamilto n appeale d mos t t o Americans lik e Franci s Bowen , professo r o f mora l philosoph y a t Harvard, whos e effort s t o shor e u p orthodox y an d contai n th e intellectual energie s o f hi s student s mad e hi m Holmes' s nemesis . Howells wa s content t o bemuse himself wit h the "marvellous spec tacle" afforded b y Hamilton' s contras t t o Oxfor d clerg y wh o wer e currently questionin g revelatio n i n th e nam e o f reason . Moder n life, a s Hein e suggested , ha d becom e "topsy-turvy. " Divine s pro voked skepticis m whil e philosopher s defende d faith . Howell s soo n recovered fro m hi s "touc h o f metaphysics. " H e ha d take n th e first escape h e foun d i n hi s philosophica l reading , detourin g t o hi s literary idea l whe n h e cam e acros s a referenc e t o Heine' s Zur

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Geschichte der Religion und Philosophie in Deutchland, a survey o f phi losophy geare d t o the sensibilities of poets. 19 Heine ha d alread y specifie d th e "provinc e o f reason " Howell s found mos t compelling . Wha t Howell s required , i n his own phrase, was "experimenta l knowledge, " evidence s clothe d i n th e attir e of everyday life , resemblin g hi s ow n experience . Th e moder n ten dency, define d b y Hein e a s the "intensest self-consciousness " an d the "feeling o f personality," seeme d t o permeate all forms o f significant literature . Eve n novelist s o f the previous generatio n ha d become "subjective " an d "analytical " i n their curren t works . Count ing them fo r Holmes , Howell s ha d listed Hawthorne , Thackeray , Bulwer, an d Holmes' s father , "Th e Autocrat." B y dissecting pas sions an d examinin g th e waywar d impulse s o f th e huma n heart , the nove l wa s becomin g "th e moder n poem. " Whe n Dickens' s Great Expectations began t o appea r seriall y i n Harper's Monthly, Howells enthusiasticall y adde d Dickens' s nam e t o his roll o f ana lytical novelists . Howell s believe d Dicken s penetrate d "th e strange inner worl d o f man's consciousness , abou t whic h s o little is known." Dickens showe d ho w the random associatio n o f thoughts reveale d "your instinctiv e self. " Thi s metho d provide d a "magi c len s b y which you r infusoria l idea s becom e visible—formless, a s they are, but inhabitin g you r unconsciousnes s b y myriads." 20 From hi s nervous sufferings , Howell s kne w tha t th e association of thought s an d othe r avenue s o f self-exploratio n migh t lea d t o irrational fear s an d self-accusations . H e had read "Las t Words, " a poem b y Owe n Meredit h tha t voice d a warning "fro m th e subjec tive deep. " Advisin g poet s t o "cul l th e lates t effect , leav e th e cause," Meredit h cautione d tha t nothin g bu t "black death " lurke d within th e self. 21 Althoug h h e fully appreciate d Meredith' s mean ing an d believe d h e wa s amon g th e fe w wh o did , Howell s wa s intrigued b y th e master y o f th e inne r lif e demonstrate d b y hi s analytical novelists . Thoug h i t penetrate d th e instinctiv e self , Dickens's nove l di d not lose it s way in a flood of confusion. "Th e ideas," Howell s pointe d out , "ris e an d float down it s strong, pro found current , tha t neve r break s fro m th e channel." Another brae -

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ing exampl e wa s "Th e Professor' s Story " b y th e elde r Holmes . I n this arrestin g novel , i t appeare d tha t th e physician-autho r "ha d studied th e anatom y o f th e soul. " Hi s characters , Howell s en thused, g o abou t "wit h window s i n thei r brains , throug h whic h you look , an d behol d th e subtl e processe s o f though t befor e the y outwardly declar e themselves i n action.—'Causes , causes , an d agai n causes.' " 22 Narrowing hi s appreciatio n o f Dicken s an d Holme s t o wha t h e identified a s the subjectiv e element s o f thei r stories , Howell s con structed a supportiv e traditio n fo r th e analytica l novel . Th e spo radic them e o f Holmes' s nove l "Th e Professor' s Story " wa s indi vidual responsibilit y fo r evil . Holme s offere d th e bizarr e exampl e of a youn g gir l whos e mothe r ha d bee n bitte n b y a snak e befor e the girl' s birth , communicatin g a venomou s influenc e tha t drov e the gir l t o violence . Usin g choru s figures t o debate th e meanin g o f her affliction , Holme s proselytize d hi s bran d o f liberalize d Chris tianity. Whil e assertin g th e rul e o f a mora l universe , h e urge d leniency towar d exceptiona l case s o f individual s wh o ha d bee n robbed o f thei r will . Holmes' s exploratio n o f a personal sympto m leading t o broa d philosophica l speculatio n precisel y suite d How ells's needs , offerin g a typ e o f th e analytica l novel , th e kin d tha t Howells wishe d t o write himself. 23 Holmes's example encouraged Howell s to make his own connec tions betwee n persona l symptom s an d question s o f belief . Whil e Holmes's nove l wa s progressin g i n th e Atlantic, Howell s foun d a n instance comparable t o the serpentin e heroine , on e that wa s draw n indisputably fro m life . H e ha d com e across a medical discussio n of Edgar Alla n Po e b y Dr . Henr y Maudsley , th e famou s Englis h theorist o f menta l disorder . Eve n mor e tha n th e cas e imagine d b y Holmes, Maudsley' s evidenc e supporte d th e ide a o f limite d indi vidual responsibilit y fo r evil . Everyon e woul d agree , Howell s ob served, tha t Po e was the "ultimat e ba d ma n o f this time" : "He wa s weak, drunken , ungrateful , mendacious , vindictiv e an d cowardl y —capricious beyon d caprice , impulsivel y a n angel, an d ver y delib erately a devil." It was impossible, Howell s suggested , "t o love the

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character o f suc h a man. " I t wa s difficul t "eve n t o compassionat e his sufferings." 24 Yet Maudsley' s evidenc e appeare d t o demonstrat e tha t Po e ha d been "bor n an d fostere d ami d influence s calculate d t o destro y th e balances o f self-control , an d rende r hi m irresponsibl e fo r th e sin s of hi s career. " Unlik e Holmes , Howell s coul d no t res t comfortabl y with th e ide a tha t th e exceptio n prove d th e rule . Whe n h e con sidered Poe' s torture d life , Howell s brough t forwar d th e insight s of hi s ow n desultor y experience . H e speculate d o n th e anomal y o f frustrated an d unfulfille d lives , th e kin d o f contradiction s tha t tempted hi m t o atheism : Poe's educatio n [Howell s bega n i n hi s final evaluatio n o f Maudsley' s evidence] was o f th e kin d t o exaggerate ever y defec t o f his character, an d to d o littl e fo r th e developmen t o f it s laten t good . Throughou t lif e h e seems t o hav e suffere d i n hi s ow n individuality , th e result s o f causes , many o f whic h wer e wholl y anterio r t o himself. T o ever y ma n ther e i s a compensation i n kind : goo d fo r good , evi l fo r evil , i s th e ster n la w o f nature, whic h ha s n o Bible . Bu t her e wa s a man wh o wa s compensated , not alon e fo r hi s ow n wrongdoing , bu t fo r th e error s o f thos e wh o wen t before him—th e error s whic h becam e a par t o f hi s spiritua l organism , and weakene d al l his purposes fo r good—th e ver y error s out of which hi s own sprang . Th e instanc e i s not singular , an d question s resul t fro m i t all, that ar e no t pleasan t one s t o answer . Doe s th e ultimat e ba d ma n o f thi s time, represen t anythin g bu t a su m o f follies , shames , passions , sins , which ha d thei r roo t i n hi s ow n race , whe n it s bloo d warme d th e heart s of ancestor s lon g sinc e dead , an d no w flourish i n hi m wit h a growth an d strength beyon d hi s control ? Thi s seem s t o b e th e scientifi c vie w o f th e case. I f i t b e correct , doe s divin e justic e consis t wit h th e pang s suffere d for th e indulgenc e o f inherite d frailties ? An d ho w muc h individualit y i s there lef t us , when th e dead s o possess an d tormen t us? 25 Howells quickl y ende d hi s hazardou s speculations . Althoug h h e had state d tha t Poe' s exampl e wa s no t "singular, " h e abruptl y ended hi s discussio n b y assertin g tha t Po e wa s "crazed— a mad man," a n aberran t occurrenc e i n th e ultimat e schem e o f things. 2 6 Poe's career , h e implied , wa s no t disproo f o f a mora l universe , a hasty conclusio n tha t lacke d th e comfortabl e assuranc e Holme s displayed i n hi s treatmen t o f th e serpentin e girl .

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When th e issu e wa s presente d i n th e guis e o f fictio n o r literar y debate, Howell s was better abl e to confront th e darker implication s of hi s speculations . On e mean s h e ha d foun d fo r self-expressio n was a conceptio n o f "destiny " derive d fro m Gree k tragedy . Hi s understanding wa s based o n his earlier readin g of A. W . Schlegel' s Lectures on Dramatic Art and Poetry. While Schlege l contende d tha t tragedy reache d it s apoge e i n th e play s o f Aeschylu s an d Sopho cles, wher e "destiny " carrie d a sense of man' s mora l freedo m withi n a providential universe , Howell s ha d responde d mor e to Schlegel' s discussion o f Euripides . Euripides , Schlege l argued , ha d bee n re sponsible fo r th e degenerac y o f traged y amon g th e Greeks . I n hi s plays, destin y becam e th e mer e "capric e o f chance, " losin g it s ti e to th e "mora l libert y o f man. " "[Euripides' ] characters, " Schlege l observed, "generall y suffe r becaus e the y must , an d no t becaus e they will." 27 Howells ha d firs t referre d t o th e Gree k conceptio n o f destin y while defendin g Hawthorn e agains t a criti c writin g fo r th e North British Review. Th e criti c ha d charge d tha t Hawthorn e possesse d a second-rate imaginatio n becaus e h e exaggerate d everythin g h e touched. I n hi s review , Howell s asserte d tha t nothin g coul d b e further fro m th e truth : "N o on e preside s mor e lik e destin y ove r the career of his characters—and i t is this impressive fatality whic h the author represents , that makes his books so powerful an d uniqu e in thei r effect. " Becaus e Hawthorn e ha d mastere d th e inne r influ ences tha t lead t o action—"th e psycha l caus e an d it s results" — Howells believe d Hawthorn e coul d spea k wit h th e authorit y o f destiny. Nevertheless , th e working ou t of destiny i n his novels lef t the mora l univers e i n doubt , fo r i t illustrate d th e contagio n o f evi l from th e guilty t o the innocent, muc h lik e the transfer o f misery t o Poe fro m th e indulgence s o f hi s parents . Hawthorne , Howell s observed, taugh t "th e trut h tha t Si n act s no t s o directly upo n th e sinner a s indirectly , an d become s ultimat e calamit y afflictin g th e innocent wit h th e guilty—thi s i s th e mos t exalte d reac h o f the imagination—this i s the destiny o f the Greek tragedy." 28 In term s o f Schlegel' s definitions , i t wa s mor e specificall y th e destiny o f Euripides , fo r whe n th e innocen t suffere d wit h th e

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guilty, neithe r mora l freedo m no r mora l orde r reigned . Howell s invested "destiny " wit h th e mos t despairin g insights , finding occa sion fo r elaboratio n i n th e sermo n o f a n orthodo x ministe r wh o argued fo r divin e retributio n b y analog y t o huma n vindictiveness . The ministe r had claimed tha t retributio n wa s the essence of Gree k tragedy, bu t Howell s countere d tha t i t wa s "pur e Destiny" : u In the Greek tragedy—tha t sublimes t conceptio n o f the Night-side of human life—th e innocen t suffe r wit h th e guilty , a commo n rui n involves goo d an d bad , an d inexorabl e Destin y brood s ove r th e affairs o f men . I t i s no t justice , no r retribution . I t i s Destiny , ignorant o f both. " Deliverin g hi s negativ e epiphan y wit h th e em phasis o f a debate r clinchin g hi s point , Howell s ende d b y citin g "the Dantesqu e conceptio n o f huma n misery—th e mos t logica l idea o f hel l eve r formed , beginning , continuin g an d endin g i n hideous injustic e an d wrong." 29 Howell s betraye d non e o f th e hesitancy tha t ha d marke d hi s essay o n Poe . Hi s feelin g o f master ing his thoughts helpe d hi m comman d hi s fears . With growin g conviction , Howell s wa s decidin g tha t analytica l fiction wa s bes t suite d fo r confrontin g troublesom e issues . B y it s means, final answer s wer e t o b e discovered rathe r tha n presumed . "Every fiction o f course ought t o have it s chief idea, " he observed , "about whic h th e form s o f though t an d characte r ma y crystallize , leaving i t perfectl y visible . Bu t a theory i s fatal t o the interes t o f a fiction."30 Allowin g a more deliberat e inquir y int o th e "contradic tions tha t temp t on e t o atheism, " analytica l fiction buffere d How ells's persona l despai r an d preserve d hi s hop e fo r unqualifie d belief. At th e sam e time, analytica l fiction appeare d t o be acceptable i n Boston. Howell s ha d identifie d Th e Autocra t himsel f a s a n abl e practitioner. Becaus e i t treate d othe r lives—o r a t leas t th e sel f shaded int o othe r lives—analytica l fiction ease d awa y fro m th e overt egois m o f th e subjectiv e poem , avoidin g th e hazar d Lowel l had identifie d a s Howells' s "Heine-leeshore. " I n analytica l fiction, individual consciousnes s gav e wa y t o th e oute r world , th e onl y terrain, accordin g t o Lowell , wher e th e working s o f a mora l uni verse coul d b e discerned . Inspire d b y hi s readin g an d reviewing ,

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Howells turne d t o hi s "frightfull y analytical " nove l a s a wa y t o quell hi s doubts an d prov e himself worthy . By late November i860 , Howell s had begu n hi s novel. Hi s writin g tested no t onl y hi s abilit y t o spea k wit h th e mora l authorit y o f th e analytical novelis t bu t als o th e viabilit y o f hi s Heinesqu e sensibil ity. Titlin g hi s stor y "Geoffre y Winter " afte r hi s Heinesqu e pro tagonist, Howell s presente d a repris e o f hi s home-leavin g experi ences an d hi s umbrella-ma n fantas y o f transformation . Havin g failed i n th e grea t world , Geoffre y Winte r ha s returne d t o hi s home village of "Dulldale" to work ou t hi s salvation. 31 When h e arrive s i n Dulldale , n o on e grant s Geoffre y Winte r "the whol e sidewalk. " Contrar y t o Howells' s umbrella-ma n fan tasy, villagers regard Geoffre y wit h "hard antipatheti c eyes." Howells returned th e favor: Far m lif e i s drudgery, villag e culture i s stifling . Men conside r whethe r certai n colt s wer e "horsey-lookin g colts, " women hungr y fo r gossi p sca n th e streets . Sentimenta l villag e culture take s cente r stage , characterize d b y th e "gri m parlor " tha t dominates ever y house . Cluttere d wit h tasteles s bric-a-bra c an d suffused wit h a "gloomy , oppressiv e odor, " th e parlo r epitomize s Dulldale. Drawin g fro m th e Jefferso n h e associate d wit h impris onment, Howell s offered a humorless portrait o f Geoffrey Winter' s home village. 32 Humorless self-involvemen t colore d Howells' s characterizatio n of hi s protagonis t a s well . "Whe n I contemplat e Geoffre y i n hi s relation t o the commonplace fact s o f life," the narrator observes , " I confess th e effec t i s t o loose n m y hol d upo n hi s shadow y an d elusive identity . Hi s natur e wa s s o wholl y introverted , tha t th e attempt t o bring his real character i n contact with th e world woul d be a useles s violence. " Geoffre y canno t b e characterize d trul y b y the "motive s whic h actuat e othe r men " becaus e h e i s specificall y Heinesque, someon e whose habitual mod e of thought i s subjectiv e and brooding. 33 After seve n years , Geoffre y ha s returne d a s a prodiga l t o hi s village becaus e o f a disappointment , presumabl y i n a literar y ca reer: "In hi s youth h e did som e things tha t gave belief i n his powe r

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to achieve grander results ; but i t seeme d tha t thes e things wer e th e effect o f youthfu l hea t an d force ; rathe r tha n o f genius . Whe n h e found ou t the truth, an d the belief i n his own power s passed away , his ambitio n faltered , an d hi s activit y ceased. " Bu t Howell s al lowed hi s protagonis t "on e las t grea t effort. " Geoffre y marrie s a lost lov e wh o ha d remaine d i n th e villag e an d become s edito r o f the Dulldal e Chronicle. A t first, newspape r wor k broaden s hi s sym pathies. H e i s draw n t o th e odd , conversin g wit h spiri t rappers , water curists , an d "wild-eyed " abolitionists , a n "endless number o f public benefactors , an d al l th e courageou s an d plausibl e childre n of humbug." A s his observation o f others take s him out o f himself, Geoffrey become s mor e "objective[, ] positiv e an d healthful." 34 Geoffrey i s adep t a t writin g "charmin g littl e paragraphs, " bu t his journalism doe s not fire him t o greater ambition . Th e abolition ists he befriends lamen t "th e languid tempe r tha t wa s content wit h praising a cause—tha t reste d a t thinkin g right , an d lef t th e dee d undone." Geoffre y i s nevertheles s swep t int o th e "whirlin g cur rents" of politics . H e i s nominated an d run s fo r office . A s i n "Th e Independent Candidate, " however , th e campaig n become s a n "ab surd melee, " a "scuffle wit h lies , detraction, malic e and ignorance. " Defeated i n the huckstering election , Geoffre y return s t o his intro verted ways. 35 This resul t come s a s n o surprise . Throughou t hi s novel , How ells had difficult y separatin g th e positiv e feature s o f his Heinesqu e character fro m th e trait s o f hi s enervatin g double , th e idler . I n Howells's "frightfull y analytical " novel , th e ma n o f Heinesqu e sensibility i s subsume d i n self-sufferin g sentimentalism . Becaus e his self-concer n doe s no t expan d t o large r meanings , Geoffre y slides into utter, desolat e passivity . Geoffre y suffer s fro m "ennui, " he i s "fon d o f [his ] sorrows, " h e i s "a n idl e man. " N o catharsi s results fro m hi s "narcoti c melancholy" ; hi s though t bruise s "itsel f incessantly agains t th e narro w close " of hi s life . I n sum , Geoffre y Winter represent s Howells' s despairin g feelin g tha t th e Heinesqu e was a languishing sensibility , wit h n o transcendent possibilities. 36 Howells complete d hi s negativ e portrai t o f hi s Heinesqu e sensi bility b y creatin g a feminine alte r eg o for Geoffre y i n the characte r

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Jane Grove , a sewin g gir l wh o live s i n Geoffrey' s household . Jan e is simila r t o th e youn g gir l Howell s ha d describe d i n hi s lette r t o Holmes, someon e o f "intelligence , taste , culture, " a reade r wh o appreciates th e "dee p inne r sens e o f th e beautiful. " Jan e Grov e shares al l o f Geoffrey' s bette r traits . T h e y ar e "alike, " th e narrato r points out , "i n man y things—i n th e sweetnes s an d goodnes s o f their natures , i n thei r spiritua l delicacy , an d [in ] their rar e instinct s of beaut y an d purity. " Bu t Geoffre y react s wit h "instinctiv e repug nance" towar d Jan e Grove , fo r "pai n an d renunciation " ar e par t o f the "occul t alliance " tha t bind s them . Whe n someon e suggest s tha t he an d Jane ar e ver y muc h alike , Geoffre y denie s i t petulantly. 3 7 Jane Grov e represent s Howells' s fea r tha t hi s literar y ambition s would confin e hi m t o "woman' s sphere, " a real m o f diminishe d expectations an d abjec t passivity . Meditatin g hi s ow n anxietie s i n the characte r o f Geoffre y Winter , Howell s foun d n o possibilit y fo r synthesis, wholeness , o r inne r peace . Mire d i n passivity , confine d to sentimenta l surroundings , Geoffre y ha s reache d th e en d o f hi s development. H e lapse s fro m th e "highes t intellectuality " an d hide s himself i n "apatheti c seclusion." 3 8 Considerin g wha t remained , Howells broache d th e questio n h e ha d pu t t o Holmes , whethe r i n such a situatio n onl y "goo d death " provide d a remedy . Howell s deflected thi s speculatio n fro m Geoffre y b y discussin g Geoffrey' s wife, Clara , wh o ha s becom e miserabl e tryin g t o rous e Geoffre y from hi s estrange d condition : Is i t a cruelt y t o sa y tha t on e ha s n o longe r an y busines s t o live ? Destiny seem s sometime s t o hav e perfectl y accomplishe d th e end s o f a n existence, befor e th e existenc e ceases , removin g th e possibilitie s tha t make lif e a bette r thin g tha n death , tha t mak e lif e a differen t thin g t o annihilation. It ma y b e tha t ou r happines s i s onl y a syste m o f deception s mor e o r less harmless—a su m o f absur d delusions , int o which w e cheat ourselve s and ar e willing to be cheated b y ou r friends . Ye t when th e hop e of this is forever take n away , th e trut h i s suc h a n intolerabl e thing , tha t i t seem s better fo r u s not t o be. 39 Howells generalize d Geoffrey' s conditio n t o al l humanity . "Doubtless," th e narrato r says , "me n d o no t radicall y chang e i n

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anything, an d th e seemin g transformation s o f thei r live s ar e bu t the developmen t o f th e principle s tha t existe d i n th e uncreate[d ] atoms o f thei r bein g befor e th e beginning. " Thi s speculatio n wa s fearful. I f Geoffrey' s fat e represente d th e share d "destiny " o f hu manity, hi s stor y refute d belie f i n a moral universe . " I a m sa d fo r the defeate d existences, " Howell s wrote . "The y see m someho w a defeat o f eternal purposes , an d one hardly know s whether t o doub t or trust." 40 Writing "Geoffre y Winter " wa s mor e grief-wor k tha n synthesi s as Howells confronte d a n aspec t o f his bein g that seeme d confine d to a n unlovel y death-in-life . H e coul d assum e a degree o f detach ment becaus e h e wa s presen t i n hi s nove l a s bot h autho r an d protagonist. A s author , h e wa s tryin g t o broo d lik e destin y ove r the career s o f hi s characters , establishin g th e kin d o f contro l ove r dangerous material s o f sel f tha t h e identifie d wit h th e novel s o f Hawthorne an d Holmes . I f h e coul d no t affir m hi s Heinesqu e sensibility directl y i n th e characte r o f Geoffre y Winter , h e migh t do s o indirectly , expressin g th e subjectiv e tendenc y o f moder n thought i n the guise of the analytica l novelist . While he tried valiantl y t o brood lik e destiny ove r his characters' fate, Howell s wa s impede d b y hi s feelin g tha t h e wa s vyin g fo r control o f his novel wit h a force outsid e himself. Lik e his characte r Geoffrey Winter , Howell s a s author-narrato r coul d no t escap e th e sentimental ethos . Th e expectation s o f th e mas s readin g audienc e intruded o n hi s writing , pushin g hi m i n direction s h e wishe d t o avoid. Findin g tha t hi s descriptio n o f a mino r characte r fel l bac k upon the conventional villag e gossip, he blamed hi s readers' limited appreciation: "I f I portraye d he r wit h th e modificatio n o f a con scientious justice, " h e asserted , "yo u woul d refus e t o believ e i n her, an d I should b e untrue t o art. " Producin g sentimenta l ar t wa s not Howells' s primar y intention , bu t th e taste s o f hi s imagine d readers, "skille d i n fiction," continuall y intervene d a s h e reverte d to sentimenta l dictio n an d melodramati c incidents . Knowin g hi s sentimental reader s woul d dislik e Geoffrey' s disma l domesti c life , he testil y asserte d tha t someon e wh o mistakenl y marrie s hi s first love wa s "agreeabl e t o th e usage s o f man y fictions." "I t i s hardl y

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my fault, " h e tol d hi s imagine d readers , "i f thes e peopl e ar e no t entirely happy , no r exactl y entertaining." 41 Although h e ha d mean t t o confoun d th e expectation s o f hi s sentimental readers , Howell s coul d no t muste r th e ironica l dis tance tha t ha d sustaine d thi s motiv e i n sketche s lik e "No t a Lov e Story." H e wa s determined , however , tha t h e woul d no t resor t t o a "catastrophe " to tie up loos e ends o f hi s nove l neatl y an d agreea bly. H e wa s agains t th e "goo d Providence " tha t watche d ove r many sentimenta l novel s an d diverte d th e true course of individua l destiny. Rathe r tha n conclud e wit h th e usua l "calamitie s o f fiction," h e portraye d end s tha t seeme d consisten t wit h th e "causes " that determine d hi s characters ' individua l destinies . H e di d no t jerk hi s characters int o contrary resolution s b y mean s o f sentimen tal bargains. 42 Despite hi s recognitio n o f flaws tha t frustrate d hi s bes t inten tions, Howell s believe d hi s portraya l o f Geoffre y Winte r approxi mated "a n accurat e prin t o f th e huma n heart. " H e ha d concen trated o n th e mysteriou s influence s tha t produc e character , showin g how subtle , unconsciou s impulses—"mer e infusoria l ideas , littl e different fro m dreams"—issue d i n action . H e ha d tor n awa y th e veil o f appearance s an d ha d foun d "wretche d shape s o f deformit y and pain , tha t miserabl y emulat e th e way s o f health , an d griml y mock th e harmon y o f the whole. " B y delvin g int o th e inne r worl d of the self , h e ha d no t establishe d a conclusive basi s fo r autonom y and coheren t belief . Bu t h e had graspe d a degree of self-contro l b y indulging th e mos t dir e insight s o f hi s desultor y experience . Al though he had "struggle[d ] continually agains t impulses of disgust," novel writin g ha d prove d t o b e a wa y h e coul d battle , i f no t subdue, hi s conflicts. 43 While Howell s wa s contemplating th e sorr y fat e o f Geoffrey Win ter, th e country wa s moving steadily towar d war . Th e outer realit y of sectiona l tensio n an d threa t o f wa r ha d supporte d th e negativ e tendency o f Howells's inward-turnin g novel . A s the war came, th e assumption o f individua l contro l ove r th e force s o f destiny becam e more an d mor e untenable . Th e rus h t o wa r als o rekindle d How -

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ells's feeling s o f selfishness . Onc e th e wa r began , th e antislaver y volunteer replace d th e politica l agitato r a s th e worthies t represen tative of manly usefulness . In th e fal l o f i86 0 afte r h e ha d returne d t o th e State Journal, Howells mad e sur e tha t al l o f hi s editorial s carrie d a "smac k o f righteousness." A s rumor s o f secessio n bega n t o fly, h e scoffe d a t the Souther n "bluster " bu t advocate d forc e i f rebellio n actuall y occurred. Nothin g woul d discourag e secessio n more , h e observed , than "th e burnin g o f a littl e gunpowde r an d a judiciou s us e o f hemp." A t othe r times , h e propose d lettin g th e "wretche d littl e oligarchy o f Sout h Carolina " hav e it s way : "The y hav e bee n a n element o f discor d an d panic—an d now , w e say , le t u s cas t the m forth thoug h the y ente r al l th e swin e o f Cincinnat i an d ru n int o the sea. " Contemp t fo r slaver y wa s th e simpl e consistenc y fo r which Howell s strov e in the shiftin g circumstance s o f the crisis. 44 Writing hi s editorials , Howell s assume d th e stanc e o f th e "tru e man." I n th e atmospher e o f conflict , th e principa l keeper s o f hi s conscience reverte d t o an assertiv e rhetoric of manliness. "Le t i t b e known a t once, " Willia m Coope r Howell s observe d o n th e ev e o f secession, "tha t th e freeme n o f Ashtabul a hav e n o mor e compro mises t o mak e wit h crime—the y wil l compoun d n o mor e felonie s —they wil l surrende r n o mor e rights . The y hav e yielde d al l bu t manhood for peace . That they will maintain. " Lowel l wa s inspired b y a simila r aggressiv e spirit . H e pointe d ou t tha t durin g th e Revolu tionary Wa r "bloo d wa s a s freel y she d t o secur e ou r nationa l existence as milk-and-water i s now t o destroy it." 45 Though h e matche d hi s fathe r an d Lowel l i n hi s publi c pro nouncements, Howell s wa s fa r fro m belligerent . H e an d a philo sophical frien d ha d conclude d tha t slaver y woul d endur e anothe r two hundre d years . I n on e of his literary essays , Howell s searche d for a n illustratio n o f ho w lie s acquir e credenc e whe n enlarged . H e hit o n th e analog y o f war , i n whic h "throat-cuttin g o n a vast scal e becomes battl e an d glory." 46 Concealin g hi s tru e fac e behin d hi s agitator's mas k ha d bee n a psychologica l necessity , bu t i t becam e increasingly difficul t a s the secessio n crisi s intensified . Howells foun d relie f fro m hi s struggle s i n a surfei t o f partie s

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and dances . Emergin g fro m hi s "intellectua l solitude, " h e wa s surprised t o lear n tha t penanc e wa s necessar y befor e Columbu s society woul d accep t hi m o n it s ol d terms . H e reestablishe d goo d graces i n tim e t o mee t a n intriguin g visito r fro m Vermon t name d Elinor Mead . Sh e wa s vivacious , witty , an d intereste d i n th e arts , an assertiv e "America n girl " of the typ e Howell s woul d late r cele brate i n hi s novels . Thoug h h e conceale d hi s infatuatio n wit h Elinor fro m hi s father , h e admitte d t o hi s sister s tha t h e ha d become involved i n "a violent flirtation." 47 Elinor Mea d ha d bee n surprise d an d impresse d whe n tol d How ells was an Atlantic contributor , bu t sinc e the retirement of Lowell, the magazin e ha d begu n t o disfavo r Howells' s Heinesqu e poems . Fields, Lowell' s replacement , wante d narrativ e poem s o n Ameri can subject s simila r t o Howells' s antislaver y poem , "Th e Pilot' s Story." Hopin g tha t pros e migh t wi n hi s wa y t o Boston , Howell s concentrated o n hi s analytica l novel . Th e alternativ e o f free-lanc ing in New Yor k ha d los t more of its appeal wit h th e demise of th e Saturday Press. I n th e fall , Howell s note d tha t th e Press was "slightl y suspensory," an d i t soo n fel l victi m t o th e capriciou s literar y mar ketplace. Howell s wa s attracte d t o anothe r alternative . H e ha d been wonderin g whethe r hi s campaig n biograph y migh t gai n hi m the pos t o f consu l t o Munich . Whil e sensitiv e t o th e Republica n charge tha t politica l appointee s wer e "partisa n hacks, " Howell s believed tha t i n Munich , o n Heinesqu e ground , h e migh t trul y become a poet . I n earl y Marc h h e obtaine d a letter o n hi s behalf , signed—for th e sak e o f conscienc e a s wel l a s influence—b y "al l the office-holding virtue " of Ohio fro m th e governor o n down. 48 The tenuousnes s o f Howells' s vocationa l prospect s revive d hi s old anxieties . I n lat e Marc h h e sen t a lette r hom e representin g himself i n the self-deprecator y guis e of Geoffrey Winter , an d Vic toria i n th e sympathizin g guis e o f Jan e Grove . "Dea r Vic, " h e wrote, "afte r I bega n t o se e thoroughly th e meannes s an d hollow ness o f tha t wretche d littl e village-life , an d narrowe d th e circl e o f my day s t o th e limit s o f home , yo u mad e m e man y a drear y Sunday evenin g pleasant . Yo u wer e alway s kin d an d ful l o f sym pathy, an d believe d i n me , ofte n whe n I coul d no t believ e i n

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myself." Becaus e Victori a ha d share d hi s literar y ambitions , bu t was now imprisone d i n Jefferson, carin g for thei r retarde d brother , Henry, Howell s fel t a n unspoke n rebuk e i n he r self-sacrifice . " I am sure, " h e said , "whe n I thin k o f th e good , unselfis h lif e yo u live, devotin g yoursel f t o poo r littl e Henry , I am quite ashame d o f myself, an d wan t t o d o somethin g bette r tha n achiev e reputation , and b e admire d o f youn g ladie s wh o rea d th e 'Atlantic ' I tak e myself quit e sharpl y t o task , an d g o o n bein g jus t a s langui d an d base' as before." 49 Bouts of self-recrimination mad e Howell s vulnerabl e t o the rus h of event s tha t followe d th e firing o n For t Sumte r i n th e earl y morning hour s o f 1 2 April 1861 . To sprea d th e electrifyin g news , the State Journal pu t ou t a specia l Sunda y edition , an d a crow d hungry fo r detail s gathere d a t th e newspape r offic e t o rea d th e telegraphic dispatches . Withi n a fe w days , Presiden t Lincol n ha d issued a call fo r 75,00 0 ninety-da y me n t o pu t dow n th e Souther n rebellion. Soo n Columbus , lik e othe r stat e capitals , wa s a n arme d camp. Al l throug h hi s life , Howell s retaine d a vivid imag e o f th e volunteers who descended upo n th e city i n u a tidal wave of youth. " Most o f th e "transfigured " youn g me n wer e unde r twenty-five . Singing and shoutin g wit h "wil d hilarity, " they marche d dow n th e sidewalks with interlinke d arms. 50 As a n agitator , Howell s wa s expecte d t o mobiliz e minds . H e supported th e radica l caus e a s i t ha d bee n transforme d b y wa r b y drawing fro m th e traditiona l republica n them e o f self-sacrifice . Citizens ha d becom e "to o sluggish , to o secure , to o selfish, " h e observed, bu t th e wa r ha d imbue d the m wit h purpose : "The y sa y that th e dea f ca n hea r i n a grea t uproar . Than k God ! ami d th e thunders o f th e canno n a t Charleston , th e voic e o f hono r an d o f patriotism ha s a t las t reache d th e dul l sens e o f th e people . Thi s blaze of battl e light s u p th e pat h o f duty wit h it s glare." Howells' s voice matche d hi s father's . "Thi s i s ou r war , ou r cause, " Willia m Cooper Howell s declare d t o antislaver y Republican s i n Ashtabul a County. H e observe d tha t th e youn g volunteer s ha d answere d a holy summons—the y al l wore the beautifu l "ai r of crusaders." 51 While keeping in step with hi s father an d othe r radica l agitators ,

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Howells teeme d wit h dissent . Hi s tru e feeling s soo n overflowe d i n a lette r t o Victoria : Everything i s in an uproa r here , an d th e war feelin g i s on th e increase , if possible. Ther e ha s bee n a sort o f calm to-da y i n th e city , bu t dow n a t the cam p th e carpenter s wer e bus y buildin g barracks , an d th e troop s were drillin g an d th e ma d an d blin d devi l o f wa r wa s spreadin g himsel f generally. Th e volunteer s seeme d t o b e i n ver y goo d spirits , an d t o loo k upon campaignin g a s somethin g o f a frolic . A goo d man y o f the m ar e young boys—no t ove r eighteen . . . . Poo r fellows ! I pitie d the m bu t being a t wor k o n a patrioti c paper , I trie d t o se e som e sens e i n th e business the y ha d undertaken , bu t couldn't . . . . I don't se e that th e wa r could hav e been avoided , bu t i t i s not th e les s a stupid an d foolis h wa r o n that account . Wa r i s always stupi d an d foolish. 52 As ne w wave s o f yout h arrive d i n Columbus , Howell s becam e more distressed . Man y o f thos e wh o joine d Columbu s companie s were friend s an d acquaintances . Som e ha d share d room s a t th e College o r frequente d th e literar y house s o f Columbu s society . One o f th e earlies t t o voluntee r wa s Howells' s closes t friend , Comly . T h e companie s tha t arrive d fro m Ashtabul a County , includin g th e Giddings Zouave s an d th e Jefferso n Guards , wer e filled wit h fa miliar faces . T h o u g h man y o f th e volunteer s wer e youn g boys , "manliness" wa s th e lesso n o f th e hour . T h e volunteer s exerte d themselves i n pugilisti c display s an d i n constan t marching . " T h e whole stat e resound s wit h th e 'left ! left! ' o f th e monotonou s an d ubiquitous dril l sergeant—, " Howell s observed , u a sentimen t tha t may b e torture d int o a reproac h b y suc h conscience[-]stricke n people a s hav e no t ye t volunteered." 5 3 H e woul d no t volunteer , Howell s tol d Victoria , "s o lon g a s there ar e peopl e mor e eage r t o go. " Bu t th e wave s o f volunteer s only intensifie d th e clai m o n hi s conscience. 54 Hearin g tha t hi s philosophical correspondent , Holmes , ha d volunteered , Howell s shot of f a n anxiou s letter : Is tha t true ? I f so,—how ? why ? when ? Fo r myself , I hav e no t ye t gon e in. Bu t who knows himself now-a-days ? I seriously contemplat e a Zouave company no w formin g her e o f m y youn g me n friends , wh o offe r m e a privacy, o n favorabl e terms . Bu t a s I said , wh o know s himself ? Th e ho t

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weather comes on. Th e drill will be very hot and oppressive. And whatever valor I have had in earlier years, has been pretty well metaphysicked out of me, since I came of thought. Your Ne w Englan d fellows , b y Jove! are glorious. An d you'v e heard how Ohio has done? It is a great country, isn't it? And what a magnificent age—for throat-cutting . Bo n dieu! ho w sa d wa s the erro r o f the peopl e that died last year! 55 The mixtur e o f astonishment , flippancy, pride , an d bitte r iron y reflects Howells' s ambivalence . Hi s mos t poignan t not e wa s hi s refrain, "wh o know s himself. " I n th e sudde n shif t o f circum stances, Howell s ha d los t th e momen t whe n i t appeare d tha t h e might answe r thi s question onc e and fo r all . Howells feare d tha t volunteerin g woul d dela y an d possibl y de rail hi s literar y career . Thoug h h e fel t tha t h e ha d chose n th e higher cause , hi s decision torture d hi m throughou t hi s life. March ing with interlinke d arms , th e youthfu l volunteer s represente d th e "manly" solidarit y o f hi s generation , on e tha t lef t hi m out . I n a recurrent dream , on e tha t h e first ha d i n hi s youth , hi s volunteer ing peer s cam e bac k t o clai m him . Howell s envisione d "shape s o f armed men , who , sometime s heralde d b y martia l noises , some times approachin g wit h awful , silen t tread , passe d i n procession t o the house where I was concealed, pron e upon the floor or crouche d cowering i n corners , i n th e frenzie d endeavo r t o kee p ou t o f th e range of sight of the windows throug h whic h th e death sho t was t o strike me." 56 The imag e of marching me n an d th e sound o f martia l noises ti e thi s drea m t o th e day s followin g th e firing o n For t Sumter whe n Howell s hear d th e monotonou s cal l o f th e dril l sergeant a s a voice of conscience. Though Howell s remaine d steadfas t t o literature, literatur e suc cumbed t o the war. H e complaine d tha t "literar y newspaper s hav e all suffere d a war chang e an d ree k o f gunpowde r an d blood. " H e was disappointe d t o se e tha t eve n th e Atlantic ha d gon e "gun powderfully" int o th e war , filling itsel f wit h "cartridg e papers. " With hi s literar y plan s i n disarra y an d hi s generation' s sacrific e t o the wa r beginning , Howell s bega n t o revea l hi s disaffectio n i n hi s State Journal writing . O n 1 2 June new s arrive d o f a skirmis h a t

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Great Bethel , i n whic h twenty-fiv e volunteer s ha d bee n lost , largel y through th e bunglin g o f th e Unio n genera l Pierce . Amon g th e dead wa s the Atlantic contributo r Theodor e Winthrop , whos e arti cles ha d celebrate d hi s regiment' s progres s fro m Ne w Yor k t o Washington. "H e fel l a t Great Bethel, " Howells remarked bitterly , "an offering t o Freedom an d Genera l Pierce' s 'absence of mind.' " 57 The massiv e clas h o f arm s a t Manassa s o n 2 1 July compelle d Howells t o subdu e hi s dissent . Thoug h th e reporte d ant e o f live s had bee n uppe d fro m twenty-fiv e t o thre e thousand , defea t a t Manassas, h e asserted , woul d no t discourag e "tru e men. " Return ing t o th e republica n them e o f self-sacrifice , h e adde d tha t defea t would hav e th e beneficia l effec t o f rousin g th e "eas y going , confi dent North " t o employ it s "whole strength." 58 The requiremen t tha t h e wrin g meanin g fro m battle s h e con sidered senseles s epitomize d th e dissolutio n o f autonom y Howell s had fel t fro m th e beginnin g o f th e war . Th e comin g o f wa r ha d deranged hi s literar y plans , rouse d hi s laten t sens e o f selfishness , and take n comman d o f hi s voice . Howell s ha d lef t th e intensel y subjective Geoffre y Winte r immure d i n inerti a an d longin g fo r repose. Now th e obscure causes felt within th e self that determine d character an d directe d individua l destin y seeme d allie d wit h mor e powerful, externa l force s beyon d individua l comprehensio n an d control. In mid-August , Howell s wa s finally release d fro m hi s painfu l position whe n anothe r chang e a t th e State Journal left hi m out . H e had alread y begu n t o concentrate on office seeking , finally securin g his secon d choice—th e consulshi p a t Venice . H e neede d a fres h start, fo r i n lat e July th e Atlantic editors rejecte d "Geoffre y Winter. " When Howell s visite d Cambridg e afte r arrangin g hi s consula r ap pointment i n Washington, Lowel l gav e him ne w incentive . Lowel l jested tha t Howell s shoul d b e poisone d fo r takin g th e Venic e pos t away fro m th e painte r Willia m Stillman . Howell s understoo d Lowell's pointe d allusio n t o th e fable d Venetia n mean s o f redress . Stillman ha d intende d t o writ e a book tha t woul d supersed e Joh n Ruskin's The Stones of Venice. Lowel l expecte d Howell s t o mak e hi s opportunity i n Venic e coun t jus t a s much . Thi s expectatio n wa s

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flattering an d fortifying . Wit h great anticipation, H o wells returne d to Jefferson t o awai t hi s departure . O n th e da y h e sai d hi s good byes an d lef t hi s family , beginnin g hi s longes t an d mos t distan t separation fro m home , h e jotte d i n hi s diary, "Mih i cur a futuri" — "My car e is for th e future." 59

CHAPTER 9

^Desperate ^Leisure To mak e one live in others, thi s i s the highest effec t o f religion as well as of art, an d possibly i t will be the highest bliss we shall ever know. HOWELLS, 189 5

Howells viewe d hi s fou r year s i n Venic e a s " a grea t part , a vita l part" o f hi s youth . H e state d tha t h e woul d neve r fee l "exiled " from Venice . H e believe d tha t th e cit y altere d "th e whol e cours e of [his ] literar y life. " I n Venice , Howell s becam e a "gentleman, " by hi s ow n definitio n someon e "wh o ha s traine d himsel f i n moral s or religion , i n letters , an d i n th e world. " Give n th e "measureless " leisure o f hi s consula r post , h e expande d hi s knowledg e o f litera ture, history , an d art , extende d hi s facility i n languages, and hone d his power s o f observation . Th e resul t o f thes e labor s wa s Venetian Life (1866), th e boo k tha t mad e "friend s wit h fortune " an d gaine d his entree to Boston. 1 The persona l achievemen t o f Howells' s Venetia n year s i s ex pressed i n hi s ide a tha t th e "gentleman " i s someone wh o ha s disciplined hi s impulse s s o tha t hi s manne r grow s "naturall y ou t o f habits o f self-comman d an d consequen t habitua l self-respect." 2 While i n Venice , Howell s maintaine d a n edg e of self-contro l agains t his feeling s o f uselessnes s an d despair . H e too k Lowell' s advic e 218

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deeply t o heart , steerin g clea r o f hi s "Heine-leeshore, " sweatin g out Heine' s influenc e u as me n d o mercury. " Lowell' s strenuou s images precisel y conve y Howells' s determine d effort . Althoug h Howells foun d tha t th e leisur e o f hi s consula r pos t wa s measure less, h e als o foun d tha t i t wa s "desperate." 3 Adherin g t o Lowell' s vision of a moral univers e require d a drastic turn o f mind, on e tha t denied th e insights Howell s derive d fro m hi s desultory experience . Consequently, th e identit y h e forme d i n Venic e wa s on e o f com promise rathe r tha n tru e synthesis . Believin g tha t h e coul d fai l n o more, Howell s mad e healthy-mindednes s hi s desperat e necessity . But th e feelin g persiste d tha t h e ha d conclude d to o hastily . Late r in life, Howell s returne d t o the problem s h e had determinedl y pu t aside in Venice . On 1 5 Decembe r 1861 , eigh t day s afte r hi s arriva l b y nigh t i n Venice, Howell s recorde d hi s initia l impression s i n hi s diary . H e had bee n dazzle d b y th e city' s spectacula r beaut y a s h e glide d b y gondola t o a hotel restin g at the water's edge . Nevertheless , h e had felt a n "intolerabl e despondenc y o f spirit. " Intens e sadnes s befor e decayed magnificenc e wa s a conventional aestheti c posture , bu t hi s feeling genuinel y expresse d th e burden s h e ha d carrie d wit h hi m from America . "Th e emptines s o f m y life , th e vaguenes s o f m y purposes—were befor e me, " h e reflected , "an d i t seeme d al l s o hopeless an d insane . I di d no t kno w wh y I ha d wandere d hither , nor wha t I should d o i n afte r year s (t o be spent , pleas e God ! ami d the hard an d earnes t struggl e of my nativ e land)—wit h th e experi ence to be garnered i n the indolent desolatio n o f Venice." 4 Utterly alon e fo r th e first tim e i n hi s life , Howell s sa w hi s problems wri t larg e i n contrast s betwee n Venic e an d America . Although h e ha d longe d fo r releas e fro m dail y toi l i n Columbus , he no w misse d th e "har d an d earnes t struggle " o f America n life . America seeme d a world h e had "die d from, " bu t h e could no t la y the ideal s o f hi s nativ e lan d t o rest . "Go-ahead " excitemen t no w appeared essentia l fo r "incentive. " "Ou r peopl e ar e manlie r an d purer tha n an y i n Europe, " he wrote Victoria ; "an d thoug h I hop e to sta y her e m y ful l fou r years , an d kno w I shal l profi t b y m y

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experience an d enjo y it , I stil l hop e t o g o bac k an d engag e i n th e strife an d combat , whic h make s Americ a s o gloriou s a lan d fo r individuals." 5 Howells's homag e to strenuous individualis m wa s set against hi s fascination fo r Venice' s "indolen t desolation. " A s h e recalle d i n Venetian Life, he had com e "in som e unconscious wa y t o regard he r fate a s [his ] own." Melanchol y Venic e seeme d th e outwar d repre sentation o f hi s negative , idle-ma n persona . Clothe d i n "feminine " Catholic mysticism , he r sadnes s wa s suffusiv e an d beguiling . Sh e threatened t o drow n th e unwar y i n a wash o f impoten t sentimen talism. Writin g t o his friend Piatt , Howell s reflecte d tha t Venic e is "so beautiful , s o sad—an d I coul d b e unlimitedl y sentimenta l here, an d melanchol y an d wretched." 6 Little i n hi s beautifu l an d sa d surrounding s helpe d Howell s resist his feeling tha t he was an idle man whose desires were useless and damning . Indolenc e seeme d th e prevailin g standar d o f goo d living. Onl y th e stree t beggar s demonstrate d an y "industry " an d "energy." O n hi s first da y i n th e city , Howell s ha d pu t himsel f i n sympathy wit h th e fashionable eas e of Venetian life . Th e approve d style fo r youn g me n o f hi s clas s wa s "lodging s nea r th e Piazz a d i San Marco, " "meal s a t th e restauran t Capell o Nero, " an d "coffe e thrice a da y a t Florian' s Cafe. " Florian' s wa s a note d gatherin g place fo r "youn g idlers, " th e resor t o f "tranquil , indolent , Italia n loafers," men who carried canes , wore gloves, and stare d a t passin g women. 7 Because hi s consula r dutie s interfere d ver y littl e wit h hi s incli nations, Howell s se t asid e a part o f each da y t o "loaf" at Florian's . In thes e smal l doses , th e cafe' s indolen t atmospher e wa s pleasan t and diverting , bu t Howells' s enjoymen t wa s soo n tarnishe d b y a n "inscrutable feelin g o f shame, " a self-loathing h e coul d no t under stand. "A s I sa t i n th e caff e las t night , talkin g t o th e Russia n gentleman whos e acquaintanc e I hav e made, " h e confide d i n hi s diary, " I bega n t o fee l stealin g upo n m e a sens e o f th e deepes t humiliation, an d whe n h e ha d shake n m y hand , an d gon e t o th e opera, I sa t broodin g ove r thi s fantasti c sentimen t o f shame , an d came home at last, a disgraced an d ruine d man." 8

i8. H o w e l l s , dresse d i n th e styl e o f th e "idlers " a t Florian' s Cafe , proba bly i n earl y 1862 . H e describe d hi s initia l impression s o f V e n i c e fo r hi s friend Joh n J . Piatt : " T h e gondola s ar e mor e blac k swanlik e tha n y o u could hav e thought , Sa n M a r c o an d th e D o g e ' s Palac e ar e mor e glorious , the Bridg e o f Sigh s mor e impressive , an d th e Titian s an d Tintoretto s more gorgeou s an d magnificen t tha n y o u r gayes t dream s o f them . Eac h morning th e golde n ange l o n th e cres t o f th e Campanil e look s i n m y d r o w s y eye s an d make s m e gla d an d prou d t o b e here , an d i t i s only w h e n I remembe r h o w utterl y alon e I a m tha t I fee l a t al l d o w n c a s t . "

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Prompted b y hi s conscience, Howell s plunge d immediatel y int o his literary study . Whil e considering his moment o f self-accusatio n at Florian's , h e pondere d hi s sensitivit y t o "influences , ofte n th e vaguest an d remotest, " but h e set aside this Heinesque sens e of self when h e bega n hi s work . Th e previou s fall , h e regrette d writin g "The Pilot' s Story " when Field s cited i t as an achievement beyon d his Heinesque poems . No w h e tried t o write Fields's kind of poem, a narrative i n hexameter s recreatin g a Western cam p meeting . Bu t even wit h a n objectiv e stor y Howell s coul d no t resis t subjectiv e intrusions. H e frame d "Loui s LeBeau' s Conversion " wit h a de scription o f it s motive : Thi s "stor y o f free , wil d lif e i n Ohio, " h e stated, ha d suddenl y com e to him a s he move d "unwilled, " gazin g with "idle " eyes on desolate Venetia n splendors . Althoug h h e tried to exclud e al l tha t wa s "unnatural , extravagan t o r improbable " from hi s poem , Howell s include d hi s dolefu l identificatio n wit h Venice. H e hi t th e Atlantic mar k bu t fel t n o sens e o f accomplish ment. H e recalle d tha t afte r completin g "Loui s LeBeau' s Conver sion" i n earl y Februar y 1862 , h e "idle d away " th e res t o f th e yea r in "homesic k despair. " Mor e accurately , h e pu t awa y thought s o f immediate literar y succes s an d bega n t o concentrat e o n hi s unre solved problems. 9 As h e struggle d wit h hi s ol d malad y o f homesickness , Howell s found littl e relie f i n Venetia n society . H e fel t Venic e lacke d th e natural freedo m h e ha d enjoye d i n Columbus . Italian s seeme d t o place littl e trus t i n sincerity . Chaperone s strictl y guarde d youn g women fro m mal e predators . Socia l gathering s wer e dul l an d un inspiring, al l "whis t an d dowagers. " Few Italian s indulged Howells' s wish t o use his beginner' s knowledg e o f Italian. H e forme d friend ships wit h Italians , bu t mos t seeme d t o hol d themselve s aloof . H e made acquaintance s mor e easil y i n th e internationa l communit y and gaine d partia l relie f fro m hi s homesicknes s b y acceptin g th e welcome o f th e America n consu l a t Trieste , th e historia n Richar d Hildreth. Bu t hi s contac t wit h Hildret h an d hi s famil y wa s spo radic. H e relieve d hi s lonelines s b y writin g length y letter s hom e and b y livin g for th e futur e i n his diary, especiall y fo r th e momen t —sealed b y a n exchang e o f letters—when h e would marr y Elino r

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Mead an d brin g he r t o Venice . Displayin g th e playfulnes s an d wi t that ha d wo n hi m a followin g i n Columbu s society , h e mad e hi s diary a lon g lov e lette r t o Elinor . H e recounte d thei r courtin g day s in Columbus , an d knowin g sh e woul d late r rea d hi s entries , h e teased he r wit h hi s attractio n t o Venetia n beautie s an d charmin g American tourists . H e wa s carefu l t o ad d frequen t lament s fo r he r absence: " O , E . G . M. , wh y aren't yo u here!" 1 0 While h e expecte d Elino r t o lighte n hi s burdens , Howell s kne w he mus t fac e on e formidabl e difficult y alone . Hi s recurren t sens e of sham e an d hi s persisten t homesicknes s contribute d t o hi s drea d of th e comin g sprin g whe n h e expecte d anothe r bou t wit h hi s devil, hypochondria . Writin g i n hi s diar y i n earl y January , h e prepared himsel f fo r th e confrontation : I hav e bee n oppresse d fo r th e las t fe w day s wit h a gloo m tha t I canno t shake off , an d whic h will rathe r increase , a s I kno w fro m th e terribl e experiences o f th e past , wit h th e approac h o f sprin g an d summer . I t i s the crue l fatalit y o f m y life , tha t th e seaso n whic h make s other s s o glad , only make s m e wretched , an d tha t th e summe r bring s pleasan t thought s and association s t o them, whil e it raises a devil fo r m y torment . Go d kee p me throug h th e comin g summer ! A t home , I ha d fathe r t o counse l an d sustain me ; a t Columbu s th e gentles t hearte d o f me n wa s m y physicia n and kindes t friend ; bu t her e I a m utterl y alone , wit h non e t o spea k m y thoughts, o r revea l m y foreboding s to , an d i f m y hypochondri a doe s no t turn int o madness , i t will b e throug h God' s mercy , an d thos e stron g efforts o f the wil l whic h I have taught mysel f t o make. I must lear n to fix my min d firmly upo n thi s point : tha t n o grea t evi l ha s happene d t o m e yet, an d tha t I hav e eithe r exaggerate d o r create d al l th e calamitie s wit h which I have threatened myself. 11 A tes t o f wil l cam e soone r tha n Howell s imagined , i n lat e Feb ruary befor e th e Venetia n spring . Findin g a Germa n translatio n o f Euripides' Medea, h e rea d lat e int o th e night , undoubtedl y fasci nated b y it s portraya l o f a n inexorabl e destin y neithe r jus t no r vengeful. H e wrot e th e singl e word , "Terrible! " i n hi s diar y besid e his notatio n o f th e tragedy . Whe n h e finished hi s reading , h e ros e "with achin g shoulders , dul l brain , an d a cold shudderin g fro m th e heart out. " T h e nex t te n day s h e suffere d a feve r tha t mad e hi m yearn, h e tol d hi s father , "fo r voices , fo r steps , fo r touches , fo r

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tenderness tha t mad e sicknes s a n empir e whe n I wa s wit h you. " Howells avoide d overstud y tha t woul d "ta x [his ] brain, " an d a fatherly Italia n name d Tortorini , a retired pharmacist , prescribe d and administere d medicines . Soo n h e wa s "o n th e hig h turnpik e road t o recovery. " " I think, " h e conclude d i n hi s repor t home , "i t was onl y m y determinatio n t o no t giv e u p tha t save d m e fro m a very lon g illness." 12 For Howells , seein g hi s recover y a s a triump h o f wil l wa s important becaus e i t steele d hi m agains t th e "hint s o f hypochon dria" tha t bega n wit h war m weather . A t th e beginnin g o f th e summer, h e reiterated hi s determination: "Now' s th e time, i f ever , to encounte r th e drago n an d overcom e it. " H e adde d th e water cure remed y t o hi s routin e fo r "insuranc e benefits, " bathin g thre e times a wee k i n th e Lido . Followin g thi s discipline d regimen , Howells survive d th e summe r an d wa s abl e t o pronounc e i t th e "least oppressive" he could remember. 13 "Strong effort s o f the will " were important , bu t anothe r defens e was mor e significant . Preparin g fo r hi s struggl e i n January, How ells ha d writte n i n hi s diary , " I mus t interes t mysel f deepl y i n study." Whe n h e informe d hi s fathe r o f hi s recover y fro m fever , he added a report o n hi s work: " I write a good deal , here , an d afte r the first confusio n o f ideas , consequen t upo n th e novelty , begi n t o think somewhat—whic h i s bette r tha n writing . I tak e i t tha t i f I do nothin g i n literatur e publicl y unti l th e wa r i s over , i t wil l b e just a s well." 14 Th e ke y t o hi s developin g strengt h wa s th e direc tion o f hi s stud y an d writing . Howell s bega n t o wor k himsel f ou t of his confusion o f ideas by turnin g agains t hi s Heinesque sensibil ity. H e bega n t o purg e himsel f o f al l that seeme d "sentimental " i n his reactions , particularl y hi s urg e t o mak e vagarie s o f sel f hi s predominant concern . Having lef t Geoffre y Winte r languishin g i n the bana l desolatio n of Dulldale , Howell s feare d h e migh t los e himself i n th e exquisit e ruin o f Venice . Late r i n Venetian Life, h e recalle d hi s chang e o f mind. Thoug h alon e i n a n alie n land , h e fel t "curiousl y a t home, " drawn t o th e city' s aur a o f indolenc e an d hopelessness . H e "riote d sentimentally" ove r Venice' s picturesqu e display s o f mournfu l de -

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cay an d patheti c charm . Bu t i n hi s writin g h e reacte d agains t thi s passive, sentimenta l response . Hi s self-referentia l visio n o f Venic e seemed a "luxuriou s dishonesty " tha t detracte d fro m "th e whol e hard trut h o f things. " "One' s conscience , mor e o r les s uncomforta bly vigilan t elsewhere , drowse s here, " h e wrote, "an d i t is difficul t to remembe r tha t fac t i s more virtuou s tha n fiction." 15 In a diar y passag e slightl y elaborate d i n Venetian Life, Howell s described a moment whe n h e had asserte d th e priority o f fact : It ha d snowe d overnight , an d i n th e mornin g whe n I wok e i t wa s stil l snowing. Th e flakes fell softl y an d vertically throug h th e motionless air , and al l the sense s wer e ful l o f languo r an d repose . I t wa s rapture t o He still, an d afte r a fain t glimps e o f th e golden-winge d ange l o n th e bell tower o f St . Mark's , t o give indolen t eye s solel y t o the contemplation o f the roo f opposite , wher e th e snow la y half a n inch dee p upo n th e brow n tiles. Th e little scene— a fe w squar e yard s o f roof, a chimney-pot, an d a dormer-window—was al l tha t th e mos t covetou s spiri t coul d demand ; and I lazil y lorde d i t ove r tha t domai n o f pleasure , whil e th e lingerin g mists of a dream of new-world event s blent themselves wit h the luxurious humor o f the moment an d the calm of the snowfall, an d made my reveri e one of the perfectest thing s i n the world. Whe n I was lost th e deepest i n it, I was inexpressibly touche d an d gratified b y the appearance o f a black cat a t the dormer-window. I n Venice , roof s commandin g pleasan t expo sures see m t o b e chiefl y devote d t o th e cultivatio n o f thi s animal , an d there ar e man y cat s i n Venice . M y blac k ca t looke d wonderingl y upo n the sno w for a moment, an d then ra n across the roof. Nothin g coul d hav e been better . An y creature les s silent , o r in point o f movement les s sooth ing to the eye than a cat, would hav e been tortur e of the spirit. A s it was, this littl e piec e of action contente d m e so well, tha t I left ever y thin g els e out o f m y reverie , an d coul d onl y thin k ho w deliciousl y th e cat harmo nized wit h th e snow-covere d tiles , th e chimney-pot , an d th e dormer window. I bega n t o lon g fo r he r reappearance , bu t whe n sh e did com e forth an d repea t he r maneuver , I cease d t o hav e th e slightes t interes t i n the matter, an d experienced onl y th e disgust of satiety. I had felt ennui — nothing remained bu t to get up and change my relations with the world. 16 Howells's roofto p reveri e represent s th e kin d o f passiv e brood ing h e ha d begu n t o challenge . H e emphasize d th e narrownes s o f his self-referentia l perspectiv e i n numerou s ways . Hi s visio n i s constricted b y th e windo w an d offere d i n th e Heinesqu e manne r

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with aspiratio n towar d wholenes s excised . Lackin g a concer n fo r larger meaning , hi s vision revert s t o indulgence: I t i s an exercise of "indolent eyes, " i t occur s "lazily, " i t draw s upo n a "luxuriou s humor." I t end s no t i n satisfaction , bu t i n satiet y an d ennui, th e bane o f al l idlers . I n hi s Venetian Life version, Howell s conclude d with hi s intentio n "t o ge t u p an d chang e [his ] relation s t o th e world." H e expresse d a n urg e tha t ha d becom e mor e an d mor e imperative i n Venice . H e desire d t o escap e th e "luxuriou s dishon esty" encourage d b y Venetia n desolatio n an d engag e "th e whol e hard trut h o f things, " t o fre e himsel f fro m passivit y b y plungin g actively int o th e surroundin g reality , t o see k th e Venic e o f fac t rather tha n th e Venic e of fiction. The da y befor e h e recorde d hi s roofto p reverie , Howell s ha d seen a n arrestin g allegorica l engravin g o f "Luxury " tha t seeme d t o him th e wor k o f genius . Th e figure, h e wrot e i n hi s diary , "wa s represented, naked , swathe d i n spike d band s o f wire , an d wit h paps no t onl y o n th e chest , bu t dow n th e side , t o th e numbe r o f half a dozen—a monster , tha t turne d m y stomach , notwithstand ing th e symmetr y an d beaut y o f he r for m otherwise . Th e effec t was ineffabl y disgusting—suc h a s I could no t hav e thought woul d be produce d i n tha t way . I t looke d vile—filthy—sowish. " Howell s meant t o return t o th e stree t stal l where h e had see n th e engravin g to stud y i t mor e carefully. 17 Whil e ther e i s a hint o f sexua l ambiv alence in Howells's reaction , hi s fascination derive d primaril y fro m the allegorica l meanin g o f th e engrave d femal e figure. Swathe d i n spikes, th e figure represente d th e horro r o f entrapmen t i n luxuri ous, passive , "feminine " self-indulgence . Howells cease d readin g Heine . Instead , h e studied Italian , trying , as Lowel l ha d suggested , t o sympathiz e wit h Dante' s visio n o f wholeness. Afte r doin g th e churche s "i n th e mos t stupi d guide book-in-hand manner, " h e retreate d t o prepar e fo r a more knowl edgeable an d independen t perspectiv e o n Venetia n ar t an d archi tecture. Unlik e othe r Protestan t Americans , h e resisted th e appea l of Catholi c ar t tha t idealize d a n all-forgivin g materna l being . H e allowed himsel f onl y smal l dose s o f idealization i n the mids t o f St . Mark's powerfu l symbolism , wher e h e fel t "th e spiri t oppresse d

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with th e heavies t loa d o f si n migh t cree p neares t t o forgiveness , hiding th e anguis h o f its repentanc e i n th e temple' s di m cavernou s recesses."18 Howells soo n discovere d tha t h e wa s becomin g mor e an d mor e fascinated wit h th e lif e outsid e cathedral s an d ar t museums . A s a committed republican , h e admire d th e Venetians ' steadfas t "dem onstration" against their Austrian rulers , bu t he was most intrigue d with scene s o f commo n life—th e hard y beggars , th e argumenta tive gondoliers , th e everyda y drama s h e coul d observ e i n th e streets and o n th e canals . I n earl y spring , Howell s bega n readin g th e plays o f th e eighteenth-centur y Venetia n dramatis t Carl o Goldon i and discovere d th e Venic e tha t wa s openin g befor e hi s eyes . Gol doni, Howell s recalled , "ha d th e powe r o f takin g m e ou t o f m y life, an d puttin g m e into the live s of others." 19 Although h e stil l considere d himsel f a poet , Howell s ha d ac quired a n alternativ e interes t i n Venetia n societ y tha t expande d a s he continue d t o cultivat e hi s reporter' s ey e an d instinct . Durin g the summe r o f 1862 , h e starte d th e sketche s tha t late r mad e u p Venetian Life. By his own estimation , th e "living human interest " i n his sketche s predominate d ove r thei r "sentimenta l an d historica l relish." H e wrot e hi s sketche s t o pleas e Lowell , skirtin g th e emo tions tha t pervade d hi s brooding , subjectiv e poems . H e empha sized moderation an d self-control , th e marks, he said, of the gentleman. Instea d o f strenuou s encounter s wit h deathl y things , h e presented "average, " everyda y realities . Th e trut h h e sough t wa s available to all, no t onl y t o the fragmented visio n of the Heinesqu e poet.20 By th e en d o f hi s Venetia n consulship , Howell s ha d disowne d his Heinesque sensibility , expressin g his dislike of "personality an d consciousness" in poetry. Hi s reading of Italian poet s and his stud y of paintin g an d sculpture , h e suggested , ha d weane d hi m fro m hi s "excessive admiration " o f subjectivit y i n literature . Bu t h e admit ted tha t h e wa s als o "insensibl y moulde d t o thi s shap e b y othe r influences whic h [he ] coul d no t s o readil y specify." 21 Heinesqu e subjectivity ha d seeme d a dead end , a form o f indulgent "feminine " passivity. Howell s ha d turne d fro m hi s "Heine-leeshore " towar d

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the exampl e o f Lowell . Attentio n t o outwar d thing s ha d promise d to release Howell s fro m hi s feelings o f uselessness an d hi s disbelie f in a moral universe . This critica l tur n o f min d di d no t happe n a t once . Howell s re quired Lowell' s recognitio n a s wel l a s hi s ow n assent , an d wor d from Lowel l cam e only afte r " a long series of defeats." Meanwhile , Howells's identit y conflict s remaine d intense . H e wa s awar e tha t when h e left th e languid edd y o f Venice, h e would sin k or swi m i n the stronge r current s o f America n life . Hi s friendshi p wit h Rich ard Hildret h revive d hi s awarenes s o f the hazard s o f the America n scene. Whe n Howell s visite d th e historia n i n Trieste , h e foun d Hildreth humorousl y distracted . Whe n aske d t o sa y farewel l a s Howells wa s abou t t o retur n t o Venice , Hildret h turne d absentl y and recite d a line from Paradise Lost. Later Hildreth' s wif e confide d that he had no t been delivering a witticism. Neithe r wa s he merel y eccentric. Durin g hi s newspape r days , h e ha d bee n afflicte d b y "overwork o f th e brain. " No w h e was sufferin g th e consequences . After recordin g this revelation i n his diary, Howell s wrote Victori a that h e wa s workin g wit h " a ne w acces s o f earnestness. " H e wa s determined t o avoi d Hildreth' s fate . H e wante d somethin g "bette r and higher " than newspape r life. 22 Other painfu l reminder s o f hi s pas t difficultie s trouble d Howells . Writing lon g letter s t o hi s famil y an d waitin g impatientl y fo r replies, h e wa s sensitiv e t o th e slightes t pressur e fro m home . H e had promise d Josep h par t o f hi s earning s fo r th e famil y debt , bu t he found h e had nothin g t o send. H e pleade d fo r understandin g o f "unavoidable delays, " bu t soo n h e wa s sufferin g mor e bout s o f shame an d guilt . Placatin g hi s mothe r wa s als o stressful . Accom panied b y hi s sisters ' lament s fo r hi s absence , he r sire n cal l inten sified Howells' s homesickness . "W e wan t yo u t o com e bac k un changed[,]" hi s mothe r ha d writte n o n hi s departure . "Com e jus t as yo u wen t fo r w e coul d neve r Lov e yo u mor e th[a] n w e d o an d we want yo u t o come the sam e dear bo y tha t yo u alway s were an d you wil l find ful l war m heart[s ] only to[o ] happy t o receive [you]. " Howells wante d t o stay i n Venice until h e could retur n t o America

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a ne w person . Relyin g o n hi s mother' s sympathy , h e tol d he r tha t he had dreame d o f being home again, jus t a s she wished, bu t i n his dream h e wa s oppresse d b y th e though t o f opportunitie s los t i n Venice.23 When question s aros e ove r hi s engagemen t t o Elinor , Howell s defended hi s autonomy mor e forcefully. H e scoffe d a t his mother' s and sisters ' anxiety tha t Elino r migh t b e "violently intellectual, " an austere Ne w Englan d bluestocking . "She' s goo d a s wel l a s smart—," h e chided , u and i n fine I lov e he r ver y much , whic h may remotel y accoun t fo r m y intendin g to marry her. " Hi s father' s reaction, apparentl y suggestin g tha t marriag e migh t interfer e wit h his literar y accomplishments , wa s mor e unsettling , requirin g a more convolute d self-defense . " I quit e comprehen d you r feelin g i n regard t o me, " h e replie d t o hi s father , "an d i t i s a matter o f grie f to me that I may no t realiz e all your expectations . Her e I shall not , I know; for th e climat e i s decidedly agains t me . Wha t littl e vitalit y I have is kept a t s o low a n ebb; that I can scarcel y mor e than exist , and wor k o f any kin d i s almost impossible." 24 Confronted wit h hi s father's expectatio n tha t h e fulfil l hi s rol e a s th e famil y hope , Howells gestured towar d hi s psychological fragilit y an d hi s strang e susceptibility t o frustratin g maladies . H e suggeste d t o hi s fathe r that now , a s always, h e was battlin g agains t th e odds. Enduring th e summe r o f 186 2 withou t a retur n o f hi s "hypo " was a considerable accomplishmen t fo r Howells . I n addition t o th e emotional pressure s exerte d fro m home , othe r aspect s o f hi s situa tion migh t hav e throw n hi m int o guilt y despair . Th e wa r new s was extremel y disconcerting , a constan t refrai n o f Norther n de feats, fro m Shilo h i n April to Antietam i n September. Th e massiv e number o f death s deprive d th e wa r o f mora l purpose , reducin g i t to a "blood y farce. " Howell s wa s nonetheles s vulnerabl e t o guil t concerning hi s duty . Hi s singl e ac t fo r antislaver y Republicanis m was to demand hi s carte de visite returned fro m a Mississippi "rebel " who misrepresente d himsel f a s a citize n o f Maine . Whe n new s arrived o f fearfu l clashe s nea r Richmond , h e becam e "dreadfull y anxious" about th e war' s outcome : "I' m afrai d tha t eve n proclama tions o f abolition won' t hel p u s out, " h e wrote hi s father . "I n fact ,

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in the case of my run-off, th e breeching broke long ago, and havin g lost consequentl y m y trus t i n Providence , I don' t kno w wher e to put it. " Howell s resiste d th e guilt h e felt fo r hi s "run-off" wit h th e bitter though t tha t n o one was responsible i n a desultory world. 25 Howells's anxietie s concernin g th e wa r increase d a s th e wa r threatened t o strik e nea r home . I n mid-Septembe r hi s brother s Sam an d Johnn y wer e amon g th e "Squirre l Hunters " wh o con verged o n Cincinnat i t o sav e th e cit y fro m Confederat e attack . While n o attack actuall y occurred , th e possibilit y tha t th e Howell s family woul d b e spare d actua l fighting becam e les s likel y wit h th e draft. Howell s offere d hi s "ever y cent " to bu y a substitute fo r Joe, who wa s th e mainsta y o f th e Sentinel. I f th e draf t too k Sam , Howells hope d h e woul d go , thoug h h e finally mad e hi s offe r o f money stan d fo r Sa m a s well. 26 While bris k volunteerin g i n Jefferson Townshi p eliminate d th e draft, th e threa t t o hi s brother s drov e Howell s bac k t o Heinesqu e expression. I n a poem h e entitle d "Th e Mulberries, " h e describe d his poet-person a a s "listles s dus t b y fortun e blow n / T o alie n lands." The poe m wa s a personal statement , h e told Victoria : "W e pay to o muc h fo r prid e an d ambition . I hav e give n home , an d peace an d almos t hop e fo r them ; an d no w I fee l tha t i f I die d to day m y nam e woul d peris h to-morrow . An d I woul d hardl y care . — So littl e i t come s to , afte r all , thi s world. " Althoug h h e ha d initiated hi s "sanative" turn towar d Lowell , Howell s stil l had muc h further t o go. 27 On Christma s Ev e 1862 , Howell s marrie d Elino r i n Paris , an d b y the first wee k o f January the y ha d se t up housekeepin g i n Venice . They foun d a n apartment i n an old palac e named Casa Falier, wit h a balcony overlookin g th e Gran d Canal . "We'r e ver y nea r th e iro n bridge, an d jus t opposit e th e Academy, " Howell s wrot e a friend . "Our house-keepin g i s th e funnies t an d delightfulles t thin g i n th e world. Th e hous e was furnishe d wit h a n absolutely irreproachabl e servant . . . and sh e takes car e of us a s tenderly an d jealousl y a s if we were children." Venic e acquired ne w meanin g through Elinor' s artistic gaze . Thei r tal k becam e a "jargo n . . . o f Titian s an d

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Tintorettos, o f painting s an d sculpture s an d mosaics , o f school s and o f manners. " A s Elino r sketche d painting s b y th e master s o f Italian art , Wil l sa t t o th e side , readin g th e master s o f Italia n literature. H e believe d hi s interes t i n Elinor' s artisti c pursuit s pro vided "objective " corrective s fo r hi s tendenc y towar d "personalit y and consciousness. " Elinor , h e frequentl y found , als o possesse d the wi t t o teas e "Pokey " ou t o f hi s gloom y reveries . "I t i s har d t o understand," Howell s wrot e hi s father , "tha t th e worl d ha s no t just bee n mad e for u s to enjoy ourselve s in." 28 With Elinor' s happ y alteratio n o f hi s life , Howell s disclaime d the Heinesqu e mor e unequivocally . Whe n hi s fathe r notice d a reprinting o f a Heinesque poe m i n whic h Howells' s poet-persona , enclosed i n a well , stare s a t th e uncomprehendin g star s i n th e noonday sky , Howell s replie d tha t h e no longer identifie d wit h th e poem. " I hav e go t ou t o f th e well sometim e since, " h e observed , "and hav e so little prospect o f unhappiness befor e m e that I think I shall probabl y giv e u p seein g th e star s b y da y i n th e forlor n manner indicate d b y th e poem." 29 Howells wa s strengthene d furthe r whe n h e an d Elino r bega n anticipating th e birt h o f thei r first child . " I suppos e I hav e alway s been ol d an d grav e enough, " Howell s wrot e hi s fathe r followin g the birt h o f thei r daughter , Winifred , i n Decembe r 1863 , "but th e new relatio n pu t upo n me , ha s mad e m e mor e thoughtfu l tha n ever, an d ha s awakene d ne w desire s t o b e goo d fo r th e littl e one' s sake, i f I cannot fo r m y own." 30 Another chang e tha t diminishe d hi s anxietie s wa s th e succes s of a ne w famil y enterprise . Th e printin g o f soldiers ' songbook s ha d proven profitabl e an d promise d t o pa y of f th e famil y debt . " I suppose yo u girl s remembe r tha t prid e i s sinful, " Howell s tease d his sisters, "althoug h fathe r is prospering s o splendidly i n business . Do yo u wea r sil k dresse s whe n you'r e scrubbin g an d white-wash ing? I suppos e Vi c ha s a sati n Iron-holder , an d mothe r a silve r hook for taking off stove covers, and Anni e a brocade dish-cloth." 31 His ne w responsibilitie s urge d Howell s t o loo k mor e definitel y toward hi s future . " I a m tryin g gradually, " h e wrot e home , "t o carve myself ou t a place." Hoping mos t of all for a place in Boston ,

19. Cas a Falier . "[W e lived], " H o w e l l s wrot e o f th e apartmen t t o w h i c h he brough t Elino r i n D e c e m b e r 1862 , "i n on e corne r o f a n ol d palac e o n the G r a n d Canal , an d th e w i n d o w o f th e littl e parlo r looke d d o w n upo n the water , w h i c h ha d mad e friend s wit h it s painte d ceiling , and bestowe d tremulous, golde n smile s upo n i t w h e n th e su n shone . . . . T h r o u g h thi s w i n d o w , also , w e coul d se e th e quaint , picturesqu e lif e o f th e canal ; an d from anothe r roo m w e coul d reac h a littl e terrac e abov e the water. "

h e sen t hi s b e s t effort s t o t h e Atlantic. B

y t h e e n d o f J a n u a ry 186 3

he w a s a w a i t i n g th e editors ' verdic t o n a n u m b e r o f p o e m s , a n article, a s t o r y , a n d a b a t c h o f V e n e t i a n s k e t c h e s . T h r o u g h C h a r l e s H a l e , a frien d o f E l i n o r ' s f a m i l y , h e h a d o p e n e d a n o t h e r lin e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h B o s t o n b y a g r e e i n g t o w r i t e a p e r i o d i c lette r o n I t a l y fo r H a l e ' s B o s t o n Advertiser. H

e als o h a d b e g u n t o see k a

p u b l i s h e r i n E n g l a n d fo r a b o o k o f p o e m s .

3 2

B e s i d e s effort s t o p u b l i s h hi s b e s t w o r k , H o w e l l s b e g a n t o t o y w i t h t h e s t r a t e g y o f p u r s u i n g a n u m b e r o f lesse r p r o j e c t s g e a r e d t o s u c c e s s w i t h s e n t i m e n t a l r e a d e r s . I n M a y 186 3 h e e l a b o r a t e d a p l a n t o hi s f o r m e r p u b l i s h e r , F r a n k F o s t e r , w h o h a d m o v e d hi s b u s i n e s s t o N e w Y o r k . H e o f f e r e d a " p r e t t y littl e v o l u m e , " a l o n g i s h p o e m in h e x a m e t e r s m o d e l e d o n Evangeline, t

o b e illustrate d b y Elinor .

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Howells outline d a plo t tha t mildl y parodie d th e convention s o f sentimental love . H e propose d tha t th e book , whic h h e title d i n the prope r diminutive , "Disillusion : A Littl e Venetia n Story, " would en d agreeabl y i n "comi c farce—i n marriage , o f course. " Prepared fo r th e Christma s trade , i t coul d b e sol d fo r twenty-fiv e cents. Puttin g asid e hi s disdai n o f self-promotion , Howell s con cluded, "S o chea p a book coul d b e sen t t o nearl y ever y journa l i n the country, an d coul d b e thoroughly advertised." 33 Foster agree d t o th e projec t bu t the n bega n t o be g off , citin g a host o f publicatio n problems . I t soo n appeare d tha t th e poe m would neve r b e read y fo r th e Christma s trade . B y earl y fall , Howells's othe r literar y project s wer e als o floundering. N o pub lisher i n Englan d woul d ris k a boo k o f poems . Th e Atlantic re mained silent . Hearin g nothin g fro m tha t "purgatory, " Howell s concluded th e wors t an d offere d hi s Venetia n sketche s t o Hale . This alternativ e mkd e hi s sketche s a specie s o f journalis m rathe r than literature , bu t publicatio n i n Boston , h e reasoned , woul d "reach jus t th e publi c I wis h t o please. " Befor e Hal e accepte d hi s offer, Howell s receive d a comprehensive not e of rejection fro m th e Atlantic, summarize d i n th e statement , "No t on e of th e MSS . yo u have sen t u s swim s ou r sea. " Howells' s literar y prospect s ha d dwindled t o hi s sentimenta l story-poe m "Disillusion, " hi s lesser , more commercia l effort . "M y hear t i s hal f sic k wit h workin g an d hoping," he lamented i n his diary, "t o no visible effect." 34 Just whe n hi s literar y prospect s narrowe d t o th e projec t h e ha d described t o a corresponden t a s somethin g "t o amus e th e leas t worthy o f you r hal f hours, " Howell s receive d a lette r fro m hom e that revive d hi s feeling s o f selfishness . Hi s famil y ha d trie d t o withhold th e news , bu t Johnny reveale d tha t Sa m ha d enliste d i n an Ohi o regiment . Th e antislaver y Howell s famil y no w ha d a n antislavery volunteer , th e brothe r fro m who m leas t wa s expected . The "sudde n shock " chased awa y Howells' s othe r thoughts . "Poo r Sam!" h e exclaimed . "H e put s u s al l t o shame , an d I pra y Go d will kee p hi m saf e throug h th e war. " H e late r puzzle d ove r Sam' s character, suggestin g tha t h e ma y hav e volunteere d becaus e o f hi s failure t o "grappl e wit h life. " Thi s reductio n o f Sam' s motivatio n

20. Elino r Mea d H o w e l l s , ca . 1865 , i n V e n i c e . Elino r kep t a diar y o f calls, domesti c happenings , an d "excitements. " Sh e enjoye d bathin g a t the L i d o an d breakfast s o f muskmelon an d chees e i n th e "Venetia n w a y . " Visiting American s include d H e n r y W a r d Beecher . W h i l e sightseein g i n R o m e , Elino r recorde d a "blunder. " A t th e to p o f Sain t Peter's , sh e declared, " T h e Pop e i s a murdere r t o le t me n ris k thei r live s in illuminat ing th e d o m e . "

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did no t remov e Howells' s self-blame . "Ther e i s a sting o f remors e at th e botto m o f m y anxiet y fo r [Sam], " he admitted , "fo r I hav e not alway s bee n s o patien t wit h him , no r s o mindfu l o f him , a s I ought t o hav e been . But , indeed , o f who m hav e I eve r bee n thoughtful, bu t o f myself?" 35 While Howells celebrated hi s new life with Elinor , th e war new s lost it s accusator y resonance . Bu t Sam' s enlistmen t brough t th e war home . A s th e eldes t brothe r no t essentiall y neede d i n th e family business , Howells , mor e tha n Sam , wa s the obviou s volun teer. Howell s ha d offere d al l of hi s saving s to bu y Joseph a substitute, bu t h e had hesitate d ove r Sam . Wit h hi s least-worthy literar y effort a s his sures t thing , Howell s ha d n o literar y succes s t o counte r his self-accusations . To suppl y thi s need , Howell s bega n a new poem , "greater, " h e wrote Joseph, "tha n an y I hav e ye t written. " Th e poe m h e calle d "Ordeals" concerned th e wa r an d lov e between tw o brothers . On e brother i s killed , an d th e othe r carrie s th e new s t o thei r parents , who los e al l awarenes s o f thei r secon d son : "M y fathe r talke d a s if he ha d n o so n / M y mothe r forgo t t o nam e m e i n he r prayer. " Feeling tha t h e shoul d hav e died i n hi s brother' s place , th e secon d brother volunteer s eve n thoug h h e see s th e wa r a s purposeless . The tw o brother s ar e spiritually reunite d whe n th e secon d brothe r dies on the battlefield. Th e doubtin g brothe r i s proclaimed worth y because hi s deat h ha s worke d fo r th e unsee n goo d o f all . Howell s spoke trul y whe n h e tol d Josep h tha t hi s ne w poe m ha d " a grea t deal of heart an d rea l feeling i n it," fo r hi s tale of two brothers wa s an attemp t t o lesse n hi s guilt . H e complete d th e poe m i n Januar y 1864 and sen t i t to the Atlantic, wher e i t was lost in silence. 36 Before Howell s finished hi s poem , Winifre d wa s born . Cherish ing this "trust, " h e foun d som e relief fro m hi s self-accusations . H e proposed a more modes t accoun t o f himself: "I'v e grow n doubtfu l of grea t success—a t leas t sudde n success, " h e tol d Joseph . "I'v e been chasin g celebrit y al l m y life , wit h onl y a glimps e o f i t no w and then , an d no w I shall tr y t o be content, i f I can tell som e trut h and d o some good." 37 For Howells , literatur e continue d t o b e a sourc e o f bot h pai n

21. Willia m C o o p er H o w e l l s i n July 186 3 durin g hi s successfu l campaig n for th e O h i o Senate . Willia m C o o p e r H o w e l l s oppose d th e wartim e fusion o f politica l partie s becaus e h e feare d fusio n w o u l d compromis e antislavery principles . B u t i n 1863 , afte r Presiden t Lincol n issue d hi s Emancipation Proclamation , h e joine d th e U n i o n ticke t mad e u p o f R e publicans an d w a r Democrats . H e wa s give n a role o f honor i n th e officia l ending o f slavery . I n Februar y 1864 , h e offere d th e join t resolutio n i n th e O h i o legislatur e ratifyin g th e Thirteent h A m e n d m e n t t o th e Constitu tion.

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and solace . Whil e literatur e raise d th e specte r o f selfis h ambition , it seeme d t o offe r atonement . Howell s foun d hi s ambivalen t feel ings mirrored i n George Eliot's Rotnola. H e strongl y identifie d wit h the character Tit o Mellema . "[He ] was not only a lesson," Howell s recalled, "h e wa s a revelation, an d I trembled befor e hi m a s in th e presence o f a warnin g an d a messag e fro m th e onl y veritabl e perdition." Howell s wa s especiall y struc k b y th e mixtur e o f wor thy an d damnabl e inclination s i n Tito , "ho w nea r th e bes t an d worst wer e t o eac h other , an d ho w the y sometime s touche d with out absolut e division i n texture an d color." 38 Although h e had no t free d hi s literary ambition s from th e charg e of selfishness , Howell s believe d the y permitte d th e greates t good . He though t i t strange tha t a t the sam e time h e was reading Romola, he wa s fascinate d b y a serie s o f melodramati c novel s b y Carolin e Wigley Cliv e tha t wer e "ful l o f unwholesome force. " Whil e seein g his fate a s Tito's, h e sympathized wit h Clive' s hero , Pau l Ferroll , a murderer wh o escape s al l punishment . Howell s wa s willin g t o evade Eliot's entangle d worl d o f salvation an d damnatio n b y imag ining a world wher e ther e wa s no retribution fo r sins , even thoug h this world wa s presented wit h th e tawdry melodramati c device s h e usually despised. 39 Howells bega n th e ne w yea r restored . Thoug h Sa m remaine d i n danger, h e was stil l alive , winterin g wit h Grant' s arm y nea r Chat tanooga. Lif e wit h Elino r continued pleasantly , an d Winifre d gre w more endearing ever y day . "Thoug h I am not dead ye t (except in a literary sense), " Howell s confide d t o th e poe t Edmun d Stedman , "I ventur e t o pronounc e mysel f happy. " Thing s wer e no t alto gether bleak . Hal e ha d accepte d hi s Venetia n sketches , an d Howell s was polishin g the m fo r thei r Bosto n debut , hopin g t o impres s Lowell wit h hi s intellectua l growth . Feelin g h e ha d finally skirte d his "Heine-leeshore, " h e tol d Stedma n tha t b y shiftin g fro m sub jectivity t o objectivity h e had graspe d th e "pure r ideal." 40 A ne w idea l di d no t ensur e a living. Losin g fait h tha t hi s com mercial ventur e wit h Foste r woul d succeed , Howell s considere d comparable projects , layin g plans fo r a lavishly illustrate d stud y o f

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the "Out-Doo r Beaut y o f Florence. " Whe n h e offere d th e ide a t o Harper's, he retaine d a sligh t hol d o n hi s literar y integrity , citin g his "unsentimenta l likin g fo r th e Italia n civilization " a s a poin t i n his favor. Bu t to sell the project wit h th e greatest possibl e force, h e abandoned al l pretense . " I d o no t kno w i f I hav e give n yo u th e idea," h e conclude d hi s letter , "tha t whil e thi s woul d b e a boo k 'without whic h n o gentleman's librar y woul d b e complete,' i t woul d also 'form a n elegant ornamen t t o the centre-table,' etc." Returnin g to Americ a th e autho r o f a sumptuous , heavil y advertise d boo k destined fo r th e parlo r tabl e wa s no t Howells' s ide a o f worth y success.41 Soon afterward , Howell s turne d t o anothe r project , on e tha t promised t o avoi d al l compromises , redres s pas t defeat , an d estab lish hi s sens e o f literar y vocatio n o n th e ver y highes t ground . Lowell ha d returne d t o editing , takin g ove r th e North American Review with Charle s Elio t Norton . Wit h a direc t lin e ope n t o hi s mentor, Howell s prepare d anothe r assaul t o n Boston . H e planne d a scholarl y articl e t o combin e hi s everyda y observatio n o f th e Italian peopl e with commentar y o n their current literature . H e ha d decided tha t Italia n comed y capture d th e essence of Italia n charac ter a t a time whe n Italian s wer e strugglin g fo r nationa l unit y an d political independence . Howell s kne w thi s thesi s woul d attrac t Boston's Italianat e scholars . H e mean t t o ris e t o Bosto n standard s and conside r al l of Italian comedy , pas t an d present. 42 Howells se t to work i n late February 1865 . "At present, " Elino r wrote hi s siste r Annie , "th e hea d o f thi s hous e i s devote d t o th e Italian Comedies—readin g the m i n th e soberes t manne r possibl e from mornin g till night. . . . We breakfast, din e & sup on comedy , and g o to th e theate r i n th e evenin g t o se e the charmin g comedie s of Goldon i played. " Unti l lat e May, Howell s concentrate d o n thi s single project. 43 The resul t o f Howells' s labors , "Recen t Italia n Comedy, " wa s a carefully crafte d messag e t o Lowell . Howell s announce d tha t h e possessed credentials—scholarshi p an d correc t ideas—tha t mad e him acceptabl e amon g Brahmins . Presentin g himsel f a s a "sojour ner an d studen t o f huma n natur e i n Italy, " h e demonstrate d hi s

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assumption o f a healthy-minde d perspectiv e tha t disclaime d th e Heinesque. H e use d th e word s dreamful and subjective pejoratively. He showe d n o sympathy fo r a mysterious an d fragmentar y reality . Italian civilization , h e asserted , wa s "transparent, " an d an y clear eyed observe r coul d se e th e working s o f huma n impulse s beneat h its thi n veneer . Howell s implie d tha t Italia n comed y depicte d human impulse s i n true proportio n b y avoidin g morbi d self-analy sis. H e turne d hi s forme r conceptio n o f "moder n doubt " com pletely around , contendin g tha t th e phras e supporte d "fait h an d virtue" agains t cynica l assessment s o f huma n nature . Moder n doub t was doub t o f al l that questione d th e "dignit y o f man, " th e "purit y of woman, " an d th e "sanctit y o f al l famil y ties. " Howell s con cluded tha t Italia n comed y sough t th e ideal , " a loftie r cod e o f morality fo r th e whol e conduc t o f life. " Correspondin g t o hi s emphasis i n hi s Venetia n sketches , wit h thei r concer n wit h oute r rather tha n inne r realities , "Recen t Italia n Comedy " bowe d grace fully t o Lowell's authority. 44 Howells late r describe d Lowell' s acceptanc e o f "Recen t Italia n Comedy" a s th e turnin g poin t o f hi s life . I n hi s letter , Lowel l reiterated hi s belie f i n Howells' s "genius, " intimatin g tha t h e ex pected it s ful l realization . H e repeate d tha t Howell s mus t purg e himself o f Heine , onc e an d fo r all . An d t o Howells' s immens e delight, h e expresse d hi s likin g fo r th e Venetia n sketche s tha t ha d begun t o appea r i n th e Bosto n Advertiser. "The y ar e admirable , and fill a gap, " Lowel l wrote . "The y mak e th e mos t carefu l an d picturesque study I hav e eve r see n o n an y par t o f Italy . The y ar e the thin g itself. " Lowell' s recognitio n console d Howell s fo r al l hi s defeat an d mad e hi m fee l worth y t o hav e suffere d an d survived . Set agains t Howells' s dar k imaginings , Lowell' s lette r wa s " a dawn , a sunburst, a full day!" 45 Lowell's recognitio n gav e Howell s th e star t h e desire d i n litera ture an d validate d hi s tur n awa y fro m th e Heinesque . Thi s recog nition wa s al l th e mor e powerfu l becaus e i t cam e i n th e nic k o f time. Whil e working on hi s article and the n waitin g fo r wor d fro m Lowell, Howell s endure d experience s simila r t o thos e tha t ha d brought o n the full forc e o f his self-accusations an d th e torments of

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his hypochondria. Becaus e he placed al l of his hopes on hi s article, he worke d t o nea r exhaustion , fendin g of f attack s o f nervousness . Then, i n th e mids t o f hi s work , wor d arrive d fro m hom e tha t raised th e whol e questio n o f his "run-off. " Jim Williams , th e boo n companion o f his earlier youth , ha d bee n kille d i n the war. Feelin g his friend' s deat h th e "keenes t loss " of hi s life , Howell s pushe d o n with hi s article , completin g i t o n 2 0 May . H e announce d t o hi s family tha t h e was sic k fro m th e strain . Th e nex t day , al l possibil ity o f relie f vanishe d whe n h e learne d tha t hi s brothe r Johnny ha d died o f "spotte d fever " whil e attendin g schoo l i n Cleveland . Wil liam Coope r Howell s ha d writte n Elinor , s o that sh e migh t brea k the news gently t o Will. 46 Instead o f celebratin g th e completio n o f hi s article , Howell s threw himsel f int o writin g a n eleg y fo r hi s brother . Fo r day s h e anxiously awok e a t daybreak , th e hou r o f Johnny's death . H e ha d reason t o blam e himsel f fo r hi s brother' s fate . Throug h hi s insis tence Johnny ha d bee n give n th e opportunit y t o atten d schoo l i n Cleveland. Howell s ha d pleade d tha t a t leas t on e famil y membe r deserved "th e stam p o f the schools. " He ha d investe d Johnny wit h his own earlie r hopes, urgin g his brother t o cherish a n opportunit y he ha d bee n denie d whe n h e wa s seventeen . Howell s ma y well have thought tha t wer e i t not fo r hi s own ambitions , Johnny migh t have never lef t hom e an d migh t stil l b e alive. Howell s lamente d t o his siste r Annie , " I wis h I wer e a s fit t o di e a s h e was . Bu t I a m not, an d neve r wa s sinc e I was a little child." 47 Amid muc h desperatio n an d grief , Howell s complete d a n articl e that signale d hi s turn t o healthy-mindedness. Sendin g his article to Lowell o n 2 4 May wit h a n urgen t reques t t o kno w it s fat e imme diately, h e waite d unti l 2 1 August fo r a reply. Throug h th e sum mer h e turne d doggedl y t o othe r projects . Th e uglie r tur n o f th e war i n midsumme r whe n Gran t bega n hi s methodica l approac h t o Richmond lef t hi m depressed . I n th e coo l o f hi s Venetia n apart ment, Howell s contraste d himsel f wit h "th e poor soul s fighting fo r us in the steaming swamp s o f Virginia. " H e was dismayed t o learn that Sa m ha d expose d himsel f t o rifl e fire t o clai m th e experienc e of battle. Th e wa r seeme d blood y an d absurd , bu t i t stil l exerte d a

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claim on hi s conscience: " I begi n t o lose any fait h i n our triumph, " he wrot e home , "thoug h i t ma y b e I a m guilt y t o despair ; whe n hope is the sol e duty I can fulfill." 48 When Lowell' s lette r finally arrive d an d cleare d th e skies , How ells immediatel y wrot e a lon g repl y ful l o f hi s devotio n an d hi s literary plans . Onc e more , however , hi s elatio n wa s short-lived . Four day s later , h e receive d a n "extremel y distressing " lette r fro m his father . Th e new s fro m hom e concerne d anothe r draf t an d th e possibility tha t Jefferso n Townshi p woul d no t clea r itsel f b y vol unteering. I f Joe were taken, Wil l wa s expected t o take his place in the printin g office. 49 Arrivin g jus t whe n hi s literar y futur e seeme d assured, hi s father's lette r threatene d t o bring bac k th e anxietie s of the past . The lette r Howell s immediatel y wrot e hi s fathe r oscillate d be tween hi s wis h t o satisf y famil y claim s an d hi s desir e t o asser t hi s independence. Wit h ope n acquiescence , h e stated , "You r wis h must b e law with m e . . . I cannot thin k o f anything mor e unwor thy tha n m y shrinkin g fro m a duty o f th e kind. " Howell s tol d hi s father tha t h e woul d com e "cheerfull y an d gladly " t o assum e Joe's work o n th e newspaper . "I f poo r Joe mus t b e taken fro m you , an d it appears desirabl e to you," he assured him , "yo u hav e only t o say come, an d I come." 50 Howells clearl y understoo d th e antagonist s i n hi s inne r struggl e and pai d homag e t o tha t par t o f himsel f tha t desire d t o pla y th e dutiful son . Alon g with hi s several statement s submittin g t o famil y authority, however , h e offered a n argument tha t non e in his famil y would wis h t o refute. Earl y i n his letter, h e emphasized hi s incom petence i n managin g th e busines s sid e of the newspape r an d print ing shop . H e pointe d ou t tha t th e ne w ventur e i n soldiers ' song books woul d ta x hi m eve n more . A mor e powerfu l an d conclusiv e representation o f his unfitness wa s hi s allusion t o his psychologica l fragility, hi s unfathomable illnesses , an d hi s terrible breakdow n i n Jefferson: " I d o no t concea l fro m yo u tha t I hav e no t ye t i n th e three year s shake n of f m y ol d morbi d horro r o f goin g bac k t o liv e in a place wher e I have bee n s o wretched. I f yo u di d no t liv e i n J. and m y dea r Johnny di d no t li e buried there , I never shoul d ente r

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the tow n again . I t canno t chang e s o much bu t I shal l alway s hat e it." I f his family wishe d t o overthrow hi s long years of restoration , particularly th e tim e i n Venic e whe n h e ha d defeate d hi s "hypo, " seemingly fo r good , al l the y ha d t o do , Howell s implied , wa s t o say, "come." 51 Along wit h hi s suggestio n tha t h e woul d becom e a dismal , suffering failure— a kin d o f Geoffre y Winter—i f hi s fathe r calle d him home , Howell s portraye d himsel f i n a positiv e light . Litera ture, h e suggested , wa s th e onl y wa y h e coul d fulfil l th e Sweden borgian admonitio n t o live a worthy life : "M y onl y usefulness, " h e said, "i s i n tha t direction. " Befor e Lowell' s letter , h e coul d no t have mad e thi s clai m convincin g t o himself , bu t no w h e ha d a credible succes s backe d b y a great name . H e quote d al l th e perti nent part s o f Lowell' s lette r an d enumerate d th e man y literar y tasks he would hav e to complete befor e h e came home. 52 Although h e strongl y asserte d hi s commitmen t t o literature , Howells mad e anothe r referenc e t o hi s defens e o f las t resort . H e told hi s famil y tha t h e coul d neve r sta y a long perio d i n th e West , for a literary caree r was possible only i n the "great literar y centres " of th e East . Eve n thre e month s i n Ohi o seeme d impossible . I t would "dissipate " hi s chanc e t o profi t fro m th e "eclat " h e ha d finally gaine d i n Europe , an d thi s wast e woul d weig h hi m down : "[These difficulties ] woul d no t b e altogethe r i n othe r men , bu t [a ] great par t i n myself. I should b e dispirited an d discouraged . Man y subjects tha t I could writ e u p a t once i n New Yor k o r Boston , an d thus open plac e to me, would pas s from m y mind , an d th e struggl e for positio n woul d b e twice as hard." 53 After Howell s sen t th e lette r of f t o hi s father , h e bega n battlin g his self-accusations . H e scattere d reference s t o hi s "selfishness " i n his nex t letter s home . A mont h passe d befor e a "long, kin d letter " finally arrive d fro m hi s father , alleviatin g hi s conflic t betwee n hi s duties an d hi s desires . Th e threa t o f the draf t takin g Joe ha d com e to nothing , a s Jefferso n Townshi p filled it s quot a wit h volun teers. 54 This new s provide d Howell s wit h a significan t emotiona l vic tory. H e wa s no t t o b e teste d b y returnin g t o Jefferson , bu t

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surviving thi s final persona l crisi s i n Venic e demonstrate d hi s self control. Hi s seven-mont h effor t t o sustai n hi s health y tur n o f min d had steele d hi m agains t doub t an d desperation , an d hi s father' s blessing ha d sanctione d hi s continue d effor t t o mak e literature , an d literature only , th e mean s o f hi s atonement . I n th e wak e o f hi s emotional victory , Howells' s sens e o f a desultor y worl d receded , becoming a n undercurren t o f hi s though t an d feeling . H e ex pressed hi s new , mor e positiv e sens e o f lif e t o hi s siste r Annie , stating tha t hi s shar e o f th e famil y grie f ha d don e hi m good : " I have littl e fear , now , knowin g ho w ba d th e wors t is , an d I thin k I have wo n a kin d o f fait h ou t o f th e wan t o f hope." 5 5 Sustainin g faith whil e confrontin g th e sa d contradiction s o f lif e becam e th e moral perspectiv e Howell s trie d t o maintai n throughou t hi s life . T h e da y finally cam e i n Ital y whe n Howell s fel t tha t h e coul d bid farewel l t o hi s youth . Befor e returnin g t o America , h e mad e a tour o f Italia n cities , gatherin g impression s fo r futur e writing . While i n Rome , h e passe d th e Protestan t Buria l Ground , an d knowing Keat s wa s burie d within , h e stoppe d t o offe r hi s homage : When I cam e t o th e grav e o f Keats , [h e wrot e soon afterward, ] i t wa s with a pan g o f persona l grie f tha t I rea d ho w "i n th e bitternes s o f hi s heart," h e had aske d tha t i t migh t b e written there , "Her e lie s one whos e name wa s wri t o n water. " Th e worl d ha s lon g ag o writte n hi s nam e i n the bras s o f it s endles s praise ; bu t ho w vai n an d empt y i s the compensa tion! As I stood b y this saddest spo t on earth, i t seemed no w to be Johnny lying there, an d no w m y ow n earlie r youth , o n whic h "th e malic e of m y enemies" ha s ha d powe r eve n t o death,—m y enemie s o f m y ow n house , my restles s ambition , m y evi l thoughts , m y scornfu l hopes , m y sinfu l deeds. Wha t i f th e worl d shal l som e da y wak e t o applau d wha t I do ? I fear m y nam e will stil l b e writ o n water. 56 Gesturing t o hi s past , Howell s trie d t o writ e a n en d t o hi s troubles . Despite hi s reservations , h e fel t h e ha d rise n abov e hi s Heinesqu e sense o f life . H e truste d tha t alon g wit h hi s earlie r youth , h e ha d forever burie d al l th e self-defeatin g enemie s o f hi s ow n hous e an d all th e difficultie s tha t ha d frustrate d hi m fo r s o long .

22. H o w e l l s i n V e n i c e , i M a y 1865 .

CHAPTER I O

^Boundto the highest and the ^Lowest Every lif e i s a fragment; i t is broken off alway s and never rounde d to a close; something in it is still left unfinished .

HOWELLS, 189 0

Returning t o Americ a i n Augus t 186 5 w ^ t n a n e dge o f self-contro l and a literary succes s tha t opene d opportunitie s i n th e East , How ells gained a position i n New Yor k a s a writer fo r th e Nation. Afte r a perio d o f seasoning , h e wa s calle d t o Bosto n t o becom e th e assistant editor o f the Atlantic Monthly. Whe n Howell s assume d hi s place in hi s Celestial City , h e followed Lowell' s advic e to "work i n entire subordination, " eve n t o "ecraser" himself . Helpe d b y hi s fluent Italia n an d hi s dogge d editoria l work , Howell s slowl y ease d into Brahmi n graces , eventuall y succeedin g t o th e Atlantic editor ship. Althoug h twic e blackballe d b y unknow n Brahmin s i n th e Saturday Club , h e finall y gaine d th e imprimatu r tha t cam e wit h admission. Befor e long , Olive r Wendel l Holme s pronounce d tha t Howells ha d becom e s o assimilate d t o Bosto n tha t h e seeme d t o have "cheated som e native Esa u ou t o f his birthright." 1 Nevertheless, Howell s fel t tha t h e wa s livin g i n fals e comfort , that h e ha d foun d n o hom e o f hi s ow n i n Boston . T o gai n hi s 247

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independence, h e bega n t o devot e mor e tim e t o hi s writin g apar t from hi s editoria l duties . I n hi s fictionalized Suburban Sketches (1871), he brough t th e styl e o f wanderin g rumination s h e ha d develope d in Venic e t o th e consideratio n o f lif e i n Cambridge . H e describe d common, everyda y scene s but ofte n satirize d hi s sentimental, "aes thetic" perspective . H e als o introduce d jarrin g reference s t o hi s sense o f homelessness : "W e wande r awa y an d away, " h e wrot e i n one instance; "the dust o f the road-sid e gathers upo n us ; and whe n some strang e shelte r receive s us , w e li e dow n t o ou r sleep , inarti culate, an d haunte d wit h dream s o f memory , o r th e memorie s o f dreams, knowin g scarcel y mor e o f th e pas t tha n o f th e future." 2 By th e tim e Howell s wrot e Their Wedding Journey (1872), h e ha d gained mor e control over the idler figure and expression s of anxiet y in hi s writing . H e ha d settle d o n th e novel—abandone d sinc e "Geoffrey Winter"—a s hi s life' s work . Begu n a s a n extensio n o f his trave l writing , Howells' s nove l writin g eventuall y carrie d hi m back to the full rang e of problems h e had pu t awa y i n Venice . In hi s articl e "Recen t Italia n Comedy, " Howell s ha d define d th e domain o f th e novel , contendin g tha t i t "mus t bea r th e cause s which produc e character , an d revea l al l th e feeling s an d explai n the circumstance s whic h influenc e me n t o action." 3 Thi s urg e toward absolut e understandin g wa s tempere d b y th e strateg y h e had teste d whil e writin g "Geoffre y Winter. " Eac h novel , muc h like a Heinesque poem , coul d b e see n a s a fragment o f th e whole , providing a limite d perspectiv e t o b e enlarge d b y successiv e ef forts. Howell s bega n hi s novel writing i n the 1870 s with a surge of faith, believin g tha t successiv e confirmation s o f a mora l univers e were possibl e i n closel y observe d segment s o f everyda y life . Eac h of hi s novel s focuse d o n a fe w character s whos e thought s an d actions h e could examin e thoroughly . " I se e clear befor e m e a path in literatur e whic h n o one else has trod," h e wrote hi s father, "an d which I believe I can make most distinctly an d entirel y m y own." 4 Howells's optimism corresponde d t o the optimism o f the middl e class i n th e decad e immediatel y followin g th e war . Wit h th e trou bles o f wa r an d reconstructio n fadin g fro m thei r minds , Norther n

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middle-class American s wer e anxiou s t o rene w belie f i n inevitabl e progress. Henr y War d Beeche r hi t the highest pitc h o f celebration : "There i s not on the face of the globe," he declared, "anothe r fort y millions tha t hav e suc h amplitud e o f sphere , suc h strengt h o f purpose, suc h instrument s t o thei r hand , suc h capita l fo r them , such opportunity , suc h happiness." 5 Fe w middle-clas s Northern ers matche d Beecher' s gif t fo r hyperbole , bu t many , includin g Howells, share d Beecher' s expectatio n o f expande d possibilities . Howells committe d himsel f t o writin g abou t th e "commonplace " lives of averag e Americans , who m h e too k t o b e people rise n fro m relatively humbl e beginning s t o respectable, middle-clas s status . Howells intende d a fine-tuning o f middle-clas s civilize d moral ity. Whil e h e disdaine d th e rol e o f preacher , h e confesse d tha t h e would b e "ashamed an d sorry " i f his novels "di d no t unmistakabl y teach a lenient, generous , an d libera l life." 6 I n th e novel s h e wrot e during th e 1870s , hi s target s wer e th e mino r ailment s o f middle class life , suc h deviation s fro m self-contro l a s thos e cause d b y sentimental infatuatio n an d snobbis h intolerance . H e understoo d that hi s mai n reader s woul d b e a smal l numbe r o f middle-clas s women, bu t h e assume d tha t the y woul d b e th e "bes t sort, " lik e the literar y wome n o f Columbu s society . Th e domesti c idea l sug gested tha t reachin g these women woul d b e critical, fo r thei r influ ence was the heart o f family lif e an d th e basi s of morality . Novel writin g becam e Howells's wa y t o claim moral importanc e for th e literary vocation . Increasingly , however , h e confounded hi s own end s b y representin g th e impulse s an d motive s o f his charac ters a s profoundl y comple x an d nearl y inscrutable . Hi s novel s subverted hi s wis h t o believ e tha t peopl e wer e fre e t o choos e th e civilized, human e course s o f action . I n The Undiscovered Country (1880), hi s narrato r observes , "Th e origi n o f al l ou r impulse s i s obscure, an d ever y motiv e from whic h we act is mixed. Eve n whe n it is simplest w e lik e to feign tha t i t i s different fro m wha t i t reall y is, an d ofte n w e d o no t kno w wha t i t is." 7 I n The Undiscovered Country, Howell s ha d shifte d fro m th e mino r ailment s o f middle class lif e t o on e o f th e troublin g question s h e ha d confronte d during hi s youth . H e aske d onc e agai n ho w religiou s an d mora l

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belief coul d b e confirme d i n wha t appeare d t o b e a desultor y world. The Undiscovered Country, Howells reporte d t o his father, wa s n o "mere love-story, " bu t treate d "seriou s matters." 8 H e presente d the torture d spiritualis t seeke r Dr . Boynton , whos e self-obsesse d quest fo r proo f o f an afterlif e distinguishe s hi m fro m th e relativel y calm character s o f Howells' s previou s novels . Boynto n i s uncon sciously possessiv e o f hi s daughte r Egeria . Usin g hi s parenta l au thority an d hi s mesmeristi c powers , h e force s he r t o ac t a s hi s spiritualist medium . H e ha s suppresse d Egeria' s "warm , happy , and loving " nature , makin g he r "purel y th e passiv e instrumen t o f [his] will." 9 Boynton' s contro l ove r hi s daughte r represent s a sub version o f moral nurture . Howells intimated Boynton' s ambivalenc e toward hi s daughter' s sexuality, bu t h e suggeste d tha t thes e feeling s wer e par t o f a more pervasive distrus t o f th e nex t generation . "Thos e wh o doub t wer e bred i n th e moralit y o f thos e wh o believed, " Boynto n observes . "But ho w shal l i t b e with th e new generation , wit h th e children o f those who fee l tha t i t may b e better t o eat, drink , an d mak e merry , for to-morro w the y di e forever ? Wil l the y b e restraine d b y th e morality which , ceasin g t o b e a gues t o f th e min d i n us , remain s master o f th e nerves?" 10 Howell s cautione d parent s t o trus t mora l nurture an d th e nex t generation' s capacit y fo r self-control . Whe n Boynton's mesmeristi c spel l lose s it s power , Egeri a regain s he r autonomy. Understandin g tha t h e ha s "playe d th e vampire, " Boynton i s repentant . H e die s comforte d bu t no t full y a t eas e i n his doubts. 11 Although endin g "i n ful l sunshine " with mos t o f it s dark specu lations dissipated , The Undiscovered Country looked forwar d t o th e severe crisi s o f fait h Howell s suffere d th e nex t yea r whil e writin g A Modern Instance (1882). 12 T o a greater degre e tha n i n The Undiscovered Country, h e brok e wit h hi s strateg y o f fragmentar y visio n and returne d t o tension s h e ha d experience d durin g hi s youth . I n January 1881 , Howell s resigne d a s edito r o f th e Atlantic, feelin g that hi s "nerve s [had ] give n wa y unde r th e fiftee n years ' fre t an d substantial unsuccess. " A Modern Instance was th e firs t nove l h e

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5 I

wrote after decidin g to "throw [himjsel f upo n th e market." 13 How ells coul d n o longe r depen d o n hi s editoria l positio n t o sustai n hi s sense o f literar y vocation . H e require d a success fa r exceedin g hi s previous novels . Thi s nove l woul d stan d alon e a s a symbo l o f hi s Swedenborgian usefulness . As he began his novel, Howell s was immersed i n other troublin g reminders o f his youthful trials . Winifred ha d starte d t o experienc e vertigo an d othe r nervou s symptom s h e ha d suffere d a t th e sam e age. I n earl y 1880 , Howell s expresse d confidenc e tha t Winifre d was "growing up a strong, tranqui l nature. " But during his writin g of A Modern Instance, he r ailment s wer e diagnose d a s "nervou s prostration." James Jackson Putna m recommende d th e "res t cure " developed b y S . Wei r Mitchell . Bu t Winifre d remaine d "morbi d and hypochondriacal. " " I se e thes e day s o f he r beautifu l yout h slipping away , i n thi s sor t o f dul l painfu l dream, " Howell s wrote , "and I grieve over her." 14 Despite hi s retur n t o pas t tensions , Howell s pushe d o n wit h A Modern Instance. H e had armed himsel f with a theme of unquestion able seriousness . Hi s nove l treate d divorce , a subjec t h e though t "only les s intens e an d patheti c tha n slavery. " Divorc e raise d criti cal issue s fo r middle-clas s Americans . Guardian s o f civilize d mo rality idealize d marriag e a s the wa y t o refin e self-control , subordi nate passio n t o reason , an d anticipat e divin e lov e throug h self renunciation. Struc k b y th e disparit y betwee n thes e hig h ideal s and th e apparent prevalenc e o f divorce, Howell s offere d a cautionary tal e abou t a coupl e whos e "lov e marriage " i s broke n b y thei r "undisciplined characters]. " H e promise d hi s publishe r tha t h e would no t "le t th e mora l sli p through [his ] fingers." 15 Proposing t o trea t hi s them e "tragically, " Howell s brough t for ward th e concept o f "destiny" he had formulate d durin g his youth . Giving hi s novel th e working title of "The Ne w Medea, " h e mean t to tes t whethe r a commo n cas e o f divorc e woul d demonstrat e th e moral libert y o f me n an d wome n o r th e mer e capric e o f chance . Would hi s character s suffe r becaus e the y wil l o r becaus e the y must? Woul d h e b e abl e t o presid e lik e destin y ove r thei r careers , showing th e working s o f a mora l universe ? H e approache d thes e

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questions wit h hi s deepene d understandin g tha t ofte n "interest s and passion s ar e complex an d divide d agains t themselves." 16 The protagonist s o f A Modern Instance, Marci a Gaylor d an d Bartley Hubbard , posses s littl e o f th e self-contro l admire d b y middle-class moralists . Squir e Gaylord , a lawye r an d th e chie f resident o f Equity , Maine , brough t u p Marci a withou t th e ai d o f his wife , wh o abandone d he r responsibilit y fo r mora l nurtur e whe n the Squir e woul d no t budg e fro m hi s religiou s skepticism . Th e Squire "spoiled" Marcia. "Wha t resulted, " the narrator notes , "wa s a great proficienc y i n th e thing s tha t please d her , an d ignoranc e of the othe r things." 17 Howell s implie d tha t parenta l indulgenc e fos tered Marcia' s passionat e an d jealou s attachmen t t o her fathe r an d later t o Bartley Hubbard . Bartley Hubbard' s pas t i s mor e obscure . H e i s a n orpha n "pit ied" an d "petted " b y hi s benefactor , bu t h e appear s i n th e nove l somewhat lik e th e "stranger " o f uncertai n origin s an d intentions , the forc e o f evil that bedevile d middle-clas s advic e writers. Bartle y is "smart" rathe r tha n sincere . H e win s the editorship of the Equity Free Press and espouse s th e caus e o f th e villag e wit h burlesqu e ardor. H e cynicall y attend s al l th e churche s t o cultivat e universa l favor. Som e villager s ar e dupe d b y Bartley' s "hunge r fo r sympa thy." "I f hi s sarcas m prove d tha t h e wa s quic k an d smart , hi s recourse t o thos e wh o ha d suffere d fro m i t prove d tha t h e di d no t mean anythin g b y wha t h e said ; i t showe d tha t h e wa s a ma n o f warm feeling s an d tha t hi s heart wa s in the right place." 18 Bartley enjoy s baskin g i n Marcia' s admiratio n whil e remainin g "free a s air." Bu t hi s parody o f sincerity, playin g upon th e middle class idea l o f "influence, " entangle s hi m wit h Marci a agains t hi s inclinations: " 'O f al l th e wome n I hav e known , Marcia, ' h e said , 'I believ e yo u hav e ha d th e stronges t influenc e upo n me . I believ e you coul d mak e m e d o anything ; bu t yo u hav e alway s influence d me fo r good ; you r influenc e upo n m e ha s bee n ennoblin g an d elevating.' " 1 9 Later , desirin g sympath y fo r a chain o f discomfor t that begin s wit h indigestio n fro m a midnigh t snac k o f minc e pi e and toaste d cheese , Bartle y inadvertentl y tell s Marci a h e love s he r and seal s their engagement .

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Begun o n thi s fragil e basis , thei r engagemen t doe s no t last . During a quarrel , Bartle y injure s hi s assistan t o n th e Free Press. When Bartle y seek s lega l counse l fro m Marcia' s father , th e Squir e brings ou t Bartley' s flirtatious past . Marci a break s thei r engage ment bu t soo n want s Bartle y back . "Don' t yo u see, " th e Squir e urges, "tha t th e troubl e i s i n wha t th e fello w is; and no t i n an y particular thin g he' s done ? He' s a scamp , throug h an d through ; and he' s al l th e mor e a scamp whe n h e doesn't kno w it . H e hasn' t got the first ide a of anything bu t selfishness." 20 Despit e her father' s pleas, Marci a marrie s Bartley . A s the y begi n lif e ane w i n Boston , they resolv e to be good an d patien t wit h eac h other . In th e Bosto n phas e o f his story , Howell s concentrate d o n Bart ley's damnin g selfishness . Consisten t wit h th e Swedenborgia n no tion o f "rulin g love, " he allowe d glimpse s o f Bartley' s laten t good . Had Bartle y heede d th e prompting s o f hi s conscienc e an d worke d to chang e hi s disposition , Howell s suggested , h e migh t hav e re ceived "merc y an d repriev e fro m th e onl y sourc e ou t o f whic h these coul d come. " Earlier , fo r instance , Bartle y i s walkin g i n th e forest when , th e narrato r observes , " a curiou s feelin g possesse d him: sicknes s o f himself a s of som e one else; a longing, consciousl y helpless, t o b e somethin g different ; a sens e o f captivit y t o habit s and thought s an d hope s tha t centere d i n himself , an d serve d hi m alone." 21 Although Bartle y ha s moment s o f self-disgust , hi s reverie s in variably en d i n self-justificatio n an d haste n hi s decline . Hi s fello w journalists conside r hi m "smar t a s chain-lightnin g an d boun d t o rise," bu t hi s disregar d o f ethic s i n journalis m reveal s hi s mora l decay. Anothe r sig n o f hi s laps e i s hi s fondnes s fo r Tivol i beer . The mor e h e consumes , th e mor e bul k h e acquires—" a corky , buoyant tissue," thinks his colleague Ricker, "materiall y responsiv e to som e sor t o f mora l dry-rot. " Bartle y begin s t o "dea l savagely " with Marcia , becomin g verball y abusiv e i n thei r quarrels . H e dis putes th e middle-clas s ideal , assertin g tha t nothin g "sacred " exist s in their marriage . Afte r losin g stead y wor k a s a journalist, h e take s money borrowe d fro m hi s colleg e frien d Be n Hallec k an d gamble s on minin g stock . H e use s mor e o f th e mone y t o be t o n th e presi -

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dential electio n o f 1876 , backin g th e Democra t Tilde n rathe r tha n the Republican Hayes . Finally , afte r a vicious quarrel with Marcia , he flees west. Hi s "goo d instincts " revive i n Cleveland. H e trie s t o buy a return ticke t t o Bosto n bu t discover s someon e ha s stole n th e remainder o f Be n Halleck' s money . Emphasizin g th e notio n o f ruling love , th e narrato r concludes , "No w h e coul d no t return ; nothing remaine d fo r hi m bu t th e ruin h e had chosen." 22 As Howell s rushe d Bartle y t o judgment , Howells' s trus t i n a moral univers e wavered . Hi s pairin g o f Bartley' s chosen rui n wit h the chance theft o f mone y expresse d hi s ambivalence . Howell s wa s not alway s conten t t o allo w Bartle y choices ; h e sometime s force d the issue by pronouncing Bartle y damned. 23 Whil e he was deciding Bartley's fate , Howell s brok e of f hi s wor k o n th e novel . Befor e stranding Bartle y i n Cleveland , h e fel l sic k wit h a feve r tha t sen t him t o be d fo r "seve n endles s weeks. " Elinor reporte d tha t h e ha d become "very , ver y nervous. " Durin g hi s convalescence , Howell s recalled, h e "coul d no t rea d anythin g o f a dramatic cast , whethe r in th e for m o f play s o r o f novels . Th e mer e sigh t o f th e printe d page, broke n u p i n dialogue , wa s anguish. " H e wa s no t bothere d by narrative s o f travel , whic h h e rea d i n grea t number . H e wa s disturbed onl y b y "fiction." 24 Howells's revulsio n fro m "fiction " wa s a sympto m o f hi s voca tional crisis . H e ha d propose d adjustin g th e mora l perspective s o f his reader s whe n h e lacke d a sur e sens e o f mora l orde r himself . How responsibl e wa s Bartle y fo r hi s sin s i f h e lacke d a rudimen tary foundatio n fo r self-control ? Ho w muc h autonom y di d Bartle y possess when, i n the Squire' s words , h e was "al l the mor e a scamp when h e [didn't ] kno w it" ? Coul d Bartley , lik e Poe , a n earlie r "ultimate ba d man, " b e dominate d b y "inherite d frailties" ? How ells raise d thi s possibilit y whe n h e returne d t o hi s novel . Consid ering th e fat e o f th e Hubbards , th e lawye r Eustac e Atherto n re flects, "someho w th e effect s follo w thei r causes . I n som e sor t the y chose miser y fo r themselves,—w e mak e ou r ow n hel l i n thi s lif e and th e next,—o r i t wa s chose n fo r the m b y undiscipline d will s that the y inherited." 25 By portrayin g th e impoverishmen t o f religiou s an d mora l tradi -

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tions, Howell s furthe r diminishe d th e degree of individual respon sibility h e coul d attribut e t o th e Hubbards . I n Equity , churc h socials have replaced th e mean s of salvation, an d th e solitar y mora l watchman, th e Squire , i s a sarcasti c unbeliever . Be n Halleck' s parents represen t th e "simpl e an d good " tradition s o f earl y villag e migrants t o Boston, bu t cloistere d i n their high-walle d garde n the y have los t touc h wit h th e city . B y investin g al l thei r hope s i n Ben , furthermore, th e Halleck s hav e mad e hi m morbidl y sensitive . Lacking self-confidence, Be n has not foun d a "useful" vocation. 26 As h e describe d a defeate d famil y hop e i n Ben , Howell s re newed hi s ow n self-accusations . Doub t o f hi s authorit y t o pas s judgment o n Bartle y erode d Howells' s sens e o f mora l usefulness , raising th e specte r o f hi s ow n selfishness . Thes e feeling s forge d a n identification wit h hi s chie f sinner , causin g a shif t i n hi s novel . When Howell s bega n writin g afte r hi s illness , h e merge d th e fat e of hi s character s wit h th e fat e o f civilize d moralit y i n th e moder n world. Th e las t chapter s o f A Modern Instance represen t Howells' s failed effor t t o fre e himsel f fro m th e gri p o f hi s self-accusations . He trie d t o disar m th e principle s o f civilize d moralit y i n debate s between a moral prig , Eustac e Atherton , an d a moral cripple , Be n Halleck. Th e debate s focu s o n emotiona l issue s raise d whe n How ells los t hi s affirmativ e sens e o f literar y vocation . A s th e voic e o f civilized morality , Atherto n argue s tha t Be n ha s n o righ t t o desir e Marcia, a marrie d woman , eve n thoug h sh e ha s bee n abuse d b y her husban d an d i s wretchedly unhappy . In term s directl y ou t o f middle-clas s advic e books , Atherto n contends tha t Be n represent s th e perfectio n o f civilize d morality , the idea l o f self-contro l grow n fro m "implante d goodnes s tha t saves,—the see d o f righteousnes s treasure d fro m generatio n t o generation, an d carefull y watche d an d tende d b y discipline d fa thers an d mother s i n th e heart s wher e the y ha d droppe d it. " Bu t Ben i s an exceedingl y reluctan t exemplar . H e consider s himsel f " a miserable fraud. " H e argue s tha t Atherton' s reason s fo r denyin g him Marcia—th e nee d t o provid e a mora l exampl e an d preserv e the institutio n o f marriage—ar e mer e abstractions . Atherto n nevertheless persuade s Be n t o flee t o Sout h Americ a an d t o sta y

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there fo r year s rathe r tha n tarnis h th e ideal . Thi s absur d proposa l —the suggestio n tha t ideal s ca n b e maintaine d onl y i f the y ar e never tested—reduces Atherton' s authority , a s does Howells's rep resentation o f Atherton' s cushione d existence . "Natura l goodnes s doesn't count, " Atherto n exclaim s whil e defendin g th e notio n o f implanted goodness . "Th e natura l ma n i s a wil d beast , an d hi s natural goodnes s i s th e amiabilit y o f a beas t baskin g i n th e su n when hi s stomac h i s full. " Atherto n speak s thes e word s i n hi s luxurious dinin g roo m suffuse d wit h sunlight , whil e sippin g deli cately flavored souchon g tea fro m expensiv e translucent china. 27 Howells closed A Modern Instance with Atherton's firs t admissio n of self-doubt . Bartle y ha s bee n kille d i n retaliatio n fo r a scandal mongering newspape r article , an d Be n ha s aske d Atherto n i f h e must continu e t o renounc e Marci a eve n thoug h he r husban d i s dead. Howell s summe d u p th e crisi s o f civilize d moralit y i n Ath erton's las t words , "Ah , I don't know ! I don't know! " Despit e thi s final not e o f bewilderment , however , Atherton' s les s extrem e as sertions define d Swedenborgia n notion s Howell s coul d neve r finally abandon—th e ide a tha t "ever y da y i s Judgment Day " an d the ide a tha t everyon e i s morall y responsible , n o matte r ho w per plexing motiv e an d actio n ma y appear. 28 Still , Howell s raise d th e doubt whethe r judgmen t wer e possibl e whe n individual s ha d n o charge of their fat e an d whe n th e moral univers e seeme d i n desper ate disarray . Perhaps , h e suggested , n o on e i s responsibl e i n a desultory world . In A Modern Instance, Howells narrowe d hi s focu s t o issue s impli cated i n hi s ow n sens e o f selfishness , bu t h e propose d a wa y t o reach beyon d hi s individua l suffering an d mora l confusio n t o a larger community . H e describe d a n ide a h e would late r cal l "com plicity," drawin g inspiratio n fro m th e Paulin e text , "Remembe r them tha t ar e i n bond s a s boun d wit h them. " "We'r e al l boun d together," Atherto n declares . "N o on e sin s or suffer s t o himself i n a civilized state , o r religiou s state—it' s th e sam e thing. Ever y lin k in the chai n feel s th e effec t o f the violenc e mor e o r less intimately . We ris e o r fal l togethe r i n Christia n society . It' s strang e tha t i t

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should b e s o har d t o realiz e a thin g tha t ever y experienc e o f lif e teaches. W e keep on thinking of offenses agains t the common goo d as if they wer e abstractions!" 29 With hi s ide a o f complicity, Howell s brough t forwar d a host o f meanings fro m hi s childhoo d an d youth . Th e biblica l admonitio n to remember thos e in bond s a s if you wer e bound wit h the m wa s a common refrai n o f antislavery rhetoric . Th e imag e of bondage als o evoked Howells' s persona l imag e o f dancin g i n chains , a phras e that suggeste d bot h hi s aspiration t o moral usefulnes s an d hi s sens e of confinemen t an d diminishe d autonomy . Complicit y promise d release fro m subjectio n t o mysteriou s forces . I t brough t t o con sciousness communa l an d Swedenborgia n notion s o f mutua l re sponsibility essentia l fo r Howells' s atonement . Complicit y ex pressed fait h i n a dominan t mora l orde r tha t compelle d activ e engagement wit h others . Bein g boun d t o other s wa s th e inescapa ble condition o f humanity. "N o one for goo d or for evil , for sorro w or joy , fo r sicknes s o r health , stoo d apar t fro m hi s fellows, " a Howells spokesma n assert s i n a novel, "bu t eac h was boun d t o th e highest an d th e lowest b y tie s that centere d i n the hand o f God." 30 In th e year s that followe d A Modern Instance, Howell s attempte d to rene w a sens e o f complicit y throughou t America n society . H e assumed a mor e publi c stanc e b y advocatin g clemenc y fo r th e Hay market anarchists . H e believe d th e anarchist s ha d bee n trie d "for socialis m an d no t fo r murder. " Simila r hysterica l proceedings , he pointe d out , "woul d hav e sen t ever y arden t antislaver y ma n t o the gallows, " me n lik e Gidding s an d Wade , Wendel l Phillip s an d Thoreau. 31 Howell s strengthene d hi s communa l commitmen t b y recalling hi s youthfu l radicalis m an d b y readin g Tolstoy' s "heart searching books. " Tolstoy taugh t tha t th e sol e source o f happines s was "never-ceasing care" for others, especially fo r the "vast masses" sunk i n povert y an d misery . Inspire d b y th e imperative s o f hi s own pas t an d b y Tolstoy' s mora l example , Howell s declared , "I t is a da y o f anxiet y t o b e save d fro m th e curs e tha t i s o n selfish ness." 32 Howells's sensitivit y t o economi c inequalitie s intensifie d hi s feelings o f selfishnes s an d gav e greate r urgenc y t o hi s effor t t o

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make the literar y vocatio n a force fo r clas s reconciliation an d com munal betterment . I n The Rise of Silas Lapham (1885 ) and The Minister's Charge (1887) , h e parodie d th e myt h o f success , dismantlin g the middle-class ideal of the autonomous individual , whil e showin g in intricat e way s ho w busines s imperative s ha d penetrate d Ameri can life . Figure s lik e th e newl y rise n pain t kin g Sila s Lapha m an d the poo r countr y bo y Lemue l Barke r wer e strang e t o respectabl e fiction, bu t Howell s wa s undeterre d b y reviewers ' charge s tha t h e had introduce d reader s t o "low " characters . Afte r visitin g th e cot ton an d carpe t mill s a t Lowell , h e wrot e Annie Kilburn (1889) , assessing whether th e plight o f workers coul d eve r mov e the heart s of th e comfortabl e middl e class . Hi s pessimisti c conclusio n pro pelled hi m towar d a mor e ambitiou s effort . Feelin g h e shoul d accomplish somethin g "fo r humanity' s sake, " h e planne d a nove l that woul d full y expres s hi s ethi c o f complicity . "Words , words , words!" Howell s exclaime d a s h e bega n writin g A Hazard of New Fortunes (1890). "How t o make them things , deeds." 33 With renewe d faith , Howell s believe d tha t th e momen t fo r translating word s int o deed s ha d arrive d an d tha t th e literar y vocation wa s essentia l fo r revitalizin g th e nation . Change s i n th e literary marketplac e reinforce d hi s sens e that th e tim e wa s critical . In a late r essay , "Th e Ma n o f Letter s a s a Ma n o f Business, " Howells expresse d apprehension s h e bega n t o fee l acutel y i n th e late 1880s . H e considere d i t "fals e an d vulgar " to treat literatur e a s a commodity; puttin g a price on words was "a truly odiou s metho d of computin g literar y value. " Bu t literatur e wa s increasingl y tie d to "huckstering. " Abjec t dependenc e o n th e literar y marketplac e threatened th e literar y artist' s mora l autonomy . Howell s believe d that i f th e literar y artis t wer e lost , al l other s wer e lost . H e feare d that busines s wa s "th e onl y huma n solidarity, " tha t everyon e wa s "bound togethe r wit h tha t chain." 34 H e hope d A Hazard of New Fortunes would forc e American s t o recogniz e th e huma n solidarit y of mutua l responsibility , th e solidarit y sustaine d b y tie s o f com plicity. To achiev e a Tolstoy an swee p o f vision , Howell s se t A Hazard of New Fortunes i n th e vas t urba n landscap e o f moder n Ne w Yor k

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City. A s hi s principal them e h e portrayed Basi l March' s educatio n in complicity . Howells' s portrai t o f Basil , hi s mos t transparen t fictional persona , wa s deepene d b y Howells' s ow n recen t brea k with Bosto n an d hi s plung e int o th e "vast , gay , shapeles s life " o f New York . Basi l ha s bee n persuade d b y hi s ebullien t frien d Fulk erson, a newspaper syndicato r an d "bor n advertiser, " t o leav e th e insurance busines s i n Bosto n t o becom e edito r o f a literar y an d artistic magazin e Fulkerso n i s starting i n New York . A t first, Basi l and hi s wif e Isabe l ar e reluctan t t o leav e Boston , "th e onl y saf e place on th e planet. " Bu t becomin g edito r o f the magazin e Fulker son ha s christene d Every Other Week would fulfil l Basil' s youthfu l dream o f a literar y career . Despit e hi s humdru m insuranc e job , Basil has continued t o write poetr y an d cultivat e a n intellectual lif e of "inne r elegance. " Basil an d Isabe l als o believ e New Yor k woul d offer a refreshing chang e o f pace , a chance t o satisf y thei r inclina tion, forme d durin g earlie r day s o f Europea n travel , t o "divin e th e poetry o f th e commonplace. " Still , Ne w Yor k i s immens e an d daunting. "I' m terribl y limited, " say s Isabel, expressin g hesitation s she share s wit h Basil , " I couldn' t mak e m y sympathie s g o roun d two million people ; I should b e wretched." 35 Howells revive d th e vernacula r devic e o f confrontatio n t o chal lenge th e habitua l view s o f th e Marches . I n plac e o f th e levelin g vernacular character , h e represente d Ne w Yor k itself . "Ther e seem s to b e som e solven t i n Ne w Yor k lif e tha t reduce s al l me n t o a common level, " hi s narrato r observes , "tha t touche s everybod y with it s poten t magi c an d bring s t o th e surfac e th e deepl y under lying nobody." 36 Whil e evokin g a sens e o f persona l estrangemen t and los s o f identity , Howells' s "nobody " als o represent s th e reali zation o f vernacula r potential , th e emergenc e o f a bein g i n it s essential democrati c state , strippe d o f the fals e sens e of individual ity promote d b y emblem s o f respectable middle-clas s status . Leaving their sequestere d middle-clas s existenc e in Boston, Basi l and Isabe l ar e dismaye d b y th e levelin g solven t o f Ne w Yor k life . The "picturesqu e raggedness " the y find i n th e teemin g tenemen t sections o f th e cit y onc e seeme d t o exis t fo r thei r pleasure . Bu t their confrontatio n wit h moder n Ne w Yor k ha s undon e thei r dis -

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tanced, "purel y aestheti c view " o f impoverishment . Whe n Isabe l asserts tha t n o "real suffering" exist s amon g th e poo r becaus e the y have learne d t o endure thei r difficulties , Basi l slightl y qualifie s he r assertion. Suddenl y the y com e upo n a "decentl y dressed " ma n who i s searching throug h garbag e fo r food . Basi l pursues th e man , presses a coin i n his hand, bu t come s awa y ashame d an d confused . To escap e their distres s fro m thi s encounter , Basi l suggest s that h e and Isabe l retrea t t o the theater. 37 The cit y no t onl y obstruct s th e Marches ' distance d enjoymen t of the streets but als o frustrates Basil' s inclination t o "philosophize" his experiences . A n admire r o f Basil' s "strikin g phrases, " Fulker son ha s aske d Basi l t o writ e sketche s o f Ne w Yor k lif e fo r th e magazine. Testin g hi s view s wit h Isabel , Basi l observe s tha t n o child coul d gro w u p i n tenemen t housin g wit h a middle-clas s conception o f "home " becaus e poo r peopl e lac k mean s t o giv e "character" t o their dwellings . Basi l then lapse s int o a discourse o n the middle-clas s flat. H e attack s th e flat for havin g drawin g room s instead o f living rooms, fo r fosterin g socia l pretense a t the expens e of family life . "Why , thos e tenements ar e better an d humane r tha n these flats!" Basi l exclaims . "Ther e th e whol e famil y live s i n th e kitchen, an d ha s it s consciousnes s o f being ; bu t th e flat abolishe s the famil y consciousness. " Basi l escape s thi s lin e o f reasonin g b y contrasting th e middle-clas s hous e wit h th e flat, bu t hi s philoso phizing ha s already negate d hi s initial propositio n tha t nothin g lik e the middle-class "home " could exis t in a tenement. Isabe l perplexe s him furthe r b y takin g hi m a t hi s word . I f a house i s better tha n a flat, sh e declares , the y wil l naturall y see k a house , n o matte r th e expense. "[Basil ] had bee n denouncin g th e flat in the abstract, " th e narrator adds , "an d h e had no t expecte d thi s concrete result." 38 Basil's philosophizin g i s ad hoc , confine d t o abstract speculatio n and supporte d b y n o perspectiv e tha t transcend s hi s middle-clas s biases. H e admit s tha t hi s propose d sketche s wil l probabl y b e "very desultory. " Sinc e walkin g th e cit y street s lead s t o unex pected, painfu l encounter s with "sa d an d ugly things," Basil begins to limi t hi s observation s t o scene s glimpse d fro m elevate d railroa d cars. 39 Flashing in and ou t of his mind, thes e scenes pose no danger

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of prolonged , disorientin g confrontation . Distance d observatio n from th e el , lik e th e voyeuris m o f th e theater , i s narro w an d escapist. Fro m hi s high , comfortabl e perspective , Basi l see s a kalei doscope o f nationalitie s an d urba n rot . T h e daz e o f shiftin g scenes , each to o brie f fo r analysis , lessen s hi s anxiet y ove r ho w t o asses s his experiences . Bu t Basi l continue s t o fee l "vagu e discomfort. " T h e narrato r portray s Basil' s "hal f recognition " tha t underlyin g forces exis t i n th e "franti c panorama " h e i s witnessing : Accident an d the n exigenc y seeme d th e force s a t wor k t o thi s extraordi nary effec t [o f frantic panorama] ; the pla y o f energies a s free an d planles s as those tha t forc e th e fores t fro m th e soi l t o th e sky ; an d the n th e fierce struggle fo r survival , wit h th e stronge r lif e persistin g ove r th e deformity , the mutilation , th e destruction , th e deca y o f th e weaker . Th e whol e a t moments seeme d t o hi m lawless , Godless ; th e absenc e o f intelligent , comprehensive purpos e i n th e hug e disorder , an d th e violen t struggl e t o subordinate th e resul t t o th e greate r good , penetrate d wit h it s dum b appeal th e consciousnes s o f a man wh o ha d alway s bee n to o self-enwrap t to perceiv e th e chao s t o whic h th e individua l selfishnes s mus t alway s lead.40 Behind thi s allusio n t o incessan t Darwinia n struggl e ar e force s Howells discerne d i n differen t term s durin g hi s youth . Hi s sens e of a desultor y worl d i s suggeste d b y th e whol e prospec t o f N e w York seemin g "lawless , Godless, " an d withou t "intelligent , com prehensive purpose. " Thi s visio n o f lif e appear s a s a powerful forc e against fait h i n a mora l universe , whic h ca n b e confirme d onl y through "violen t struggle. " Howells' s strenuou s term s reviv e Swedenborgian admonitions . Mora l actio n require s subordinatin g self t o th e "greate r good " an d resistin g act s o f selfishnes s tha t ar e the sourc e o f chaos . Achievement o f thi s greate r good , Howell s stresse d i n A Hazard of New Fortunes, require d a n essentia l first step—persona l realiza tion o f complicity . T h e solven t o f th e cit y leave s Basi l o n th e verg e of thi s realization . Hi s escap e t o th e e l i s ultimatel y unsuccessful . H e canno t "releas e himsel f fro m a sens e o f complicit y wit h [lif e i n the city] , n o matte r wha t whimsical , o r alien , o r critica l attitud e h e took." 4 1

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Yet th e solven t o f th e cit y i s no t enough . Basi l require s a mor e thorough education . Althoug h th e cit y reduce s hi s middle-clas s defenses, h e i s mor e decisivel y challenge d t o giv e u p hi s "self enwrapt" habit s b y hi s relationship s wit h others , particularl y wit h a figure from hi s youthful past , th e German radica l Berthold Lindau . As the friend an d teache r wh o had introduce d Basi l to the Germa n language an d th e writing s o f Heinric h Hein e durin g hi s yout h i n Indianapolis, Linda u represent s a composite o f Howells' s youthfu l literary an d politica l ideals , hi s curren t critiqu e o f capitalism , an d his publi c defens e o f th e Ha y market anarchists . Modele d o n Ott o Limbeck an d refugee s o f the 184 8 revolutions Howell s ha d know n in Columbus , Linda u speak s wit h th e mora l absolutis m o f radica l Republican agitator s lik e Gidding s an d Wade. 42 Linda u expresse s Howells's mos t despairin g vie w o f th e stat e o f America n civiliza tion whil e offerin g Howells' s Utopia n hop e fo r a chang e t o com munal socialism . Appearin g i n hi s first scen e a s biblica l an d fa therly, Linda u i s the very embodimen t o f conscience. Meeting a tattere d ol d ma n wit h a missin g han d a t a chea p Italian restaurant , Basi l i s surprise d t o recogniz e th e frien d o f hi s youth. Linda u ha s los t hi s han d fighting i n th e Civi l Wa r fo r hi s antislavery principles , bu t Basi l i s saddene d t o lear n Linda u i s embittered towar d hi s adopte d country . Thinkin g h e shoul d pa y Lindau bac k fo r hi s man y pas t kindnesses , Basi l consider s variou s possibilities, bu t h e forgets hi s old teacher until Fulkerson propose s that Linda u translat e selection s fro m foreig n journal s fo r publica tion i n Every Other Week. When Basi l convey s th e offe r t o Linda u at hi s roo m nea r Mot t Street , h e learn s tha t Linda u ha s chose n t o live among the poor s o that h e will neve r forge t thei r sufferings . Lindau i s n o longe r th e "cheery , poetic , hopefu l idealist " Basi l had know n durin g hi s youth . H e ha s becom e a caustic an d bitte r opponent o f capitalism . H e angril y assert s tha t capitalist s wh o presume t o "giv e work " t o th e poo r hav e alread y gathere d thei r millions "fro m th e hunge r an d col d an d nakednes s an d rui n an d despair o f hundred s o f thousand s o f othe r men. " Unprepare d b y his "lif e o f comfortabl e revery " t o accep t thi s vie w o f capitalis t enterprise, Basi l thinks Linda u mus t hav e drawn hi s "curious " and

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"lamentable" idea s fro m hi s reading . Althoug h h e fail s t o tel l Lin dau, Basi l consider s i t "droll " tha t a s translato r fo r Every Other Week, Lindau wil l b e working fo r Dryfoos , th e natural ga s million aire who i s backin g th e magazin e t o pus h hi s idealisti c so n Conra d into a business caree r a s a publisher. 43 Although h e sometime s feel s guilt y fo r neglectin g th e subjec t o f Dryfoos, Basi l settle s int o th e comfortabl e rol e o f provide r fo r hi s old teacher . A t a publicit y dinne r fo r th e magazine , however , Lindau learn s no t onl y tha t Dryfoo s i s a ric h speculato r i n ga s fields but als o that h e has a past o f vicious union breaking . Despit e Basil's efforts t o silence him, Linda u denounce s Dryfoo s an d leave s the dinner afte r impassionedl y advocatin g a society o f brotherhoo d where everyon e woul d hav e wor k an d wher e al l th e peopl e woul d own th e mill s an d mines . Callin g Linda u " a red-mouthe d labor agitator," Dryfoo s order s Basi l t o fire hi m fro m th e magazine. 44 Without considerin g th e consequence s fo r himsel f an d hi s family , Basil replie s tha t h e wil l resig n a s edito r rathe r tha n persecut e Lindau. Basi l soo n regret s hi s words , bu t h e i s neve r force d t o back the m up . Wantin g nothin g t o d o with Dryfoos , Linda u quit s the magazin e an d return s pa y tha t h e say s i s covere d wit h blood . When Basi l tries to dissuade him , the y argu e an d par t i n anger . Basil is troubled b y a "fantastic sens e of shame," but h e console s himself b y thinkin g tha t h e neve r imagine d Linda u wa s seriou s i n his "preposterous attitude " toward self-mad e millionaire s lik e Dry foos, "me n wh o embod y hal f th e prosperit y o f th e country." 45 After thi s sligh t bou t wit h guilt , Linda u fade s fro m Basil' s mind . Much later , Basi l i s wanderin g th e cit y streets , tryin g t o dra w closer t o th e atmospher e o f a streetca r strik e tha t h e intend s t o work into his sketches. Encounterin g a struggle between polic e and strikers, h e hears a shot an d i s shocked t o see Lindau fal l unde r th e blows of a policeman's club . When h e reaches Lindau, h e discover s Conrad Dryfoos , wh o had tried t o prevent the beating, dead besid e him. Linda u survive s fo r a tim e bu t die s afte r th e amputatio n o f his arm . A welte r o f talk follow s a s Basil an d Isabe l tr y t o sor t ou t the meaning of Lindau's an d Conrad' s deaths . Until thi s time , Basi l ha d steadfastl y resiste d th e sens e o f com -

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plicity represente d b y Lindau . Howell s emphasize d Basil' s pen chant t o forget . Afte r first meetin g Linda u a t th e restaurant , Basi l had forgotte n hi s teache r unti l reminde d o f hi m b y Fulkerson . H e had forgotte n hi m agai n afte r thei r quarrel. 4 6 Basi l ha d als o dis tanced himsel f fro m Linda u b y allowin g other s t o dismis s hi m with epithets . H e ha d no t dissente d whe n the y calle d Linda u a "crank" an d a n u old dynamiter. " An d Basi l himsel f ha d describe d Lindau a s " a fraternit y an d equalit y crank. " Thes e lapse s jarre d with Basil' s admiratio n o f Lindau' s kind , high-minded , unselfis h nature. Basi l ha d defende d hi s frien d whe n Dryfoo s ordere d hi s firing, bu t Basi l ha d bee n incense d i n par t becaus e Dryfoo s ha d treated Basi l lik e th e "forema n o f a shop." 4 7 Furthermore , Basi l himself ha d trie d t o silenc e Lindau , first a t th e dinne r an d the n when h e urge d hi m t o kee p Dryfoos' s money , a cours e tha t woul d have compromise d th e mora l integrit y tha t gav e powe r t o Lindau' s words. Basil begin s t o tak e Lindau' s word s seriousl y onl y afte r Linda u is gone . Lindau' s description s colo r Basil' s lamen t tha t America n civilization i s a n "economi c chance-world " tha t pit s eac h agains t all: It ough t t o b e la w a s inflexibl e i n huma n affair s a s th e orde r o f da y an d night i n the physica l world , tha t i f a man will work h e shall bot h res t an d eat, an d shal l no t b e harassed wit h an y questio n a s to how hi s repose an d his provisio n shal l come . Nothin g les s idea l tha n thi s satisfie s th e reason . But i n ou r stat e o f thing s n o on e i s secur e o f this . N o on e i s sur e o f finding work ; n o on e i s sur e o f no t losin g it . I ma y hav e m y wor k take n away fro m m e a t an y momen t b y th e caprice , th e mood , th e indigestio n of a ma n wh o ha s no t th e qualificatio n fo r knowin g whethe r I d o i t wel l or ill . A t m y tim e of life—at ever y tim e of life—a ma n ough t t o feel tha t if he will kee p on doin g hi s duty h e shal l no t suffe r i n himsel f o r i n thos e who ar e dear t o him , excep t throug h natura l causes . Bu t n o man ca n fee l this a s thing s ar e now ; an d s o w e g o on , pushin g an d pulling , climbin g and crawling , thrustin g asid e an d tramplin g underfoot ; lying , cheating , stealing; and whe n w e get to the end, covere d wit h bloo d an d dir t an d si n and shame , an d loo k bac k ove r th e wa y we'v e com e t o a palac e o f ou r own, o r th e poorhouse , whic h i s about th e onl y possessio n w e ca n clai m in commo n wit h ou r brother-men , I don' t thin k th e retrospec t ca n b e pleasing.48

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Recognizing hi s pas t failings , Basi l assert s everyon e know s thi s vision o f moder n America n lif e i s tru e bu t anyon e wh o say s s o i s labeled " a frau d an d a crank." 49 A t lon g last , Basi l realize s a kin d of complicit y wit h th e poo r i n a share d sens e o f insecurity . Bu t Howells showe d tha t Basil' s revelatio n i s insufficient, fo r th e basi s of Basil' s sympath y i s narro w an d self-referential . Frettin g tha t Every Other Week will fai l no w tha t Conra d i s dead, Basi l jokes tha t he wil l be g coin s o n th e street . H e suggest s tha t th e ma n h e an d Isabel ha d see n searchin g fo r foo d whe n the y first cam e t o Ne w York had bee n working a similar fraud . Jus t whe n h e is remember ing the poor, Basi l is beginning t o forget . Basil's fleeting recognitio n o f share d oppressio n lead s nowhere . He propose s n o goals , Utopia n o r otherwise , fo r changin g condi tions. Margare t Vance , th e young societ y woma n whos e "romanti c conception o f duty " ha s le d he r t o actua l wor k amon g th e poor , recognizes tha t th e Marche s suffe r th e "nervou s woe s o f comfort able people. " Thes e woes , Howell s suggeste d i n th e final page s o f his novel , usuall y issu e i n tal k rathe r tha n action . Whe n Dryfoo s sells Every Other Week to Basi l an d Fulkerson , Basi l i s relieve d o f his anxieties . Forgettin g hi s indictmen t o f th e economi c chanc e world, h e follow s th e mott o tha t "busines s i s business. " H e turn s out one employee an d reduce s payment s t o contributors. A Hazard of New Fortunes ends ironicall y i n talk , wit h th e Marche s question ing the sincerit y o f Margaret Vance. 50 Twenty year s afte r writin g A Hazard of New Fortunes, Howells declared tha t h e retaine d hop e fo r "true r an d bette r conditions " i n American society , thoug h thes e condition s ha d no t achieve d "th e fulfillment" h e would hav e "prophesied fo r them " in 1889 . Return ing t o his them e o f forgetting , h e observed, "The y wh o wer e the n mindful o f th e poo r hav e no t forgotte n them , an d wha t i s bette r the poo r hav e no t ofte n forgotte n themselve s i n violence s suc h a s offered m e th e materia l o f traged y an d patho s i n m y story." 51 Howells ha d no t expresse d a s muc h sympath y fo r strike s an d similar agitation s i n hi s novel . H e ha d bee n inspire d b y a Tol stoyan "ligh t s o clear an d strong " that "bein g and doin g had a new meaning an d a new motive." 52 Bu t thi s light , premise d o n a full y

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realized sens e o f complicit y amon g Americans , ha d fade d b y th e end o f th e novel . Howell s ha d stalle d o n th e obdurat e insularitie s of hi s middle-clas s representativ e Basi l March , wh o prove d to o "self-enwrapt" t o escape the chains of his old habits . Nevertheless , Howells ha d provide d a modes t basi s fo r hopin g tha t hi s middle class reader s woul d recogniz e thei r frailtie s i n Basi l Marc h an d want t o change. I n thi s wa y " a righteou s public " would evolve , a s a Howell s spokesma n i n a n earlie r nove l ha d predicted , ou t o f th e "slow proces s of having righteous me n an d women." 53 Still, A Hazard of New Fortunes wa s skewe d towar d conclusion s that overturne d Howells' s origina l intentions . Hi s sens e o f a des ultory worl d pervade s th e las t page s o f hi s novel . Considerin g th e deaths o f Linda u an d Conrad , Basi l asserts , "Tha t belonge d t o God; an d n o doub t i t wa s law , thoug h i t seem s chance." 54 Thi s remark reflect s no t onl y renewe d tension s fro m Howells' s yout h but als o hi s immediat e persona l suffering . I n th e mids t o f writin g the nove l tha t wa s t o b e th e testamen t o f hi s Tolstoya n faith , Howells experience d a catastrophe tha t seeme d t o mock a purposeful mora l universe . Winifred' s nervou s conditio n ha d grow n mor e severe throughou t th e 1880s , bu t sh e regaine d strengt h whe n sh e submitted t o anothe r tria l o f S . Wei r Mitchell' s "res t cure. " Then , as Howell s se t t o wor k o n hi s novel , sh e suddenl y died , takin g with her , h e lamented, "mos t o f the meanin g an d al l the dignity o f life." Hi s grie f wa s intense . "I t i s heavy—crushing—," h e wrote , "and i t doe s no t avai l t o remembe r tha t al l mus t no t onl y die , bu t must writh e i n th e anguis h o f bereavemen t til l th e la w o f deat h i s fulfilled i n th e las t o f ou r poor , bewildere d race , fo r whic h trul y there seem s n o reason. " Wit h poignan t referenc e t o hi s imag e o f dancing i n chains , h e added , "Al l th e fee t tha t danc e mus t dra g bleeding ove r th e wa y tha t w e ar e no w going." 55 Whe n Howell s returned t o his novel, th e seeming verification o f a desultory worl d in Winifred' s deat h gav e convictio n t o Basi l March' s feelin g tha t the whol e o f lif e appeare d empt y o f "intelligent , comprehensiv e purpose." Howells's struggl e wit h th e meanin g o f sufferin g an d deat h di d

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not end wit h hi s completion o f A Hazard of New Fortunes. Finishing the nove l tha t presente d hi s larges t cas t o f character s an d longes t engagement wit h th e problem s o f th e oute r world , h e wrot e hi s most compresse d an d intensel y inwar d novel , The Shadow of a Dream (1890) . Th e Marche s reappea r a s observers , bu t the y ar e utterly unabl e t o fatho m th e meanin g o f th e dir e event s the y witness. Sufferin g fro m a fata l illness , Dougla s Faulkne r i s bese t by a recurrin g drea m i n whic h hi s frien d Nevi l desire s hi m dea d so that h e might marr y hi s wife , Hermia . Wit h thi s theme , Howell s returned t o th e psychologica l complexitie s h e ha d explore d a t th e end o f A Modern Instance, touchin g agai n o n emotion s tha t lef t hi m vulnerable t o harsh self-accusation . Afte r Faulkne r dies , Nevil an d Hermia ar e draw n togethe r an d desir e t o marry , bu t the y canno t escape thei r horro r o f Faulkner' s dream . Basi l finally convince s Nevil t o discount th e irrationa l dream , bu t a s Nevil step s from th e train wher e thei r conversatio n ha s occurred , h e i s crushed agains t a concrete tunnel . This calamit y confirm s th e suspicio n entertaine d earlie r b y Basi l that "existenc e [is ] all a miserable chance , a series o f stupid , blun dering accidents. " When thi s though t first crosse d Basil' s mind , h e negated i t a t once . u We coul d no t believ e that , fo r ou r ver y souls ' sake," he told himself ; "an d fo r ou r ow n sanit y w e mus t not. " Bu t nothing i n th e cours e o f th e novel , climaxin g wit h Nevil' s hideou s death, encourage s hi m t o believ e otherwise. 56 I n The Shadow of a Dream, Howell s returne d t o th e threatenin g sens e o f lif e tha t ha d plagued hi m durin g hi s youth . Confinin g th e question s raise d b y his "panoramic " nove l t o th e interaction s o f a fe w characters , Howells trie d t o contro l hi s dar k thought s b y givin g the m ful l expression. Never agai n di d Howell s attemp t t o dra w al l o f hi s tension s to gether an d settl e issue s onc e an d fo r all . I n th e succeedin g years , he sustained hi s concern fo r socia l justice, eve n though hi s messag e of self-renunciatio n wa s uncongenia l t o a n America n publi c in creasingly draw n t o therapeuti c message s celebratin g th e sel f an d

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to self-referentia l escape s fro m th e pai n an d suffering o f others. 57 To recal l a sens e o f mutua l concern , Howell s sough t t o revitaliz e the languag e o f complicit y i n essay s o n liberty , equality , an d fraternity. Hi s Utopia n novel s provided anothe r foru m fo r thi s tas k and gav e hi m th e mas k o f a traveler fro m a better, mor e equitabl e world h e calle d Altruria . Th e travele r expresse d Howells' s trus t that th e sens e o f complicit y woul d endur e agains t al l form s o f selfishness becaus e forgettin g th e poo r require d a n impossibl e suppression o f memory : u In you r pleasure s yo u mus t forge t th e deprivation whic h you r indulgenc e implies ; if you feast , yo u mus t shut ou t th e though t o f the m tha t famish ; whe n yo u li e dow n i n your bed , yo u canno t slee p i f yo u remembe r th e houseles s wh o have nowher e t o la y thei r heads . Yo u ar e everywher e beleaguere d by th e armie s o f wan t an d woe , an d i n th e stil l watche s o f th e night yo u ca n hea r thei r invisibl e sentinel s callin g t o on e another , 'All i s ill! All is ill!'" 5 8 Howells continue d t o ac t a s a sentine l himself , an d h e encour aged younge r writers , suc h a s Hamli n Garland , Stephe n Crane , Frank Norris , Abraha m Cahan , Edwar d Harrigan , an d Pau l Laurence Dunbar , t o g o beyon d hi s ow n accomplishmen t an d tel l the storie s o f th e poor. 59 T o b e a warnin g voic e preservin g hop e for complicit y wa s a n ethi c Howell s uphel d agains t hi s sens e o f a desultory world . Whil e h e continued t o question th e existenc e of a moral universe , h e bowe d befor e th e uncertaint y o f hi s specula tions: "Suc h reaso n a s [life ] ha s i s ofte n crosse d an d obscure d b y perverse event s whic h i n ou r brie f perspectiv e giv e it th e aspec t o f a helples s craze, " h e state d i n The Son of Royal Langbrith (1904). "Obvious effec t doe s no t follo w obviou s cause ; there i s sometime s no perceptible caus e for th e effects w e see. The la w that w e find at work i n th e natura l worl d i s apparentl y absen t fro m th e mora l world, no t imaginabl y becaus e i t i s withou t law , bu t becaus e th e law is of such cosmica l vastnes s i n its operation, tha t i t is only onc e or twice sensibl e to any man' s experience." 60 Although a moral univers e appeare d a mystery beyon d positiv e knowledge, Howell s fel t boun d b y hi s conscienc e t o fulfil l th e greatest possibl e use. H e resiste d hi s impulse t o escape his feeling s

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of responsibilit y t o others . H e endure d hi s doubt s b y trustin g th e "logic of hi s self-knowledge. " "Th e onl y proo f I hav e tha t I ough t to do right," h e wrote hi s fathe r shortl y afte r completin g A Hazard of New Fortunes, "is tha t I suffe r fo r m y selfishness ; an d perhap s this i s enough." 61

23. Willia m Dea n H o w e l l s a t ag e sixty-tw o i n 1899 .

epilogue

After h e had reache d ag e seventy-nine, Howell s explored hi s youth for th e las t time . I n tw o stories—"Th e Pearl " (1916) and " A Tal e Untold" (1917)—h e recalle d th e sprin g o f 185 8 and th e rive r jour ney h e ha d take n o n hi s uncle' s sternwheeler , th e Cambridge} I n his persona, "dreamy-eyed " Stephe n West , Howell s re-create d hi s youthful self : "H e wa s intensely , almos t bitterly , literary ; h e wa s going t o b e a n author , an d abov e al l h e wa s goin g t o b e a poet. " Tales o f steamboat s an d yout h compelle d compariso n wit h hi s close friend an d fello w realis t Mar k Twain . I n " A Tal e Untold, " a small retinu e o f Twai n character s accompanie s Stephe n Wes t o n his rive r journey , includin g a practical-minde d pilot , resemblin g Horace Bixb y o f "Ol d Time s o n th e Mississippi " (1875) , an d tw o confidence men , resemblin g th e Duk e an d th e Dauphi n o f Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (1885). Stephen himsel f i s a versio n o f th e uninitiate d Twain , wh o a t the beginnin g o f "Ol d Times " board s a river steamboat , hopin g t o learn th e romanti c vocatio n o f piloting . I n "Ol d Times, " Horac e Bixby's gruf f bu t benevolen t instructio n teache s Twain t o read th e river accordin g t o th e sign s o f experienc e rathe r tha n th e illusion s of romance. 2 B y castin g himsel f i n circumstance s lik e Twain' s i n "Old Times, " Howell s wa s askin g wh y h e ha d misse d a simila r 271

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rite o f passage . Why , despit e th e Wester n backgroun d h e share d with Twain , ha d h e committe d himsel f t o a n aestheti c mod e o f perception tha t hindere d hi s development a s a vernacular writer ? Although Stephe n ha s accepte d a visio n o f th e worl d fro m literature, h e i s ope n t o revision , fo r a he like d t o verif y [wha t h e has learned ] fro m th e experienc e o f a practica l ma n lik e th e pilot , and h e ha d th e habi t o f talkin g wit h hi m abou t life. " Bu t Stephe n is dismaye d whe n th e pilo t propound s th e "abominabl e doctrine " that Negroe s hav e n o souls . Th e pilot' s bigotr y prevent s an y fur ther tal k o n th e natur e o f life . Althoug h Stephe n feel s hur t an d angry, h e learn s tha t th e pilo t woul d no t hav e prove d a usefu l guide i n an y case . On e o f the confidenc e me n sell s the pilo t a gold watch chain, an d Stephe n follow s th e pilot's example and buy s on e for himself . No t lon g afterward , Stephe n see s th e confidenc e me n fleeing th e steamboat , laughin g an d jeerin g a s the y escape . H e realizes tha t h e an d th e pilo t ha d falle n fo r a ruse . Th e inciden t suggests Howells' s feelin g tha t hi s pilots—th e potentia l teacher s and guide s o f hi s youth—possesse d n o superio r wa y o f separatin g the rea l fro m th e sham ; n o les s tha n himself , the y wer e victim s o f their illusions . After rulin g ou t a n enlightenin g apprenticeship , Howell s con sidered whethe r h e could hav e reached a vernacular perspectiv e o n his own , followin g th e cours e o f self-teachin g h e ha d pursue d during hi s youth . Thoug h h e ha s los t self-respect , Stephe n ha s gained insight . H e ha s ceased hi s literary reverie s and ha s begun t o look a t th e lif e immediatel y a t hand . Tossin g hi s watc h chai n away, h e see s a loafe r pic k i t u p u in th e delusio n tha t h e wa s stealing value." This iron y stimulate s Stephe n t o consider whethe r his experienc e wit h th e confidenc e me n ha s value , whethe r h e could us e i t i n a story , perhap s i n th e comic , picaresqu e mod e h e admires i n Cervantes . H e wonders , however , whethe r reader s o f polite literatur e woul d accep t s o crude a tale. Then , i n a transitio n that approximate s Twain' s literar y developmen t fro m Tom Sawyer to Adventures of Huckleberry Firing Stephe n see s how th e comic an d the tragic are mixed i n the scenari o he is imagining:

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The fiel d o f his rascals' adventures narrowe d ever y year ; always hauntin g the rivers , the y mus t ofte n tak e the sam e boat a t suc h shor t interval s tha t the officer s woul d com e t o kno w them ; the y mus t ofte n escap e a t th e same landing , wher e the y woul d b e recognize d wit h welcom e mor e an d more ironical ; thei r gam e woul d ofte n b e spoile d fro m th e start ; thei r dupes woul d kno w the m an d thei r live s would neve r b e safe ; the y woul d be i n constan t dange r o f violence . H e followe d the m fro m on e squali d event t o another, throug h th e mud o r the dust o f the brutal littl e riversid e towns, wher e the y wer e tarre d an d feathere d an d ridde n o n rail s b y th e hooting mob, o r stabbe d o r shot . When th e la w . . . saved the m fro m th e mo b an d sen t the m t o prison , he sa w the m com e ou t whit e an d wea k an d bewildere d i n a world wher e they coul d find nothin g bu t har m t o do. The y gre w ol d o n hi s hands an d became eac h other' s foe s i n th e laps e o f th e black art s whic h ha d kep t them friends . A t last , on e o f the m woul d sicke n an d die , afte r weeks , o r months, o r years . . . . Th e on e wh o wa s lef t woul d wande r bac k t o th e village wher e h e ha d bee n a worthles s bo y an d en d ther e a friendles s pauper. u

In th e hand s o f a master," Stephe n reflects , "i t woul d b e on e o f the mos t powerfu l [stories] , becaus e th e element s wer e th e dus t o f the eart h whic h al l me n wer e mad e from. " Despit e thi s realization , however, h e decide s t o postpon e writin g th e stor y himself , a t leas t until h e ha s gaine d th e necessar y mastery . Hi s decisio n prove s fateful: "A s h e di d no t writ e th e comed y o f thos e evi l lives , becaus e he rejecte d it, " th e narrato r concludes , "s o h e di d no t writ e th e tragedy o f them , becaus e i t rejecte d him. " "A Tal e Untold " ende d wit h Howells' s painfu l regre t tha t h e had no t develope d hi s potentia l a s a vernacular writer . H e believe d he ha d turne d fro m thi s opportunit y a s a youth . Probabl y h e wa s considering hi s humiliatio n wit h " T h e Independen t Candidate. " Unlike Twai n an d unlik e hi s late r proteges , h e ha d no t chose n "th e bitter an d burnin g dust , th e fou l an d trample d slus h o f th e com mon avenue s o f life." 4 Howell s ha d remaine d withi n th e narrower , more respectabl e wa y establishe d b y th e dominan t literar y prac tice, representin g middle-clas s live s fo r middle-clas s readers . H e had introduce d hi s refine d audienc e t o roug h character s lik e th e newly rise n Sila s Lapham , an d h e ha d becom e a penetratin g criti c

2

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of th e middl e class , a n analys t o f thei r maladies , evasions , an d saving aspirations . Bu t thes e accomplishment s di d no t satisf y th e demands o f hi s Swedenborgia n conscience . T o th e en d o f hi s life , Howells blame d himsel f fo r fallin g shor t o f Twain . While thi s hars h judgmen t remained , Howell s ha d sketche d a n alleviating perspectiv e i n his earlier rive r stor y u The Pearl, " wher e he confronte d fo r th e las t tim e th e myster y o f hi s sever e con science. I n this tale, Stephe n Wes t is traveling with his two cousin s aboard a steamboa t lik e th e on e tha t ha d take n Howell s fro m Pittsburgh t o St . Loui s i n th e sprin g o f 1858 . Distracte d b y hi s literary dreams , Stephe n hardl y notice s hi s cousins' busy activitie s until on e cries out that he has lost his gold scarfpin . Afte r a hurried search, th e pi n i s foun d i n Stephen' s satchel . Hi s cousin s accep t Stephen's innocenc e completely , suspectin g tha t th e cabin bo y hi d the pi n i n Stephen' s satche l whe n h e coul d no t safel y stea l it . Nevertheless, Stephe n feel s a t faul t an d worrie s ove r th e incident . During th e entir e trip , "th e nightmar e thin g tha t ha d happene d lurked i n hi s consciousnes s an d haunte d hi m throug h al l tha t wa s passing." Throughou t hi s life , Stephe n retain s th e "sor e plac e i n [his] soul. " I t cause s hi m dee p pai n wheneve r h e touche s i t i n memory. Finally , lat e i n life , h e confesse s hi s feeling s o f guil t t o one o f hi s cousins , wh o tell s hi m tha t hi s irrationa l irritatio n ha s produced a pearl. Althoug h i t has cost him hi s peace, thi s "pearl of great price " ha s sustaine d hi s conscience , makin g hi m merciful t o others. In hi s tw o rive r storie s turning upo n tru e an d fals e gold , Howell s examined th e elements mos t preciou s i n hi s vocational life . An d i n "The Pearl " h e ma y hav e reache d a self-understandin g tha t tran scended th e vai n regre t h e expressed i n " A Tal e Untold. " I n "Th e Pearl," h e connecte d th e mos t endurin g heritag e o f hi s trouble d youth, hi s tendency t o severe self-accusation, wit h the real achievements o f hi s life . H e ha d no t reste d i n hi s effor t t o mak e th e literary vocatio n a forc e fo r mora l usefulnes s an d socia l transfor mation. H e ha d lef t Bosto n rathe r tha n remai n i n protectiv e Brah min surroundings , an d h e ha d face d th e challenge s pose d b y pov erty an d inequalit y i n American life . H e ha d presse d himsel f a s fa r

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as h e coul d go , urgin g a sens e o f complicit y tha t woul d tur n hi s middle-class reader s awa y fro m thei r self-referentia l escapes . An d he ha d encourage d othe r writer s t o g o further . Th e visio n o f th e literary lif e tha t finall y sustaine d Howell s unite d hi s Swedenbor gian conscienc e wit h Tolsto y an imperatives . "[Tolstoy ] teache s such o f us a s will hea r him, " Howell s ha d written , "tha t th e Righ t is th e su m o f al l men' s poo r littl e persona l effor t t o d o right , an d that the success of this effort mean s daily, hourl y self-renunciation , self-abasement, th e sinkin g o f one' s prid e i n absolut e squalo r be fore duty . Thi s i s no t pleasan t . . . bu t i s thi s no t th e truth ? Le t any on e try, an d see!" 5

""Notes

The followin g abbreviation s ar e used throughou t th e notes: Alfred AS CG DT Harvard Hayes HI MHS OHS

osj

WCH WDH

Herrick Memoria l Library , Alfre d Universit y Ashtabula Sentinel Cincinnati Gazette Dayton Transcript Houghton Library , Harvar d Universit y Rutherford B . Haye s Presidentia l Cente r Hamilton Intelligencer Massachusetts Historica l Societ y Ohio Historica l Societ y Ohio State Journal William Coope r Howell s William Dea n Howell s

Acting for heir s of the Howells Estate , Willia m White Howells has kindly grante d permission t o quot e fro m unpublishe d letter s an d paper s b y Howells . Furthe r publication o f materia l draw n fro m thes e letter s an d paper s require s thi s sam e permission. Epigraph: W . D . Howells , "Calvary, " Stops of Various Quills (New York : Harpe r and Brothers , 1895) , [22]. Preface 1. Fo r appreciativ e account s o f Howells , se e esp. Edwi n H . Cady , The Road to Realism: The Early Years, 1837-1885, of William Dean Howells (Syracuse, N.Y. :

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Syracuse Univ . Press , 1956) ; Edwi n H . Cady , The Realist at War: The Mature Years, 1885-1920, of William Dean Howells (Syracuse, N.Y. : Syracus e Univ . Press , 1958); Kermi t Vanderbilt , The Achievement of William Dean Howells: A Reinterpretation (Princeton: Princeto n Univ . Press , 1968) ; Kenneth S . Lynn , William Dean Howells: An American Life (New York : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich, 1971) . 2. Erikson' s concep t o f the identity crisi s provides the framework an d severa l key assumption s o f m y study . I accep t Erikson' s conceptio n o f identit y a s a merger o f privat e an d publi c selves , persona l imperative s an d cultura l values . Study o f identit y i n thes e term s require s sensitivit y t o psychi c residue s o f earl y experiences, formativ e influence s o f late r lif e stages , an d pervasiv e constraint s o f culture. Durin g th e identit y crisi s o f youth , th e tension s o f a n individual' s pas t development coalesce , forcin g delimitin g "choices " that determin e hi s ideologica l and vocationa l commitments . Th e individua l mus t for m a viable bond wit h hi s or her societ y b y mean s o f integrativ e belief s an d a life task . Bu t aspiratio n fo r th e synthesis o r "wholeness " promise d b y suc h a bon d i s a motivatin g forc e i n identity formation , no t a guarante e o f success . Struggl e fo r identit y inevitabl y partakes of the dread a s well a s the hopefulness tha t dominate s an y era . The bes t introductio n t o Erikson' s understandin g o f "identity " an d th e "iden tity crisis " i s Eri k H . Erikson , Identity: Youth and Crisis (New York : W . W . Norton, 1968) . Cushing Strout , "Eg o Psycholog y an d th e Historian, " History and Theory, 7 (1968): 281-97 , remain s a n excellen t consideratio n o f th e identit y crisi s as a focus fo r historica l analysis . Mode l application s o f Erikson' s perspective s ar e Cushing Strout , "Willia m Jame s an d th e Twice-Bor n Sic k Soul, " Daedalus, 9 7 (1968): 1062-82 ; Richar d L . Bushman , "Jonatha n Edward s a s Grea t Man : Iden tity, Conversion , an d Leadershi p i n th e Grea t Awakening, " Soundings, 5 2 (1969): 15-46. Erikson's discussion s o f "ideology " an d "vocation " occu r a t variou s point s i n his writings. H e define s "ideology " broadly a s "a coherent bod y o f shared images , ideas, an d ideal s which whethe r base d o n a formulated dogma , a n implicit Weltanschauung, a highl y structure d worl d image , a politica l cree d . . . , o r a 'wa y o f life,' provide s fo r participant s a coherent , i f systematicall y simplified , over-al l orientation i n spac e an d time , i n mean s an d ends. " Idea s i n an y form , therefore , if the y ten d towar d systemati c expressio n an d locat e a n individua l i n a large r companionship ca n fulfil l th e "developmenta l necessity " Erikso n attribute s t o ideology. Althoug h state d i n idea l terms , thi s conceptio n o f ideolog y allow s fo r discontinuities, divide d loyalties , an d othe r incoherencie s tha t ma y frustrat e a complete synthesi s o f identity . Fo r statement s concernin g ideology , se e Erikson , Identity: Youth and Crisis, 27, 31 , 128-34 , 187—91 , 247 , long quotation o n 189-90 ; Erik H . Erikson , Young Man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis and History (Ne w York: W . W . Norton , 1958) , 22 , 41 , 42 , n o ; Eri k H . Erikson , Insight and Responsibility: Lectures on the Ethical Implication of Psychoanalytic Insight (New York : W. W . Norton , 1964) , 90-91 ; Eri k H . Erikson , Life History and the Historical Moment (New York : W . W . Norton , 1975) , 204-7 . Fo r a n explicatio n an d exten sion o f Erikson' s notio n o f ideology , se e Kennet h Kenniston , "Yout h an d It s Ideology," American Handbook of Psychiatry, 2d ed., ed . Silvan o Arieti (Ne w York : Basic Books, 1974) , 1 , esp. 411-16 .

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Erikson give s les s expositio n t o "vocation, " bu t h e assert s tha t "wor k master y is i n an y cultur e th e backbon e o f identit y formation. " H e contend s tha t t o establish hi s identit y a n individua l "mus t acquir e a 'conflict free, ' habitua l us e of a dominan t faculty , t o b e elaborate d i n a n occupation ; [thi s becomes ] a limitles s resource, a feedback, a s i t were , fro m th e immediat e exercis e o f thi s occupation , from th e companionshi p i t provides , an d fro m it s tradition. " Vocatio n implie s not onl y th e tas k itsel f bu t als o th e ideologica l meanin g o f th e task . Fo r state ents concernin g vocation , se e Erikson , Identity: Youth and Crisis, 127-28 , lon g quotation o n 150 ; Eri k H . Erikson , Identity and the Life Cycle: Selected Papers (New York : Internationa l Universitie s Press , 1959) , 163 m O n "wholeness " an d some of it s vicissitudes , se e Erikson , Identity: Youth and Crisis, 53-54, 80-82 , 88 , 89. 3. Treatin g Howells' s lif e histor y i n broa d socia l an d cultura l context , m y study differ s fro m biographica l approache s tha t stres s Howells' s idiosyncrati c "neuroticism" o r "neuroti c history. " Se e Edwi n Harriso n Cady , "Th e Neuroti cism o f Willia m Dea n Howells, " Publications of the Modern Language Association, 6 1 (1946): 229-38; Cady, The Road to Realism, esp . 22-24 , 54~~6o ; Lynn, William Dean Howells, passim. Recently , Joh n W . Crowley , The Black Heart's Truth: The Early Career ofW. D. Howells (Chapel Hill : Univ . o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1986) , ha s extended th e viet v o f Howells' s "neuroticism " suggeste d b y Cad y an d Lyn n a s a prologue t o hi s Freudia n exploratio n o f sexua l theme s i n Howells' s fiction. M y contrasting approac h doe s no t dispos e o f Howells' s fear s an d irrationa l anxieties , including those potentially neurotic . I n accor d wit h Eriksonia n perspectives , I see Howells's psychi c difficultie s a s par t o f a developmenta l proces s o f individua l adaptation an d synthesi s i n whic h hi s struggl e fo r literar y vocatio n playe d a decisive role . Howells' s sens e o f literar y vocation , especiall y hi s belie f tha t i t permitted th e greatest usefulnes s t o others, provide d hi m wit h a way t o resist an d master potentiall y neuroti c conflict . On th e distinctio n betwee n neuroti c potentia l an d actua l neurosis , se e Pete r Bios, "Th e Epigenesi s o f Adul t Neurosis, " Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 27 (1972): 106-35 . Bio s point s ou t tha t "th e irruptio n o f a neuroti c illnes s ca n b e averted, despit e th e existenc e o f a neuroti c potential , wheneve r th e growin g individual i s abl e t o dra w o n constitutiona l resources , objec t relations , an d envi ronmental condition s s o a s t o wor k ou t a serviceabl e adaptatio n t o life . Suc h a favorable outcom e i s ofte n helpe d alon g b y th e fac t tha t possessio n o f a specia l propensity—called gift , talent , 'knack ' o r 'bent'—facilitate s th e resolutio n o f internal disharmonies . Th e individual' s neuroti c potential , however , continue s t o exist throughou t hi s life ; indeed , i t ma y serv e a s both incentiv e an d activator , or , on th e othe r hand , constitut e a uniqu e vulnerability . Bot h conditions , however , lend directio n t o th e individual' s adaptiv e tendencie s an d evok e hi s adaptiv e inventiveness: th e master y o f earl y trauma , whic h i s generall y cumulativ e i n nature, ha s become, unde r thes e conditions, a 'life task. ' " (p. 109) . 4. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 1 8 Sept . i860 , M S a t Harvard . O n ambivalence toward "ambition, " see Ann Dougla s Wood, "Th e 'Scribblin g Women ' and Fann y Fern : Wh y Wome n Wrote, " American Quarterly, 2 3 (1971) : 3-24 ; Burton J. Bledstein , The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Develop-

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ment of Higher Education in America (New York : W . W . Norton , 1976) ; George B . Forgie, Patricide in the House Divided: A Psychological Interpretation of Lincoln and His Age (New York : W. W . Norton , 1979) , esp. 55-88 . 5. Studie s tha t recogniz e connection s betwee n th e disruptio n o f traditiona l life an d nineteenth-centur y skepticis m includ e Thoma s L . Haskell , The Emergence of Professional Social Science: The American Social Science Association and the NineteenthCentury Crisis of Authority (Urbana : Univ . o f Illinoi s Press , 1977) , esp . 24-47 ; T. J . Jackso n Lears , No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1981) ; James Turner , Without God, Without Creed: The Origins of Unbelief in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Univ. Press , 1985) , 114-40 . 6. Erikson , Identity: Youth and Crisis, 155. 7. Howell s t o Hamli n Garland , 1 5 Jan. 1888 , Selected Letters of W. D. Howells, ed. Rober t C . Leit z III , Richar d H . Ballinger , an d Christop h K . Lohman n (Boston: Twayne , 1980) , 3 : 215 . Permissio n t o quot e fro m volume s o f Selected Letters of W. D. Howells was grante d b y Twayn e Publishers . Fo r treatment s o f Howells's growin g socia l concern s i n th e lat e 1880 s an d earl y 1890s , se e Cady , The Realist at War; Lynn, William Dean Howells, esp . 282-311 ; William Alexander , William Dean Howells: The Realist as Humanist (Ne w York : Bur t Franklin , 1981) . Lears, No Place of Grace, has illuminate d ho w mos t middle-clas s elite s trie d t o escape thei r nervousnes s i n self-referentia l ways , seekin g persona l authenticit y rather tha n th e realization o f communal potentialities . 1. A Selfish Ideal of Glory Epigraph: WDH , "Sphinx" Stops of Various Quills, [69]. 1. W . D . Howells , Years of My Youth and Three Essays, ed . Davi d J . Nordlo h (Bloomington: Indian a Univ . Press , 1975) , 18-19 . 2. Ibid. , 20 . Thoug h h e interpret s thi s episod e differently , concentratin g o n its "psychosexual " aspects , Crowley , Black Heart's Truth, 26 , i s sensitiv e t o it s place in an "associativ e context. " 3. W . D . Howells , The Flight of Pony Baker: A Boy's Town Story (New York : Harper an d Brothers , 1902) , 141. 4. I n thi s paragrap h an d th e on e following , I dra w m y description s o f developmental difficultie s an d thei r importanc e fo r th e origins o f conscience fro m Erikson's "psychosocial " elaboration s o f Freudia n theory . I use the pronou n "he " because I am concerned wit h mal e development. Erikso n suggest s that childre n a t about ag e thre e t o si x ar e engage d i n a variety o f similarl y "intrusive " behavior s and fantasie s tha t allo w them t o anticipate adul t role s and gai n confidenc e i n thei r capacities. H e observes that th e key tension o f this stage of life is "initiative versu s guilt." Guil t partl y arise s fro m wha t h e describe s a s th e "sexua l core " o f th e child's exuberan t behavior . A mal e child' s identificatio n wit h hi s fathe r help s t o mitigate th e child' s tendenc y t o dictatoria l conscience , ye t othe r contingencie s may encourag e a n obedienc e fa r beyon d wha t hi s parent s expect . Inhibition s an d severe self-criticis m ma y affec t an y are a o f a child's life , bu t a critical on e i s hi s

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anticipation o f roles , includin g thos e inclination s tha t late r for m hi s sens e o f vocation. Se e Eri k H . Erikson , Childhood and Society, 2d ed . (Ne w York : W . W . Norton, 1963) , 85-91 , 255-5 8 (quotatio n o n 256) ; Erikson , Identity: Youth and Crisis, 115-22 . Th e importanc e o f th e child' s acceptanc e o f separatio n fro m hi s mother i s elaborated b y Christophe r Lasc h i n hi s syntheti c presentatio n o f recen t psychoanalytic theory , The Minimal Self: Psychic Survival in Troubled Times (New York: W. W . Norton , 1984) , 163-96 . 5. Se e note 4. 6. Th e pertinen t sectio n o f Howells's stor y i s Flight of Pony Baker, 141-64 . 7. O n "glory, " see text. 8. W . D . Howells , A Boy's Town (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1890), 15 .

9. WDH , Years of My Youth, 21.

10. Ibid . 11. Ibid .

12. Ibid. , 69-70 , 79-81 ; WDH , A Boy's Town, 15 , 16-18 , 25-26 , 55-56 , 99 , 198, 200 , 202 , 204 .

13. WDH , Years of My Youth, 26-27. 14. Ibid. , 27-28 . 15. Ibid. , 29 , 30-31 . 16. Ibid. , 27 . 17. WDH , A Boy's Town, 247 . 18. Willia m Coope r Howells , Recollections of Life in Ohio, From 1813 to 1840 (Cincinnati: Rober t Clarke , 1895) , 4, 6-20, 47-48 . 19. Ibid. , 47 , 50 , 57-60 , 62-63 , 81 , 82-83 , 95 ' passim ; Joseph Howell s an d Anne T . Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 2 Feb . 1852 , M S a t Alfred ; Josep h Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 0 Apr. 1852 , M S a t Alfred ; Ann e T . Howell s and Joseph Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 4 Nov. 1852 , M S a t Alfred ; Ann e T. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 2 9 Aug. 1854 , MS a t Alfred . 20. WCH , Recollections of Life in Ohio, 95 , 96-97, 160-61 , 163 , 164 , 165-71 . 21. Ibid. , 169 , 171-72 .

22. WDH , Years of My Youth, 101 ; W. D . Howells , New Leaf Mills: A Chronicle (New York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1913) , 30. 2 3. Th e genera l outline s o f the transition t o a national marke t ar e presented i n George Roger s Taylor , The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (Ne w York : Holt, Rinehar t an d Winston , 1951) ; Douglas C . North , The Economic Growth of the United States, 1790-1860 (Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentic e Hall , 1961) ; Stuar t Bruchey, The Roots of American Economic Growth, i6oy-i86i: An Essay in Social Causation (London: Hutchinso n Univ . Library , 1965) , esp. 79-94 , 151-57 ; Clarence H. Danhof , Change in Agriculture: The Northern United States, 1820-1870 (Cambridge: Harvar d Univ . Press , 1969) ; Alan R . Pred , Urban Growth and the Circulation of Information: The United States System of Cities, 1790-1840 (Cambridge : Harvard Univ . Press , 1973) . Recent studie s examin e th e emergenc e o f th e nationa l marke t an d specif y forms o f accommodatio n an d resistance . Se e esp. Michae l Merrill , "Cas h i s Goo d to Eat : Self-Sufflcienc y an d Exchang e i n th e Rura l Econom y o f th e Unite d

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States," Radical History Review, 4 (1977): 42-71; James A . Henretta , "Familie s an d Farms: Mentalite i n Pre-Industria l America, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3 5 (1978): 3-32 ; Christophe r Clark , "Th e Househol d Economy , Marke t Exchang e and th e Ris e o f Capitalis m i n th e Connecticu t Valley , 1800-1860, " Journal of Social History, 1 3 (1979): 169-89 ; Richar d L . Bushman , "Famil y Securit y i n th e Transition fro m Far m t o City , 1750-1850 , "Journal of Family History, 6 (1981) : 238-56; Mar y P . Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge: Cambridg e Univ . Press , 1981) , esp . 18-59 ; Robert A . Gross , "Cultur e an d Cultivation : Agricultur e an d Societ y i n Thoreau' s Concord," Journal of American History, 6 9 (1982) : 42-61 ; Jonatha n Prude , The Coming of Industrial Order: Town and Factory Life in Rural Massachusetts, 1810-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridg e Univ . Press , 1983) ; Steve n Hah n an d Jonatha n Prude , eds., The Countryside in the Age of Capitalist Transformation: Essays in the Social History of Rural America (Chapel Hill : Univ . o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1985) ; John Mack Faragher , Sugar Creek: Life on the Illinois Prairie (New Haven : Yal e Univ . Press, 1986) . 24. Fo r th e pervasiv e sens e of widesprea d economi c opportunit y amon g ante bellum Northerners , se e Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (Ne w York : Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1970) , n - 1 9 . Andre w Jackson, "Secon d Annua l Message, " 6 Dec. 1830 , A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897, ed. Jame s D . Richardso n (Washington, D.C. : Governmen t Printin g Office , 1896) , 2 : 521 . O n Andre w Jackson a s th e embodimen t o f th e etho s o f autonomou s individualism , se e Joh n William Ward , Andrew Jackson: Symbol of an Age (1955; reprint, Ne w York : Oxfor d Univ. Press , 1962) , esp. 166-80 ; Michael Paul Rogin , Fathers and Children: Andrew Jackson and the Subjugation of the American Indian (Ne w York : Alfre d A . Knopf , 1975). Fo r othe r expression s o f the ethos o f autonomous individualism , se e Lears, No Place of Grace, 12-18, passim . Communa l potentialitie s o f the fait h i n expand ing opportunities ar e discussed b y Arthu r Bestor , Backwoods Utopias: The Sectarian Origins and the Owenite Phase of Communitarian Socialism in America, 1663-1829, 2d ed. (Philadelphia : Univ . o f Pennsylvania Press , i960) . 25. Fo r Joh n Jaco b Astor , se e Washingto n Irving , Astoria, or Anecdotes of an Enterprise Beyond the Rocky Mountains, 2 vols. (Philadelphia : Carey , Le a an d Blan chard, 1836) ; The Life of P. T. Barnum Written by Himself (New York : Redfield , 1855); Barnum' s popula r lecture , "Th e Ar t o f Money-Getting " (1858) , reprinte d in Mose s Rischin , ed. , The American Gospel of Success: Individualism and Beyond (Chicago: Quadrangle , 1968) , 47-66 . Antebellu m entrepreneuria l succes s litera ture i s critically discusse d b y Irvi n G . Wyllie , The Self Made Man in America: The Myth of Rags to Riches (1954 ; reprint , Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1966) , 16-20 ; Joh n G. Cawelti , Apostles of the Self Made Man (Chicago: Univ. o f Chicago Press, 1965) , 39-7526. Recen t studie s hav e explode d th e myt h tha t marke t opportunitie s wer e readily availabl e t o all . Se e Edwar d Pessen , "Th e Egalitaria n Myt h an d th e American Socia l Reality : Wealth , Mobility , an d Equalit y i n th e 'Er a o f th e Common Man, ' " American Historical Review, 76 (1971): 989-1034; Edwar d Pessen , Riches, Class, and Power Before the Civil War (Lexington , Mass. : D . C . Heath ,

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1973). Alexi s d e Tocqueville , Democracy in America, ed . Phillip s Bradle y (Ne w York: Alfred A . Knopf , 1945) , 2 : 144-47 . 27. Se e the studie s cited i n note 23 , esp. thos e by Henrett a an d Ryan . Amon g the many studie s of earlier corporate life , se e John Demos , A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Ne w York : Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1970) ; Michae l Zuckerman, Peaceable Kingdoms: New England Towns in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Alfre d A . Knopf , 1970) ; Rober t A . Gross , The Minutemen and Their World (New York : Hil l an d Wang , 1976) . Fo r overal l perspectiv e an d discussio n o f dynamics o f change, se e Darret t R . Rutman , "Th e Socia l Web : A Prospectu s fo r the Stud y o f th e Earl y America n Community, " Insights and Parallels: Problems and Issues of American Social History, ed . Willia m L . O'Neil l (Minneapolis : Burgess , 1973), 57-88 ; Rober t A . Gross , "Lonesom e i n Eden : Dickinson , Thoreau , an d the Proble m o f Communit y i n Nineteenth-Centur y Ne w England, " Canadian Review of A merican Studies, 14(1983): 1 -17. 28. Thoma s Bender , Community and Social Change in America (New Brunswick , N.J.: Rutger s Univ . Press , 1978) , ha s provide d a theoretica l framewor k fo r assessing thi s dilemm a o f communit y life . H e ha s explore d th e emergenc e o f "bifurcated" socia l experienc e a s a consequenc e o f nationa l marke t developmen t and note d it s crucial importanc e fo r understandin g th e lives of nineteenth-centur y Americans. Bende r stresse s interplay betwee n communal an d noncommuna l way s of living as well a s tensions betwee n loca l and transloca l loyalties . 29. Th e formatio n o f a definable middl e clas s fro m th e "middlin g sort " i s th e subject o f a growing bod y o f scholarship . Se e esp. Danie l Walke r Howe , "Victo rian Cultur e i n America, " Victorian America, ed . Danie l Walke r How e (Philadel phia: Univ . Pennsylvani a Press , 1976) , 3-28 ; Bledstein , The Culture of Professionalism; Joseph F . Kett , Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (New York : Basic Books, 1977) ; P*u\ E. Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York : Hil l an d Wang , 1978) ; Paul Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ . Press , 1978) , esp . 1-120 ; Introduction s t o Davi d Brio n Davis , ed., Antebellum American Culture: An Interpretive Anthology (Lexington , Mass. : D. C . Heath , 1979) ; Danie l Walke r Howe , The Political Culture of the American Whigs (Chicago: Univ . o f Chicag o Press , 1979) ; Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class; Karen Halttunen , Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven : Yal e Univ . Press , 1982) ; Gross , "Lonesome i n Eden" ; Steve n Mintz , A Prison of Expectations: The Family in Victorian Culture (New York : Ne w Yor k Univ . Press , 1983) ; Stuart M . Blumin , "Th e Hypothesis o f Middle-Clas s Formatio n i n Nineteenth-Centur y America : A Cri tique and Som e Proposals," American Historical Review, 90 (1985): 299-338. 30. Th e effect s o f marke t interdependenc e o n commo n understanding s o f social reality , individua l autonomy , an d mora l belie f ar e incisivel y analyze d an d related t o the developmen t o f profession s b y Haskell , The Emergence of Professional Social Science, esp . 24-47 . Lears , No Place of Grace, subtl y interpret s th e response s of nineteenth-centur y American s t o th e uneas e o f livin g i n a nationa l marke t society, whic h alon g with othe r influence s contribute d t o individual an d collectiv e quests fo r revitalizatio n i n intens e experience .

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31. Fo r th e beginning s o f age-grade d schoolin g an d professiona l training , se e Kett, Rites of Passage; Car l F . Kaestle , Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780-1860 (New York : Hil l an d Wang , 1983) ; Haskell , Emergence of Professional Social Science; Ble d stein, Culture of Professionalism. WCH , Recollections of Life in Ohio, 89-91. 32. Fo r change s i n child-rearin g advic e during th e earl y nineteent h century , I have relie d primaril y o n Mintz , A Prison of Expectations, 27-39 ; Nanc y F . Cott , "Notes Towar d a n Interpretatio n o f Antebellu m Childrearing, " Psychohistory Review, 6 (1978) : 4-20 . Fo r long-ter m changes , se e Philipp e Aries , Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life (Ne w York : Vintage , 1962) ; Lawrenc e Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1 §00-1800 (Ne w York : Harpe r and Row , 1977) , 105-14 , 159-95 , 405-80 . Th e genera l unsettlin g o f cultura l forms b y th e sprea d o f marke t capitalis m i s illuminate d b y Jean-Christoph e Agnew, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater in Anglo-American Thought, 15501750 (Cambridge: Cambridg e Univ . Press , 1986) . On America n chil d rearing , se e also Bernard Wishy , The Child and the Republic: The Dawn of Modern American Child Nurture (Philadelphia : Univ . o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1968) ; Demos, A Little Commonwealth, esp. 100-106 , 131-70 ; Edwin G . Burrow s an d Michae l Wallace , "Th e American Revolution : Th e Ideolog y an d Psycholog y o f Nationa l Liberation, " Perspectives in American History, 6 (1972): 255-67 ; Pete r Greg g Slater , Children in the New England Mind: In Death and in Life (Hamden, Conn. : Archon , 1977) ; Philip Greven, The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Childrearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York : Alfre d A . Knopf , 1977) ; Jay Fliegelman , Prodigals and Pilgrims: The American Revolution against Patriarchal Authority, 17501800 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ . Press , 1982) ; Carl N . Degler , At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York : Oxfor d Univ. Press , 1980) , 66-110 ; Mar y P . Ryan , The Empire of the Mother: American Writing about Domesticity, 1830-1860 (New York : Harringto n Par k Press , 1985) , 45L Fo r famil y tension s an d famil y suppor t fo r th e self-mad e man , se e Nancy F . Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-183$ (Ne w Haven: Yal e Univ . Press , 1977) , 84-98 ; Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 145-85; Mintz, A Prison of Expectations, 18-20 , 27-28 , passim . 33. Theodor e Dwight , Jr. , The Father's Book; or, Suggestions for the Government and Instruction of Young Children on Principles Appropriate to a Christian Country, 2 d ed. (Springfield , Mass. : G . an d C . Merriam , 1835) , 36-39 , 123-24 , quote d i n Cott, "Note s Towar d a n Interpretatio n o f Antebellu m Childrearing, " 14 ; L. H . Sigourney, Letters to Mothers, 6t h ed. (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1838) , 56. 34. I hav e followe d Thoma s R . Cole' s suggestio n o f civilized morality a s a covering term fo r th e emergen t middle-clas s etho s of self-control . Se e Thomas R . Cole, "Pas t Meridian : Agin g an d th e Norther n Middl e Class, 1830-1930 " (Ph.D. diss., Univ . o f Rochester, 1980) . The ter m derives from Freud' s essay " 'Civilized ' Sexual Moralit y an d Moder n Nervou s Illness, " The Standard Edition of the Complete Works of Sigmund Freud, ed. Jame s Strache y (London : Hogarth , 1959) , 9 : 18 1 — 204. Applyin g th e ter m t o American society , Natha n G . Hale , Jr., ha s observed , " 'Civilized ' moralit y operate d a s a coheren t syste m o f relate d economic , social , and religiou s norms . I t define d no t onl y correc t behavior , bu t correc t model s o f

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the manl y ma n an d th e womanl y woman , an d prescribe d a uniqu e regim e o f sexual hygiene . . . . 'Civilized ' moralit y was , above all, an ideal o f conduct, no t a description o f reality. I n many respect s thi s mora l syste m wa s a heroic attemp t to coerc e a recalcitrant an d hostile actuality. " Freud and the Americans: The Beginnings of Psychoanalysis in the United States, 1876-1917 (New York : Oxfor d Univ . Press, 1971) , 24-46 , quotatio n o n 25. The historica l literatur e discussing civilized moralit y i n its many dimension s is vast. Fo r long-ter m perspective , se e Norber t Elias , The Civilizing Process: The History of Manners (New York: Pantheon , 1978 ) and The Civilizing Process: Power and Civility (Ne w York: Pantheon , 1982) , 229-333 . Fo r American developments , see esp. Lears , No Place of Grace. Othe r pertinen t studie s includ e those concernin g the family an d child rearin g cited i n note 3 2. For studies demonstrating th e effect s of ideal s o f self-contro l i n individua l lif e history , se e Lewi s Perry , Childhood, Marriage, and Reform: Henry Clarke Wright, 1797-1870 (Chicago : Univ . o f Chicag o Press, 1980) ; Robert H . Abzug , Passionate Liberator: Theodore Dwight Weld and the Dilemma of Reform (New York: Oxford Univ . Press , 1980) . Considering form s o f cultur e tha t becam e availabl e t o middlin g familie s lik e the Howell s family , historian s hav e stresse d th e accommodation t o market capi talism promote d b y th e idea l o f self-control . Regulatin g th e "passions " throug h self-control, fo r instance, furthere d th e middle-class rationalization of self, helpin g to prepar e individual s fo r mode s o f wor k tha t require d reserve s o f energ y an d devotion t o time-oriente d discipline . Se e for exampl e Pete r T . Cominos , "Lat e Victorian Sexua l Respectabilit y an d th e Socia l System, " International Review of Social History, 8 (1963) : 18-48 , 216-50 ; G . J . Baker-Benfield , "Th e Spermati c Economy: A Nineteenth-Centur y Vie w o f Sexuality, " Feminist Studies, 1 (1972): 45-74; Marti n Corneliu s Va n Buren , "Th e Indispensabl e Go d o f Health : A Study o f Republica n Hygien e an d Ideolog y o f Willia m Alcott " (Ph.D . diss. , Univ. o f California , Lo s Angeles , 1977) ; Stephe n Nissenbaum , Sex, Diet, and Debility injacksonian America: Sylvester Graham and Health Reform (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood, 1980) , 136-37 , passim . Nissenbau m observe s tha t Grahamit e di etary restrictions , especiall y insistenc e upo n home-produce d bread , wer e ex pressly se t agains t inroad s o f marke t capitalis m eve n thoug h th e Grahamit e regimen ultimatel y promote d th e ne w rationalizatio n o f self . Othe r historian s have pointe d ou t the coercive use s of civilized moralit y i n overturning th e habit s of a n industria l labo r forc e oriente d t o th e rhythm s o f a traditiona l agraria n economy. Se e for exampl e Pau l Faler , "Cultura l Aspect s o f the Industrial Revo lution: Lynn , Massachusetts , Shoemaker s an d Industria l Morality , 1826-1860, " Labor History, 1 5 (1974): 367-94; Barbara M . Tucker, "Th e Family an d Industria l Discipline i n Ante-Bellu m Ne w England, " Labor History, 2 1 (1979-80) : 55-74 . Faler observe s tha t som e shoemaker s turne d civilize d moralit y t o thei r ow n purposes. 35. Th e idea l o f self-contro l responde d t o a wid e rang e o f anxietie s experi enced b y antebellu m Americans , includin g fear s tha t individua l self-assertio n would destro y al l commitment t o traditional communa l obligations . Carrol l Smith Rosenberg emphasize s variou s symboli c an d expressive dimension s o f sexual self control, includin g th e effort t o protect communa l value s b y containing individua l

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desire. Se e "Se x a s Symbo l i n Victoria n Purity : A n Ethnohistorica l Analysi s o f Jacksonian America, " Turning Points: Historical and Sociological Essays on the Family, ed. Joh n Demo s an d Saran e Spenc e Boococ k (Chicago : Univ . o f Chicag o Press , 1978), 212-47 ; an d u Davey Crocket t a s Trickster : Pornography , Liminalit y an d Symbolic Inversio n i n Victoria n America, " Journal of Contemporary History, 1 7 (1982): 325-50 .

T. J . Jackso n Lears , "Th e Concep t o f Cultura l Hegemony : Problem s an d Possibilities," American Historical Review, 9 0 (1985) : 567-93 , propose s a flexible approach t o understanding th e formation o f hegemonic values such as self-control , an approac h tha t allow s fo r th e interpla y o f contradictor y elements , conteste d meanings, an d oppositiona l potentialities . I n addition , se e Raymon d Williams , "Base and Superstructur e i n Marxis t Cultura l Theory, " i n Problems in Materialism and Culture (London: Verso , 1980) , 31-49 . 36. WDH , A Boy's Town, 7 ; WCH, Recollections of Life in Ohio, 43 , 44; William Dean Howells , Introductio n t o Recollections of Life in Ohio, b y WCH , vi-vii . "Moral universe " wa s commonl y use d i n th e nineteent h centur y fo r a providen tially ordered universe , guaranteeing mora l purpose and allowin g voluntary actio n for salvation . Se e D . H . Meyer , The Instructed Conscience: The Shaping of the American National Ethic (Philadelphia : Univ . o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1972) , esp . 89-97; W - D . Howells , "Lyo f N . Tolstoy, " North American Review, 18 8 (1908): 851. 37. [WCH] , "Universalism, " Retina, 2 6 Apr. 1844 . William Coope r Howells' s published discussion s o f Swedenborgianis m includ e Retina, 1 Jul y 184 3 to 5 July 1844; Wm. C . Howells , Science of Correspondences: Or the Relation of Spirit to Matter, Considered as a Means of Scriptural Interpretation (Toronto : R . Carswell , 1879) ; W. C . Howells , The Freewill of Man and the Origin of Evil: A Lecture (London: James Speirs , 1881) ; [WCH], "Creation, " New Jerusalem Magazine, 6 (1882): 42539. Fo r Swedenborgianis m i n America , se e Marguerit e Bec k Block , The New Church in the New World: A Study of Swedenborgianism in America (New York: Henr y Holt, 1932) ; Scot t Treg o Swank , "Th e Unfettere d Conscience : A Stud y o f Sectarianism, Spiritualism , an d Socia l Refor m i n th e Ne w Jerusale m Church , 1840-1870" (Ph.D. diss. , Univ . o f Pennsylvania, 1970) . 38. [WCH] , "Universalism," Retina, 2 5 Nov. 1843 ; WCH, The Freewill of Man and the Origins of Evil, §—6. I dra w fro m Willia m Coope r Howells' s late r state ments fo r vividnes s of expression. Hi s late r statement s ar e wholly consonan t wit h the ideas he expressed earlie r i n the Retina. 39. Emanue l Swedenborg , Heaven and its Wonders and Hell: From Things Heard and Seen (New York : Swedenbor g Foundation , 1970) , 224; [WCH], Untitled essa y on "Character, " 3-4 , M S a t Alfred . Th e phrase s "idea l o f glory " an d "idea l o f usefulness" recu r i n variou s form s throughou t Swedenborgia n writings : "On e who rules fro m th e love of self," wrote Swedenborg , "will s good t o no one excep t himself; th e use s he perform s ar e fo r th e sak e of his own hono r an d glory , whic h to him ar e the only uses ; his end i n loving others is that h e may himself b e served , honored, an d permitte d t o rule. " Swedenborg , Heaven and Hell, 407 . Fo r othe r representative statements , se e 37 , 400-401.

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40. [WCH] , "Youth' s Department, " Retina, 7 Oct . 1843 . O n "rulin g love, " see Swedenborg, Heaven and Hell, 336 , 337 , 380 . WDH, A Boy's Town, \i. 41. WDH , My Literary Passions, 8 ; WDH, A Boy's Town, 20-21 . 42. Henr y War d Beecher , Lectures to Young Men, on Various Important Subjects, 3d ed. (Salem , Mass. : John P . Jewett, 1846) , [15]. For other example s of the wor d "usefulness" i n th e vocabular y o f th e middl e class , se e Bledstein , Culture of Professionalism, 159 , 165 , 167 , 169 ; Daniel T . Rogers , The Work Ethic in Industrial America, 1850-1920 (Chicago: Univ . o f Chicag o Press , 1978) , 9-14 ; Rut h Mille r Elson, Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century (Lincoln: Univ. o f Nebrask a Press , 1964) , 222-23 . On secularization , se e Lears, No Place of Grace, 40-47 , passim ; Joseph Haroutunian , Piety Versus Moralism: The Passing of the New England Theology (New York : Henr y Holt , 1932) ; Turner , Without God, Without Creed. 43. Se e th e studie s cite d i n not e 32 . Hema n Humphrey , Domestic Education (Amherst, Mass. : J. S . an d C . Adams , 1840) , 45-48 , quote d Mintz , A Prison of Expectations, 33 . 44. Quotatio n fro m "Parenta l Fault-Finding, " Retina, 2 5 Nov . 1843 . Fo r ad ditional examples , se e T . E . W. , " A Wal k wit h Father, " Retina, 1 5 Sept . 1843 ; M. C , "Fran k Hale, " Retina, 1 4 June 1844 ; "Dutie s t o Parents, " Retina, 9 Feb . 1844; "Interesting Anecdote, " Retina, 1 4 June 1844 ; "The Neglecte d Boy, " Retina, 5 July 1844 . 45. Willia m C . Howell s t o Ann e Howell s Frechette , 2 3 Aug . 1882 , M S a t Alfred. 46. WCH , Recollections of Life in Ohio, 2-3, 21-25 , 2 7 ' 2 ^ 29-30 , 33-34 , 38 , 42-43, 89-94 ; William Cooper Howells , "Cam p Meetings i n the West Fifty Year s Ago," Lippincott's, 10(1872): 203-12; Richard T . Vann , "Nurtur e an d Conversio n in th e Earl y Quake r Family, " Journal of Marriage and the Family, 3 1 (1969): 642 43; [WCH], "Youth's Department, " Retina, 7 Oct. 1843 . 47. WDH , A Boy's Town, 13 . 48. Ibid. , 15 . 49. Th e phrase s ar e fro m Ann e Howell s Frechette , 2 d draf t o f a n untitle d speech concernin g Willia m Dea n Howells , 4 , M S a t Alfred . O n conscience , se e Cott, "Note s Towar d a n Interpretatio n o f Antebellum Childrearing, " 14 . 50. WDH , Flight of Pony Baker, 142. 51. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 1 Aug . 1881 , M S a t Harvard . Fo r discussion o f Winifre d Howells' s illnes s an d death , se e Cady, Realist at War, 9 6 99; Lynn , William Dean Howells, 252 , 297-98 ; Joh n W . Crowley , "Winifre d Howells an d th e Econom y o f Pain, " Old Northwest, 1 0 (1984): 41-75. Th e stud y that treat s nineteenth-centur y "nervousness " i n broades t cultura l perspectiv e i s Lears, No Place of Grace, esp . 47-58. 52. WDH , Years of My Youth, 10 , 14 , 22 , 84 ; WDH , A Boy's Town, 202 ; Alexander Dea n t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 5 Oct. 1868 , MS a t Alfred ; Lis t o f th e Children o f Elizabeth (Dock ) Dean, M S at MHS. Fo r th e difficulties o f separatio n experienced b y wome n i n the new circumstance s o f a national marke t society , se e Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 193-95, passim ; Mintz , A Prison of Expectations,

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118; Cott , Bonds of Womanhood, 80-83 ; Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , "Th e Femal e World o f Lov e an d Ritual : Relation s Betwee n Wome n i n Nineteenth-Centur y America," Signs, 1 (1975) : 1 1 — 18, 22 ; Degler, At Odds, 104-10 ; Ellen K. Rothman , Hands and Hearts: A History of Courtship in America (1984 ; reprint , Cambridge : Harvard Univ . Press , 1987) , 67-71 . 53. WCH , Recollections of Life in Ohio, 190-91, passim ; [WCH] , "Memorand a of Incident s o f M y Lif e an d Variou s Othe r Matter s Jotte d Dow n fo r M y Dea r Children," 276-77 , M S a t Alfred ; Joh n Dea n t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 0 Sept . 1835, M S a t Alfred ; "Vetera n Newspape r Ma n an d Forme r Residen t Write s Interestingly o f Day s Whe n Martin' s Ferr y wa s Martinsville, " Martin' s Ferr y Evening News, 3 0 Mar. 1905 , Clipping o f articl e base d o n a letter fro m Howells' s brother Joseph , a t Alfred ; WDH , Years of My Youth, 8-9 , 10 , 34 ; Mar y D . Howells t o Howells , 1 4 Mar. 1864 , MS a t MHS . 54. WCH , Recollections of Life in Ohio, 191-94 ; WCH , "Memorand a o f Inci dents o f My Life, " 282 , MS a t Alfred . 55. WDH , A Boy's Town, 11 , 12 , 13 , 202 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 14 , 22 ; [WCH], "Mrs . Carolin e Matild a Thayer, " Retina, 1 7 Ma y 1844 . A cancele d passage i n th e typescrip t fo r A Boy's Town tie s Joseph Howells' s lamen t ove r hi s grandchildren t o th e "dismay " h e fel t fo r thei r "los t condition. " WDH , " A Boy' s Town," (9-20) , TS a t Harvard . 56. Calvi n Dil l Wilso n an d Davi d Bruc e Fitzgerald , " A Da y i n Howells' s 'Boy's Town, ' " New England Magazine, 3 6 (1907) : 295 ; Leonar d L . Richards , "Gentlemen of Property and Standing": Anti-Abolitionist Mobs in Jacksonian America (New York : Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1970) ; [WCH], "Th e Dayto n Riot, " HI, 5 Feb. 1841; [WCH], "Dayto n Again, " HI, 1 2 Feb . 1841; [WCH], "Th e Dayto n Tran script," HI, 1 9 Feb. 1841; [WCH], "Th e Dayto n Transcript, " HI, 5 Mar. 1841 ; Joseph A . Howell s t o W . H . Venable , 2 7 July 1909 , Dolore s Venabl e Memoria l Collection, MS S 127 , T S a t OHS ; WDH , A Boy's Town, 11 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 10-11 .

57. WDH , Years of My Youth, 25. 58. WDH , A Boy's Town, 19 . Melani e Klein , amon g othe r psychoanalysts , suggested tha t "splitting " i s a wa y a chil d handle s ambivalen t feelings . A chil d projects hi s own aggressiv e fantasies an d fear s o f punishment ont o a "bad" mothe r figure whil e reservin g unspoile d lov e an d affectio n fo r a "good " mothe r figure . See Klein , Contributions to Psycho-Analysis, 1921-1945 (London: Hogarth , 1950) , esp. 219-21 , 346-49 , 365 , 379. 59. WDH , Years of My Youth, 20. 60. WDH , "Sphinx, " Stops of Various Quills, [69]. 2. A Kind of Double Life Epigraph: WDH , A Boy's Town, 171 . 1. Ibid. , 185 . 2. Fo r th e family strategie s describe d i n this and th e next paragraph , se e esp. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 145-85. Se e als o Mintz , A Prison of Expectations,

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289

16, 18-19 , 35 ; Danie l Scot t Smith , "Famil y Limitation , Sexua l Control , an d Domestic Feminis m i n Victoria n America, " Clio's Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women, ed. Mar y Hartma n an d Loi s W. Banne r (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1974) , 119-36 ; Cliffor d E . Clark , Jr. , "Domesti c Architectur e as an Inde x t o Socia l History : Th e Romanti c Reviva l an d th e Cult o f Domesticit y in America," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 7 (1976): 49-53. 3. Fo r thes e traditiona l famil y strategies , se e esp . Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 25-31 , 43-51 ; Henretta , "Familie s an d Farms, " esp. 25-32 . 4. Fo r th e differentiatio n o f middle-class an d working-clas s famil y styles , se e Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 167-68, 171 ; Mintz, A Prison of Expectations, 1415, 18-19 ; Kett , Rites of Passage, 168-70; Michae l B . Kat z an d Ia n E . Davey , "Youth an d Earl y Industrializatio n i n a Canadia n City, " Turning Points, ed . Demos an d Boocock , 87-92 ; John Model l an d Tamar a K . Hareven , "Urbaniza tion an d th e Malleabl e Household : A n Examinatio n o f Boardin g an d Lodgin g i n American Families , "Journal of Marriage and the Family, 3 5 (1973): 467-78. 5. Som e spokesme n fo r civilize d moralit y assume d parenta l contro l woul d cease altogether afte r earl y childhood . Horac e Greeley , "Counsel s t o the Young, " reprinted i n HI, 1 0 Nov . 1842 , identifie d th e precociou s ag e o f si x a s th e tim e when a child passe d beyon d parenta l influenc e an d bega n his or her "self-culture. " In actua l experience , children' s autonom y wa s usuall y hedge d i n a variet y o f ways. Se e Kett , Rites of Passage, 29 , 45-46 , passim ; Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 165-79; Mintz, A Prison of Expectations, esp . 59-101 . 6. WDH , A Boy's Town, 184 . 7. WDH , Years of My Youth, 18 . 8. Ibid. , 17-18 , 26 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 6-7 , n ; WDH , A Boy's Town, 21 , 177-79 . Fo r discussio n o f th e child' s earlies t anticipatio n o f vocationa l roles, se e Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis, 115-22. 9. [WCH] , Untitle d essay o n "Character, " 34 , M S a t Alfred . Fo r th e tradi tional devotiona l practic e o f th e husban d an d fathe r readin g alou d t o hi s family , see David D . Hall , "Th e Use s of Literacy i n New England , 1600-1850, " Printing and Society in Early America, ed . Willia m L . Joyce , e t al . (Worcester , Mass. : American Antiquaria n Society , 1983) , 21-26 . Fo r th e antebellu m valuatio n o f literature a s a spiritual means , se e Mintz, A Prison of Expectations, 22-27 , 57—58 ; Ann Douglas , The Feminization of American Culture (New York : Alfre d A . Knopf , 1977)10. Se e th e item s selecte d fo r "Youth' s Department, " beginnin g i n Retina, 7 Oct. 1843 . WDH, Years of My Youth, 50 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 5 . 11. WDH , Years of My Youth, 18 ; WDH, A Boy's Town, 11-12 . 12. Quotation s i n thi s an d followin g paragraph s ar e fro m WDH , A Boy's Town, 61-62 . 13. Fo r discussio n o f Swedenborg' s conceptio n o f heaven , se e Collee n Mc Dannell an d Bernhar d Lang , Heaven: A History (New Haven : Yal e Univ . Press , 1988), 181-227 . William Cooper Howell s corrected poem s submitted t o the Retina when the y containe d "Ol d Church " beliefs . Se e "Th e Femal e Missionary, " Retina, 1 1 Nov. 1843 . His distinction betwee n heave n a s a place and a s a state reflected his quarrel with Universalist s concerning the voluntary natur e of salvation. "[Uni -

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versalists]," he wrote, "res t al l their reasonin g o n th e hypothesi s tha t Heave n i s a place, int o whic h me n com e b y Divin e favor—tha t an y on e ca n b e brough t int o it, withou t referenc e t o his will or affections—tha t th e Lor d will s the salvatio n o f all, an d t o sav e the m wil l contro l thei r wills , an d oblig e the m t o ente r tha t hol y place—when th e trut h is , tha t Heave n i s a stat e o f th e affection s voluntaril y induced b y man himself. Go d gives , but ma n receives or rejects." "Universalism, " Retina, 2 5 Nov . 1843 . Whe n hi s fathe r wrot e thi s defens e o f individua l mora l responsibility, Howell s wa s si x years old . 14. WDH , My Literary Passions, 8 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 15 , 16 ; WDH, A Boy's Town, 20 , 126-27 , 131 , 238-39 ; [WDH] , cancele d passag e i n " A Boy' s Town," (11-20) , T S a t Harvard ; Joseph A . Howell s t o Willia m H . Venable , 1 5 Apr. 1909 , Dolore s Venabl e Memoria l Collection , MS S 127 , TS a t OHS; Joseph A. Howell s t o Willia m H . Venable , 2 7 July 1909 , Dolore s Venabl e Memoria l Collection, MS S 127 , T S a t OHS ; Waldo n Fawcett , "Mr . Howell s an d hi s Brother," Critic, 3 5 (1889): 1027. 15. WCH , Recollections of Life in Ohio, 97 ; WDH, Introductio n to Recollections of Life in Ohio, by WCH , iv-v ; WDH , Years of My Youth, 24 , 32 , 60 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 5-6 ; WDH , A Boy's Town, 22 ; [WCH], "W e migh t mention , b y the wa y . . . , " Retina, 3 Ma y 1844 ; W . C . Howells , "T o th e Reader s o f th e Hamilton Intelligencer," HI, 1 9 Sept. 1844 ; W. C. Howells, "The'Intelligencer,' " HI, 2 9 May 1845 . 16. WDH , Years of My Youth, 60, 83 ; WCH, "Memorand a o f Incident s o f M y Life," 277 , MS a t Alfred . 17. WDH , Years of My Youth, 82. 18. WDH , A Boy's Town, 22 . 19. WDH , My Literary Passions, 70 . 20. Willia m C . Howell s t o ? , 2 May 1862 , quote d i n Cady , Road to Realism, 45. Fo r psychoanalyti c consideratio n o f th e communicatio n o f unfulfille d desir e from fathe r t o son , se e Erikson , Young Man Luther, 65 , passim . Th e relationshi p of Henr y James , Sr. , an d hi s so n Willia m i s th e classi c America n example . Se e Strout, "Willia m Jame s an d th e Twice-Bor n Sic k Soul" ; Howar d M . Feinstein , Becoming William James (Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Univ . Press , 1984) . 21. W . D . Howells , "Th e Countr y Printer, " Impressions and Experiences (Ne w York: Harper an d Brothers , 1896) , 28-29, 32 , 33 , 34-35, 43, 44; Lewis Atherton , Main Street on the Middle Border (Bloomington : Indian a Univ . Press , 1954) , 161-65. 22. WDH , "Countr y Printer, " 10 . 23. Th e childre n i n orde r o f birt h wer e Joseph Alexande r (b . 1832) , Willia m Dean (b. 1837) , Victoria Mello r (b. 1838) , Samuel Dea n (b. 1840) , Aurelia Harrie t (b. 1842) , Ann e Thoma s (b . 1844) , John Butle r (b . 1846) , an d Henr y Israe l (b . 1852).

24. WDH , Years of My Youth, 87-88 ; WDH , A Boy's Town, 146-47 , 242 ; Joseph A . Howells , "Note s b y th e Editor , Fro m Turk s Island , Wes t Indies : 185 3 —Fifty-five Year s i n Jefferson—1908," AS, ca . 2 Jan. 1908 , Clipping a t Alfred ; Harvey Green e to William C. Howells , 2 6 Dec. 1854 , MS a t Alfred . 25. Se e the studies cited i n note 4.

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29I

26. WDH , Years of My Youth, 36 , 78, 83, 107 ; WDH, A Boy's Town, 23 ; Joseph A. Howell s t o Willia m H . Venable , 1 5 Apr . 1909 , Dolore s Venabl e Memoria l Collection, MS S 127 , T S a t OHS ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 31 , §6, 62-63 , 68, 109 , 114 , passim ; [WDH] , " 'Th e Rea l Diar y o f a Boy' : Howell s i n Ohio , 1852-1853," ed. Thoma s Wortham , Old Northwest, 10(1984): 21-22, 23 . 27. WDH , "Rea l Diar y o f a Boy," 38-3 9 n . 58 . 28. WDH , A Boy's Town, 171 , 184. 29. WDH , Years of My Youth, 31. 30. WDH , A Boy's Town, 130-31 , 237-38 ; W . D . Howells , Conclusio n t o Recollections of Life in Ohio, by WCH , 197-98 , 199 ; [WCH] , "Wha t W e Shoul d Do?" HI, 2 2 June 1848 ; [WCH], "Ou r Vote, " HI, 9 Nov . 1848 ; [WCH], "Vale dictory," HI, 1 6 Nov. 1848 . 31. WDH , Years of My Youth, 31 ; WDH , A Boy's Town, 237-38 ; WDH , Conclusion t o Recollections of Life in Ohio, by WCH , 200 ; [WCH] , "Let' s Reaso n the Matter, " DT, 1 0 Apr . 1850 ; [WCH] , "Ou t a t Last, " DT, 1 2 Apr . 1850 ; [WCH], "Th e Cha[m]pions—Wher e ar e They[?]" DT, 2 0 July 1850 . 32. WDH , Years of My Youth, 31 , 35-36; [WCH], "Th e Cha[m]pions—Wher e are They[?] " DT, 2 0 July 1850 . [WCH] , "Fai r Typesetting, " DT, 1 5 June 1850 , praised hi s so n publicl y fo r settin g 9,50 0 em s o f type , fro m si x i n th e mornin g until si x a t night , afte r Howell s ha d delivere d paper s aroun d th e city . Howell s stayed u p until eleve n to receive the telegraph dispatche s an d se t them i n type . The relatio n betwee n "delight " an d "rulin g love " i s suggeste d throughou t Swedenborg's writings . "Al l th e delight s tha t a ma n has, " h e wrote , "ar e th e delights o f hi s rulin g love , fo r h e feel s nothin g t o b e delightfu l excep t wha t h e loves, thu s especiall y tha t whic h h e love s abov e al l things. " Heaven and Hell, 263 , 336 (quotation), 337 . 33. WDH , My Literary Passions, 28-29 , 31 , 33; WDH, Years of My Youth, 3 132; [WCH], "Mysteriou s Knockings, " DT, 1 5 June 1850 , suspended judgmen t o n the knockings , sayin g tha t i f one believe d i n spiritua l existence , i t wa s rationa l t o believe spiritual existenc e could b e manifested . 34. WDH , Years of My Youth, 33 , 265 ; WDH, A Boy's Town, 242-43 ; Charles E. Rosenberg , The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (Chicago: Univ. o f Chicago Press, 1962X40-54 , 120 , 121-22 . 35. Fo r Mar y Howells' s recours e t o "providence, " se e Mar y D . Howell s t o Victoria M . Howells , ca . 2 9 Oct. [1864] ; Mary D . Howell s t o Anne T . Howells , n.d., "I t i s now a week tomorro w sinc e you an d dea r Joe lef t us, " MSS a t Alfred . Mary Howell s expresse d he r sens e o f th e fragilit y o f lif e b y habituall y attachin g "poor" t o th e name s sh e mentione d i n letters . Se e Mar y D . Howell s t o Ann e T . Howells an d Aureli a H . Howells , 2 7 Feb . [1864] , M S a t Alfred , wher e "poor " precedes a reference t o herself an d th e name s o f her husband , thre e children , an d one famil y friend . Lewi s O . Saum , The Popular Mood of Pre-Civil War America (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood , 1980?) , esp . 3-26 , note s frequen t recours e t o "providence" i n th e writing s o f "common " peopl e t o accoun t fo r hazard , illness , and death , a tendenc y tha t reveal s thei r dissen t fro m th e progressiv e optimis m asserted i n public rhetoric . 36. WDH , Years of My Youth, 33-35 . I n th e federa l censu s o f 1850 , tw o

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printers, Ebenese r Allcot t (ag e 20 ) and Alfre d Carte r (ag e 18) , are listed a s part of the Howell s household . Se e Seventh Census of the United States: 1850. Original Returns of the Assistant Marshalls. First Series: White and Free Colored Population. Schedule I, Free Inhabitants, 3rd Ward, Dayton, Montgomery County, Ohio, 2 October 1850.

37. Willia m Coope r Howell s ha d oppose d discussio n o f "Fourierism " i n th e Retina, contendin g tha t "th e Ne w Churc h ca n lea d u s t o th e philosoph y o f Association muc h soone r tha n Fourier. " "T o da y w e publis h th e articl e o f Joh n White . . . "Retina, 9 Feb. 1844 . Se e also [WCH], "Fourierism, " Retina, 1 9 Jan. 1844; [WCH] , "Fourieris m &c, " Retina, 1 5 Mar . 1844 . Fo r Willia m Coope r Howells's radica l critiqu e o f th e nationa l market , se e [WCH] , "Lan d Reform, " DT, 1 6 Jan. 1850 ; [WCH], "Radicalism, " DT, 9 Apr. 1850 ; [WCH], "Radicalis m —Land Absorption, " DT, 1 0 Apr. 1850 ; [WCH] , "Labo r an d Capital, " DT, 1 1 Apr. 1850 ; [WCH], "Organizatio n o f Labor, " DT, 1 1 Apr. 1850 ; [WCH], "Lan d Absorption," DT, 1 2 Apr . 1850 ; [WCH] , "Interes t upo n Loans, " DT, 1 3 Apr . 1850; [WCH] , "Homestea d Exemption, " DT, 2 2 Apr . 1850 . Fo r working-clas s movements i n 1850 , se e Sea n Wilentz , Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, iy88-i8so (Ne w York : Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1984), 363-89 . 38. [WCH] , "Homestead Exemption, " DT, 2 2 Apr. 1850 . 39. WDH , New Leaf Mills, 50 . 40. WDH , Years of My Youth, 36-37 . 41. Ibid. , 36 . Fo r discussio n o f middle-clas s conception s o f sexualit y i n thes e terms, se e Charles Rosenberg , "Sexuality , Class , an d Role, " in No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Univ . Press , 1976) , 71-88. 42. WDH , Years of My Youth, 36. 43. Ibid. , 37-38 , 351 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 30 ; WDH, Conclusio n t o Recollections of Life in Ohio, b y WCH , 200-201 ; [WCH], "No Discussions, " DT, 3 0 Jan. 1850 ; [WCH] , "Mr . Webster' s Speech, " DT, 9 Mar . 1850 ; Cady , Road to Realism, 32. 44. WDH , Years of My Youth, 38 , 70 , 351 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 30 ; WDH, Conclusio n t o Recollections of Life in Ohio, by WCH , 200-201 ; Israe l Feli x Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 3 Jan. 1851 , MS a t Alfred ; Josep h Howell s t o William C . Howells , 2 2 Jan. 1851 , MS a t Alfred . 45. WDH , Years of My Youth, 40-41 , 43-48 , 49 , 50-51 , 53 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 21 , 28, 31-35 . 46. WDH , Years of My Youth, 39-40 , 42-43 , 45 , 46, 48 , 50 , 51 , 55-56, 356 , 357, 359 , 360 , passim ; Ann e T . Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 May 1851 , MS a t Alfred ; Alexande r Dea n t o Willia m C . Howell s an d Mar y D . Howells , 3 Nov. 1851 , MS a t Alfred . 47. WDH , Years of My Youth, 53-54 , 362 . Fo r th e traditiona l practic e o f sending childre n awa y fro m hom e fo r occasiona l work , se e Kett , Rites of Passage, 17-18, 2 1 - 2 3 , 2 9-

48. WDH , Years of My Youth, 53-54 . 49. Ibid. , 54-55 , 362 .

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50. Howell s recalled tha t hi s homesickness i n childhood an d youth wa s alway s linked t o a longin g fo r hi s mother : "Wheneve r I wen t awa y fro m home , i t wa s with th e forebodin g an d realizatio n o f homesicknes s whic h wa s merel y longin g for her. " Howell s t o Harrie t T . Upton , 9 Mar . 1910 , Selected Letters of W. D. Howells, ed. Willia m C . Fische r an d Christop h K . Lohman n (Boston : Twayne , 1983), 5 : 312 . Writer s o n "domesticity " offere d idealize d image s o f hom e an d mother a s shield s agains t th e hazard s o f th e outsid e world . Regretfu l glance s homeward wer e t o remin d home-leavin g yout h o f domestic sentiment s an d mora l duties. Se e Cott , Bonds of Womanhood, 63-100 ; Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, l 7551. WDH , A Boy's Town, 236 . 52. WDH , Years of My Youth, 55, 56, 59-60 , 70 , 362 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 36 ; Joseph A . Howell s t o Willia m H . Venable , 1 5 Apr . 1909 , Dolore s Venable Memoria l Collection , MS S 127 , T S a t OHS ; Josep h A . Howell s t o Anne Howell s Frechette , 2 9 Mar . 1911 , TS a t Alfred ; Howells' s descriptio n o f his brother's lif e as a "succession o f sacrifices" appear s i n a canceled passag e in " A Boy's Town," 349 , TS a t Harvard . 53. WDH , Years of My Youth, 60-67, 68 , 69; WDH, My Literary Passions, 4 4 45; WDH, "Rea l Diar y o f a Boy," 16 , passim. 54. WDH , My Literary Passions, 36 . 55. Ibid. , 37 ; WDH , Years of My Youth, 64-65 ; [WDH] , "Ol d Winte r loos e thy hol d o n us, " OSJ, 2 3 Mar . 1852 ; WDH , "Rea l Diar y o f a Boy, " 20 , 2 1 22, 23 .

56. Josep h Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 0 Apr . 1852 , M S a t Alfred ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 11 ; Joseph A . Howell s t o Willia m H . Venable , 2 7 July 1909, Dolore s Venabl e Memoria l Collection , MS S 127 , TS a t O H S . 57. WDH , Years of My Youth, 65-67 , 68 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 39-41 , 46-47, 48 ; Willia m Dea n Howells , "Th e Turnin g Poin t o f M y Life, " Harper's Bazaar, 4 4 (1910) : 165 ; Georg e Sherburn , The Early Career of Alexander Pope (Oxford, Eng. : Oxford Univ . Press , 1934) , chaps. 1-4 . 58. WDH , My Literary Passions, 41 . 59. WDH , "Rea l Diar y o f a Boy," 7-8 . 3. An Instance of Nervous Prostration Epigraph: Howell s t o Thomas B . Aldrich, 3 July 1902 , Selected Letters, 5:32. 1. WDH , Years of My Youth, 67-68 , 70 ; WDH, "Countr y Printer, " 5 ; J. A . Howells, "Ashtabul a Fift y Year s Ago, " Ashtabul a Beacon Record, 2 8 June 1902 , T S cop y o f clippin g a t Hayes ; "Note s b y J. A . Howells, " AS, ca . 8 Oct. 1909 , Clipping a t Hayes ; Eugen e H . Roseboom , The Civil War Era: 1850-1873, vol. 4 of The History of the State of Ohio, ed . Car l Wittk e (Columbus : Ohi o Stat e Archae ological an d Historica l Society , 1944) , 203. 2. WDH , Years of My Youth, 70 ; WDH , "Countr y Printer, " 11 ; "Notes b y J. A . Howells, " AS, ca. 8 Oct . 1909 , Clippin g a t Hayes ; Willia m A . Williams , History of Ashtabula County, Ohio, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Its

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Pioneers and Most Prominent Men (Philadelphia: William s Brothers , 1878) , 40 , 41, 121; Jame s Brewe r Stewart , Joshua R. Giddings and the Tactics of Radical Politics (Cleveland: Pres s o f Cas e Wester n Reserv e Univ. , 1970) , 16-17 , 95 , 158-59 , 214-15; H . L . Trefousse , Benjamin Franklin Wade: Radical Republican from Ohio (New York : Twayne , 1963) , 56-59 , 68 , 70 ; Joshua R . Gidding s t o Josep h A . Giddings, 8 Feb. 1840 , Joshua R . Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t OHS ; Joshua R. Gidding s t o Joseph A . Giddings , 1 1 Jan. 1853 , Joshua R . Gidding s Papers , MIC 7 , MS a t O H S . 3. WDH , Years of My Youth, 70 ; WDH, "Countr y Printer, " 7-8 ; [Josep h A . Howells], "Note s b y th e Editor, " AS, 1 9 Sept. 1907 , Clipping a t Alfred ; "Note s by J. A . Howells, " AS, ca . 8 Oct. 1909 , Clippin g a t Hayes ; Williams , Ashtabula County, 121 . The lan d contrac t fo r th e two town lots on which th e Howells famil y established it s residence i s dated 1 Sept. 1853 , MS a t Alfred. Th e Howell s famil y house is named Saints ' Rest o n a photographic prin t locate d a t Hayes . 4. WDH , Years of My Youth, 73 , 78 , 83 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 25 , 62, 68-70, 114 . 5. WDH , Years of My Youth, 79-81 . Th e probabl e tim e o f Howells' s break down ha s been established b y John Crowley , "Datin g Howells' Adolescent Break down," Old Northwest, 8 (1982): 13-22 . Compar e m y Eriksonia n interpretatio n o f Howells's breakdow n i n th e followin g page s wit h th e Freudia n interpretatio n i n Crowley, Black Heart's Truth, 21-32 . 6. WDH , Years of My Youth, 80-81 . 7. Nineteenth-centur y "nervousness " ha s draw n considerabl e attentio n fro m historians. Se e Hale , Freud and the Americans, 47-68 ; Charles E . Rosenberg , "Th e Place o f Georg e M . Bear d i n Nineteenth-Centur y Psychiatry, " Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 3 6 (1962): 245-59; Rosenberg, No Other Gods, 4-8 , 54-62 ^ 9 8 108; Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , "Th e Hysterica l Woman : Se x Role s an d Rol e Conflict i n Nineteenth-Century America, " Social Research, 3 9 (1972): 652-78; John S. Haller , Jr. , an d Robi n M . Haller , The Physician and Sexuality in Victorian America (Urbana: Univ . o f Illinoi s Press , 1974) , 5-43 ; Barbar a Sicherman , "Th e Paradox o f Prudence : Menta l Healt h i n th e Gilde d Age, " Journal of American History, 6 2 (1976) : 890-912 ; Lears , No Place of Grace, 47-58 ; Harve y Green , Fit for America: Health, Fitness, Sport, and American Society (New York : Pantheon , 1986), 137-66 ; F . G . Gosling , Before Freud: Neurasthenia and the American Medical Community, 1870-1910 (Urbana: Univ . o f Illinois Press, 1987) . 8. Fo r Winifre d Howells' s illnes s an d death , se e the studie s cite d i n chap. 1 , note 51. 9. Lears , No Place of Grace, 47-58 , passim , offer s th e mos t acut e analysi s o f the cultural meanin g of nineteenth-century "nervousness " while demonstrating it s relationship t o the emerging therapeutic ethos . 10. Fo r pertinen t biographica l detai l o n Jacob i an d Beard , se e Sicherman , "Paradox o f Prudence, " 891-92, 901-9 . 11. Th e majo r stud y o f nineteenth-century adolescenc e is Kett, Rites of Passage, 3-211. Harve y J . Graff , "Earl y Adolescenc e i n Antebellu m America : Th e Re making o f Growin g Up, " Journal of Early Adolescence, 5 (1985): 411-27, note s tha t while Ket t stresse s th e emergenc e o f adolescenc e a s a concep t i n th e lat e nine -

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teenth century , th e foundatio n i n experienc e fo r th e concep t derive d fro m th e early nineteent h century . I n addition , se e Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 14585; Katz and Davey , "Yout h an d Earl y Industrializatio n i n a Canadian City, " 8 1119; Harve y J . Graff , "Pattern s o f Adolescenc e an d Chil d Dependenc y i n th e Mid-Nineteenth Centur y City : A Sampl e from Boston , i860, " History of Education Quarterly, 1 3 (1973): 129-43 ; John Demos , "Th e Ris e an d Fal l o f Adolescence, " Past, Present and Personal: The Family and the Life Course in American History (Ne w York: Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1986) , 92-113 . Fo r compariso n wit h Europea n pat terns, se e John R . Gillis , Youth and History: Tradition and Change in European Age Relations, 1770-Present, 2 d ed. (Ne w York : Academic Press , 1981) . 12. Fo r a general discussio n o f th e shif t i n belie f towar d voluntar y salvation , see William G. McLoughlin , Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607-1977 (Chicago : Univ . o f Chicag o Press , 1978) , 98-140. 13. Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Joseph A . Giddings , 2 1 Ma y 1835 , M S a t OHS ; Joshua R . Gidding s t o Benjami n F . Wade , 2 2 May 1835 , MS a t OHS ; Joshua R . Giddings t o Laur a W . Giddings , 2 8 June 1836 , MS a t OHS; Joshua R . Gidding s to Laur a W . Giddings , 1 1 Mar. 1836 , MS a t OHS ; Joshua R . Gidding s t o Laur a W. Giddings , 1 4 July 1837 , M S a t OHS ; Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Laur a W . Giddings, 9 Dec . 1838 , M S a t O H S (al l Gidding s letter s ar e i n th e Joshu a R . Giddings Papers , MI C 7 , OHS) . Stewart , Giddings, n , 15 , 31. 14. WDH , A Boy's Town, 204 ; Aurelia H . Howell s t o Howells , 1 4 June 1915 , MS at Alfred . 15. Howells' s fear s wer e appropriatel y expresse d i n term s o f time—reachin g his sixteent h year , waitin g fo r th e deat h knell . Lik e other antebellu m Americans , he wa s becomin g oriente d t o a rationalize d conceptio n o f lif e stage s tha t wa s replacing th e mor e flexible division s betwee n childhood , adolescence , an d adult hood tha t prevaile d i n the earlier traditiona l world . Se e Kett, Rites of Passage. 16. WDH , Years of My Youth, 78 , 82 , 102 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 109 ; WDH, "Countr y Printer, " 30 . 17. WDH , Years of My Youth, 95; WDH, My Literary Passions, 69-70 , 84-85 , 113; WDH, "Countr y Printer, " 30 . 18. Howell s t o Joseph A . Howells , n.d. , Life in Letters of William Dean Howells, ed. Mildre d Howell s (Garde n City , N.Y. : Doubleday , Doran , 1923) , 1 : 73 ; Howells t o John B . Howells , 2 Sept . 1863 , Selected Letters of W'. D. Howells, ed. George Arms, Richar d H . Ballinger , Christop h K . Lohmann , John K . Reeves , e t al. (Boston: Twayne, 1979) , 1 : 156; Howells to Aurelia H . Howells , 2 1 July 1915 , Selected Letters of W. D. Howells, ed. Willia m M . Gibso n an d Christop h K . Loh mann (Boston : Twayne , 1983) , 6 : 82 ; Aureli a H . Howell s t o Howells , 8 Aug . 1915, MS a t Alfred; WDH , Years of My Youth, 97-98; Williams, Ashtabula County, 190. 19. WDH , Years of My Youth, 97-98; Kett , Rites of Passage, 19 , 20 ; Announcement, Gran d Rive r Institute , AS, 2 1 Apr . 1853 ; " A Statement, " Lette r fro m William P . Brown , AS, 2 6 Jan. 1854 . 20. WDH , Years of My Youth, 15 , 87-88, 98-101 ; WDH , "Countr y Printer, " 11-14; Howells to Harriet T . Upton , 9 Mar. 1910 , Selected Letters, 5: 313; Howells

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to Victori a M . Howells , 1 0 Oct . 1874 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Josep h A . Howells, 1 1 Dec . 1910 , Selected Letters, 5: 338 ; Howells t o Joseph A . Howells , 9 Jan. 1911 , MS a t Harvard . 21. WDH , My Literary Passions, 56, 104-6 , 109 . 22. Ibid. , 104 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 85, 98. 23. WDH , Years of My Youth, 107 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 63 ; [WDH], "Jefferson Lyceu m Legislature, " AS, 2 4 Nov . 1853 ; [WDH], "Lyceu m Legisla t u r e , " ^ ^ , 1 Dec. 1853 ; [WDH], "Jefferso n Legislature,'MS , 5 Jan. 1854 . 24. WDH , Years of My Youth, 88, 92; WDH, My Literary Passions, 55-56 . 25. WDH , Years of My Youth, 83 , 91-92; WDH , My Literary Passions, 72-73 , 77-78, 79-80 , 86-88 ; Howell s t o Thoma s W . Higginson , 9 Aug . 1888 , Selected Letters, 3: 228. 26. WDH , Years of My Youth, 86-89, 9 1 > I 0 2 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 56 57, 61-62 ; WDH, "Countr y Printer, " 22-23 , 3 0 _ 3 I 27. WDH , Years of My Youth, 92-93 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 104-5; Joseph A . Howell s t o Willia m H . Venable , 2 7 Jul y 1909 , Dolore s Venabl e Memorial Collection , MS S 127 , TS a t O H S . 28. Fo r example s o f th e writing s o f Celesti a R . Colby , se e "Th e Daughter' s Appeal," AS, 1 5 June 1854 ; "Clara Vinlay, " AS, 6 July 1854 ; " A Requiem, " AS, 3 Aug. 1854 ; "The Deserte d Dwelling, " v4S, 1 4 Sept. 1854 . Howells's distast e fo r the sentimenta l writin g sen t t o the Sentinel is evident i n " 'Origina l Poetry, ' " AS, 12 Oct . 1854 ; "Obituar y Poetry, " AS, 2 Nov . 1854 . Fo r th e clas h o f readin g interests betwee n Wil l an d Joseph, se e Fawcett , "Mr . Howell s an d hi s Brother, " 1027. Howell s referre d t o "blood-puddings " i n [WDH] , "Th e Independen t Can didate: A Stor y o f To Day, " /IS, 7 Dec. 1854 . 29. O n lyceums , se e Donal d M . Scott , "Th e Popula r Lectur e an d th e Crea tion of a Public in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America, " Journal of American History, 66 (1980) : 791-809 . O n academies , se e Kett , Rites of Passage, 18-20 . WDH , My Literary Passions, 55-56, 95 ; Mar y Land , " 'Bluf f Be n Wade' s Ne w Englan d Background," New England Quarterly, 27 (1954): 491; Aurelia H . Howells , "Pape r on William Dea n Howells, " n.d., T S a t Harvard . 30. Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Comfor t P . Giddings , 2 6 Apr . 1840 , Joshu a R . Giddings Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t OHS ; Aureli a H . Howell s t o Howells , 2 7 Aug. 1916, MS a t Alfred . 31. Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Comfor t P . Giddings , 2 6 Apr . 1840 , Joshu a R . Giddings Papers , MI C 7 , MS a t O H S . 32. Antilawye r sentimen t an d th e socia l relation s o f villag e lawyer s ar e dis cussed i n Lawrenc e M . Friedman , A History of American Law (Ne w York : Simo n and Schuster , 1973) , 265-78 ; Willia m R . Johnson , "Educatio n an d Professiona l Life Styles : La w an d Medicin e i n th e Nineteent h Century, " History of Education Quarterly, 1 4 (1974): 185-207 . The statu s of Jefferson lawyer s can be gleaned fro m Williams, Ashtabula County, 67-85 , 91 , 93 , 105-6 , 151-52 ; [Corneliu s Udell] , Condensed History of Jefferson, Ashtabula County, Ohio (Jefferson: J . A . Howells , 1877), 46 , 88-89 , 90 , 92 , 93 ; Georg e W . Julian , The Life of Joshua R. Giddings (Chicago: A . C . McClurg , 1892) , 399 . Jefferso n lawyer s wer e amon g th e mos t wealthy holder s of property reporte d i n the federal censu s returns. The wealthies t

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person i n th e i86 0 censu s wa s a lawyer , N . L . Chaffe , whos e rea l an d persona l property totale d $38,000 . Si x an d perhap s seve n o f th e thirtee n mos t wealth y property holder s wer e lawyer s o r member s o f lawyers ' families . Willia m Coope r Howells reporte d $2,90 0 i n tota l propert y i n i860 , rankin g forty-fift h i n th e village. See Seventh Census of the United States: 1850. Original Returns of the Assistant Marshalls. First Series: White and Free Colored Population. Schedule I, Free Inhabitants, District No. 8, Jefferson Borough, Ashtabula County, Ohio, 28 June 1850; an d Eighth Census of the United States: i860. Original Returns of the Assistant Marshalls. First Series: White and Free Colored Population. Schedule I, Free Inhabitants, Jefferson Village, Ashtabula County, Ohio, 18June i860. 33. WDH , "Th e Turnin g Poin t o f My Life, " 165 ; WDH, "Countr y Printer, " 30. 34. Fo r discussio n o f antislaver y enclaves , se e Lawrenc e J. Friedman , Gregarious Saints: Self and Community in American Abolitionism, 1830-1870 (Cambridge , Eng.: Cambridg e Univ . Press , 1982) . On th e ide a o f a "slave power " conspiracy , with reference s t o Giddings' s pronouncements , se e Eri c Foner , Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 73-102 . [WCH] , "Le t U s B e U p an d Doing, " AS, 5 Jan. 1854 ; [WCH], "Anti-Slaver y Doctrines, " AS, 1 2 Jan. 1854 . 35. [Joshu a R . Giddings] , "Th e Church—It s Relation s t o Freedom : A Lette r from Joshu a R . Giddings, " Clippin g fro m National Anti-Slavery Standard, ca . 1857, i n Gidding s Scrapbook , 1853-1859 , Joshu a R . Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , OHS; Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Laur a W . Giddings , 1 9 Jan . 1845 , Joshu a R . Giddings Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t O H S . [Joshua R . Giddings] , "Thi s erran t infidelity . . . ," AS, 9 July 1857 ; [Joshua R . Giddings] , "Washingto n Correspon dent," AS, 4 Mar . 1858 ; [WCH] , "America n Infidelity, " AS, 2 5 Mar . 1858 ; [WCH], "T o th e Voter s of Ashtabula County, " AS, 1 9 Sept. 1861 . 36. [WCH] , "Le t U s B e U p an d Doing, " AS, 5 Jan. 1854 . Th e urg e t o asser t individual autonom y a s a n impuls e i n antislaver y agitatio n ha s receive d intricat e treatment b y historians . See , i n particular , Ronal d G . Walters , The Antislavery Appeal: American Abolitionism after 1830 (Baltimore : John s Hopkin s Univ . Press , 1976), 54-87 ; Pete r Walker , Moral Choices: Memory, Desire and Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Abolition (Bato n Rouge : Louisian a Stat e Univ . Press , 1978) ; Abzug, Passionate Liberator; Perry , Henry Clarke Wright. 37. Alla n Nevins , Ordeal of the Union: A House Dividing, 1852-1857 (New York: Charle s Scribner' s Sons , 1947) , 2 : 88f ; Roseboom , Civil War Era, 279-86 ; Stewart, Giddings, 223-30 ; [WCH], "People' s Meeting, " AS, 2 Feb. 1854 . 38. Ibid. ; Trefousse , Wade, 84-93; [WCH] , "People' s Meeting, " AS, 2 3 Feb . 1854; [WCH], "Progres s o f Freedom, " AS, 2 Mar. 1854 ; [WCH], "B . F . Wade, " AS, 9 Mar. 1854 ; [WCH], "Th e Fourth, " AS, 2 9 June 1854 ; [WCH], " Wha t o f the Night?' " AS, 2 4 Aug. 1854 . 39. [WCH] , "Le t U s B e Up an d Doing, " AS, 5 Jan. 1854 . 40. WDH , Years of My Youth, 78-79. 41. WDH , My Literary Passions, 71 , 114-15. 42. Ann e T . Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 5 Mar . 1854 , M S a t Alfred ; Anne T . Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 5 Apr . 1854 , M S a t Alfred ; Henr y Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 4 May 1854 , M S a t Alfred ; Ann e T . Howell s

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to Willia m C . Howells , 2 7 Ma y 1854 , M S a t Alfred ; Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Grotius R . Giddings , 1 6 July 1854 , Joshua R . Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t OHS; Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Laur a W . Giddings , 1 6 Jul y 1854 , Joshu a R . Giddings Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t O H S ; [WCH] , "Dogs—Dogs, " AS, 2 9 Jun e 1854; [WCH], "Cholera prevails . . . ," AS, 3 Aug. 1854 . 43. WDH , Years of My Youth, 19 , 79 ; [WCH] , "Hydrophobia, " HI, 3 0 July 1841; [WCH], "Hydrophobia, " HI, 1 3 Aug. 1841; [Isaac T. Saunders] , "Horribl e Death b y Hydrophobia,"/// , 1 3 Aug. 1841 . 44. WDH , Years of My Youth, 79. 45. Ibid. , 80-81 ; WCH , Recollections of Life in Ohio, 188-89, 190-91 ; Joseph A . Howells t o William C . Howells , 1 6 Sept. 1877 , MS a t Alfred . 46. Aureli a H . Howell s t o Howells, 1 4 June 1915 , MS a t Alfred . 47. WDH , Years of My Youth, 81. 48. Fo r studie s treatin g expressiv e dimension s o f "nervou s prostration, " se e note 7 . Feinstein , Becoming William James, esp . 182-205 , analyze s th e cover t language o f illnes s i n th e Jame s family . Th e mos t thoroug h discussio n o f th e psychoanalytic concep t o f th e activ e reversa l o f passiv e experienc e o r "reversa l o f voice" i s Georg e S . Klein , Psychoanalytic Theory: An Exploration of Essentials (New York: Internationa l Universitie s Press , 1976) , 250-79 . Klei n explain s "reversa l o f voice" as the individual' s unconsciou s effor t t o master feeling s o f helplessness an d to restore a sense of continuity an d control : "There i s a tendency t o recreate i n a n active mod e a n even t tha t ha s bee n passivel y experience d a s i n som e respec t unacceptable, unrelated , o r alie n t o th e self . Suc h event s ca n b e experience d a s meaningless, hence anxiety evoking, unfamiliar , an d even as profoundly traumati c and alienatin g blows . Th e respons e i n suc h circumstance s i s of th e nature : 'Wha t I have experienced a s being done to me, / mus t mak e happen.' " (p. 261). 49. O n water-cur e establishments , se e Green , Fit for America, 54-67 . Adver tisement fo r Austinbur g Wate r Cur e Establishment , Willia m A . Baldwin , Physi cian an d Proprietor , AS, 1 Jun e 1854 ; Joseph Howells , Jr., t o Willia m C . How ells, 1 0 Aug. 1854 , MS a t Alfred . 50. Josep h Howells , Jr., t o William C . Howells , 1 0 Aug. 1854 , MS a t Alfred ; Howells, My Literary Passions, 71 ; [WDH] , "Th e Exodu s o f Dickens, " ^4^ , 1 0 Aug. 1854 . 51. [WDH] , revie w o f The Potiphar Papers, b y Georg e Willia m Curtis , AS, 3 1 Aug. 1854 . 52. [WDH] , "'Origina l Poetry,' " AS, 1 2 Oct . 1854 ; [WDH] , "Obituar y Poetry," AS, 2 Nov. 1854 . 53. [WDH] , "Yo u an d I, " AS, 1 2 Oct. 1854 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 64 66. 54. [WDH] , "Goldsmith, " AS, 3 Aug . 1854 ; [WDH] , "Yo u an d I, " AS, 1 2 Oct. 1854 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 97-98 . 55. [WCH] , "Ohi o Redeemed! " AS, 1 2 Oct. 1854 ; [WCH], "Th e Elections, " AS, 1 9 Oct. 1854 ; [WCH], "Th e Victory, " AS, 26 Oct. 1854 . 56. [WDH] , "Nightly Rain, " AS, 5 Oct. 1854 . 57. Howell s t o Mary D . Howells , 1 3 July 1868 , Selected Letters, 1: 296; WDH, Years of My Youth, 81.

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58. WDH , Introductio n t o Recollections of Life in Ohio, b y WCH , vi . 59. WDH , My Literary Passions, 69 . 60. Ibid. , 75 . 61. Ibid . ^. The Umbrella Man Epigraph: WDH , My Literary Passions, 74 . 1. Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Laur a W . Giddings , 2 2 an d 2 3 Apr. 1837 , Joshua R. Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t OHS ; Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Laur a W . Giddings, 1 6 Dec . 1838 , Joshu a R . Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t OHS ; Stewart, Giddings, 80-90 , 146-47 . 2. Stewart , Giddings, 60-76 ; Joshua R . Gidding s t o Laur a W . Giddings , 1 6 Dec. 1838 , Joshua R . Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t OHS . 3. Th e forc e of "locality" in the thought an d feelin g of antebellum American s is emphasized i n Bender , Community and Social Change in America, esp. 86-108 . I n addition, se e hi s "Th e Culture s o f Intellectua l Life : Th e Cit y an d th e Profes sions," New Directions in American Intellectual History, ed . Joh n Higha m an d Pau l K. Conkli n (Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s Univ . Press , 1979) , 181-95 . O n th e idea s of "fre e labor " an d "slav e power, " se e Foner , Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, passim. 4. WDH , "Countr y Printer, " 10 , 11—14 ; Joseph A . Howell s t o Howells , 2 4 Sept. 1911 , TS a t Alfred; [WCH] , "Mechanics, " AS, 9 June 1853 . 5. [WDH] , "Th e Independen t Candidate : A Stor y o f T o Day, " AS, 23 , 3 0 Nov., 7 , 21 , 2 8 Dec . 1854 , 4 > !I > 1 8 Jan. 1855 . Al l quotation s i n th e followin g paragraphs ar e from thes e installments . 6. WDH , My Literary Passions, 66-67 ; Fawcett, "Mr . Howell s and his Brother, " 1028.

7. Howell s lifte d "Ol d Smith " fro m a sketc h h e ha d writte n earlier , wher e the characte r voice s th e author' s detache d musing s muc h i n th e manne r o f th e sentimental "I k Marvel. " Lik e Howells' s author-narrato r i n "Th e Independen t Candidate," thi s earlie r "Ol d Smith " i s sensitiv e t o th e ficklenes s o f hi s imagine d audience. "Ho w shal l I , whe n yo u hav e rea d m y article, " he asks , "becom e agai n the rust y ol d fello w who m nobod y knows! " [WDH], "Wha t I Sa w a t th e Circus : Old Smith' s Experience, " AS, 7 Sept. 1854 . 8. Stewart , Giddings, 224-25 . 9. Ibid. , 95 ; Joshu a R . Gidding s t o Josep h A . Giddings , 3 0 Jun e 1852 , Joshua R . Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , M S a t OHS ; [WCH] , "Th e Conneau t Reporter, "AS, 2 Nov. 1854 ; Williams, History of Ashtabula County, 41. 10. Fo r a n overvie w o f vernacula r humor , se e Walte r Blair , Native American Humor (1800-1 poo) (New York : America n Book , 1937) . Kennet h S . Lynn , Mark Twain and Southwestern Humor (Boston : Little , Brown , i960) , treat s vernacula r humor a s a subversiv e elemen t i n th e tale s o f humorist s oriente d t o th e Whi g party an d th e plantatio n tradition . Althoug h h e observes tha t th e typica l narrato r in thes e tale s wa s a "self-controlle d Gentleman " wh o ambivalentl y allowe d ver -

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nacular character s a voice , h e doe s no t poin t ou t th e specificall y middle-clas s values represente d b y the narrators. Lyn n discusse s ho w the "frame" o f the selfcontrolled narrato r faile d t o contain the vitality of vernacular languag e in confron tations o f narrator s an d vernacula r characters . Th e devic e o f confrontatio n i s further discusse d i n Henry Nas h Smith , Mark Twain: The Development of a Writer (New York : Harvar d Univ . Press , 1962) , esp . 1-22 . Iva n Illic h trace s th e origin of the word vernacular and defines i t as designating "th e activities o f people whe n they are not motivated b y thoughts of exchange, a word tha t denotes autonomous , non-market-related action s throug h whic h peopl e satisf y everyda y needs. " Fol lowing Illich , I use the word t o refer broadl y t o language and action tha t fostere d communal value s associate d wit h th e traditional worl d o f household production . See Illich, Shadow Work (Boston: Marion Boyars , 1981) , esp. 29-74. n . WDH , My Literary Passions, 71-73 , 97-98 , 100-101 ; [WDH] , "Th e Exodus of Dickens, "AS, 1 0 Aug. 1854. 12. O n th e sentimenta l landscap e aesthetic , se e Smith , Mark Twain, 77-81 ; Leo Marx , "Th e Pilot an d the Passenger: Landscap e Convention s i n the Style of Huckleberry Finn," American Literature, 28(1956): 120-46 . 13. I n hi s analysi s o f Mar k Twain' s developmen t a s a vernacula r writer , Henry Nas h Smit h observe s tha t Twai n worke d throug h a "middle style " befor e he arrive d a t a full y develope d vernacula r style . Thi s middl e styl e include d concern fo r th e "worl d o f commonplac e things, " wit h th e assumptio n "tha t th e reader live s i n th e sam e world, " an d th e us e o f "homel y image s introduce d without self-consciousness. " Smith , Mark Twain, 81. 14. WDH , Years of My Youth, 84; WDH, My Literary Passions, 67 . 15. Th e lecture s a s the y appeare d i n th e Bosto n Advertiser are reprinte d i n James Russel l Lowell , Lectures on English Poets (Cleveland: Rowfan t Club , 1897) . 16. Ibid. , 11 , 18 , 92 , 162-63 , 164 , 170 , 200 , 203 , 206 , 209-10 ; W D H , My

Literary Passions, 81 . 17. Lowell , Lectures on English Poets, 203, 200-10, passim . 18. O n th e romanti c strateg y o f withdrawa l t o a n idea l real m o f value , se e Raymond Williams , Culture and Society, 1780-1950 (Ne w York: Columbi a Univ . Press, i960) , 30-48 . Fo r reaction s o f America n romanti c writer s t o the market place, se e Michael T . Gilmore , American Romanticism and the Marketplace (Chicago: Univ. o f Chicag o Press , 1985) . Th e broa d cultura l significanc e o f pattern s o f engagement an d withdrawal i s discussed b y Lears, No Place of Grace, 2i8f . 19. [WDH] , "Spring," National Era, 3 May 1855, reprinted i n [W. D. Howell s and J . J . Piatt] , Poems of Two Friends (Columbus: Follett , Foster , [i860]) , 118 ; [WDH], "Th e Death o f May," National Era, 2 1 June 1855 , reprinted i n Howell s and Piatt , Poems of Two Friends, 111-12; [WDH], "Jame s R . Lowell , i n one of his Boston lecture s . . . , " .45", 22 Feb. 1855 ; [WDH], "Th e 'Reviews,' " AS, 4 Jan. 1855; [WDH] , "Th e Westminster Review, " AS, 2 2 Feb. 1855 ; [WDH], "Maga zines and Notices," /IS, 1 4 June 1855 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 91-92 . 20. [WDH] , "The Exodus of Dickens," AS, 1 0 Aug. 1854. 21. WDH , Years of My Youth, 83 , 98; WDH, "Th e Wreat h i n Heaven— A Fancy," Ohio Farmer, 26 May 1855 , reprinte d i n Howell s an d Piatt, Poems of Two Friends, 106 .

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22. WDH , My Literary Passions, 92 ; WDH, "Rea l Diar y o f a Boy," 34 . 23. WDH , My Literary Passions, 93-96 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 93, 94-95. 24. WDH , My Literary Passions, 94-95 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 94-95; Han s L. Trefousse , The Radical Republicans: Lincoln's Vanguard for Racial Justice (Baton Rouge: Louisian a Stat e Univ . Press , 1968) , 8 ; "Stay s Tru e t o It s Traditions, " Cleveland Plain Dealer, Story o n Jefferson politic s wit h Joseph A . Howell s inter view, n.d. , Clippin g a t Alfred . 25. WDH , My Literary Passions, 95-96 . 26. [WDH] , "Notice s o f Magazines , etc., " AS, 2 8 June 1855 ; WDH, "Coun try Printer, " 26-27 , 32 ; [WCH], "Femal e Compositors, " AS, 9 June 1853 ; W. J . Rorabaugh, The Craft Apprentice: From Franklin to the Machine Age in America (New York: Oxford Univ . Press , 1986) , 76-96. 27. WDH , My Literary Passions, 106-8 ; [WDH], Translatio n o f chapte r fro m Lazarillo de Tormes, AS, 1 5 Nov. 1855 ; Michael Alpert , trans. , Two Spanish Picaresque Novels (Baltimore: Penguin Books , 1969) , 23-79 . 28. WDH , My Literary Passions, 106-8 . Th e Sentinel had reprinte d a n articl e describing J . P . Jewet t an d Company' s grea t succes s wit h Uncle Tom's Cabin, pointing out tha t th e Cleveland branc h alon e had sol d over one hundred thousan d copies. "Th e Boo k Trade," AS, 8 Sept. 1853 . 29. WDH , My Literary Passions, 115; "Song, " Excerp t fro m Maud, AS, 3 0 Aug. 1855 ; [Georg e W . Curtis] , "Editor' s Eas y Chair, " Harper's Monthly, 6 5 (1855): 705; Alfred Tennyson , Maud, and Other Poems (Boston: Ticknor an d Fields , 1855), 7-106 . 3 o. WDH , My Literary Passions, 116-19 , 122 . 31. Lowell , Lectures on English Poetry, 203. 32. WDH , My Literary Passions, 118 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 85. 33. WDH , Years of My Youth, 106-9 . Victoria' s ultimatel y unfulfille d literar y desires ar e reflecte d i n Journal o f Victori a M . Howells , 3 0 Mar. 187 1 t o 3 0 Apr . 1871, entrie s fo r 5 , 18 , 19 , 2 0 Apr. 1871 , MS a t Alfred ; Victori a M . Howell s t o Howells, 2 Dec. 1875 , M S a t Alfred ; Victori a M . Howell s t o Howells , 1 4 Dec. 1875, M S a t Alfred . Fo r discussio n o f ho w siblin g tie s i n nineteenth-centur y families too k o n symboli c meaning s relatin g t o family dut y an d persona l identity , see Mintz, A Prison of Expectations, 147-87. Lears , No Place of Grace, 218-25 , 24143, 244-45 , 2 ^~5°-> 2 78~79> passim, specifie s comple x ways i n which an idealize d feminine principle , partl y derive d fro m th e cul t o f domesticity , attracte d nine teenth-century male s who sough t a revitalized sens e of self. 34. WDH , Years of My Youth, 85. 35. Ibid. , 103 ; [WCH], "Th e Election, " AS, n Oct . 1855 ; Roseboom , Civil War Era, 300-12 . Se e William Cooper Howells' s political report s from Columbus , beginning wit h "Letter s fro m th e Capitol," AS, 1 0 Jan. 1856 . 36. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 0 Jan. 1856 , M S a t Alfred ; [WDH] , "Ohio, th e firs t Democrac y . . . , " AS, 2 4 Jan. 1856 ; [WDH], "Culp a Nostra! " AS, 2 1 Feb. 1856 ; [WDH], "Mr . Giddings,'MS , 2 1 Feb. 1856 . 37. [WDH] , "Th e Pittsburg h Convention, " AS, 1 4 Feb. 1856 . 38. WDH , My Literary Passions, 120 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 110-11 . 39. [WCH] , "Brutality i n Congress," AS, 2 9 May 1856 ; [WCH], "Destructio n

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of Lawrence, " AS, 2 9 Ma y 1856 ; [WCH] , "Indignatio n Meeting, " AS, 2 9 Ma y 1856; [WCH], "Friend s o f Freedom, " AS, 5 June 1856 ; [WCH], "Fro m Kansas, " Introduces lette r fro m Harve y Greene , AS, 5 June 1856 ; [WCH] , "Indignatio n Meetings," AS, 1 2 June 1856 ; [WCH] , "Subscriptio n fo r Kansas, " AS, 1 2 June 1856; "Th e Kansa s Heral d o f Freedom, " Lette r fro m Harve y Greene , AS, 1 2 June 1856 ; "Late Kansa s Letter, " Lette r fro m Harve y Greene , AS, 1 1 Sept. 1856 ; "Terrible Butchery, " AS, 1 8 Sept. 1856 . 40. [WCH] , "Kansas/MS, 1 7 July 1856 ; [WDH], "Kansas Song, " AS, 7 Aug. 1856, M S a t Harvard ; [WCH] , "Rally , Rally, " AS, 2 3 Oct. 1856 ; [WCH], "Wha t Does I t Mean? " AS, 2 3 Oct . 1856 ; [WCH], "T o th e Battle, " AS, 3 0 Oct. 1856 ; [WCH], "Th e Comin g Struggle, " AS, 3 0 Oct. 1856 . 41. [WCH] , "4, 163!!!, " AS, 6 Nov. 1856 ; [WCH], "Glorious Old Ashtabula, " AS, 6 Nov . 1856 ; Nevins, Ordeal of the Union: A House Dividing, 2 : 5 1 0 - n , 514 ; Roseboom, Civil War Era, 322-23 . 42. Howell s use d th e phras e "Hol y Cause " i n hi s campaig n lyric , "Kansa s Song,"/IS, 7 Aug. 1856 . Charles Elio t Norton , ed. , Orations and Addresses of George William Curtis (New York : Harper an d Brothers , 1894) , I : [ J ] _ 35; W. D . Howells , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, ed . Davi d F . Hiat t an d Edwi n H . Cad y (Bloom ington: Indian a Univ . Press , 1968) , 95. 5. Striving away from Home Epigraph: [WDH] , "Editor' s Study, " Harper's Monthly, 8 3 (1891): 155. 1. WDH , My Literary Passions, 122 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 25-26 ; Ann e T. an d Josep h Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 3 Nov . 1853 , M S a t Alfred ; Anne T . Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 8 Jan. 1857 , M S a t Alfred ; Josep h Howells t o William C . Howells , 2 4 Feb. 1857 , MS a t Alfred . 2. [WDH] , " A Tal e o f Lov e and Politics : Adventures o f a Printer Boy, " AS, 1 Sept . 1853 . Howells' s contemporar y Horati o Alge r (b . 1832 ) has bee n credite d with addin g th e elemen t o f chanc e t o th e succes s tal e a s he bega n writin g i n th e genre afte r th e Civi l War . Se e Wyllie , The Self-Made Man in America, 60 ; R . Richard Wohl , "Th e 'Countr y Boy ' Myt h an d It s Plac e i n America n Urba n Culture: Th e Nineteenth-Centur y Contribution, " ed . Mose s Rischin , Perspectives in American History, 3 (1969) : 124-25 . Cawelti , however , point s ou t earlie r in stances o f "chance " i n succes s storie s o f th e 1840 s an d 1850s . Apostles of the SelfMade Man, 106-7 , IOO > ll 5~1^3. "Withou t [self-relianc e an d self-government], " wrot e Artema s Muzzey , "we ca n neve r trus t a chil d i n th e world ; bu t wit h them , filled wit h a persona l piety, a deep-rooted benevolence , an d a calm mora l independence , h e is armed a t all points. " A . B . Muzzey , The Fireside: An Aid to Parents (Boston: Crosby , Nichols, 1854) , l IO - Th e specte r o f hom e leavin g inform s th e advic e literatur e a s a whole, an d th e ide a of self-control wa s predicated o n th e inevitabilit y o f separa tion fro m home . Fo r specifi c reference s t o home leaving, se e Muzzey, The Fireside, 20-21; John Angel l James, The Young Man From Home (New York : D . Appleton , 1840), v-viii , 9-14 , passim . Th e home-leavin g anxietie s o f youn g wome n wer e

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303

often compounde d b y difficul t adjustment s t o marriage . Se e th e studie s cite d i n chap. 1 , not e 52 . Smith-Rosenber g discusse s home-leavin g youn g me n a s "lim inal" figures, person s i n transition , suspende d betwee n worlds , whos e uncon tained energie s raise d th e threat s o f disorde r an d instability . "Se x a s Symbo l i n Victorian Purity, " 121-47 ; "Dave y Crocket t a s Trickster, " 325-50 . Th e concep t of liminality i s also applied t o antebellum yout h b y Halttunen , Confidence Men and Painted Women, 27. Agnew, Worlds Apart, 24-27 , passim, analyze s more generall y how the spread o f market exchange generated limina l or liminoid form s o f cultura l expression. 4. Th e phras e "nautica l metaphor " i s employe d b y Ket t t o describ e th e se a or voyag e imager y use d b y th e advic e book s t o portra y th e passag e fro m home . Rites of Passage, 95 . The exaggeratio n o f youthful depravit y i s addressed b y Ryan , who set s mora l reformers ' notion s tha t "thousands " i n antebellu m Utica , Ne w York, ha d falle n victi m t o sexua l vic e agains t th e ver y fe w recorde d arrest s fo r prostitution o r case s of illegitimacy . Youn g me n themselve s resiste d th e charge of impurity b y issuin g resolution s assertin g thei r uprightness . Cradle of the Middle Class, 116-27. Th e danger s tha t advic e writer s sa w besettin g home-leavin g yout h are wel l describe d i n Halttunen , Confidence Men and Painted Women, esp . 1-55 ; Ryan, Empire of Mother, 6of. "Earl y departur e fro m th e homestea d . . . , " quote d in Kett , Rites of Passage, 127 ; "juvenile depravity " an d "Reformatio n . . . , " Muz zey, The Fireside, 296-97 . 5. I n m y understandin g o f separation anxiety , I am indebte d t o the synthesi s of psychoanalytic studie s presented b y Lasch , Minimal Self, 163-96 . The principa l theorist o f th e respons e t o separatio n anxiet y an d consequen t feeling s o f self disintegration i n fantasie s o f grandiosit y an d idealizatio n i s Hein z Kohut . Fo r clarity, I us e "grandiosity " t o describ e Kohut' s fantas y o f "mirroring. " Se e The Analysis of the Self: A Systematic Approach to the Psychoanalytic Treatment of Narcissistic Personality Disorders (New York : Internationa l Universitie s Press , 1971) ; The Restoration of the Self (Ne w York : Internationa l Universitie s Press , 1977) . Lasc h ha s pioneered applicatio n o f Kohut' s perspective s alon g with othe r theorist s o f narcis sism t o th e analysi s o f cultur e i n The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectation (Ne w York : W . W . Norton , 1979) , esp. 31-51 . Thoug h he use s differen t terms , Lears , No Place of Grace, analyzes nineteenth-centur y psychic an d cultura l expression s o f separatio n anxiet y wit h exceptiona l sensitiv ity. 6. Fo r th e idealizatio n o f hom e an d mother , se e Barbar a Welter , "Th e Cul t of Tru e Womanhood , 1820-1860, " American Quarterly, 1 8 (1966): 151-74 ; Cott , Bonds of Womanhood, esp . 63-100 ; Ryan , Empire of Mother, passim; Collee n Mc Dannell, The Christian Home in Victorian America, 1840-1 poo(Bloomington : Indi ana Univ . Press , 1986) . Fo r th e ideolog y o f autonomou s individualism , se e th e studies cite d i n chap . 1 , note s 2 4 an d 25 . Discussion s o f antebellu m deat h consciousness an d funerea l imager y includ e Davi d E . Stannard , The Puritan Way of Death: A Study in Religion, Culture, and Social Change (New York : Oxfor d Univ . Press, 1977) , 167-88 ; Lewis O . Saum , "Deat h i n th e Popula r Min d o f Pre-Civi l War America" ; An n Douglas , "Heave n Ou r Home : Consolation Literatur e i n th e Northern Unite d States , 1830-1880" ; an d Stanle y French , "Th e Cemeter y a s

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Cultural Institution : Th e Establishmen t o f Moun t Aubur n an d th e 'Rura l Ceme tery' Movement, " i n Davi d E . Stannard , ed. , Death in America (Philadelphia : Univ. o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1975) , 30-91 ; Halttunen , Confidence Men and Painted Women, 124-52 ; Marth a V . Pik e an d Janic e Gra y Armstrong , eds. , A Time to Mourn: Expressions of Grief in Nineteenth Century America (Ston y Brook , N.Y. : Museums a t Ston y Brook , 1980) . 7. WDH , Years of My Youth, 110 . 8. Th e quotatio n i s fro m a canceled passag e i n [WDH] , ["Luk e Beazeley"] , MS a t Harvard , 7 . 9. WDH , Years of My Youth, 114-15 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 120-21 . 10. WDH , Years of My Youth, 108 , 110-11 , 112-13 , ri 4> ! I 5 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 121 . 11. WDH , Years of My Youth, 107 , 111-12 , 113 , 114,374 . 12. Ibid. , 114 , 115 , 119 . 13. Ibid. , 124 ; Howell s t o Marti n D . Potter , 9 Oct . 1858 , Selected Letters, 1: 19; Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 49 ; Roseboom , Civil War Era, 335-36 ; [WDH], "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 2 Feb. 1857 . 14. Foner , Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men, 138-40 ; [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus," CG, 1 0 Jan. 1857 ; [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 4 Feb . 1857; [WDH], "Letter fro m Columbus, " CG, 23 Mar. 1857 . 15. [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 2 4 Jan . 1857 ; [WDH] , "Lette r from Columbus, " CG, 2 8 Jan. 1857 ; [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 2 9 Jan. 1857 ; [WDH], "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 1 8 Mar. 1857 . 16. [WDH] , "Letter fro m Columbus, " CG, 1 5 Jan. 1857 ; [WDH], "Columbu s Correspondence," CG, 1 6 Jan. 1857 ; [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 1 9 Jan. 1857 ; "Sloug h Re-nominate d an d Rowdyis m Indorsed—Th e Democrati c Party—An Oppositio n Candidate, " CG, 9 Feb. 1857 . 17. [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 3 0 Jan. 1857 ; [WDH] , "Lette r from Columbus, " CG, 2 Feb. 1857 ; [WDH], "Letter fro m Columbus, " CG, 9 Feb. 1857; [WDH] , "Th e Sloug h Cas e Again, " CG, 9 Feb . 1857 ; "Th e Lat e Cas e o f Expulsion," CG, 4 Feb. 1857 ; "Slough Re-nominate d an d Rowdyis m Indorsed — The Democrati c Party—A n Oppositio n Candidate, " CG, 9 Feb . 1857 ; "Th e Approaching Election—Th e Prope r Course, " CG, 1 0 Feb . 1857 ; "Th e Full Stomached Party, " CG, 1 1 Feb . 1857 ; "Th e Sloug h Case, " CG, 1 3 Feb . 1857 . The election' s fina l resul t i s given i n CG, 20 Feb. 1857 . 18. WDH , Years of My Youth, 121 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 124, 125 ; Howells t o Joseph A . Howells , 1 0 Apr. 1857 , Selected Letters, 1: 8. 19. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 1 9 Apr. 1857 , MS a t Harvard. I n a letter to hi s siste r Victoria , Howell s state d tha t h e woul d b e hom e "withi n a fe w weeks." Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 0 Apr. 1857 , Selected Letters, 1 : 9. I n My Literary Passions, 124-25, Howell s recalle d tha t hi s tota l tim e i n Cincinnat i was "a few weeks. " 20. Howell s t o Joseph A . Howells , 1 0 Apr. 1857 , Selected Letters, 1 : 8; "Cit y Intelligence," CG, 24 Mar.-i Apr . 1857 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 124 ; WDH , Years of My Youth, 123.

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21. WDH , Years of My Youth, 122 ; "Cit y Intelligence, " CG, 2 4 Mar.- i Apr . ,857. 22. WDH , My Literary Passions, 125 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 121 , 122 , 123. Moncure D . Conway , wh o live d i n Cincinnat i a t thi s time , describe d i t a s "th e most cultivate d o f wester n cities. " Se e hi s fondl y remembere d catalogu e o f cul tural activities . Autobiography, Memories and Experiences of Moncure Daniel Conway (London: Cassell, 1904) , 1 : 226-27. 23. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 0 Apr . 1857 , Selected Letters, 1 : 9 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 125 . 24. WDH , My Literary Passions, 125 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 124 ; Mary D . Howells t o Victoria M . Howells , 2 9 Oct. [1857] , MS a t Alfred; Mar y D . Howell s to Anne T . an d Aureli a H . Howells , 3 Mar. [1864] , MS a t Alfred . 25. WDH , My Literary Passions, 125 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 124 ; Howell s to Dune Dean , 9 and 1 1 Sept. 1857 , Selected Letters, 1: 11. 26. [WDH] , "Loca l an d Othe r Matters, " AS, 2 5 June 1857 ; [WDH] , "Loca l and Othe r Matters, " AS, 2 July 1857 ; [WDH], "Loca l an d Othe r Matters, " AS, 9 July 1857 ; [WDH], "Local an d Othe r Matters, " AS, 1 6 July 1857 ; [WDH], "Loca l and Othe r Matters, " AS, 3 0 July 1857 . 27. WDH , My Literary Passions, 125-27 ; [WDH], "Gossip," AS, 1 3 Mar. 1856 ; Howells t o Dun e Dean , 9 an d 1 1 Sept . 1857 , Selected Letters, 1 : 10 . Howells' s translations fro m th e Germa n includ e "Th e Walpurgis-night : Fro m th e Germa n of H. Zschokke, " AS, 6 , 13 , 20 Aug. 1857 ; "The Prince' s Book : From the Germa n of H . [Z]schokke, " ^4^ , 15 , 22 , 2 9 Oct . 1857 ; "Measur e fo r Measure : Fro m th e German o f C . Weisflog, " /IS , 5 , 12 , 1 9 Nov . 1857 ; "Massacr e o f th e Jew s a t Lisbon: Fro m th e Germa n o f John Frederi c Jacobs," AS, 2 6 Nov., 2 , 10 , 2 4 Dec. 1857, 7 Jan. 1858 . 28. WDH , My Literary Passions, 129 ; "Henry Heine , th e Germa n poe t . . . , " AS, 9 Mar. 1854 . 29. Howell s t o Dun e Dean , 9 an d 1 1 Sept . 1857 , M S a t Harvard . M y read ing o f Howells' s translatio n o f Heine' s mott o fro m Ludwi g Born e differ s fro m the editors ' readin g i n Selected Letters, 1 : 10 . I rea d time whil e th e editor s rea d times. 30. Heinric h Heine , Travel-Pictures: Including uThe Tour in the Harz," "Norderney," and "Book of Ideas," Together with u The Romantic School," trans. Franci s Storr , 2d ed. (London : George Bel l and Sons , 1895) , 2-78. For treatment of Die Harzreise in term s o f th e poet-persona , se e Jeffrey L . Sammons , Heinrich Heine: The Elusive Poet (New Haven : Yal e Univ. Press , 1969) , 103-15 . 31. [WDH] , "Editor' s Eas y Chair, " Harper's Monthly, 10 7 (1903): 483; WDH , My Literary Passions, 126. Sammon s suggest s tha t Hein e ha d a "har d tim e i n overcoming wha t toda y w e shoul d cal l hi s adolescence. " H e argue s tha t Heine' s early writing s allowe d hi m t o gai n "contro l ove r th e managemen t o f hi s self image": "I t woul d no t b e misleadin g t o sa y tha t th e creatio n o f a surrogat e persona, achieve d wit h suc h energ y i n th e year s o f Buck der Lieder an d th e Reisebilder, becam e a habi t wit h Hein e throughou t mos t o f th e res t o f hi s publi c and privat e life. " Heinrich Heine: The Elusive Poet, 17, 21, 122 , passim. I n addition ,

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see Jeffrey L . Sammons , Heinrich Heine: A Modern Biography (Princeton: Princeto n Univ. Press , 1979) . 32. WDH , My Literary Passions, 130, 141 ; [WDH] , "Editor' s Eas y Chair, " Harper's Monthly, 10 7 (1903): 480-81. 33. WDH , My Literary Passions, 128-29 , 130 ; Howell s t o Georg e Bainton , 8 Jan. 1888 , Selected Letters, 3: 213. 34. WDH , My Literary Passions, 46-47 ; [WDH], review of Scintillations from the Prose Works of Heinrich Heine, trans . Simo n Adle r Stern , Atlantic Monthly, 3 2 (1873): 237 ; Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr. , 1 Sept. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 62. 35. W . D . Howells , "Professo r Cross' s Lif e of Sterne," North American Review, 191 (1910): 275. On Hein e an d dancing , se e Sammons, Heinrich Heine: The Elusive Poet, 330-31 , 335f ; Barke r Fairley , Heinrich Heine: An Interpretation (Oxford : Clarendon, 1954) , 34—46 ; A. I . Sandor , The Exile of Gods: Interpretation of a Theme, a Theory and a Technique in the Work of Heinrich Heine (The Hague : Mouton , 1967) , 172-74. Th e translatio n o f th e phrase s fro m Florentinische Nachte is b y Michae l Hamburger, Contraries: Studies in German Literature (New York : E . P . Dutton , 1970), 166-67 . Heinric h Heine , "Da s Sklavenschiff," Lyric Poems and Ballads, trans. Erns t Feis e (New York : McGraw-Hill, 1961) , 36-45. 36. Swedenborg' s phras e "ends , causes , an d effect s i n a n indissolubl e connec tion" is quoted i n Block , New Church in the New World, 40 . Much o f Swedenborg' s appeal t o Americans , accordin g t o John Humphre y Noyes , wa s tha t h e appeare d to b e " a ma n o f science " who "seeme d t o reduc e th e univers e t o scientifi c order. " Quoted i n Whitne y R . Cross , The Burned-Over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800-1850 (Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Univ . Press , 1950) , 343. 37. "Life, " Hein e wrote , "i s s o comically sweet , an d th e worl d i s s o delight fully topsy-turvy , th e drea m o f som e half-tips y god , wh o ha s take n Frenc h leav e of th e Olympia n carousal , ha s lai n dow n t o slee p o n a solitar y star , an d know s not tha t whil e h e dream s h e i s creating; an d th e dream s themselve s ar e a jumbl e of motle y madnes s an d harmoniou s design . Th e Iliad , Plato , th e Battl e o f Mara thon, Moses , th e Venu s de ' Medici, th e Strasbur g Cathedral , th e Frenc h Revolu tion, Hegel , steamboats , & c , ar e som e o f th e happ y thought s i n th e sleepin g god's dream; bu t i t won't b e long before th e god awake s and rub s his drowsy eye s and smiles—an d ou r world , lik e a dream, ha s melte d int o nothing—nay , i t was nothing." Hein e continued , however , b y assertin g hi s bitte r persistence : "N o matter, I live . I f I a m onl y th e shado w o f a dream, eve n thi s i s bette r tha n th e cold blac k empt y nothingnes s o f death . Lif e i s th e highes t good , an d th e wors t evil is death." Travel-Pictures, 122 . 38. WDH , My Literary Passions, 128 , 129. 39. Stephe n E . Whicher , ed. , Selections from Ralph Waldo Emerson: An Organic Anthology (Boston: Houghto n Mifflin , 1957) , 24 , 139 , passim; Bledstein, Culture of Professionalism, 2 5 0-6 2. 40. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 14,56. 41. [WDH] , "Gossip, " AS1, 1 3 Mar. 1856 . 42. I n Die Romantische Schule, Hein e proposed , "I n th e hear t o f a nation' s

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writers ther e lie s th e imag e o f a nation's future , an d i f a critic wit h a sufficientl y sharp knif e coul d dissec t a modern poet , h e might , a s an ol d augu r b y inspectio n of th e entrails , predic t wit h certaint y th e feature s o f German y i n th e future. " Heine's attitud e towar d th e poet' s rol e i n universa l histor y wa s ambivalent ; a tension betwee n belie f i n th e efficac y o f th e poet' s effort s an d despai r ove r thei r impertinence bes t expresse s hi s position . Claimin g tha t poetr y coul d b e " a conse crated mean s whereb y t o attai n a heavenly end, " Hein e adde d tha t poetr y migh t be instead "onl y a holy plaything. " Ren e Welleck identifie s "a n evolutionary vie w of histor y tha t i s Hegelia n an d Schlegelia n i n derivation " a s th e coherenc e i n Heine's thought bu t suggest s that ther e i s "barely hope " in his writings fo r a n end of division. Heine , Travel-Pictures, 308; Charles Godfre y Leland , trans. , The Prose and Poetical Works of Heinrich Heine (New York : Crosu p an d Sterling , [1900]) , 5 : 114; Ren e Welleck , A History of Modern Criticism, ly50-1950 (New Haven : Yal e Univ. Press , 1955 , 1965) , 3 : 195-97 ; Sammons , Heinrich Heine: A Modern Biography, 78-81 . O n th e genera l backgroun d o f Germa n romanticis m an d th e contex t of universal history , se e Welleck, History of Modern Criticism, 1: 227, 228 , 232 ^ 2 : 11-16, 58-59 , 318-20 ; 3 : 192-201 . Se e als o Lawrenc e Ryan , "Romanticism, " Periods in German Literature, ed . J . M . Ritchi e (London : Oswal d Wolff , 1968) , 123-43; D . C . Muecke , The Compass of Irony (London: Methuen , 1969) , 119-29 , 180-205, 214-15 . 43. O n Emerso n an d th e proble m o f "society, " se e Georg e M . Frederickson , The Inner Civil War: Northern Intellectuals and the Crisis of the Union (New York : Harper an d Row , 1965) , 10-12 ; R . Jackson Wilson , In Quest of Community: Social Philosophy in the United States, 1860-1920 (Ne w York : John Wile y an d Sons , 1968) , 3-13. Heine' s sens e of the poet' s engagemen t wit h societ y appear s throughou t hi s writings. "Th e roa r o f the revolutio n begin s t o echo i n huma n heart s an d heads, " he wrot e i n on e instance ; "an d wha t th e ag e feel s an d thinks , wha t i t need s an d will have , i t give s expressio n to , an d thi s i s th e materia l o f moder n literature. " Heinrich Heine , Religion and Philosophy in Germany: A Fragment, trans . Joh n Snodgrass (Boston : Houghton , Mifflin , 1882) , 172 . Sammons , Heinrich Heine: A Modern Biography, 150-68, passim , discusse s Heine' s ambivalen t politica l involve ments, includin g hi s flirtatio n wit h Saint-Simonianism . Fo r Heine' s sens e o f th e poet a s a god an d hi s them e o f th e debasemen t o f gods , se e Sander , Exile of Gods, 14-42, 131-33 , passim . Heine' s representatio n o f th e Gree k god s takin g plebeia n jobs appear s i n hi s essa y Die Gotter im Exil. Se e Haveloc k Ellis , ed. , The Prose Writings of Heinrich Heine (London: Walte r Scott , n.d.) , 269 , passim . 44. WDH , My Literary Passions, i n; Welleck , History of Modern Criticism, 2: 58-59; Augus t Wilhel m Schlegel , Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature, trans . John Black , 2 d ed. (London : Georg e Bel l and Sons , 1892) , 26-27 , 342—43. 45. WDH , My Literary Passions, i n . Th e ful l passag e wher e Heine' s descrip tion occur s i s as follows : "Th e universa l characteristi c o f moder n literatur e i s th e predominance i n i t o f individualit y an d o f scepticism . Th e authoritie s ar e de throned; reaso n i s now th e only lam p t o illumin e the step s of man ; conscience hi s only guiding-staf f i n th e dar k labyrint h o f thi s life . Ma n no w stand s fac e t o fac e alone with hi s creator an d sing s to him hi s lay. Thu s ou r moder n literatur e begin s with spiritua l songs . Late r on , however , a s literatur e become s secular , th e inten -

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sest self-consciousness , th e feelin g o f personality , predominates . Poetr y i s n o longer objective , epic , an d naif ; i t i s subjective , lyrical , an d reflective. " Heine , Religion and Philosophy, 172-73 . [WDH], "Literary," OSJ, 20 Feb. 1861 . 46. O n Heine' s characteristi c techniqu e o f Stimmungsbrechung o r "brea k o f voice," see Sammons, Heinrich Heine: The Elusive Poet, 49. 47. [Henr y Wadswort h Longfellow] , "Defens e o f Poetry, " North American Review, 34(1832) : 76. 48. Howell s t o Dun e Dean , 9 and 1 1 Sept. 1857 , Selected Letters, 1: 11. 49. Ibid. , 11 , 12-13 .

50. [WDH] , " A Fragment , "AS, 26 Nov. 1857 ; Heine, Travel-Pictures, 73-74 ; [WDH], "Th e Autum n Land, " Ohio Farmer, 6 (21 Nov . 1857) : 188 , reprinted i n Howells an d Piatt , Poems of Two Friends, 95-96 . 51. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 7 Oct. 1857 , Selected Letters, 1: 13-14. 52. Howell s ha d signe d hi s poe m "Th e Autum n Land " wit h th e pseudony m "Geoffrey Constant. " WDH , Years of My Youth, 124 ; Howell s t o Josep h A . Howells, 1 1 Dec . 1910 , Selected Letters, 5 : 338 ; Howell s t o Harve y an d Jan e Greene, 3 0 Nov . 1857 , Selected Letters, 1 : 15-17 ; Samue l Dea n t o Howells , 3 0 Aug. 1857 , MS a t Alfred . 53. WDH , My Literary Passions, 32 , 132-33 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 28 Nov . 1880 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 1 Aug . 1881 , MS a t Harvard . 54. WDH , My Literary Passions, 134 ; Howell s t o Elle n Smith , 3 Apr. 1858 , TS cop y a t Harvard . 55. Th e relatio n betwee n vertig o an d th e disequilibriu m experience d b y in fants i s suggested b y Charle s Rycroft , "Som e Observations o n a Case of Vertigo, " Imagination and Reality (New York : Internationa l Universitie s Press , 1968) , 14-28 . 56. Heine , Travel-Pictures, 72-73. 57. WDH , Years of My Youth, 117-18 , 187 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 131 32, 133 , 140-41 ; [WDH] , "Literar y Gossip, " OSJ, 1 7 Jan . i860 ; L a Ver n J . Rippley, The Columbus Germans (Columbus, Ohio : Columbus Mannerchor , 1968) . 58. WDH , Years of My Youth, 118-19 , 124 ; [WCH], "Letters from Columbus, " AS, 2 4 Dec. 1857 . 59. Alla n Nevins , The Emergence of Lincoln: Douglas, Buchanan, and Party Chaos 1857-1859 (New York : Charle s Scribner' s Sons , 1950) , 104-6 , 254 , passim ; Roseboom, Civil War Era, 326-29 ; Emmett D . Preston , "Th e Fugitiv e Slav e Act s in Ohio," Journal of Negro History, 2 8 (1943): 472-73. 60. O n Howells' s reporting , see , fo r instance , [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Colum bus," CG, 4 Jan . 1858 ; [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 7 Jan . 1858 ; [WDH], "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 1 5 Jan. 1858 . WDH, My Literary Passions, 13361. Howells' s descriptio n o f Saffor d i s i n [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 1 9 Feb. 1858 , quote d i n Loui s J. Budd , "Howells ' 'Blisterin g an d Cauteriz ing,' " Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, 62 (1953) : 340 . [WDH] , "From Columbus, " CG, 1 9 Feb. 1858 ; [WDH], "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 24 Feb. 1858 ; [WDH], "Letter fro m Columbus, " CG, 26 Feb. 1858 . 62. Howells' s remar k concernin g Brook e i s i n [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Colum -

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bus," CG, 27 Feb. 1858 , quoted i n Budd, "Howells ' 'Blistering and Cauterizing,' " 340. [WDH] , "Lette r fro m Columbus, " CG, 1 Mar. 1858 ; [WDH], "Lette r fro m Columbus," CG, 3 Mar. 1858 . 63. WDH , Years of My Youth, 115 ; [WCH], "Editoria l Correspondence, " AS, n Feb . 1858 . 64. Howell s t o Aureli a H . an d Ann e T . Howells , 2 1 Feb . 1858 , M S a t Harvard; Howell s t o Elle n Smith , 3 Apr. 1858 , TS cop y a t Harvard ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 134 . 65. "Literar y Pursuits, " AS, 8 Apr . 1858 ; Wil l D . Howells , Handboo k fo r 1857 an d 1858 , entrie s fo r 9 , 10 , 1 1 Apr . 1858 , M S a t Harvard ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 134 ; Howells t o Ellen Smith , 3 Apr. 1858 , TS cop y a t Harvard . 66. [WDH] , "Correspondence : Dow n 'L a Bell e Riviere, ' " AS, 2 0 May 1858 . I thank Davi d J. Nordlo h o f the Howell s Editio n Center , Indian a University , fo r bringing these letters t o my attention . 67. [WDH] , "Correspondence : Dow n 'L a Bell e Riviere, ' " AS, 2 7 Ma y 1858 ; [WDH], "Correspondence : 'Fathe r o f Waters,' "AS, 3 June 1858 . 68. [WDH] , "Correspondence : Dow n 'L a Bell e Riviere, ' " AS, 3 June 1858 ; [WDH], "Correspondence : Dow n th e Mississippi, " AS, 1 0 June 1858 . For on e of the mos t prominen t description s o f th e "strang e woman " i n th e advic e literature , see Beecher, Lectures to Young Men, 170-214 . 69. [WDH] , "Correspondence : Dow n th e Mississippi," AS, 1 0 June 1858 . 70. [WDH] , "Correspondence: U p th e Ohio, Ma y 27 , "AS, 1 0 June 1858 . 71. [WDH] , "Correspondence: Cincinnati, Ma y 31, " AS, iojun e 1858 ; [WDH], "Correspondence: Wheeling , June 3d, " AS, 1 0 June 1858 ; Howells t o Aurelia H . Howells, 1 9 May 1858 , TS cop y a t Harvard . 72. WDH , Years of My Youth, 124 ; J. A . Harri s t o Howells , 3 Sept. 1858 , M S at Harvard ; Howell s t o Marti n D . Potter , 9 Oct . 1858 , Selected Letters, 1 : 19 ; Howells t o Gamalie l Bailey , 2 1 Sept . 1858 , Selected Letters, 1 : 18 ; Advertisemen t for AS, 2 8 Oct . 1858 ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 5 Aug . 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 196. 73. WDH , My Literary Passions, 135-37 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 125 . 74. [WDH] , "Th e Mysteries, " Ohio Farmer, 7 (2 Oct. 1858) : 320 , reprinte d i n Howells an d Piatt , Poems of Two Friends, 101 . 6. Woman's Sphere Epigraph: W . D . Howells , "Novel-Writin g an d Novel-Reading : A n Imper sonal Explanation, " Howells and James: A Double Billing, ed . Willia m M . Gibso n (New York : Ne w Yor k Publi c Library , 1958) , 19-20 . 1. Aureli a H . Howells , "Pape r o n Willia m Dea n Howells, " n.d. , T S a t Harvard; [WCH] , "The Ohi o Stat e Journal," ,4 S, 2 5 Nov. 1858 . 2. Fo r the idea l concept o f "woman's sphere, " see Welter, "Th e Cul t of Tru e Womanhood"; Cott , Bonds of Womanhood, esp . 63-100 ; Ryan , Empire of Mother; McDannell, The Christian Home in Victorian America. Cf . Ryan' s discussio n o f practice, Cradle of the Middle Class, 186-229. Fo r mal e gende r ideals , se e Smith -

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Rosenberg, "Se x a s Symbo l i n Victoria n Purity" ; Smith-Rosenberg , "Dave y Crockett a s Trickster" ; Rosenberg , "Sexuality , Class , an d Role" ; E . Anthon y Rotundo, "Bod y an d Soul : Changing Ideal s of American Middle-Clas s Manhood , 1770-1920," Journal of Social History, 1 6 (1983) : 23-38 ; Pete r N . Stearns , Be A Man!: Males in Modern Society (Ne w York : Holme s an d Meier , 1979) , 30-58 , 70 112. Cf. Ryan' s discussio n o f practice, Cradle of the Middle Class, 145-85. 3. [WCH] , "Women's Spher e &c, " DT, 1 7 Jan. 1850 . 4. WDH , A Boy's Town, 74 , 76, 179 . 5. O n th e identificatio n o f literatur e a s par t o f th e real m o f women , se e Douglas, Feminization of American Culture. 6. WDH , My Literary Passions, 146 . 7. Roseboom , Civil War Era, 338 ; [WCH] , "Th e Ohi o Stat e Journal," AS, 25 Nov . 1858 ; "T o ou r editoria l brethre n . . . , " OSJ, 6 Dec . 1858 ; [Harris] , "Local Affairs : A n Articl e Discursiv e upo n Loca l Matters, " OSJ, 2 0 Jan. i860 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 125 , 126 , 127 , 128 . 8. [WDH] , "Loca l Affairs : Change s i n the Stat e Journal," OSJ, 20 July 1861 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 126-27 , I2 $> I 3 ° ' ! 37; WDH , My Literary Passions, 143-44. I hav e attribute d unsigne d writin g i n th e Ohio State Journal t o Howell s using th e followin g criteria : th e distributio n o f duties a t th e newspaper ; compari sons of Howells with hi s associates; his self-references; hi s writing style, includin g pet words , turn s o f phrase , an d literar y allusions ; hi s recurrenc e t o subject s an d themes; his mention o f items i n letters an d late r writings . 9. WDH , Years of My Youth, 127-31 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 143-44 . 10. Fo r th e movemen t o f youn g me n int o urba n employmen t a s clerk s an d professionals, se e Kett , Rites of Passage, 93-108 , passim ; Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 125-30 ; Smith-Rosenberg , "Se x a s Symbo l i n Victoria n Purity" ; Alla n Stanley Horlick , Country Boys and Merchant Princes: The Social Control of Young Men in New York (Lewisburg, Pa. : Bucknel l Univ . Press , 1975) . WDH , Years of My Youth, 157-58 , 160-61 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 6 Dec . 1858 , Selected Letters, 1: 10-20. n . WDH , Years of My Youth, 158-59 , 389 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 141 — 42; WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 8; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 Jan. \%^, Selected Letters, 1: 22. 12. WDH , Years of My Youth, 156 , 160 , 182-83 , 196-97 ; Howells t o Victori a M. Howells , 18-2 4 Apr. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 30. 13. WDH , Years of My Youth, 159 , 196 ; [WDH], "Th e Poet' s Friends, " Atlantic Monthly, 5 (1860): 185. 14. WDH , Years of My Youth, 64 , 196 , 399 , 401 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 45; Howell s t o John J . Piatt , 4 Mar . 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 26-27 ; Howell s t o John J. Piatt , 1 0 Sept. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 40-41; Howell s t o John J. Piatt , 5 Oct. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 46 . Fo r typica l "puffs, " se e [WDH] , "New s an d Humor o f th e Mails, " OSJ, 1 0 Oct . 1859 ; [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f th e Mails," OSJ, 1 5 Nov . 1859 . O n Piatt , se e Clar e Dowler , "Joh n Jame s Piatt , Representative Figur e i n a Momentou s Period, " Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, 45 (1936): 1-26 .

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3"

15. WDH , Years of My Youth, 141-42 , 145-46 , 150 ; Howells t o John J. Piatt , 10 Sept. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1:41 . 16. L[ida ] R. McCabe , "Literar y an d Socia l Recollection s o f W. D . Howells, " Lippincotfs, 40 (1887): 551; WDH, Years of My Youth, 141 , 142. 17. WDH , Years of My Youth, 107 , 132-34 , 141 , 156 ; Howells t o Victori a M . Howells, 2 Jan. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 22. 18. O n middle-clas s parlo r behavior , se e Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women, 50-61, 101-12 , 174-75 , 184-85 . WDH, Years of My Youth, 133-34 ; How ells to Victori a M . Howells , 2 5 Apr. an d 1 Ma y 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 34. 19. WDH , Years of My Youth, 141-42 , 150-51 , 156-57 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 137-38 ; WDH, Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 7 , 9 ; Howell s t o Victo ria M . Howells , 1 3 Mar. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 28-29; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells, 18-2 4 Apr . 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 30-31 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells, 2 5 Apr . an d 1 May 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 33-34 ; Howell s t o John J . Piatt, 1 0 Sept. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 41. 20. WDH , Years of My Youth, 131 , 137-38 , 140-41 , 157 ; WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 7 . 21. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 Jan. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 21-22. 22. Howell s to Victoria M . Howells , 2 Jan. 1859 , MS at Harvard. M y readin g of th e firs t quote d passag e i n thi s paragrap h differ s fro m th e editors ' readin g i n Selected Letters, 1 : 22 . I rea d expand while th e editor s rea d expend. Howells t o Victoria M . Howells , 2 3 Jan. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 23. 23. WDH , Years of My Youth, 131. 24. W[illiam ] D[ean] H[owells], "Bobby, Stud y o f a Boy," OSJ, 1 4 Dec. 1858 . 25. WDH , Years of My Youth, 106 , 107-9 , lll 'i Howell s t o Victori a M . How ells, 2 Jan. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1:21 ; Howell s t o Aureli a H . Howells , 2 2 Jan . i860, T S cop y a t Harvard ; Aureli a H . Howell s t o Howells , ca . June 1914 , M S at Alfred . 26. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howell s an d Joh n B . Howells , 1 5 Feb . 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 24-25. 27. WDH , Years of My Youth, 155 ; Howells t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 6 Dec . 1858, Selected Letters, 1: 20; Howells to Victoria M . Howell s an d John B . Howells , 15 Feb . 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 25 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 1 3 Mar . 1859, Selected Letters, 1 : 29 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 16-2 2 Ma y 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 35-37 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 3 July 1859 , T S cop y at Harvard ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 1 Apr . i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 55; Howells t o Anne T. Howells , 1 2 Sept. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 63 . 28. WDH , Years of My Youth, 130 , 155-56 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 25 Apr. an d 1 May 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 33-34. 29. Howell s t o Mary D . Howells , 2 4 May 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 38-39. 30. WDH , Years of My Youth, 149 . 31. Ibid. , 144-45 . 32. Ibid. , 118 , 132 , 133 , 187 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 18-2 4 Apr . 1859, Selected Letters, 1:31 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 5 Apr. an d 1 May 1859, Selected Letters, 1: 33, 34.

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33. [WDH] , "Literary Matters, " OSJ, 20 Nov. 1858 . 34. O n "sentimental " wome n writers , se e Douglas , Feminization of American Culture; Mary Kelly , Private Woman, Public Stage: Literary Domesticity in NineteenthCentury America (Ne w York : Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1984) ; Nin a Baym , Woman's Fiction: A Guide to Novels by and about Women in America, 1820-18/0 (Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Univ . Press , 1978) . 35. Willia m Charvat , Literary Publishing in America, 1790-1850 (Philadelphia : Univ. o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1959) , 55-56 , passim ; Willia m Charvat , "Th e Peo ple's Patronage, " The Profession of Authorship in America, 1800-1870, ed . Matthe w J. Bruccol i (Columbus : Ohi o Stat e Univ . Press , 1968) , 298-316 ; Susa n Geary , "The Domesti c Nove l a s a Commercial Commodity : Makin g a Best Selle r i n th e 1850s," Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 70 (1976): 365-93 ; Ronald J . Zboray, "Th e Transportatio n Revolutio n an d Antebellu m Boo k Distributio n Reconsidered," American Quarterly, 3 8 (1986): 53-71 . 36. Douglas , Feminization of American Culture, emphasize s th e enervatin g ef fects o f femal e "influence, " whil e Cott , Bonds of Womanhood, demonstrate s ho w women use d th e ideolog y o f domesticity t o expand thei r sphere . Cf . Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, passim. Bay m point s ou t tha t domesti c novel s sough t a re formed worl d base d o n a n "affectiona l mode l o f huma n relationships. " Woman's Fiction, 20 , 22-50 .

37. Se e chap. 5 , note 5. 38. [WDH] , "Ne w Publications, " revie w o f Say and Seal, by Susa n Warner , OSJ, 2 9 Mar . i860 ; [WDH] , "Literary : Ne w Publications, " revie w of Hopes and Fears; or Scenes from the Life of a Spinster, by ? , OSJ, 7 Mar. 1861 . On th e contrar y and subversiv e impulse s i n domestic novels, se e Wood, " 'Scribblin g Women' an d Fanny Fern" ; Kelly , Private Woman, Public Stage; Baym, Woman's Fiction; Jane Tompkins, Sensational Designs: The Cultural Work of American Fiction, 1770-1860 (New York : Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1985) ; Cath y N . Davidson , Revolution and the Word: The Rise of the Novel in America (New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1986) . 39. Mar y Noel , Villains Galore: The Heyday of the Popular Story Weekly (New York: Macmillan, 1954) ; Carl Bode , Antebellum Culture (Carbondale an d Edwards ville: Souther n Illinoi s Univ . Press , 1970) , 257-58 ; Frank Luthe r Mott , A History of American Magazines, 1850-1865 (1938; reprint , Cambridge : Harvar d Univ . Press, 1967) , 2 : 15-16 , 23-24 , 356-63 . 40. [WDH] , "News an d Humor s o f the Mail," OSJ, 1 Dec. 1858 ; [WDH], " A Terrible Suspicion, " OSJ, 24 Mar. 1859 . 41. [WDH] , "Joh n G . Saxe, " OSJ, 30 Nov. 1858 ; WDH, " A Terribl e Suspi cion." 42. WDH , "Joh n G . Saxe. " 43. Quotation s i n thi s an d th e followin g paragraph s ar e fro m [WDH] , "Loca l Affairs: Dic k Dowdy : Stud y o f a First-rate Fellow, " OSJ, 6 Dec. 1858 . 44. Howell s t o Jame s M . Comly , 7 Jul y 1868 , Selected Letters, 1 : 294-95 ; Howells t o James M . Comly , 9 Aug . 1868 , Selected Letters, 1 : 29 5 n . 1 ; W. D . Howells, Their Wedding Journey, ed. John K . Reeve s (Bloomington: Indian a Univ . Press, 1968) , 42 . Th e ful l sentenc e illustrate s ho w fa r Howell s ha d t o g o i n hi s

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appreciation o f ordinar y people : "Ah ! poo r Rea l Life , whic h I love , ca n I mak e others shar e the delight I find i n thy foolis h an d insipi d face? " 45. Se e Williams , Culture and Society, 30-48. William s use s th e phras e "guid ing light[s ] o f th e commo n life. " (p . 36) . Th e contras t betwee n "individua l an d local" truth s an d "genera l an d operative " truth s i s fro m Willia m Wordsworth' s 1800 preface t o the Lyrical Ballads. (Quote d o n p . 41) . Se e also Gilmore, American Romanticism and the Marketplace. 46. Quote d i n [WDH], "Bitters, " OSJ, 1 8 Nov. 1859 . 47. WDH , Years of My Youth, 126 ; [WDH], "News an d Humor s of the Mails," OSJ, 6 Jan. 1859 . Willi s i s quote d i n Douglas , Feminization of American Culture, 103.

48. [WDH] , "Th e Autocra t sit s dow n wit h hi s friend s . . . , " OSJ, 2 4 Nov . 1858. 49. [WDH] , "Unworth y Mr . Thackeray, " OSJ, 17 May 1859 . 50. [WDH] , "A n Incident, " OSJ, 2 8 Dec . 1858 . Howell s wa s parodyin g Bonner's practic e o f runnin g "teasers " i n othe r magazines . Bonne r woul d pa y t o print severa l chapter s o f a serial i n anothe r magazine , breakin g i t off a t a thrillin g point wit h th e messag e tha t th e seria l woul d continu e i n th e Ledger. See Mott , History of American Magazines, 1850-1865, 2 : 16. 51. [WDH] , "The Los t Child—A Stree t Scene, " OSJ, 4 Mar. 1859 . 52. Quotation s i n thi s an d th e followin g paragraph s ar e from [WDH] , "No t a Love Story, " Odd Fellows" Casket and Review, 1 (1859): 222-24 . Othe r sketche s i n this vei n ar e [WDH] , " ' A Perfec t Goose, ' " Odd Fellows' Casket and Review, 1 (1859): 379-80 ; [WDH] , "Romanc e o f th e Crossing, " Odd Fellows' Casket and Review, 1 (1859) : 443-44. 53. Alfre d Habegger , Gender, Fantasy, and Realism in American Literature (New York: Columbi a Univ . Press , 1982) , argue s tha t ambivalen t resistanc e t o senti mental readers was the decisive influence i n the development o f the literary realis m of Howells an d Henr y James. 54. Fo r discussio n o f thi s styl e of sentimenta l writing , se e Douglas , Feminization of American Culture, 234-40 ; William Hedges , Washington Irving: An American Study, 1802-1832 (Baltimore: John s Hopkin s Univ . Press , 1965) , 145-62 . Fo r Howells's earl y readin g o f mal e sentimentalists , se e W . D . Howells , "Georg e William Curtis, " North American Review, 10 7 (1868): 104-17 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 23-27 , 64-66 . 55. Quote d i n Douglas , Feminization of American Culture, 37 6 n. 29 . 56. [WDH] , "A Summe r Sunda y i n a Country Village : As Experienced b y a n Ennuye," Odd Fellows' Casket and Review, 1 (1859): 354-57 . Othe r Howell s sketche s reflecting th e idler' s manne r includ e [WDH] , "I n th e Country, " OSJ, 9, 10 , n June 1859 ; [WDH], "Hot, " OSJ, 2 9 June 1859 ; [WDH] , " A Da y a t Whit e Sul phur," OSJ, 6 July 1859 ; [WDH], " I Visi t Camp Harrison, " OSJ, 31 Aug. 1859 . 57. WDH , "I n th e Country," 9 and 1 0 June 1859 . 58. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 1 8 Sept. 1859 , MS a t Harvard . 59. Heine , Travel-Pictures, 327; Sammons, Heinrich Heine: The Elusive Poet, 2687.

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7. TH E LAYIN G O N O F HANDS 7. The Laying On of Hands

Epigraph: WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 101 . 1. Willia m T . Coggeshall , The Protective Policy in Literature: A Discourse on the Social and Moral Advantages of the Cultivation of Local Literature (Columbus: Follett , Foster, 1859) ; William D . Andrews , "Willia m T. Coggeshall : 'Booster' of Wester n Literature," Ohio History, 1 8 (1972): 210-20. 2. Th e idealizatio n o f locality i s variously treate d i n Thomas Bender , Toward an Urban Vision: Ideas and Institutions in Nineteenth-Century America (Lexington : Univ. Pres s o f Kentucky , 1975) ; Robert A . Gross , "Transcendentalis m an d Ur banism: Concord , Boston , an d th e Wide r World, " Journal of American Studies, 18 (1984): 361-81 ; Davi d Schuyler , The New Urban Landscape: The Redefinition of City Form in Nineteenth-Century America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Univ . Press , 1986) ; Raymond Williams , The Country and the City (Ne w York : Oxfor d Univ . Press , 1973). Joshua R . Gidding s t o Laur a W . Giddings , 2 2 an d 2 3 Apr. 1837 , Joshua R. Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , MS a t O H S . 3. Howell s t o John J. Piatt , 1 9 Sept. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 43 . 4. WDH , Years of My Youth, 139 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 16-2 2 May 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 36; "Have W e Househol d Poetr y i n the West? " OSJ, 20 Nov. 1858 ; [WDH], "New s an d Humor s o f the Mail," OSJ, 22 Dec. 1858 . 5. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 62 f, italic s adde d t o quotation o n 64. Fo r th e Atlantic Monthly durin g th e 1850s , se e Mott , A History of American Magazines, 1850-1865, 2: 493-502. Davi d D . Hall , "Th e Victoria n Connection, " American Quarterly, 2 7 (1975) : 561-74 , treat s th e Atlantic's secularis m an d it s connection t o th e Englis h reviews . O n Holmes , se e Pete r Dobki n Hall , The Organization of American Culture, 1700-ipoo: Private Institutions, Elites, and the Origins of American Nationality (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Univ . Press , 1982) , 198 206. Fo r th e Saturday Press, se e Mott, A History of American Magazines, 1850-1865, 2: 38-40; Albert Parry , Garrets and Pretenders: A History of Bohemianism in America, rev. ed . (Ne w York : Dover , i960) , 14-61 ; [WDH] , "Editor' s Eas y Chair, " Harpers Monthly, 11 2 (1906) : 633-36 . Howell s t o Willia m H . Smith , 3 1 Jan. i860 , Selected Letters, 1:51 ; Howell s t o Willia m Coope r Howell s Family , 2 1 Apr. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 54. 6. Parry , Garrets and Pretenders, 14-61; WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 62f ; [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f the Mail, " OSJ, 28 Oct. 1859 ; [WDH], "A Boo k Rea d Yesterday, " revie w o f Ballad of Babie Bell and Other Poems by Thomas B . Aldrich , Saturday Press, 30 July 1859 , reprinte d i n Ferri s Greenslet , The Life of Thomas Bailey Aldrich (Boston: Houghto n Mifflin , 1908) , 47-48. 7. Parry , Garrets and Pretenders, 14-61 , quotatio n b y Clar e o n 26 . O n Bohe mian continuit y wit h middle-clas s values , se e Jerrol d Seigel , Bohemian Paris: Culture, Politics, and the Boundaries of Bourgeois Life, 1830-1930 (Ne w York : Elisa beth Sifto n Books , 1985) . 8. Mott , A History of American Magazines, 1850-1865, 2: 39 ; [WDH], "New s and Humo r o f th e Mail, " OSJ, 3 Sept . 1859 ; [WDH], "Ne w Yor k Journalism, " OSJ, 29 Dec. 1858 . 9. Davi d B . Tyack , George Ticknor and the Boston Brahmins (Cambridge: Har -

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vard Univ . Press , 1968) , 173-87 ; Martin Duberman , James Russell Lowell (Boston: Beacon Press , 1966) , 183-97 ; Ronal d Story , Harvard and the Boston Upper Class: The Forging of an Aristocracy (Middletown , Conn. : Wesleya n Univ . Press , 1980) ; Hall, Organization of American Culture; Bender, "Th e Culture s o f Intellectual Life : The Cit y an d th e Professions," 181-95 . 10. [WDH] , "Andenken, " Atlantic Monthly, 5 (i860): 100-102 . O n Stimmungsbrechung, se e Sammons, Heinrich Heine: The Elusive Poet, 49 . 11. Howells' s firs t poe m publishe d i n th e Press was "Unde r th e Locust, " Saturday Press, 18 June 1859 , reprinted i n Howell s an d Piatt , Poems of Two Friends, 124. WDH , Years of My Youth, 155 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 120-30 ; WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 27; Anni e Howell s Frechette , "Willia m Dea n Howells," Canadian Bookman, n.s., 2 (1920): 10-11 . 12. WDH , Years of My Youth, 144 , 198 ; Howells t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 3 Jan. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 23 ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 18-2 4 Apr . 1859, Selected Letters, 1 : 31 ; Howells t o Victori a M . Howells , 3 July 1859 , T S copy a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Joseph A . Howells , 1 4 Aug. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 40; Howell s t o Joh n J . Piatt , 1 9 Sept . 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 43 ; [WDH] , "Drifting Away, " Saturday Press, 10 Sept . 1859 , reprinte d i n Howell s an d Piatt , Poems of Two Friends, 114-15. 13. Howell s t o Josep h A . Howells , 1 4 Aug . 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 40 ; Howells t o James M . Comly , 8 July 1866 , Selected Letters, 1 : 263; WDH, Years of My Youth, 144 , 198 . 14. Howell s t o William C. Howells , 7 Aug. 1859 , MS a t Harvard . 15. Howell s t o Mar y D . Howells , 2 4 Aug. 1859 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o James M . Comly , 5 Dec. 1874 , Selected Letters of W. D. Howells, ed. Georg e Arms , Christoph K . Lohmann , an d Jerry Herro n (Boston : Twayne, 1979) , 2 : 79. 16. Howell s t o John J. Piatt , 1 0 Sept. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1:41 . 17. [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f th e Mails, " OSJ, 1 6 Sept. 1859 ; [WDH], "News an d Humo r o f th e Mails, " OSJ, 1 9 Sept . 1859 ; [WDH] , "New s an d Humor o f th e Mails, " OSJ, 2 8 Sept . 1859 ; [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f th e Mail," OSJ, 7 Oct. 1859 ; Howells t o John J. Piatt , 1 9 Sept. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 42-43 ; Howell s t o Joh n J . Piatt , 2 2 Sept . 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 43-44 ; Howells t o John J . Piatt , 5 Oct. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1 : 46; Howell s t o Victori a M. Howells , 5 Oct. 1859 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 1 1 Oct. 1859 , MS a t Harvard . 18. [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f th e Mail, " OSJ, 1 0 Oct. 1859 ; Howells t o Victoria M . Howells , 1 1 Oct. 1859 , MS a t Harvard . 19. [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f th e Mail, " OSJ, 1 7 Oct . 1859 ; [WDH] , "News an d Humo r o f the Mails," OSJ, 21 Oct. 1859 ; [WDH], "News an d Humo r of the Mails," OSJ, 25 Oct. 1859 ; [WDH], "New s an d Humo r o f the Mails," OSJ, 28 Oct . 1859 ; [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f th e Mails, " OSJ, 1 Nov . 1859 ; Howells t o William C . Howells , 2 6 Oct. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 47. 20. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 1 1 Oct. 1859 , MS a t Harvard ; Howell s to Willia m C . Howells , 2 0 Oct . 1859 , M S a t Harvard ; [WDH] , "New s an d Humor o f th e Mails, " OSJ, 2 1 Oct . 1859 ; [Samuel R . Reed] , "Som e ungenerou s person . . . , " OSJ, 1 Nov. 1859 .

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7. TH E LAYING O N O F HAND S

21. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 6 Nov . 1869 , Selected Letters, 1 : 48 ; [WDH], "New s an d Humo r o f the Mails," OSJ, 2 Nov. 1859 ; Gilman M . Ostran der, "Emerson , Thoreau , an d John Brown, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 39 (1953): 713-26; Frederickson, Inner Civil War, 39-40 . 22. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 6 Nov. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 48; Louis Filler, ed. , Wendell Phillips on Civil Rights and Freedom (New York : Hil l an d Wang , 1965), 96-113 .

23. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 6 Nov. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 48-49. 24. Roseboom , Civil War Era, 357-58 ; [Samue l R . Reed] , "Th e Statesma n Editor's Brownchetis, " OSJ, 2 0 Oct . 1859 ; [Samue l R . Reed] , "Th e Harper' s Ferry War, " OSJ, 2 1 Oct . 1859 ; [Samuel R . Reed] , "Wa s John Brow n Insane? " OSJ, 1 8 Nov. 1859 ; [Samuel R . Reed] , "W e presum e tha t i t i s hardl y necessar y . . . , " OSJ, 7 Dec . 1859 ; [WCH] , "Chivalri c Cowardice, " AS, 2 7 Oct . 1859 ; [WCH], "Th e Harper' s Ferr y Affair, " AS, 2 7 Oct. 1859 ; [WCH], "John Brown, " AS, 1 0 Nov. 1859 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 6 Nov. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 48; [WDH], "News an d Humo r o f the Mails," OSJ, 1 4 Nov. 1859 . In Young Howells and John Brown: Episodes in a Radical Education (Columbus: Ohio Stat e Univ . Press , 1985) , Edwi n H . Cad y speculate s tha t th e Howell s family wa s "complicit " i n th e Brow n conspiracy . Bu t th e family' s longstandin g and steadfas t commitmen t wa s no t t o abolitionis m o f th e Brow n variet y o r an y variety bu t t o radical Republicanis m wit h it s adherence to constitutional mean s t o end slavery . 25. Wm . D . Howells , "Ol d Brown, " Echoes of Harper's Ferry, ed. Jame s Red path (Boston : Thaye r an d Eldridge , i860) , 316 ; [WDH] , "Th e Geni i o f th e Woodpile," OSJ, 1 7 Nov. 1859 . 26. [WDH] , "Rober t Blum, " OSJ, 1 0 Nov . 1859 ; [WDH] , "Foxe s an d Fire brands Goin g t o B e Let Loos e i n Virginia, " OSJ, 1 1 Nov. 1859 ; [WDH], "Aboli tion Lectures, " OSJ, 1 5 Nov . 1859 ; [WDH] , "New s an d Humo r o f th e Mail, " OSJ, 1 6 Nov. 1859 ; [WDH], "Bitters, " OSJ, 1 8 Nov. 1859 ; [WDH], "New s an d Humor o f th e Mail, " OSJ, 9 Dec . 1859 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 6 Nov . 1859, Selected Letters, 1 : 48-49; Howell s t o Ann e T . an d Aureli a H . Howells , 1 3 Nov. 1859 , Selected Letters, 1: 50. 27. [WDH] , "News an d Humo r o f the Mails, " OSJ, 23 Nov. 1859 ; Advertisement i n AS fo r Poems of Two Friends, 23 Dec . 1859 ; Advertisement i n AS fo r Jan . i860 Atlantic Monthly, 2 6 Dec. 1859 . 28. Howell s an d Piatt , Poems of Two Friends, iv ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 130 40; WDH , My Literary Passions, 45 , 143 ; Howells t o Willia m H . Smith , 3 1 Jan. i860, Selected Letters, 1 : 51 ; [Harris] , "Loca l Affairs : Poet s an d Parnassus— A Local Luminou s b y Luna r Reflection, " OSJ, 26 Dec. 1859 ; [WDH], "Ne w Publi cations," revie w o f Poems of Two Friends, by J. J . Piat t an d W . D . Howells , OSJ, 26 Dec. 1859 . 29. Saturday Press review quote d i n Willia m T . Coggeshall , ed. , The Poets and Poetry of the West (Columbus: Follett, Foster , i860) , 678. 30. Gai l Hamilto n [Mar y Abigai l Dodge] , "Th e Review, " revie w of Poems of Two Friends, b y J . J . Piat t an d W . D . Howells , National Era, 1 6 Feb . i860 ; Howells t o Gail Hamilton , 2 7 Feb. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 52-53.

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31. Lowell' s commen t o n "genius " i s quoted i n Duberman , James Russell Lowell, 147 ; [James Russel l Lowell] , review o f Poems of Two Friends, by J. J . Piat t an d W. D . Howells , Atlantic Monthly, 5 (i860) : 185 . Howells' s thre e ne w Atlantic poems wer e "Th e Poet' s Friends, " Atlantic Monthly, 5 (i860) : 185 ; "Pleasure Pain," Atlantic Monthly, 5 (i860): 468-70; an d "Los t Beliefs, " Atlantic Monthly, 5 (i860): 486. 32. [WDH] , "Hawthorne' s 'Marbl e Faun, ' " OSJ, 24 Mar. i860 . 33. WDH , Years of My Youth, 188 ; Howells t o William C . Howell s Family , 2 1 Apr. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 54. 34. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howell s Family , 2 1 Apr . i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 5535. Howell s t o Joseph A . Howells , 2 9 Apr. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 56. 36. WDH , Years of My Youth, 170-71 , 173 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howell s Family, 2 1 Apr. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 55. 37. WDH , Years of My Youth, 173-74 , 178 ; Howells t o Ann e T . Howells , 2 5 May i860 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Mar y D . Howells , 1 9 June i860 , M S a t Harvard; Rober t Price , "Youn g Howell s Draft s a 'Life' for Lincoln, " Ohio History, 76(1967): 232-46 , 275-77 . 38. W . D . Howells , Life of Abraham Lincoln (i860 ; reprint , Bloomington : Indiana Univ . Press , i960) , 21 , 23-24, 30 , 49, 50-51 . 39. [WDH] , "Letter s fro m th e Country, " OSJ, 1 0 July i860 , reprinte d i n Robert Price , ed. , "Th e Roa d t o Boston: i86 0 Travel Correspondenc e o f Willia m Dean Howells, " Ohio History, 80 (1971): 95-98. 40. Willia m D . Howells , "Niagara , Firs t an d Last, " i n The Niagara Book, by W. D . Howells , Mar k Twain, Nathanie l S . Shaler , e t al. (New York : Doubleday , Page, 1901) , 240 . O n th e romanti c picturesque , se e Davi d Levin , History as Romantic Art: Bancroft, Prescott, Motley, and Parkman (New York : Harcourt , Brac e and World , 1963) , 7-9 . 41. [WDH] , "Glimpse s o f Summe r Travel, " CG, 2 1 July i860 , reprinte d i n Price, "Trave l Correspondence, " 103-4 . 42. Ibid. , 104 ; Howells, "Niagara , Firs t and Last, " 240 , 251-52 ; [WDH], "E n Passant," OSJ, 2 4 July i860 , reprinte d i n Price , "Trave l Correspondence, " 111 12.

43. [WDH] , "Glimpse s o f Summe r Travel, " CG, 2 4 July i860 , reprinte d i n Price, "Trave l Correspondence, " 105-8 ; Howells , "Niagara , Firs t an d Last, " 2 4344. [WDH] , "Glimpse s o f Summe r Travel, " CG, 2 4 July i860 , reprinte d i n Price, "Trave l Correspondence, " 106 ; [WDH], "E n Passant, " OSJ, 2 4 July i860 , reprinted i n Price, "Trave l Correspondence, " 113 . 45. [WDH] , "Glimpse s o f Summe r Travel, " CG, 9 Aug . i860 , reprinte d i n Price, "Trave l Correspondence, " 152 . 46. Henr y Wadswort h Longfellow , "Germa n Writers : Heinric h Heine, " Graham's Lady's and Gentleman's Magazine, 20 (1842): 134 . 47. Fo r thi s allusion , se e WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 16 , 36 . Howells's late r ambivalenc e towar d th e literar y ideal s represente d b y Bosto n i s explored b y Lewi s P . Simpson , "Th e Treaso n o f Willia m Dea n Howells, " The

3

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7. TH E LAYIN G O N O F HAND S

Man of Letters in New England and the South: Essays on the History of the Literary Vocation in America (Baton Rouge : Louisiana Univ . Press , 1973) , 85-128. 48. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 15, 23-25, 26. 49. Ibid. , 26-28 . 50. Ibid. , 51-52 . 51. Ibid. , 35-38 ; Howells to T Villiam C. Howell s Family, 3 Aug. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 57. 52. WDH , Literary Erie ds and Acquaintance, 41-44; Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes, Jr., 1 4 Nov. 186' , Selected Letters, 1: 64. 53. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 44-59 ; James R . Lowel l t o Na thaniel Hawthorne , 5 Aug. i860 , Letters of JamesRussell Lowell, ed. Charle s Elio t Norton (Ne w York : Harper , 1894) , 1 : 305-6 . Emerso n sharpl y delineate d Tho reau's scornfu l treatmen t o f youn g men : "Hi s ow n dealin g wit h [youn g me n o f sensibility] wa s neve r affectionate , bu t superior , didactic , scornin g thei r pett y ways,—very slowl y conceding , o r no t concedin g a t al l the promis e o f hi s society at thei r houses , o r eve n a t hi s own . 'Woul d h e no t wal k wit h them? ' 'H e di d no t know. Ther e wa s nothin g s o importan t t o hi m a s hi s walk ; h e ha d n o walk s t o throw awa y o n company. ' . . . wha t accusin g silences , an d wha t searchin g an d irresistible speeches , batterin g down al l defenses, hi s companions ca n remember! " Whicher, ed. , Selections from Ralph Waldo Emerson, 385-86 . 54. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 50-60 . Fields' s caricatur e o f Emerson i s quote d i n W . S . Tr y on, Parnassus Corner: A Life of James T. Fields, Publisher to the Victorians (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1963) , 185 . Fo r Emerson' s status a s most-favore d author , se e Tryon, Parnassus Corner, 170, 402m O n Low ell's oppositio n t o Transcendenta l Concord , se e Austi n Warren , "Lowel l o n Thoreau," Studies in Philology, 27 (1930): 442-61; Duberman , James Russell Lowell, 171-72. Brahmi n antipath y towar d Emerson' s "unintelligible nonsense" is pointed out i n Tyack, George Ticknor, 151-52. ^ . WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 61-68; [WDH] , " A Hoosier' s Opinion o f Walt Whitman, " Saturday Press, 11 Aug. i860 , reprinte d i n Edwin H . Cady, ed. , W. D. Howells as Critic (London: Routledg e an d Kega n Paul , 1973) , 15; William Winte r t o Howells , 3 Mar. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1 : 55 n . 1 ; Howell s to James T . Fields , 2 2 Aug. i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 58-59; Howell s t o James R . Lowell, 3 1 Aug. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 60-61. 56. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 29 , 195 ; Duberman, James Russell Lowell, 166-67 , 188-92 . 57. [Jame s Russel l Lowell] , revie w o f Venetian Life, by W . D . Howells , North American Review, 10 3 (1866): 610-13. 58. Ibid. , 611 ; James Russel l Lowell , "Cambridg e Thirty Year s Ago," Literary Essays 1, vol. 1 of The Writings of JamesRussell Lowell in Prose and Poetry (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1890) , 65-66 ; Duberman , James Russell Lowell, 158 , passim ; Barbara Mille r Solomon , Ancestors and Immigrants: A Changing New England Tradition (Cambridge: Harvard Univ . Press , 1956) , 1-22 ; R . W . B . Lewis, The American Adam: Innocence, Tragedy and Tradition in the Nineteenth Century (Chicago: Univ . o f Chicago Press , 1955) , 180-91 ; WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 184 ; Oliver

8. TH E PROVINC E O F REASON

3!9

Wendell Holmes , Elsie Venner, vol . 5 of The Works of Oliver Wendell Holmes (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1892) , [i]-6. 59. [WDH] , "Th e Pilot' s Story, " Atlantic Monthly, 6 (i860): 323-25 ; Holmes, Elsie Venner, 5-6 . Fo r Lowell' s concer n fo r "character, " se e Duberman , James Russell Lowell, 66, 252-54 . 60. Jame s R . Lowel l t o Howells , 2 8 July 1864 , Letters of Lowell, 1 : 338. Afte r his retur n t o Columbus , Howell s ha d writte n Lowell , " I remembe r ever y wor d that yo u sai d t o me , an d particularl y al l tha t touchin g m y Heine-leeshore , an d I try t o writ e alway s outsid e o f m y affectio n fo r tha t poet. " Howell s t o James R . Lowell, 1 7 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 71 . 61. Lowell' s positio n wa s clearl y state d i n hi s 185 5 Lowel l Institut e lecture s and elaborate d i n essay s h e wrot e followin g th e Civi l War . Fo r statement s i n hi s Lowell Institut e lectures , se e the ful l versio n o f "Th e Imagination, " reprinte d i n James Russel l Lowell , The Function of the Poet and Other Essays, ed . Alber t Mordel l (Port Washington, N.Y. : Kennikat , 1967) , 68-88; Lowell, Lectures on English Poets, esp. 209-10 . Lowell' s late r statement s ar e discusse d b y Harr y Hayde n Clark , "Lowell's Criticis m o f Romanti c Literature, " Publications of the Modern Language Association, 4 1 (1926) : 200-28 . Jame s Russel l Lowell , "Th e Lif e an d Letter s o f James Gates Percival, " Literary Essays 2, vol. 2 of Writings of Lowell, 156-59 ; James Russell Lowell , "Roussea u an d th e Sentimentalists, " Literary Essays 2, 253-66 . 62. Lowell , "Th e Imagination, " 69 , 71 , 72 , 73-74 ; Lowell , "Percival, " 144 , 157—58, 159 ; Lowell , "Rousseau, " 234 , 250 , 257-58 ; Lowell , Lectures on English Poets, 200-10 .

63. Lowell , "Percival, " 158 . 64. Jame s Russel l Lowell , "Lessing, " Literary Essays 2, 229 ; Jame s Russel l Lowell, " E Pluribu s Unum, " Political Essays, vol . 5 of Writings of Lowell, 71, 74. 65. Duberman , James Russell Lowell, 134-39 , 158 , passim; Leo n Howard , Victorian Knight-Errant: A Study of the Early Career of James Russell Lowell (Berkeley: Univ. o f California Press , 1952) , chaps. 0-10 .

8. The Province of Reason Epigraph: WDH , My Literary Passions, 151 . 1. Jame s R . Lowel l t o Howells , 5 Aug . i860 , Letters of Lowell, 1 : 305 ; Howells t o Jame s R . Lowell , 3 1 Aug . i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 60 ; Howell s t o Victoria M . Howells , 1 8 Sept . i860 , M S a t Harvard ; WDH , Years of My Youth, 181-82.

2. WDH , Years of My Youth, 178-79 ; [WDH], "Loca l Affairs : Change s i n th e State Journal, " OSJ, 2 0 July 1861 ; James R . Lowel l t o Howells , 5 Aug . i860 , Letters of Lowell, 1 : 305. 3. Jame s R . Lowel l t o Howells , 5 Aug. i860 , Letters of Lowell, 1 : 305; James R. Lowel l t o Howells , 1 Dec. i860 , Letters of Lowell, 1 : 307; Howells t o James R . Lowell, 1 4 Dec . i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 67-68; Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes ,

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Jr., 6 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 70; Howells t o James R . Lowell , 1 7 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1:71 . 4. Thes e theme s ar e variousl y treate d i n Haskell , Emergence of Social Science; Bender, Community and Social Change in America; Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women; Nei l Harris , Humbug: The Art of P. T. Barnum (Chicago: Univ . o f Chicago Press , 1973) ; Gross , "Lonesom e i n Eden" ; Carl o Ginzburg , "Clues : Morelli, Freud , an d Sherloc k Holmes, " i n The Sign of the Three: Dupin, Holmes, Peirce, ed. Umbert o Ec o an d Thoma s A . Sebeo k (Bloomington : Indian a Univ . Press, 1983) , 81-118 . Se e esp . Jackso n Lears , "Th e Stabilizatio n o f Sorcery : Antebellum Origin s o f Consume r Culture, " Pape r presente d t o the Organizatio n of American Historian s Annua l Meeting , Philadelphia , 3 Apr. 1987 . 5. Se e Lears's discussion o f spiritua l "weightlessness " and th e urge to intens e experience. No Place of Grace, 41-47 ^ 6. Lowell , "Percival, " 144 ; Duberman, James Russell Lowell, 233; [WDH], " A Book Rea d Yesterday, " revie w o f Ballad of Babie Bell and Other Poems, b y Thoma s B. Aldrich, 47 ; [WDH], "Some Western Poet s of To-day: Wm. Wallac e Harney, " OSJ, 25 Sept. i860 ; [WDH], "Literary," OSJ, 6 Mar. 1861 . 7. Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr. , 1 Sept. i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 61; Howells t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr., 1 4 Nov. i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 64; Howell s to Oliver W . Holmes , Jr., 6 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 70. 8. Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr. , 1 4 Nov. i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 64; Holmes, Elsie Venner, 5-6; [Olive r W . Holmes , Jr.], "Plato," University Quarterly, 2(1860): 216 .

9. Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr. , 1 4 Nov. i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 64; Howells t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr. , 6 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1 : 70. Holmes' s remark i s quote d b y Mar k D e Wolf e Howe , Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes: The Shaping Years, 1841-18/0 (Cambridge: Harvar d Univ . Press , 1957) , 44. 10. Howell s t o Oliver W . Holmes , Jr., 1 Sept. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 62. 11. Holmes , Jr., "Plato, " 217; [Oliver Wendell Holmes , Jr.], "Note s on Alber t Durer," Harvard Magazine, 7 (i860): 41-47 . O n Holmes' s brea k wit h th e philo sophical worl d o f hi s father , se e Mar k D e Wolf e Howe , ed. , Touched with Fire: Civil War Letters and Diary of Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., 1861-1864 (Cambridge : Harvard Univ . Press , 1946) , 23-29 , 70-80 , 122 , 135 , 142-43 ; Howe , Shaping Years, passim ; Frederickson, Inner Civil War, 85 , 169 , 174-75 . 12. Holmes , Jr., "Plato, " 216; Holmes, Jr., "Note s o n Albert Durer, " 45, 47. 13. Leland , Works of Heinrich Heine, 5: 145-46 ; Howells t o Oliver W . Holmes , Jr., 2 5 Nov. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 66. 14. Olive r W . Holmes , Jr., t o Howells, 4 Feb. 1861 , MS a t Harvard . 15. Al l quotation s i n thi s an d th e followin g paragraph s ar e fro m Howell s t o Oliver W . Holmes , Jr., 2 4 Feb. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 72-74. 16. Th e gir l is mentioned neithe r i n family letter s nor i n the Sentinel. 17. [WDH] , "Ne w Publications, " revie w o f Westminster Review (Oct . 1859) , OSJ, 21 Nov. 1859 . 18. Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr., 2 5 Nov . i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 666j; Howell s t o Jame s Russel l Lowell , 1 7 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1 : 71 . O n

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321

Hamilton an d hi s disciples , se e S . A . Grave , The Scottish Philosophy of Common Sense (Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1973) , 126-29 ; Kenneth D . Freeman , The Role of Reason in Religion: A Study of Henry Mansel (The Hague : Martinu s Nijhoff, 1969) . Howell s passe d ove r As a Gray' s elucidatio n o f Darwi n i n th e Atlantic wit h th e ters e reflectio n tha t i t "wil l interes t peopl e concerne d i n th e origin of their species. " [WDH], "Atlanti c fo r October, " OSJ, 22 Sept. i860 . 19. [WDH] , "Literary, " OSJ, 2 8 Aug . i860 ; [WDH] , "Ne w Publications, " review o f th e North American Review (Jan. 1861) , OSJ, 1 4 Jan. 1861 ; Howells t o Oliver W . Holmes , Jr., 2 5 Nov. i860 , Selected Letters', 1 : 66-67; Howells t o Olive r W. Holmes , Jr. , 6 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1 : 70 ; Heine , Travel-Pictures, 122. On Bowe n and Holmes , se e Meyer, Instructed Conscience, 17-29 , 63, 95-97; Howe, Shaping Years, 35, 61-65. 20. Heine , Religion and Philosophy, 172-73 ; Howells t o Oliver W . Holmes , Jr. , 25 Nov . i860 , Selected Letters, 1 : 66; [WDH] , "Atlanti c fo r October, " OSJ, 2 2 Sept. i860 ; [WDH] , "Atlanti c fo r November, " OSJ, 2 3 Oct . i860 ; [WDH] , "Lamartine an d America n Literature, " OSJ, 3 Nov . i860 ; [WDH] , "Literar y Gossip," OSJ, 1 8 Jan. 1861 ; [WDH], " A Curiosit y o f Literature, " OSJ, 5 Apr . 1861.

21. [WDH] , "Literar y Gossip, " OSJ, 1 1 Dec. i860 . 22. [WDH] , "Atlanti c fo r October, " OSJ, 2 2 Sept . i860 ; [WDH] , "Atlanti c for November, " OSJ, 2 3 Oct . i860 ; [WDH] , "Literar y Gossip, " OSJ, 1 8 Jan . 1861.

23. Holmes , Elsie Venner. Howell s side d wit h th e criti c for th e North American Review, who discounte d "th e stupi d cr y o f infidelity " agains t Holme s an d recog nized hi s "large r an d grande r faith. " I n arguin g fo r mercifu l treatmen t o f excep tions, th e reviewe r noted , Holme s ha d neve r denie d a moral universe . Revie w o f Elsie Venner: A Romance of Destiny, b y Olive r Wendel l Holmes , North American Review, 92 (1861) : 587-88; [WDH], revie w o f North American Review (Apr. 1861) , OSJ, 6 Apr. 1861 . 24. Henr y Maudsley , "Edga r Alla n Poe, " Journal of Mental Science, 6 (1859) : 328-69; [WDH] , "Diagnosi s o f a Poet, " OSJ, 2 7 Nov . i860 . Fo r discussio n o f Maudsley, se e Elain e Showalter , The Female Malady: Women, Madness, and English Culture, 1830-1980 (New York : Pantheon, 1985) , 101-20 . 25. WDH , "Diagnosi s o f a Poet." 26. Ibid . 27. Fo r Howells' s readin g o f Schlegel , se e WDH , My Literary Passions, m . Schlegel, Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature, 113-14 ; see Schlegel's ful l discus sion of Greek tragedy , lecture s 5-10 . 28. [WDH] , "Ne w Publications, " revie w o f North British Review (Aug. i860) , OSJ, 5 Sept. i860 . 29. [WDH] , "New Publications, " review of Love and Penalty; or Eternal Punishment Consistent with the Fatherhood of God, b y Joseph P . Thompson , OSJ, 1 9 Dec. i860. 30. [WDH] , "Ne w Publications, " revie w o f Chapters on Wives, b y Mrs . Ellis , OSJ, 2 Mar . 1861 .

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31. [WDH] , "Geoffre y Winter, " Unpublishe d novel , M S a t Harvard , 4 . Ci tations o f "Geoffre y Winter " i n th e followin g paragraph s refe r onl y t o quote d material. 32. Ibid. , 10 , 11 , 26, 50 ; Howells t o Victoria M . Howells , 1 8 Sept. 1859 , M S at Harvard . 33. WDH , "Geoffre y Winter, " 40, 41. 34. Ibid. , 91 , 93, 94, 100-101 , 105 . Howells canceled th e word objective in th e manuscript. 35. Ibid. , 92 , 94, 95-(a-96), 104 . 36. Ibid. , 1 , 7, 16 , 19 , 36a, 107 . 37. Ibid. , 108 , 128 , 202 ; Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr. , 2 4 Feb . 1861 , Selected Letters', 1 : 73. 38. WDH , "Geoffre y Winter, " 204 , (222-223). 39. Ibid. , 207-8 . 40. Ibid. , 72 , (222-223). 41. Ibid. , 59,90-100 , 165 . 42. Ibid. , 189 ; [WDH] , "Ne w Publications, " revie w o f Nemesis, by Maria n Harland, OSJ, 5 Oct . i860 ; [WDH] , "Literary : Ne w Publications, " revie w o f Hopes and Fears; or Scenes from the Life of a Spinster, b y ? , OSJ, 7 Mar. 1861 . 43. WDH , "Geoffre y Winter, " 16 , 213-14 ; Howell s t o Olive r W . Holmes , Jr., 2 5 Nov. i860 , Selected Letters, 1: 66; Howells to Victoria M . Howells , 2 4 Mar. 1861, Selected Letters, 1: 76. 44. [WDH] , "Secession, " OSJ, 2 5 Oct . i860 ; [WDH] , "Expulsio n o f Sout h Carolina," OSJ, 1 7 Nov . i860 . I hav e distinguishe d Howells' s editorial s fro m Price's o n th e basi s o f Howells' s positio n a s "chief " editoria l write r (se e Howell s to Victori a M . Howells , 1 8 Sept . i860 , M S a t Harvard) , hi s greate r fluency o f expression, an d hi s mor e sophisticate d reserv e o f literar y expression . Som e o f Howells's editorials revea l consistencies wit h hi s literary column s an d hi s politica l reporting fo r th e New Yor k World. 45. [WCH] , "Republica n Meeting, " AS, 1 9 Dec . i860 ; [WCH] , "Fro m th e Editor," AS, 6 Feb . 1861 ; [WCH], "Compromis e Canards—Compromise, " AS, 13 Feb. 1861 ; Lowell, " E Pluribus Unum, " 63 , 70, 74. 46. WDH , Years of My Youth, 391 ; [WDH], "I n Dickens ' ne w stor y o f 'Grea t Expectations' . . . , " OSJ, 31 Dec. i860 . 47. WDH , Years of My Youth, 181-82 , 191 ; WDH, Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 70-71; Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 4 Mar . 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 76; Willia m C . Howell s t o James M . Comly , 1 9 Dec . 1862 , James M . Coml y Papers, MS S 130 , M S a t OHS . O n Howell s an d Elinor , se e Ginett e d e B . Merrill, "Th e Meetin g o f Elino r Gertrud e Mea d an d Wil l Howell s an d Thei r Courtship," Old Northwest, 8 (1982): 23-47. 48. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 8; Howell s t o James R . Lowell , 17 Jan. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 71, 72 n . 2 ; James T . Field s t o Howells , 2 0 Sept . 1861, Fields of the Atlantic Monthly: Letters to an Editor, i86i-i8yo, b y Jame s C . Austin (Sa n Marino , Calif. : Huntingto n Library , 1953) , 140 ; [WDH] , "Ne w Publications," revie w o f New York Saturday Press, OSJ, 7 Nov . i860 ; Willia m Winter t o Howells , 3 Mar . 1861 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Victori a M .

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323

Howells, 1 8 Sept . i860 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o John G . Nicolay , 1 3 Mar . 1861, Selected Letters', 1 : 74-75, 7 5 n . 2 ; Howells t o John Hay , 1 0 June 1861 , Life in Letters, 1: 37; [WDH], "Summar y o f News b y Las t Night' s Mai l and Express, " OSJ, 1 1 Jan . 1859 ; [WCH], "Fro m th e Editor, " AS, 1 3 Feb. 1861 ; [WCH], "Fro m the Editor," AS, 2 7 Mar. 1861 . 49. Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 4 Mar. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 75-77. 50. WDH , Years of My Youth, 200-201 ; [WCH] , "Fro m th e Editor, " AS, 1 7 Apr. 1861 ; [WCH], "Fro m th e Editor, " AS, 2 9 Apr . 1861; [WCH], "Fro m th e Editor," AS, 2 May 1861 . 51. [WDH] , "Th e Significanc e o f th e Presen t War, " OSJ, 1 5 Apr . 1861 ; [WCH], "Fro m th e Editor, " AS, 2 4 Apr. 1861; [WCH], "Fro m th e Editor, " AS, 29 Apr. 1861 . 52. Howell s t o Victoria M . Howells , 2 1 Apr. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 77. 53. WDH , Years of My Youth, 106 , 117 , 201-2 , 382-83 ; "Th e 'Jefferso n Guards,' " AS, 2 9 Apr. 1861; "The Gidding s Zouaves, " AS, 6 June 1861; "Ashtabula Count y i n th e Field, " AS, 5 Sept . 1861 ; [WDH], "Wa r Movement s i n Ohio," New Yor k World, 15 May 1861 . 54. Howell s t o Victoria M . Howells , 21 Apr. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 77. ^ . Howell s t o Oliver W . Holmes , Jr., 2 2 May 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 78-79. ^6. [WDH] , "Contributor' s Club, " Atlantic Monthly, 4 5 (1880) : 850-60 . Joh n W. Crowley , "Howells' s Obscur e Hurt, " Journal of American Studies, 9 (1975) : 199-211, discusse s reflection s o f Howells' s guil t i n his later fiction. 57. [WDH] , "Deca y o f Souther n Literature, " OSJ, 3 0 Ma y 1861 ; [WDH] , "Periodicals," OSJ, 2 1 June 1861 ; Howells t o John J. Piatt , 4 Aug . 1861 , Selected Letters, 1 : 81-82 ; [WDH] , "Th e Figh t a t Bethel, " OSJ, 1 2 June 1861 ; [WDH], "Name o f Pierce," OSJ, 1 2 June 1861 . 58. [WDH] , "Ou r Defeat, " OSJ, 23 July 1861 . The actua l Unio n los s i n me n killed a t Manassa s wa s 481 . Se e Alla n Nevins , The War for the Union: The Improvised War, 1861-1862 (Ne w York : Charles Scribner' s Sons , 1959) , 221. 59. WDH , Years of My Youth, 203-5 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 148 ; WDH, Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 72-73, 78-79 ; Howell s t o John G . Nicolay , 2 4 June 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 80-81; Ticknor an d Field s to Howells, 2 7 July 1861 , MS a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 7 Sept. 1861 , Selected Letters, 1: 82-83; Howell s t o Mrs . Samue l M . Smith , 2 8 Sept . 1861 , Selected Letters, 1 : 84; [WDH], Dail y Pocke t Diary , i860 , entr y fo r 2 2 Oct. 1861 , MS a t Harvard .

p. Desperate Leisure Epigraph: WDH , My Literary Passions, 158 . 1. W . D . Howells , Venetian Life, 3 d ed . (Ne w York : Hur d an d Houghton , 1867), 32 , 383 ; William Dea n Howells , Venetian Life (Boston: Houghto n Mifflin , 1907), 409 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 189 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 148 . Th e phrase "friend s wit h fortune " i s quoted i n Cady, Road to Realism, 143. 2. Howells , Venetian Life, 3 d ed., 383 .

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3. Willia m Dea n Howells , "Youn g Contributor s an d Editors, " Youth's Companion, 75 (1901): 267. 4. [WDH] , Diary, Venice , 1861-62 , entry fo r 1 5 Dec. 1861 , MS at Harvard . 5. Ibid. , entrie s fo r 3 Jan., 1 5 Apr. 1862 ; Howells t o Victori a M . Howells , 18 and 2 1 Jan. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 103. 6. WDH , Venetian Life, 3 d ed. , 38 ; Howells t o John J . Piatt , 2 7 Jan. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 108. 7. WDH , Diary , entrie s fo r 1 5 Dec. 1861 , 9 Jan. 1862 ; WDH, Venetian Life, 3ded., 58-59 . 8. WDH , Diary , entrie s fo r 2 7 Jan., 2 4 Mar., 1 6 May 1862 . 9. Ibid. , entrie s fo r 25 , 2 9 Dec . 1861 , 24 , 2 7 Jan., 2 4 Mar. 1862 ; James T . Fields t o Howells , 2 0 Sept . 1861 , Austin , Fields of the Atlantic, 141 ; [WDH] , "Louis Lebeau' s Conversion, " Atlantic Monthly, 1 0 (1862) : 534-38 ; Howell s t o William C . Howells , 1 2 Feb. 1862 , MS a t Harvard ; Howell s t o James R . Lowell , 21 Aug. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 194. 10. WDH , Diary , entrie s fo r 7 , 3 0 Jan., 1 9 Feb., 12 , 18 , 24 , 2 7 Mar., 1 , 19 , 26 Apr . 1862 ; Howell s t o Richar d Hildreth , 2 2 Dec . 1861 , M S a t Harvard ; Howells t o Joh n J . Piatt , 2 7 Jan . 1862 , Selected Letters, 1 : 106-7 ; Howell s t o Richard Hildreth , 1 Feb . 1862 , MS a t Harvard; Howell s t o Victoria M . Howells , 26 Apr. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 114-15. 11. WDH , Diary , entr y fo r 2 4 Jan. 1862 . 12. Ibid. , entr y fo r 2 1 Feb. 1862 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 230-31 ; Howell s to Mar y D . Howells , 4 Mar . 1862 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells, 7 Mar. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 100-10. 13. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 3 June 1862 , Selected Letters, 1 : 116 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 1 Jul y 1862 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o William C . Howells , 1 2 Sept. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 125. 14. WDH , Diary , entr y fo r 2 4 Jan. 1862 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 7 Mar. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: i n . 15. WDH , Venetian Life, 3ded. , 27-39 . 16. Ibid. , 50-51 ; WDH, Diary , entr y fo r 4 Jan. 1862 . 17. WDH , Diary , entr y fo r 3 Jan. 1862 . 18. Howell s t o Moncur e D . Conway , 2 4 Mar . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 145 ; WDH, Diary , entrie s fo r 7 , 8 Jan. 1862 ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 150 , 159 , 162; WDH , Venetian Life, 3 d ed. , 158 . O n Protestan t attractio n t o Catholi c art , see Lears, No Place of Grace, 184-97 , passim . 19. WDH , Venetian Life, 3 d ed. , passim ; WDH , Diary , entr y fo r 1 6 Ma y 186 2; WDH, My Literary Passions, 155 , 158 . 20. Howell s t o John Swinton , 2 2 Oct . 1863 , quote d i n James L . Woodress , Jr., Howells and Italy (Durham , N.C. : Duk e Univ . Press , 1952) , 5 2 n . 9 ; WDH , Venetian Life, 3 d ed., 10 , 15 , passim. 21. Howell s t o Edmund C . Stedman , 1 Feb. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 177. 22. WDH , "Youn g Contributor s an d Editors, " 267 ; WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 85-86; WDH , Diary , entrie s fo r 1 , 2 5 Apr . 1862 ; Howell s t o Victoria M . Howells , 2 6 Apr. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 113; Howells to William C . Howells, 1 1 Jul y 1862 , MS a t Harvard .

9- DESPERAT E LEISUR E

325

23. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 2 Mar . 1862 , M S a t Harvard ; WDH , Diary, entr y fo r 2 4 Mar . 1862 ; William C . Howell s Famil y t o Howells , 5 Nov . 1861, M S a t MHS ; Ann e T . Howell s t o Howells , 1 6 Mar. 1862 , M S a t Alfred ; Anne T . an d Mar y D . Howell s t o Howells , 2 1 May 1862 , MS a t MHS; Howell s to Victori a M . Howells , 2 6 Apr . 1862 , Selected Letters, 1 : 113 ; Howells t o Mar y D. Howells , 3 Aug. 1862 , TS cop y a t Harvard . 24. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 2 2 July 1862 , Selected Letters; 1: 119-21 . 25. Howell s t o ? , 6 Ma y 1862 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells, 1 4 Aug . 1862 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 2 Aug. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 122. 26. [WCH] , "Th e Cincinnat i War, " AS, 1 7 Sept. 1862 ; Roseboom, Civil War Era, 397-99 ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 8 Aug . 1862 , Selected Letters, 1 : 123-24; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 2 Sept . 1862 , Selected Letters, 1 : 124 26. 27. [WCH] , "Town s t o b e Drafted, " AS, 1 7 Sept. 1862 ; [WDH], "Th e Mul berries," Atlantic Monthly, 2 7 (1871): 377-79; Howells t o Victoria M . Howells , 2 2 and 2 3 Oct. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1: 130; WDH, My Literary Passions, 159 . 28. Howell s t o Larki n G . Mead , Sr. , 2 4 Dec . 1862 , Selected Letters, 1 : 132 ; Elinor M . Howell s t o William C . Howells , 4 Jan. 1863 , MS a t Harvard ; Howell s to James L . Graham , Jr., 2 2 Jan. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 133 ; Howells t o Charle s Hale, 3 1 Jan. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 134-35 ; Howells t o William C . Howells , 1 2 and 2 0 Feb. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 137-40 ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 5 Mar. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 140-43 ; Howells t o Moncur e D . Conway , 2 4 Mar . 1863, Selected Letters, 1 : 145 ; Elinor M . Howell s t o Aureli a H . Howells , 1 5 Ma y 1863, M S a t Harvard ; [Elino r M . Howells] , Venetia n Diary , 1863-65 , M S a t Harvard; Howell s t o Edmund C . Stedman , 1 Feb. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 177. 29. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 5 Mar . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 143 ; [WDH], " A Poet, " Dial, 1 (i860): 371 ; Howells t o Mar y D . Howells , 1 8 Apr . 1863, Selected Letters, 1: 148. 30. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 2 2 Dec. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 172. 31. Howell s t o Aureli a H . Howells , 1 8 Ma y 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 150 ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 100 , 273. 32. Charle s Hal e t o Howells , 2 9 Apr. 1863 , MS a t Harvard ; Charle s Hal e t o Howells, 2 6 Ma y 1863 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Mar y D . Howells , 1 8 June 1863, Selected Letters, 1 : 154 ; Howell s t o Moncur e D . Conway , 2 2 Aug . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 155. 33. Fran k E . Foste r t o Howells , 1 May 1862 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Frank E . Foster , n Apr . 1863 , M S a t Univ . o f Souther n Californi a Library , Morse Collection ; Howell s t o Fran k E . Foster , 1 3 Ma y 1863 , M S a t Univ . o f Southern Californi a Library , Mors e Collection . 34. Moncur e D . Conwa y t o Howells , 5 an d 6 Aug . 1863 , M S a t Harvard ; Frank E . Foste r t o Howells , 2 1 Aug. 1863 , MS a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Moncur e D. Conway , 2 2 Aug . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 155 ; Moncur e D . Conwa y t o Howells, 1 3 Sept . 1863 , M S a t Harvard ; Fran k E . Foste r t o Howells , 2 0 Sept . 1863, M S a t Harvard ; Fran k E . Foste r t o Howells , 3 Oct. 1863 , MS a t Harvard ; H. M . Tickno r t o Howells , 6 Oct . 1863 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Charle s

326

9. DESPERAT E LEISUR E

Hale, 2 5 Oct . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 162-64 ; Fran k E . Foste r t o Howells , 3 1 Oct. 1863 , MS at Harvard; Howell s to Charles Hale , 2 Nov. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 164 ; Elino r M . Howells , Venetia n Diary , entr y fo r 6 Nov . 1863 , entr y b y Howells fo r 1 1 Nov. 1863 , MS a t Harvard . 35. Howell s t o Solomo n P . Chase , 3 Oct. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 161 ; Howells to William C . Howells , 1 4 and 1 9 Nov. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 166 ; Howells to Joseph A . Howells , 9 Dec. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 167-68. 36. Howell s t o Josep h A . Howells , 9 Dec . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 168-69 ; Howells t o John G . an d Laur a P . Mitchell , 1 3 and 1 7 Dec. 1863 , Life in Letters, 1: 79-80; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 2 Dec . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 172 ; Howells t o Moncur e D . Conway , 1 6 an d 2 2 Ma y 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 187 ; Elinor M . Howells , Venetia n Diary , entr y b y Howell s fo r 9 Jan. 1864 , M S a t Harvard; [WDH] , "Ordeals, " Unpublished poem , M S a t Harvard . 37. Howell s t o Josep h A . Howells , 9 Dec . 1863 , Selected Letters, 1 : 168-69 ; Howells t o William C . Howells , 2 2 Dec. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 172. 38. Howell s t o Moncur e D . Conway , 2 6 Jan. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1 : 175 ; WDH, My Literary Passions, 162-64 . 39. WDH , My Literary Passions, 162-64 ; Carolin e Wigle y Clive , Paul Ferroll: A Tale, 3d ed. (London : Saunder s an d Otley , 1856) . 40. Charle s Hal e t o Howells , 4 Dec . 1863 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Edmund C . Stedman , 1 Feb . 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 177-78. 41. Howell s t o Edmun d C . Stedman , 1 Feb. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1 : 177 ; Howells t o Harpe r an d Brothers , 2 0 Feb. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 170-80. 42. Elino r M . Howell s t o Mar y D . Howells , 2 7 Feb . 1864 , M S a t Harvard ; [WDH], "Recen t Italia n Comedy, " North American Review, 99 (1864): 364-401 . 43. Elino r M . Howell s an d Howell s t o Ann e T . Howells , 8 Mar. 1864 , M S at Harvard ; Howell s t o Aureli a H . Howells , [2 0 and ? ] May 1864 , Life in Letters, 1: 82-83 ; Elino r M . Howells , Venetia n Diary , entr y fo r 2 1 Ma y 1864 , M S a t Harvard. 44. WDH , "Recen t Italia n Comedy. " 45. Jame s R . Lowel l t o Howells, 2 8 July 1864 , Letters of Lowell,1 : 338; WDH, "The Turnin g Poin t o f M y Life, " 165-66 ; WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 87 ; WDH, "Youn g Contributor s an d Editors, " 267. 46. Willia m C . Howell s t o Elino r M . Howells , 2 8 Apr . 1864 , M ^ a t MHS ; Howells to William C. Howells , 4 May 1864 , MS at Harvard; Howell s to Samue l D. Howells , 1 9 May 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 189; Howells to Aurelia H . Howells , [20 and ? ] May 1864 , Life in Letters, 1: 82-83; Elinor M. Howells , Venetia n Diary , entry fo r 2 1 May 1864 , MS a t Harvard . 47. Howell s t o John B . Howells , 2 Sept. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 156-5 7 n . 1 ; Howells t o William C . Howells , 2 5 May 1864 , MS a t Alfred; [WDH] , "Eleg y o n John Butle r Howells, " AS, 2 9 June 1864 ; Howells t o Ann e T . Howells , 2 0 June 1864, Selected Letters, 1: 190. 48. Howell s t o James R . Lowell , 2 4 Ma y 1864 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o Anne T . Howells , 2 0 June 1864 , Selected Letters, 1 : 191 ; Howell s t o Mar y D . Howells an d Girls , 1 2 and 1 3 July 1864 , MS a t Harvard ; Howell s t o William C .

IO. BOUN D T O TH E HIGHES T AN D TH E LOWES T 32

7

Howells, 2 2 July 1864 , Selected Letters, 1 : 192-93 ; Elino r M . Howells , Venetia n Diary, entr y fo r 2 1 Aug. 1864 , MS a t Harvard . 49. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 2 5 Aug. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 196-99. 50. Ibid, 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid. 54. Howell s t o Joseph A . Howells , 1 3 Sept . 1864 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s to Samuel D . Howells , 2 0 and 2 2 Sept. 1864 , MS at Harvard; Howells to William C. Howells , 6 Oct. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1 : 190-200 ; [WCH], "Enlistments , "AS, 3 Aug. 1864 ; [WCH], "Jefferson, " AS, 3 1 Aug. 1864 . 55. Howell s t o Anne T. Howells , 2 Dec. 1864 , Selected Letters, 1: 204. 56. Howell s t o Ann e T . Howells , 2 Dec. 1864 , M S a t Harvard . M y readin g of thi s passag e differ s fro m th e editors ' readin g i n Selected Letters, 1 : 204 . I rea d endless while the editors rea d useless. 10. Bound to the Highest and the Lowest Epigraph: [WDH] , "Editor' s Study, " Harper's Monthly, 8 0 (1890): 806. 1. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 358 ; Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells, 2 9 Nov. 1874 , Selected Letters, 2: 77; Oliver W . Holme s t o Howells , 1 4 Dec. 1879 , John T . Morse , Jr. , Life and Letters of Oliver Wendell Holmes (Boston : Houghton, Mifflin , 1896) , 1 : 44. 2. W . D . Howells , Suburban Sketches, 2d ed . (Boston : Jame s R . Osgood , 1872), 165 . For satirizatio n o f the aesthetic observer, se e esp. Howells' s sketc h " A Romance of Real Life, " 171-89 , and fo r reference s t o a sense of homelessness, se e esp. hi s sketch "Flitting, " 241-55 . 3. WDH , "Recen t Italia n Comedy," 368 . 4. Howell s to William C. Howells , 1 1 Dec. 1870 , Selected Letters, 1: 361. 5. Henr y War d Beecher , "Th e Advanc e o f a Century," Ne w Yor k Tribune, 4 Jul y 1876 , reprinte d i n Democratic Vistas: 1860-1880, ed. Ala n Trachtenber g (New York : George Braziller , 1970) , 71. 6. Howell s t o Thomas W . Higginson , 1 7 Sept. 1879 , Selected Letters, 2: 238. 7. W . D . Howells , The Undiscovered Country (Boston : Houghton , Mifflin , 1880), 106 .

8. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 1 Feb. 1880 , MS a t Harvard . 9. WDH , Undiscovered Country, 53, 179 . 10. Ibid. , 235-36 .

11. Ibid. , 319 . 12. Ibid. , 419 .

13. Howell s t o Henr y O . Houghton , 1 4 Jan. 1881 , Selected Letters, 2 : 273 ; Howells t o Horace E . Scudder , 8 Feb. 1881 , Selected Letters, 2: 274. 14. Howell s t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 9 Feb . 1880 , Selected Letters, 2 : 245 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 2 8 Nov . 1880 , M S a t Harvard ; Howell s t o

328 IO

. BOUN D TO THE HIGHES T AN D THE LOWES T

Rutherford B . Hayes , 1 Dec. 1880 , M S a t Hayes ; Howell s t o Willia m C . How ells, 2 1 Aug . 1881 , M S a t Harvard ; Elino r M . Howell s t o Olivi a Clemens , 2 6 Aug. 1881 , Mark Twain —Howells Letters: The Correspondence of Samuel L. Clemens and William D. Howells, i8y2-ipio, ed . Henr y Nas h Smit h an d Willia m M . Gibson (Cambridge : Harvar d Univ . Press , i960) , 1 : 367-68 ; Howells t o Samue l L. Clemens , n Sept . 1881 , Twain —Howells Letters, 1 : 373 ; Howells t o Willia m C. Howells , 1 7 July 1881 , MS a t Harvard . 15. Howell s t o James R . Osgood , 1 8 Feb. 1881 , Selected Letters, 2: 277. On th e middle-class idea l of marriage, se e Mintz, A Prison of Expectations, 103-46 . 16. Howell s t o James R . Osgood , 1 8 Feb. 1881 , Selected Letters, 2: 277; W. D . Howells, "Alfieri, " Atlantic Monthly, 3 5 (1875): 547. 17. W . D . Howells , A Modern Instance, ed. Georg e N . Bennett , Davi d J . Nordloh, an d Davi d Kleinma n (Bloomington : Indian a Univ . Press , 1977) , 89, 90. Citations o f A Modern Instance in thi s an d followin g paragraph s refe r onl y t o quoted material . 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid.

, 20-21 , 23 , 27 , 20-30 , 39 . , 13 , 19 . , 96 . , 84 , 101 . , 229 , 304 , 321 , 322 , 330 , 343 , 348 .

2 3. Fo r example s wher e Howell s allowe d hi s narrator' s voic e t o intrud e upo n Bartley's reveries and asser t his damnation, se e Henry Nas h Smith , Democracy and the Novel: Popular Resistance to Classic American Writers (New York : Oxfor d Univ . Press, 1978) , esp. 86-88 . 24. Cady , Realist at War, 210 , ha s establishe d th e probabl e portio n o f th e novel o n whic h Howell s wa s workin g whe n hi s illnes s occurred . Howell s t o William C . Howells , 1 5 Nov. 1881 , Life in Letters, 1: 303-4; Elinor M . Howell s t o Annie A . Fields , 1 0 Dec. 1881 , Selected Letters, 2: 340; Howells t o John Hay , 1 8 Mar. 1882 , Selected Letters, 3: 12; WDH, My Literary Passions, 178 . 2 5. WDH , A Modern Instance, 417 . 26. Ibid. , 204 , 351. 27. Ibid. , 353,416-17 . 28. Ibid. , 361 , 453 . 29. W . D . Howells , The Minister's Charge or the Apprenticeship of Lemuel Barker, ed. Howar d M . Munford , Davi d J. Nordloh , an d Davi d Kleinma n (Bloomington : Indiana Univ . Press , 1978) , 340 ; WDH, A Modern Instance, 418 . 30. WDH , The Minister's Charge, 341 . 31. Howell s t o Georg e W . Curtis , 1 0 Aug . 1887 , Selected Letters, 3 : 194 ; Howells t o Georg e W . Curtis , 1 8 Aug. 1887 , Selected Letters, 3: 193 ; Howells t o Editor o f Ne w Yor k Tribune, 4 Nov . 1887 , Selected Letters, 3 : 199 ; Howell s t o Editor o f Ne w Yor k Tribune, 1 2 Nov . 1887 , Selected Letters, 3 : 201-4 . A recen t assessment o f th e Haymarke t affai r b y Pau l Avric h full y credit s Howells' s cour age. Se e The Haymarket Tragedy (Princeton : Princeto n Univ . Press , 1984) , 301-4 , 339-4132. Howell s t o Ann e Howell s Frechette , 1 8 Nov . 1887 , Selected Letters, 3 : 208; [WDH] , "Editor' s Study, " Harper's Monthly, 7 8 (1888) : 159 ; [WDH] ,

IO. BOUN D TO THE HIGHES T AN D THE LOWES T 32

9

"Editor's Study, " Harper's Monthly, 7 9 (1889) : 479-80 ; WDH , The Minister's Charge, 342 . 33. Howell s t o Henr y James, 2 5 Dec. 1886 , Selected Letters-, 3 : 174 ; Howells t o William C . Howells , 2 0 Feb. 1887 , Selected Letters; 3: 182 ; Howells t o George W . Curtis, 2 7 Feb . 1887 , Selected Letters, 3 : 183 ; [WDH], "Editor' s Study, " Harper's Monthly, 7 8 (1888): 159 ; Howells to Edward E . Hale , 2 8 Oct. 1888 , Selected Letters, 3: 233 . Fo r genera l account s o f Howells' s socia l concern s i n thi s period , se e th e studies cited i n Preface, n . 7 . 34. W . D . Howells , "Th e Ma n o f Letters a s a Man o f Business," Scribner's, 1 4 (1893): 420-45 . Fo r historica l perspectiv e o n th e busines s o f literatur e durin g these years, se e Nelson Lichtenstein , "Authoria l Professionalis m an d th e Literar y Marketplace, 1885-1900, " American Studies, 1 9 (1978) : 35-53 ; Christophe r P . Wilson, "Th e Rhetori c o f Consumption: Mass-Marke t Magazine s an d th e Demis e of th e Gentl e Reader, " i n The Culture of Consumption: Critical Essays in American History, 1880-1980, ed. Richar d Wightma n Fo x an d T . J . Jackso n Lear s (Ne w York: Pantheon , 1983) , 30-64 , 218-221 ; Christophe r P . Wilson , The Labor of Words: Literary Professionalism in the Progressive Era (Athens : Univ . o f Georgi a Press, 1985) . 35. Howell s t o Henr y James , 1 0 Oct . 1888 , Selected Letters, 3 : 232 ; W . D . Howells, A Hazard of New Fortunes, ed. Everet t Carter , Davi d J . Nordloh , Do n L. Cook , James P . Elliott , Davi d Kleinman , an d Rober t D . Schildge n (Blooming ton: Indian a Univ . Press , 1976) , 25 , 27, 28 , 30 , 101 . Citations o f A Hazard of New Fortunes in this and followin g paragraph s refe r onl y t o quoted material . 36. Ibid. , 243 . 37. Ibid. , 55 , 65, 69, 70. 38. Ibid. , 18,67-68 , 180 . 39. Ibid. , 71 , 147. 40. Ibid. , 184 . 41. Ibid. , 306 . 42. Howell s t o William C . Howells , 6 Apr. 1890 , Selected Letters, 3: 278. 4 3. WDH , A Hazard of New Fortunes, 191-92, 194 . 44. Ibid. , 347 . 45. Ibid. , 379 . 46. Th e them e o f forgettin g pose d agains t complicit y i n A Hazard of New Fortunes is noted b y Cady , Realist at War, 110-11 . 47. WDH , A Hazard of New Fortunes, 145, 300 , 324 , 351 , 363. 48. Ibid. , 436-37 . 49. Ibid. , 437 . 50. Ibid. , 260 , 430, 487. 51. WDH , "Bibliographical, " A Hazard of New Fortunes, 5-6. 52. W . D . Howells , "Lyo f N . Tolstoy, " North American Review, 18 8 (1908): 851-52. 53. WDH , The Minister's Charge, 341 . 54. WDH , A Hazard of New Fortunes, 436 . 55. Howell s t o James Parton , 3 Jan. 1890 , Selected Letters, 3: 269; Howells t o Moncure D . Conway , 7 Apr. 1889 , Selected Letters, 3: 250.

33°

EPILOGUE

$6. W . D . Howells , "The Shadow of a Dream" and "An Imperative Duty" ed . Martha Banta , Ronal d Gottesman , an d Davi d J. Nordlo h (Bloomington : Indian a Univ. Press , 1970) , 59. 57. Se e Lears , No Place of Grace; Lasch , Culture of Narcissism; Lear s an d Fox , eds., Culture of Consumption. 58. W . D . Howells , The Altrurian Romances, ed . Clar a an d Rudol f Kir k an d Scott Bennet t (Bloomington : Indian a Univ . Press , 1968) , 246 . Essay s o n th e language o f complicit y includ e W . D . Howells , "Ar e W e a Plutocracy? " North American Review, 15 8 (1894) : 185-96 ; W . D . Howells , "Equalit y a s th e Basi s o f Good Society, " Century, 5 1 (1895) : 63-67 ; W . D . Howells , "Th e Natur e o f Liberty," Forum, 2 0 (1895) : 401-9 ; W . D . Howells , "Wh o Ar e Ou r Brethren, " Century, 5 1 (1896): 932-36. 59. Se e [WDH] , "Th e Editor' s Study, " Harper's Monthly, 8 3 (1891) : 639-4 0 (Garland); W . D . Howells , "Lif e an d Letters, " Harper's Weekly, 40 (1896) : 63 0 (Dunbar); W. D . Howells , "A n Appreciation, " in Stephen Crane , Maggie: A Child of the Streets (London: Willia m Heinemann , 1896) , v-vii ; W . D . Howells , "Ne w York Lo w Lif e i n Fiction, " Ne w Yor k World, 2 6 July 189 6 (Harrigan , Crane , Cahan); W . D . Howells , " A Cas e i n Point, " Literature, n.s. , 1 (1899): 241-4 2 (Norris). 60. W . D . Howells , The Son of Royal Langbrith, ed . Davi d Burrows , Ronal d Gottesman, an d Davi d J . Nordlo h (Bloomington : Indian a Univ . Press , 1969) , 213.

61. Ibid. , 228 ; Howells t o Willia m C . Howells , 1 4 June 1891 , Selected Letters, 3- 3H -

Epilogue 1. Unles s otherwis e noted , al l quotation s i n th e followin g paragraph s ar e from W . D . Howells , "Th e Pearl, " Harper's Monthly, 13 3 (1916): 400-13; William Dean Howells , " A Tal e Untold, " Atlantic Monthly, 12 0 (1917): 236-42. 2. Fo r discussion s o f "Ol d Times " i n thes e terms , se e Smith , Mark Twain, 77-81; Le o Marx , The Machine and the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York : Oxford Univ . Press , 1964) , 320-25. 3. O n Twain' s developmen t betwee n Tom Sawyer and Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, se e Smith, Mark Twain, 113-37 . 4. Howell s ha d use d thi s description t o characterize Hamli n Garland' s MainTravelled Roads. [WDH] , "Th e Editor' s Study, " Harper's Monthly, 8 3 (1891): 639. 5. W . D . Howells , "Lyo f Tolstoi, " Harper's Weekly, 31 (1887): 300.

Attributions, Permissions, and ^Ngtes for illustrations

(Attributions an d permission s ar e placed first followe d b y notes. ) i. W . D . Howells , Years of My Youth, illustrated ed . (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers, 1917) , facin g 22 ; Clifto n Johnson , Prefac e t o Years of My Youth, illus trated ed. , b y WDH , [viii] ; WDH, A Boy's Town, 37-38 . 2. Fro m Willia m Dea n Howell s Collection , G A 20 , b y permissio n o f th e Rutherford B . Haye s Presidentia l Center ; WDH , Years of My Youth, 25-26 . 3. WDH , Years of My Youth, illustrate d ed. , facin g 54 ; Johnson, Prefac e t o Years of My Youth, illustrate d ed. , b y WDH , [vi-vii] ; WDH , Years of My Youth, 52.

4. Fro m Willia m Dea n Howell s Collection , G A 20 , b y permissio n o f th e Rutherford B . Hayes Presidentia l Center ; WDH, Years of My Youth, 101. 5. B y permissio n o f th e Houghto n Library , Harvar d University ; WDH , My Literary Passions, 73 . Howells's daughte r Mildre d note d Howells' s ag e as eightee n and identifie d hi s companions a s Goodrich an d Miller on a copy of the photograp h at Harvard . Mildre d date d th e photograp h 185 6 whe n sh e include d i t i n Life in Letters, 1: facing 10 . Howells signed an d added th e year 185 6 on a cropped portrai t of himself take n fro m thi s photograph, a t Hayes . 6. Mino t S . Giddings , The Giddings Family: or, the Descendants of George Giddings, who came from St. Albans, England, to Ipswich, Mass., in 1636 (Hartford , Conn.: Case , Lockwoo d an d Brainard , 1882) , facin g 150 ; [WCH], "Deat h o f Mr . Giddings," AS, n.d . (ca . 2 6 May 1864) , i n Joshua R . Gidding s Scrapbook , 1800 1864, Joshua R . Gidding s Papers , MI C 7 , a t O H S . 7. Albu m fo r Mrs . P . H . Rickelson , 1864 . Courtesy , Th e Winterthu r Li brary, Joseph Down s Collectio n o f Manuscripts an d Printe d Ephemera . 8. Fro m Howells/Frechett e Collection , b y permissio n o f th e Herric k Memo 331

332 ATTRIBUTIONS

, PERMISSIONS , AN D NOTE S

rial Library , Alfre d University ; WDH , Introductio n t o Recollections of Life in Ohio, by WCH , vii . 9. Fro m H o wells/Frechette Collection , b y permissio n o f the Herric k Memo rial Library , Alfre d University ; Mar y D . Howell s t o Victori a M . Howells , 2 9 Oct. [1857] , MS a t Alfred . 10. Fro m Howells/Frechett e Collection , b y permissio n o f the Herric k Memo rial Library , Alfre d University ; Joseph A . Howell s t o Ann e Howell s Frechette , 29 Mar. 1911 , TS a t Alfred; WDH , Years of My Youth, 98; Howells t o Aurelia H . Howells, 2 1 Jul y 1915 , Selected Letters, 6 : 82 ; Johnson, Prefac e t o Years of My Youth, illustrated ed. , b y WDH , [ix] . 11. Fro m Howells/Frechett e Collection , b y permissio n o f the Herric k Memo rial Library , Alfre d University ; Aureli a H . Howells , "Pape r o n Willia m Dea n Howells," n.d. , T S a t Harvard ; [Joh n Greenlea f Whittier] , The Poetical Works of Whittier (1894; reprint, Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1975) , 403; WDH, Years of My Youth, 109 ; Howells t o Aurelia H . Howells , 9 Jan. 1887 , Selected Letters, 3: 17 8 n. 2; Clara and Rudol f Kirk , " 'Th e Howell s Family,' b y Richar d J. H'mton," Journal of the Rutgers University Library, 1 4 (1950): 19. 12. Fro m Howells/Frechett e Collection , b y permissio n o f the Herric k Memo rial Library , Alfre d University ; Ann e Howell s Frechette , 2 d draf t o f a n untitle d speech concerning William Dea n Howells , 3 , MS a t Alfred . 13. Fro m Howells/Frechett e Collection , b y permissio n o f the Herric k Memo rial Library, Alfre d University ; Ann e T. Howells , Journal, 1863-67 , entry fo r 1 0 July [1863] , 4-5. 14. Fro m Howells/Frechett e Collection , b y permissio n o f the Herric k Memo rial Library , Alfre d University ; Ann e Howell s Frechette , 2 d draft , 6 , M S a t Alfred. 15. B y permissio n o f th e Houghto n Library , Harvar d University ; Howell s t o John B . Howells, 2 Sept. 1863 , Selected Letters, 1: 157. 16. B y permissio n o f th e Houghto n Library , Harvar d University ; [WDH] , "The Ghost-Maker, " unpublishe d shor t story , 10-20 , M S a t Harvard . A t leas t part o f thi s stor y wa s writte n i n Venice . A portio n o f i t i s i n th e han d o f Elino r Howells. 17. W . D . Howells , Literary Friends and Acquaintance: A Personal Retrospect of American Authorship, illustrate d ed . (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1901) , facing 212 ; WDH, Literary Friends and Acquaintance, 29 , 194 . 18. B y permissio n o f th e Houghto n Library , Harvar d University ; Howell s t o John J . Piatt , 2 7 Jan. 1862 , Selected Letters, 1 : 108 . Althoug h Mildre d Howell s dated thi s photograp h 1864-65 whe n sh e include d i t i n Life in Letters, 1 : [91], comparison wit h Howells' s physica l feature s i n othe r Venic e photograph s sug gests that i t was taken earlier . 19. WDH , Literary Friends and Acquaintance, illustrate d ed. , facin g 90 ; WDH , Venetian Life, 3 d ed., 90-100 . 20. B y permissio n o f th e Houghto n Library , Harvar d University ; Elino r M . Howells, Venetia n Diary , entrie s fo r 1 July , 9 , 18 , 1 9 Aug. 1863 , 3 Dec. 1864 , passim, M S a t Harvard . A cop y o f th e photograp h a t Harvar d i s dated 186 5 b y Mildred Howells .

ATTRIBUTIONS, PERMISSIONS , AN D NOTES 33

3

21. Fro m Howells/Frechett e Collection , b y permissio n o f the Herric k Memo rial Library , Alfre d University ; [WCH] , "T o th e Voter s o f Ashtabul a County, " AS, 1 Sept. 1861 ; [WCH], "T o th e Voter s o f Ashtabul a County, " AS, 1 9 Sept . 1861; [WCH] , "President' s Proclamation, " AS, 1 Oct . 1862 ; [WCH] , "Unio n Ticket/MS, 7 Oct. 1863 ; [WCH], "From th e Editor/MS , 2 2 Feb. 1864 . 22. B y permissio n o f th e Houghto n Library , Harvar d University ; th e photo graph i s date d i n [Elino r M . Howells] , Pocke t Diar y an d Memorandu m Book , 4 Feb. 186 3 to 8 Aug. 1869 , MS a t Harvard . 23. Photogravur e mad e b y Elso n Photogravure , Boston , i n W . D . Howells , The Coast of Bohemia (1893; reprint , Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1899) , frontispiece.

Index

Abbreviation use d herein : WD H fo r Willia m Dean Howell s Abolitionism, 24 , 103 , 175 , 207 , 31 6 Aeschylus, 20 4 Alger, Horatio , 30 2 Allen, D . C , 82 , 9 5 Antislavery, xvii , 4 , 18-19 , 24 , 35 , 37-38 , 43, 53-54 , 58 , 65, 66-68 , 71 , 73, 75, 79, 80 , 82 , 83 , 95-98, 103-4 , 106 , 119 21, 122 , 124 , 125 , 139-40 , 152 , 163 , 173-76, 189 , 207 , 211 , 212, 213 , 229, 233, 236 , 257 , 262 , 316 . See also Aboli tionism; Radica l Republicanis m Astor, Joh n Jacob, 1 3 Atlantic Monthly, 141 , 143 , 156 , 157 , 166 , 168, 170 , 172 , 176 , 177 , 184 , 185 , 186 , 189, 198 , 202 , 212 , 215 , 216 , 222 , 233 , 235, 247 , 250 , 32 1 Autonomous individualism , 12-13 , 16 , 17-18, 19 , 25-26 , 57 , 59 , 100 , 138 , 167 , 258. See also Self-mad e man ; Self-suffi ciency; Succes s etho s an d tale s Autonomy, individual , 14-15 , 56 , 67 , 73, 76, 109 , 111 , 162 , 185 , 195 , 204 , 210 , 216, 229 , 249 , 250 , 251 , 254, 257 , 258 , 289-90. See also Self-control Babb, Edmund , 104 , 105 , 10 6 Barnum, P . T. , 13 , 153 , 19 5 Beard, George , 56 , 5 7

Beecher, Henr y Ward , 234 , 248 ; Lectures to Young Men, 1 9 Bennett, Emerson , 63 , 81 , 152 , 31 8 Birney, James , Philanthropist, 24 Blackstone, William , Commentaries, 9 1 Blackwood's, 9 1 Blum, Robert , 175-7 6 Bonner, Robert , 152 , 153 , 31 3 Borne, Ludwig , 108 , 18 4 Boston Advertiser, 89 , 232 , 23 9 Boston, Massachusetts , literar y scen e in , \65-66, 167-68 , 183-8 7 Bowen, Francis , 20 0 Bowers, David , 70-71 , 7 2 Bronte, Charlotte , Jane Eyre, 3 9 Brooke, Hunter , 120 , 12 1 Brooks, Preston , 96 , 10 4 Browning, Robert , 141 , 14 2 Brown, John, 173-76 , 180 , 18 6 Brown, Thomas , 10 6 Bryant, Willia m C , 9 1 Buchanan, James , 9 7 Bulwer, -Lytton , Edward , 102 , 198 , 20 1 Burns, Robert , 2 9 Byron, Georg e Gordon , 114-1 5 Cadwell, Darius , 103- 4 Cahan, Abraham , 26 8

335

336

INDEX

Cervantes, Migue l de , 44 , 55, 63 , 80 , 27 2 Chase, [Catherin e (Kate) , 14 4 Chase, Solomo n P. , 95 , 119 , 14 4 Childhood (stag e o f life) , xvi , 4 - 5 , 295 ; and developmen t o f conscience , 5 Cincinnati Commercial, 12 1 Cincinnati Gazette, 48, 96 , 101 , 103 , 104 5, 106 , 116 , 119 , 124 , 19 4 Civilized morality , xvi , 16 , 20 , 57 , 137 , 139, 141 , 249, 251 , 255, 256 , 284-85 , 289; an d conscience , 21 ; and gende r roles, 137-39 , 249 , 285 ; and self-control , xvi, 15-16 , 19 , 25-26 , 42 , 56, 51, 59 , 84, 100 , 249 , 250 , 251 , 252, 255 , 284 86, 289 , 299-300 , 302 , 303; and sexua l self-control, 42 , 250 , 285-86 , 303; and success, xvi . See also Gende r ideal s an d roles; Middl e clas s Clapp, Henry , 16 7 Clare, Ada , 16 7 Cleveland Herald, 119 Clive, Carolin e Wigley , 23 7 Cobb, Sylvanus , 15 2 Coggeshall, Willia m T. , 164-65 , 17 3 Colby, Celestia , 6 3 Columbus Ohio State Journal, 37 , 48, 49, 125, 137 , 139 , 143 , 144 , 146 , 150 , 155 , 157, 165 , 170-71 , 176 , 179 , 180 , 194 , 199, 200 , 211 , 213, 215 , 21 6 Comeouters, 10 3 Comly, Jame s M. , 141-42 , 145 , 21 4 Conneaut, Ohio , Reporter, 54 , 82 , 95 Cooke, Henr y D. , 139 , 157 , 170 , 172 , 179, 19 4 Coppac, Barclay , 18 0 Cornhill Magazine, 142 Corwin, Thomas , 3 3 Crane, Stephen , 26 8 Cummins, Maria , 15 0 Curtis, Georg e W. , 73-74 , 97-98 , 160 ; "The Dut y o f th e America n Schola r t o Politics an d th e Times, " 97-98 ; Potiphar Papers, 7 4 Dante, Alighieri , 205 , 22 6 Darwinism, xviii , 200 , 261 , 321 Dayton Journal, 3 8 Dayton Transcript, 38, 42 Dean, Alexande r (uncl e o f WDH) , 4 4

Dean, Dun e (cousi n o f WDH) , 107 , 11 5 Dean, John (grandfathe r o f WDH) , 22 , 7 2 Dean, Samue l (uncl e o f WDH) , 117 , 12 2 Democratic party , 33 , 63, 75 , 82 , 97 , 103 4, 106 , 119 , 120 , 121 , 236, 25 4 De Quincey , Thomas , 102 , 119 ; Klosterheim, 171 Dickens, Charles , 62 , 73 , 77 , 84 , 91 , 132 , 140, 144 , 201 , 202; Bleak House, 80 ; Great Expectations, 20 1 Domesticity. See Gende r ideal s an d roles , female Douglas, Stephen , 67 , 68 , 7 5 Dunbar, Pau l Laurence , 26 8 Durer, Albrecht , 19 7 Dwight, Theodore , The Father's Book, 16 Eliot, George , 107 , 113 , 237 ; Adam Bede, 145, \l\,Romola, 23 7 Emerson, Ralp h Waldo , 112-13 , 166 , 168 , 173, 174 , 186 ; conception o f th e poet , 112-13 Erikson, Erik : origin s o f conscience , 4-5 , 280-81; ideology , 278 ; identity crisi s o f youth, xvi , xviii , 278-79 ; vocation , 278 , 279, 280-8 1 Euripides, 204 ; Medea, 223 Everett, Edward , 15 3 Family, change s i n natur e of : middle-class , xvii, 28 , 35 , 36 ; working-class, 28 , 3 6 Fassett, Henry , 5 3 Fern, Fann y (pseudony m o f Sara h Pa y son Willis), 150 , 152 , 15 5 Fields, James T. , 185 , 186 , 187 , 212 , 22 2 Forbes, John Murray , 16 8 Forrest, Edwin , 15 4 Foster, Frank , 179 , 194 , 232-33 , 23 7 Frankenstein, Godfrey , 18 2 Frechette, Ann e Thoma s Howell s (siste r o f WDH). See Ann e T . Howell s Frechette, Mari e M . (Vevie , niec e of WDH), 19-2 0 Free Soi l party , 38 , 53 , 54 , 6 7 Fremont, Joh n C , 9 7 Freud, Sigmund , 6- 7 Frisk, Zephyr , 15 4 Fullerton, Artemu s T. , 141 , 142 , 143 , 144, 14 5

INDEX Garland, Hamlin , 26 8 Gender ideal s an d roles : female , 137-39 , 143, 147 , 151-52 , 226 , 249 , 252 , 293; male, 138 , 139 , 140-41 , 142 , 143-44 , 146, 160 , 211 , 215 Giddings, Joshua R. , 54 , 57-58 , 65 , 66, 67, 68 , 69 , 73 , 78-79 , 82 , 95 , 165 , 173 , 212, 257 , 26 2 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang , 11 9 Goldoni, Carlo , 227 , 23 8 Goodrich, William , 62 , 63 , 64, 75 , 84 , 9 2 Gray, Asa , 32 1 Greeley, Horace , 29 , 28 9 Greene, Harvey , 9 7 Hale, Charles , 232 , 23 7 Halleck, Fitz-Greene , "Marc o Bozzaris, " 30 Hamilton, Gai l (pseudony m o f Mar y Abi gail Dodge) , 17 7 Hamilton, Ohio , Intelligencer, 23 , 33 , 38 , 70 Hamilton, William , 20 0 Harper's Monthly, 201 , 238 Harrigan, Edward , 26 8 Harris (loca l reporte r a t Ohio State Journal), 140, 176 , 17 7 Hawthorne, Nathaniel , 185 , 186 , 198 , 201, 204 , 209 ; The Marble Faun, 178 , 18 6 Heine, Heinrich , 107-14 , 119 , 120 , 124 , 125, 140 , 141 , 143 , 145 , 163 , 165 , 168 , 171, 183 , 184 , 189 , 194-95 , 200-1 , 219 , 226, 230 , 248 , 262 , 305 ; "Am ferne n Horizonte," 116 ; and individua l auton omy, 109 , 111 ; Buck der Lieder, 162, 305 ; Florentinische Nachte, 111 ; Zur Geschichte der Religion und Philosophie in Deutchland, 200-01, 307 , 308 ; Die Harzreise, 108, 109, 111 , 118 ; Die Heimkehr, 116 ; poetpersona of , 108-9 , 113-14 , 115 , 116 , 118, 163 , 166 , 183 , 189 , 191 , 195 , 196 , 197, 201 , 205, 206 , 305-8 ; Reisebilder, 106, 109 , 111 , 114 , 122 , 155 , 305 ; Die Romantische Schule, 306-7; an d self-suffi ciency, 112 , 115 , 117 , 121 ; "Das Skla venschiff," 111 ; Sehnsucht (romanti c atti tude o f vai n yearning ) 114 , 116 , 123 , 124, 156 , 162 , 163 , 168 , 181 , 183 , 191; Stimmungsbrechung or "brea k o f voice, "

337

114, 124 , 168 , 181 ; and subjectivity , 113, 114 , 166 , 189 , 191 , 196 , 205 , 206 , 307-8; visio n o f universa l history , 113 15, 116 , 30 6 Hildreth, Richard , 222 , 22 8 Holmes, Olive r Wendell , 166 , 168 , 185 , 187, 196 , 198 , 201 , 202, 203 , 205 , 209 , 247, 321 ; "The Autocra t o f th e Breakfas t Table," 157 ; "The Professor' s Story " (Elsie Venner), 198, 202 , 203 , 32 1 Holmes, Olive r Wendell , Jr., 185-86 , 195-98, 200 , 201 , 208, 214 ; "Notes o n Albert Durer, " 197 ; "Plato," 19 7 Home leaving , xvii , xviii , 14 , 58 , 100-101 , 150, 293 , 302- 3 Howells, Ann e T . [Frechette ] (siste r o f WDH), 14-15 , 38 , 132 , 133 , 134 , 148 , 231, 238 , 24 0 Howells, Aureli a H . (siste r o f WDH) , 23 , 72, 132 , 137 , 138 , 14 8 Howells, Edwar d (cousi n o f WDH) , 2 4 Howells, Elino r Mea d (wif e o f WDH) , 212, 222-23 , 229 , 230-31 , 232 , 234 ,

237, 238 , 240 , 25 4 Howells, Henr y I . (brothe r o f WDH) , 47 , 131, 134 , 21 3 Howells, Israe l F . (uncl e o f WDH) , 39 , 45, 47 , 7 0 Howells, John B . (brothe r o f WDH) , 38 , 135, 148 , 230 , 233 , 240 , 24 1 Howells, Joseph (grandfathe r o f WDH) , 10-11, 13 , 14 , 15 , 20-21 , 23-24 , 48 , 63, 70 , 9 9 Howells, Joseph A . (brothe r o f WDH) , 22, 27 , 36 , 37 , 43 , 45, 47 , 54 , 59-60 , 61, 63-64 , 72 , 91 , 92, 95 , 99 , 104 , 130 , 148, 178 , 228 , 230 , 235 , 24 1 Howells, Joseph, Jr . (uncl e o f WDH) , 7 3 Howells, Mar y Dea n (mothe r o f WDH) , 3, 4 , 7 , 10 , 11 , 35-36 , 54 , 58 , 61 , 72, 107, 128 , 148 , 171 , 228-29, 231 ; and fragility o f life , 291 ; homesickness, 24 , 41, 45 , 47 , 71 , 99; early year s o f mar riage, 11 , 22-25; and Methodism , 22 , 23-24, 39 , 291 ; middle-class aspirations , 39-40, 44 ; separation anxieties , 22 , 24 25, 12 8 Howells, Samue l D . (brothe r o f WDH) , 23, 132 , 148 , 230 , 233 , 235 , 237 , 24 0

338

INDEX

Howells, Victori a M . (siste r o f WDH) , 23 , 94-95, 96 , 101-2 , 106 , 116 , 121 , 129 , 131, 132 , 145 , 146 , 147-48 , 160 , 165 , 170, 171 , 173 , 194 , 212-13 , 214 , 219 , 228, 230 , 23 1 Howells, Willia m Coope r (fathe r o f WDH), 10 , 11 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 29 , 35-36 , 44, 45 , 55-56, 58 , 70 , 83 , 99, 101 , 106 , 120, 124 , 147 , 148 , 171 , 172 , 173 , 174 , 175, 198 , 212 , 223 , 224 , 229 , 240 , 241, 248, 291 ; antislavery activities , 4 , 18-19 , 24, 37-38 , 43 , 53-54 , 67-68 , 75 , 95, 163, 174-75 , 213 , 236 ; and autonomou s individualism, 13 , 17-18 ; and individua l autonomy, 67 , 76 , 289-90 ; child-rearin g ideals, 4 , 7 , 8 , 16 , 19-21 ; curiosity , 8 , 9; early caree r a s printe r an d editor , 1 1 12, 22-23 , 24 ; early publishin g ven tures, 11 , 13 , 33 ; ideal o f famil y life , 22 , 30; and Fre e Soi l party , 38 , 53-54 ; o n Fourierism, 292 ; on gende r ideal s an d roles, 138 , 211 ; hypochondria, 56, 72 ; on Joshua R . Giddings , 69 , 257 ; stud y of medicine , 72 ; and Methodism , 14 , 16 , 20, 23-24 ; belie f i n a moral universe , xviii, 17 , 67, 76-77 , 175 ; optimism, 3 , 11, 12 , 17 , 23 , 33 , 35 , 61, 125 , 128 ; and Owenism, 11 , 20; love o f poetry , 29-30 , 33-34; literar y interests , 11 , 29-30, 33 34; ambivalence towar d WDH' s literar y aspirations, 34-35 , 60 , 72 ; radical cri tique o f nationa l market , 40 , 43 ; and Re publican party , 19 , 67, 75 , 95, 96 , 97 , 163, 174-75 , 213 , 236 , 316 ; The Retina, 17, 19 , 30 , 33 , 289 , 291 ; and self-con trol, 18 , 36 ; belief i n self-help , 34 , 59 , 60, 72 , 75 , 76 , 79-80 , 289-90 ; on self ishness an d self-love , 17-18 , 21 , 68, 175; and self-sufficiency , 34 ; ideal o f success, 11-12 , 13 , 16 , 21 , 34 , 35 ; and Swedenborgianism, 4 , 10 , 17-19 , 20 , 22, 23-24 , 27 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 36 , 39, 40 , 43 , 67 , 76-77 , 175 , 289 , 291; and Unio n party , 236 ; ideal o f useful ness, 18-19 , 27 , 30 , 32 , 40 , 67 , 175 ; and Whig party , 18 , 23 , 33 , 35 , 37-38 , 4 3 HOWELLS, WILLIA M DEA N

and analytica l fiction, 198 , 201-2 , 205 6, 209 , 21 2 as antislavery an d radica l Republica n ag -

itator, xvii-xviii , 95-98 , 103-4 , 106 , 119-21, 122 , 124 , 125 , 139-40 , 152 , 163, 173-76 , 189 , 211 , 212, 213-14 , 215-16, 229 , 257 , 31 6 and autonomou s individualism , 59 , 25 8 autonomy, individual , 73 , 111 , 185 , 195 , 210, 216 , 229 , 249 , 250 , 251 , 254, 257, 25 8 birth an d infancy , circumstance s of , 16 , 22-23 childhood trauma s an d fears , 4 , 5-10 , 24-25, 58-5 9 complicity, ethi c of , 256-58 , 261 , 263— 64, 268 , 275 ; posed agains t forgetting , 264, 265 , 26 8 conscience of , xvi-xvii , 5-10 , 21 , 25 26, 70 , 89 , 111-12 , 146 , 147 , 214-15 , 228, 229-30 , 233 , 235 , 239 , 240 , 241, 242, 255 , 268 , 274 , 27 5 and crisi s o f th e 1880 s an d 1890s , xviii xix, 257-7 0 dancing i n chains , imag e of , 110 , 111 12, 257 , 26 6 and Darwinism , xviii , 200 , 32 1 death, youthfu l fea r o f an d attitud e toward, 68 , 70 , 170 , 171 , 177-78 , 198-99, 20 8 destiny, conceptio n of , 204-5 , 223 , 25 1 desultory world , perceptio n o f a , xviii , 76-77, 101 , 110 , 111 , 118 , 124 , 162 , 186, 203 , 210 , 219 , 230 , 237 , 243, 250, 251 , 254, 255 , 261 , 266, 268 . See also WDH : literar y personae , Hein esque; WDH : belie f i n a moral uni verse; WDH: an d analytica l fiction double life , sens e o f livin g a , 29 , 37 , 42, 49, 80 , 145-4 6 dream o f marchin g men , 21 5 Emerson, Ralp h Waldo , attitud e toward , 112-13 as family hope , 29 , 35 , 37 , 42, 43 , 45, 46, 47 , 55, 59, 60, 163 , 25 5 family relationships : wit h grandfather , 21, 23 , 48; with father , xviii , 4 , 7 , 8 10, 16 , 21 , 29, 31-35 , 36-37 , 38 , 48, 55-56, 58-59 , 60 , 72 , 73 , 75 , 76-77 , 83, 96 , 101 , 106 , 120 , 124 , 125 , 128 , 174-75, 211 , 212, 213-14 , 229 , 241 42; wit h mother , 4 , 7 , 8 , 24-25 , 4 5 47, 107 , 228-29 , 293 ; with brothe r Jo-

INDEX seph, 27 , 37 , 47, 59-60 , 61 , 63-64 , 91, 92 , 95 , 130 , 148 , 178-79 , 228 , 230; with siste r Victoria , 94-95 , 96 , 101-2, 132 , 147-48 , 171 , 212-13; with younge r brother s an d sisters , 132, 134 , 135 , 148 , 228 , 229 , 230 , 233, 235 , 240 , 241-4 2 formal education , desir e for , 59-6 0 gender ideal s and conflicts , xviii , 138-39 , 140, 141 , 142 , 145-46 , 152-63 , 199 , 199, 207-8 , 211 , 215, 220 , 226 , 227 , 248 gentleman, conceptio n of , 218 , 22 7 glory, idea l of , 6 , 16 , 27 , 4 8 and Haymarke t anarchists , 257 , 26 2 home-leaving anxietie s an d difficulties , xvii, xviii , 44-47 , 101 , 106-7 , 108-9 , 116, 117-22 , 137 , 146 , 206 , 24 8 homesickness, 45-47 , 72 , 106 , 107 , 170 , 222, 223 , 228 , 29 3 hydrophobia, fea r of , 3 , 8 , 55-56, 70 , 71, 72 , 73 , 75 hypochondria, xvii , 56 , 58 , 72, 73 , 76, 80, 87, 170 , 178 , 223 , 224 , 229 , 240 , 24 2 identity crisis , 7 6 illness: during choler a epidemic , 39 ; headache, 93 ; rheumatic fever , 60 , 117 ; vertigo, xvii , 118 , 120 , 121 , 124 , 251; diphtheria, 171 ; in Venice , 223-2 4 illness an d psychologica l fragilit y a s covert mean s o f negotiatio n i n family , 46-47, 72 , 117 , 163 , 171 , 229, 241-4 2 journalism career : i n Jefferson, 95-96 , 107; in Cincinnati , 104-6 ; i n Colum bus, 101-3 , 119-21 , 125 , 139-40 , 145, 148 , 152 , 157 , 170-71 , 172 , 173 , 175-76, 179 , 194 , 211 , 213, 215-16 ; in Ne w York , 24 7 law study , 91-9 2 literary ideals : Alexande r Pope , 49 , 55, 65, 90 , 108 , 109 , 110 ; Alfred Tenny son, 94-95 , 108 , 109 , 112 ; Heinric h Heine, 107-15 , 122 , 123 , 125 , 140 , 141, 143 , 156 , 163 , 197 ; Leo Tolstoy , 257, 265 , 275 . See also Heinric h Hein e literary personae : I k Marvel , 74 , 299 ; Thackeray's snob , 75 ; Heinesque , 114, 115 , 116 , 146 , 156 , 158 , 162 , 163, 166 , 168 , 169 , 170 , 177 , 181 , 183, 189 , 194-95 , 196 , 197 , 198 , 201,

339

205, 206 , 207 , 209 , 212 , 216 , 219 , 222, 224 , 225-26 , 227 , 230 , 231 , 237, 239, 243 , 248 , 319 ; cast-iron boy , 147 , 150, 157 , 163 ; sentimental idler , 160 63, 176 , 180-81 , 183 , 207 , 220 , 226 , 248; Basi l March , 259 . See also WDH. literary ideals , Heinric h Heine ; Hein rich Hein e literary pseudonyms : Chispa , 117-18 ; Geoffrey Constant , 11 7 literary reputation , x v literary study , 34 , 36-37 , 39 , 43-44 , 46 , 47, 49 , 55, 59 , 60-62 , 63 , 68 , 71 , 72, 73, 107-8 , 116 , 117 , 119 , 120 , 121 , 193-94, 222 , 224 , 231 , 238, 27 2 and literar y vocation , xvii , 27-28 , 29 35, 36-37 , 38-39 , 43-44 , 47-50 , 55 , 59, 60-62 , 68 , 70 , 71 , 72, 73-76 , 80 95, 97-98 , 105 , 107-15 , 140 , 141 , 142, 143 , 144 , 145 , 146-47 , 148 , 165 66, 167 , 171-73 , 175-77 , 178 , 181 , 183, 187 , 192 , 193 , 212 , 222 , 227 , 229, 231 , 237-38, 248-49 , 254;an d women supporters , 94-95 , 102 , 145 , 146, 148 , 159-60 , 163 , 249 ; and fem inization, 139 , 142 , 145-46 , 149 , 152 63, 177 , 184 , 199 , 207-8 , 226 , 227 ; as masculine endeavor , 143-44 , 152-53 , 162-63, 175-76 ; a s mean s o f mora l usefulness an d atonement , xvii , xviii , 29, 32-33 , 35 , 48, 50 , 67 , 71 , 73 , 74 , 89, 90 , 110 , 115 , 146 , 150 , 152 , 153 , 157, 160 , 161 , 163 , 178 , 184 , 235 , 237, 242 , 249 , 251 , 255, 257-58 , 268 , 274-75; a s evidenc e o f selfishnes s o r self-love, xvii , 28 , 29 , 30-32 , 35 , 42, 48, 68 , 71 , 111-12 , 146 , 147-49 , 153 , 163, 194 , 213 , 235 , 237 , 255 ; and mass audience , 153-57 , 160-63 , 209 10, 232-33 , 237-3 8 Lowell, James Russell , relationshi p with, 184-85 , 186-87 , 188 , 189 , 190 , 192, 193 , 194 , 216 , 226 , 227-28 , 230 , 237, 238-39 , 240 , 241 , 242, 247 , 31 9 as middle-clas s writer , xv-xvi , 248-49 , 251, 27 3 moral universe , belie f i n a , 76-77 , 111 , 147, 155 , 175 , 195 , 203 , 205 , 209 , 228, 237 , 248 , 251 , 254, 256 , 257 , 261, 266, 268

34°

INDEX

Howells, Willia m Dea n (Continued) Niagara Falls , literar y respons e to , 18 1 — 83 nervous prostration , episod e of , 55-58 , 68, 70-73 , 75-77 , 102 , 24 1 novel, concep t of , 24 8 objectivity (a s literar y mode) , 207 , 222 , 231, 23 7 optimism, 24 8 printing-office work , 32-33 , 36 , 37 , 38 39, 43 , 44-45, 47 , 48 , 54 , 55 , 59-60 , 61, 63 , 72 , 91 , 92-93, 106 , 121 , 124 , 137, 241 , 291 protorealist element s i n writing , 159 , 181, 31 3 return t o youth , 76 , 248 , 249-68 , 269 , 271-75 and romanti c picturesque , 12 2 and self-control , 25-26 , 59 , 73 , 210 , 218, 227 , 243 , 247 , 249 , 250 , 251, 254, 25 5 on selfishness , 6 , 213 , 253 , 257 , 261 , 268 selfishness, feeling s of , xvii , xviii , 28 , 29, 42 , 45 , 46 , 48 , 60 , 61 , 68, 71 , 72, 102, 107 , 111-12 , 116 , 146 , 147-49 , 153, 163 , 194 , 211 , 213, 216 , 228 , 233, 235 , 237 , 242 , 255 , 246 , 257 , 26 9 and self-sufficiency , 34 , 112 , 115 , 117 , 121 and self-renunciation , 26 7 and sensationa l writing , 63 , 81 , 105 , 12 3 and sentimenta l idiom , xviii , 63 , 74 , 85 87, 139 , 150 , 152-63 , 176 , 180-81 , 206, 207 , 209-10 , 220 , 224-26 , 227 , 232-33, 238 , 248 , 24 9 separation anxietie s an d feeling s o f aban donment, 8-9 , 25 , 45, 58 , 71-72 , 99 , 101, 11 8 and sexuality , 42 , 226 , 25 0 shame, sens e of , 87 , 92 , 138 , 223 , 22 8 sociability, 62-63 , 90 , 102 , 119 , 140-45 , 148, 149 , 211-12 , 22 2 subjectivity (a s literar y mode) , 114 , 166 , 196, 197 , 198 , 201 , 202, 205 , 206 , 209, 216 , 222 , 227 , 237 , 239 . See also WDH: Literar y personae , Heinesqu e success, idea l of , 16 , 34 , 35 , 80 , 146 , 167, 170 , 222 , 235 , 238 , 242 , 247 , 250-51 and Swedenborgianism , xvii , 6 , 18-19 ,

21, 25 , 27 , 29 , 30-32 , 35 , 36 , 42, 48 , 58, 76-77 , 89 , 111-12 , 115 , 146 , 147 , 152, 155 , 175 , 242 , 251 , 253, 256 , 257, 261 , 274, 275 . See also WDH: conscience of ; WDH : idea l o f glory ; WDH: an d literar y vocation , a s mean s of mora l usefulnes s an d atonement ; WDH: an d literar y vocation , a s evidence o f selfishnes s o r self-love ; WDH: belie f i n a moral universe ; WDH: feeling s o f selfishness ; WDH : ideal o f usefulness ; WDH : o n selfish ness transformation, desir e for , 89 , 93 , 146 , 206 usefulness, idea l of , xvii , xviii , 6 , 27 , 29 , 32-33, 35 , 42, 48 , 50 , 67 , 71 , 73, 74, 89, 90 , 105-6 , 110 , 115 , 122 , 146 , 150, 152 , 153 , 155 , 157 , 160 , 161 , 163, 175 , 178 , 180 , 184 , 211 , 235, 237, 242 , 249 , 251 , 255, 257-58 , 268 , 274-75. See also WDH : literar y voca tion, a s mean s o f mora l usefulnes s an d atonement wholeness, psychologica l sens e of , 208 , 219 Works: "Andenken, " 168 , 170 , 172 , 176 , 184; Annie Kilburn, 258 ; "The Au tumn-Land," 116 ; "Bobby, Stud y o f a Boy," 146 , 147 ; A Boy's Town, 20-21 , 27, 29 , 30 , 138 ; "Diagnosis o f a Poet, " 202-3, 205 ; "Disillusion: A Littl e Venetian Story " (No Love Lost), 232— 33; "Driftin g Away, " 170 ; "Elegy o n John Butle r Howells, " 240 ; The Flight of Pony Baker, 4, 5-7 , 21-22 ; " A Frag ment" (translatio n o f Heine' s "A m fer nen Horizonte") , 116 ; "The Geni i o f the Woodpile," 175 ; "Geoffrey Winter " (unpublished novel) , 206-10 , 216 , 224, 242 , 248 ; A Hazard of New Fortunes, 258-66, 267 , 269; "An Incident, " 158; "The Independen t Candidate : A Story o f T o Day, " 80-89 , 91 , 92, 110, 207 , 273 , 299 ; "John G . Saxe, " 153-54; "Kansa s Song, " 97 ; Legisla tive reportin g fo r th e Cincinnat i Gazette (1857-58), 101 , 103-4 , 117 — 18, 119-21 ; Life of Abraham Lincoln, 179-80; "Literar y Gossip, " 179 ; "Lo-

INDEX cal Affairs : Dic k Dowdy : Stud y o f a First-rate Fellow, " 154-55 , 156 ; "Local an d Othe r Matters, " 107 ; "Th e Lost Child— A Stree t Scene, " 158 ; "Louis LeBeau' s Conversion, " 222 ; "Luke Beazeley " (unpublished story) , 101; "Th e Ma n o f Letter s a s a Man o f Business," 258 ; "Midnight Rain, " 7 5 76; The Minister's Charge, 258 ; A Modern Instance, 250-56, 267 ; "The Mul berries," 230 ; "The Mysteries, " 125 ; "News an d Humor s o f th e Mails, " 140; "No t a Love Story, " 158-59 , 210; "Ol d Brown, " 175 ; "Old Winte r loose th y hol d o n us, " 48; "Ordeals" (unpublished poem) , 235 ; "The Pearl, " 271, 274 ; "The Pilot' s Story, " 189 , 212, 222 ; Poems of Two Friends, 17677; " A Poet, " 231 ; Poetry fo r Saturday Press (1859), 168 , 170 ; "The Poet' s Friends," 142 ; Prose sketc h writin g (1858-59), 158-63 ; "Recent Italia n Comedy," 238-39 , 240 , 248 ; The Rise of Silas Lapham, 258, 273 ; The Shadow of a Dream, 267 ; The Son of Royal Langbrith, 268 ; Suburban Sketches, 248 ; "A Summer Sunda y i n a Country Vil lage: A s Experience d b y a n Ennuye, " 160-61; " A Tal e o f Lov e an d Politics : Adventures o f a Printe r Boy, " 9 9 100; " A Tal e Untold, " 271-74 ; Their Wedding Journey, 248 , 312 ; Travel cor respondence (185 8 rive r trip) , 122-24 ; Travel correspondenc e (186 0 Easter n trip), 180-83 ; The Undiscovered Country, 249-50 ; Venetian Life, 188 , 218 , 220, 224-25 , 226 , 227 ; "What I sa w at th e Circus : Ol d Smith' s Experi ence," 299 ; Writing fo r th e Ashtabula Sentinel (1853-58), 55, 62 , 63 , 73-76 , 80-89, 90-91 , 92 , 95-96 , 97 , 99-100 , 107, 110 , 116 , 119 , 122-24 , 207 , 240 , 273, 299 ; Writing fo r th e Ohio State Journal (1858-61), 140 , 146 , 150 , 152 53, 157-58 , 165 , 172 , 173 , 175-76 , 180, 194 , 195 , 199-200 , 201-5 , 211, 213-14, 215-16 ; Years of My Youth, 3 , 31; "Yo u an d I, " 74-75 , 16 0 Howells, Winifre d (daughte r o f WDH) , 22, 56 , 231 , 235, 237 , 248 , 26 6

341

Howels, James, 18 4 Humphrey, Heman , 1 9 Hunt, Leigh , 19 6 Independent Democrats , 68 , 8 2 Irving, Washington , 13 , 91, 16 0 Jackson, Andrew , 12-1 3 Jacobi, Mar y Putnam , 56, 5 7 James, Henry , 31 3 Jefferson, Ohio , Ashtabula Sentinel, 53-54 , 55, 60 , 62 , 63 , 73 , 74 , 80 , 81 , 90, 92 , 93, 95 , 96 , 107 , 108 , 116 , 119 , 121 , 122 , 124, 139 , 175 , 230 , 299 , 30 1 Johnson, Clifton , 31 , 46 Keats, John, 24 3 Lane, James, 9 7 Lazarillo de Tormes, 93, 11 8 Limbeck, Otto , 107-8 , 125 , 26 2 Lincoln, Abraham , 179-80 , 189 , 213 , 23 6 Lippard, George , 81 , 10 5 Locality an d communit y autonomy , 79 80, 138 , 151 , 164-65 , 28 3 Longfellow, Henr y Wadsworth , 91 , 114 15, 166 , 168 , 183 ; Evangeline, 232; "M y Lost Youth, " 183 ; "Spanish Student, " 117-18 Louisville Journal, 14 3 Lowell, James Russell , 90 , 94 , 166 , 170 , 177, 183 , 184-85 , 186-92 , 194 , 211, 212, 216 , 218-19 , 226 , 227 , 230 , 237 , 238, 239 , 240 , 241 , 242, 247 , 319 ; The Biglow Papers, 33, 90, 168 ; concern fo r democracy, 188-89 ; "Lecture s o n En glish Poetry, " 89-90 ; belie f i n a mora l universe, 184 , 191-92 , 195 , 219 , 228 ; and self-control , 191 ; dislike o f senti mentalism, 189 , 191 ; and subjectivity , 189, 19 1 Market, national : developmen t of , xvi , 12 , 151, 152 ; effects upo n communit y life , xvi, 13-16 , 79-80 , 138 , 151 , 164-65 , 195, 283 , 285-86 ; effect s upo n famil y life, 14-16 , 28-29 , 57-58 , 100-101 , 138, 151 , 285; effects upo n literar y art ists, 90 , 150-51 , 156 ; relation t o autono mous individualism , 12-13 , 14 , 156 ,

342

INDEX

Market {Continued) 258, 283 ; and sentimenta l idiom , 151, 156 Marryat, Frederick , 6 3 Marvel I k (pseudonym o f Donal d G . Mitchell), 160 , 299; Dream Life, 74 ; Reveries of a Bachelor, 7 4 Matthers, Williams , The Rise, Progress and Downfall of Aristocracy, 11 Maudsley, Henry , 202- 3 Meisser, Arthur , 17 1 Meredith, Owe n (pseudony m o f Edwar d Robert Bulwer) , "Las t Words, " 201 Middle clas s (nineteenth-centur y Ameri can): advic e writers , 16 , 19 , 20, 21, 29 , 42, 56-57 , 99 , 100 , 121 , 123, 137-38, 139, 141 , 144, 154 , 251, 252, 255, 289 , 302; cult o f sincerit y an d fea r o f disguise, 144-45 , 154 , 252; and academ y education, 60 ; child-rearing ideals , xvii , 15-16, 19-20 , 25 , 57, 248, 250, 289; de velopment of , xvi , 12-16 ; dress, 141, 148, 149 , 154 ; entertainment, 141 ; family hope , 16 , 28-29, 35 , 255; family style of , xvii , 28 , 35, 36; and femal e in fluence, 138 , 151 , 249, 252; gender ide als, 137-39 , 252 ; language, 85-87 ; and literature, 139 ; marriage an d divorce , 251, 252 ; optimism an d belie f i n prog ress, 248-49 , 291 ; parlor an d drawin g room, xv , 40, 44, 144-45 , 149 , 154, 206, 238 , 260; respectability, 87-89 , 144, 148 , 151, 248, 259; and "strangers, " 36, 100 , 252; and vocationa l choice , 2 8 29. See also Autonomou s individualism ; Civilized morality ; Gende r ideal s and roles; Self-control ; Self-mad e man ; Selfsufficiency; Succes s etho s an d tale s Miller (literar y frien d o f WDH i n Jeffer son), 6 4 Milton, John , 196 ; Paradise Lost, 228 Mitchell, S . Weir , 56 , 251, 26 6 Montaigne, Michel , 17 1 Moore, Thomas , 29 ; "Lalla Rookh, " 29 Moral universe , belie f i n a, xviii , 17 , 32, 67, 76-77 , 111 , 147, 155 , 175, 184, 191-92, 195 , 202, 203, 204, 205, 209 , 219, 228 , 237, 248, 251, 254, 256, 257 , 261, 266 , 268, 28 6

Miigge, Theodore , Afraja, 12 5 Muzzey, Artemas , 30 2 Nation, 247 National Era, 124 , 177 Nervousness an d nervou s prostration , 2 122, 56-57 , 5 8 Neuroticism an d neuroti c potential , 27 9 New York Ledger, 152-55, 158 , 160 , 167, 313 New York , Ne w York, literar y scen e in, 165-67 Norris, Frank , 26 8 North American Review, 238 , 321 North British Review, 204 Norton, Charle s Eliot , 23 8 Noyes, John Humphrey , 30 6 Ohio Farmer, 91, 106 "Pale" poe t (literar y frien d o f WDH in Jefferson), 6 2 Phillips, Wendell , 174 , 257; "The Lesso n of th e Hour," 17 4 Piatt, Joh n J., 142-43 , 171 , 172, 173 , 176, 221 Pierce, Franklin , 8 2 Pierce (Unio n general) , 216 Plimpton, Floru s B. , 49 Poe, Edga r Allan , 186 , 202-3, 205 , 254 Pope, Alexander , 49 , 55, 65, 90, 108 , 109, 110 Prescott, Willia m H. , 91 Price, Samuel , 19 4 Printing trade , 32-33 , 35-36 , 38 , 54, 60, 92-93 Putnam, Jame s Jackson, 56, 251 Putnam's, 172 Radical Republicanism , xvii , 19 , 67, 1034, 119-21 , 122 , 124 , 125 , 139-40 , 144 , 152, 163 , 173, 174-75, 213,.229 , 257, 262, 31 6 Reed, Samue l R. , 140-41 , 145 , 149, 173, 176, 19 4 Republicanism, 67 , 78, 213, 227

INDEX Republican party , xvii , 19 , 67, 75 , 95-96 , 97, 103-4 , 119-21 , 122 , 124 , 125 , 139 40, 144 , 149 , 152 , 163 , 173 , 174-75 , 179-80, 212 , 213 , 229 , 236 , 254 , 257 , 262, 31 6 Reversal, psychologica l ("reversa l o f voice"), 73 , 74 , 162 , 205 , 210 , 267 , 29 8 Ruskin, John, The Stones of Venice, 21 6

343

success etho s an d tales , xvi , 13 , 16 , 9 9 100, 138 , 179-80 , 258 , 30 2 Sumner, Charles , 96 , 10 4 Swedenborg, Emanuel , 1 7 Swedenborgianism, xvii , 4 , 25 , 31 , 42, 274, 275 , 291 ; and autonomou s individu alism, 17-18 ; and individua l autonomy , 17-18, 111 , 289-90; delight , 38 , 44, 291; idea l o f glory , 6 , 16 , 18 , 27 , 286 ; conception o f heave n an d hell , 18 , 32 ; Safford, Willia m H. , 120 , 12 1 belief i n a mora l universe , 17 , 32 , 67 , Saturday Press (New York) , 156 , 166-67 , 111, 147 , 155 , 256 ; mutual responsibil 168, 170 , 176-77 , 178 , 185 , 187 , 21 2 ity, 257 ; ruling love , 18 , 38 , 253 , 291; Saturday Review (London), 14 1 and self-control , 18 , 19 , 25-26 , 36 , 58 , Saunders, Isaac , 7 0 59; selfishnes s an d self-love , 6 , 17-18 , Saxe, John Godfrey , 153 , 154 , 155 , 15 6 19, 25 , 32 , 146 , 175 , 253 , 261 ; spiritual Schiller, Friedrich , 11 9 instruction, 20 ; ideal o f usefulness , 6 , Schlegel, Augus t Wilhelm , 114 , 204 ; Lectures on Dramatic Art and Poetry, 114 , 20 4 18-19, 27 , 30 , 67 , 115 , 146 , 152 , 155 , 242, 251 , 261, 286 Scott, Walter , 29 , 43 Self-control, xvi , 15-16 , 18 , 19 , 25-26 , 36, 42 , 56, 57 , 58 , 59 , 73 , 84 , 100 , 162 , Taylor, Zachary , 37 , 39 , 5 4 191, 203 , 210 , 218 , 227 , 243 , 247 , 249 , Tennyson, Alfred , 94 , 105 , 108 , 109 , 112 ; 250, 251 , 252, 254 , 255 , 284-86 , 299 Idylls of the King, 171 ; Maud, 93-94, 114 ; 300, 302 , 303 . See also Individua l auton The Princess, 95 ; "Sea Dreams, " 18 1 omy; Civilize d moralit y Thackeray, Willia m M. , 75 , 80 , 84 , 142 , Self-made man , 15-16 , 100 , 196 , 263 . See 144, 171 , 198 , 201 ; The Newcomes, 143 ; also Autonomou s individualism ; Self-suf Pendennis, 8 0 ficiency; Succes s etho s an d tale s Thomson, James , 2 9 Self-sufficiency, 4-5 , 34 , 112 , 115 , 117 , Thoreau, Henr y David , 173 , 174 , 186-87 , 121, 156 . See also autonomou s individual - 257, 31 8 ism; Self-mad e ma n Tocqueville, Alexi s de , 1 3 Sentimental idiom , xviii , 40 , 74 , 85-87 , Tolstoy, Leo , 257 , 265 , 27 5 100-101, 139 , 150-63 , 180-81 , 183 , Tortorini (Italia n frien d o f WDH) , 22 4 189, 190 , 191 , 206, 207 , 208 , 209-10 , Twain, Mar k (pseudony m o f Samue l L . 220, 224-26 , 227 , 232-33 , 238 , 248 , 24 9 Clemens), 271-72 , 273 , 27'4 ; Adventures Separation, psychologica l sens e of , 5 , 58 , of Huckleberry Finn, 271, 272 ; "Old 100-101, 11 8 Times o n th e Mississippi, " 271 ; Tom Shakespeare, William , 43 , 63, 64-65, 14 0 Sawyer, 272 Sherman, Laban , 5 3 Sigourney, Lydi a H. , 152 ; Letters to Moth- Uhland, Johan n L. , 11 9 ers, 16 Union party , 23 6 Universalism, 289-9 0 Slough, John, 103- 4 Smith, Samue l M. , 17 0 Sophocles, 20 4 Vernacular characters , devices , an d lan guage, 84-87 , 110 , 155 , 259 , 271-74 , Splitting, psychologica l defens e of , 28 8 299-300 Stedman, Edmund , 23 7 Voltaire, 19 6 Sterne, Laurence , 14 1 Stillman, William , 21 6 Stowe, Harrie t Beecher , Uncle Tom's Cabin, Wade, Benjamin , 54 , 64-65 , 66, 68 , 82 , 91-92, 257 , 26 2 93, 30 1

344

INDEX

Wade, Edward , 66 Wadsworth (literar y frien d o f WD H i n Jefferson), 6 2 Warner, Susan , 15 0 Water cure , 73 , 22 4 Westminster Review, 107 , 196 , 20 0

Whig party , 18 , 23 , 33 , 35 , 37-38 , 43 , 54 , 68, 80-81 , 82 , 85 , 95 Whitman, Walt , 187 , 188 ; Leaves of Grass, 187 Whittier, Joh n Greenleaf , 166 ; SnowBound, 13 1

Wholeness: idea l of , 112 , 113 , 197 , 226 ; psychological sens e of , 100 , 112 , 152 , 162, 208 , 219 , 27 8

Williams, Jim, 63 , 65, 66, 92 , 142 , 24 0 Willis, Nathaniel , 157 , 16 0 Winthrop, Theodore , 21 6 Woman's sphere . See Gender ideal s an d roles, femal e workin g class , 40 , 149 , 258; Famil y style , 28 ; Ethic o f mutua l aid, 28 , 40, 42 , 44 , 14 9 Youth (stag e o f life) , xvi , 294-95 , 305 ; and autonomy an d doubt , 195 , 196 ; and ner vous prostration , 57 , 58 . See also Eri k Erikson; Hom e leavin g Zschokke, Heinrich , 10 2